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$W Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn-
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies aro
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.
55P" Tho following gentlomon constitute tho Financial
Committee, but aro not responsible for any debts of tho
j/aper, viz: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Qoracr, Ed-
mund Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Je.
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all tho land, to all
the inhabitants thereof;''
" I lay this down as tho law of nations. I Bay that mil-
itary authority takes, for tho time, tho place of all munic-
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST;
and that, under that state of things, bo far from its being
true that tho States whero slavery exists have tho exclusive*
management of tho subject, not only tho President or
the Uniteh States, hut tho Cohmamdeb of the Arkt,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN-
CIPATION OF TIIE SLAVES. * . . From the instant
that tho slareholding States become the theatre of a war,
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers
of Congress extend to interference with tho institution of
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de-
etroyed, to tho cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it ho a war of. invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has powor to carry on tho war, and must carry it on, ac-
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu-
tions swept by tho board, and martial power takes thb
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, tho commanders of both armies have power to eman-
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J. Q. Ada**,
"WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.
©ur $mmtru i$ tbt WmU, out* $mmtrpwu mt »U irtitutmid.
J. B. TERRINTON & SON, Printers.
VOL. XXXII. NO. 27.
BOSTON, FRIDA-Y, JULY 4, 1862.
WHOLE NO. 1645.
kfitft of ©pjmssjStau-
SLAVERY POREVER I 4
The Missouri State Convention having refused
even to entertain a proposition for a gradual and
compensated emancipation in that State, the Boston
Post coolly says : —
It is not material, in our view of the case, what
considerations lead the people of Missouri to take
this view of their duty; still it is worth while to
hear what the friends of non-action say about it.
The Convention has declined, the St Louis Republi-
can says, " to bring new dividing issues into our
politics to distract the harmony of the loyal people,
and launch the community, not yet recovered
from the exhausting struggles of the last twelve
months, upon discussions (.hey arc in no temper to en-
tertain, much less decide. In a word, it has very
quietly, by a vote of nearly three to one — fifty-two
to nineteen are the exact figures — expressed the
opinion, that the present is not a time to agitate
the question of emancipating the slaves of this State."
We- should suppose that the common sense portion
of the people, even here in Massachusetts, would
say at once that this was a wise decision. But, un-
happily, everything here is made to centre on sla-
very; very honest people are under the hallucina-
tion that the Union will be nothing, unless at once
everyman of the negro race is made free; trie belief in
Charles Sumner's prophetical afflatus is very gene-
ral : and the present leaders of the Republican par-
ty, being very desirous to enjoy the honors and
emoluments that flow from the State House and
Washington are determined to use this hallucina-
tion. Hence the sway of common sense is very
doubtful, while adroit leaders still very successfully
use the slavery question to perpetuate their power.
But will nothing open the eyes of the people to
the suicidal work of ruin to which these selfish lead-
ers are hurrying them ? Their course, on its mer-
its, cannot stand a moment. The people of Massa-
chusetts and of New England may not like this de-
cision, and deplore this state of feeling; they may
affirm that this shows in that State an inferior plane
of civilization ; they may say it is immeasurably
short of the ideal that our advance corps of reform-
ers have before them as their excelsior, which can
be seen at work in any of the anti-slavery conven-
tions when black spirits and white fraternize. But
this is not the question at all. The point is, not
what the feelings or ideal of the immaculate Charles
Sumner may be, or of Massachusetts may be, but
what right have we here in Massachusetts to say
that North Carolina shall open schools to teach the
blacks to read, or to say that Missouri shall eman-
cipate her slaves"? Are we here in New England
to enter upon the business of saying to the State of
Missouri, you shall declare the negroes in your limits
to be freemen, and shall allow them to remain as such
in your limits ? This intermeddling policy, this propa-
fandist policy, is now the civil question of the time.
t has fairly come to this.
The signs of the times are alarming as to civil af-
fairs. Those who have hope for our country can
have little hope, if the monstrous test of loyalty is to
be the immediate emancipation of the slaves. This
would be revolutionary. . Indeed, the politicians, un-
scrupulous partisans, men who have greedy hands
in the public crib — the Abolitionists alike with the
Secessionists — are the real enemies in our unhappy
country.
A SPECIMEN OF MAINE DEMOOBAOY.
I desire hero to remark that, I do not, by any
means, in what I say, allude to the conservative ma-
jority of the Republican party. I speak only of the
intensified abolition element, which, though con-
temptibly inferior in point of numbers, still manages
to tone the policy of that whole political organiza-
tion. The real struggle in the Republican camp to-
day is, on the part of a few old fashioned Abolition-
ists, to wield the power of that party and the tri-
umphant results of this war to the promotion of
their old but ever-repudiated fanatical desires. It is
with this faction, really, that the loyal feeling of the
country has now to deal. By its vigorous asperity,
it domineers over the real strength of the Republi-
can party to-day. It is, confessedly, at the bottom
of this war. It announces, under the shadow of the
White House even, through the lips of Phillips, &c,
that Union dissolution is, and ever has been, its pur-
pose and design. Those infamous declarations were
greeted with undisguised applause by Vice President
Hamlin, Senators Wilson and Sumner, Garrison,
Fred Douglas, et omne genus. These men, some of
them, are sworn to support the Constitution of which
this traitor Phillips is a confessed but happily-balked
assassin, and to whom, with these treasonable sen-
tences yet resting behind his teeth, they extend the
right hand of political fellowship I
That sentiment yet applauds Hunter's proclama-
tion—it assails the policy of Lincoln — it sustains the
coarse and brutal ambition of Secretary Stanton —
it yells for blood, and dreads only a constitutional
Union reorganization, resting upon the foundation
upon which the Fathers of the Republic originally
placed it.
In the same boat must go over the great politi-
cal Niagara of popular repudiation, Abolitionism,
Mainc-lawism, and all the other humbug organiza-
tions which have now too long afflicted the peace
and prosperity of the people. There will be, com-
paratively speaking, no difficulty in bringing this
war to a close when the people shall choose to choke
down those voices, in and out of Congress, and in
and out of State Legislatures, which, tor miserable
personal purposes, are daily feeding the fires of re-
bellion.
We, in Maine, are a loyal, " Aarr/-fisted " people.
We do not understand the treasonable sophistry
which rules in sentences such as these. We mean
the Union,— &m\ we do not mean anything else, —
do not care to study the halting patriotism of the
following: —
"But if the President will sustain General Hunter,
and recognize all men, even blade men, as legally capa-
ble of that loyalty the blacks arc waiting to manifest,
and let them fight, with God and human nature on their
side, the roods will swarm, if need be, with multitudes,
whom New England would pour out to obey your call.
Your obedient servant, John A. Andiiew."
That Mr. Lincoln has found himself obliged to
brave and leave the phantom theories of the Chicago
platform, is hut another and familiar recognition of
the great truth that only upon Democratic principles
can this Government be either administered or even
preserved. That fact is so — else why have these
dusky Republican leaders, behind the llimsy dis-
guises of lame and halting professions, left to Demo-
crats not only the stern performances of the battle-
field, but the superadded duty of defending his war
policy against their covert and malignant assaults?
The "roads of New England will swarm," says
your Governor, "if this war can bo converted into
a negro-arming, emancipation, Abby Folsom war I
otherwise, our young men are pre-occupied I " That
is both rich and patriotic — in street phrase, rather
" mixed." Allow me to say, that in that response of
your Governor to the appeal of the Federal authori-
ties for the means of its own self-preservation, he
displayed the open, black palm of a most intense
Abolition hand. No one can doubt his intellectual
ability ; but who, after reading this most singular re-
sponse, can confess to his patriotism ? Abhorrence,
on all hands, greeted its publication here. We in
Maine are a hard-fisted people. There are no " its "
or "conditions" in our determination to support
the Federal Government in putting down this war
Our Governor said at the opening of this strife, that
a " conditional Union man was an unconditional
traitor." Whose head does that cap fit ? — manu-
factured, too, by a Republican Governor ? — Corre-
spondence of the Boston Post, Augusta, Me.
WHAT DANIEL WEBSTER SAID.
To the Editors of the N. Y. Express :
" THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT."
Soon after this declaration was made by its dis-
tinguished author, and his followers, the abolitionists
and fanatics, had joined hands and formed a party
organization, a great and good man, who still lives — ■
in memory— said, in the hearing of the writer of this,
as follows, to wit : " If these infernal fanatics and
abolitionists ever get power in their hands, they will
override the Constitution, -set the Supreme Court at
defiance, change and make laws to suit themselves, lay
violent hands on those /oho differ with them in their
opinion, or dare question their infallibility ; and, final-
ly, bankrupt the country and deluge it with blood ! "
Happy for the far-seeing author of the above, he
did not live to see his prediction fulfilled. He now
"sleeps his last sleep"; but he will ever " live in
the hearts of his countrymen," while those whom he
so truly denounced will only be remembered to be
cursed by their countrymen and the whole civilized
world ! They deserve to be hanged — ought to have
been hanged before the present " civil " war com-
menced, and then we should have had peace and
prosperity, instead of war and ruin. Well, they
may get their just deserts yet, for " God is just," and
" truth is mighty and will prevail."
Oh, that " all men " would learn to respect, up-
hold, defend and live up to the glorious Constitution
our fathers made, — mind their own business, and not
meddle with that which does not concern them,—
the only way we can ever get the Union restored,
and live together in peace and prosperity.
Truth.
[Our correspondent gives both his name and ad-
dress.]
CHARLES SUMNER,
The New Bedford Standard sounds tho alarm for
Sumner. It smells his defeat, and calls upon " the
rural districts" to come in, and save him from the
plots of the " aristocracy." It takes it for granted
that the Republicans can have no other candidate
but him, oblivious apparently of the 10'dy, rotund lit-
tle gentleman at the Stale House, and, of what is far
stronger, the sound conservative sentiment which
will appear in its retributive strength when the
time comes, and strive to put in place of (Ae whining,
.shallow rhetorician, who, for twelve years, has been
an arch-agitator in Congress, a man capable of fairly
representing Massachusetts, her patriotism and busi-
ness interests, and of wielding properly the influence
conferred by the honored Commonwealth upon her
delegates in Washington. Surely, there is a better
time coming for the old Bay State ; a time when
she may point with some of her old pride to her
Senators, and no longer blush at their incapacity,
their demagogism, their utter want of statesmanlike
qualities, their persistent, absorbing negrophilism, and
indifference to the true needs of the hour. Such a
time is foreshadowed by the New Bedford radical,
which perks up its head to shout an anti-slavery cry
in behalf of Charles Sumner, betraying its fear and
his by an early demonstration of the weakness of its
candidate throughout the State, and its dread of the
reaction that already sounds his political death-knell.
— Boston Post.
[From tho Boston Courier.]
Mr. Cox, of Ohio, has prepared the epitaph be-
low upon the Congress of which he is a member.
The people are impatiently expecting its dissolution,
the erection of its monument, the conspicuous in-
scription of the epitaph, as a memorial to all future
times. Warning enough it lias already afforded of
the infinite evils which have resulted from electing
men to national office upon sectional grounds — of
the advantage it has afforded to the radical gang, of
the embarrassments in which it has involved many
men whose sentiments and convictions are averse to
radicalism, of the irreparable mischiefs which have
thence overwhelmed the country. When the body
of this Congress is dissolved, its spirit will evaporate.
In tho words of Dr. Watts, it may now be said of it—
" Ita memory and its sense aro gone " —
and then we can complete the couplet —
" Aliko unknowing and unknown."
EPITAPH.
HERE LIE THE ABIIES OF THE XXXVII. CONGRESS
It found the United States in a war of
gigantic proportions, involving
ITS VEJtY EXISTENCE.
It was content to wield the sceptre of Power
and accept the emoluments of office,
and used thoun to overthrow
the political and social system of the country which
IT WAS SWORN TO PROTECT.
It saw the fate of thirty-four white Commonwealths in
peril, but it babbled of the
neoro !
It saw patriotic generals and soldiers in the
field under the old flag;
It slandered the one, and in the absence of the other,
IT DESTROYED HIS MEANS OF LABOR.'
It talked of Liberty to the black, and piled
burdens of taxation on white people
for schemes Utopian.
The people launched at it the thunderbolt
OF TimiR WRATH,
and its members sought to avoid punishment
by creeping into dishonored
political graves !
Requiescat !
tlttixnut*
lite Jacut. When are we to see this session of
Congress end ? It cannot adjourn, after fixing a
tax bill, too soon for the good of the country. Wen-
dell Phillips says Sumner rules the Senate and
Lovejoy rules the House, and then claims that the
Abolition element rules them. Too much, far too
much has there been to justify this allegation. At
any rate, the Abolitionists are in extacies at the
course of the ultras; and as the radicals rise, the
country will sink. The distrust and disgust for
this Congress are daily increasing. It is ruled, not
by high aims of statesmanship, but by small, adroit
men, who are engineering ibr party. — Boston Post.
ON THE RECOGNITION OP HAYTI, AND ON
HATTIAN AMBASSADORS.
The bitterest pill that the Border State slave-
masters have had to swallow this session has been
the recognition of the independence of the national-
ity of Hayti. One of the most eminent statesmen
of the country, — a man careful of his words,— its
speaking of this measure, described it as " a stupen-
dous event." The newspapers have not said much
about it, for the reason that the war-fever prevents
editors from thinking carefully of any subject not
immediately connected with carnage. " At any
other time," said the distinguished legislator whom
we have just quoted, " all the journals would have
been full of it ; every speech would have been wide-
ly printed, every incident of the debates noted and
commented on— but, now, only a few lines will be
given to it Why, if the archangel Gabriel were
to come down to the Senate, and deliver an oration
such as he would make before the Throne of God,
his advent would hardly be noticed."
It is indeed a great event, whether regarded as a
prophecy or as a guarantee. It means that this
Government henceforth recognizes Blacks as citi-
zens, capable of a National life ; not as chattels who
have no rights which white men arc bound to respect.
It means that it may be necessary to create a Conti-
nental Hayti, by giving up the Gulf States, or large
portions of them, to the colored race. That is the
prophecy concealed in it.
It means, furthermore, that the a;gis of the Ameri-
can Union is henceforth thrown around the Nation-
ality of Hayti ; that if Spain, for example, attempt-
ed to conquer it, she would find herself suddenly
confronted by the power of the United States. And
she knows what that means to her — that Cuba and
Porto Rico would be the first trophies of the Yan-
kees. This is the guarantee.
The effect of this act will be highly beneficial in
Hayti. When the present President of Hayti took
his oath of office, he found 24,000 men in arms, lie
has gradually reduced this army one-half. But a
further reduction has been rendered difficult, we
have been told, by the fact that the people fear a
quarrel with the United States, and desire to pre-
serve the nucleus of an army. This fear is now re-
moved, and we hope soon to hear that the army has
been reduced to 5,000 men, which, considering the
population of Hayti, is a large force — sufficiently
large for a peace footing. Thus, by the recent act
of Congress, 5,000 men will in all probability be re-
stored to agriculture in Hayti — five large industrial
regiments added thereby to the labor of the Re-
public.
There will bo commercial advantages also, but
these we count of comparative unimportance.
We propose to publish the debate in the House of
Representatives on the Recognition of Hayti, and
may hereafter have some comments to make on it.
At this time we have a few words to say respecting
the debate in the Senate, which we have already
printed in pamphlet form.
Kentucky has the misfortune to be represented in
the Senate by a garrulous old man, named Garrett
Davis, the successor of John C. Breckinridge, whom
he does not resemble in three particulars — for the
ex- Vice President was a man of ability, in manner
and in speech a gentleman, and he is now an open
rebel. This unfortunate Kentuckian, on the 24th of
April last, after spitting out a large piece of tobacco
which he had been chewing, arose, put his hands in
his pockets, and addressed the Senate on the Bill for
the Recognition of Hayti. Mr. Davis began by say-
_ that he was sick and disgusted — not, as we were,
at his filthy habits, but — with the " introduction of
slaves and slavery into this chamber." He had no
objection to forming treaties of commerce with Hayti
and Liberia— like all slaveholders, he was willing
enough to make money out of "colored people, to
use the mild term," (as he said)— it was the idea of
putting them on terms of equality with the whites,
that was so abhorrent to his refined Kentuckian sen-
sibilities.*
He showed that ho was equally illiterate and ill-
bred, by using the following language : —
" I have not the least objection to the recognition by
our Government of the existence of those two repub-
lics as independent Towers, and I have no objection to
any extent of commercial relations between our coun-
try and those two republics. I have no objection to
the negotiation of a treaty of amity and commerce and
friendship between our Government and the Govern-
ments of those countries ; but I oppose the sending of
ambassadors of any class from our Government to
theirs, upon this consideration; it would establish, di-
plomatically, terms of mutual and ei|ual reciprocity be-
tween the two countries and us. If, after such a mea-
sure should take effect, the republic of Hayti and the
republic of Liberia were to send their ministers pleni-
potentiary or their charges d'affaires to our govern-
ment, they would have to be received by trre Presi-
dent and by all the functionaries of the Government
upon the same terms of equality with similar repre-
sentatives from other Powers. If a full-blooded negro
were sent in that capacity from either of these coun-
tries, by the laws of nations he could demand that he
be received precisely on the same terms of equality
with the white representatives from the Powers of the
earth composed of white people. When the President
opened his saloons to the reception of the diplomatic
corps, when he gave his entertainments to such diplo-
mats, the representatives of whatever color from those
countries would have the right to demand admission
upon terms of equality with all other diplomats; and
if they had families consisting of negro wives and ne-
gro daughters, they would have the right to as*k that
their families also he invited to such occasions, and
that they go there and mingle with the whites of our
own country and of other countries that happened to
be present. We recollect that a few years ago the re-
fined French court admitted and received the repre-
sentative of Soulouque, who then denominated him-
lf or was called the Emperor of Dominica, I think.
Mr. Sumner. Of Hayti.
Mr. Davis. Well, a great big negro fellow, dressed
out with Ids silver or gold lace clothes in the most tan'
tastic and gaudy style, presented himself in the court
of Louis Napoleon, and, I admit, was received. Now.
sir, I want no such exhibition as that in our capital
and in our Government. Tho American minister,
Mr. Mason, was present on that occasion, and lie was
sleeved by some Englishman — I have forgotten his
name — who was present, who pointed him to the am-
bassador of Soulouque, and said, ' What do you think
of him ? ' Mr. Mason turned round and said, ' I think,
clothcB and all, he is worth #1,060.' " (Laughter.)
It is due to the Senate to say that the "laughter"
which is reported to have followed this coarse story
proceeded from the mouth of the speaker only — for
no other Senator seemed to see where the humor of
it lay.
Without stopping to comment on the vulgarity so
clearly Bhown by telling such a story, and by en-
dorsing the brutality it narrated — without pointing
out the ridiculous vanity which causes a Kentuckian
* in a Buhraqiwat debate he avowed Mxaself rottdy tooon-
iisciLtci tho ulitvos of rebels, provided they wuro sold, ami tho
iiioiwy put into tho treasury ! but was uttorly opposed to
their Jib era Lion.
of low birth to be fastidious where the French court
is cordial — we come at once to the facts of the ease,
and to a vindication of Haytian ambassadors.
This story is told of M. Damiek, once Haytian
ambassador at St. James. We personally know this
gentleman, and can aver that he is, both intellectual-
ly and in manners, the superior of Mr. Senator
Davis. He not only speaks his native language pure-
ly, but would be ashamed to mispronounce the Eng-
lish tongue as the Senator from Kentucky does.
We have heard Mr. Davis speak in the United States
Senate only and certainly he does not pronounce
the English language purely thai: And, if not thai;
whar does he speak it correctly ? But we forbar,
and pass on to the others.
Mr. Dupuy was a distinguished financier, and, on
being expelled from Hayti by Soulouque, made a for-
tune in California by commercial pursuits. He is
said, by all who know him, to be a man of superior
merit and culture.
Mr. Linstant Pradine is the editor of the
" Recueil General des Lois et Actes du Gouvern-
ment d'Haiti, dupuis la proclamation de son Inde-
pendence jusqu'a nos jours; avec des Notes his-
toriques de jurisprudence et de concordance," — an
erudite work, whose very title we question whether
Mr. Davis can read.
Mr. S. Linstant is the author of an " Essay on
the means of extirpating the prejudices of the whites
against the color of the African and the Mixed
Bloods," — a work which carried off the prize of the
" French Society for the Abolition of Slavery," al-
though several eminent English and American wri-
ters contended for it.
Mr. MADrou is the author of an " Histoirc d'Hai-
ti," in three volumes, and is the first Haytian who
has written the history of his country. This learned
work was the first presentation of the Haytian view
of the history of the Island, and is a book of estab-
lished authority.
Mr. Ardouin is the author of a history of Hayti,
in twelve volumes — a brilliant and philosophical pro-
duction, which the entire historical literature of the
Southern States is unable to equal.
These are the men who have been Haytian am-
bassadors — all of them men of culture, ability, and
refinement ; men who would degrade their character
by familiar association with either the Senator from
Kentucky, or the Senator from Delaware. If any
one of them comes to the United States, or whoever
comes, the Senator from Kentucky may rest assured
that he will fulfil Mi'. Sumner's prophecy when he
said —
■ "I have more than once had the opportunity of
meetiiig citizens of these republics, and I say nothing
more thau truth when I add that I have found them
so refined and so full of self-respect, that I am led to
believe no one of them charged with a mission from
his Government will seek any society where he will
not be entirely welcome. Sir, the Senator from Ken-
tucky may banish all anxiety on that account. No
representative from Hayti or Liberia will trouble Mm."
— Pine and Palm.
WAE EXPENSES, AND WHO SHALL PAT,
It would require the pen of inspiration to make
out the cost of the .present pro-slavery rebellion.
Human skill at figures would utterly fail. The dan-
ger in every computation is to make the amount too
small. It is well to think over the matter, however,
in the light of dollars and cents, and to keep in mind
our extraordinary expenditures.
We cannot estimate the value of liberty, justice,
and humanity by any earthly standard of value.
Gold and silver, houses and lands, goods and chat-
tels, and all mere creature comforts, sink out of sight
and out of mind in the presence of these priceless,
heaven-born principles. For these we will fight to
the last, pour out without stint our money and our
blood, and the God of the poor and down-trodden
shall be with us, and give us a glorious victory.
The cost of the war to the Government, up to the
1st day of July, will be not less than $600,000,000.
This amount, however, is but a small part of the
total expenses of this monstrous rebellion. Who can
estimate the damage it has been, and will be, to in-
dividuals ? Hundreds of millions have already been
lost by the depreciation, waste, and destruction of
private property. How many ships have been sunk
or burned ! How many have been idle in our har-
bors 1 How many houses, with their contents, have
been destroyed I What a vast amount of breadstuff's
and other necessaries of life have been worse than
wasted ! Who can tell how many millions of days
the past year have been idly spent ? Time is thonoy.
The loss on the real estate of the country, now
going a-begging in all quarters, can only be counted
by thousands of millions of dollars. How has busi-
ness suffered in every city, town, and village ! The
losses here in profits and by depreciation of stock
have been fabulous. The wheels of manufactories
have been stopped, machine-shops have been closed,
and every channel of trade has been clogged. Me-
chanics, laborers, and professional men have been
forced to join the army to save their families from
starvation.
The merchants of New York alone, it is estima-
ted, have lost, in bad debts South, more than
$100,000,000. Hundreds here have been utterly
ruined in consequence. We know a large number
of mercantile firms who, two years ago, were re-
garded independent, but are now hopelessly bank-
rupt. Their only hope of relief from the crushing
burdens resting upon them is in Congress, whither
they now look with distressing anxiety. What Sena-
tor or Representative will refuse to give them help ?
Nearly the whole capital of the country has been
diverted from its ordinary peaceful channels. It is
used for war instead of aiding to promote our na-
tional growth and prosperity. The accumulated
property of generations — the surplus gains of an in-
dustrious people, on which have rested our commer-
cial strength and thrift — has thus in a moment been
swept away.
We are supporting an army of 600,000 mou, who
have been producers, but are now consumers. Fig-
ures will fail to show the immense loss in this direc-
tion. But the expenditures and losses must go on
for years to come. Sufferings and privations, caused
by this unholy war, may begin now, but they will
not end, it may be, for a century. How many have
pledged their property — their all — to find means for
support through these pinching limes! Embarrass-
ments thus begun will, in numerous cases, end in
bankruptcy and utter ruin. Homes! cads will be
sold, and hundreds of thousands of dollars will thus
bo sacrificed, in many a little family group.
What is to become of the great army of maimed
and crippled soldiers? What a mighty host of pen-
sioners, for years, will draw their living from our na-
tional Treasury ! These palroits, who counted not
their lives dear unto them, will now add little to the
capital of the country. They must be nursed and
tenderly cared for till every tongue among them
shall cease to tell the story of our wrongs, and the
price they have paid for liberty. The millions for
their sii|>|iort we will give ungrudgingly".
Tho total losses of the nation and of individuals,
traceable directly and indirectly- to the war, cannot
be less than ten thousand millions of dollars.
The losses of*other nations have also been, and
will be, immense. How vast will now be the war
expenditures abroad ! Whole fleets — thousands of
iron-clad naval ships — must be built. Money will
flow like water in this direction.
Could we value the tears, the sighs, the groans,
which this war has cost, and wiil cost, the amount
would far exceed all other expenditures. How
many homes have been made desolate for ever 1
How the heart's blood will flow for years to come at
losses which neither money nor gratitude can ever
repair ! The father, the joy and support of a happy
home — the darling son, the hope and consolation of
loving parents — the affectionate husband — the de-
voted brother — these by thousands have been snatch-
ed away, leaving a void which can never be filled.
Here will be loss and suffering which can only be re-
paired hereafter, in that land where liberty and jus-
tice are never imperiled, and where for every earth-
ly trial there shall be full satisfaction.
The nation is now agitated or. the subject of con-
fiscation. The question is, who shall pay the ex-
penses of this infernal rebellion ? Our voice on that
subject shall be loud and plain. We say, most em-
phatically, Let the burden, for a quarter of a cen-
tury at least, rest on the shoulders of the rebels.
Let there be no more tender-footed marching in that
direction. Jeff. Davis & Co. should now be told, in
unmistakable language, that those who inaugurated
this war, who broke loose from the most benign and
prosperous Government on earth*who have directly
caused death by tens of thousands, and losses by
thousands of millions, — that these men now shall be
made to suffer. — New York Independent.
00L0R — NORTH AND SOUTH.
It seems to be a cardinal feature of American poli-
cy to exile — by compulsion if necessary —a consider-
able part of our laboring population. We Whites
are so fond of hard, rough, ill-paid work, that we
are afraid the Blacks will get it all away from us if
we let them stay among us. We don't want to be
office-holders, doctors, lawyers, professors, merchants,
&c, but hostlers, boot-blacks, and wood-sawyers ;
and we fear that Sambo, if suffered to remain here,
will monopolize the vocations we covet. Then he
smells offensively — that is, if free — for none of us
are repelled by his odor so long as he remains a
slave. Our Southern aristocracy and chivalry are
nursed on Black bosoms and dandled in Black arms
— Blacks are the playmates of their infancy and the
companions of their youth ; it is only freedom that
makes them so disgusting that we liken them to re-
pulsive reptiles. And it won't do to send them a
thousand miles off to live and labor by themselves —
they must be thrust out of our country or we cannot
rest satisfied.
It is fortunate that this hateful spirit — which is
loudly commended as a Caucasian instinct, felt' by
the entire White race — is unknown beyond our own
borders. Hayti has for two years been taking hun-
dreds of these people from our shores, paying their
passage out and giving them six months' subsistence;
but her people, being negroes, know no better.
What shall we say, however, to the formal offer of
Denmark to take these despised "contrabands" off
our hands, and remove them to her island of St.
Croix at her own cost? The Danes are at least as
white as we are — they are not ignorant of negroes,
having had them on their hands, both slave and free,
for generations. She has many of them in St. Croix
now, and, like Oliver Twist, " wants some more."
She is willing to take all we have to spare. And if
her narrow island should thus be overpeopled, other
European Powers that have West India or other
tropical colonies will gladly take what she does not
need. So it seems that negro-hate, so far from be-
ing a universal Caucasian instinct, is scarcely known
out of this country. And if slavery were stone
dead to-day, the expatriation of our Blacks would
no more be urged than that of our red-haired men
and women. It is sheer truckling to the slavehold-
holdcr that raises the clamor for negro expatriation.
When he is told that the Blacks must be exiled if
liberated, he drugs his conscience with the narcotic
that it is better to keep them in bondage than to
drive them into exile.
So with the popular horror of having Blacks in
our armies. Jeff. Davis has had Blacks in his Mili-
tary service these six months at least, and he has
just decreed a new and sweeping conscription, by
which he summons all Mulatto as well as White
males between the age of 20 and that of 55 to enter
the Confederate military service at once. Of course
it is fighting, not digging that he wants of these Mu-
lattoes; otherwise, he would call in Negroes as well
as Mulattoes. His men fight beside Negroes and
Mulattoes; ours, it is said, will not. If so, they are
not nearly so much in earnest as the rebels. Shall
not these things be taken to heart? — N. Y. Tribune.
NEGRO-PHOBIA vs. NEGRO EQUALITY-
PHOBIA.
Friend Swift — As I have read the remarks of
Messrs. Davis, Saulsbury, et al., in the United
States Senate, on the question of a recognition of
Hayti and Liberia as independent governments, I
have noticed that their only argument against the
bill is the danger of being obliged to receive a color-
ed minister from one or both of them. This, to
these gentlemen, is a dreadful thing. They think
that it would be a terrible affliction to the people
of the South, and, therefore, the bill ought not to
pass. This, at first sight, would indicate that these
gentlemen, and those for whom they speak, are ter-
ribly afflicted with Negro-phobia. If wo consider
the habits of these people, we shall sec that this can-
not be the case. Why, sir, when these men were little
babies, one-half of them were cared for by black wo-
men, and drew their sustenance from black breasts;
their chosen companions were children from the ne-
gro quarters. When that spirit of despotism, which
has produced the present rebellion, began to mani-
fest itself, it was by mauling and knuckling negro
boys. When the passions of young manhood began
to (ire their blood, they sought and found unholy
gratification in overcoming the virtue of negro and
mulatto girls. Even in later years. 1 heir wives have
often found the presence of a good-looking colored
girl a source of trouble- They have Uvea among
negroes all their days. Their houses are full of
iliem. They know not how to do without them,
and complain that they cannot safely bring them
North when (hey visit us. Surely, these men can-
not be afflicted with this disease.
After some thought, I have concluded that, (heir
disease must, be Negni-equalily-phobia, This must
be HQ awful visitation. Think of the condition of
one of these afflicted ones, should he chance to nuvl
a black man who weighed as many pounds, could
run as fast, jump as high, light as well, was as brave.
dressed as well, was as rich, owned as many slaves,
was as talented, as well educated, as refined, as mor-
:i^ as high in Office as himself. Poor man! Merc
stands his equal cut in ebony. What is to be done?
See him shake— hear him growl — see him froth!
Don't you pity him? It is of no use; there is no
help for him. If this equal was only a Mongolian,
with straight hair done up like a long tail, who'eats
rats and puppies, and whose wife had a little foot,
how different the case would be ! Then he might
be courted and petted by the President and all his
subordinates, and no trouble ensue. But the man
is black ! O dear ! O dear ! And there is no
help. But, says Mr. D. or Mr. S-, do you wish to
associate freely with blacks? Would you like to
have your sou marry a black woman ? No, but I
should prefer to have him marry a black woman, and
have him live honestly with her, rather than marry
a white woman, and then commit adultery with one
who is colored. I would choose as an associate a
black man with a white heart, .rather than a white
man with a black heart. The one or the other may
be respected in an official position, without social in-
timacy. But, Mr. Editor, all this is nothing— -Ne-
gro-equality-phobia is a dreadful disease, and the
cause of it, tliat is, qualified negroes, is increasing.
Yankee schoolmasters and missionaries are doing
wonders at Port Royal and elsewhere. I fear the
afflicted people referred to have a. hard time before
them. Sheva.
Chatham, May 22, 1862. — f Yarmouth Register.
INHUMAN TREATMENT OP A SLAVE.
The New Orleans Delta says: —
Soon after the arrival of the United States forces
in this city, they received information that arms
and tents were concealed in the house of one Wm.
T. Hunter, who had sworn he would shoot any
damned Yankee who should enter his house to look
for them. An officer, in due time, was sent to search
for them. To his agreeable surprise, he was cor-
dially received by the owner of the house, who in-
formed the officer that it was true he had arms — a
double-barrelled gun, an old uniform or two that be-
longed to his son, and a small tent, which had es-
caped the wreck of Camp Lewis, which was pitched
in his garden as a playhouse for his children, and
that he had no other such thing in the house. The
officer being satisfied with this frank avowal, said he
would not disturb the tent, childBan, uniform or gun.
Thereupon the proprietor politely invited him to
take a drink.
On the next day, Hunter proclaimed on 'Change,
or in his neighborhood, that he had a large quantity
of tents in his garret ; that the federal officers did
not get them; that he could buy the officer with a
drink ; and further, that he could buy the whole set
with drinks, even from the commanding officer down.
This speech induced another examination, which
resulted in the finding of Major-General Lewis's
marquee, thirteen tents, and more furniture in Mr.
Hunter's attic, and some pistols and two dirks in
Mrs. Hunter's keeping. This lady's nerves were
too sensitive to accompany the officers in the search,
and she directed a negro woman to show the officers
through the house.
THE REBEL'S VENGEANCE TJPONf HIS SLAVE.
Upon removing the contraband articles to the
railroad station, Mrs. Hunter followed, and informed
the officer that" the negro girl had left the house and
was intending to go away. The officer said that
could not be permitted, and sent a corporal to con-
duct both women— white and black — to their house,
and assured Mrs. Hunter that the girl had expressed
no intention of leaving her mistress. Fearing, how-
ever, lest the servants should have been suspected of
having given information, the officer assured the
lady that no information had been received from the
servants, and they ought not to be punished.
But the moment the officer retired, the girl was
locked up to await the return of the master.
When Mr. Hunter returned, and ascertained
what had occurred, he demanded of his wife "why
she had not shot the damned Yankees." She re-
torted, " They took away my arms." Upon this,
Hunter went to the closet, and took from it a heavy
riding-whip, and beat the servant over the head in
such a manner as to cause heavy bunches. He then
took her down into the back yard, chained her feet
to a block — the mistress, who claims to be one of the
ladies of New Orleans, fastening the shackles to the
block. The husband and wife then threw the ser-
vant down upon her back, fastened her hands to the
feet of another servant, who was forced to hold the
girl out to her full length. The suspected girl was
then subjected to head-shaving; her clothes were
next removed, and Hunter beat the exhausted crea-
ture with the horsewhip until he was too tired to
stand. He then called for a chair, sat down, and
finished his brutal beating in a sitting posture. The.
screams of the sufferer soon attracted the attention
of the neighborhood.
GENERAL BUTLER'S TROMPT nTNISIIMENT OF THE
SCOUNDREL.
One neighbor sent intelligence of what was going
on to General Butler. Before word reached the
General, the monster, having flayed the back of his
slave until it became raw, washed her down with
brine, threw her into a wagon, and at nine o'clock
at night conveyed her to the parish prison, with the
ploasing information that the rest of the beating —
to the extent o/300 lashes — would bo inflicted in the
morning.
The General ordered all parties in the morning.
They came, and the girl was liberated. Upon the
hearing, these facts appeared. The General asked
the master to state upon his honor, why he washed
the girl's back in brine, while recking in blood. Ho
replied, " It was to ease the pain."
Thereupon, the General informed Mr. Hunter
that he would be committed to Fort Jackson until
further orders, and that he must behave himself very
well there; because the officers in charge would be
instructed to chastise him severely, if he did not ;
because, if they exceeded in the severity of punish-
ment, they would be instructed to wash his wounds
'in brine ; and that the girl would be turned over as a
laundress to the care of the Thirteenth Connecticut
regiment.
Mr. Hunter, upon this, said he had brought in a
physician to prove that he had been sick for a num-
ber of months. The General responded that, if ho
was well enough to inflict the punishment that hail
been proved, he was in a physical condition to suffer
the punishment which had been imposed, llunler
is a rebel, a thief, (for ho had stolen the tents.) a
liar, (for he had eluded lhe*olliecr who had been
sent in search,) a brute, (lor he had whipped the
girl without, cause.) Ami we leave him m Fort
Jackson.
y^ ' The Nashville Virion is severe on "radical
abolitionists." defining them as follows:—
" By radical Abolitionists we mean wretches who
arc destroying the system of shivery by sword. :tnd
fire, and devastation. The fiends of hell :uv more
humane and noble. They arc hastening the over-
throw of slavery by bringing on. not only on ihc
South, but. on tiie public, great tribulation. These.
devils in human shape abound in this City, and QftJJ
themselves Secessionists, Southern Higllts men. Fire
SaterS anil Conlederales."
106
THE LIBERATOR.
JULY 4
STATE SOYEKEIGNTY.
To dcnv that a State cannot forswear Tier alle-
eiance, is "to deny her Bovferettftfty as a State— a sov-
ereignty which is limited with her own boundaries,
and tho obligations to the provisions of the Central
Constitution" nndor which she exists, and Without
whtoh site would not be a State at all. lleuee, the
voluntary rupturing on her part of this bond or lig-
ament of amity must necessarily destroy her integri-
ty as a State, together with all the loeal laws pecu-
liar unto her; and in just as great a degree as
would he the domestic authority of the wife who had
in the most violent and indecent manner violated
the marital relation-
It is most preposterous to longer countenance the
advancement of the doctrine that a State cannot
commit self-destruction. States have done it, and
done it in their State capacity. There could have
been nothing more deliberate or regular than the
manner in which the Southern States absolved
themselves of all allegiance to the Union. No State
aet ever passed with more deliberation and apparent
unanimity than the acts of separation. They all
owned slaves; and it was because of this that seces-
sion became possible, and as they supposed, necessa-
ry. It was the pronounced declaration of long-fos-
tered enmity — the enmity which darkness has 'al-
ways had against light from the beginning.
It is evident that, as States, the so-called Confed-
erate States have no laws which the offended Union
is bound by any obligations. Constitutional or other-
wise, to respect. What may have been the ac-
tion of the inhabitants of the several portions of ter-
ritory by which the jurisdiction of these States was
circumscribed, It is not now given us to know ; and
for audit we do know, or have a right legitimately
to know, there may not now, in the whole area of
Rebeldom, according to the local and municipal laws,
fee a single slave in existence. What a figure we
should make in history, if, pcrad venture, we should
"be found, in our anxiety to maintain what, through
dint of reiteration, we have been taught to believe
was the actual Constitution — slavery — we should
ultimately find that we were attempting to unite
th& living present with the dead and loathsome car-
cass of the past— slavery ! No more ludicrous and
inconsistent would this be than to attempt to restore
the condition of things which has furnished its own
■elements of destruction. The President may^ pro-
claim freedom to the slaves of the South. Their
freedom would not come by any act of his. They
are free, and it will be for him and for Congress
only to say that they will not re-enslave them.
But it may be said that this suicidal act of the
several Southern States was not inaugurated nor
■consummated by the loyal men of the South. These
■loyal men, we opine, are like the visits of the angels,
■few aud far between, but their sufferings cannot ig-
nore the fact of the abrogation of all law. In very
deed, their sufferings are the strongest evidence in
favor of this supposition. But it may be said those
men are entitled to indemnity for the loss, by the
action of the State, of property guaranteed by the
Constitution. Conceding that the Constitution of
the Union does guarantee property in man, or rath-
er property in the right to their labor, the Constitu-
tion eaunot and never could prevent the several
States from declaring the emancipation of every
slave within their own boundaries with or without
compensation. How, then, can the Federal Govern-
ment be responsible now for the action of a State to-
wards the lninorityof its citizens, so long as we recog-
nize the Democratic principle, that the majority should
rule, and the fact remains that the Federal cover
ment never did guarantee the return of a slave to
the person claiming him in any State of the Union,
both being resident in that State ?
We have again and again advanced the idea,
plain and palpable as the light at noonday, to those
who are not morally blind, that God in his provi-
dence has so shaped the actions of arrogant despo-
tism in the Southern slaveholder, that his own des-
perate acts should, aud no doubt have freed the
bondsman whose cry for help " has entered into the
ear of the Lord of Sabaoth." Let Congress declare
the freedom of the ^ve as a means of terminating,
at an earlier period, the horrors ofthis contest. Let
Abraham Lincoln, in his plenitude of supposed pow-
er, do the same, aud no harm, but good, may come
of it. They cannot, however, do what is done al-
ready ; they may, however, attempt to undo what
has been done ; and if so, woe be to these United
States when the bayonets of our soldiers are used to
force back into hopeless bondage four millions of hu-
man beings now free ! Then, indeed, would we be
responsible for all the horrors and atrocities of sla-
very. Then would be the timewhen all the civil-
ized world might find a reason for interference and
enthusiasm on the part of their people to enter on a
crusade against the most stupendous act of barbar-
ism that could be conceived of.— Paterson Guardian.
the latter has the reputation of being a very anti-
slavery city, she is easily influenced to act in a way
hostile to the anti-slavery cause. ■ The federal ap-
pointments have not been such as would be apt to
throw the weight of influence in the right way, and
it would not be very difficult, while the voting pop-
ulation of the city might be largely in Mr. Simmer's
favor, to return a delegation to the House of Repre-
sentatives decidedly hostile to him. The way things
have been managed for some years back shows this
plainly enough.
But it is to the heart of the Commonwealth, it is
to the rural districts, untainted by the aristocracy
which veils itself under the soft term of " conserva-
tism," that we look for the correct decision of this
j matter. The people of Massachusetts understand
well what Mr. Sumner is. They know his principles,
his actions during his senatorial career, though they
cannot know or appreciate perhaps, the full extent
of his labors and his influence. But, from what his
actions and principles are, they can judge what
would be likely to be those of a hostile candidate,
and decide whether they will be such as they will
be likely to approve, or such as they would like to
see proceeding from the Old Bay State, which has
so long been devoted to liberty, and whose ideas are
the watchword of the friends of freedom in the pres-
ent struggle. Let the people of the State watch
carefully the plans of the old minority parties that
are combining to displace Mr. Sumner, and guard
especially in the election of their representatives
against being betrayed by the Judas kisses of hypo-
critical pretensions. — New Bedford Rep. Standard.
SENATOR STJMNEE,
The New York Tribune intimates that there is a
doubt about Mr. Sumner's re-election to the Senate.
We believe it to be mistaken. Mr. Sumner's ene-
mies are settling this point in his favor very fast.
Their abuse is divesting Republicans of what dispo-
sition there was to oppose him. Here" is the high
compliment the Tribune pays our Senator, the chief
beauty of which is, that every word of it will be ad-
mitted as true by his warmest opposers: —
'■ Never inattentive to or neglectful of any public
duty, never even accused of sacrificing or opposing
the interest of Massachusetts in any matter of legis-
lation, Mr. Sumner is yet known to believe that her
interests can never be truly promoted by sacrificing
those of Humanity. In an age of venality and of
uncharitable suspicion, he was never even suspected
of giving a mercenary or a selfish vote; in an at-
mosphere where every man is supposed to have his
price, and to be scheming and striving for self-aggran-
dizement, no man ever suggested that Charles Sum-
ner was animated by sinister impulses, or that he
would barter or stifle his convictions for the Presi-
dency. The one charge brought against him by
his many bitter adversaries imports that he is a fa-
natic — not that it was ever imagined that he is the
special devotee of any fane or sect, but that he sin-
cerely believes it the end of civil government to has-
ten the coining of God's earthly kingdom, by caus-
ing His justice to pervade every act, every relation,
and thus making the earth, so far as human imper-
fection will permit, a vestibule of Heaven." — Nor-
folk County Journal.
g^f 3 Some journals in other States are suggesting
to the people of Massachusetts that they should not
reelect Mr. Sumner to the Senate. They are very-
kind, but it is within the limits of possibility that
these Balaams would do themselves some service if
they were to mind their own business. — Traveller.
MOKE TEOOPS CALLED FOR.
Nearly all the Governors of the loyal States, having
aibscribed their names, officially' to a letter to the
President of the United States, urging an immediate
and extensive augmentation of the national forces for
the speedy suppression of the rebellion, the President
responds as follows : —
Executive Mansion, Washington, July 1, 18G2.
Gentlemen, — Fully concurring in the views expressed
to me in so patriotic a maimer by you in the communi-
cation of the '28th day of June, I have decided to call
into the service an additional force of 300,000 men. I
suggest and recommend that the troops should be
chiefly of infantry. The quota of your State would
be . I trust that they may be enrolled without
delay, so as to bring this unnecessary and injurious
civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion.
An order fixing the quotas of the respective States
will be issued by the War Department to-morrow.
(Signed) ABKAHAM LINCOLN.
All this might have been avoided, together- with a
vast amount of life and treasure already needlessly
wasted, if the Government had availed itself of the
strength and bravery of the colored population, bond
and free, in the rebellious States. Instead of doing
this, it has allowed this mighty force (equal to an army
larger than has yet been gathered on the battle-field)
to remain on the side and in tho service of the rebel-
lion. How long is such a suicidal policy to be pur-
sued? It is even threatened, in certain "Demo-
cratic" quarters, that, should the Government pro-
claim emancipation as a military necessity, there will
be a formidable revolt in the army. We believe this
is a libellous charge ; but, if it be true, the sooner the
test is applied, the better for the safety of the Govern-
ment and the suppression of treason, North and South.
THE PKESIDENT'S LAST POSITION.
In the reply of the President to the memorial of the
Progressive Pricnds, as reported in last week's Libera-
tor, occurs tho following paragraph : —
" If a decree of emancipation could abolish slavery,
John Brown would have done the work most effec-
tually. Such a decree surely could not be more bind-
ing upon the South than the Constitution, and that
cannot be enforced in that part of the country now.
Would a proclamation of freedom be any more effec-
tive 1 "
Since these remarks contain almost all that the
President had to say in opposition to the request of his
memorialists, they are worthy of examination" and
criticism. If we mistake not, they arc childishly
weak and unreasonable. And, to begin with the first
sentence above-quoted, will any one show us the logi-
cal connection between the former and the latter mem-
ber — between the supposition and the conclusion ?
The President argues as if a decree, or the palpable
embodiment thereof in parchment and ink, were a self-
propelling power, able fare da se — to go alone — or, if
you please, a missile, whose effectiveness is indepen-
dent of the hand which discharges it. For how, other-
wise, could any sensible man compare, even by im-
plication, an edict issuing from John Brown at Har-
per's Ferry and the same from Abraham Lincoln at
Washington f The one, a private citizen, without
commission or authority, and, above all, assuming a
position hostile to laws State and National ; the other,
the Chief Magistrate of the whole people, the Com-
mander-in-Chief of the whole army, and invested by
the Constitution with the absolute, undisputed control
of the War Power, together with ample means for the
execution of any order or policy in his judgment
necessary. The one might have decreed till dooms-
day, and nothing would have come of it, without the
exercise of force sufficient for the end proposed; and
if John Brown had succeeded in making his avowed
idea an accomplished fact, it would not have enhanced
-.1 a particle the legality of his procedure. But the
closing my schools for colored people at Newborn, „ ., ■,«,.. * , TT ■ ■> « A j.
N. C. ; that he never intended to put in force the laws \ President and Generalissimo of the United States, un-
of North Carolina; and that until he gets explicit in-
ANOTHER TURN OF THE SCREW.
THE STANLEY-COLYER CONTROVERSY.
To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune.
Sin — In accordance with the request of lift Excel-
lency, Gov. Stanley, I wish it published that I misun-
derstood his Excellency; that he had no intention of I
® iu !ii&*t»t0t«
No Union with. Slaveholders!
BOSTON, FELDAY, JULY 4, 181
struct ions from the Government at Washington, D. C,
he will neither interfere with my schools, nor return
fugitive slaves to their masters ; all of which I do with
the most sincere and heart-felt pleasure.
VINCENT COLYER,
Superintendent of the Poor.
Newbern, June 21, 1862.
S^" It is evident that the universal burst of moral
indignation which followed the announcement, that
Gov. Stanley bad suppressed the negro schools in
North Carolina, has had a wholesome effect upon his
mind. He now desires to have it understood that Mr.
Colyer entirely misapprehended him; that he will
not interfere with the schools, return fugitive slaves,
nor put in force any of the laws of North Carolina,
unless explicitly instructed so to do by the Govern-
ment. Of course, he will have no such instructions
from that quarter; and, of course, the Courier, Post,
and all the other satanic journals that came "with
alacrity" to the defence of Gov. Stanley, supposing
he had been accurately reported, must feel extremely
chagrined and wof'ully disappointed. Will they tell
us what they now think of Gov. Stanley? Their
pro-slavery villany is immeasurable, and of the dir-
tiest kind. Here is a venomously libellous assault of
the Post upon Mr. Colyer : —
" It is said that Vincent Colyer is the renowned
model artist man who was badgered by the police in
almost every city in the Union years ago. His pres-
ent vocation of mischief- making, under pretence of
negro teaching, is even worse than his former one. He
is a fine individual to teach the black idea to shoot.'
The Post knew it was basely confounding two ut-
terly distinct persons in making this assertion.
HON. CHARLES SUMNER.
The time is approaching when the people of Mas-
sachusetts will have to select its" representatives in
both houses of Congress, a Senator iu the place of
Mr. Sumner, whose term expires in March next,
and Representatives from the Congressional districts.
The political condition of the country is such as to
render it most important that this matter shall be
seasonably and carefully considered by the people,
and that it shall thoroughly understand the aims
and manoeuvres of political parties, especially of
those who are seeking to replace Mr. Sumner by a
man of an entirely different stamp and different
principles, and to place in the Senate a member of
the party which has been for many years in a hope-
less minority in tins State, but which hopes, by art-
ful combinations and plausible professions, to sup-
plant the Senator who has for twelve years so ably
represented this State in the Senate, devoting his
entire energies, his varied scholarship, and the influ-
ence of his high reputation abroad, to advancing
the cause of freedom, to rescuing the nation from its
greatest curse and disgrace, to enlightening the pub-
lic mjnd as to the evils and dangers of slavery, and,
more especially, oflate, to removal from the nation-
al code' of those iniquitous aud barbarous laws which
bear record to the kind of influence which has hith-
erto predominated in the national councils.
We lake it for granted that the Republican parly can
have no other candidate for the Senate than Mr. Sum-
ner Himself. We are well aware that Mr. Sumner
is not a favorite with a considerable portion of the
party. We know that the press of Boston, republi-
can or anti-republican, is cold it not hostile towards
him ; and we have seen indications that papers
claiming to be leading representatives of public opin-
ion in that city would prefer to ally themselves with
the Courier, in a combination against Mr. Sumner,
rather than support him for re-election !
Still, if the dominant party in this State is to have
a candidate for the Senate, there can be no other
than Mr. Sumner. No other is mentioned. None
of the able members of the party, who sympathize
with him in sentiment and principle, would for a
moment consent to stand in his way. The only way
by which he can be supplanted is by a hostile com-
bination, under the specious pretence of a " no par-
ty " movement, in which a hotch-potch both of Breck-
inridge Democrats, Douglas Democrats, Bell-and-
Everetts, and extremely conservative Republicans.
-r-men who stand so extremely erect in their anti-sla-
very as to lean over towards slavery,— shall combine.
in a coalition with which that, of which some of them
were so long accustomed to speak in terms of such
reproach, by which Mr. Sumner's election was first ef-
fected, could make no kind of comparison, and put up
some of their moderate favorites — their conservative
candidates— their men with democratic talk in their
mouths and aristocratic principles in their hearts—
some of those who do not, like Charles Sumner, ask " in-
demnity for the past and security for the future "
from the evils which slavery has inflicted on the
eountry, but who are sweetly lor " the Union as it was,
and the Constitution as it is," — that is, for allowing
the odious privileges secured to slavery in the Con-
stitution to remain in full force, for the barbarous laws
remanding fugitives to bondage to remain unrepealed,
and, in general, for a resumption and restoration of
the policy which has cursed the country for a whole
generation, and w hose ioverth row at the last election
they hope may prove but a temporary one!
This is the scheme which has been concocting for
some time. It was the theme of general conversa-
tion in the legislature last winter, when bets were
freely offered that Mr. Sumner could not be re-
elected, and a representative from this city is rc-
ported to have said that, if the election had come oil'
then, he could have got but one vote from our dele-
gation.
As we have said, we do not look for any support
for Mr. Sumner from Boston. Perhaps we cannot
expeet much for him from this city, although we be-
lieve that a fair vote would show an overwhelming
voice in his favor. But Boston and New Bedford
;iro remarkably alike iu some respects ; and though
FOURTH OP JULY!
It has been the invariable custom of the Massa-
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society to commemorate this
National Anniversary ; not, however, in the boastful
spirit and inflated manner of those who rejoiced in a
Union with Slaveholders, and who could see no con-
tradiction, in such a Union, to the great principles
of the immortal Declaration of Independence of July
4th, 1776. Our celebration has ever been with the
distinct and simple purpose of recalling to the mind
and impressing upon the heart of the people the
great "self-evident truths, that all men are created
equal, and are endowed by their Creator with an inali-
enable right to Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Hap-
piness."
Confident that our repeated testimonies on these
National Anniversaries have been as good seed, sown
upon soil long indeed stubborn and unyielding, but at
length fertilized, and now full of promise of a
ous harvest, — soon, we trust, to be gathered in
again invite and summon the friends of Freedom, of
every name and age, and whether living within or be-
yond the bounds of this our honored Commonwealth,
to meet with us, as aforetime, and in even greater
numbers than ever before, at the beautiful and well-
known FRAMINGHAM GROVE, on this Fourth
of July.
We need say nothing of the beauty and many at-
tractions of the spot, wdiether for adults or for the
young. The day and the occasion constitute the real
claims upon our attention, and to these let the Anti-
Slavery men and women of Massachusetts, and of
New England, respond fitly, as they so well know
how to do.
The Boston and Worcester Railroad Co. will convey
passengers to and from the Grove, upon their main
road and its branches, on that day, at the following
rates of fare : —
From Boston, Worcester, and Millbury, 70 cents
for adults, 35 cents for children.
From Grafton, adults, 60 cents, children, 30 cents.
From Milford, Miltbrd Branch, (except Holliston,)
Northboro', Marlboro', Noedham, Grantville, Corda-
ville, Southboro', and Westboro', 50 cents for adults,
25 cents for children.
From Natiek, Holliston, and Ashland, adults 40
cents, children 20 cents.
Trains will run to the Grove, as follows : —
Leave Boston at 9.15, and Worcester, at 0.40, A. M.,
stopping at way stations; from Miilbury, regular
morning train; Milford, at 7.10, or 9.40; Northboro',
at 7 ; Marlboro', at 7.24, or 10.15.
Returning, leave the Grove at 5.15 for Boston
and Worcester ; at 6.15 for Milford and Northboro'
branches.
Admission fee to the enclosure of the Grove, for
those not coming by the cars, adults 10 cents, chil-
dren 5 cents. Those who come by railroad admit-
ted free.
&^= The House at the Grove will he open for Re-
freshments.
In case of rain, the meeting will be held in Wa-
verley Hall, opposite the railroad depot at South
Framingham.
Addresses from well-known advocates of the cause,
with Songs, and such recreation as this attractive
place affords, will occupy the day. Among the speak-
ers expected are Wsi. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell
Phillips, Andrew T. Foss, Charles C. Bur-
leigh, E. H. Hetwood, IIiiNUY C. Wright, Wm.
Wells Brown, John S. Rock, Esq., Rev. Daniel
Foster, of Kansas, and others.
SAMUEL MAY, Jit.,
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, I Committee
B. II. IIKYWOOD, \ of
Visit to England. Our esteemed and untiring
fellow-laborer in the vineyard of Universal Humanity,
Henry C. Wright, expects to leave Boston, for
England, in the steamer Africa, August 6th, or in the
Great Eastern, at New York, should she leave about
that time. Meanwhile, letters may be. addressed to
him— Gare of B da Marsh, or Robert F. Wa!lcut tl Bos-
ton, Mass. He will carry with him our best wishes for
his health, safety, and extensive usefulness on the
other side of the Atlantic; and we are quite eertam
that he will receive a very cordial welcome from the
many English, Scotch and Irish friends, who know
his worth and appreciate his faithful devotion to the
cause of freedom and philanthropy for the last thirty
years. Wherever he may travel, he cannot be other-
wise than interested in the amelioration of the condi-
tion of the whole human family ; for, dead to all feel-
ings of selfish nationality, with him race, complexion,
country are swallowed up in the full recognition of
man as man. We regard his visit abroad as particu-
larly opportune at this period, inasmuch as, possessing
as be does anaccurate and perfect knowledge of the
eal cause and diabolical object of the Great Rebellion
in this country, he will be able to remove much of the
gnorance and prejudice now existing in the old world,
in relation to its real merits. In the cause of peace,
of temperance, of woman's rights, &c, &c, he will
ever be found a ready laborer. While sternly uncom-
promising in principle, he carries a genial and loving
nature, is never morbid in disposition, but always
hopeful and confident of the triumph of truth over all
opposition.
The Boston Directory, for the year commenc-
g the 1st inst., has been published in good style by
Adams, Sampson & Co. By the use of smaller type
some of the departments, and lighter paper,
together with the decreased number of names, the
ork has been somewhat reduced in bulk. It is of
mvenicnt size, and, taken as a whole, is a model
work of its class. The decrease in the number of
mes reported is accounted for by the great number
of men Boston has sent to the war. A canvas of the
city for the State Register, a few months since, re-
vealed the fact that four thousand volunteers for the
seat of war had left Boston previous to March 1st,
three hundred of whom were commissioned officers.
The Directory of 1853 contained 38,000 names; that
of 1862 has 55,000 names, an increase of 17,000 names
during the nine years. In the former year, this city
had 15,000 houses, now it has 20,000.
The Boston Directory has now been printed more
than half a century, and has ever enjoyed the confi-
dence and support of the business public. A com-
plete set of the work would show the outward growth
of the city better than anything else. A new Direc-
tory is indispensable each year, but the old one should
be preserved or presented to some Society, as its val-
ue to students of our local annals will increase with
its age. Its pages contain information in regard to
persons and firms not to bo obtained elsewhere. The
office of the Directory is 91 Washington street, where
copies can be obtained.
HENRY O. STONE,
CHARLES A. IIOVEY,
Arrangements.
July Fourth. To-day is the Eighty-Sixth Anni-
versary of American Independence. Itfinda four mil-
lions of slaves yet to be emancipated— the Union dis-
solved through Southern perfidy and lust of power—
the nation bleeding at every pore— the most awful
civil war that the world has ever 3eon wasting its life
and substance — and no prospect of peace. Is it a day
for boasting and revelry, or for sackcloth and ashcB 1
ES8E1 County. Intelligence received from Ham-
ilton and vicinity indicates that the Convention there,
on Sunday next, will be one of great interest. |SV
notice in another column. J
A Primary Cook Book, by Mrs. Putnam, for Nc
Beginners in Housekeeping. Receipts suited to the
times.
This is the title of a small, neat, 12mo- volume of
84. pages, published by Mr. Loring, 319 Washington
street. It gives information found in no other work.
It shows bow comfortable a young married couple can
make themselves, who begin housekeeping in three
rooms ; gives a list of the articles required in each ; a
routine of the work for every day in the week; what
to purchase in the market, and bow to select it, and
its quality; and then how to cook it. It gives one
hundred receipts for cooking meats, soups, fish, pud-
dings, cakes, &c., closing with directions for bache-
lor's meals, teaching the latter how to make their own
coffee, to cook chops and eggs, to stew oysters, &c,
&& The writer is a lady every way competent to the
(ask she has assumed, and her work should be in the
bands of every young housekeeper.
like the Virginian martyr, has no need of the half mil-
lion bayonets which attend his call. In changing the
status of an enslaved people to that of freedom, — a
wheel, by universal experience and consent; which
knows no backward turning, — iu bis lips words are
things. The declaration, the legal, constitutional
declaration once uttered, the deed is done, — the slave
walks erect in a new manhood. He may still be plun-
dered of his rights, still outraged and tortured as of
old, still chained and hunted and burned, before he can.
touch the nation's right band stretched out to him
over the intervening army of rebellion, but his suffer-
ings now may be requited and avenged ; the law takes
cognizance of him as a citizen grossly .injured, and
hurls its judgments against his oppressor; while the
right of self-defence is restored into his hands, and
from a murderer he becomes a justifiable homicide.
On the same grounds wo hold that Generals Fremont
and Hunter, by their proclamations, (which the Presi-
dent did not question their right to issue, but only their
liberty,) did, at least until they were officially counter-
manded, really make free forever those who availed
themselves of those instruments in the meanwhile.
We say, in the meanwhile, for we are aware that some
pretend that sueh slaves as could not immediately pro-
fit by the proclamations alluded to, lost the chauce of
gaining their freedom as soon these were annulled.
For our own part, we do not doubt that any other than
an American court would decide in favor of the free-
dom of every slave covered by the terms of the pro-
clamations, since if two are necessary to make a bar-
gain, the slave's consent to that which gives him lib-
erty can be more certainly assumed than in any other
concern of human interest. Lastly, let there be no
confusion as to the War Power under which John
Brown might seem to have acted, equally with the
President. That hero, humane and beneficent as was
his purpose, could have found no legal justification
for his means but in success. His jurisdiction only
equalled the range of his rifles, which constituted his
power; what he changed, another stronger might re-
turn to its old condition ; if Ins failure was partial, it
was complete. The President, on the contrary, is but-
tressed by law, duty and necessity; his jurisdiction
reaches farther than his armies ; his fiat is irrevocable,
unless the whole nation perishes with him. The dif-
ference between abnormal and normal, between revo-
lution and established law, is the difference between
John Brown and Abraham Lincoln, and the powers of
each.
Now a word as to the sophistry contained in the lat-
ter portion of the quotation. It is true, as the Presi-
dent avers, that a decree of emancipation "could not
be more binding upon the South than the Constitu-
tion," but it would be just as binding, since it would
be in perfect harmony with that instrument; and as
for the possibility of its enforcement, as Mr. Johnson
rightly intimated, it is no worse off than the Constitu-
tion, which can be as little enforced, while the one is
as deserving of effort as the other. But the falsity of
the reasoning lies in the assumption that the claim of
allegiance and the declaration of freedom would be
directed to the same persons, which is quite contrary to
the facts of the case. Unless, indeed, there can be
found one so foolish as to propose an order to the rebels
to emancipate their slaves for the speedier overthrow
of the rebellion ! No ; why must the President trouble
himself about the respect with which the traitors of
the South are likely to receive a decree of emancipa-
tion'? He might guess it beforehand, but no matter;
he is not speaking to them. He addresses four million
slaves — colored Americans — loyal from the necessities
of their social position and the attitude of the combat-
ants in the civil war. And that South will bear ! — trust
them, Mr. Lincoln ! The decree which " could not
be binding" upon the white South, will be religiously
regarded by them. They will not clamor for succoring
armies to lift them up to freemen ; your word will suf-
fice. After that, no more rebel fortifications raised by
black hands; no more arms borne by them in battle
against Northern liberators; no more corn and hominy
planted or gathered for rebel enslavers; but isolation
of every rebellious host, — railroads torn up, — bridges
burned,-«vires cut, — every large city, every hamlet
trembling under the never-fading fear of a general in-
surrection, — and universal demoralization in the army
from Richmond to Mobile. All tins because the slave
will confide in your promise, and because he is able to
overthrow the Southern Confederacy the moment be
feels that he may work shoulder to shoulder with the
government and the North. In spite of our pro-slave-
ry generals and captains, in spite of order No. 3 or
No. 333, the slave still comes to us for protection, hap-
py if he may impart the knowledge which will destroy
the enemy. But invite him with open arms ; promise
him liberty not for attack, for bloodshed and revenge,
but for desertion simply ; aud the corner-stone of that
infamous league, whose existence shames the age and
us, will glide from under the edifice like a glacier or a
quicksand, leaving the tumbling ruins to entomb a
fouler band of conspirators and a fouler conspiracy
than ever claimed a Catiline as their master-spirit.
It has often been said, and most justly said, by abo-
litionists, that the President moves, in the direction
of emancipation, only as the pressure of events seems
to demand, and not as wishing to interfere with the
"peculiar" institution; not as recognizing the fact
that slavery is the root of rebellion, and that both
must be destroyed if we would avoid future catastro-
phes like that which is now in operation. The Phelps
and Butler correspondence, or rather the requests of
those officers for specific instructions from the Gov-
ernment, (which may be found in another column,)
that they may pursue a uniform course towards those
colored refugees who wish to leave the rebels and
join the Union party, is a new specimen of the pres-
sure above alluded to, requiring the reluctant Gov-
ernment to explain itself. If the President now re-
evades this pressure, if he either repels these
slaves from the cooperation which they offer him
against the rebels, or gives an indecisive answer, al-
lowing his subordinates each to pursue such policy
upon tins great subject as shall seem good to himself,
then upon him will rest the heavy responsibility of
the permanent transfer of four million souls from loy-
alty to rebellion. For, considering the constantly in-
creasing failures and losses of the Confederate States,
and the spirit of superlative malignity which they
now feel toward the North, and the impossibility of
their making slaveholding profitable in the old way
while the war lasts, and the fact that emancipation on
their part would be the most effective means of secur-
ing that foreign intervention without which they are
utterly ruined— considering all these things, I say, it
cannot be doubted that they will bind the negroes to
their side by emancipation, unless we make this move-
ment in advance of them. It rests with President
Lincoln now to say— and the time is short, and every
day's delay involves a fearful hazard — whether he
will have these blacks for friends or enemies. They
have the casting vote in this great struggle.
" While stunds the Colifleuro, Rome shall stand !
When falls the Coliseum, Homo must fall ! "
In General Butler's letter, above alluded to, he de-
clares himself to be a soldier, recognizing the right of
his Government to command, and ready to obey or-
ders, any orders that may be given him. He inti-
mates his preference for orders which shall exclude
the negroes, and reject their offered help. But it is
to be remembered that, on a former occasion, when
the same question came up for his decision at Fortress
Monroe, in asking instructions from the Government
he strongly intimated his preference for orders which
would combine favor to the oppressed blacks with
justice against their rebel masters. It is to the shame
of President Lincoln, and history will record it as at
once a crime and a blunder on his part, that this in-
timation was disregarded. Nobody suspected the
veteran partisan Democrat of being especially soft-
hearted, or of caring very much for the rights or the
welfare of negroes. It was plain that the sagacious
old politician saw that that was the right card for the
Government to play, and that the Administration
ould doubly strengthen itself and weaken the rebels,
by taking part with the slaves against their former
masters. The President then disregarded his subor-
dinate's wise suggestion, and went on with the policy
which his birth in slaveholding Kentucky, and his life
in negro-hating Illinois, and his very moderate Re-
publicanism, had prepared him for. He held himself
aloof from interference with slavery. What -wonder
that when (owing to the President's continued absti-
nence from the publication of a settled policy or prin-
ciple on this subject) the case comes up again for de-
cision, General Butler should try the other tack!
What wonder that, having failed to enlist his com-
mander in the prosecution of a coUrse which his own
judgment dictated, he should try next the road for
which that commander had already shown his decided
preference !
The entire responsibility of this decision rests with
the President. Let us mart which way he decides,
and mark, too, whether he shrinks from positive de-
cision. When further defeats shall have added to the
desperation of the rebels, every day's delay of our
Government to enlist the slaves on its side will add
fearfully to the risk of a permanent loss, both of them
and the country in which they live. Oh that Presi-
dent Lincoln may have already decided to make thw
Fourth of July the day of Freedom and Indepen-
dence to the slave ! — c. k. w.
Magrudcr once commanded, and I learn by the way
of prisoners that he told his men he must have it if it
cost ten thousand lives. You can judge something of
the havoc" made in their ranks, from the fact that
eight hundred of their dead lay upon a space of lees
than an acre of ground, besides double this number
of wounded. This affair took place about half an
hour before sunset, Saturday evening.
Confiscation. Mr. Sumner delivered a very able
speech in the Senate on Friday afternoon, in reply to
Mr. Browning's attack upon him and his views con-
cerning confiscation on Wednesday. He showed con-
clusively the utter folly of carrying on the war longer
In give the rebels the rights of war, while wo confined
oursclvcB to the rights of peace.
" An,\ plus deshe'rites Ie plus
: Ticknor and Fields.
Tragedy of Eiihors
d' amour." Boston
Thanks to the publishers for this long wlshed-for
volume. Wc have experienced the same gratification
in its perusal that we did in the case of its sequel, the
"Tragedy of Success." Great skill is shown in the
narration necessary to the comprehension of the plot,
where the natural tendency to be prosy has been most
successfully overcome; while tiie scenes winch depict
the negro love of music anil, power of improvisation
are graceful and fascinating iu the extreme. The
reader will rise from the hook with a feeling of un-
alloyed pleasure, unless, like us, he regret those pas-
sages which seem to strike at the cause of Woman's
Rights, of which tho tideiited authoress is really so
able a supporter.— w. r. G.
jjtjf The Provost Marshal of liichmond lias issued
a notice, earnestly requesting the citizens lo lend the
army the use of their slaves. Nobody prOtOBtB !
THE BATTLE AT PAIR OAKS, VA,
Boston, June 28, 1862.
Friend Garrison :
I send you herewith some extracts from a letter re-
ceived from a friend of mine who is a non-commis-
sioned officer in one of the regiments of Massachu-
setts Volunteers, together with a reply to the same.
Make sueh disposition of them as you please. Per-
haps they may be of some interest to the public, both
as a clever description of one of the bloodiest scenes
in the battle to which they refer, and as indicating a
state of feeling in the Federal army, which, if it be as
general as he intimates, is likely to place the success
of the Government in the present struggle absolutely
beyond the reach of possibility. My own view I
have endeavored to state in such a way that at least
there should be no misapprehension about it.
I have suppressed the name of the writer, as the
letter was a private one, and as he is only the repre-
sentative of a class, more or less numerous, both iu
the army and out of it. I think the publication may
arrest attention, and be a means of learning in wdiat
direction we are drifting in this wild hurricane.
Yours for liberty in any event,
N. H WHITING.
Camp at Fair Oaks, (near Richmond,} Va., )
June 17, 18(32. J
The excitement of the late battle, fought here on Sat-
urday and Sunday, the last day of May and the first of
June, has nearly subsided. The dead have all been
buried, and the wounded, such of them as were able
to be removed, sent home, or to the hospitals in the
different Northern States. It was a most horrid
looking scene around here on Monday, the day after
the h:\tile. Everything in the vicinity in the shape of
a building was filled to overflowing with the wounded
of both friend and foe ; yet not one-half of them could
obtain shelter of any description. Consequently,
many with their limbs amputated were compelled to be
exposed to the sun during the day, and a drenching
rain which fell during the following night,
Our Division (Couch's) was in the thickest of the
fight, and was at one time in a most critical situation,
being entirely cut off from the main body ; and had it
not been for the timely arrival of Gen. Sumner, with
a large reinforcement, we must have been all cut to
pieces or taken prisoners.
Our regiment was detached from the brigade to sup-
port a battery of four guns, and we had been in our
position not over twenty minutes when the enemy ad-
vanced with a force fifteen thousand strong. At this
critical moment, Gen, Sumner arrived with Sedgwick's
Division and Ricketts' Battery, consisting of six
twelve-pound guns. They had barely time to place
the guns in position and form line of battle, when the
enemy made his appearance out of the woods into the
clearing directly in front of us, and not more than
sixty yards distant. They fired one volley, and one
only. Our two batteries, numbering iu all ten guns,
now opened upon thorn, and being all shotted with
grape and cannister, nnd tho distance just right for
tho shot to spread from gun to gun, did actually cut
them down by companies. After the battle, I saw two
Companies that were out down to a man. apparently,
as no vacancy could be seen in their ranks. Officers
ami men fed in the enter in which they advanced upon
(lie batteries. 'fids might truly be called mowing
men down. Three times did they charge upon our
batteries, and no troops in the world, however veteran.
could do it better, Bui RIoketts 1 Battery, which is
perhaps the besl in Hie service, together with the de-
structive tire of mir infantry, proved too much for
them. This battery ol Uieketts is ihe same that
What do you think of the progreBtt of the warl
How or when do you think it will teimhiate? You
stated in a former letter that the war could never end
in the restoration or reconstruction of the Union upon
its old basis. Have you altered that opinion any of
late? For my part, I have never b^en able to see
how it could end otherwise, although it may be the
indirect cause of doing away with slavery in some of
the border States. It will never do for Congress to
pass the Emancipation Bill. It would be equivalent
to disbanding the army ; for I do not think there are
one hundred men in it who would willingly remain,
after the passage of such a bill. I have yet to see the
first man. Tins army volunteered to put down the
rebellion and restore tho Union, not to free negroes.
For this, and this alone, we are ready to fight.
But perhaps Congress could raise an army of this
class, sufficient to take the place of the one already in
the field. If so, all very well; but, with the excep-
tion of one or two generals, there are none to be found
in the present army. .
I should be glad to hear from you in reply.
Yours, respectfully, .
Boston, June 24, 1862.
Dear Fhiesd, — I thank you for the letter you sent
me under date of the 17th inst. It is no ordinary
privilege and satisfaction to receive news direct from
an actor on the stage where is being performed the
great drama of the nation's life.pr death. Your de-
scription of one of the bloody scenes is graphic and
thrilling in a high degree.
The dread arena seems spread out before me. I
hear the turmoil and shock of battle, — the rattle of
nusketry, the shout of charging squadrons, the deep,
ullen boom of cannon, the curse of murderous hate,
the shriek of despair, and the yell of mortal agony.
I see in my mind's eye the ghastly spectacle of the
dead and dying thousands who are strown so thickly
on that prolific field of death, which turned out its
human swaths at the rate of two thousand five hun-
dred sheaves to the acre! An awful harvest truly;
leading one to exclaim with Fortinbrass in the play :
" proud death !
What feast is toward in thine eternal cell,
That thou so many brothers at a shot
So bloodily hast struck?"
Not often does the Great Reaper carry desolation
and woe to so many hearth-stones with one sweep of
his remorseless scythe !
We might bear bravely, triumphantly, the untimely
loss of kindred and friends, could we know that these
young men had bled and died for, and that the sacrifice
would advance the cause of liberty and justice. We
could sing pagans of thanksgiving, even while our
hearts were aching for the fallen and stricken ones of
the land. We would canonize those heroes of ours
as among the most precious martyrs of all the ages.
But, alas ! when I read your letter, and witness the
desperate and unscrupulous efforts which are being
made to blind the people as to the cause of this war,
and exasperate them against those wdio are alone the
friends of good government, — because they are the
champions of civil and religious liberty, — I have many
misgivings that the end sought for in this vast array of
mortal strife is not to establish and conserve human
liberty, but to extend and perpetuate human slavery.
"Some guard through love his ghastly throne,
And some through fear to reverence grown."
If we could believe the "conservatives" of our land,
these immense armies are engaged in deadly conflict,
each under some strange hallucination, some unac-
countable misapprehension in regard to the other's
character and purposes. They would seem to be two
bodies of friends, like our troops at Big Bethel, stumb-
ling along in the dark in pursuit of a common foe,
engaging in wholesale slaughter under the mistaken
idea that they are enemies. Were it not for its fatal
effects upon the lives and happiness of our citizens,
we might* look upon the whole thing as one of the
most absurd and ludicrous exhibitions of human blind-
ness and folly that history gives us any record of.
Here are two parties madly seeking each other's
ruin, the one to save slavery, pure and simple, from de.
struction, and the other to save slavery and the Union
from a like catastrophe, — these last looking upon sla-
very and the Union as the Constitutional " Siamese
Twins," not to be separated without inevitable disas-
ter and death to both. What a spectacle this pre-
sents to spirits, both infernal and celestial! — of joy to
the former, of sorrow and shame to the latter !
You ask me when I think this war will end. Wlien
the cause of it is removed. You may cry peace ! peace !
but there will be no peace until slavery Is torn up by
the roots, and cast into the fire of a free people's con-
suming wrath.
I know we are told continually that the Abolition-
ists are the cause of this convulsion, and should be
held ' accountable therefor. There are many who
seem fondly to imagine that if they could only hang
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Henry Ward
Beecher, Horace Greeley, and a few others of a simi-
lar cast, the gaping sutures of the Union would speed-
ily close up; trade would revive, the thirty pieces of
silver obtained for the .betrayal and crucifixion of the
divine principle of liberty would be multiplied a hun-
dred fold, the crack of the driver's whip and the sound
of the auctioneer's hammer in his market for human
souls would again be heard in the capital of the na-
tion, and, at the roll-call of Toombs' slaves at the
foot of the monument on Bunker Hill, the millennium ,
of the sham democracy would darken [be horizon, and
speedily run and be glorified over the whole land.
These are bright anticipations to be indulged in by
avarice and cupidity, but they can never be realized.
No doubt in the same sense that truth is accountable
for the corruption and ravages of falsehood, virtue for
vice, love for hate, are those men and their compeers
responsible for the murderous attack of slavery upon
the nation's life. Like the devils in the olden time, it
has cried out, "We know thee who thou art. Hast
thou come to torment us before the time?" "Put
on! the light! " it has cried to its Northern pimps and
vassals. But, nolwitbstanding the "alacrity" with
which they have labored in " this foul work of hell,"
(he light has increased, aud flashed across the conti-
nent, and penetrated the dark prison house, so that the
hideous character of the monster was becoming pa-
tent to all eyes. Goaded ihus to desperation and de-
spair, it has madly plunged into this stormy gee of re-
bellion, to meet, we will fain hope, the fate of the
demons who took refuge in the swine of Galilee.
Smitten with a blind fatuity, there are those who
fancy that the death of a few individuals would ap-
pease the wrath of the Slave Tower, and reslore peace
and harmony to these warring Siales. They do not
seem to consider that this is a conflict of ideas, of
principles, and not of men merely. Kill these men
who are so obnoxious to the slaveholders ! It would
bo like sowing the fabled dragens' teeth: they would
spring up armed men — armed not with rifle and bowie
Unite only, but with the might of everlasting princi-
ples.
- These areb agitators," " these pestilent fanat-
ics," Who have for so many years been turning the
nation up-side down, and who. that it may at lust
stand upon its feet, arc yet, under God, to break the
boon's of wickedness and lot the oppressed go Ireo,—
these are indeed but globules in the life-blood of that
universal heart, which, in all ages and nations, has in
some way given voice to the immutable truth which.
when expressed in the splendid rhetoric of Brougham,
declares tint*, "while men despise fraud, and loathe
rapine, anil abhor blood, they will reject with indigna-
tion the wild and guilty phantasy that man can hold
proper^ in man.*'
Anti-Slavery ! Win. it is as old as the sense of
juMico, the love ol' truth, the idea ot human brothfil
"•• ■ ■"■' ' - - ■■-■■■
JULY 4.
THE LIBEH^TO R
107
hood, the instinct of liberty, the aspiration for i
mortality. It will die when they do : never before.
You ask mo if I still hold to the opinion that the
Union can never he restored on its old basis. Un-
doubtedly. It is not possible. Nature never repeats
herself. Our motion as individuals and nations is (ill
eular, but we never come back to the spot from
whence we start. We have travelled a long way.
since the 12tll of April, 1861. It is a vast circle in
which we are revolving. When it is completed, we
shall have risen much higher or sunk far lower than
we were before we began the journey. Onr position
is in our own hands, so far as ascension or degrada-
tion ts concerned ; but no power in the universe can
make us what we were when South Carolina e
mencetl treading the wine-press of rebellion. If the
thing were possible, God forbid, say I, that it should
ever be repeated ! Such an experience as we have
had should suffice for one generation, and even for
all. Old forms may possibly continue for a time, but
the facts out of which they grew are changed forever.
You say an act of emancipation by Congress would
be equivalent to disbanding the whole army. I hope
and believe you are greatly mistaken. But if not,
if, after the practical knowledge yon have received of
the inherent, incurable ferocity and diabolism of sla-
very, — you still prefer national ruin to salvation with
and by the help of the negro, perhaps you can hav
your choice. But of this be assured, the slave will
have his freedom. Those four millions of " poor blind
Samsons " down there in the South land are play-
ing, and have yet a more important part to play in tins
struggle. Woe be to them who persist in seeking to
repress and trample out the divine love of liberty
which is stirring in their rude, untutored hearts ! We
cannot succeed without them. Whoever secures their
strength in the final grapple, " his party conquers in
the strife,"
" The army did not enlist to free the negro " ! Of
course not. You are in the field to maintain the au-
thority*of the government, and to obey all its behests
while remaining in its service. But your government
has no justifiable existence only on the basis of the
truths in the Declaration of Independence. You are
fighting for the nation ; but that rests upon a principle
grossly violated in the case of the slave at the South.
And will you forsake it when it begins to show signs
of an intention to embody this principle into its actual
life? The negro in this case stands for the race.
Oppression does not seize upon the strong, the intel-
ligent, and the rich, but upon the weak, the ignorant,
the poor and friendless. He is the man fallen among
thieves, and we have been the allies of the thieves.
The blow we aimed at the despised African has re-
coiled upon our own heads. We have sown the wind :
we are reaping the whirlwind.
Do you know that slavery has never confined itself
to color, or race even ? All races have been driven
under its cruel lash. And while I write, there lies
before me the portrait of a girl, now grown to woman-
hood, who, "blue-eyed, and fair, with Saxon blood,"
shows no visible trace of relationship to the despised
negro. She resides in this city, having been re-
deemed from slavery by a noble Senator of Massa-
chusetts. Do you think that the avarice and cupidity
which originated and sustain this system would hes-
itate to make a profit out of this "cunning pattern
of creating nature," because Caucassian blood flows
in her veins? Nay, verily. The negro is your rep-
resentative as well as mine, in this conflict. The
knife you aim at his bosom draws the life-blood from
your own.
You want to restore the old order of things ! Do
you consider what that drags along in its train " Dred
Scott decisions ! fugitive Slave laws ! lynch laws for
all who will not bow down and worship slavery, and
sell their birthright for its miserable pottage ! slavery
in the District! slavery in the Territories! slavery
wherever our eagle flies, or our stars and stripes float
in the breeze ! This is worth fighting for, is it ? You
are perilling "life and fortune and sacred honor" to
restore once more the time
" When crime was virtue — gown, and sword,
And law, their three-fold sanction gave ;
And, to the quarry of the slave,
"Went hawking with our symbol-bird."
This is brave work ! Who is ready to engage in it ?
Not you, I hope.
No, my friend, slavery has sought to throttle our
nation, and build up its filthy empire upon the ruins.
It must die ! It has appealed to the dread arbitrament
of war. It shall abide its fortune. Do you intend to
save it from its doom t
In the name of the silent dead who lie festering in
their bloody graves around you, — of all those who are
to die, or be crippled and maimed in this atrocious and
wanton rebellion, — the unutterable misery it will carry
to so many hamlets and firesides ; — for the sake of the
justice outraged, the love blighted, the homes made
desolate, the humanity murdered; — and in the name
of that posterity which, though now "existing only
in the all-creating power of God," is hereafter to
stand in our places, and gather the fruit of the tree
we this day plant, — I adjure you toNeave no rightful
means untried by which this great criminal, Slavery,
can be cast out and trodden under foot of men. The
way is now open. All that is needed is the unflinch-
ing, resolute will, guided by an unconquerable devo-
tion to our dear country, and that universal freedom
and justice it was designed to secure.
This, my friend, is my reply to your request. I
commend it to your careful deliberation. That you
may be an instrument in the redemption of our land
from its great crime and curse, and thus lay the
foundation for a brilliant career of prosperity and hap-
piness for all, is the earnest desire of
Your friend, N. H. WHITING.
NO COMPKOMISE WITH WRONQ— THE LES-
SON OF THE HOUR.
Harwich, (Mass.; June 23, 1862.
Dear Garrison — Yesterday, according to ap-
pointment, I lectured three times in this town — twice
in Union 'Hall, once in the Orthodox meeting-house,
Rev. Mr. Munsell the minister. Deep interest in the
meetings was manifested in the Hall. In the forenoon,
the lecture was on the Unity of the Race. The human
family includes all out of the body, and all in it —
black, white and red. The kingdom of humanity —
which is the kingdom of God — knows no nation, no
church, and, of course, embraces all human beings,
and none else; politicians, priests and sectarians are
excluded from it — sectarism and nationalism being
equally and forever shut out. * To be a Christian —
as the word is understood according to the theory and
practice of the church and of Christendom — is a great
and daring crime and outrage against humanity. To
be a patriot is in like manner a crime and outrage
against justice and humanity.
But the meeting in the Orthodox meeting-house, in
the evening, is worth special notice as indicative of
the great change going on in favor of liberty, and
against slavery. Subject: "Compromise." Text:
What God hath put asunder, let no man put together.
The minister — ltev. Mr. Munsell — opened by prayer —
emphatically and in so many words praying, that
"the war miijht continue, till slavery is abolished." In
my heart, I cried out, " Hear, hear ! " it came out so
heartily. Who can help but pray that the pain may
continue till the patient is willing to remove the en
of the disease 1 — that the horrors of war may come to
the people till tliey are willing to abolish slavery —
that greatest of horrors, and the source of all our
troubles '!
It was shown how this nation's effort, for seventy
years, to put together what God had put asunder,
had darkened the conscience, perverted the reason,
and obfuscated the entire moral nature of the people,
on all questions of social, civil, religious and domestic
life.
But the richest part of the whole meeting was this :
The leading man of the church moved a vote of thanks
to the lecturer— Henry C. Wright— which was car-
ried by a rising vote ! Then the same leading mem-
ber of the church called for the singing of John
Brown's Glory, Hallelujah ! and all the congregation
arose and joined in singing the chorus, while I sang
the verses. Then the minister generously and hearti-
ly thanked me for my lecture. Alt this, dear Garri-
son, in an Orthodox meeting-house, on Sunday ! The
world moves !
All just as it should be! Just right! Had all the
Orthodox churches of the North treated Abolitionists
and the Abolition movement, for the past thirty years,
as Rev. Mr. Munsell and his church treated me yester-
day, this war had never been— with its anguish and
tears, and legacy of wailing, of sighs and sorrow, to
generations yet unborn; Abolitionists and Aboli-
tionism had never been arrayed against them, for they
would all long ago have been arrayed against slavery,
and in their bosoms the dumb and down-trodden had
found a sure protection from the enslaver.
My heart is full of hope— cheerful, animating hope.
I can see the beginning of the end of slavery. This
government can never be restored to where it was,
with slave-bunting and slave-representation as a basis.
The almighty talk! What power in ideas! Before
the omnipotence of thought, vitalized by love and
sympathy, no evil can stand. Even slavery must fall.
Thought has more power to kill slavery than cannon,
rifled though they be.
Yours, HENRY C. WRIGHT.
ANTI-SLAVERY AT THE WEST.
Lewistown, (Fulton Co.) III., June 23, 1862.
Dear Liberator, — If any anti-slavery laborer of
your acquaintance thinks our work is already done, or
that a more vigorous and faithful prosecution of it than
ever will not be more fruitful than ever of good results,
let him come, and work and watch in this part of the
vineyard, which is now white to the harvest, but in
which the laborers are few indeed. He will find here
a blind and stupid hatred and dread of the negro,
grown to an absorbing passion, and genuine abolition-
ism looked upon by the majority as the pestilence that
walketh in darkness ; and yet, the uncompromising
worker will see these barbarous notions melting rapidly
away before the steady light of truth, and the track of
thorough anti-slavery work as readily distinguished by
good results as are the lines of irrigation on New Eng-
land hillsides by the stronger and healthier vegetation.
The people come out, and listen with interest and ap-
preciation, and I only wish the laborers were in any
proportion to the harvest which might be gathered in.
I have been holding a series of meetings lately,
which have been unusually encouraging. At Brim-
field, Peoria Co., with the assistance of our good and
true friends, the Hucys, we had a fine open air meeting.
At Maquon, Knox Co., a place where this gospel was
never preached before, we bad a stirring time. I
spoke on the "Lessons of the Rebellion" until half-
past 10 o'clock, after which a lawless limb of the law,
imported for the occasion by the Valiandighamers, de-
fended the persecuted apologists for slavery, and I re-
joined; the meeting continuing with unabated interest
till past midnight. The large audience, even the wo-
men and children, remained to the close, and the labor
was evidently not in vain.
To Mr. L. .W. Blakesly, at whose beautiful home I
was entertained, and to " Charley " McGrew, I am
under many obligations.
In Maquon, as, in some other places, I was waited
on by the Republicans, and begged not to discuss the
black clauses of the New Constitution, as it would
only irritate and alienate the Democrats, whom it was
all we could do to hold to the support of the Govern-
ment by concession and conciliation. Poor, faithless
Republicanism ! Shivering and cringing yet under
the whip of negro-hating, God-denying bullies, who
are desperate because their hour is almost come !
In Ipava, Pulton Co., I was greeted by an audience,
overflowing both in numbers and enthusiasm; cheer-
ing most heartily the most radical sentiments.
At Vermont, a fine substantial town which every
way docs honor to its name, the Congregationalists
gave me the use of their meeting-house, and we had a
large and pleasant meeting. Dr. Taylor, a cousin of
Bayard Taylor, whom be resembles in feature and in
freedom from the trammels of conventionalism, was
our chairman. Rev. Mr. Eels and wife, of the Con-
gregational church, gave us a helping hand, (notwith-
standing their personal relationship to Parsons Cooke,
of the Boston Recorder, )— but to H. S. Thomas, Esq.,
P. M., formerly an anti-slavery and temperance lec-
turer, and to his pleasant family, our good cause and
its advocates are under special obligations.
At Pleasant Dale, four miles from Vermont, is a
Quaker neighborhood, where a society is still in work-
ing order. Here I had an appointment for Sunday
last. On reaching the place of meeting, we found
the good, wholesome-looking Quakers out en masse,
and also delegations from Ipava and Vermont, which
apparently would have thrice filled the house. The
meeting was, therefore, adjourned to an adjacent grove,
and in that beautiful temple we enjoyed a season of
rare interest. It was heart-cheering to look into the
soul-lit faces of that audience. H. S. Thomas, Esq.,
of Vermont, presided, and spoke, too, with excellent
effect.
At Hickory Grove, I found a community almost
unanimous for slavery. They gave me a bearing,
however, and I found here a few thorough-going Abo-
litionists. I shall not soon forget the hearty kindness
of that good old Quaker couple, Jesse Kinzie and Na-
omi, his wife.
I see that Mrs. H. M. T. Cutler dates one of her let-
ters in the Liberator from Elmwood, where we should
have been glad to hear her lecture, but our orthodox
minister, with whom she staid over Sunday, kept her
so snugly hidden under his ecclesiastical bushel, that
we knew nothing of her advent until several days af-
ter she left. I am glad she succeeds so well with, the
clergy, and I wish she; or some other favored one,
would give us avecipe for preaching the whole gospel
of anti-slavery, and yet retaining the helping hand and
good-will of these reverend shepherds. For myself, I
often find them the greatest stumbling-blocks in the
strait and narrow way of truth. I hope Mrs. Culler
will make another tour through this region, and that
she will not overlook Elmwood.
E. R. BROWN.
MEETINGS IN NASHUA, (N, H.)
Nashua, June 23, 1862.
Friend Garrison — I rode some twenty miles this
(Sunday) morning, to listen to our ever-faithful
friend, Parker Pillsbury, and was more than paid
for my labor. The audience in the afternoon, though
not large, was composed of the best spirits of this
place, who listened to the burning words of inspiration
and eloquence which fell from the lips of one long
devoted to the cause of suffering humanity. It was
evident the seed fell on good ground. May it bring
forth abundantly in due season ! This evening, the
audience was much larger, and it was plain that the
serious and solemn truth concerning the enormous
crime of the Church and Nation against God and
man was even more eagerly received ; and it must
have a deep and abiding influence upon the mind:
of the bearers. The " higher law " was portrayed to
us as vividly as was the brazen serpent, of which we
read, to those who bad been bitten. Would to God
our religious teachers had, in years past, held up this
law of love for our guide ! But have not a great ma-
jority of them scoffed at the plainest teachings of Je-
sus, whose disciples they profess to be ; and, by fol-
lowing these blind guides, is not the nation now in a
Red Sea of blood well earned'? R. H. OBER.
EEOM KANSAS,
An article from the pen of Rev. Daniel FoBter of
Centralia, Kansas, has lately come to our notice, in
which the state of affairs in this portion of Kansas is
set forth in false colors, and, as the communication was
originally published in the Liberator, we respectfully
ask a hearing in the columns of the same.
The author of the communication referred to evi-
dently designs to convey the impression that, in the
affair which he attempts to relate, he was opposed by
a pro-slavery faction, and that the opposition was on
account of his anti-slavery sentiments, which is a base
misrepresentation, and has no foundation whatever in
truth, as the more thoroughly reliable anti-slavery
portion of this community is opposed to the general
course taken by him, since his return from the East in
the spring of 1861. The movement, on our part, has
nothing to do with slavery, but was inaugurated {so
far ns our action is concerned), for the establishment of
law and order, and for the purpose of rescuing our
community from the danger of falling into a debauch-
ed state of morals.
The Home Association, chartered in 1858, — the
Charter and Constitution of which provide for the
building of a fence around Home Town, and the loca-
tion of a seminary at the Centre — proved, in the
bands of certain persons, to be a swindling corporation.
From nine to eleven thousand dollars of the seminary
and fence fund had been collected, and appropriated
to the support of a few individuals. The good people
of HomeTown, not willing to bear the burden any
longer, at the last September election elected a new
Executive Committee, without any show of opposition,
scarcely, that the existing order of things might be
changed. But the old Committee, knowing full well
that they were no longer to feed on the spoils of office,
and Kansas relief, on the eve of the election, attempt-
ed {without the authority of the people of Home Town)
to place the seminary fund under the control of {bogus)
corporators, (the petition to the Probate Judge being
forged, and the inventory of property being, in part,
State school lands, &c.)
In this manner, this same Committee attempted to
make themselves corporators of Centralia Seminary,
and employed Mr. Foster to teach. The " bigots, hun-
kers and driftwood," anxious to educate their children,
sent them to school, notwithstanding their opposition
to the swindle. But, in time, the school began to
dwindle, everything seemed to be in confusion, excite-
ments were common, the house was closed against the
Lyceum, church societies were discommoded, Mr. Fos-
ter threatened suit for slander, testimony was filed in a
Justice's office, threatened suit not prosecuted, &c. &c.
Up to this time we waited for things to develop
themselves. In the meantime, relief contributions from
the East were made to subserve the purposes of the
Morse-Foster party. Sabbath-School clothing, instead of
being distributed to the Sabbath-School children, was
appropriated to the support of Mr. Foster. Two hun-
dred Mm's a month, as Relief Agent, is another item,
also, which we consider rather burdensome. The asser-
tion of Mr. Foster that we "had tried all legal means
to oust him from the building, and signally failed," is
utterly false. We are in possession of the house, and
have taken no steps but in accordance with legal ad-
vice. We bide our time. We believe the official
misconduct of Dr. McKay, Chairman of the Board of
Corporators, was, his disapprobation of the manner
in which the school was carried on. The comparison
of the*female teachers was certainly uncalled for, and
would bear reversing. We are not aware of any at-
tempt to get the doors and windows by a search-war-
rant : hut Mr. Foster did bring an action of replevin
against Dr. Hiddon for the doors and windows, and
withdrew the suit at his own cost.
On the 8th day of March, 1862, (after the house
had been vacant about one month,) the Executive
Committee of Home Association employed a teach-
er to take charge of the school, and to occupy the
house to protect it from any one who might be disposed
to act the part of an incendiary. On the 10th of
March, while the removal of the family was being
made, Daniel Foster, armed, and accompanied by
several attendants, burst open the door and entered
the house. His friends, armed with guns, began to
gather around the house. Mr. Foster drew a revolver,
and threatened to empty its contents. Up to this time,
no hostile demonstration had been made toward Mr.
Foster, with hatchets, axes or canes, or any other
weapon whatever, and no one had attempted to put
him out of the house. We awaited the operation of
the civil law, while our lives were in jeopardy by an
armed mob in and around the house. A writ was
placed in the hands of the Sheriff, and Daniel Foster
and his accomplices were taken before Justice Beers ;
they had the case removed, and it was removed and
tried before "Injustice" Lanham, (on whom Mr. Fos-
ter delights to heap such outrageous scandal.) Mr.
Foster and his two friends who refused to give bail
were not released, when the application for the Habeas
was answered by Judge Horton; but the decision of
Esquire Lanham was sustained.
John W. Davis, Pres. of Home Association.
Jno. S. Hidden, Sec'y.
J. W. Tcller, Auditor.
H. A. Goodman, I Business Committee of
John McBhatney, j Home Association.
Hiram H. Lanham, Justice of the Peace.
Joseph W. Franks,
O. P. Gallagher,
H. Grimes,
Charles Brainard,
William Anderson,
T. A. Campfield,
D. Wm. Granger,
Delos Reed,
S. B. H.,
E. D. Hymer,
Reuben Mosher,
and other citizens.
Centralia, Nemaha Co., (Kan.,) )
June 19, 1862. (
Education in Massachusetts. We have re-
ceived the Twenty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board
of Education, together with the Twenty-Fifth Annual
Report of the Secretary of the Board. This is a large
and handsomely printed volume, showing the state of
education and the schools in the various cities and
towns in Massachusetts, and therefore full of valuable
statistics and useful information. It also contains the
Reports of the Visitors of the various Normal Schools
in the Commonwealth and an Abstract of School Com-
mittees' Reports and of School Returns.
THE NEW CONSTITUTION OE ILLINOIS.
Earlville, La Salle Co., (111.) 1
June 26, 1862. J
Dear Mr. Garrison — The proposed Constitution,
by which rebel sympathizers expected to precipitate
Illinois into the vortex of civil war, is without doubt
defeated by some 12,000 majority, counting the votes
polled within the limits of the State. The votes of
the Illinois Volunteers, which the Convention pro-
vided, — in palpable violation of the Constitution and
laws of the State, — might be taken by unsworn Secesh
Commissioners, outside the limits of the State, are not
yet counted, nor even polled. The Commissioners
have until August to finish up the business. By that
time, they will know just how many votes to return,
to turn the scale in favor of the iniquity. The Chica-
go Times, the paper which undertook to get up a mob
when Phillips spoke at Chicago last winter, and the
Northwestern organ of Jeff. Davis, which Secretary
Stanton ought to have "wiped out" long ago, says
that "we (the Sceesh Democracy) are prepared for
just such an emergency " — a popular vote in the State
against the swindle. I expect, therefore, that we may
look out (or Calhoun-Kansas-candle-box returns from
our regiments in other States. But the Judges of our
Supreme Court, who would be ousted by the new
Constitution, can be relied on, in the last resort, to in-
terpose a decision against the legality of fishing for
votes outside of the State for a month after the elec-
tion. When the interest of Supreme Judges lies ex-
actly in the line of their duty, no one will doubt that
they can bo trusted. In our case, to save themselves,
they must save the State; therefore we, feel that we
are safe in any possible event. But it is said that the
soldiers have nearly all turned Abolitionists, and arc
voting against the "new Constitution," almost to a
man. If this be true, it would Beem difficult for these
pupils of candle-box Calhoun to invent, at this late
day, a new dodge. But we shall see.
The secret of John Wentworth's apostaey proves
to be, if we can believe " the papers," that his father-
in-law is the owner of abont two millions of the Mc-
Allister and Stebbins' bonds, the payment of which
the proposed Constitution expressly provided for.
The McAllister and Stebbins' bonds, so called, are
State bonds of Illinois, to the amount, at the present
time, interest and principle, of about three anil a half
millions, which some time in 1838 or '40 were hypoth-
ecated with a broker in New York for the sum of
two hundred and eighty thousand dollars, and after-
wards by said broker disposed of as his own in the
market. The State was ready to pay the borrowed
money when due, and has always held herself in
readiness to do so, but these bonds could not be bad,—
the holders claiming to be innocent purchasers, and
entitled to the full amount of the bonds. This was
known to be a fraudulent pretence, and the Slate has
steadily refused to pay the bonds, although every
legislature has been beleagured by the holders thereof,
and their agents, for twenty years. Well, it came to
pass, in the course of time, that " Long John," the
friend of John Brown, and since a radical abolitionist,
married the daughter of a very wealthy man in Chi-
cago, who, honestly or otherwise, was the holder of
the siiug sum of two millions, more or less, of these
bonds. John became tilt' advocate of a Constitutional
Convention, to change the old Constitution ; the legis-
lature was invoked, and the Convention called; dele-
gates were elected, and assembled at Springfield, and
John appeared in their midst, and became the most
active and influential member— made an extravagant
eulogy upon Douglas, and became the friend and co-
worker of sceesh Democrats. The Constitution was
finished, and the Convention adjourned. John imme-
diately became the associate editor of the secesh
Times — worked day and night, made speeches, wrote
long editorials for the Times, went to Dutch balls,
drank bad whiskey at Irish wakes — in short, did an in-
credible amount of dirty work, to secure the adoption
of the New Constitution. But, on one fine day,
it was discovered that the new Constitution was made
to fit the case of the McAllister and Stebbins' bond-
holders, exactly. The people saw through the trick.
John's balloon leaked gas, and collapsed. Professors
Wise and LaMountain never tumbled as did Prof.
John. John's altitude was immense, but his descent
was immenser. His exact landing-place, or the extent
of his injuries, is not lenown, but is certainly worse
than a tree-top or a mill-pond, and eight days' subsis-
tence on roots and yabs. I commend the story of the
rise and fall of "Long John" to all men who are
tempted of the devil, in these latter days, to betray
Liberty and the People. A. J. GROVER.
PETITION TO CONGRESS.
On the 20th ult. Hon. Mr. Sedgwick presented to
the Congress of the United States the following peti-
tion, signed by more than five hundred of the adult
male citizens of Syracuse — fair samples of the profes-
sional, mercantile, mechanical and laboring men of
that city : —
Syracuse, May 15th, 1862.
To the Honorable Mt'tiibtr* of ilia Senate and House of
Representatives of the ignited Stutes in Congress assem-
bled:
Gentlemen: We, the undersigned, citizens of Sy-
racuse, in the State of New York, respectfully submit —
That as shivery is undeniably the cause of the pres-
ent civil war, which has already, during the past
twelve months, wasted hundreds of millions of proper-
ty, maimed the persons, and broken down the health
of tens of thousands of our countrymen, and destroy-
ed the lives of many thousands more :
That as this " peculiar institution " has ever been,
and must ever be, utterly incompatible with the ad-
ministration of a truly democratic government, and
with the accomplishment of the grand purposes of the
Union and Constitution of these United States of
America:
That as the holding of human beings as property,
and treatingjhem as domesticated brutes, is the most
tremendous sin of which individuals or a nation can
be guilty:
Therefore, the Rulers of this Republic ought to rid
it of this curse, — extirpate from our country every
fibre of " this root of bitterness," — and we hereby
.rnestly implore you so to do.
Feeling sure, as we do, that if slavery be allowed to
remain in the land, no peace that niigfit be patched
up could be true and lasting, and that our vast expen-
ditures in this civil war of money, time, health, limbs,
lives and virtues would be for naught, we therefore
entreat — we pray you — to adopt such measures as you
deem best to abolish slavery throughout the country
now a|hd forever.
The Negro Question in General Butler's
Department. A test in regard to the treatment of
refugee negroes has been reported to Washington by
Gen. Butler for the decision of the Government, It
appears that, on the 15th ult., about one hundred and
fifty negroes, comprising men, women and children,
had collected near the camp of Gen. Phelps, at Carrol-
ton, where they were likely to experience much suf-
fering from want of food and shelter, unless Govern-
ment aid could be extended to them, which could not
he done, owing to the order of General Butler exclud-
ing them from the lines.
One party, seventy-five in number, reported that
they were sent over the river by a planter named Le
Blanche, who gave them their choice of leaving before
sundown, or receiving fifty lashes each. Gen. Phelps
mt a communication to Gen. Butler on the subject,
ith the request that it should be transmitted to
Washington. With this request, Gen. B. has complied,
accompanying the letter of General Phelps with a
statement of his own. Gen. Butler concludes as fol-
lows : —
"The account of Gen. Phelps is the negro side of
the story; that above given is the story of Mr. Le
Blanche's neighbors, some of whom I know to be loy-
al men. Gen. Phelps, I believe, intends making this
a test case for the policy of the Government. I wish
it might be so, for the difference of our action upon
this subject is a source of trouble.
I respect his honest sincerity of opinion ; but I am
soldier, bound to carry out the wishes of my Gov-
ernment so long as I hold its commission, and I un-
derstand that policy to be the one 1 am pursuing. I
do not feel at liberty to pursue any other. If the poli-
cy of the Government is nearly that which I sketched
in my report upon this subject, as that which I have
ordered in this Department, then the services of Gen.
Phelps are worse than useless here.
If the views set forth in this report are to obtain,
then be is invulnerable ; for his whole soul is in it, and
he is a good soldier of large experience, and no braver
man lives. I beg to leave the whole question to the
President, with, perhaps, the needless assurance that
his wishes shall be loyally followed, even if not in
accordance with my own, as I have now no right to
have any on the subject. I write in haste, as the
steamer Mississippi is waiting this despatch. Await-
'ng the earliest possible instruction,
I have the honor to be your most obedient servant,
BENJ. F. BUTLER."
Mr. Mayor Wightman. A friend from a distance
writes : "Are there no enterprising people in Boston
or Roxbury who are willing to quench the flaming
impudence of Mayor Wightman in a horse-pond t My
fingers itch to make one of such a noble band!" It
would be a mistake to give Wightman even this dis-
tinction. He is simply a ridiculous bore, whose con-
ceit makes him a general laughing-stock, and who is
about as worthy of notice by dignified men and wo-
men as is Daniel Pratt, Jr. In point of rhetoric, his
letter to the President is hardly equal in merit to the
immortal Gridiron of his distinguished co-laborer. —
Norfolk County Gazette.
^="The Rev. Mr. Tenney, of Marlborough, sends
us for publication a letter addressed to the President,
in which the silly letter of the self-conceited Mayor
of Boston is pretty seriously chastised. We are not
sure that Mr. Wightman deserves so much attention.
He is evidently half-brother to the editor of the Etans-
will Gazette, and own cousin to the famous Mrs. Leo
Hunter, of the Pickwick Papers. It was a ridiculous
ambition that led him to publish that letter; but it
has already done some good, by causing even dys-
pepsia itself to shake its sides with laughter. This
Mr. Wightman of Boston, travelling away from the
sphere of his duties to assume care of tho State, as-
suming the manner of a great man, and talking to the
President as if he were an oracle ! Oh, nothing like
this is possible every day ! We cannot get angry
with the man. It does not surprise us, however, that
others, like Mr. Tenney, take his conceited utterances
more seriously, and become very much in earnest
against them. — Worcester Spy.
ftj?=" The new Constitution made for Illinois is
said to be rejected ; but the three odious sections di-
rected against the colored race have been adopted.
They are of a character that would disgrace Sahara
for savageness, and Caffraria for cruelty. If we shall
fail in the secession war, it will be as punishment for
the base prejudices and mean bigotry of a portion of
tho Northern people. That Illinois vote will do us
more damage abroad than could be made to prucecd
from the loss of ten pitched battles. Battles may
have their issues determined by a score of things that
shall not be discreditable to the losers, but deliberate
oppression of the weak by the strong creates disgust
even In the minds of despots. We shall be despised
as well in Vienna us in Venice. — Traveller.
THE OPERATIONS BEFOBE RICHMOND.
Three /Jays' Important Eveftt) — A Great Battle tin Fri-
day — Important. Strategic Movement. — White House
Evacuated — The Enemy Severely Repulsed.
The interruption of telegraphic communication with
Gen. McCieUan forbids anything beyond the barest
abstract of the recent great movements on the Penin-
sula. From the confused accounts by various bands,
we gather the following:— 1 '
On Wednesday morning, at 8 o'clock, an advance
was made by Hooker's Division, led by the Masachu-
setts 1st, which resulted in an engagement lasting all
that day, and giving us possession of the ground held
by the enemy. The position thus gained is said to be
Tavern Hill, an eminence commanding Richmond.
The report of our loss varies from 800 to 700, or even
1000.
The recent raid of rebel cavalry as far as the White
House, coupled, perhaps, with certain intelligence of
the enemy's intentions, led Gen. McCieUan to order
the abandonment of that base of operations for a new
one on James River. The removal of the sick and
wounded, stores, ammunition, &c, was begun on
Wednesday, and accomplished by a large fleet of sail-
ing vessels and steamers, with entire completeness.
On Thursday, the rebels began an attack on our right
wing, crossing the Cbickahotuiny.and advancing from
above Hanover Court House. The righting lasted
till night, when our troops were ordered to fall back.
Ten guns were taken from us by a sudden flank
attack, covered by the thick smoke which hung around
the pieces, and slowly drifted to leeward. A rebel
Major was taken prisoner by Count de Paris. He
states that the whole of Jackson's army was here and
in the attack on our right. The rebels had from
60,000 to 80,000 troops.
On Friday the battle was renewed with the great-
est intensity on both sides, and the losses cannot now
be estimated. Porter's Division seems to have borne
the brunt of this conflict with great heroism, though
ordered to retire at the close. The enemy, which be-
fore this whole affair bad been reinforced by Stone-
wall Jackson with his army, pushed for the White
House on Friday afternoon. The railroad was held
by us during the night, and on Saturday morning the
work of emptying the White House was almost per-
fect.
On Saturday, the rebels took possession of the cov-
eted position, but only to find the White House
burned, and no property of any consequence remain-
ing. Beyond this, we have no definite intelligence.
The general impression is, that the drawing in of our
right wing, which is the result of the three days'
fighting, and which places our entire force between
the Chickahominy and James Rivers, was designed
by Gen. McCieUan, and is a strategic movement exe-
cuted in the most masterly manner, and promising the
most important results. Meanwhile, Gen. Burnside
is said to be in the rear of Fort Darling, ready to co-
operate with our gunboats, and the position of Rich-
mond is thought to be critical.
The enemy made his appearance in considerable
force at the White House, about 7 o'clock Saturday
evening, and although he neither found bread for man
nor bay for beast, was welcomed with heavy showers
of grape shot from the three gunboats which were
ranged along in front of the landing. They were
supposed to be 30,000 strong, and unless they brought
their haversacks well supplied, they must have gone
supperless to bed.
Gen. Casey reports that he lost not a man, nor did
he leave a soul behind, not even a contraband.
At 10 o'clock on Saturday morning, Col. Ingalls
and Capt. Sawtelle were before Yorktown with an
immense convoy of vessels and steamers, on their
way to the new base of operations on James river.
S^= The New York Tribune has the following list
of killed at Meehaniesvillc : Col. Samuel W. Black,
62d Pennsylvania, formerly Governor of Nebraska,
by a ball through the head, while leading a charge
through a piece of woods ; Col. John W. McLane,
83d Pennsylvania; Col. Magilton, 4th Pennsylvania.
Reported: Capt. Carr, 10th Michigan; Capt. H. S.
Brown, Co. I, 83d Pennsylvania; Capt. MoCafferty,
9th Massachusetts ; Capt. Madigan, 9th Massachusetts;
1st Lieut. R. Nugent, Co. I, do.; Lieut. Francis O.
Dowd, Co. I, do.; Joseph Simpson, Co. E, 2d Pa.;
Private Partridge, Co. E, 5th New York; Private
Nesmith, 12th U. S. Infantry.
Reported wounded: Col. Duryea, 5th N. Y. ; Col.
Warren, Acting Brigadier General in Sykes' Division;
Major Hall, 5th N. Y.
The First Massachusetts Regiment suffered most
severely, losing at least 75 killed and wounded, of
whom three were captains and three lieutenants. The
seventh Massachusetts lost 15 killed and wounded by
sharpshooters and skirmishers. Only one was killed.
Lieut. J. C. Bullock of Fall River was unfortunately
mortally wounded by one of our own shells.
Col. Hinks's Nineteenth Massachusetts lost some
forty men, of whom twelve were killed. The Second
Rhode Island had five killed and twenty-five wounded.
Private Chas. Blake, Company E, Seventh Massachu-
setts, is complimented for his gallantry. He was se-
verely wounded in the shoulder, but not disabled.
After his wound was dressed, he returned to the bat-
tle-field, and fought until he was disabled by a wound
in the leg.
Count de Paris testified to the remarkable good con-
duct of all the regiments that sustained the unequal
attack on Porter; they gave way indeed, but not one
of them ran. Their losses are enormous. The regu-
lar 11th cavalry are about annihilated. Nearly every
officer is killed or wounded. The 1-ith suffered se-
verely.
Major Rosselle, of the regulars, a kinsman of Mc-
CieUan, was killed. Col. Pratt of a New York regi-
ment was killed, and Lieut. Cols. Black and Sweitzer.
Our loss in officers is very marked. Indeed, the
disproportion in numbers was so extraordinary, and
the obstinacy of our troops so unyielding, that our
losses were inevitably large.
The artillery in both Porter's and Smith's divisions
piled the rebels in heaps. The fire was horribly effec-
tive.
The New York Herald's report, dated the 27th,
states that our killed and wounded on that day reach-
ed 1200.
At Savage's Station, the wounded already fill the
great street of tents in the garden, and begin to pave
the grass yard as after the H^pen Pines. The same
moaning and shrieking all the night as then, and
again bear testimony against the style of warfare,
which submits regiments to the fire of brigades.
It is reported that Stonewall Jackson was killed, and
that one of our Brigadier Generals was taken prison-
er, together with an entire regiment.
Gen. McCieUan, with much severe fighting, had
penetrated and passed through White Oak Swamp,
with 40,000 men and 100 pieces of artillery, to a se-
cure and advantageous position, and subsequently cut
through a line of communication with James river.
It is reported that during the two days fighting Gen.
McClcllan's loss was 10,000.
Sanguinary Battle on James Island. A dar-
ng and desperate effort was made by the Federal for-
ces of the Second Division, under Brigadier-General
Stevens, on the 16th ult., to carry the formidable rebel
fortifications at the point of the bayonet, wholly un-
aided by cannon, at James Island, near Charleston, S.
C. It was temporarily successful, but resulted very
disastrously in the sequel, for lack of adequate sup-
port. Gen. Stevens, in his report, says : —
Parties from the leading regiments of two brigades,
the Eighth Michigan and the Seventy-ninth Highland-
ers, mounted and were shot down on the parapet, of-
ficers and men. Those two regiments especially cov-
ered themselves with glory, and their fearful casual-
ties show the hot work in which they were engaged.
Two-fitths of the Eighth Michigan and nearly one-
quarter of the Seventy-ninth Highlanders were struck
down, either killed or wounded; and nearly all the
remaining regiments — One Hundreth Pennsylvania,
Seventh Connecticut, Forty-sixth New York and
Twenty-eighth Massachusetts — had a largo number of
casualties.
The Richmond papers give glowing accounts of
their late victory on James Island. The Charleston
correspondent of the Richmond Despatch writes : —
Every day's exploration of the surrounding woods
reveals additional dead of the enemy. It has been as-
certained that a body of the Federals attempted to
cross a swamp, where many of them stuck fast in the
mud, and were killed and drowned by our shells.
Finally, the tide came up and drowned both dead and
wounded. Two hundred and fifty of the enemy have
already been buried by onr troops, and fifty additional
dead bodies were discovered yesterday. The total
loss of the enemy in the battle cannot be far from —
Killed and left on the field, - 300
Taken prisoners, -----, 130
Wounded and dead carried oft" the field, estimated, 700
Total loss of the enemy, - - 1,130
The Confederate loss in this glorious victory is —
Killed, - . . 4s
Wounded, \qq
Total Confederate 1
1,M
Evacuation of James Island. We have news
by the arrival of the Matanzas from Port Royal, that
Gen. Hunter has entirely evacuated James Island.
This is, of course, a complete abandonment of the
present attempt upon Charleston — a consequence of
the failure to take the rebel battery at Secessionville.
The position seems to have been so important, that
while its possession would have given us an impreg-
nable front, the failure to capture it makes Gen. Hun-
ter's previous entrenched camp untenable, and in-
volves his withdrawal from the island.
LLyif~ The death of tho brave Col. Ellet, of the ram
flotilla at Memphis, is announced. Also that of his
wife, through grief at his loss.
An Attempted Ne<jro Inhl'hr6ctkj». The
Greensboro Motiae, (Mississippi,) of June 14th gives"
information of an attempt Of the negroes at insurrec-
tion :
•' We learn from a reliable source that the negroes
were arming themselves very rapfdly with such wea-
pons as they could get at Double Springs, Oktibbeha
county, twenty-two miles from this place, to kill off all
the men and boys. By some means they were de-
tected fn their plot by the citizens of Double Springs
and were arrested.
Upon being questioned as to what their intention
was, they replied that they were to murder all the
white males on the 18th of June, and that they had
already picked out their choice of white women for
their wives. Our informant says that the citizens bad
arrested eight or ten negroes and two white men.
He further states that tbey are to be tried to-day,
and three of the negroes will certainly hang, and the
others will be severely lynched. We do not know
what they will do with the white men, but we are
confident- if they can prove what the negroes say, they
will be apt to pull hemp."
Illness of Senator Wieson. The Washington
correspondent of the Boston Traveller says :
" Senator Wilson has been quite ill for a few days.
He is at the Washington House, corner of Third
street and the Avenue, his old place, and is convales-
cent. He has been quite ill — much more so than most
of his friends hereabouts supposed. He is so active a
member of the Senate, that he is instantly missed
from his place. He is one of the most useful mem-
bers of Congress, doing more work for the govern-
ment and nation than a dozen ordinary members. He
hopes to be able to be back in his seat in the Senate
ealy next week."
"WOMAN AND THE PEESS.
On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held ia
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While
none questioned the value and the need of such an instru-
ment in the Woman's Rights cause, the difficulties tbat
would endanger or even defea-t the enterprise were fully
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should
be made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable
an object, we insert and call attention to the following
PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL :
When wo consider that there is scarcely a party, sect,
business organization or reform which is not represented
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting. -
one half of humanity, should have no organ, in America,
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par-
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread
attention in this country than in any other, while in no
other country can the double power of free speech and a
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap-
pears stranger from'the fact that conservative England has
successfully supported a journal of this sort for years with
acknowledged utility.
America needs such a journal ti centralize and give im-
petus to the efforts which are being made in varioifs direc-
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs it most
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both as act-
ors and sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na-
tion, while so many others are forced by the loss of hus-
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup-
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, are
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which
will leave to that of woman the most prominent place
henceforth.
To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish
a Woman's Journal, based on the motto, "Equal Rights
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur-
nish an impartial platform for the free discussion of these
interests in their various phases. It will aim to colleetand
compare the divers theories promulgated on the subject,
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made in behalf of
women, in this country and elsewhere, and to render all
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time
it will neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro-
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com-
prise reviews of current social and political events, arti-
cles on literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton,
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature —
in short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will be open,
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers on the sub-
jects of which it treats, under the usual editorial discretion,
only requiring that they shall aeeept, a priori, the motto of
the paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion,
mong the contributors already secured to the Journal
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Maria
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Elizabeth Palmer
Peabody, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips,
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higginsou, Moncure D. Conway,
Theodore Tilton, and" William H. Channing ; and other
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains
will bD spared to enlist the best talent in the country, and
to make tho paper one of literary merit as well as practical
utility.
Tho Journal will be issued semi-monthly, in octavo form,
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars per annum, the first number
appearing on the 1st of October next, and will be publish -
" in Boston.
Subscriptions will be received from this date by agents of
Journal, or by the Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2,
to be paid on the receipt of the first number of the Journal.
In this connection,we would earnestly solicit the co-operation
of friends of woman throughout the country, in extending
the subscription list of tho Journal, and thus plaeing it on
tHat permanent basis which will insure its continued util-
ity and success. Those interested in the enterprise are re-
spectfully requested to communicate with tho editors at the
above address.
A discount of twenty-five percent, will be made to agents.
Agents will please return all prospectuses with names
before the loth of July.
MARY L. BOOTH, '
MARIE E. ZAKRZEWSEA, M. D.
Boston, May 15, 18G2.
W ESSEX COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY CONVEN-
TION AND PIC-NIC.— By invitation of Rev. Elam Burn-
ham, tho friends and lovers of freedom will hold an Anti-
Slavery gathering on his premises, in Hamilton, on Sunday,
the sixth day of July, commencing at 10 o'clock in the
forenoon. Should the day prove favorable, it is confident-
ly expected that alarge concourse will bo present from tho
surrounding towns.
It is proposed that all attending should furnish their
own refreshments, tho place being at some distance from
tho village, in tho south-easterly part of the towu.
Parker Pii.lsbhrv, Henri- C. Wright, and other
speakers are expected to address the Convention.
EF" MEETINGS AT WORCESTER— Charles C.
Borlkigu will speak at Washburn Hall, in Worcester, on
Sunday next, July li, at 3 o'clock in tho afternoon, and
at half-past 7 iu the evening.
0T E. U. HEYWOOD will speak in Milford, N. H.,
Sunday, July 13, at 1 and 5 o'clock, P. M.
33J- WM. WELLS BROWN will speak as follows :
Feltonvillo, Sunday, July 6, morning and afternoon.
Marlboro', " " in tho evening.
Subject: "What shall bo done with the slaves when
they are liberated ?"
OT REMOVAL. — DISEASES OF WOMEN AND
CHILDREN. — Margarbt B. Brown, M. D., and Wm.
Symington Brown, M. D., have removed to No. 23,
Chaunoy Street, Bostou, where they may bo consulted on
the above diseases. Office hours, from 10, A. M., to i
o'clock, P. M. 3m March 28.
&-MK11CY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed on
880 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par-
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children.
JttfWrnrrx.— Luther Clark, M. D.; David Thayer, M. P.
Office hours from 2 to i, P. M.
;;.jf srMMKK i; K30RT— Rocnd Hill Horn, North-
ampton, Mass.— Terms— $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per
week.
" its t-eiuiiii'ui sMMry, toUgbtfoJ lawttoapa vfan, put
mountain spring water, fine carriage drives, ami sxtttah •,.
(brant parks, rander It a obanaing retreat, beta for tho
pleasure seakar and the invalid."'— Xrw Hmm Journal.
MARRIED— In this, city, Juno 21. by Rov. I,. A.
linuies, -Mr. KmviN M.utai; Ki Miss .\v. 1 1 * ^ r . Pikhiu.
108
THE L I B E rt A. T O E .
JULY 4
tf t K g .
From tho N. T.
THE DAT OP G0D.1
BY GEO. S. BttHLEIGn.
All blessings walk with onward feet ;
No day dawns twice, no night comes back ;
Tho ear of doom, or slow or fleot,
Kolls down an unretuming track.
"What wo havo been, we cannot bo ;
Forward, inexorable Fate
Points mutely to her own decree —
Beyond her hour is all too late.
God reaps his judgment-field to-day,
And sifts the darnel from tho wheat ;
A whirlwind sweeps tho chaff away,
And firo tho refuge of deceit.
Onoo in a century only blooms
Tho flower of fortune so sublimo
As now hangs budded o'er tho tombs
Of tho great fathors of old time.
Eternal Justice sits on high,
And gathers in her awful scales
Our shame and glory — Slavery's Ho,
And Freedom's starry countervails.
When falls her sword, as fall it must
In red Eellona's fiery van,
Let the old anarch bite the dust,
And rise the rescued rights of Man.
In vain a nation's bloody sweat,
Tho sob of myriad hearts in vain,
If the scotched snako may live to set
Its venom in our flesh again.
Priests^ of an altar fired onco more
For Freedom in His awful name,
Who trod the wine-press, dripping goro,
And gave tho Law in lurid flame, —
Oh, not in human wrath, that wroaks
fievengo for wrong, and blood for blood ;
Not in tho fiery will that seeks
_ Erate power in battle's stormy flood,—
Go forth, redeemers of a land,
Sad, stern, and fearless for the Lord,
Solemn and calm, with firm right hand
Laid to the sacrificial sword.
The lords of treason and tbo whip
Have called you to the dread appeal,
From tho loud cannon's fevered lip,
And tho wide flash of bristling steel.
If now the echo of that voice
Shake down their prison-house of wrong,
They have their own perfidious choice ;
For God is good, and Truth is strong.
Their steel draws lightning, and the bolt
But fires their own volcanic mine ;
God in their vineyard of Revolt
Treads out his sacramental wine !
Bo this our conquest, — as they gave
Their all to Treason and the Chain,
Wo snap tho fetter from the slave,
And make car sole revenge their gain !
From the H". Y. Tribune.
THE LOYAL DEMOCRAT,
Mouth not to mo your Union rant,
Nor gloze mine ears with loyal cant !
Who stands this day in Freedom's van,
He only is my TJmion Man !
Who tramples Slavery'3 Geslor hat,
He is my Loyal Democrat !
With whips engirt by chains, too long
We strove to make our fasees strong ;
When Bebcl hands those fasces rend,
Must wo with whips and chains still mend ?
If " Democrats " cud stoop to that,
God help me, Im no Democrat !
Thank Heaven ! the lines are drawn this hour,
'Twist Manly Eight and Despot Power ;
Who scowls in Freedom's pathway now,
Boars " Tyrant " stamped upon his brow ;
Who skulks aloof, or shirks his part,
Hath " Slate " imprinted in his heart.
In vain of " Equal Eights" yo prato,
Who fawn like dogs at Slavery's gato !
Beyond the slave each slave-whip smitos,
And codes for Blacks are laws for Whites ;
The chains that negro limbs encoil,
Beach and enslave each child of Toil !
Northern Men ! when will ye learn
Tis Labor that these tyrants spurn 7
'Tis not the blood or skin they brand,
But every Poor Man's toil-worn hand ;
And ye who serve them — knowing this —
Deserve the slave-lash that ye kiss !
While Northern blood remembrance craves
From twice ten thousand Southern graves,
Shall free-born hearts — beneath the turf —
Lie always crushed by tramp of serf 7
And pilgrims, at those graves, some day,
By Slavery's hounds be driven away 7
The green grass in the church-yard waves —
The good corn grows o'er battle-graves ;
But, ! from crimson seeds now sown,
What crops — what harvest — shall be grown !
On Shiloh's plain — on Roanoke's sod —
What fruits shall spring from blood, God !
Spring-time is here ! The Past now sleops —
Tho Present sows — the Future reaps !
Who plants good seed in Freedom's span,
He only is my Union Man !
Who treads the weeds of Slavery flat,
He is my Loyal Democrat !
A. J. H. Dt/GANNE.
New York, May 23, 1862.
'ANOTHER VICTOKY "--WHO IS BEREAV-
ED?
Who are widows, — who aro orphans 7
Victory again is won ;
Who will bear tho news of sadness
To the lonely, stricken one 7
Who will tell how fell tho father,
Husband, brother, in the fray 7
Who will bear their " last sad whisper,"
As their llfe-tido flowed away 7
Who can paint the depths of anguish
That must follow all this strife 7
Meroy weeps, and wails in sadness,
O'er this waste of human life :
Who can sound tho depths of sorrow?
Dread suspense " is but a part" ;
Thousands, waiting, soon will shudder,
And will griovo with broken heart.
Who will gather in the orphans 7
Seo thorn cluster round the hearth 7
Who can still their merry prattlo,
Check their childish joy and mirth?
And thoir laughter — turn to sorrow —
Telling how their father diod 7
List, with pity, to their weeping '.
Draw them closely to thy side !
Thero wcro broth ors, — there wero lovers, —
Bravely, too, " they fought and fell ;"
Who will boar tho saddening tidings
To tho loved, "thoy loved so well "7
Who will tell that trusting maiden
Where his manly form was lain?
Tell her, hut, 0, toll her gently !
'Twas her lovod one "'inong tho slain"!
Tell hor, " yes — she was romombored t "
'Twas her imago on his breast !
Thoro her miniaturo was resting !
By his stiffen'd hand 'twas press'd !
Sure the loving aro tho bravest !
Ever bravest — truo and tried —
'Twas for her, and for her country,
That tho youthful hero diod !
Bear tho tidings — bear them gently !
Toll tho widow where ho fell ;
Whore tho husband fought so bravely
For bis country, long and woll !
Toll her how hor namo was spoken,
Ere his spirit wing'd its flight,
Whisporing, " my bleeding country !
And "My Mary, Uod*aud Bight * "
PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND HIS MESSAGES.
From the first, the aim and purpose of the Presi-
dent have been to restore the Union as it was. To
this end, he has done his best to assure tho people of
the South, slaveholders or otherwise, that, under his
administration, the pro-slavery guaranties of the Con-
stitution, and tho laws for carrying them out, should
be executed to the fullest extent.
"Were such a consummation practicable, it would by-
no means bo desirable. To wish it, were to wish the
recurrence of all the Bufferings and calamities which
have come upon the nation during the past year. To
labor for it, wero to sow the seeds of future revolu-
tions. Judging from results alone, such a conclusion
is inevitable. Evidently, it was a Union "not fit to
bo made." It was an attempt to harmonize principles
which, in their very nature, aro antagonistic and ir-
reconcilable. And we aro reaping their legitimate
fruits in tho turmoil and calamities of civil and do-
mestic strife. Thus far, certainly, it has failed "to
establish justice, to insure domestic tranquillity, or to
secure the blessings of liberty," even for ourselves.
With such an experience, what consummate folly it
would be, out of the same materials, with the same
elements, now exasperated into tenfold virulence, upon
the same basis, to attempt to form a more perfect
Union than the old 1
It must not be done. "Who and what are the men
whom tho President is endeavoring, with so much
earnestness, to recal, to their allegiance, and to a re-
union with their unehiding and forgiving brethren of
the free States 1 White men at the South, who con-
spire and hold four millions of God's children in ah-
ject slavery, bind them, and task them, and exact
their sweat with stripes, that they themselves may
revel in luxury and inglorious ease. Nor is this all
standing between them and their Creator, trampling
upon their right to life and liberty, they withhold from
thera all the joy and blessedness which spring from
the exercise and development of their intellectual,
social and moral natures. No ties are sacred.
The wrongs and cruelties of the slave system are
absolutely measureless ; language cannot compass
them; and yet, they owe their very existence to the
strenuous, persistent, united exertions of a few intelli-
gent but selfish and aristocratic white men at the
South, who, in the enjoyment of dignified leisure,
have contrived to give shape and consistency to all
the political institutions of that region. Indeed, tho
Constitutions and laws of the slave States, so far
they relate to this subject, are but the compacts by
which two hundred and fifty thousand slave-owners
agree to sustain each other in the ceaseless perpetra-
tion of this outrage upon human rights.
By the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the na>
tion was involved in it. The people of the Eastern
States, however reluctantly, recognized the wrong,
and, for the sake of the Union, lent it their aid. The
result has been, that, for seventy years, the slave oli-
garchy have controlled and wielded the power and re-
sources of the nation, for their own selfish purposes,
viz., "the preservation, extension and perpetuation of
that wicked institution."
Cheeked in their career by the growing power of
the free States, our ancient allies have deliberately
set at nought the corner-stone of our republican in-
stitutions — the right of the majority to rule. Out-
voted, they have assumed the right of secession, and
with it, exclusive jurisdiction of the soil within their
respective States. Conspiring against the nation's
life, they have revolted against the Government, and
defied its power. Worsted in argument, they have
appealed to force, and, invoking foreign intervention,
they have attempted to destroy the republic, and es-
tablish a slaveholding empire of their own. To-
wards this nation and its subjects, then, they
have shown themselves criminals of the deepest dye.
Much, therefore, as we might wish to be rid of them,
we had no right to let them go. We were bound, if
possible, to hold in cheek these petty tyrants, to dis-
allow their treachery and wholesale robberies of our-
selves, lest, elated with success, and availing them-
selves of foreign intervention, they should seize and
hold the coveted territories of neighboring republics,
aud thus extend their slaveholding domain.
The idea of separation, therefore, was not to be en-
tertained for a moment. For our neighbors' and the
slaves' sake, as well as our own, the rebellion must be
crushed, its authors and abettors subdued; the vaunted
Confederacy must be disbanded, and its people be
brought into obedience to the authority and laws of
the United States.
To this end, as the Chief Magistrate and represen-
tative head of a great nation, clothed with its au-
thority, and moving in the majesty of its strength,
the President should have addressed them only in the
language of authority— calling upon thera, in the name
of the people, in the name of justice and equality,
to lay down their arms. Cannon-balls, not" flattering
proclamations, have been and are the appropriate ar-
guments. In such a cause, with a foe so desperate
and defiant, and so strong, the language of entreaty,
soft words and complimentary addresses are wholly
out of place. At present, nothing of less potency than
bayonets and cannon-balls will reach the case. Let
us say to the President, ply them, then, till the reb-
els call to parley, and sue for peace. And, to hasten
the result, cripple their power of resistance by pro-
claiming freedom to the slaves. So shall the authori-
ty of the government be maintained; the rebellion
shall be crushed, the nation shall be saved ; not, how-
ever, by renewing and restoring, but by eliminating
and expelling the vicious and disturbing elements
which threaten its life.
Oh that the President were wise, and great, and
good enough to proclaim and maintain liberty and
justice throughout all the land, among all the inhabi-
tants thereof ! Alas ! he is not, but dares to leave
it to the wisdom and discretion of those whose per-
verseness can find scope, whose malignity and hatred
can be gratified, and whose social and political con-
sideration can be maintained only by tho conservation
of the old order of things. Oh, that the people were
wise and good enough to demand that measure at his
hands ! They are not. People and President alike
indulge the vain hope, and guilty purpose, of reconcil-
iation and political "eunion with the dominant classes
in the rebel States ; while they leave in;their grasp the
very institution which occasioned their secession, and
which they are still fighting to maintain. What an
egregious blunder!
From the first, it is manifest that the President has
had very inadequate conceptions of the character and
strength of the enemy, or of the magnitude of the
work he was called upon to do. Hence his errors of
judgment in regard to the necessary and appropriate
means for* its accomplishment. The attack on Fort
Sumter indicated, clearly enough, the desperate and
determined character of tho foe. And I hold it was
unmanly, utterly unworthy the head of a great na-
tion, to ply them with threats, with flattery or money,
to induce them to return to their allegiance. Like
other criminals, they should be held to their alle-
giance.
The proposal of emancipation, with compensation,
says the President, " makes common cause for a com-
mon object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts
not tho hypocrite." Is our type of civilization, then
no higher or better than theirs 1 If they are as good
men"and as good patriots as we are, why should we
be at war with them ? It may be said that we con-
tend with them not as slaveholders, hut as rebels. I
reply, they are rebels because they aro slaveholders.
They know there can be no cordial union with us
while slavery endures. They perceive the onward
march of freedom's host ; the ground trembles at their
approach. In Swedcnborgian phrase, they feel her
sphere spreading over and enveloping them, and, with
the instinctive, strong antipathy of bad to good, they
shun the approach ; would quit the Union bodily, lest
they ho ground to powder and absorbed by it.
The distinctive purpose Of the Republican party
has been aud is the exclusion of slavery from the
Territories of the United States. And while that
purpose stands, it is a perpetual protest against the
folly and wickedness of slaveholding or of slave-trad-
ing. In their view, the principle is wrong, the prac-
tice is immoral. If, therefore, they have abolished
slavery in the District of Columbia, or prohibited it in
the Territories, it was because they believed thero
was something wrong in it. It was a reproach to the
nation to retain it there ; a reproach to increase or ex
tend it. It was a reproach to the nation to have it
anywhere within its borders ; and the reproach must
fall, with all its weight and point, upon those who per-
petrate the wrong, wheresoever they may be found,
It is an imputation of criminality, of moral obliquity
and wrong-doing.
For President Lincoln, therefore, or his party,
disavow the reproach which their whole course and
purpose imply, is to avow their indifference to the
principle. It is to put themselves on the same moral
level with slaveholders ; and, in that case, it would he,
indeed, the most natural and becoming thing in the
world for them to open their arms to their slavehold-
ing brethren at the South, and, with the most urgent
appeals, entreat them to return to their allegiance;
assuring them that they shall have all the protection
to life and property which the fathers promised, though
'"Tis a sin to swear unto a sin,
But greater sin to keep the sinful oath."
The credulity of the President is truly marvellous
After proposing compensation to slaveholdeT s for in-
conveniences, public and private, which they may suf-
fer from a change of system, he says to them — " So
much good has not been done by one effort in all past
time, as, in the Providence of God, it is your high
privilege to do," by taking the initiatory step towards
" the gradual abolishment of slavery." As if, just
at this time, the slaveholders of this country were in
a frame of mind to do good on a gigantic scale ! In
the first place, such magnanimity and generosity are
hardly compatible with the position and character of
genuine slaveholder, at any time; and if they were,
they would be vitiated, in the present case, by the fact
of compensation. Why, I would as soon think of
the arch-enemy of God and man doing the work of a
saint.
Again : if emancipation would indeed be so great a
good, (and I am not disposed to deny it,) what may
we not say of the neglect of it? Does it not imply a
corresponding strength and depth of wickedness, on
tho part of the persistent slaveholder '? How, then,
shall he escape our censure and reproach 7 What if
the President's entreaties pass unheeded, and the ty
rants still refuse to let their bondmen go 1 The vast
future will lament it; the curses of posterity will fall,
in no stinted measure, upon those, who, having the
opportunity to pour along their path unnumbered bles-
sings, withhold them, and, instead, deal ceaseless mis-
ery and woe. In the ease of slaveholding, the crime
of doing, and of not undoing, is the same. We cast
reproaches now ; and were it not for the impoteney of
his position, fettered as he is by the letter of the Con-
stitution, the President would not fail to east reproach-
es too. We cast reproaches upon the slaveholders of
our day, not only because they arc slaveholders, but
because they are rebels — rebels for the purpose of
slaveholding. They wish to be rid of us, that they
may be free to exercise their tyranny without re-
straint. •
The abolition of slavery would be the easiest thing
in the world, if the people, North and South, would
only consent to it. Then, indeed, " the change it con-
templates might come gently as the dews of heaven."
But the time for its abolishment has not yet come. 1 The
disposition and the will for it have yet to be created.
The nation is not ready for it. Certainly, the Presi-
dent is not. He still believes that the rebellion can
be crushed, the authority of the government main-
tained, and peace restored without it. He is aware
that slavery is at the bottom of the rebellion
is its root and cause. He is alive to the momen
tous crisis through which we are passing, and would
gladly save the ship of State, which reels and
shudders amid the. surging and troubled sea. But,
instead of seizing the helm, putting on steam, and
pushing for the best and nearest port, he lets her drive,
calling upon the rebellious, cloud-compelling South to
pause in her mad career, as if, at his earnest appeal,
the blasts of war would cease, the tempest would
hushed, and from a dozen points at once favoring
breezes would spring up, and blowing us in the same
direction, bear us smoothly on to the same wished-for
haven of peace I Who believes it ?
The question has often been asked, what shall we
do with the slaves, if they are set free ? I do not pro-
pose to answer it. Frederick Douglass says, "Do
nothing with them." Cease to oppress them, take off
their shackles, acknowledge their manhood, remove
their civil disabilities, and leave them to work out
their own welfare.
The President says, colonize them. Aud he
an honorable man, a representative man; represents
fairly, perhaps, the spirit of the nation, or even that
of the nominally free States. Certainly he is no abo-
litionist. So far from grappling with the spirit of
caste, by this measure, he recognizes and encourages
it, — encourages the prevailing dislike, the contempt
and hatred of the colored race. Does he propose to
enfranchise them, to acknowledge their citizenship, to
enroll them as soldiers, and send them forth to fight
the battles of their native land, as if they had an in
terest in its welfare? On the contrary, he is contend-
ing only for the salvation of the government. As a
measure of justice to the slaves, what is that to him ?
It i3 the white man's government, and, except inci-
dentally, is to be administered according to his wishes,
and for his special benefit.
But what shall be done with the slave-owners, if
they are compelled to lay down their arms and let
their bondmen go ? " Do nothing with them " ? Nay,
they will constitute, and should be denominated, em-
phatically, " the dangerous classes." Shall we expa-
triate them ? What is that but to let loose a despe-
rate horde of criminals and outlaws, with their ill-got-
ten wealth, to annoy and prey upon neighboring
States and nations ? Shall we seek out some Pit-
cairn's Island, some Botany Bay, and colonize them
there, where, at a safe distance from the world of men,
they can prey only upon each other?
The demands of justice would be satisfied with
neither. They are subjects of the United States Gov-
ernment, and should be held to their allegiance; com-
pelled to keep the peace, and earn an honest liveli-
hood, if need be, even in tho penitentiary. To admit
them, at once, to the rights and privileges of citizen-
ship — to offices of trust, where their voices would be
heard, and their influence felt, in remoulding the po-
litical institutions, State and national, of the whole
country, would be preposterous. They must undergo
lustration — must be put upon probation, five, ten, or
twenty years, till every vestige of disloyalty is oblite-
rated from their minds and hearts. Shall we enter
into fresh compacts, or new treaties with them ? What
guarantee have we, that they will manifest more fldcl-
ty in tho future, than they have done' 111 tho past?
Only this : the object for which they have been con-
tending, slavery, wilt have passed away, and, instead
of bracing themselves up to defend and maintain their
pro-slavery position, the agitation of the matter, how-
ever violent, must subside also. Instead of engaging
in angry debate, instead of being borne along by the
hirlwind of discussion, to which tho President in-
vites them, new exigencies will demand new meas-
and the labor of their thoughts will be, to adapt
themselves to the new order of things— to the nobler
and happier condition of freedom. II. W. C.
DouciiJiSTEii, June 20, 1802.
LETTER PROM MRS. OUTLER.
JB, (III.,) June 10, 1862.
Jackson v:
Demi Liherator:
Since my last joltings, I have been doing a large
amount of hard work — hard enough to suit my most
estimable friend Mrs. Pardicle. In the first place, I
must premise that this pleasant town is delightful
enough for a second paradise, with its shaded walks,
its blossoming shrubs, its pretty homes, its rare
suburban scenery.
It is also designated, by the especial favor of the
State, as the location of all tho public charities, save
the penitentiaries, reserved for towns more in the
commercial line. The asylums for the blind, the
mutes and the insane, would honor the philanthropy
of any State. I have seen none in older States ap-
parently better conducted.
Then, there are important schools here, the Illinois
College, the Methodist Female College, and the Pres-
byterian Academy. There are the usual number of
churches, and more than the usual number of church
quarrels. Indeed, in most Edens, the serpent coils
his way in, and disturbs the quiet of the happy deni-
zens, and this is no exception. I have often observed
that the most pious people, in their own estimation,
quarrel with the most zeal over their own dogmas,
assured that they are right and all else aro wrong.
Thus much in explanation of the efforts needed for
success. The friend at whose house I met a cordial
welcome was about leaving home, so I could not se-
cure his aid, only a few judicious suggestions. The
hard work of making arrangements, I found all fall-
ing on my own hands. Some other matters stood in
the way of securing an early audience, such as prayer
meetings, concerts, &c., so my time was fixed for
Saturday night. There is but one hall at present that
can be used, and the price for that is so exorbitant that
I did not think it safe to engage it, but sought a
church. A good old-fashioned anti-slavery man in-
troduced me to one of the stewards of the M. E
Church, and in him I found a most disinterested CO'
adjutor; but, unfortunately, he was attacked with
hemorrhage of the lungs, and could do little more
than give directions.
The prejudice against the negro is not the only
prejudice to be encountered, as I have long since
learned; for it is almost as great a crime to be
woman, and yet feel a desire to benefit the world by
public efforts, as it is to have a black skin and a woolly
head, and yet desire freedom. The great truth at the
bottom of all this turmoil is, that poor humanity wants
service; that slaves get bread for their masters by
the sweat of their brow, and hence cannot be spared
the vicarious suffering; and that women assume the
care of the preparation of all the needed luxuries of
life, including pastry and buttons, and this double
service renders man lordly indeed, his only care now
being a needful vigilance lest these most essential
accessories of his being should find some independent
vocation.
Now, the example of a negro escaping from his mas-
ter, or of a woman leaving the duties of the kitchen
and the parlor to other hands, for any other purpose
than a pleasure excursion, is an example as deleteri-
ous to the interests of respectable society, as the diso-
bedience of Vashti ; and the lords of this mundane
sphere often treat such accordingly.
I remember once hearing a very devoted husband
say to dear aunt Fanny (Mrs. F. D. Gage) that she
ought to be at home, mending her husband's stock-
ings. "My husband is a man, and can buy a new
pair, if old ones are out at the toes," was her cool
reply, but she of course felt that our sphere was
clearly defined by this sage.
I found plenty of this feeling here, and had to
satisfy the good people that my own family was
amply provided for in my temporary absence. These
important preliminaries once adjusted, and my char-
acter as a decent, religious woman fully vouched for
by old friends, I at last got informal permission to use
the church. My bills were posted, and when the
evening came, I found myself at the church, with a
fair audience, and nobody bold enough to introduce
me. So I took the matter in my own hands, went
forward, and talked with a zeal and energy that made
the people whisper to each other, "Lovejoy.-
An invitation was most cordially proffered for
another lecture on last evening, which I of course ac-
cepted. Sabbath evening brought out one of then
most conservative ministers on the subject of emanci-
pation, in which he took sides with God against the
sins of the nation. It was good — very good.
But my difficulties were not ended. A small mi-
nority of the church thought that to speak of the
Christian policy of emancipation would be bringing
politics into the church, and as that would be a crime,
I was compelled to occupy another house, which was
with some difficulty procured. But a good audience
came out, and I was pleased to learn that some who
had hitherto objected to permitting women to speak,
went away declaring their prejudices entirely over-
come. There was enough opposition stirred up to
show that the truths uttered had in them some vital
power. H. M. T. C.
hoy In Canada, saying, " Come and bring mother, and
let us all Jive together here." It was a good idea, but
tho old man, before venturing to take all his little
property to a foreign country, made a hurried trip to
Canada, to seo what waB the prospect of earning a
livelihood in the high latitudes. Meanwhile, the story
of his absence made noise enough to reach the atten-
tive ears of the civil officers, On his return, a consta-
ble knocked at his door, and said, " You arc suspected
of holding correspondence with the North, and I shall
search your house."
Come in, sir," said Mr. Green ; " it is a small cot-
tage; you can soon search it through; but you will
find nothing, for there is nothing to find."
But Samuel Green — unsuspecting man! — found to
his cost that he was a great rogue, and that the proof
of it was in his own house. The constable found
three guilty things : first, Uncle Tom's Cabin ; sec-
ond, a map of Canada; third, a picture of a hotel at
Niagara Falls. These were all, hut were they not
enough? What constable in Maryland would have
asked for more 1 What Court in the State would
have given less than ten years in the State-prison after
such proofs ? Besides, even out of Maryland, does
not Gov. Stanly, and the editor of the Herald, and
other good men, call it a crime for a black man to
know how to read ?
But without palliating Samuel Green's crime, if any
kind-hearted person can be persuaded to show kind-
ness to the criminal, by giving a little money to help
the old man off to the penal colony of Canada, it will
reach him if sent to
THEODORE TILTON,
Office of The Independent, No. 5 Beekman street, N. Y.
OUT OF JAIL.
THE BLACK MAN WHO WAS IMPRISONED FOR READ-
ING UNCLE TOM'S CABIN.
I am asked to make an appeal for a poor man — a
criminal, just out of jail. He was convicted for three
offences : — first, because a black" skin covered his face ;
second, because the English alphabet came and sat
upon his tongue; and third, because he had read the
story of " Uncle Tom's Cabin."
For these crimes he was tried and convicted by a
Maryland Court in 1857, and sentenced to the Balti-
more Penitentiary for ten years. After wearing out
five years of this long penalty, the gate of his cell was
opened a few weeks ago by the new Governor of
Maryland/who told him that he might quit the jail, if
he would quit also the United States. He immediate-
ly promised to go to Canada, and is now in New York
on his way thither.
The culprit's name is Samuel Green. He is 62
years of age, though, except for his gray hair, he
seems younger; good-looking, intelligent, and amia-
ble ; showing in his face God's plain handwriting of a
good character ; a man whom a stranger would trust
at first sight.
He was born a slave in Maryland, and wore the
chain for 30 years, until his master died, bequeathing
him freedom at the end of five years. The slave,
kindled with this hope of becoming a man, worked
extra hours, and earned in one year enough money to
buy his service for-the remaining four. While a slave,
he had married a slave-woman, tho properly of a kind
master, who, after her husband had so handsomely
worked out his freedom, sold him his wife for 25 cents I
Mr. Green says, " My wife was worth more, but I was
willing to take her for that ! "
They had two children — son and daughter — both
slaves of one master. Eight or nine years ago, the
son, after praying long for freedom, got it at last, after
tho manner of Frederick Douglass, who "prayed
with his legs." The boy Green Btarted on a moon-
light night, and ran away to Canada. His master,
fearing the sister would follow, sold her straightway
to Missouri; breaking her heart by separating her
from her husband and two little children.
About this time, when almost everybody was laugh-
ing and crying over the pages of Uncle Tom, ono
morning while Samuel Green was going to the mill, a
blacksmith came out of his shop at the roadside — him-
self a black man, aud sinco a Methodist clergyman —
exclaiming : —
" Sam Green, would you liko to see Uncle Tom's
Cabin 1 "
"Whar is it?" asked Sam, who thought it was
some new shanty put up in the neighborhood.
"It's a book," replied tho blacksmith; "it's tho
story of a slave, aud it goes for Abolition."
" Yes, I'd liko to read it," said Sam ; and ho took
home the slory, in two volume, and began to road.
Hut before he finished, ho received a letter from tho
ably disposed to our institutions, and well prepared
to judge dispassionately of their practical workings.
He says the subject is too vast to be discussed ex-
cept after careful personal examination. Although
appreciating the value of the great work of De Toc-
(jueville, he complains of the general inadequacy of
Kuropcan criticism upon America."
BOOK NOTICE.
Woman's Kiguts under, the Law : by Mrs. C. H.
Dall, Author of " Woman's Bight to Labor,"
" Historical Pictures Retouched," etc.
Notwithstanding the terrible war sweeping with a
besom of destruction over this nation, and the clouds
still darkening the horizon of our future — harmoniz-
ing with the immutable law of progress, the civiliza-
tion of the nineteenth century must be in advance
of all which has preceded it. Therefore we have
no cause for discouragement. The signs of the
times clearly indicate that chattel slavery cannot
much longer pollute our soil. When its removal
shall have opened the way for a full and thorough
discussion of the subject of human freedom in its
broadest signification and in all its bearings, then the
excellent book with the above-named title will be
found a valuable auxiliary in enlightening the public
mind with regard to Woman's legal and consequent so-
cial position ; and be a sharp and effective weapon in
the hands of others who with earnest zeal " wage the
war of words," the bloodless battle of ideas.
This little volume was published a year ago, but
having no relation to the all-absorbing theme of war,
of course it attracted slight attention. It is, however,
a work which can well afford to bide its time for ap-
preciation. When a deadly contest is waging be-
tween the hosts of Despotism and Democracy ^ and
theevents of a hundred years are being concentrat-
ed into one, there is little leisure to speculate on un-
derlying causes, or dwell long upon abstract ques-
tions of philosophy and ethics.
" We wait beneath the furnace blast" for that
more auspicious day which we have reason to be-
lieve is not far "distant, when the angel of purifica-
tion shall have prepared the way for the working
out of a higher civilization than has ever dawned
upon society, — a civilization in which woman shall
be recognized as co-equal with her brother in all
the relations of life — when, to despoil her of any
right or privilege on account of sex, will be consider-
ed in its true light, as a tyrannical usurpation on
the part of law or custom.
In the pages of Mrs. Dall's book, freighted with
concentrated thought, she has brought succinctly be-
fore the view of the reader the relations and bearings of
late upon woman in a manner evincing great research
and power of generalizing — and while dissecting
with a skillful hand the intricacies and complexities
of law, she has succeeded not unfrequcntly in invest-
ing those dry details, the study of which to the law-
yer is an onerous task, with the fascinations of ro-
mance.
Until woman becomes herself familiar with the re-
lations of law to her rights of property, personal lib-
erty, &c. : she can never reasonably hope to be placed
on a. just legal status.
- We therefore owe a debt of gratitude to Mrs. Ball,
who has so bravely trodden this thorny field of in-
vestigation, where few women have preceded her,
and so successfully illustrated and familiarized a
subject the importance of which cannot be overesti-
mated.
This valuable work is dedicated to the friends of
forsaken women throughout the world, because, as
the author says, the lives of such women are the le-
gitimate result of the spirit of the Law. All who
are included in this dedication would find them-
selves amply compensated should they procure and
read the book. Whether considered in the light of
a logical argument, or an eloquent protest, it would
be throughout equally interesting. A, G.
Harwich Port, May 10, 1852.
DEATH OP ME. BUCKLE.
Intelligence has been received from Europe of the
death of Henry Thomas Buckle, author of the " His-
tory of Civilization in England." Mr. Buckle was
born at Lee, England, November 24, 1822. He re-
ceived a good education, and entered his father's
commercial establishment, but gained more reputa-
tion as a chess-player than a merchant. In 1840 his
father died, leaving him an ample fortune, and
Buckle, then abandoning commerce, devoted himself
to literary pursuits, residing with his mother in Lon-
don. His assiduous labors upon bis great work had
greatly reduced his strength, and he had for some
months before his death been travelling in the East,
with some benefit, as was understood, to his health.
He was the guest of Mr. Thayer, the American
consul-general at Alexandria, early in this year ;
and at last died in Damascus on tbc^lst of May.
The two volumes of Mr. Buckle's " History "
which have been published form, as is well known,
only a part of what he had laid out as the introduc-
tion to the work itself. In completing the second
volume, he found it necessary to retrench heavily
from his original designs, and decided to hasten
through with the introduction, that he might com-
pete the history itself before passing the period of
ife when he could hope to be capable of intellectual
labor. His next volume would have touched upon
the United States, and it will cause profound regret
that the comments of so liberal and bold a thinker
upon our institutions should be lost. It is our im-
pression that this part of the work was entirely un-
written, when he left England to seek for health in
the East.
Probably no work has appeared for years which
has occasioned so much controversy as tho two vol-
umes published of Mr. Buckle's introduction ; but
no opponent ever denies the surprising industry or
the surpassing ability of the author. His philosophi-
cal conclusions may be unfounded, and may fall be-
fore the searching examination to which they, are
subjected ; but the world will bo the gainer in the
end from tho appearance of tbo work which has oc-
casioned such fresh inquiry and activity, and it will
generally regret the loss of the story of English
civilization, told by a writer of such power ana of
such earnest convictions.
To this brief notice of a great author, wc may
subjoin a few remarks, made by a correspondent
writing to us from Cairo, February 17th, — who had
frequent opportunities of meeting Mr. Buckle while
the latter was in Egypt: —
" Mr. Buckle, tho distinguished author of the ' His-
tory of Civilization,' has lately returned from an
expedition of several weeks up the Nile, in search of
rest and health, and is now nere making arrange-
ments for a tour to Syria. lie proposes to visit
America, and would have gone thWioi* this summer
but for the war. His next volume will treat of the
United States. Last week, Mr. Thayer, our excellent,
consul-general here, entertained Air. Buckle at din-
ner. The company included two ladies well known
111 the literary and social circles of England, besides
several English and American gentlemen who hap-
pened to bo in Cairo. Mr. Buckle, :is I hear, ex-
pressed a strong feeling of gratification at tbe peace-
ful solution of thi> Trent complication, and said that
a war between the two kindred nations of England
and the United States would ho a calamity to man-
kind ; he had however anticipated from the begjn-
■ 110 other than a pacific settlement. In his eon-
ition, as in his writings, lie shows himself favor-
A Modern Amazon. Wc copy from a private
letter, from Clarksburg, Va., the following account
of a recent capture there : —
" About a dozen deserters from the rebel army
came in yesterday, very much frightened, wanting
transportation to Ohio. Wc also captured a very
desporate woman, by the name of Jenny Green, and
sent her under guard to Wheeling. She is only
about 18 or 20 years of age, and not bad looking;
she lived about 30 miles from here, and told Gen.
Kellcy that she cut all his telegraph wires when he
was up the Kanawha, and she'd ' be d d if she
wouldn't do it again.' She has been in the habit of
visiting the rebel camps, rides a fine horse, carries a
pistol revolver and a handsome revolving rifle pre-
sented to her by some rebel officers, and with which
she boasts that she has killed a great many d d
Yankees. She is said to be an unerring shot, and
can put a bullet through the ace of clubs at tbe dis-
tance of one hundred yard3, nine times out of ten.
She has been pursued many times, but has made her
escape by the fleetness of her horse, and when cor-
nered, where escape seemed impossible, would cause
her horse to leap the most horrible ravines and
plunge over rocks where the soldiers dare not follow
her. She was taken by strategy and sent to Wheel-
ing once before and imprisoned, but by the interces-
sion of some secession ladies there, Gen. Kosecrans
released her on parole. When brought before the
captain of the company who arrested her, the cap-
tain said, * Well, Miss Jenny, you are come to visit
us again ; ' to which she replied with a terrible oath,
and snatched a rifle from one of the guards, discharg-
ing it at the captain in an instant, but he saw the
movement, and struck up the muzzle of the gun, and
the ball passed through his cap, just grazing his
head."
A Blunder and a Joke. The New Orleans
correspondent of the New York Herald says: —
" Speaking of Dr. Smith, I am reminded of one
of the best jokes of the season. A gentleman called
on Gen. Butler to-day, and stated that he had a ne-
gro who was hanging about the general hospital,
and he wished to get him. The General's policy in
such cases is to turn the negro out of our lines, un-
less he has been employed by some officer. He
therefore turned to one of his aids — Lieut. Clark—
and told him to write to Dr. Smith to turn the man
out of his hospital. Lieut. Clark wrote to Dr. Smith
—"You will at once turn this man out of your hos-
pital" — accidentally omitting to say anything about
a colored man. The owner of the slave took the
note to the hospital innocently enough, and handed
it to Dr. Smith. The Dr. read the order, and,
though rather astonished, supposed the General had
good reason for such instructions; so he jumped,
and told his visitor to leave the house quicker than
he ever came into it. The gentleman was perfect-
ly astounded, and attempted tp ask the reason of
such treatment ; but the Doctor said he would not
hear a word, and, taking him by the shoulder, push-
ed him towards the door, and then ordered a corpo-
ral to put him out, which he did, the gentleman
brandishing his cane and cursing bitterly against
such usage. He went back to the General, and an
explanation ensued, and resulted in all hands en-
joying a regular old-fashioned horse-laugh. The ne-
gro was not in tbe hospital, and has not yet been
found."
The Negro in Demand. The Danish Govern-
ment has made a singular proposition to the Adminis-
tration at Washington. It is no less than to take all
the contrabands off our hands, transport them to the
Danish West Indies, there to be placed under appren-
ticeship for three years, and after that time to receive
wages and to become entirely free. The proposal
shows on the part of Denmark a Yankee propensitx
for driving a sharp trade. It shows, besides, that the
negro is in demand in other quarters, although he has
been the innocent cause of great difficulties among us.
Our Government could do no more, were it disposed
to cooperate with Denmark, than to extend facilities
for such fugitives as might desire to migrate to St.
Croix on the terms proposed. It could not transfer
the contrabands bodily to tbe representatives of Den-
mark, to be conveyed without their consent to a new
though mitigated bondage. No one, we trust, would
advocate that course. Nor will the plan of impli-
cating our Government in the apprenticeship system
find general favor. If individuals desire to seek new
homes under Danish protection, the Government
might withhold hindrance and interference. Beyond
that, the efforts of the Danish diplomats will not be
likely to be effectual. — Oneida Herald.
A Well Kept Log. The Port Royal correspon-
dent of the New York Tribune has procured a copy of
the log of the steamer Planter, kept by Robert Small
on that famous trip, when he so skillfully escaped
from Charleston harbor to the blockading fleet. It is
given as follows : —
" List — Robt. Small, Pilot ; Alfred Gridiron, Engi-
neer; Abram Jackson, Jebel Turner, W. C. Thomp-
son, Sam Cbisholm, Abram AUerton, Hannah Small,
Susan Small, Clara Jones, Anna White, Levina Wil-
son, David MeCIoud, 3 small children.
Log — We leave Charleston at J past 3 o'clock on
Tuesday morning.
AVe pass fort Sumter £ past 4 o'clock. We arrived
at blockading squadron at Charleston Bar at £ to 6.
We give three cheers for the Union flag wouce more.
Articles of Sdndary — 4 larg c, not mounted ; 2
mortars. We arrive at Port Royal, Hilton, on same
night about S p. m."
A Devoted Woman. It is stated that Mrs. Henry
Baylis, the wife of a New York merchant, has left a
home of affluence and ease, and is now devoting her
whole time and energies to the relief of tbe sick and
wounded soldiers at Yorktown. She has not only
volunteered to endure the privations and discharge
the disagreeable duties of hospital life, but she has
studied the profession of surgeon and uurse so that
she can care for a wounded limb equal to any of the
surgeons of the army.
$^ = ~ Billy Wilson occupies the splendid residence,
at Pensacola, of the rebel Stephen R. Mallory. Billy,
it is said, lives like a lord, in his new quarters, and
walks about with a gold-headed charter oak cane, with
Mallory's name engraved upon it, and which he con-
fiscated when he took possession.
^" Some moustrous jaw bones have been dug up
Oregon, supposed to be human, but measuring
seven inches across from point to point. They must
have belonged to some huge human gorilla, whose
race we are glad to know is extinct. Such jaws
would be just the ones to "devour widows' houses."
Six Rainbows at once. The editor of tho Marque
News says that just as the force of a recent shower at
that place was spent, the suu looked out from behind
the clouds, when a brilliant rainbow spanned the heav-
ens, then a second, then a third, a fourth, a fifth, and
finally a sixth one; all of them in regular gradation
from tbe inner, which" was a mere line, to the outer,
which was of great breadth and magnitude.
2®=* The Charleston Courier of the 22d ult. makes
the annexed statement: —
" We have been reliably informed, that men of
high official position among us — men of good inten-
tion, but of mistaken and misguided patriotism, arc
sowing the seeds of discord broadcast in our midst, by
preaching a crusade against President Davis, and call-
ing for a General Convention of the slai\ liohliup Slates to
depose him, and create a Military Dictator in /its place."
$£^ The Secession Congressman. Yallandigham,
has received a sharp rebuff from home. A petition
has been forwarded to the House, from 688 loyal citi-
zens of Cincinnati, asking for his expulsion from Con-
gress as a traitor to his country and a disgrace to the
State of Ohio.
JiL^ 3 * Win. P. Goshorn, of slave Lucy notoriety, has
been arrested in Wheeling for his Secession sympa-
thies, as developed in his jubilation at the defeat of
Hanks, and is to be taken to Camp Chase lor safe
keeping, lie bad better be sent up here, and dike the
place Lucy occupied. — Ctci-cland Jlerald.
Suppose Lucy was in Cleveland now, and Old Gos-
horn would come after her. Would she be delivered
up as freely as she was >.
$j?= At the battle of Pair Oaks, Oapt. Smart, of
tbe 10th Massachusetts regiment, was wounded iii the
leg, and asked the first rebel who approached to help
liim ell' the field. The rebel replied • " I'll take care
if you ! " and at once bayoneted him. IhlS Mas seen
>y a wounded man who lay near by. Capt. Day, of
he same regiment, was killed by the rebels, after be-
ing wOOnded, having been shot in the presence of two
el' Ins Company who were taking him 1mm the lichl.
A St obsb ItuAUT, The Washington St ■■ , speak-
Dg of several rebel women who took occasion to ex-
press themselves on the arrival of prisoners in Wash-
ington the other day. says that "Mrs. M agm re said
Hint, her heart was choking her, so great was her
hatred of Yankee rule."
THE LIBERATOR
— IS PUBLISHED
EYEKY FEIDAY MOSSING,
■ AT
221 WASHINGTON 3TKEET, ROOM No. 6.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent.
0^~ TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum,
in advance.
E^~ Five copies will bo sent to ono address for ten dol-
laus, if payment is made in advance.
J3P* AH remittances aro to be made, and all letters
relating to tiio pecuniary concerns of tho paper are to bo
directed (POST PAIS) to tho General Agent.
1SF" Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo centa
per line.
ES^~ Tlio Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn-
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Socioties are
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.
E3P" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial
Ctmmitteo, but are not responsible for any debts of tho
[japer, via: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed-
*ojjd Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr.
" Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof,'"
" I lay this down as tho law of nations. { flay that mil-
itary authority takes, for the time, tho place of all munio-
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST \
and that, under that stato of things, to far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of the subject, not only Uib President or
the United States, but -the Commahder op the Abut,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN-
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES. ♦ . . From the instant
that tho slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of Congress extend to interference with tho institution of
slavery, m evkiiv way in which it can be interfered
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de-
Itroyed, to tho cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power, . . , It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it bo a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac-
cording to the laws op war ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu-
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thh
place op them. When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman-
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J. Q. Amwg ,
WM. LLOTD GAEEISON, Editor.
©uv muitvxj U itt* WorM, our Countrymen m all gfattHnO.
J. B. YEERINTON & SON, Printers.
VOL. XXXII. NO. 28.
BOSTON", FEIDAY, JULY 11, 1862.
WHOLE NO. 1646.
Itfnp of ®pptt$iri0tt*
ANTI-AE0LITI0N MOVEMENT.
Resolutions adopted at a semi- treason able, pro-sla-
xery Democratic Mass Meeting, held nt Cooper Insti-
tute, New York, on Tuesday evening, July 1st, 1862,
under the auspices of Fernando Wood & Co. : —
Resolved, 1. That m the present crisis, when our
beloved country is involved in civil war and the
foundations of our Constitution arc in danger of be-
in" overthrown, it is the duty of every American
citizen, laying aside all prejudices and attachments,
whether of party or locality, to devote his energies,
his fortune, and if need be, his life, to the preserva-
tion, the defence, and the perpetuity of the Ameri-
can Union. (Applause.)
2. That in considering the dangers which imme-
diately threaten the Union, we find two fallacies at-
tempting to accomplish the work of destruction.
The one being that of secession culminating in the
rebellion of Southern citizens, who by force of arms
have attacked the glorious fabric which our fathers
erected; the other being that of Abolition, (loud
hisses,) which has induced Northern disunionists to
declare their enmity to the Constitution, that noble
instrument which is the holy bond of brotherhood of
Amcrieans.
3. That while the Government is engaged in the
work of suppressing the first-named class of foes to
the Union, it is our duty as citizens to sustain our
Goxernment, and defend it from all enemies at home
and abroad ; and that in this national emergency,
banishing all feelings of mere passion or resentment,
we should recollect only our duty to the whole coun-
try ; that this war should not be waged on our part
in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of
conquest or subjugation, or of overthrowing or inter-
fering with the rights or established institutions of
States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy
of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with
all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several
States unimpaired ; and as soon as these objects are
accomplished, the war ought to cease. (Cheers.)
4. That, in dealing with the other class of foes to
the Union, it becomes every citizen to bear in mind
the advice of the fathers. Obeying the sage com-
mands of Washington, they should remember that
the Union is the main pillar of our real indepen-
dence, the support of our tranquillity at home, our
peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, our liberty.
(Applause), That as this is the point in our politi-
cal fortress agamst which the batteries of internal
and external enemies will be most constantly and ac-
tively (often covertly and insidiously) directed, we
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable at-
tachment to it, accustoming ourselves to think and
speak of it as the palladium of our political safety
and prosperity, watching for its preservation with
jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may
suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be
abandoned, and frowning upon the first dawning of
any attempt to alienate any portion of our country
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which
now link together the various parts. (Cheers.)
That toward the preservation of our Government it
is requisite not only that we discountenance irregu-
lar opposition to its acknowledged authority, such
as is now exhibited at the South, and has been ex-
hibited at the North in personal liberty bills and
other unconstitutional legislation, but also that we
resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its
principles, however specious the pretext. (Ap-
plause.) That in the doctrine of leading Radical
politicians, newspapers and orators, that Secession
ordinances are operative to destroy the Union
(great and prolonged applause), we recognize an
innovation on those principles, which has been char-
acterized by a member of the Cabinet as tending to
aid and abet the Southern Confederates, and which
is designed to be hostile to the Union. That in the
plans of the Emancipation League, composed of cer-
tain distinguished radical leaders of the Republican
party, to exclude from the Union all States which do
not abolish slavery, we see an attack upon the Ameri-
can Union. That in the proposition to erect a war
power above the Constitution, for the purpose of
abolishing slavery by its means, we find another
plan to take away the rights of American citizens.
That in all the plans and schemes of radicalism we
can see no patriotism, no loyalty, no honesty, but
that they are clearly, though insidiously, designed
equally with the plans of the Southern disunionists,
to overthrow the Constitution and erect in its place
a new government, on principles of tyranny over
those who differ from majorities in views of right.
(Cheers.)
5. That to such measures of the Administration
as may be consonant with the Constitution, we will
at all times yield a hearty support; that the prompt
action of the President in revoking the proclamations
of certain abolition Generalsshould receive the appro-
bation of all conservative, Union-loving citizens,
from whom our government derives its chief support
in men and means to carry on the war; and that
the continual pressing of the negro question upon
the attention of the country, and the constant at-
tempts in Congress and elsewhere, to connect the
abolition of slavery with the work of the army, is an
insult to our brave and gallant brothers — (immense
cheering) — in the field for the Union and the Con-
stitution, and for no other cause.
6. That the soldiers comprising the armies of the
Union have merited the nation's thanks — (" That's
s0 ") — an d will deserve a nation's care, and upou
their victorious return we will meet them with re-
joicing praises; and should they fall in the cause, we
will build monuments to their memories, while their
wives and children shall be a precious legacy to be
tenderly cared for, as the objects of the nation'
guardianship. That we tender our hearty thanks
to the leaders of the two great armies of the East
and of the West, to Gen. Geo. B. McCIellan — (great
applause: three cheers. — Calls of " Abraham Lin-
coln," Hisses, and " Put him out ") — for the skill and
ability which planned the campaigns, and for that calm
self-possession which he has exhibited under the base
attacks of abolitionists, while he has himself bravely
fought the enemy under great obstacles, and to Gen.
Halleck for his brilliant successes; that our armies
are not enlisted in any other cause than that of the
Constitution and the Union; and that the allega-
tion of the Abolitionists, that the soldiers of New
York or of the country are fighting for negro free-
dom or negro equality, dishonors as good and brave
men as the sun ever shone upon.
7. That this is a Government of white men (great
applause), and was established exclusively for the
white race ; that the negro race are not entitled to
and ought not to be admitted (cheers) to political
or social equality with the white race, but that it is
our duty to treat them with kindness and considera-
tion as an inferior and dependent race ; that the
ri"ht of the several States to determine the position
' and duties of the race is a sovereign right, and the
pledges of the Constitution require us, as loyal citi-
zens, not to interfere therewith. (Cheers.)
8. That the wholesale extravagance, the plunder-
ing by contractors ("good"), the waste of means,
which is also indirectly a waste of blood and life
(■'good"), which have so frequently appeared in
the conduct of tho war, as exposed by Committees
of Congress, Committees on claims, and in other
ways, tending to national bankruptcy and individu-
al impoverishment, demand our profound condemna-
tion, and that the people, already burdened enor-
mously, yet willing to bear alt necessary burdens
for the Union's sake, do nevertheless demand in the
loudest tones that their life-blood shall not be drain-
ed in this manner, for the benefit of infamous rob-
bers of the nation, who profess so loudly to be the
defenders of the country, but whose attachment is
as deadly as that of the vampire. (Great applause.)
9. Resolved, (Laughter and .applause,) That the
Union as it was, is the Union of Washington and of
the Fathers; the Union which has made America il-
lustrious among nations ; the Union which was
the most beneficent Government known to man.
(Cheers.) That the Constitution as it is, is the
hope of the nation, adhering to and protected by
which, we shall be again free, happy and glorious ;
departing from and destroying which, we shall be
left with only the ruins of a great nation around us,
out of which no man can prophesy any new Union,
or construct any better Constitution. That, believ-
ing in these principles, and praying for the guidance
and blessing of God on our efforts, we, the represen-
tatives of various political parties, and of all classes
and employments and professions, do solemnly reaf-
firm our allegiance to the Constitution as it is, and
pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our honors to the
cause of the Union as it was. (Loud and long con-
tinued applause.)
OHAELES SUMNER.
New York, July 2.
To the Editor of the Boston Courier;
There is a tide in politics, as well as in all the
other affairs of men. That of abolition has had its
flood, its very spring-tide, overflowing everything in
its rush, and now, thank heaven, is on its ebb. The
land it has damaged will suffer from its overflow, but
will ere long spring to life again. This fair country
will not be ruined even by its poisonous waters.
The great Union meeting of Tuesday has opened
the flood-gate for them to recede — the Empire city
has spoken, and her voice will be heard throughout
the North. To say the meeting at the Cooper In-
stitute was enthusiastic would not describe the earn-
estness and patriotism that pervaded it. The phi-
losophers of the Tribune and Post may sneer at it,
as it was expected that they would ; but they will in
vain try to stay its moral effects. With them, every
one who is not an abolitionist is a secessionist. For-
tunately for those they thus insult, one name is now
no worse than the other. They hang alike in the
balance of the public mind — together those who
claim them will be annihilated, or together in one
pack the base jackalls will revel on the remains of
the country. There are now two war cries in New
York, and the great Union mastiff is as ready to
? ounce upon one of the brutes as upon the other,
f there are two parties outside of the doomed radi-
cals, they are those, the most violent of them, who
would hang Jeff. Davis and Sumner together, and
those who would hang Davis first, and Sumner after-
wards.
If Sumner is re-elected to the Senate, he may not
find it convenient to pass through this city. That his
name is odious, infamous, is not all — it is cursed and
abominable ! The blood of thousands sacrificed to his
ambition and personal revenge cries to heaven against
him; and if a Massachusetts Legislature can still
support him by its vote, those who do so will deserve
to lose their children at the altar of this Moloch.
Are 300,000 more men to be called upon for such a
sacrifice as this, or are they, despite of what fanati-
cal legislation has already done, to make one last ef-
fort to restore the Constitution and the Union as
they were. These are now the watchwords of the
war— the only watchwords that can fill the ranks.
Men are determined that they will fight battles for abo-
lition no longer. They look at the mangled forms of
their brethren as they return here, and ask — for what
have these suffered ? And the speeches and enact-
ments at Washington — the negro institutions at Hil-
ton Head — the every word and thing that can be
said or done to repel an advance of the South to re-
turn to its loyalty— answer this! Rely upon it,
there is another revolution at hand, and the ballot-
boxes are soon to decide if it be a bloodless one or
not!
At the great gathering on Tuesday evening, Mr.
Crittenden was unable to be present, but the vener-
able Charles Wickliffe came in his stead, bearing the
olive branch which his colleague has so long held out
to his distracted country. " Who is the speaker ? "
cried some one from the gallery. " An old man from
Kentucky, named Wickliffe," said the speaker him-
self, with a voice tremulous by age. It was a touch-
ing scene, and midst the thunder of applause there
fell the soft rain of tears. He who, like Crittenden,
was above and beyond ambition, had journeyed here
under a sultry sun, weary and infirm, but strong and
young in heart, that he might spend all power that
was left him for his country. And well did he vin-
dicate the fair fame of his State as he told how she
had stood for a time alone — not through fear, but
that there might be one green spot in the land,
where brothers thirsting for each other's blood might
meet and be reconciled 1
And when her "sacred soil" was invaded — such
soil is sacred — how she rushed to the defence of the
Union, he left her deeds to attest. You will have
reports from the newspapers of this and the other
speeches. They were all of the same spirit, and if
that of Mr. Brooks was somewhat severe upon Puri-
tan New England and the tendency of our people
to agitate upon some one ism or another, we must
forgive him, because — well, because — it was all pret-
ty true. RINGBOLT.
THE NEW ENGLAND 0LEEGY.
The following communication from a clergyman
will give great satisfaction to many minds. Upon
such a statement as is furnished by our correspon-
dent, we may reckon confidently for a vast religious,
moral and political improvement in New England:
" Certain criticisms from your correspondents, and
some editorials of your own during and since Anni-
versary week, upon the spoil Lings of abolition minis-
ters, Haven, Manning, Nealc and others, have seemed
to me timely and just; but I think there is an error
in supposing that ministers of all denominations in
New England, except the Roman Catholic and Epis-
copalian, are like the above-named gentlemen of
the Methodist, Orthodox and Baptist orders. " Pa-
cificus " remarks upon the truly heathen spirit which
seems to animate the great body of the New En-
gland Congregational clergy, but he evidently
judges the whole by a few. Various denominations
aro congregational in their church government, and
may therefore be included in your correspondent's
designation ; certainly, thertj are as rabid fan'itics
on the slavery question among the ministers of some
of them as any one could reasonably desire.
I have the satisfaction of stating from extensive
personal knowledge, that the Congregational clergy
of New England at the present time, among those
who are called Orthodox, are in general quietly
pursuing their pastoral and pulpit duties without
meddling with political affairs, save an occasional al-
lusion to the war, which, in common with all loyal
citizens, they wish prosecuted with tho utmost vigor
until the rebellion is effectually put down. Mr.
Manning, in his remarks at the Grimes meeting and"
that of the Church Anti-Slavery society, merely
represented his own narrow and bigoted views,
seemingly discharging a great deal of bile upon the
New York National Tract Society, the New York
Observer and the Boston Courier. His remarks may
well be characterized by your correspondent as
heathenish, and could only come from a man with a
heart in a very diseased condition. Let him bear
his own sins, but don't inflict a chastisement on the
whole denomination to which he belongs. I was
surprised to notice the radical sentiments of Rev.
Mr. Haven, of the Methodist church, who is in pri-
vate life so calm and gentlemanly in deportment.
Dr. Neale, although more guarded than the other
speakers at the Grimes meeting, showed a great
leakage in sound doctrine.
My observation tells me that a very great moder-
ation has come over ministers since the war com-
menced, and that you will find the great body of
them sound on Constitutional obligation ; and I be-
lieve, that by the faithful performance of their cler-
ical duties, they are doing much to edify the people
and preserve the institutions of the country. I
would that more of them took the Boston Courier,
for I think your very able, sound and patriotic
course, during this horrible civil war, would com-
mend itself to their virtue and love of country. The
Tribune and the Independent could very well be
dispensed with, in order to secure the weekly Bos-
ton Courier for their perusal.
A MINISTER/
—Boston Courier.
j£cl*f Hand
GENEEAL HUNTEE'S LETTER.
If Gen. Hunter had not shown himself, before,
entirely unsuited to take active part in a contest,
the honest purpose of which was merely the suppres-
sion of rebellion, in order to open the way for the
return of the revolted States to their allegiance, his
impertinent and wrong-headed letter, published yester-
day, will convince all unprejudiced minds of the fact.
Perhaps, if his letter had been written before the
late repulse of our troops on James Island, the tone of
it would have been considerably modified, nor would
the officer who now writes so confidently of organizing
forty or fifty regiments of blacks, " by the end of next
fall," in a region where as yet he has raised but one,
have felt so very sure of the success of his ridiculous,
shameful^ and degrading experiment. Long before
even the beginning of next fall, in our opinion, the
project which this conceited and arrogant officer, —
the tool of others, who have already had ample oc-
casion to discover their mistake, — has attempted, will
have been utterly exploded. If the free white -citi-
zens of this country cannot, by their own force and
energies, recover their imperilled institutions, — God
forbid that they should be so besotted as to imagine
that anything worth recovering, upholding or main-
taining, in the guise of civil and religious liberty,
can result from calling such legions as Gen. Hunter
proposes to their aid !
But, upon reading the letter of this officer to the
Secretary of War, the tone and manner of it are con-
vincing to the fact, that he thinks himself addressing
a willing mind. Gen. Hunter writes as if he felt
fully confident that all he sees fit to say was expect-
ed of him, and that he would be fully sustained in
the position he has undertaken to occupy. How
this may prove, we have yet to be informed. So
far, he has apparently acted upon a policy which, it
is well known, has had a couple of sympathizers and
collateral aiders among Mr. Lincoln's Secretaries.
While Mr. Stanton has furnished to the negro re-
cruits guns, " braided jackets and baggy red trou-
sers," Mr. Chase has sent primers, horn-books,
strong-minded women, and weak-minded men, — all in
the expectation of making something out of the ne-
groes which Providence never intended, or, at least,
through this philanthropic instrumentality, of work-
ing out a political problem for their own individual
benefit. But politicians, misled by selfish views, are
proverbially short-sighted ; and these gentlemen,
like others, were not sagacious enough to see that as
soon as the negro-game was turned into earnest, it
was practically played out — a fact which will be
forced upon the convictions of Messrs. Chase, Stan-
ton and Hunter. — Boston Courier.
TEAIT0ES' MEETING AT EEAMINGHAM.
We intended to give some of the proceedings at
the usual traitors' meeting at Framingham, in order to
show that none of the old and vile spirit is extinct,
though the burning of the Constitution was this year
omitted. This, we infer, was for the same reason
(besides the fact that it might not have been en-
dured) which induces Wendell Phillips to call him-
self a " Union man." The " old Union " he thinks
is dissolved, and a new anti-slavery one established;
and in the same way, the traitors who annually gath-
er at Framingham consider the Constitution, which
is shortly to rise up in vengeance against them, is ab-
rogated and gone. l
But we omit these proceedings, though our re-
porter has furnished them, because, although the trea-
son was there, it spoke with a somewhat slender note
— Mr. Phillips being absent, Mr. Garrison as good as
" played out," and the other performers being of no
account.
For precisely the same reason, we decline to re-
cord the ridiculous, and shameful as ridiculous, speech-
es of Judge Washburn and some others at the civic
dinner at Faneuil Hall. They were of the same tenor
with the speeches of the small traitors at Framingham.
But to think that men should be willing to make
such inconceivable spectacles of themselves is mar-
vellous and pitiable. Of Garrison and his crazy
crew, we expect nothing better. They live in a lit-
tle, narrow world of their own, in which they have
— "Fed on poisoriH, till thoy have no power,
But are a kind of nutriment."
Of men like Judge Washburn, connected with the
liberal pursuits of a University, and himself an in-
structor of youth, better things might at least have
been hoped, than to be just as foolish and just as trai-
torous as the silly fanatics at Framingham. And
there were others of less general account, who took
up the same strain, and made out of a national cele-
bration, as well as they could, something no better
than what they will find before long was a very ttn-
timely abolition orgle. And this, too, in the very
agony of a civil war We may well ask whether
such men have either heads or hearts. — Boston Cour-
LETTER FROM GENERAL HUNTER.
Washington, July 2. The Secretary of War
sent the following to the House to-day : —
Port Royal, June 28, 1862.
To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War:
Sir, — I have the honor to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of a communication from the Adjutant Gen-
eral of the Army, dated June 13, 1862, requesting
me to furnish you with the information necessary to
answer certain resolutions introduced in the House
of Representatives, June 9th, on motion of Hon.
Mr. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, their substance being
to inquire, 1st, whether I had organized or was or-
ganizing a regiment of fugitive slaves in this De-
partment; 2d, whether any authority had been given
to me from the War Department for such organiza-
tion ; 3d, whether I had been furnished by o'i'der of
the War Department with clothing, uniforms, arms,
equipments, &c, for such a force.
Only having received the letter covering these in-
quiries at a late hour Saturday night, and being
obliged to urge forward my answer in time for the
steamer sailing to-day, (Monday,) this haste prevents
me from entering as minutely as I could wish, upon
many points of detail, such as the paramount im-
portance of the subject calls for. But in view of the
near termination of the present session of Congress,
and the wide-spread interest which must have been
awakened by Mr/ WicklifFe's resolution, I prefer
sending even this imperfect answer to waiting the
period necessary for the collection of fuller and more
comprehensive data.
To the first question, therefore, I reply that no
regiment of fugitive slaves has been or is being or-
ganized in this Department. There is, however, a
fine regiment of persons whose late masters are fugi-
tive rebels, — men who everywhere fly before the ap-
pearance of the National flag, leaving their servants
behind them to shift as best they can for themselves.
So far, indeed, are the loyal persons composing this
regiment from seeking to avoid the presence of their
late owners, that they are now, one and all, working
with remarkable industry to place themselves in a
position to join in full and effective pursuit of their
pugnacious and traitorous proprietors.
To the second question I have the honor to an-
swer, that the instructions given to Brig.-Gen. T. W.
Sherman by Hon. Simon Cameron, late Secretary
of^War, l^urned over to me by succession for my
guidance, do distinctly authorize me to employ all
loyal persons offering their services in defence of the
Union and for the suppression of this rebellion in
any manner I might see fit, or that the circumstances
might call for.
There is no restriction as to the character or color
of the persons to be employed, or the nature of the
employment, whether civil or military, in which their
services shall be used. I conclude, therefore, that I
have been authorized to enlist fugitive slaves as sol-
diers, could any such be found in the Department.
No such characters, however, have yet appeared
within view of our most advanced pickets, the loyal
slaves everywhere remaining on their plantations" to
welcome us, aid us and supply us with food, labor
and information.
It is the masters who have in many instances been
the fugitives, running away from loyal slaves as well
as loyal soldiers, and whom we have only partially
been able to see with their heads over ramparts, or
rifle in hand dodging behind trees in the extreme
distance. ■
In the absence of any fugitive master law the de-
serted slaves would be wholly without remedy, had
not their time of treason given the right to pursue,
capture and bring back these persons, of whose pro-
tection they have been thus suddenly bereft.
To the third interrogatory, it is my painful duty to
reply that I never have received any specific author-
ity for issues of clothing, uniforms, arms, equipments,
etc., to the troops in question, my general instruc-
tions from Mr. Cameron to employ them in any man-
ner I might find it necessary in the military exigen-
cies of the Department, and the country, being my
only, but, in my judgment, sufficient justification.
Neither have I had any specific authority for sup-
plying those persons with shovels, spades and pick-
axes when employing them as laborers, nor with
boats and oars when using them as lightermen. But
these are not the points indicated in Mr. Wickliffe's
resolution. To me it seemed that liberty to employ
men in any particular capacity implied with it liber-
ty also to supply them with the necessary tools, and
acting upon this fact I have clothed, equipped and
armed the only loyal regiment yet raised in South
Carolinia.
I must say, in vindication of my own conduct,
that had it not been for the many other diversified
and imperative claims on my time and attention, a
much more satisfactory result might have been hoped
for, and that in place of only one, as at present, at
least five or six well-drilled, brave and thoroughly
acclimated regiments should by this time have been
added to the loyal forces of the Union.
The experiment of arming the blacks, so far as I
have made it, has been a complete and even marvel-
lous success. They arc sober, docile, attentive and
enthusiastic, displaying great natural capacity for
acquiring the duties of the soldier. They arc eager,
beyond all things, to take the field and be led into
action, and it is the unanimous opinion of the officers
wlro have had charge of them, that in the peculiari-
ties of this climate and country they will prove in-
valuable auxiliaries,* fully equal to the similar regi-
ments so long and successfully used by the British
authorities in the West India Islands.
In conclusion I would say that it is my hope, there
appearing no possibility of other reinforcements, ow-
ing to the exigencies of the campaign on the Penin-
sula, to have organized by tho end of next fall, and
to be able to presentto the Government from 48,000
to 50,000 of these hardy and devoted soldiers.
Trusting this letter may form part of your answer
to Mr. Wickliffe's resolution, I have the honor to be,
most respectfully, your very obedient servant,
D. HUNTER, Major General Commanding.
CONTRABANDS AND THEIR SERVICES.
To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune.
Silt — A great deal has been said lately of the in-
telligence and usefulness of the "contrabands," and
I wish to add my testimony to that of others on
that score, and also say a word as to the return that is
made them for their services. In Virginia and
North Carolina, for the past year, I have had oppor-
tunities of observing large numbers of "contraband "
negroes, and my respect for the black race has been
greatly increased thereby. As a stall' officer 1 have
frequently had occasion to obtain information of va-
rious kinds, relating to the roads, navigation, po-
sition, defences of the enemy, &c, and I have inva-
riably found that obtained from the netp-oes to be most
trustworthy. Nor is the cause of this in their willing-
ness 1 1 give information alone; mere is a react y wit
and quickness of observation about them which
many of their masters seem to lack.
I cannot think that the negro is capable of imme-
diate cultivation equal to that of the white race, but
that they are capable of a much higher cultivation
than is generally believed, I am convinced. They
have a strong desire to learn, which will sometimes
surmount the greatest obstacles. Thus, they keep
eyes and ears open to all that is going on around
them, and in this way often learn much that is not
intended for them to know.
I know several negro girls in Newbern, who have.
taught themselves to read and write in spite of the
law. Strange and improbable as the statement may
seem, it is nevertheless true, and I shall, I think, be
sustained by every man who has observed them,
when I say that the slaves who have come into our
camps here, are, to every appearance, far more in-
telligent than the "poor whites." I can account
for this in no other way, except it be true that the
superior race, when degraded, sinks below the inferi-
or, and no one who has not been among them can
know how miserable is the mental condition of the
poor white man of the South. When slavery shall
have gone, it will not be the negro alone who has been
emancipated. Much is said of the "white slaves"
of the North, but their condition is so far superior to
the white slaves of the South as' to be beyond com-
parison. In the South, education is monopolized by
the few, as capital is in the North. It is this, then,
that makes the ignorant slave often appear superior
in intelligence to his master.
In the operations of the Union armies, the contra-
bands have been of almost inestimable value. They
have obtained important information when white
men could not; they have acted as spies when
white men could not be hired to risk their necks.
During the operations against Fort Macon, it was
found that the negroes were altogether the best and
most trustworthy pilots about the harbor, and few
harbors are more difficult of navigation than that of
Beaufort, N. C. It was necessary to send a steamer
into Bogue Sound to transport the guns and mortars
across to our siege batteries. To get here then, it
was necessary to run by the fort at night and at
flood tide. This was a perilous undertaking, for the
steamer once aground, she would have been lost ; the
receding tide would have left her high on the shoal,
and entirely at the mercy of the fort when daylight
made her visible. No white man could be found
willing to act as pilot; 36300 was offered to the man
who should take her by the fort safely. The man
who did take her through without an accident, ren-
dering Government a service equal to thousands of
dollars, has never received a cent for his service,
nor did he expect anything but his freedom.
AN OFFICER.
Newbern, N. C, June 3, 1862.
GENEEAL FREMONT'S DEPARTURE.
Late Headquarters of Gen. Fremont,
Camp near Middletown, June 28, 1862.
Thursday evening came telegraphic news to Gen.
Fremont, that Major General John Pope was as-
signed by the President to command the Army of
Virginia, whereof the forces under Gen. Fremont
were to constitute the first corps. That is to say,
the senior Major-General of the United States Army
was reduced from the independent command of a
Department to the command of an army corps,
subordinate to a general of inferior grade, who had
been an insubordinate commander under him in Mis-
souri, and is to-day his bitter personal enemy. Tift
order of President Lincoln was rudely transmitted
by telegraph without a word of preparation or ex-
planation, coming in duplicate from the Secretary of
War, and from Maj.-Gen. Pope. It overtakes him
not as the penalty of inaction or disaster, but in the
progress of a brilliant and successful campaign. It
requires him to resign aWonee his Department, the
independent command of his army, his plan of cam-
paign, and all possibility of useful service to his
country. Astonished by the suddenness of the de-
mand, and desiring time for reflection and consulta-
tion, Gen. Fremont, without other reply, asked for
ten days' leave of absence. It was peremptorily re-
fused. Determined, if all else must be given up, to
retain at least his honor and his own respect, he then
sought to be relieved from his command, and that re-
quest was promptly granted. The interests of the
service, in the opinion of the President, did not per-
mit him a brief leave of absence, but were not
deemed to be compromised by his entire withdrawal
from duty. In accordance with the President's di-
rections, he at once turned over the command to
Brig.-Gen. Schenck, next in rank under him, and
this morning started for New York.
It is not easy to realize a change of circumstances
so sudden, nor to consider them with patience.
Nothing in the history of the Missouri campaign was
so unjust, so causeless, so utterly inexcusable as this
last blow. It has been my fortune to know some-
thing of the interior history of this campaign, and
the relations between General Fremont and the mili-
tary authorities at Washington. This is no hour to
publish that record, or declare its character. It is
enough to say that the discouragement, want of sup-
port, capricious interference, and active hostility at
Washington were greater hindrances to success than
the ingenuity and the despair of the enemy could in-
terpose. The energy and capacity which triumphed
over both are rewarded by disgrace. The public
confidence, which pointed to Fremont as the one
General entitled by his rank, his services, and his
skill to command the United States forces in North-
ern and Eastern Virginia, was only evidence of a
too dangerous popularity, and supplied the motive to
attempt its destruction. The attempt was skillfully
made. If he retains Ins command under Pope, he
may be kept inactive, or hurried into disaster. If
he resigns, it is easy to say that his personal ambition
was superior to his patriotism, and the nation is ex-
pected to forget that it has been made impossible for
him to serve his country by remaining in the field;
that in such circumstances, both patriotism and self-
respect compel him to retire.
Information of the order was withheld until an
answer had been received to the request to be re-
lieved. It then became necessary to issue orders to
arious officers, and the news became publicly known
at headquarters on Friday afternoon.- Needless to
say that among the members of his staff, the injustice
to their loved and trusted General excited sorrow
anil indignation. Throughout the camp, it was not
generally known till next morning. Desiring to
avoid ali demonstrations, the General arranged to
leave at an early hour on Saturday. The stall' went
down to his quarters at seven ; the cavalry escort,
under Cant. Mathini, was drawn up in front of the
house, and, after a brief conversation with a few of-
ficers, the General mounted, and with staff and es-
cort rode across the fields' away from the camps to
the road, and on through the town. He hated for
a few niiiint.es at (Jen. Sigel'a headquarters, and
agniu at Gen. Banks's, which are in the edge of the
woods some distance beyond the village. (Jen.
Banks came out to meet him, and the two Generals
stood a little while talking together under the trees,
meeting and parting with evident cordiality. Then
Gen. Fremont remounted, rode back to the road, and
stopping again as he entered it, dismissed and said
good bye to those of his staff who were not to ac-
company him. One after another his officers rode
up to their General, saluted, received his kindly and
cordial farewell, and turned sadly away. With the
General went Col. Albert, Chief of Staff; Lieut.-
Col. Pilsen. Chief of Artillery; Lieut.-Col. Savage,
Major Haskell and Capt. Raymond, Aides-de-Camp.
Col. Zagonyi and Capt. Howard are in Washington.
The rest of the staff remain temporarily for duty.
Headquarters have worn a gloomy look since
morning. A few officers are gravely discussing the
events of the day or the history of the campaign.
Most of them are quietly finishing what business re-
mains to be done, and will leave to-morrow. The
active life and friendly intercourse and cordial spirit
which yesterday made the camp so pleasant are op-
pressed by a calamity which leaves no one unaffected.
With the retirement of the General the staff is scat-
tered, and the hopes and prospects of the Summer
are ended.
Since tho General left, I have seen and talked .
with many officers of his command. All denounce
the injustice of the removal, and deplore its influence
on the troops. These officers are not all friends of
Gen. Fremont, but all agree in this feeling and opin-
ion. " A change of commanders in such circum-
stances," said one General, "demoralizes and dis-
heartens troops." The inspiration of his successes,
of their confidence in him, and the effect of his ef-
forts for a more thorough discipline, are completely
lost. I have had no time nor disposition to go
through the camps for inquiry. The testimony of
such a number of officers is sufficient. — Correspon-
dence of the New York Tribune.
WHAT SECESSION MEANS.
The Louisville Courier, once the organ of the
Breckinridge Democracy of Kentucky, removed
first to Bowling Green, thee to Nashville, seems
to have "gone up" when the traitors evacuated the
latter city. It was there that it put forth the follow-
ing philosophy of the rebellion:—
" This has been called a fratricidal war by some,
by others an irrepressible conflict between freedom
and slavery. We respectfully take issue with the
authors of both these ideas. We are not the broth-
ers of the Yankees, and the slavery question is mere-
ly a pretext, not the cause of the war. The true ir-
repressible conflict lies fundamentally in the heredi-
tary hostility, the sacred animosity, the eternal an-
tagonism, between the two races engaged.
" The Norman cavalier cannot brook the vulgar
familiarity of the Saxon Yankee, while the latter is
continually devising some plan to bringdown his ar-
istocratic neighbor to his own detested level. Thus
was the contest waged in the old United States. So
long as Dickinson doughfaces were to be bought,
and Cochrane cowards to be frightened, so long was
the Union tolerable to Southern men ; but when, ow-
ing to divisions in our ranks, the Yankee hirelings
placed one of their own spawn over us, political con-
nection became unendurable, and separation neces-
sary to preserve our self respect.
" As our Norman kinsmen in England, always a
minority, have ruled their Saxon countrymen in
political vassalage up to the present day, so have we,
the 'slave oligarchs,' governed the Yankees till
within a twelvemonth. We framed the Constitu-
tion, for seventy years moulded the policy of the
Government, and placed our own men, or ' Northern
men with Southern principles,' in power.
"On the (ith of November, 1860, the Puritans eman-
cipated themselves, and are now in violent insurrec-
tion against their former owners. This insane holi-
day freak will not last long, however; for, dastards
in fight, and incapable of self government, they will
inevitably again fall under the control of the superior
race. A few more Bull Run thrashings will bring
them once more under the yoke as docile as the most
loyal of our Ethiopian ' chattels.' "
THE CONSERVATIVE CAUCUS.
The Conservative Caucus at Washington, on Satur-
day, was attended by about thirty-five members
of Congress. We are assured that " various rea-
sons were given for the absence of the other gentle-
men." When the " other gentlemen " read the
resolutions passed by the caucus; these "various rea-
sons" will doubtless appear more satisfactory to
themselves than when they were first offered to ex-
cuse their absence. Vallandigham, the political fox
whose tail has been cut off, has succeeded in getting
only thirty-five other political foxes to submit to a
similar mutilation.
We have neither space nor inclination to speak at
any length of the resolutions. An apparent zeal
for the Constitution but thinly conceals the evident
purpose of their framers, which is to use the Con-
stitution to protect the rebels from punishment in
case they fail, and to remove every obstacle which
may interfere with their success. The palpable in-
tention is to give " aid and comfort to the enemy,"
by attempting to show that the Government is dis-
qualified, by the Constitution, from prosecuting the
war as other nations prosecute war. " The rights
of the South" are so sacred that they should pre-
vent the Government of the United States from ex-
ercising " the rights of war."
But if the United States cannot exercise the
rights of war, the reason must be found in the theo-
ry, that the United States do not constitute a nation ;
for all nations have these rights. As a necessary in-
ference, the secession theory of the Constitution is
the true one. The " Conservative Caucus," there-
fore, has simply justified the rebellion. The rights
of war are necessary incidents of sovereignty. Sov-
ereignty must reside somewhere; if not in the Unit-
ed States, then it must be in the separate States,
and if in the separate States, we have the comforta-
ble conclusion that the Con federate States have the
rights of war, while the United States have, them not !
The resolutions speak of the " unexampled atroci-
ties" of the rebels in conducting the war, and also
declare that the guilty leaders should be punished.
These statements sound well, and we are curious to
know especially how the leaders are to be punished.
Perhaps light is thrown on the mutter by the asser-
tion " that Congress has no force to deprive any
f AtSOfl of his property for any criming] offence, nn-
ess that person has been duly convicted by tin ver-
diet of a jury." As the jury must be taken from
the district, in which the crime was commuted, we
may well suppose that, under this process, even the
property nt' Jefferson Pa vis would he sate from con-
fiscation. If his propt'rty would be thus secure,
would not his lifr be still more secure? hub" d, we
cannot suppose that the Solons who attended the
Conservative Cam us will say that a mini's hie can
Dfi taken from him without tho verdict of a jury,
while a man's property cannot.
When the Scotch incinU'is of the House of Com,
mons voted against one of the measures of Adding
no
THE L I B E PI A. T O R
JULY 11
ton's Administration, Sheridan cried out, "Doctor,
'the. Thanes By from thee," — in pleasant allusion both
to Macbeth ami Addition's former profession. The
Bcoteh members in Addington's time occupied to him
about the same business relation which the New York
Herald occupies to the pro-slavery conservatives.^
Yet we find in the Washington correspondence of
the Herald that " the Caucus of Conservatives" was
" less successful than was expected." _ This means
that, even in the opinion of its friends, it was a mis-
erable failure.— Boston Transcript.
llenable rights, among which arc life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness." Richard Bustexd.
No. 237 Broadway, New York, July 3, 1862.
"THE UNION, THE CONSTITUTION, AND
THE ENFOEOEMENT OP THE LAWS."
In the Boston Courier of yesterday morning, we
find a communication, dated New York, addressed
to the editor, and signed " Ringbolt. " It is devoted
to an animated account of the spirit and objects
of "the great Union meeting" in New York, held
on Tuesday evening last, a meeting seemingly
called for a double purpose,— first, to assure the
rebels that they had influential friends in this city ;
and second, to assure foreign States that the North
was divided, and thus to invite intervention. Its
occurrence at the time of the retreat of McClellan's
army admirably served both objects.
As the meeting, however, was ostensibly called for
the purpose of sustaining " the Constitution as it is,
and the Union as it was," against the designs of the
abolitionists, our curiosity is especially excited to
learn what, in the opinion of the meeting, the Con-
stitution really is. Mr. Wickliffe of Kentucky an-
nounced that his State long desired to preserve an
armed neutrality between the two belligerents, and
•Sid not act until Kentucky was invaded. We have
ttherefore this important constitutional principle es-
tablished: Whenever any of the slave States of the
Onion resist by force of arms the authority of the
fifjnited States, any single slave State has the right
to establish itself as an armed umpire, or "green
•spot," between the two sections.
Fernando Wood also suggested a great constitu-
tional principle, heretofore overlooked by such men
as Marshall, Story, Kent and Webster. It is this:
Whenever Congress attempts to pass any mea-
sures which arc offensive to such men as Fernando
Wood, it is the right of'sueh men as Fernando Wood
to head an " irregular " assemblage of patriotic eiti-
zens, and forcibly disperse the members of Congress :
and the precedent to be followed in such a case shall
be that furnished by Cromwell's conduct to the Rump
Parliament.
We are indebted to " Ringbolt," the New York
correspondent of the Boston Courier, for two mon
great Constitutional principles. They are implied
in the following paragraph of his letter:—
" If Sumner is re-elected to the Senate, he may not
find it convenient to pass through this^ city. That his
name is odious, infamous, is not all — it is cursed and
abominable ! The blood oftlwusands sacrificed to his
ambition and personal revenge cries to heaven against
him; and if a Massachusetts Legislature can still
support him by its vote, those who do so will deserve
to lose their children at the altar of this Moloch.
Are 300,000 more men to be called upon lor such s
sacrifice as this, or are they, despite of what fanati-
cal legislation has already done, to make one last ef-
fort to restore the Constitution and the Union as
they were. These are now the watchwords of the
war — the only watchwords that can fill the ranks.
Men are determined that they will fight battles for abo-
lition no longer. They look at the mangled forms of
* their brethren as they return here, and ask— for what
have these suffered? And the speeches and enact-
ments at Washington — the negro institutions at Hil-
ton Head — the every word and thing that can be
said or done to repel an advance of the South to re-
turn to its loyalty — answer this ! Rely upon it,
there is another revolution at hand, and the ballot-
boxes are soon to decide if it be a bloodless one or
not ! "
The first sentence of this extract contains a threat,
that if the State of Massachusetts presumes to re-
elect Charles Sumner to the Senate, he shall be as-
sassinated as he passes through the city of New York.
We do not, of course, see any impropriety in the
fact that a Boston newspaper sees fit to publish,
even in a communication, an assurance that. New
York will kill a Massachusetts senator, if he has the
impertinence to come within her limits ; for the
Courier probably does it for the excellent purpose of
saving Mr. Sumner's life, by warning the State_ Leg-
islature beforehand of what will be the fate of its fa-
vorite, in case it insists in forcing honors upon him.
Still, we hold it to be one of the reserved rights of
the States, that each State has the exclusive privi-
lege of assassinating its own Senators, and that no
other State can perform this act without violating, to
say the least, those rules of comity and good breeding
which should exist among communities associated like
the United States. But as that eminent, jurist, the
Hon. W. A. Duer, expressed at the meeting, in the
course of a long legal argument, his desire to hang
Charles Sumner immediately after Jeff. Davis, and
.as he could hardly do it in Massachusetts, we pre-
sume that " Ringbolt" is right, and we are wrong
In the last sentence of his letter, "Ringbolt"
states distinctly that " another revolution is at hand,
and the ballot-boxes are to decide if it be a bloodless
one or not." This seems to us to accord both with
the opinions and acts of the Confederates. The
idea is, that " if the friends of the Constitution " and
of Fernando Wood are out-voted in the free States.
they will rebel. Jeff. Davis would be delighted to
endorse such a luminous principle.
We have, therefore, in addition to the two inter-
pretations of the Constitution furnished by Messrs.
Wickliffeand Wood,thetwofollowingby "Ringbolt :"
It is perfectly proper for one State to hang in a
regular, or assassinate in an " irregular " manner, a
Senator of another State who is personally obnox-
ious to any citizens of the State through which he
passes to take his seat in the Senate.
All persons who vote at elections have the right
to get up an armed opposition to the Government
they have failed to defeat at the polls.
We now comprehend, for the first time, what an
abolitionist is. He is a person who is unable to un-
derstand the Constitution as Wickliffe, Duer, Wood,
" Ringbolt," and their friends and supporters, under-
stand it. — Boston Transcript.
A EEETJKE TO TRAITOROUS DEMOCRACY.
The Tribune publishes the following letter from
Mr. Richard Busteed, a well-known lawyer of New
York, (who has always ranked himself with the
Democratic party,) declining to have his name con-
nected with the Fernando Wood sedition movement :
To the Editor of the New York Tribune: In the
report of the New York Express of a meeting held
rat the Cooper Institute, on the evening of July 1st,
instant, in pursuance of a call to the " citizens of New
York and vicinity, opposed to the further agitation
.of the negro question, and in favor of the restoration
^ofthe Union as it was, and the maintenance of the
Constitution as it is," I find my name is printed
among the list of Vice Presidents.
Ordinarily, I would not deem such a matter of
^enoush importance to require correction ; but in times
like these, the opiuious and conduct of the humblest
anay have weight in giving direction to the sentiment
.and action of others.
'For this reason, I beg to say that while I am im-
pressed with a sense of the honor intended, I did
not and do not sympathize with the object set forth
in the call, and if I had been consulted, should not
'have sanctioned the use that was made of my name.
& am opposed to the further agitation of the negro
iCpiestion.
In conducting this war for the nation's life, I
woul'd act upon the advice of La Pucclla to Burgun-
dy, " Strike those that hurt, and hurt not those that
help."
1 am in favor of the restoration of the Union as it
was with this qualification : it, shall be a Union in
which the citizens of each State shall not only be
entitled to have, but actually have, " all privileges
and immunities of citizens in the several States."
and in which a New Yorker shall not be in peril
of an application of tar and feathers or hanging
Georgia or Alabama, if he intimates that slavery is not
a divine institution.
I am not in favor of maintaining " the ConstitU'
tien as it is," any longer than is requisite to amend
it inthe manner provided by law. I want a Consti'
tution in which there shall be no saving clause or
ambiguo«s provision in favor of slavery, but which
shall be founded upon the principles of God's eter-
nal justice, and square with His golden rule.
These sentiment*, you perceive, disqualify me
from fraternizing with the so-called " Anti-Abolition,
anti-secession" gathering at the Cooper Institute.
They rather place me within the anathema and death
sentence pronounced by that distinguished orator,
Fernando Wood, against those who believe that " all
jnun arc endowed by their Creator with certain ina-
NORTHERN SYMPATHY WITH THE SLAVE-
HOLDERS' REBELLION.
There is strong evidence that the slaveholding
conspirators against the liberties of the American
people had expected essential aid from a certain
class at the North ; but the overwhelming uprising
of freemen around the ensign of the republic drove
the northern accomplices of the Southern despots
into hiding-places, to escape the wrath of an indig-
nant people. Whether the meeting got up in New
York, on Tuesday evening, was composed mainly of
such traitors, in disguise, we cannot say ; but it is
pretty evident that the doings of that meeting were
such as men of secession tendencies would naturally
engage in. The bloody rebellion at the South was
set on foot in order to uphold slavery and despotism ;
therefore all who sympathized with that movement
would exhibit the characteristics of Southern haters
of popular freedom. Those characteristics, we all
know, are a desire to trample anti-slavery men un-
der foot; suppress freedom of speech; uphold the
system of compelling men to work without wages,
and protect " slave property " in every possible way.
At the North, such men must of course profess to be
Union men ; hut by their fruits shall ye know them.
In the meeting referred to, it was proposed to hang
Charles Sumner! as well as Jeff. Davis. So Brooks
of South Carolina thought when he made his brutal
assault on the beloved Massachusetts Senator on
the floor of the Capitol. Fernando Wood is report-
ed to have proposed the characteristic slaveholding
measure, of breaking up Congress by force I and
that too, of course, because of its abolition legislation ;
such as enacting that the rebels' property shall be
used towards paying the expenses of this war. But
enough said ; the people understand such men, and
will mark them. — Northampton Free Press
M>\it lEihtftatfl*.
No Union with Slaveholders!
BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 11, 18o2
ADDRESS OF WENDELL PHILLIPS,
Delivered before the Twenty-Eighth Congre-
gational Society, at Music Hall. July 6.
[phonographic report by
M. W. YERRIKTON-]
We opened this house last fall in a season of great
doubt, when the prospects of the nation lowered; we
close it now for the summer, witb a cloud resting on
the future of the nation's effort. I propose to use the
hour that you give me, to-day, in trying to find the
reasons of this delay in what seems to me efficient
action on the part of the Government.
When Fremont crossed the desert to San Francisco,
to open the pathway of empire to the golden State,
he selected winter, in order that he might know the
utmost difficulties that the emigrant would encounter.
When Fulton's steamboat first trod the waters of the
Hudson, he selected the moment of utter difficulty,
when the spectators doubted whether the wheel could
move, to go below, rearrange the machinery, and
make that efficient which at the moment promised to
defeat the experiment. Our institutions now are un-
dergoing their first great radical trial. Hitherto, De-
mocracy here has floated on a summer sea ; no enemy
near us ; no internal difficulty that could stop even for
a moment the onward march of the Government.
Now, for the first time, the experiment of the peo-
ple's rule meets within its own bosom the great obsta-
cle which threatens to discredit Democracy in Europe,
which threatens to break asunder the territory of the
nation, which threatens to discredit the method by
which men are selected to guide the nation's action.
I take this opportunity, therefore, to look into the
machinery, to see where the obstacle is, what the
weak point seems to be, where the difficulty exists.
Let us begin at the beginning. Every man has a
right to a certain influence. Every man who thinks
is bound to have an influence. I think he should not
only attempt to influence those about him somewhat,
but he should remember the rule of Wilberforce, that
a man is bound to exert all the influence that he can.
He is not innocent if he leaves any single channel
untouched. He is bound not only to accept what
comes to him, but to plan thoughtfully how he shall
best influence those about him. You and I are con-
tented, sometimes, with the influence which this pul-
pit has had in the nation — with the amount of im-
pression it has made upon the public mind ; but at the
same time, it seems to me that we have not had— we
whom this effort represents — all the influence, all the
direct power, upon the nation's character and course
that belonged to us, that we ought to have attained.
I propose, therefore, to look for a moment into the
machinery, and endeavor to define where the defect
lies. I do not mean to belittle the religious and the
intellectual influence of such an effort as this. The
diocese of Theodore Parker extended to the,Pacific_
There are two kinds of influence : one, Chinese — a
man makes his imitator exactly what he is, as the
Chinese artist, taking- a cracked plate for his model,
reproduces the whole set wUh a crack. That is one
kind of influence — the least valuable. The other is
the influence of methods, ideas. A man creates those
who follow, not his exact stops, but his method; who
accepts not his results, but his principles of investiga-
tion, his fearlessness of examination, his boldness of
attitude. In a far city on our Western prairie, I found
a leading member of a Western bar, a man of culti.
vated intellect, wide influence, decisive character, who,
when he was married, bought all the writings of Theo-
dore Parker. On Sunday, the leisure day from his
profession, he either read one of the discourses which
you have heard from this desk, or he went eclect-
ivcly through the pulpits of the city, seeing whether
he and his wife could set up their public altar of wor-
ship in any hall. He went through every church of
the city, and, judging by what he read at home,
found none that gave him a resting-place. At last,
in a small hall, holding a hundred, he found a self-
educated, energetic man, talking to fifty hearers, im-
pelled by the inspiration of his own great heart. He
did not agree with the doctrines of this desk, but he
agreed with the purpose of this desk; and there, in
that mighty floating population, the young lawyer,
with his wealth, social position, professional standing,
wide intellectual influence, placed himself by the side
of the struggling talker, and over both the great hand
of the Bishop of Music Hall was lifted, to create on
the prairies of the West disciples who did not adopt
his shibboleth, but who answered to the great spirit of
individual independence, fearless investigation, utter
protest against popular iniquities, and conventional
religion. That is the best influence which a man can
wield ; and that lonely grave at Florence still wields
it, far West to the prairies of Illinois and the golden
regions of California.
But still, there are four kinds of influence. There
is the social, the intellectual, the religious, and the po-
litical. The social influence is this : a man of fascin-
ating, keen, brilliant intellect, and fair position, gath-
ers the suffrages that make him potent from every
source, from every quarter. His acquaintances value
him by the reputation that the broad surface of socie-
ty renders to him. He is not potent because he is
admired in Boston Bolely; the reflection of his Now
York, of his London, of his Philadelphia, of his Chi-
cago acquaintance, adds to the weight of his social po-
sition. The compliment which conies to a great
speaker or to an independent man a thousand miles off,
adds to the weight of his home hand. So there is an
intellectual influence. This pulpit is not potent mere-
ly because it collects two thousand men within these
walls of a Sunday; it is because Music Hall, to the
farthest WeBt, is recognized as the spot where unpopu-
lar truth gets an utterance, where hunted freedom
finds an altar. The South dreads it as the vanguard
of New England fanaticism. Its influence is not local.
Every one of you leels stronger to-day because you
know that the eyes of twenty States are on you. So,
jake the Tribune, The Tribune ie strong, not because
of its corps of editors, not for its ten or fifteen thou-
sand New York subscribers, but because it moulds
opinions in Minnesota; because, when Wade speaks,
he speaks with a constituency which the New York
Tribune has moulded to stand behind him. When
Lovejoy enters Congress, the constituency that sends
him there wfts created by the Evening Post and the
New York Tribune. There is no locality, there is no
Hemming-in of geographical boundaries, there is no
close corporation, in these things. Why do we listen
to Horace Greeley ? We know that when he speaks,
a hundred thousand men listen, and that on at least.a
hundred thousand hearts his words fall with the power
of a leader. The majority do not love to lead ; they
love to follow. There are very few men who love the
labor and responsibility of thought. The majority
love to have their thinking done for them. In a mo-
ment of leisure, in the mere play conflict of society,
they maintain an opinion ; but in the critical moment,
when action is to rest on intellect, when a step is to be
taken as the result of logic, when a great nation's fate
hangs on his raising the right hand, every man shrinks
from the responsibility. He says, " You lead — I fol-
low." The majority love to follow. When such fi
as Greeley speaks, why does the President go tt
hear him in Washington 1 Why does the Cabinet
crowd the Smithsonian platform when he lectures, and
leave Cheever and me unattended 1 Because, when he
speaks, the great West listens, and on their hot hearts <
the trusted leader of the Republican sentiment pours
the mature, the ripe conclusions which are to imme-
diately result, or very soon to result, in national ac-
tion. Such are the social, religious, and intellectual
chiefs among us.
Now we come to politics — the close, direct influence
on the nation's affairs. The political chief represents
a geographical district. He is chosen solely by the
votes of those who live, one may say, in sight of his
house. Unlike the social, religious and intellectual
chiefs I have named, the political chiefs, by our pres-
ent system of election, represents a cut and squared
surface of population. Let me explain. Mr. Lin-
coln stands hesitating to-day. Why 1 He is " Hon-
est Abe"; he means to do his duty. I believe he
honestly wishes that this convulsion shall result in the
destruction of the slave Bystem. (Applause.) But
Mr. Lincoln is not a genius ; he is not a leader. It is
quite doubtful whether, under Democratic institutions
a leader ever can be President. It is quite doubtful
under Democratic institutions, whether leading minds
ever can fill the great offices of State They certain-
ly never can under the present system. Mr. Lincoln
is not a leader ; he is a second-rate man ; he rejoices
in being a second-rate man. His theory of Democra-
cy is, that be is the servant of the people, not the
leader. Like the Indian trapper on the prairie, his
keen car listens to know what twenty million of peo-
ple want him to do: what their conscious, matured,
recognized principles to-day demand of him to do. He
stands asking, "What do you mean I shall do?"
Ericsson is a genius ; and if the Union is saved, we
owe it to John Ericsson, not to Abraham Lincoln
(applause) ; for, without listening to anything but the
inspiration of his own genius, he sees the want, mea-
sures the void, and fills it. He is a leader, not a fol-
lower. Lincoln, selected by the present method of
Democratic election, as I am going to proceed to
show you, cannot be anything but a servant. What
does he want to-day ? I am going to take it for granted
that he is honest; I am going to take it for granted
that the Cabinet which starfds behind him, according
to popular report, is more than that; it actually leans,
the bulk of it, toward the purpose of letting this
convulsion preserve the Union by the method of mak-
ing it homogeneous — basing it on freedom. (Ap-
plause.) But of course the Cabinet, and the Presi-
dent too, are only the servants of the people; they
listen to Congress ; they heed the official voice of the
people. Let me go into that a moment. What is, at
present, the official voice of America? Democracy
means this — the government of the people. Democ-
racy, in its noblest and highest sense, is the govern-
ment by the present mind of all the people. We
arc at present pluming ourselves on an experiment of
Democracy. Lord Brougham criticises us as demon-
strating "the failure of Democracy " ; but he knows
nothing of that he is talking about, for we have never
had a Democracy yet. Ncjt only has the great South-
ern Oligarchy hitherto smothered the tendency toward
Democracy in the Northern States, which it now
threatens to annihilate, but we have never had a De-
mocracy even here. Let me show you what I mean.
I am going to speak to you of the rights of minorities.
I am about to try to unfold to you, in half an hour,
what Stuart Mill has been urging in England for
twenty years — the rights of minorities; and to show
you that, I think, here lies the obstacle to the success
of the North in this struggle.
We say in Massachusetts that the people govern,
What do we mean? When you resolve it into the
fact, " the majority govern" is what the politician
will tell you. We go to the polls, and out of a mil-
lion of men, if there are 700,000 who think one way,
and 300,000 who think another, the 300,000 must
yield to the 700,000 rule. That is the theory. Now
look at the result. We will take 15,000 voters in
a district; 7000 of them are Democrats, 8000 are
Republicans. Many a district in this' State is as
closely contested as that. November approaches;
the question is, "Whom shall we nominate?" Of
those 8000 Republicans, 3000 are Abolitionists, we will
suppose; men "who agree with Fremont, with Hun-
ter, that the path out of this war is emancipation. The
question comes, " Whom shall we nominate ? " They
say to themselves, "If we nominate such a man,
there are 5000 of our own party who are not ready for
that problem; he never can be elected. Whom must
we nominate 1 We must nominate a man on a level
with the lowest tier of our own party. We must
nominate a man whose decisive opinions'have never
made an enemy. We must nominate a man whose
radicalism hue never been feared. We must nomi-
nate a man who believes the Lord Almighty owns the
earth, but the Devil must not he deprived of his half
of it just yet. (Laughter.) We must not go too fust
nor too far." And perhaps in that district there are
2000 liquor sellers. They say, " You must nominate
a man, one or the other of you, who agrees with us;
if you don't, we, the small minority of 2000, hold our
votes irrespective of all opinions, pledged to this one
interest." The consequence is, they nominate an
eel ; they nominate an artful dodger ; they nominate a
man who lives by whispering at Washington what it
is death to him to have known at home ; who is polit-
ically dead about the time he is equally well known
in both places. He is elected. The 3000 radicals vote
for him — he is the best they can get; the 5000 un-
pledged, neutral, non-committal, timid, cautious, hide-
and-seek Republicans vote for him. Whom does he rep-
resent? He does not represent 7000 Democrats; he
does not represent 3000 radicals. He represents 5000
men who were never guilty of an opinion. Five
thousand men, then, out of the 15,000 in that district,
are really represented. That is not a very near ap-
proach to the government of the "majority." One
hundred such men go up to the Legislature. Now, I
am not exaggerating matters ; you know it is true.
(Applause.) One hundred such men go up to the
Legislature. Then comes up a test question — astern,
.close, decisive measure. Sixty men vote for it ; forty
vote against it; it is carried. Now, how many men
put that law on the Statute-hook ? Sixty voters, each
ono representing JtOOO men. The whole hundred, ac-
cording to my estimate, represent a million and a half;
those sixty represent 300,000 men, and they govern.
To-day, the grog-shops of Boston, that are open from
Chelsea ferry to Roxbury line, choose your Mayor.
To-day, the border States, the most selfish and the
most timid in the country, govern the country, because
this Administration fears opposition more than it
values support. We are not under the government
of the majority, on our method; wo are under the
government of the minority, necessarily; and, more
than that, by the working of our machinery, we are
under the government of a minority of doughfaces;
a minority of men who do not offend anybody, whose
intellects are of the lowest type, whose moral convic-
tions are at low tide. These are the men who elect
Congressmen. Five Massachusetts members, elected
by this method, voted down one of the best Emanci-
pation measures of the present Congress. Sumner
and Wade and Lovejoy and Julian are but exception-
al cases — " happy accidents," as Alexander the First
was on the throne of Russia. " Happy accidents";
but the great majority of Congress represent each 5000
men without an opinion. President Lincoln to-day,
when every hour is big with the fate of an empire,
when every hour is risking the permanence of the
Union, knows no other official representation of the
popular sentiment of America than the Halls of Con-
gress afford. The Halls of Congress, taking out
those happy exceptions, by the very machinery of our
Government, represent the doughfaces of the North —
the men without an opinion. Does any man here
wonder that President Lincoln does not lead ? He
has actually gone ahead of the official expression of
the public sentiment of the North. His Border-State
proclamation is an arrow's flight ahead of any official
intimation to him of the public opinion of the North.
Now, dwelling a moment on our machinery, what
is the remedy ? Why, on Stuart Mill's plan, the rem-
edy is in the minority being represented. That is,
Boston is not to be obliged to choose, from its own
citizens, a representative to" Congress; Worcester is
not to be confined, in choosing a representative, to her
own inhabitants; but if 15,000 men in Massachusetts
agree with Theodore Parker, in his lifetime, in
opinion, they choose him, and send him to Congress.
This is the plan, intended to furnish a Legislature
that represents not a majority of the people as now,
but the whole people. Then the majority of such rep-
resentatives, who will really represent a majority of
the whole people, speak for the nation and enact its
laws. The plan is this. Having first settled who
shall vote, suppose in any State there are two hun-
dred thousand such voters, and the Legislature is to
consist of fifty representatives. Each representative
should stand for four thousand voters. Names should
be announcedj and then, all over the State, each man
should vote according to a system whose details I
witl not here trouble you with; but whose result is,
that no man enters the Legislature who has not re-
ceived four thousand votes ; and every voter would
see in the Legislature a man he voted for. Four thou-
sand voting Abolitionists, scattered over such a State,
could have thus sent Parker or Garrison to the Leg-
islature twenty years ago; and such voters, for years
unrepresented,. because in a hopeless minority, would
have had a voice for the last twenty years in the
Legislature. No limit of locality, any more than in
the Tribune, any more than in the social influence. If
Massachusetts does not like Charles Sumner, a
lion of men the Union over may send him into the
Senate. It is no matter where the representative
lives, it is no matter where the voter lives. Every
man who goes into the House of Representa-
tives, must represent the same number of votes.
Whether he gets them from Boston or - Chicago,
whether he gets them from Worcester or Syracuse, it
is no matter. You and I might vote for Gerrit Smith.
If there was any danger that Wade would not be re-
elected, we might vote for him. If Caleb Cushing can
get his number, he goes into Congress ; if a radical re-
former can get them, he goes into Congress. If there
are thirty thousand men to-day who agree with Fre-
mont, they send him to Congress; and if there are a
million such, they send thirty representatives to Con-
gress.
Common men often change a political idol ; edu-
cated men rarely change an intellectual one. Sena-
tors and Representatives, elected for sake of their
opinions by thoughtful, decided men all over the coun-
try, would certainly have the weight, and probably
have the fixedness and independence, of members of a
House of Lords; and thus, while approaching closer
to the theory of Democracy, we should also secure one
of the few benefits of a monarchy. Such a body of
members would form, inside the Legislature, that base
of resistance, that point d'appui, which- is always need-
ed in a Democracy to sustain an unpopular reform;
which, witb us, the Anti-Slavery cause has found for
twenty years, in a body of men banished by their
opinions and their conscientious scruples from the bal-
lot-box ; which the Temperance enterprise has been so
often obliged to find only in hopeless minorities ban-
ished from all office.
As things now stand, outside pressure is the only
method of reform. The Anti-Slavery enterprise began
in 1831. What did we do ? We confined ourselves to
the trenches; we made our public opinion. The
menf we got strong enough, we went to the doors of
the Legislature. For fifteen years, we stood there.
,1 remember it well. Not a voice inside those doors
agreed with us. We appeared before committees, we
circulated pamphlets, we laid a tract on the seat of
every member ; but no man inside ever spoke for us.
We waited fifteen, seventeen, twenty years, before we
got so superfluously strong that we could send a repre-
sentative inside. Now, suppose Stuart Mill's method
had governed here, — that every man who entered
Congress must represent thirty thousand r
agreed with him ; that any man, up to the number of
three hundred, who could get thirty thousand men to
agree with him, could go to Congress. Long ago,
Theodore Parker could have got, over the broad sur-
face of the Union, 30,000 voters to agree with him ; and
those great orations that were spoken from this desk
from 1846 up to 1858 would have been spoken in
Washington, with the whole nation for an audience.
The sight of one such man, accepted by the people,
would have changed the opinions of those "waiters
on Providence," who always go with the strongest
and instead of standing to-day with a North unready
for the conflict, we should have had the deliberations
of the House of Representatives and the Senate,
from 1845 to '61, educating the people to be ready for
just such a crisis as this. Instead of an outside pres-
sure, instead of a Congress to-day that represents the
men of no opinion, we should have a Congress that
represents the utter and outside*Democracy, and the
utter and outside Garrisomanism, face to face on the
floor of the Senate and the House. (Applause.) We
need not say with DeTocqueville, " Every Govern-
ment is always just as rascally as the people will al-
low," but we may ask what sort of a Government
have we a right to expect when the authoritative
voice of the people reaches it only through such chan-
nels as I have described.
What does Mr. Lincoln need to-day ? Mr. Davis of
Kentucky, Mr. Holt of Kentucky, Mr. Wickliffe of
Kentucky, get up and say to him, "Advance one
step in the direction of Hunter, and the Border States
leave you." The Administration trembles, and holds
back. A Republican rises. He remembers his con-
stituency at home. Who sent him there 1 Why,
men who are just saved from voting for Benjamin
Thomas; men Who are just saved from being de-
luded by the Boston Courier; men who arc just saved
from being carried away by the declamation of Mr.
George T. Curtis. He says to himself, " I dare not
put my foot down; I shall not be reelected." What
is it necessary for Republicanism to say to a Cabinet
that fears opposition more than it values support? It
is necessary that it should say to them, "Gentle-
men, you have had fourteen months' trial; you want
800,000 men to-day; you want ¥150,000,000; you
shall not have a man nor n dollar until you proclaim a
policy." (Applause.) The Border State men s;iy,
"Put your foot there, and we desert you"; and the
1,000,000 voters that put you into oflice say, "Forbear
to put your foot there, and wo desert you," (Ap-
plause.) The moment that word is uttered, the scr-
vnnts of the people, the Cabinet and the President,
will have light let in upon their minds as to the proper
course to be pursued in this national emergency ; but
until then, the great mass of the national intellect
which has been educated by this war, which has been
educated by the twenty years previous, is not ofli-
cially heard by the Government,
T nai<l, we have no genius in the Government. I do
not know a man, either in the army or in civil life,
that can properly be considered a leader. They are
all servants of popular opinion. Perfectly proper: I
am not here to find fault with them, lifted as they arc
to their places by the method whieh has prevailed
hitherto. Democracy in Athens meant a vt-ry dif-
ferent thing. The people voted. You could not keep
Demosthenes from the sight of the people. Any man
might ascend the platform, which was called the
Bema, and make his speech. If he could carry the
convictions of the multitude with him, the mass
voted, and it was war with Philip or peace, as the
crowning genius of the hour could mould the people
to the purpose. But when on the prairies of Mis-
souri Fremont speaks the magic word which is strat-
egy and statesmanship combined, red-tape snufl's him
out, and sends him home to do nothing. Jealousy
and timidity block his way, and the only mind which
seems to have the flaming energy necessary for the
crisis is put into the back rank, is overswayed and
balanced by the representatives of the middle class
that crowd official houses. Fremont's name is almost
the only one of romantic interest in our annals. Most
of our statesmen have only a working-day fame — hard
and cold. His life speaks to the heart. Fatherless
and poor, he springs even in youth to world-wide
scientific renown ; amid hair-breadth escapes and dan-
gers more terrific than battle, his reckless daring opens
to us a path over the continent — his soldierly skill
and prompt decision give to the Union the golden
State of the Pacific — always doing exactly the right
thing, as if by inspiration, and always suscessful ; a
love match ; untold wealth showered on him by happy
accident; and then, born amid slavery, bis name be-
comes to 1,200,000 sovereign ballots the representative
of liberty and equality — a successful General on the
outmost and most dangerous post, he speaks the talis-
manic word that would bring everything into order;
then, as always, never finding a foe who dares look
him in the face. Europe admires Democracy led by
genius — all is sunshine till that hour. The ancients,
when too happy, threw some prized jewel into the
sea to propitiate the envious gods. A discrowned
monarch lives twice as long in history as his success-
ful rival. Charles II. in exile, Francis I. in captivity,
are the most romantic names in their history. St.
Helena does more to keep Napoleon in memory than
Austerlitz. It needed the gross injustice in Missouri,
the studied insult in Western Virginia, to plant Fre-
mont's name forever in the people's hearts. Let us
hope that, like Charles and Francis, he may yet mount
bis rightful throne. (Applause.)
It seems to me that what we need to-day, if we can
compass it, is to approach the servants of the people
with some intimation of the real sentiments of the
masses. I do not believe that the majority of the
North are ready at this moment to demand emancipa-
tion as the policy which is to guide the nation out of
this war; but I believe Abraham Lincoln has secured
that amount of confidence and admiration, that if he
were to announce anything, the millions of the North
would say, "Amen!" (Applause.) They have
formed no conscious purpose, they have elaborated no
exact method, they stand ready to follow. What they
demand is a leader. We are to encourage the Admin-
istration up to taking the responsibility. Voltaire says,
All saints are cowards." The Whig party went to
the ground because it had just so much virtue as to
make it cowardly. The Democratic party was always-
bold. In the Mexican war, the Administration took
Webster with one hand, and Winthrop with the other,
and said, " Vote against this war for slavery if you
dare ! Remember the Federal party, that opposed the
war of 1812; stand on its grave, and vote against the
Mexican raid ! " And they wilted. (Laughter.)
To-day, Republicanism in the saddle could say to the
Border States and the Democratic party, " The sceptre
of war is in our right hand ; it is to be wielded by the
blacks in favor of emancipation ; vote against it if you
dare!" (Loud applause.) Bad men have always
used that logic of events. That is what the "logic of
events" means. " The logic of events," what is it?
It is circumstances eailing into action the irresistible
sentiments and passions of the human heart. To-day,
the logic of events is, that possibly we may save the
nation from English and French interference, because
Illinois is full of wheat, and English harvests are
very barren ; because France starves, and the valley of
the Mississippi is loaded with grain, and she dare not
interfere. The logic of events is, that if England
crosses the channel and then the Atlantic, side by side
with France, the Irishman, who has hated England
for twg centuries will love the negro, provided he
can fight England at his side. (Applause.) The logic
of events is, that the moment Palmerston says Butler
is infamous, the old Democrat, who hated Garrison,
loves him, if, side by side with the "fanatic," he can
only strike at England, whom he hates more. The
logic of events is, Republicanism in the saddle saying
to the halting Border States and the Daily Advertiser,
"The war means Hunter and Fremont; vote against
it if you dare!" (Applause.) But Republicanism
dares make no use of the logic of events. It stands
halting, timid, before the representatives of the minori-
ty. It believes neither in God nor in man. God,
who hears the sighing of the prisoner, who is listening
to the plaintive wails of the Port Royal song upon the
Sea Islands, heard for the first time by Yankee ears,
does not mean to tantalize those twenty thousand
slaves with the sight of a freedom He does not mean
to give them in reality, — God it believes not, nor man,
who stauds at the North ready to obey God in this
order of his Providence, and go down to give his right
hand to the victim. Republicanism at Washington,
that believes in neither, is carrying us onward, whi)e
time is the only element of success. Let us wait until
November, until January, and England and France
are anchored in New Orleans and Charleston to say,
" These States are independent." Then the North is
not to yield at once ; oh no; she will pour out her
millions of money and her thousands of men to recov-
er, possibly, her territory to the Gulf. But that is a
doubtful problem. To-day, Jefferson Davis is doing
less to break this Union by his armies at Richmond,
than Lincoln by his Cabinet policy and delay in the
city of Washington. (Applause.) The Administra-
tion evidently is very ready to do any thing, to go any
where the people demand; not ready to lead where
the people are evidently ready to follow. Fremont
and Hunter in the field, Sumner, Wade, and their com-
rades in the Senate, are the only ones ready to inter-
pret the people's instincts into action ; that is what
constitutes a leader.
We are paying to-day the enormous penalty of mil-
lions of dollars and thousands of lives for that
had system of government, miscalled "democracy,"
which necessarily gives us second rate, non-committal
men for Presidents and Senators. We pay dear to-
day for having, as President, a man so cautious as
to be timid — and so ignorant as to fear the little near
danger more than great danger further ofi". But the
people's instincts arc right. They grope their way
toward some one whose quick and bold genius will
interpret for them their now dumb wishes. They
fed that Emancipation is the only thunderbolt which
can crush rebellion and save the Union. In vain the
mongrel curs who have mobbed us for years bark, out
of their still unbroken collars, " Save the Union and
crush the rebellion ; then settle these minor ouestions " —
the silent millions see the transparent cheat.
This war really began when the disastrous compro-
mise was made in 1787. Then, Slavery began to bind
Samson with green withes. What cripples McCtcllan
to-day is, thnt his fathers, in 1787, bound one of his
bunds, and left him only one to fight with. What
shows Fremont's courage ;md stalosnmnshipat once is,
that the first use ho made of his sword whs to cut his
own hands loose for the conflict. Thieves break in ami
bind the muster of the house, hand and foot, then go
down to pack up the plate. Some One proposes to
find means to cut the bonds : — " Don't trouble me
with minor jUWttWW/ 1 cries the struggling man, "let
me get those thieves out first, and then I'll intend in
Cutting myself louse " !
The Great Eastern lies rudderless on tin- sea.
Towle proposed to rig a helm. " Don't worry about
minor matters/' cry the stupid passengers, "only get
us ashore, and then you may repair the ship." A
frigate, gaping in all her quarters, is filling rapidly —
the captain proposes to set to work, and Btop the _
leaks. "Oh, no fusB about 'these little things'
now ; get us Bafe into harbor, and then you may car-
ry your ship into dock, and make her tight." Such
stuff cheats no Yankee — seems plausible only to those
who go about asking to be deceived. The only
doubt is, will the people's willingness to be led in
the right path find leaders before it is too late to
save the Union 1 What we want is to impress
the Administration with the belief that the North
is ready to have her Government mean Liberty.
I have no doubt of the result for the negro. His lib-
erty is written in the book of fate ; the leaf that re-
cords it is already turned over — I know it. (Ap-
plause.) Why, Mr. Curtis might as well declaim
against the East wind, so dangerous to weakened
lungs, or Indian corn, so fatal to fevered systems, as
against New England character and purpose, out of
which has grown the Abolition enterprise. When
our fathers planted free schools, they planted opposi-
tion to slavery. Thought never rests while there is
anything wrong in front of it. A Yankee is never
satisfied while there is any thing clumsy in mechanics
or erroneous in morals within his reach ; and the man
who planted free schools and pulpits, and made us
ivhat we are, made New England as irresistibly and
nevitably Abolition, as now and forever fatal to wick-
ed systems, as East wind and Indian corn must be to
fever and consumption. Our questioning brains, im-
patient that their ideal perfection is not reached, toss
and fret tili the evil is probed, opened, and cured.
Like our salt sea, it eats and eats into opposing rocks
till it finds no opposite to consume. Xerxes' chains
on the sea were exact types of parchment contracts
laid over such blood — reasoning with such a tenden-
cy. Now, there will be no danger from this. When
the angels scaled Heaven, Milton tells us the ethereal
substance threw off the stain. New England, for two
hundred years, has lived under the dominion of ideas ;
she has been elaborating thoughts, she has been weigh-
ing morals, she has been dividing ethics. The slave
system crossed her path; she weighed it, marked it
infamous, and nailed it to the counter. Now this war
attacks her for having done it. The angels might as
well scale heaven. War is only the tempest, the
thunder storm. This pulpit, this boob, [the Bible,]
the press, are morning and evening, sunrise and sun-
set, seed time and harvest, sunshine and soil. We
must conquer here at the North. No barbarous and
brutal South can permanently hurt or affect such a
New England: —
!■ could she break her way
By force, and at her heels all hell should rise,
With blackest insurrection, to confound
Heaven's purest light ; yet New England,
All incorruptible, would on her throne
Sit unpolluted, aod the ethereal mould,
Incapable of stain, would soon expel
The mischief, and purge oif the baser fire
Victorious."
This is sure : it must be so. It is written in the
philosophy, in the natural and essential character of
twenty million of brains, that we of New York and
New England and Illinois must give character to this
continent. I do not doubt that. Give me time, and I
know the brain of New England will inform the whole
iluggish system of Carolina and Mississippi. -.But the
question to-day is, whether, in order to hold on to that
territory, we shall do justice to the negro ; and Lin-
coln's pause of an hour makes it perilous and doubt-
ful. Napoleon failed in Russia, because he would not
accept the serfs who offered to fight for him if he
would free them. -Too friendly to Alexander to ac-
cept, he was beaten. I was a Unionist sixteen years.
The Abolition enterprise started in 1831. We said,
until 1846, "It is possible to save the Church and the
Union, and still emancipate the slave." We labored
— maligned, calumniated, misrepresented, ostracised
from society and the ballot-box, — for sixteen years.
We then said, " It is vain ; over the ruins of the
American Church and the ruins of the American
Union is the only exodus for the slave." From 1846
to '61 we preached that lesson.
We said, there is not virtue and intelligence enough
in the North to save this government from the Oligar-
chy that is eating it up. 1861 came, and in April, the
gun resounded from Sumpter, and the whole North
started to its feet. We said, " We were wrong. The
North is not cankered and dead, it is alive. Bound
with the withes of sectarianism, confused by the pet-
ty issues of politics, we mistook the time ; the heart
of the people is still right for Liberty and for Union " ;
and we said, " All hail the government that leads it to
Freedom ! " .(Applause.) United Government, once,
was the bulwark of slavery — now, Union can only
save itself by Freedom : supporting it, we do our
duty to the negro. Fourteen months, until to-day,
we have given that government our confidence. We
have supported it with every moral influence that
was within our reach. We have said, " We wait for
you to wake up to the lesson of the honr." To-day,
Europe watches us with her aristocratic anxiety to
break the Republic in pieces. To-day, France, with
one foot planted in Mexico, plots for a weak neighbor
that cannot hem in her aggressive designs. To-day,
the news goes to England, floating midway, that we
received such atlefcat at Richmond that the Govern-
ment dared not trust the people with the news. On
the basis of that impression, the-i next steamer is to
carry to England the call of the Government for
300,000 more men. What is the impression made
upon Europe % The North is standing at bay. She
finds herself unequal to the contest. The President
finds no moral strength. He dare not mingle in the
conflict of bullets the stronger element of the morale.
He dare not let loose liberty for the victim race, and
the gratification of the longing of the Northern con-
science to be consistent with its own principles. He
dare not put an idea behind bis rifles. With that con-
clusion, bow soon will Europe interfere ? And if die
does, the long vista of a seven years' war is before lis.
The South, that held us at bay alone, is to have the
eagles and the lilies united to its bars, and where is
the Union "? If it is saved, John Ericsson has saved
it. When Hunter gathered the blacks into one room
at Port Royal, and said, " Every man that wishes to
fight, hold up his hand," a forest of hands went up,
and he said, "Some of you would hold up four hands,
if you had them ? " " Ten, massa, if we had them."
(Applause.) If the Union is to be saved, it will be by
our holding up both hands, using every channel of in-
fluence, every method of impression. Why, even
Wade and Sumner, as politicians, cannot dare to take
the place which Davis and Holt occupy to-day ; with
Massachusetts behind them, cannot say to the govern-
ment, "Do so, or you have not a dollar." There
must be a power at the North that shall say it. If
madmen in New York, and jaundiced editors here, can
say, " The Congress that looks at the negro needs only
a Cromwell to turn it into the streets," we know it is
the voice of men who love and serve slavery in their
hearts. Let us always, believe that "Liberty is possi-
ble,': remembering that poorly planned republican in-
stitutions nre better than the despotism of the sword,
since they at least have vigor enough to cure their
own defects.
Doubtless, if the Long Parliament had done its whole
duty. Cromwell had never interfered. Possibly, if
our Government neglect its duty, sonic of our impa-
tient successors, looking back on a lost Onion, will la-
ment that no Cromwell interfered. What wonder if
a Union, planned by fathers who dared not trust God
that to do justice was sate, should be lost h> sons
crippled by ihc s:unc infidelity ' Vet it. in the provj-
deuce of God, this t inton is to be broken in pieces,
let us remember that even such a failure in the exper-
iment of self-government will be a beacon to light the
people on in their path to Liberty and Equality. Hut
the record is still open. If wo do our duty promptlv,
fearlessly, the struggling wish of the people may yet
find a voice in the Halls of Congress, and an arm in
the Executive, bold Mid decisive enough to s.we the
Union. May this sublime uprising not lie too Inte and
in vuin I M;iy that lalismanii- word, proclaimed at the
head of our victorious arms m Missouri, and echoed
from I'ort Koyal. sound Inmi the I 'apili'l, lo avert for-
eign Interference and crush rebeUioa >
JULY 11.
THE LIBEKA.TOH
111
FOURTH OF JULY.
The previous two days' continuous rain was nn ex-
cellent preparation for n brilliant day on the Fourth of
July, which was observed with the usual variety of
demonstrations in this city, and in all parts of the coun-
try, excepting the rebellious South, where any refer-
ence to the Declaration of Independence, except to
curse it and to trample it under foot, would have in-
sured a halter for its unfortunate admirer. Of course,
in view of the defeat and retreat of Gen. McOlellan's
army, — of twenty-five thousand of that army killed,
■wounded and missing,— only a few days before, noth-
ing could have been in worse taste than exultation or
vain-glorying; and we presume there was very little
of this in any quarter.
The usual Anti-Slavery Celebration in the beauti-
ful Grove at Framingham brought together the larg-
est and most imposing assemblage, perhaps, of the
tried, and unfaltering friends of universal emancipation
ever convened at that consecrated place. The num-
ber was estimated at not less than three thousand —
the special trains from Boston, Worcester, Milford,
Marlboro', &c, all bringing more than ever before ;
and for general intelligence, high moral worth, and
sobriety and earnestness of character, not to be sur-
passed. They all came to spend the day in a manner
to advance the cause of freedom, justice and human-
ity, and thus to save and bless the whole land. A full
report of the highly interesting proceedings is deferred
to give place to the able and luminous speech delivered
at Music Hall on Sunday last by Wendell Phillips.
Suffice it to say, this week, that excellent speeches
were made by E. H. Hey wood, J. Miller McKim, of
Philadelphia, (giving a very interesting account of his
recent visit to Port Royal,) Susan B. Anthony, of
Rochester, N. Y., John S. Rock, Wm. Wells Brown,
Rev. Daniel Foster, A. T. Foss, Henry C. Wright,
Charles C. Burleigh, Rev. William C. Tenney, &c.
These were listened to with unbroken interest and
warm. approval. It was a day most profitably spent.
As a matter of symmetry, and to illustrate her mor-
al and patriotic deterioration, Boston — having so con-
temptible a mayor as Joseph M. Wightman — had the
notorious Slave Commissioner, George T. Curtis, as
orator of the day, (who made, of course, an essentially
traitorous address,) with the equally notorious Rev.
South-Side Adams as chaplain. The occasion was
considerably redeemed by the truly patriotic speech
delivered at the Faneuil civic dinner, by Judge Wash-
burn, of Harvard College, of which the following is
a sample : —
"Our country has been a source of pride and glory.
It has been the hope of the world in past years, and
it shall be the hope of the world in future years.
(Cheers.) But let me ask you whether, while we
were thus growing in wealth, there were not growing
up sources of local difficulties, local jealousies, causes
of weakness instead of power, operating sectionally to
divide this great nation, and instead of making us a
united, strong, happy and prosperous people, laying
the seed of dissolution in the government'? Is it not
so? In the disagreement and discord on the one side
and the other, between the North and the South, is it
not true that we were losing our nationality ? I put
it to you, gentlemen, were we not losing our national-
ity, which was being swallowed up in the local State
association, State pride — a local association as dis-
tinguished from that pride of country, that nationality
without which we can never be a proud and indepen-
dent and successful nation "? I need not allude to the
cause ; we all know the sectional cause of difficulty ;
we know there were causes at work, and until we get
rid of those causes, God knows we never shall be
strong as we shall be when they are removed. (Loud
cheering.)
If there ever was a man who would stand by the
Constitution to the last drop of his blood, I certainly
would rank myself with him. The causes that de-
tracted from the entire independence of this country
are being rooted out to-day. I believe, as I believe
my own existence — as I believe in the existence of
God himself — our country is to work out its indepen-
dence, We wanted something to create a nationality ;
we wanted something like the attack on Fort Sumter
— when we saw our flag put down by the hands of na-
ked rebellion. There was not a man to ask whether
he was from the East or. West', Massachusetts or New
York, Michigan or California — it was a national feel-
ing that rose up in the breasts of 600,000 men — rose
up to maintain our nationality then and there. ■ (Loud
cheers.)
Nationality is one of the results of this infernal re-
bellion. The speaker enlarged somewhat on this
topic, and said : Slavery has got to fall before free
labor. (Prolonged cheermg.) When it shall come
about I cannot tell, but I believe it will be accomplish-
ed ; and if we do not see it, our children will see this
country a free nation, as much as I believe they will
see the nation live at all.
The speaker closed by saying: We have had the
war of -our birth, we have had the war of our man-
hood, I believe we have now the war of our indepen-
dence, and I will give you as a sentiment : That war
— God grant, as a speedy result, the overthrow of the
rebellion, the everlasting destruction of the cause of
the want of nationality, the establishment of an entire
nationality of spirit, and the establishment of absolute
independence of our nation as a nation."
What the ribaldrous Courier says of this excellent
speech and its author, sec " Refuge of Oppression."
The following brief but suggestive letter from Hon.
Charles Sumner was read at the dinner : —
Senate Chamber, 2d July, '62.
Dear Sir: I have been honored by your invitation
to be present at the approaching celebration of the 4th
of July by the City Government of Boston. Pleased
as I should be to enjoy again this well remembered
festivity, my public duties here will not allow me. It
is not my habit to leave my post.
In celebrating the 4th of July in this crisis of our
history, let us not forget the principles which render
the day sacred. Mr. Calhoun in the Senate audacious-
ly denied these principles, and this denial was an ear-
nest utterance of the rebellion which wicked men, for
the sake of a wicked purpose, at last organized. The
Declaration of Independence nobly proclaims " that all
men are created equal." In seeking to make this
unquestionable, with a practical reality everywhere
throughout the land, we devote ourselves to a duty of
patriotism and piety which will God bless. Let us all
join in the good work, and thus save our country.
Believe me, Sir, with much respect,
Your faithful servant,
' Charles Sumner.
PLAIN TALE, AND THE TIME E0E IT.
In the U. S. Senate, on Monday last, Senator Chan-
dler of Michigan, in the course of a speech referring
to the inglorious retreat before the rebel forces of the
army under Gen. McClellan, came " right to the
point" in the following telling manner : —
"The Senator from Pennsylvania wanted to know
where the army was, or who placed it there. The
army of the Potomac, when it marched on Manassas,
numbered 230,000 men, and the enemy less than
30,000. They marched on Manassas, and found 32
wooden guns, and 1,100 dead horses. That army
could have marched to Richmond in 30 days, and not
lost 1,000 men, and there was no impediment to its
marching to Charleston or New Orleans. But the
Senator from Pennsylvania wants to know who placed
the army where it is. The press, politicians, and
traitors of the country declare that E. M. Stanton put
them there; but Stanton had nothing to do with put-
ting the army in the marshes of the Chickahoniiny.
This is a matter of criminality — of gross criminality —
which should consign the criminal to eternal detesta-
tion and condemnation. The country demands sacri-
fice for this crime, and the press of the country are
demanding the sacrifice of the mere clerk Stanton —
the mere clerk to obey the orders of the President.
He (Chandler) introduced a resolution which, if an-
swered, would show the true criminal. The crimi-
nality was reduced so as to be between two persons.
The great crime consisted in sacrificing and dividing
this great Army of the Potomac, and the criminal is
either Abraham Lincoln or Geo. B. McClellan. There
is no third man at all. The criminal, in his judg-
ment, should not only be deprived of office, but suffer
the extreme penalty of the law. The nation has been
disgraced by this division of the Army of the Po-
tomac, and E. M. Stanton always opposed it. If that
great army had been commanded by the arch traitor
Jeff. Davis, there has not been a movement which he
would not have ordered since December. He called
on the press and traitors of the country to stop de-
nouncing a mere clerk, and to denounce Abraham
Lincoln or George B. McClellan. Who led the army
into the marshes of the Chickahominy, where they
died like sheep, and where the left wing was left to
maintain a savage fight when a reinforcement of
20,000 men from the right or centre would have sent
the rebels back into Richmond defeated '? lie had an
extract read from the Detroit Free Press, charging (he
blame on Stanton, Wade, Chandler, &c, &c. This,
he Baid, was a paper which was obliged to show a
Onion flag bv a mob. He claimed that Michigan
soldiers had been in every fight, yet no notice had
been taken of them by the Commander-in-Chief."
"THE GREAT DUTY."
Under this bead, last week's Independent represents
the paramount duty of the hour to be a maintenance
of Union and concert among all the loyal States, slave
and free ; and it represents one of the manifestations
of tins duty to be n prompt response to the President's
last demand, for three hundred thousand more men
for the army.
Speaking of the duty of preserving Union before all
things, it says that " States must not allow themselves
to make conditions with the Government." And it re-
fers to Gov. Andrew of this State as having perhaps
gone too far in hinting what conditions are desirable
on the part of the Government to call out enthusiastic
and energetic support from the people of Massachusetts.
It seems to me that our experience, during the past
year, teaches a different lesson. The abolitionists, at
whom it has been customary to sneer as stiff, perverse,
impracticable people, have been making trial, for a
year past, of the very course still recommended by
the Independent. The conditions preceding this new
experiment were plausible. It seemed a good thing to
make the trial. It seemed reasonable and not unwise
to take something for granted, to meet the other par-
ty half-way, to relax, under the new circumstances,
from the old stiffness, to show that we could be gene-
rous as well as just. It was a fair experiment to make.
I know not that any one regrets having made it. But
it has not been a successful experiment.
When our Government— a set of men nominated
and chosen to suit merely the average of Republican
ideas — began this war, the question for abolitionists
was, Will you help or hinder? Having always been
severely just in pointing out the short-comings of the
Republican party, will you still confine yourselves to
this course, and utterly refuse to them all moral and
personal support until they shall have reached precise-
ly the right position, or will you — in consideration of
the fact that their interest now points in the same
line with their duty, in view of the probability that
they must see more and more, as the war advances,
the necessity of overthrowing slavery as a means of
quelling the rebellion — will you generously offer
them in advance the benefits of fraternal co-operation,
and encourage the hoped-for change on their part, by
yourselves taking the iuitiative ? This was the ques-
tion -
The abolitionists made the experiment of a trustful,
a liberal, a magnanimous reply. Not sparing to point
out still the duty that yet remained to be done, they
promptly declared that, in the point of opposition be-
tween the rebels and the Government, the latter was
right and the former were wrong ; the latter was to be
supported and the former opposed ; their good word,
in their speeches, and writings, and conversation, was
heartily given to the Government, and the enlistment
of many an active abolitionist in the war proved that
their hands were ready to maintain what their tongues
had uttered.
The trial, I have said, promised well. It was right
to make the experiment. And if the Government
had taken the course it seemed likely to take, not only
would it have been mightily aided by the offered al-
liance, but the conquest would ere now have been com-
plete, the rebellion utterly crushed, and our position
far advanced towards permanent peace under a regen-
erated political system.
Instead of this, several adverse things happened.
The President commenced by letting slavery alone,
and showing, in the intimations of his course of policy
that from time to time appeared, that he meant, if
possible, to conquer the rebellion without interference
with its cause; and though, as time passed, and the
extent and persistency of the rebellion became more
and more manifest, occasional and partial movements
against slavery were made, they were only occasional
and partial, they seemed extorted rather than willing,
and they were counterbalanced by alternating moves
of indulgence to slavery.
The military and naval commanders, being left to
their own choice in the matter, in the absence of ex-
plicit command and a uniform policy on the part of
the President, helped or hindered slavery, each ac-
cording to 1 his inclination. Most of them favored sla-
very, and the President offered no interference except
when, in a few cases, some external influence urged
him to do so. A few of them took active measures
against slavery, and every one of these movements
was promptly and spontaneously countermanded by
the President.
Those abolitionists who had joined the army, trust-
ing that the war must soon become, if it was not al-
ready, an instrument for the overthrow of slavery,
were of course limited in their action by the ideas and
the orders of their respective officers. But, since the
great majority of these officers were disposed either
to help slavery or to avoid all interference with it,
these abolitionist soldiers, to their amazement and in-
dignation, found themselves forbidden, by military
law., to help the persons they most wished to help;
nay, found themselves occasionally required, by mili-
tary law, to do the meanest and basest work possible,
to hand over the loyal fugitive slave to the enraged
rebel who claimed him as his property. The in-
stances were not few in which enlistment, under the
generous impulse of confidence in "Honest Abe," led
to this damnable result.
We have made our experiment, and found it abor-
tive. We have made fair trial of it for more than a
year, sustaining therefor the rebukes of some of the
slave's truest friends. We find the Government no
more inclined to the abolition of slavery than when
the struggle began. And after the expenditure of so
much time and treasure, after the death of so many
tens of thousands on the battle-field and in the hos-
pitals, after the disastrous check lately experienced
before Richmond, (a check directly flowing from that pol-
icy of the Government of which I have been complaining,)
and after various plain indications of the approach of
European intervention, now comes a demand for three
hundred thousand more men, and the money requisite
for their outfit, transportation, sacrifice and burial ! Is
not this a fit place to stop, and declare our experi-
ment finished 1 Is not this a fit time to say to Abra-
ham Lincoln — " Not another man, not another dollar,
until some policy is declared which shall tend, at least,
in the direction of 'uprooting rebellion. We have made
sufficient trial of the attempt to cut it down, leaving
the root to spring up again, and bring forth more fruit
after its kind. This experiment has not succeeded,
and Beems less and less likely to succeed. Here we
stop. It is now your part to meet us half way.
Whenever you shall decide and begin to turn the war
against slavery, count upon our renewed cooperation."
— C. K. W.
GEN. HUNTER'S LETTER.
I have just read Gen. Hunter's response to the order
of inquiry offered by Hon. Mr. Wickliffe, of Ken-
tucky, in the House of Representatives sometime last
month, and am much concerned in mind as to what
will be the result, it being very plain that not only the
welfare of South Carolina, as a representative South-
ern State, but the interests of the whole country, if not
the salvation of the Government itself, demands his
instant removal, and his incarceration in Fort La-
fayette, Warren, or some oilier misnamed National
Hotel.
The preposterous notion, that Gen. Hunter should
call in the willing aid of that class of persons, who
have most at stake in this contest, is not to be tolera-
ted ; because it is evident, if this course be persisted
in, those heretofore held as slaves will become free-
men — a procedure that would endanger the Constitu-
tion at least, if not absolutely ruin the policy of cer-
tain politicians and sympathizers with our system of
slavery. He ought to have known that, to employ
loyal slaves in the service of his country, to help sus-
tain its laws and to maintain the Government, is not
to he permitted ; but that the rebels may use them as
spies or in the van of battle against us, and it is per-
fectly legitimate. He had no business to send forth
to the country such an incendiary document, no right
to furnish such unanswerable reasons to the Border
States for employing the slaves of the South to assist
in crushing out this unholy rebellion.
That the Major General, commanding the Southern
Department, should have the audacity to write so per-
tinent, significant and satisfactory an account of slaves
voluntarily seeking his employ is never to be over-
looked or forgiven. Only 'think of a letter to be read
for the special instruction of the members of the House
of Representatives, containing words like these : —
[The telling extracts here made from Gen. Hunter's Let-
ter, by our correspondent, it is needless to republish, as the
entire Letter may be found on our first page, to which wo
ask special attention.] — Ed. Lib.
Who ever saw such presumption and rashness as
this? Such effrontery was never before exhibited to-
wards that august body, and this conduct from such a
quarter cannot be permitted to stand as a precedent.
That Congress should allow intelligence of so danger-
ous a character to be thus set before it — should permit
such a plain violation of the policy of the Administra-
tion as laid down by certain pro-slavery advisers ; such
ilful perversion of clearly written orders ; such an .
overstepping of his own and an interfering with the
established rights of rebels — without summary punish-
ment, is not to be seriously thought of for a moment.
The Cabinet is expected to immediately disavow the
meddlesome officiousness of Gen. Hunter. For con-
sistency sake, it must disclaim all connection with his
folly, and sympathy with bis fanaticism — the one be-
ing palpably absurd as the other is certainly destruc-
tive. Our Generals in the army must be made to un-
derstand at any cost, that they are not authorized to
disturb the equanimity, or wound the feelings of those
quasi Unionists, who have such particular regard for
their brethren of the South, notwithstanding their
violated oath, their repudiated constitutional obliga-
tions, and their rebellious attempt to destroy the Gov-
ernment.
To allay the terribly excited fears of those small
but influential supporters of the Courier and Post, —
caused by the deeply suggestive communication of
this fanatical Major General, — the President must be
urged to issue another of his Proclamations. Mean-
while, steps should be taken to have public meetings
called to neutralize and paralyze the mischief which
this information of Gen. Hunter will inevitably pro-
duce when circulated among the people. For has not
our war policy, with reference to the subject of slavery,
been ,sueh that clearly indicated we cannot afford to
tolerate in place and power, commanders who exercise
their usual common sense, and treat this question like
every other, in a rational and practical manner "?
Concerning slavery, the luxury is too expensive for
us to allow our superior officers in the discharge of
their duties, and in the absence of special instructions,
to display even ordinary human sagacity ; to act in
accordance with the voice of enlightened reason ; to
be influenced by all past experience ; to obey the sim-
ple dictates of common prudence, or yield to the in-
stincts of humanity — the divine assertions of our com-
mon nature. For judiciously and righteously using a
portion of the reserved force, the saving power of our
country, in this its most solemn trial-hour, General
Hunter must certainly be deprived of his important
command; and one who has scruples about touching
the enemy where he is universally known to be most
weak — who is too considerate to take advantage of
his only vulnerable point — must be appointed in his
place. Careful pains must be taken that this suc-
cessor is one whose foregone conclusions are, that
with respect to slavery, he imperils the safety of the
nation should he act like a man clothed in his right
mind — the natural consequence of which will be, a
succession of blunders each " worse than a crime ! "
We expectantly await Gen. Hunter's decapitation,
Melrose, July 4, 1862. G. A. B.
V. DANIEL
LETTER FROM REV,
TEL POSTER.
ry up to the high school or college, which should give
to all who come among us the advantages of a thorough
education.
3d. The four past years of our efforts in Home
Town have been as unfavorable as possible for a suc-
cessful development of our plan. The first year we
could oidy make a beginning, the second was the fam-
ine year, the other two, the war and the prostration of
business have crippled us on every hand.
3d. And yet we have gone steadily forward. We
have completed a college building, two stories in
height, cajiable of accommodating fifty pupils. We
have had a most successful commencement of our
college, with an attendance of over sixty pupils. We
have made a beginning of a library. We have a fund
of§i7000. We have already on the ground men who
prize good schools and good society so highly, that
they are not willing to live without them, and we have
improvements already made which give to Home
Town a character and an influence throughout our
State which has been gained by no other settlement in
Kansas in the same length of time.
4th. We need an accession to our community of a
portion of the people who are coining or emigrating
to Kansas, and who would be glad to join in our
plan. They will help us, and make the success of our
work immediate and entire by joining us. And we
can help them as much as they can us. To reach
them and secure their presence and help with us, we
have sent Daniel Foster, the Principal of our college,
to act in the East as our agent this summer. He will
explain in detail all that concerns us and our work to
those who may wish to know what we are doing. We
heartily commend him to all as a true and trustworthy
man.
F. P. Baker,
A. W, Osborne,
J. N. Cline,
L. Lohmuller,
D. P. Acker,
Geo. L. Squier,
T. X Kcll,
Wm. H. Histed,
A. W. Slater,
Joshua Taylor,
Seth B. Hough,
John Hodgins,
J. Jacobs,
A. McCutcheon,
Abijah Wells, -
J. J. Sheldon,
H. Hamilton,
Stephen Barnard,
G. D. Baker,
Jerry Barnes,
. J. N. Peckham,
Joseph C. nebbard,
Charles G. Scraffbd.
FOURTH OF JULY AT FRAMINGHAM.
Glorious, and, I trust, pregnant with good, was our
annual meeting at "Harmony Grove," on the 4th.
The genial sunshine, clear atmosphere, and unusual
concourse of people, gave an inspiration and joyous-
nesB to the day. It was, indeed, "good to be there."
We missed the eloquent voice of Phillips, and that
of other veterans in the cause. Yet there was no
lack of speakers. The only difficulty experienced was
the want of time to listen to earnest words that were
of necessity suppressed.
I tried to get the platform for a moment, to accom-
plish what I now desire to do, through this week's
Liberator. While in the grove, and late in the day, I
received a letter from our ever faithful laborer, Parker
Pillsbury, announcing, I regret to say, his disability
to speak much, from an increasing hoarseness, and
begging me to curtail his expected services in Mil-
ford next Sunday. We, of course, shall make his
labors as light as possible ; and yet our expectations
are raised for an effective meeting. [See notice in
another column.] The following extract, which I
failed to read at Framingham, utters convictions
which dwell in many hearts: —
"As I write, the sun is just rising, and the ground
almost shudders (and so do I) at peal of bells, thun-
der of musketry, and roar of cannon, — all in honor of
this eighty-sixth anniversary of the nation's birth.
But did ever rising sun witness such madness before,
as this people to-day exhibit 1 As to-day's Liberator
truly says, 'four millions of slaves are yet to be
emancipated ' ; or as it, perhaps, had better said, get
unemancipated, and likely to remain so till God's right
arm and their own bring them deliverance.
For jnore than eighty years, we have sought to
drown the weeping and wailing of our myriads of
slaves with hollow pretensions to republicanism, and
hypocritical, heartless professions of religion, all
swelled into grand chorus on the Fourth of July, with
blazing fire works, bands of music, rattling musketry,
and thunder of cannon. To-day we have other and
not less terrible voices to drown. No wonder there
was 'sensation in Congress,' as the papers yesterday
say, when Mr. Olin, of New York, declared, ' Twenty
thousand of our dead and dying to-day strew the
battle-field in front of Richmond' ! And are twenty
thousand all? Who believes it?
And all those thousands, more or less, have moth-
ers, wives, sisters, or perhaps even dearer ones, to
echo their every sigh and groan. Limbs, torn and
mangled, bleed on the field, — hearts, broken and
lacerated, bleed at home. And thus, to-day, we cele-
brate our Independence. It is indeed our Independ-
ence. Let us thank God it is only ours.
Well, let the cannon roar! Peal out your joyous
notes, ye .bells ! Swell loud your empty voices, ye
orators, poets and ministers of music and song! Four
millions still shriek in slaver)'; and other millions
groan on the field of bloody death, or weep and wail
over their loved and lost at home ! What an oratorio
of woes, to-day, ye have to smother and drown I
I am glad there is one place where madness does
not wholly rule the hour. I hope, at Framingham, it
will be declared that our Government is deliberately
murdering its young men in behalf of slavery! I
pronounce every death before Richmond deliberate,
downright murder; and while slavery lives and lasts,
our Government is the bloodiest murderer on His-
tory's blackest page.
Very hastily, but very truly, yours,
Parker Pillsbory."
Earnest words — too true, alas! May they sink
deep into our hearts, and urge on to faithful work !
Milford. Mass. G. W. S.
The Hattian John Brown Fund. This fund,
which has been so long held back, is to be distributed
forthwith. It amounts to something over $3,000, of
which Mrs. Brown is to receive one-half, and the rest
is to be distributed among the survivors or relatives
of those who were engaged in the raid on Harper's
Ferry. Mrs. Lcary and Osborne Anderson are re-
quested to send their addresses forthwith to James
Redpath, Boston, and all relatives of John Brown's
men are also desired to do likewise. Messrs. B. C.
Clarke, Haytian Consul for Boston; William Lloyd
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Senator Sumner and
James Redpath, arc appointed by the Ilaytians as a
Committee to disburse this fund.
Dodge's Concert. Ossian E. Dodge & Co. will
give a concert at the Tremont Temple, on Monday
evening next, which, late as it is in the season, will
undoubtedly secure a full house. Dodge is unique
and Inimitable in Ins personation of characters, old
and young, male and female, Irish, French, Dutch,
English, and Yankee; while Mr. William Haywood,
an associate, is admitted to be one of the best ballad -
ists in America.
Boston, July 4, 18G2.
Friend Garrison — I presume it is in order for
me to say a word in reply to the noted seventeen ac-
cusers, which is published in your paper of this date. '
I repeat, then, that Dr. Hidden, the author of this ar-
ticle, has hated and sought to injure me ever since my
return to Kansas, in the spring of 1861, because I then
thstood and thwarted him in his wicked designs
against his neighbors. In this, he has shown him-
self utterly regardless of truth and honor. He is
the leader of the opposition to me in Centralia, and
spite, inspired by my frank denunciation of his at-
tempted wrong, is the motive of his opposition.
To meet some horrible application of Scripture
by the Methodist clergyman of Centralia, I denied the
infallibility of the Bible, and affirmed that, whenever
reason and the Bible were in conflict, the latter must
give way. From that time, sectarian bigotry has been
mounding me at every step. Of the noted seventeen,
my accusers, eleven denounce me as an "infidel"
for holding that we are to use our reason in judging
of the Bible, just as we do in judging of any other
book. The readers of the Liberator are not ignorant of
the intense hatred inspired by sectarian bigotry.
The hatred of all pro-slavery men in Nemaha coun-
ty has been turned against me, because I preached the
Brotherhood of Mankind, and practised as I preached.
I recoguized the colored man as my brother, entitled to
all the rights and privileges of humanity. TheBe
three, then, are the forces that have fought against
me in Centralia — to wit, malignant spite, sectarian
bigotry, and pro-slavery wrath.
The statement, that these men make about my
school dwindling away, is untrue. So also is the
statement that I broke into the Seminary, and drew a
weapon before I was threatened with expulsion from
the house.
But, instead of taking up your space with further
specifications, I will close this communication oy sub-
mitting a testimonial, given me by my neighbors, when
I left Centralia, last May, who are, one and all, of an
earnest and noble aim in life — men with whom our best
New England reformers would delight to associate and
work in any field of moral effort. As soon as I can
earn the money to discharge my debts, I expect to re-
turn, and once more work with theso men, and others
equally true, whom I trust a good Providence will
plant with us, for the impartial justice, truth and love
by which alone our fatherland can he saved.
I thank Dr. Hidden and Co. for giving me the op-
portunity of saying this word.
Yours, truly and gratefully,
DANIEL FOSTER.
S^ 3 Our readers will have a treat in a careful pe-
rusal of the admirable speeches delivered at Music
Hall by Gerrit Smith and Wendell Phillips, which wo
give in full in our present number. [The Courier will
please copy both !]
GEN. MoCLELLAN'S ADDRESS TO HIS SOL-
DIERS.
IlEAOfiUARTEItS OS THE TOTOMAC, }
Camp near Harrison's Landing, July 4, 1862. J
Soldiers of the Army of the Potomac :
Your achievements of the last ten days have illumin-
ed the valor and endurance of the American soldier.
Attacked by superior forces, and without the hope of
reinforcements, you have succeeded in changing your
base of operations by a flank movement, always re-
garded as the most hazardous of military expedients.
You have saved all your material, all your trains,
and all your guns, except a few lost in battle, taking
in return guns and colors from the enemy. Upon
your march, you have been assailed day after day with
desperate fury by men of the same race and nation,
skilfully massed and led. Under every disadvantage
of number, and necessarily of position also, you have
in every conflict beaten back your foes with enormous
slaughter. Your conduct makes you among the cel-
ebrated armies of history. No one will now question
that each of you may always with pride say, " I be-
longed to the army of the Potomac." You have
reached the new base, complete in organization and
unimpaired in spirit. The enemy may at any time
attack you ; we are prepared to meet them.
I have personally established your lines ; let them
come, and we will convert their repulse into a final de-
feat. Your Government is strengthening you with
the resources of a great people.
On this, our nation's birthday, we declare to our
foes, who are rebels against the best interests of man-
kind, that this army shall enter the capital of the so-
called Confederacy ; that our National Constitution
shall prevail, and that the Union,* which can alone in-
sure internal peace and external security to each State,
must and shall be preserved, cost what it may in time,
treasure and blood.
(Signed) Geo. B. McClellan.
A FEDERAL VICTORY IN MISSISSIPPI.
Corinth, Miss., July 6.
To the Secretary of War : — On the 1st inst., Col. Sher-
idan's 2nd Michigan Cavalry, with two regiments of
728 men, was attacked at Booneville, Miss., by parts
of eight rebel regiments numbering 4700, which he de-
feated and drove back, after 7 hours' hard fighting.
Our loss was 41 killed, wounded and missing. The
rebel loss must have been very great. They left 65
dead on the field. I respectfully recommend Col.
Sheridan for gallant conduct in battle.
(Signed) H. W. Halleck,
Major General.
The entire Federal loss in killed, wounded and miss-
ing, 16 to 25,000 ; Rebel loss, 50 to 75,000.
New York, July 6. The Tribune's special dispatch
from Memphis, dated July 5th, states that Richmond
dispatches to July 1st and 2d still claim that the rebels
captured 12,000 prisoners, 8 Generals, all of General
McClellan's siege guns, and supplies enough for the
rebel army for three months. They represent the bat-
tie of July 1st as the most fearful and desperate of the
entire war. Prisoners were arriving in Richmond all
day on the 2d. It is claimed that Hooker and Sum-
ner were wounded, and that the latter was captured.
The latest reports are less exultant.
Important from the Massachusetts First. A
letter from the Massachusetts 1st, says the Transcript,
written since the last battle on James river, states that
the regiment has been reduced to about 175 men.
Major Chandler is missing, Col. Cowdin is sick, and
Capt. Baldwin is acting in command. Co. A has
about 14 men. Major Chandler was last .seen as
Hooker's Division was making the celebrated charge
which it is believed saved our army.
Fortress Monroe, July 5. Fresh troops from
Washington passed up James River yesterday ; also
artillery, horses, &c. There was a skirmish yester-
day morning near our left wing, resulting in the de-
feat of the rebels. We took 1000 prisoners and three
small batteries. Our cavalry then followed the rebels
until they passed beyond White Oak Swamp.
jj^p 3 The Richmond Examiner, of July 2, acknowl-
edges that the battle of Monday was very destructive
to the rebels. It also states that of the 14,000 troops
sent into the battle of Friday, not more than 6000 men
were fit for duty on the Tuesday following.
g^ = Senator Sumner's amendment to the bill ad-
mitting Western Virginia is not rightly stated in the
report of Congressional proceedings published in the
Boston papers. He acquiesces in extending the time
for the emancipation of the slaves to July, 1863.
What he objects to is the provision, in the bill which
only emancipates those born after that time, and con-
tinues those already slaves in that condition for life.
An Army Officer on Abolitionism. The fol-
lowing is an extract from a private letter written by
officer of the regular armv, holding a high position
on the staff of General McClellan, dated June 17, 1862 :
I have been told that confessions are good for the
soul. I am going to make one to you. I am at last
an abolitionist ! Not that I love the negro, or am pre-
pared to say, " Art thou not a man and a brother 1 "
but I do love my country and the white race. My
old prejudices and political feelings have been wiped
out one by one, slowly but surely. I could not pass
through all that I have witnessed during the last
year, and not see what every honest and candid man
should, that an institution that can so change a whole
people in their feelings and actions toward their fellow-
countrymen and their country must be wrong, and
the sooner it is done away with the better.
You, like myself, have no doubt in times past had a
high idea of Southern chivalry. Like many other
tilings down South, I find even that boasted institution
a humbug. Among all the Southern officers whom I
have met and been brought in contact with, I have
found scarcely one that was even the peer of a North-
ern mechanic. I could tell yon of deeds of barbarism
perpetrated by these knights of the South that would
make you shudder. A day or two since, I was told by
an aid of General Keyes that one of our officers was
found dead witli both of bis ears cut off. This is one
of a hundred cases of their cruelty. Yesterday two
sutlers were found in the woods hanging by the neck,
and some teamsters with their throats cut.
Yours truly,
The writer of the above, says the New York Even-
ing Post, has always been an uncompromising Hunker
Democrat.
To all who may be interested In our work, we
would state the following facts — to wit:
1st. We began the settlement of Home Town in the
autumn of 1858, to secure cheap and beautiful farms
in an Intelligent and prosperous community, anil to
establish a system of graded schools from the prima-
Names of the Recent Battles. The follow-
ing are the names which it seems have been assigned
to the recent battles in front of Richmond :
Thursday, June 26 — Battle of Mechanics ville.
Friday, June 27— Battle of Gaines's Mill.
Saturday, June 28 — Battle of the Chickahominy.
Sunday, June 29 — Battle of Peach Orchard; battle
of Savage's Station.
Monday, June 30 — Battle of White Oak Swamp;
battle of White Oak Creek; battle of Charles City
Cross Roads.
Tuesday, July 1 — Battle of Turkey Bend.
James Jackson Lowell. Among the killed
the recent battles near Richmond was Capt. James
Jackson Lowell of the 20th regiment. When that
regiment was organized, he was commissioned as 1st
Lieutenant, in Co. E, Captain Schmidt. He v
wounded in the battle at Ball's Bluff on the 21st
October last, where his cousin, Lieutenant William
Lowell Putnam, of the same company, was killed.
Captain Schmidt was also so severely wounded in the
battle that he resigned his commission, and Lieut.
Lowell was appointed Captain in his place.
Captain Lowell was son of Charles Russell Lowell,
Esq., of Cambridge, and grandson of the late Rev.
Charles Lowell, D. D., pastor of the West Church in
this city. He graduated at Harvard College in 1868
with the highest honors of his class.
THE HOUR OF PBRIL'!
" Eternal Vigilance in Ike price of Liberty ! "
PARKER PILLSBURY, of Concord, N. IL, will speak
at Lyceum Hall, Milford, Mass., on Sunday next, July 13.
Subject : " The Country and the Times."
Services will commence precisely at 2 1-2 and 5 1-2, P.M.
HT E. B, HEVWOOD will speak in Milford, N. H.,
Sunday, July 13, at 1 and 5 o'clock, P. M.
W REMOVAL, — DISEASES OF WOMEN AND
CIIILD REN. — Margaret B. Brown, M. D., and W*.
Symington Brown, M. D., have removed to No. 23,
Chauncy Street, Boston, where they may be consulted on
the above diseases. Ofhoe hours, from 10, A. M., to 4
o'clock, P. M. 3m March 28.
EP" MERCY B. JACKSON", M. D-, has removed on
695 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par-
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children.
Reference*.— Luther Clark, M.D.; David Thayer, M. D.
Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M.
ET SUMMER RESORT— Round Hill Hotel, North-
ampton, Mass, — Terms — $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per
week.
" No summer resort surpasses it in loveliness, and in all
the resources calculated to gratify the tastes and promote
the comfort of visitors." — St. Louis Republican.
OBITUARY.
Rachel Sthatton Addams, wife of Geo. W. Addams,
of Perrysville, Carroll Co., (0.) departed from earth on the
24th of June, of consumption, aged 33 years.
She suffered greatly during her long sickness, but bore
her afflictions patiently. She was a true woman, the
earnest friend of the oppressed and outcast; and if re-
proached, sometimes, by Orthodoxy, for liberal ideas, she
proved " Garrisonian infidelity " (as they call it) to be a
sure support through a faithful and devoted life, and a suf-
ficient solace in the hour of separation from earth.
She was an admirer of, and sympathizer With John
Brown, and with all who, like him, have labored, at what-
ever cost and sacrifice, faithfully for the bondman's re-
demption. She would have rejoiced to see the stain of sla-
very wiped from the national escutcheon ; but those in
power have prevented this. May their influence in that
direction cease, and the slave be ushered into the liberty
of God's people ! G. w. A.
New York, July 9. Just at the close of the ses-
sion of the Senate yesterday, a bill was introduced
giving the President power to call out the militia of
the country wherever it was deemed necessary, and
When such call was made, none are to be exempt on
account of color, caste or nationality. The President
la in organize them into regiments and other divisions,
as ho sees fit.
WOMAN AND THE PKESS.
On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held in
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While
none questioned the value and the need of such an instru-
ment in the Woman's Bights cause, the difficulties that
would endanger or even defeat the enterprise were fully
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should
be made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable
an object, we insert and call attention to the following
PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL :
When we consider that there is scarcely a party, sect,
business organization or reform which is not represented
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting
one half of humanity, should h%ve no organ, in America,
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par-
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread
attention in this country than in any other, while in no
other country can the double power of free speech and a
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap-
pears stranger from the fact that conservative England has
successfully supported a journal of this sort for years with
acknowledged utility.
America needs such a journal to centralize and give im-
petus to the efforts which are boing made in various direc-
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs it most
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both as act-
ors and sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na-
tion, while so many others are forced by the loss ot hus-
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup-
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, arc
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which
ill leave to that of woman the most prominent place
henceforth .
To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish
a Woman's Journal, based ou the motto, "Equal Rights
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur-
nish an impartial platform for tho free discussion of theso
interests in their various phases. It will aim tu collect and
compare tho divers theories promulgated on the subject,
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made in behalf of
in this country and elsewhere, and to render all
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time
.11 neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro-
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com-
prise reviews of current social and political events, arti-
cles ou literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton,
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature —
in short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will bo open,
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers ou the sub-
jects of which it treats, under tho usual editorial discretion,
only requiring that they shall accept, a priori, the motto of
tho paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion.
Among tho contributors already scoured to tho Journal
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Mai ia
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Sovoranoe, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Mrs. Francos D. Gago, Miss Elizabeth Palmer
Peabody, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell J'hillips,
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higgiuson, Monouro P. Oteiway,
Theodore- Tilton, and William II. Channing ; and other
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains
will bo spared to enlist the best talent in tho country, and
to make tho paper one of literary morit as well as practical'
utility.
Tho Journal will bo issued semi-monthly, in octavo form,
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars por annum, tho first number
appoariug on the 1st of Octobor next, and will be publish *
od in Boston.
Subscriptions will bo roooivod from this date by agents od
tho Journal, or by tho Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2/
to be paid ou tho receipt of the first number of tho Journal.*
In this connection, wo would earnestly solicit the ei> -op oration!
of friends of woman throughout tho country, iu extending
tho subscription list of tho Journal, aud thus placing it on
that pormanont basis which will insure its continued util-
ity and sucooss. Those interested iu tho entorprisa are re.
spootftilly requested to communicate with tho editors at tho
above addross.
A discount of twonty-fivo porcout. will bo imulo toagonts.
Agonts wilt ploiiso roturu all prospectuses with name |
before the 15th of July.
MARY L. BOOTH,
M \ I! i B B, ZAK R/.EWSKA, M. D.
Boston, May 15, 1862.
"WE KNOW NOT WHERE ELSE SO" MUCH AUTHEN-
TIC INTELLIGENCE OF THE REBELLION CAN BE OB-
TAINED."
"NO OTHER WORK POSSESSES THE VALUE AS A
WORK OF REFERENCE. "
"IT IS RELIABLE, COMPLETE, AND DESIRABLE."
Rebellion Record,
Edited by FRANK MOORE,
Is the only publication which gives the HISTORY OF
THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR FREE GOV-
ERNMENT NOW GOING ON.
Full, Impartial and Reliable.
A RECORD WHICH THE COURTS, THE DEPART-
MENTS AND THE PRESS quote as tho
HIST0EY OF THE TIMES.
It appeals to the intelligence of every citizen. By re-
ference to it, every person can be fairly and truthfully
posted up in relation to this
GREAT REBELLION.
IT CONTAINS, — I.,
The Causes of the Great Struggle and the Great Issues
before the Country,
BT EDWARD EVERETT.
II.
A DIARY OF VERIFIED EVENTS :
Commencing with the meeting of the South Carolina Con-
vention, Dec. 17th, 1860— giving, in the form of a Dia -
ry, a concise, succinct, and truthful history of every
event as it occurs.
nn
Documents, Speeches, Extended Narratives, etc.,
CONSISTING OP ALL THE
OFFICIAL REPORTS OF BATTLES, SKIRMISHES,
&c, MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS
of the President of the United States,
SPECIAL ORDERS, Ac. Ac.
GRAPHIC ACCOUNTS of the Movements of Troops,
IMPORTANT SPEECHES AND LETTERS, from leading
Men, North and South,
PICTURESQUE NARRATIVES, (from eye-witnesses)
of the GREAT BATTLES, SECESSION ORDI-
NANCES, MESSAGES, PROCLA-
MATIONS, &o.
IV.
Eumors, Incidents, Patriotic Songs and Ballads.
Illustrated with correct Portraits, engraved on steel, of the
NOTABLE WEN OF THE TIME, AND WITH MAPS AND
DIAGRAMS OF THE PLANS OF BATTLES.
The Rebellion Record
Is publishing in PARTS, each Part Illustrated with
TWO FINE PORTRAITS, 50 cents eaoh. -
ALSO, IN VOLUMES.
Six Parts, with Copious Index, comprise a Volume.
NOW READT,
VOLUMES ONE, TWO AND THREE.
Bound iu cloth, $3,75 each ; sheep, $4.00 ; half morscoo,
or half calf antique, $5.00 each.
A NEW EDITION,
Sold exclusively by Canvassers and Agents, is now pub-
lishing in Nos. at 25 cents each. Each number illus-
trated with a Portrait on steel.
*#* Agents wanted, to whom liberal commissions will
be given.
J^" Copies of the REBELLION RECORD, in Parts or
in Volumes, will be sent, free of expense, on receipt of price.
Sent in registered letters, the publisher will bo responsible
for all remittances.
H^ 1 " Clubs will bo supplied at tho following rateS :
Five Cones of eaoh volume, in semi-monthly Nos., or
monthly Parts, to one address, or separately, $12.00
Ten Copies, 22.50
Remittances must bo sent in registered letters, otherwise
the Publishor will not bo responsible, and in current funds.
G. P. PUTNAM, Publisher,
532 Broadway, New York.
C. T. EVANS, Gen. Auent.
Now York, July 9.
Representative Women.
Lncretia Mott. Maria Weston Chapman,
Abby Kelley Foster, Lydia Maria Child,
Harriet Beecber Stowe, Lucy Stone,
Antoinette L. Brown.
THOSE friends who have so long been desiring oopios of
tin- alinvo group. — executed in Urosolier's best style.—
oan now bo supplied, by sending (heir orders, MH&
dollar Ibi eftoh oopy, wntoh will enapn theii being prompt-
ly mailed, and In perfect condition.
An early application is necessary, as tho odition is Tory
limited.
ALSO, 0> H.lMi,
A few copies of tho original Groielier lithograph of
William Lloyd Gwrrison. Price, including mailing, $1.
WILLIAM a NKLL,
Anti-Slavery Rooms, 221 Washington St., Iloalon.
Juno 6.
JOHN S. ROCK, ESQ.,
ATTORXKY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW
No. 6, TrkmontSthkrt. : : BOSTON.
ll£
THE LIBERATOR
JULY 11
1 1 X g .
gy The two following original pieces wero written for
and Bung at the Anti-Slavery Celebration at Framingham,
(Mass.* J«ly 4th, 1862.
OUR NATIONAL VISITATION.
AiR.— -John. Brown Song.
I.
For the sighing of tho needy, to deliver the oppressed,
Now the Lord our God arises, and proclaims his high be
host ;
Through tho Red Sea of bis justice lies tho Canaan of rest:
Our cause is marching on !
Chords. — Glory, glory, hallelujah !
Glory, glory, hallelujah !
Glory, glory, hallelujah !
Our cause is marching on !
n.
Bark ! the tumult of the battle, as it rages through tho
land !
There is weeping, there is wailing, there is death on every
band !
Before His fiery judgments what tyrant-force shall stand?
Our cause is marching on !
Chords. — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! Ac.
Our cause is marching on !
in.
For her manifold transgressions is our nation scourged and
torn ;
She has forged tho galling fetter— doomed a helpless race
to mourn ;
And now she writhes in anguish, of her pride and glory
shorn —
For God is marching on !
Chorus. — Glory, glory, hallelujah, <to.
For God is marching on !
rv.
No longer let her safety seek in refuges of lies !
No longer with oppression make a sinful compromise !
Let the trump of jubilee echo through the vaulted skies,
As she goes marching on !
Chorus. — Glory, glory, hallelujah, Ac.
For Truth is marching on !
Then blood shall Sow no longer, and all dissensions cease ;
For ruin, high prosperity — for horrid war, sweet peace ;
And Heaven shall smile upon us, and give us large in-
crease,
As wo go marching on I
Chorus. — Glory, glory, hallelujah, Ac.
As we go marching on !
ORIGINAL HYMN.
BY CAROLINE A. MASON.
AlB.— " Old Hundred."
Our fathers worshipped Thee, God,
Of old, in forests green and dim :
And here, where erst their footsteps trod,
We raise to Thee our trembling hymn.
Oh, how their grand old anthems rung
In praise to Thee, for freedom given !
Their quivering notes, to gladness strung,
Made music that was heard in heaven.
Alas ! a sadder strain we raise, —
Their children, heirs of liberty :
"We dare not take their cup of praise,
And shout, " Thank God, the land is free ! "
For fierce-eyed War and bitter feuds
Make red the sacred soil we love,
And the dark curse of Slaverv broods,
Like thickest clouds, the land above.
And fettered hands lift up to heaven
Dumb cries for justice ! — shall it stay T
Shall tho dark cloud be never riven,
That broods above our land to-day T
Sword of Truth, swift answer make !
Say to dead Freedom, " Up, arise ! "
Then shall our lips glad anthems wake,
And shout them to the farthest skies.
LIBERTY'S BUGLE.
Words by James B. Cait, late of staff of Second C V.
Infantry, U. S. A. Music by Bernard Cobest.
i.
Hark ! from the mountain-top, valley and plain,
Liberty's Bugle is sounding again :
Hear its grand tidings — clarion and clear ; —
Rejoice, ye enslaved ! God's freedom is near :
Sons of America ! bear ye its call !
Liberty soundeth her bugle for all :
Liberty's Bugle, clarion and clear,
Chants its glad anthem — God's freedom is near.
n.
Hark ! o'er an empire, — from Utah to Maine, — ■
Nature re-echoes the bugle's refrain :
Rise, patriot sons of patriot sires !
See the bright burning of Liberty's fires ! —
Liberty's Bugle is calling to thee :
Freemen, resolve, and forever be free !
Liberty's Bugle, clarion and clear,
Chants its glad anthem — God's freedom ia near.
Liberty's Bugle sounds over the wave :
£ome ye oppress'd to tho land of the brave !
Under our banner-folds' radiant light,
Liberty's Bugle leads on to the fight ; —
Glorious tidings ! — Awake ! — 'tis the call
Of Liberty's Bugle — sounding/or alt .-
Liberty's Bugle — clarion and clear —
Chants its glad anthem — God's freedom is near.
From the Continental Monthly.
EN AVANT!
Oh God ! let us not live these days in vain,
This variegated life of doubt and hope ;
And though, as day leads night, so joy loads pain,
Let it be symbol of a broader scope.
God ! make us serve the monitor within ;
Cast off the trammels that bow manhood down,
Of form or custom, appetite or sin,
T lly's smile, or Envy's frown.
Oh ! that true nobleness that rises up,
And teaches man his kindredsbip to Thee ;
Which wakes the slaveling from tho poison cup
Of passion, bdding him be grandly free :
May it be ours, in these the evil days,
Tbat fall upon our nation like a pall ;
May we have power each one himself to raise,
And place God's signet on the brow of all !
Not race nor color is the badge of slaves ;
'Tis manhood, after all, tbat makes men free ;
Weakness is slavery : 'tis but mind that saves
God's glorious image as ho willed it bo.
Out of the shadows thick will coming day
Send Peace and Plenty smiling o'er our land ;
And the events that fill us with dismay
Are but the implements in God's right hand.
Where patriot blood is poured as cheap as rain,
A newer freedom, phocnix-liko, will spring ;
Our Father never asks for us in vain:
From noble seed comes noble harvesting.
Then let, to-day, true nobleness be onrs ;
That we bB worthy of the day of bliss,
When truth's, and love's, and freedom's allied powers
Shall bind all nations with fraternal kiss.
Would we might see, as did the saint of old,
The heavens opening, and tho starry throng
Listening to have our talo of peace be told,
Tbat they may hymn man'3 resurrection song !
THOUGHT AND PEELING.
Thought is deeper than all speech ;
Feeling deeper than all thought ;
Souls to souls can never teach
What unto themselves was taught.
SPEECH OF HON. GERRIT SMITH ON THE
COUNTRY.
Delivered hefore the Twenty-Eighth Congre-
gational Society, at Music Hall, June 15.
My themo is a ruined country, and that country
our own, I say not that it is ruined beyond recovery.
Perhaps it is not: though perhaps it is. My theme
is n conquered country — our own country conquered.
Time will prove whether it is or is not to be recon-
quered. I should be sure of its reconquest were it
not self-conquered, and self-conquered, too, not by
means of economic, military, or other blunders, but
by deliberate crimes. It is not alone "0 Israel!"
but O America, also, " thou hast fallen by thine iniqui-
ty." Far more hope for our country would there be
had she been conquered by another country ; for
then she might be still undebased ; for then she might
be still inwardly strong, though for a season outwardly
weak.
I said that our country was conquered by her crimes.
I had better said that slavery was her conqueror. It
was in the service of slavery that these crimes were
perpetrated. Very soon after our nation began her
existence, slavery began to conquer her. Her com-
merce, and then her manufactures, and not long after
her literature, all felt the mighty influence of slavery.
Her politics, which, in the end, came to be controlled
by that influence, felt it early and extensively. I
scarcely need add that the ecclesiastical religion of the
country was no less quick to feel it, and no less easy
to be corrupted by it. For that religion, especially in
a country of popular institutions, goes with the politics.
The religion which does not lift up the politics to its
own level never fails to descend to the level of the
politics. The State goes with a pure Church. The
Church goes with a corrupt State. A pro-slavery
religion always accompanies pro-slavery politics. Let
wickednesB abound among the civil rulers, and it
abounds among the ecclesiastical also.
I referred to the early and rapidly increasing influ-
ence of slavery. It has now taken up arms to com-
plete its conquests. For this rebellion is neither more
nor less than slavery in arms.
Until slavery broke out in this rebellion, this nation
had never been frightened by it. Pity it had not
been ! For the harm that it did us before the rebel-
lion is greater than the harm it can do us in the rebel-
lion. It can but kill us now. It corrupted us before.
And however great an evil it is to be killed, it is an
infinitely greater one to be corrupted — and especially
bo corrupted as they are, who do the work and guard
the work of slavery. By an obvious law of our being,
the greater the crime to which we addict ourselves,
the more thorough is our corruption. But no other
crime, not even the murderer's, is so great as the
slaveholder's. Even the slaveholder will confess that
he had rather his child were murdered than enslaved.
And no other crime is bo mean as theirs who "rob
the poor because they are poor," and outrage the
helpless because they are helpless. However much
he may have deserved it at other hands, it was cer-
tainly a very unfitting and unseemly act in the Ameri-
can people to hang Gordon the-slave-trader; for his
pro-slavery work and theirs were substantially one —
though pursued in different ways. He was a com-
paratively honorable man, because he carried into the
common work a daring and a danger-defying spirit.
They, like other cowards, keep themselves at a safe
distance from danger, and perform their part of the
wickedness because they can perform it with impu-
nity. Compare Gordon with the pro-slavery men of
the South and of the North, and if he is not as " Hy-
perion to a Satyr," he is nevertheless very far from
being as low in the scale of Satyrs as are the South-
ern slaveholders or their Northern pimps.
The Abolitionists think their country will be saved,
because they think slavery will be abolished. I do
myself think it will be abolished, and very soon, too.
That it received its deatli wound in the bombarding
of Sumter I have never doubted. Never have I be-
lieved that slavery could survive this war for slavery.
Its prestige is lost. Its weakness is revealed. It is
now laughed at and detested by vast numbers who
had hitherto respected it. The war has stripped the
great lie of its disguises, and cast it out all naked to
the derision, and scorn, and abhorrence of the world.
Nevertheless, slavery may die, and yet the nation not
live ; for it may so die that the nation will die with it.
The exorcised "spirit of the unclean devil" of sla-
very is rending us fearfully as he leaves us, and all
the more fearfully, because in our unprecedented in-
fatuation we cling to him, and refuse to let him go.
Our nation is broken up. It is only through penitence
that it can be made whole, if indeed God will let so
guilty a nation be made whole. And yet, notwith-
standing this, and notwithstanding all our sufferings,
we remain impenitent.
I do not forget that the nation's excuse for being so
corrupt as to protect slavery is, that the Constitution
requires its protection. But whether it does require it
as some hold, or does not as others hold, the excuse
is entirely groundless. This pleading of the require-
ment of the Constitution is hypocritical. It would
have mattered not what interpretation on the subject
of slavery the Constitution is capable of; the nation
would have still gone for slavery. However strong
against slavery the Constitution might have been,
nevertheless such a nation as this is, and was — so full
of Yankee eagerness for gain, and so much more en-
terprising than principled — would have been carried
by Whitney's cotton-gin to the side of slavery. In
short, any people who are wicked and base enough to
go for slavery, along with a pro-slavery Constitution,
are wicked and base enough to go for it against a how-
ever strongly anti-slavery Constitution. That it is not
owing to reverence for the Constitution that the na-
tion has been pro-slavery, is manifest from the fact
that it has not shrunk from kicking anti-slavery Con-
stitutional impediments out of its pro-slavery way.
And that it is not owing to such reverence that the
nation spares slavery, is manifest from the fact that it
spares it even now, when the Constitution confessedly
presents no obstacle in the way of its abolition by
either the civil or the military power.
Oh no ! let not the nation seek to hide her Bhame
behind the Constitution. She has corrupted the Con-
stitution far more than the Constitution has corrupted
her. In other words, far more of the pro-slavery
spirit has the nation infused into the Constitution
than the Constitution has infused into the nation.
It is true, that slaveholders and demagogues in
the interest of slaveholders juggle with the Constitu-
tion, as do the priests of this, that and the other re-
ligion, with their sacred books. But I do not believe
that the people are very much deceived by these
Constitution jugglers. I admit that a very deep and
tendejrregard for the Constitution is claimed to be
general. But for other Constitutions— and even for
those on which framers of the Federal Constitution
wrought — there has been but little manifestation of
such regard. Even those have been readily thrown
aside to make room for their successors. And when
the slaveholders could no longer serve their selfish
purposes by glorifying and worshipping the Federal
Constitution, how quickly and contemptuously did
they dismiss it! The simple and disgraceful truth is,
that the people, being willing to uphold slavery, were
willing to accept the most extravagant pro-slavery in-
terpretations of the Constitution. It was this which
encouraged slaveholders and pro-slavery demagogues
to shout for the Constitution. I was myself accus-
tomed to speak and write much for the Constitution.
But since tho breaking out of the rebellion, my ab-
sorbing concern for the country has made me care-
leas of everything in the Constitution, save only
those moBt precious parts of it which accord to the
Government unlimited discretion and power in put-
ting down the rebellion. And not one groat would any
Constitution be worth that did not accord such dis-
cretion and power. I would not overrate the im-
portance of these Constitutional grants. A right-
minded nation makes little account in time of war of
Constitutional refusals and restrictions. Of all na-
tions, ours is the only one which, when its life was
struck at, stopped to calculate anxiously how it could
bring its defence within the specific provisions of a
paper. The reply to this may be, that few nations
have had a written Constitution. And better is it, I
hold, for none to have such a one, than to be tram-
meled by it in time of war. The truth is, that war
must ever be its own law. The spirit of war cannot
be toned and tamed down to the spirit of peace. No
paper made in time of peace can provide specifically
for all the possible necessities and demands of war.
It may, in its spirit and in its general and compre-
hensive terms, provide for them. And happily our
Constitution does this.
That those demagogues who seek to get up a popu-
lar worship of the Constitution do so but to serve
slavery, was never so manifest as in the present war.
They quote the Constitution abundantly. But they
do this not to put obstacles in the way of slavery, only
in the way of liberty; not to save the country, but to
destroy it. They quoted it against the President's
call for seventy-five thousand troops; and they have
quoted it against every measure essential to the salva-
tion of the country. Some of these demagogues are
now in Congress, working to block its wheels by quo-
tations from the Constitution. I admit that here and
there an honest man goes with them. For, all over
the country, there is here and there an honest man
who is not yet freed from the so industriously incul-
cated delusion that the Constitution lays the people
under moral obligation to uphold slavery. As. an in-
stance of the tricks by which the lying pro-slavery
press attempts to magnify the importance of the Con-
stitution beyond even, the salvation of the country, it
is continually publishing that in this, that, and the
other battle, our soldiers fought bravely for the Con-
stitution. The inspirations of the battle-field can no
more come from the dry rules of paper than from
the dead leaves of the forest.
Will this ruined nation be restored 1 Will this lost
nation be found f Will this dead nation live again?
Is there, notwithstanding all she has done to make her
ruin utter and hopeless, salvation still in store for her ?
The answer to these questions turns on her future
treatment of the black man. By her past treatment
of him, she has destroyed herself. For this was it
that God came forth in His present bloody and terri-
ble controversy with her. An undelayed righteous
treatment of the black man — a treatment prompted
by pity and love for him — would save her, and noth-
ing else can. But I must confess that the prospect of
his being so treated is to my mind quite faint. It is
true that the army does no longer in form return fugi-
tive slaves. But it is also true that this comes not
always, if indeed generally, of pity and love for them.
It is true, too, that the President is bearing himself
quite as well on the subject of slavery as could be
expected, considering that he was born and bred where
sensibility to its murderous wrongs is uncultivated,
unfelt, and ridiculed. It is true, too, that he is multi-
plying the proofs of his honest patriotism, and of his
sincere desire to save the country even though at the
necessity of overthrowing the whole system of Ameri-
can slavery. But it is also true that, as yet, he mani-
fests no pity and no love for the black man. It is true
that Congress has, in one and another of its meas-
ures, shown that it would rather let slavery than the
country go. But it is also true that Congress, like
the President, lacks not only the deep and absorbing
earnestness, which both would feel did they both see,
as it is so strange they do not, the well-nigh desperate
condition of the country, but that, like him, it also
fails to show pity and love for the black mau. I do not
forget that Congress voted to abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia. But that it did not this from
pity and love for the black man is proved by its suf-
fering the District to become, far more than ever, a
hunting-ground for human prey. Its excuse is, that
the District has become such under the operation of
the Fugitive Slave Act. Then why does it not repeal
that act? Because, says Congress, the Constitution
requires such an act. But in virtue of no statute and
no Constitution, is Congress at liberty to tolerate sla-
very ? There can be no law for slavery any more
than for murder. Nay, slavery is the worst form of
murder. It is the murder of both body an,d soul.
Law is for the protection of rights, and not for the
deepest possible outrage upon them. The man who
believes that there can be law — real, obligatory law —
for slavery is lost. The nation that believes it is lost.
That man and that nation lie in the lowest depths of
inhumanity and atheism. The existence of the Fugi-
tive Slave Act is of itself ample proof that this nation
is ruined.
Were it, however, so that the Constitution can and
does require the returning of any fugitive slaves, it
certainly does not require the returning of them from
the District of Columbia, any more than from Canada
or Mexico. Again, if slavery ever had any rights
under the Constitution, it has clearly forfeited them
all by this its war upon the Constitution and the
country. And again, since it is a necessity of the
war that Congress should be left to legislate on sla-
very free in spirit and secure in person, it is, there-
fore, a necessity of the war, overriding every other
authority that Congress should be delivered from the
presence of slavery — a presence ever demoralizing and
ever controlling. It is vain to look to Washington for
brave and just and vitally -needed legislation on the
subject of slavery, so long as the hounds of slavery
are allowed to run riot and rampant there. Oh, no!
Congress has not been moved by pity and love for the
black man. Had it been, it would not have grossly
insulted him, and pierced him with bitter disappoint-
ment, by refusing him a part in the humble work of
carrying the mail. Had it been, it would not have
refused to emancipate the slaves of whoever had
taken up arms against the country. Had it been, it
would not have left the poor blacks of the South,
bond and free, to be compelled to toil and suffer in
the service of the rebels— but it would have taken
them promptly into the joyful service of freedom.
I impeached the earnestness of Congress. Its im-
pertinent and unseasonable employments prove how
justly I do so. It would certainly be time enough for
Congress to concern itself with confiscation, compen-
sation and colonization, after 1 it had put down the re-
bellion, or at least after it had resolved unconditionally
to put it down — to put it down by putting, if need be,
arms into the hands of all men, white, red, or black,
capable of bearing them. To be concerning itself at
this stage of affairs with confiscation, compensation
and colonization is emphatically to be "counting the
chickens before they are hatched." It is assuming
that the rebels, if not already conquered, are surely
to be conquered. But through the folly and madness
of Congress, the rebellion may end in such a way as
shall leave us no occasion for confiscation, compensa-
tion or colonization. Instead of the question, What
shall the North do with the South f the question may
still possibly be, as it has been for thirty or forty
years, What shall the South do with the North'?
Had Congress been unqualifiedly earnest to save
the country, it would in the very outset have occu-
pied itself with matters essential to the salvation ot
the country, and the war would consequently have
been ended long ago. Its first step would have been
to accept the fact that the seceded States have re-
duced themselves to Territories. But instead of tak-
ing this decisive step, it has embarrassed itself all the
way with the nonsensical idea that a State cannot
cease to be a State, and cannot forfeit any of its rights
as a State — an idea quite as nonsensical as that he
who by his crimes has sunk the citizen, in the culprit,
cannot lose his citizenship. It is by means of this
absurd notion that the rights of a State cannot by
any possibility be lost, that the pro-slavery politicians
have been enabled to awaken and maintain, all over
the North, a lively regard for the rights of tho rebels.
It is by means of it that a bill is before Congress to
empower the provisional governments in the seceded
States virtually to recunct the old State laws for sla-
very ; or, in other words, to reestablish slavery in
those StateB by the national authority. And if it is
so that a State cannot lose any of her State rights,
why should Gov. Stanly be censured for his desire to
see all the laws of North Carolina enforced? How
lonstrous is the doctrine that a State, after having
seceded, still preserves its rights in the Constitution !
The Constitution was not made for the advantage of
its enemies, but solely for the advantage of its friends.
It was made to help those who honor it, and not those
who trample upon it — those who cling to it, and not
those who throw it away. In using the Constitution,
especially in time of war, the only question should
be — how can it be used most effectively for its friends,
and most effectively against its foes? The Constitu-
tion, like Fort Sumter, was made by and for the na-
tion. And no more absurd would it have been to
consent that the fort should be used for the benefit of
the enemies of the nation than it is to consent that
the Constitution shall be.
From the breaking out of the rebellion until the
present time, nothing has contributed so much to ren-
der the salvation of our country hopeless as this huge
fallacy that State rights cannot be forfeited. I admit
that the people of Georgia cannot take her land and
water out of the nation. But they can annihilate her
State relations, and they have annihilated them. Any
State whose officers refuse to take the qualifying oath
to support the Federal Constitution is no longer en-
titled to the rights of a State, but has thereby become
a Territory. More emphatically true is this where
the refusal is with the positive approbation of her peo-
ple. Suppose Colorado to apply for admittance into
our union of States, and to be admitted ; and suppose
that immediately afterward she regrets the step, and
refuses to perfect her State organization. Is she a
State after such refusal? Certainly not. She has re-
lapsed into a Territory. And what else could Bhe
have been had she completed her organization, and
then flung it up ? Georgia flung up hers. It is true
that she afterward organized herself into a State ; but
not into a State of this Union any more than if she had
expressly organized herself into a constituent State of
Mexico. Moreover, the seceded States being now but
Territories of the nation, and her Territories being
under her exclusive jurisdiction, and Freedom instead
of Slavery being the law of that jurisdiction, it follows
that if there ever was any legal slavery in those
States, there is none there now. The recognition of
these obvious truths, and the stern refusal of Congress
to re-admit any of the seceded States until all probabil-
ity of their reestablishing slavery has passed away,
will quickly end both the war and slavery. And, by
the way, the delay in re-admitting them need not be
long. A very brief taste of liberty will suffice to
cure the people of those States of all desire to recall
slavery. Reason teaches and history proves that no
people, who have tried the better workings of liberty,
are disposed to reestablish slavery.
That members of Congress can be putting Constitu-
tional obstacles in the way of the most effective pro-
secution of the war, is proof of their lack of earnestness
in prosecuting it. But that they can torture the Con-
stitutional prohibition of Attainder into oue of these
obstacles, is proof not only of this lack of earnestness,
but of great disingenuousness or great folly. How
amazing that this prohibition should be construed into
a prohibition to take away from an armed enemy of
his country all his rights of property ! It is true that
Congress has not the power to attaint or corrupt the
blood of his children, and to incapacitate for inheriting
or transmitting; and this, by the way, is substantially
the only restriction which the Constitution imposes at
this point on Congress. But to say that the rights of
his children, or of any other persons, stand Constitution-
ally in the way of stripping him of all his property
within the limits of the country, including, of course,
the absolute and unending right to the lands of which
he is seized in fee simple, is to pour contempt upon
the Constitution, its framers and adopters. What an
absurd ity,that you may take from this armed enemy his
life, but not all his property, and rights of property!
I say nothing here of the power of the courts in cases
of treason. It is the power of Congress of which we
are treating; or, if you please, of the President also.
It is the war-power — to be exercised summarily and
sweepingly. It will be time enough to look into the
slow and restricted processes of the courts when the
war shall be over. The belligerent or war-power is
the power to be.wielded now : the municipal or peace
power when peace shall have come.
Ere leaving this question of attainder, we must not
forget that the same Constitution which forbids the
nation's passing a bill of attainder forbids a State's
doing so. Hence, for a State to doom offspring to sla-
very is to violate the Constitution. For this is to pass
the most abominable bill of attainder, and to attaint
and corrupt the blood most emphatically as well as
most cruelly. How much truer, then, to the Consti-
tution, as well as to God and man, had Congress been,
had it, instead of pleading the prohibition of attainder
in behalf of the slaveholder, plead it in behalf of the
slave ! — and then followed up the plea with a Resolu-
tion advising the federal courts to recognize no bill of
attainder, and consequently to recognize no law for
slavery !
Congress professes a strong desire to save the coun-
try — but complains that its way is hedged up by the
Constitution. "Where there's a will, there's away."
Congress lacks not a way to save the country, but a
will. The will to save it at alt hazards would quickly
clear the way of all Constitutional obstructions and
scruples, and of all questions of right.
I spoke of Compensation, Colonization, and Confis-
cation. I do not object to Compensation, provided it
means nothing more than the North's sharing with the
South in the present loss from emancipation. I have
always held that the maxim, " Honor among thieves,"
requires such sharing, the North being clearly particeps
criminis in the case. And I have never held that the
slaveholder is entitled to compensation, if compensa-
tion it can be properly called, on any other ground
than this. I said that I do not object to compensa-
tion. But as Government confessedly in time of war
has power to emancipate, it should concern itself with
emancipation before it concerns itself with compensa-
tion. Let not justice to the slave hinge upon any
money or economic question. Let neither his wrong*
nor our guilt be allowed to accumulate a moment longer.
The claim of the oppressor must not be as much as
entertained ere that of the oppressed is satisfied ; and
this we would all readily acknowledge, had we all
repented of our crimes against the oppressed.
Nor do I object to all Colonization ; certainly not to
that in which the subjects are free, and the promoters
inspired by benevolence. But a colonization in which
the subjects are not free, and which is promoted in the
spirit of prejudice against race, my soul abhors. I
addj that to condition emancipation on colonization, or
on anything else, is a very great crime.
And now to Confiscation. I expect no great amount
of good from the present or from any future laws of
confiscation. I do not deny that there arc wise men,
who in the spirit of moderation call for confiscating
laws. But I have no more sympathy with the vindic-
tive spirit which calls for such laws, than I have with
that srjirit in its call for hanging the chief rebels. As
no hanging will be necessary, so there should be no
hanging. Nor, should we finally conquer, will an ex-
tensive confiscation be necessary. The large landed
estates of the rebels should certainly be broken up.
The remedy for our national ruin is no more in con-
fiscation than in compensation or colonization. It is
alone in repentance and " fruits meet for repentance."
First among those fruits, both in the order of time and
importance, is the duty of recognizing the seceded
States no longer as States, but only as Territories.
The Government is not to reduce them to Territories.
It is simply to recognize their suicide, and their boII-
reduetion to the territorial condition. Along with this
recognition will be that of their having with their own
hands put an end to nil possible legal slavery within
their limits. The abolition of slavery in the Bonier
States would of course bo a speedy and certain conse-
quence.
Shivery having passed away, the evil dispositions
which it generated at the South will also pass
away — not rapidly, however — until the South shall
see the Northern people repenting of their part in up-
holding slavery, and of their part (by means of such
upholding) in bringing on the rebellion. I repeat,
that it is by repentance only that the ruined nation
can be restored. By that, and that only, can the
North and the South be brought together in our day
into a homogeneous and happy people. The magna-
nimity and the love in our bearing toward the South,
which will come of our repentance, will win the South
to us as surely as would the harsh measures of an im-
penitent and vindictive spirit repel her from us. I
said that our nation may get rid of slavery, and yet be
unsaved, because yet impenitent. Thus far, if we ex-
cept the Old School Presbyterian Assembly, which
does so strikingly verify the words, " the last shall
be first," there are scarcely any signs of her repen-
tance. With this exception, no ecclesiastical party,
and, without exception, no political party is heard to
exclaim, " We are verily guilty concerning our
brother." And even now, when the necessities and
laws of war have put slavery at the unqualified and
entire disposal of the Government, the Government
hesitates, and the people hesitate, and guiltless millions
are left to pine in their prison-house.
I would not underrate the criminality of the South.
It is exceedingly great. But so is ours. She rebelled
against a Government which had always been very
indulgent toward her. We, however, as well as she,
are responsible for the rebellion, because we as well
aB she are tesponsible for slavery. And this infernal
rebellion, like the infernal crimes against Kansas a
few years ago, is but another outbreaking of infernal
slavery. I admit that the South carries on the war
with great barbarity. But it is slavery which made
her so barbarous, and hence it is not for us, her fel-
low-upholders of slavery, to taunt her with it, or make
any complaint of it. For us, who stiil sanction the traf-
fic in living human boneB, to make such ado about
her converting dead human bones into trinkets, is ri-
diculous affectation and disgusting hypocrisy. Do
with my dead bones what you will, only treat them
well while there is life in them.
It is in the light of our common responsibility with
the South for this rebellion, and the causes of it, that
I cannot respond to the whole of the popular war-cry,
" Indemnity for the past, and security for the
future." Security for the future I would insist on ;
and that, as I have said, can be gained through our
repentance. But as to indemnity for the past, I deny
that the North is more entitled to it at the hands of
the South than the South is at the hands of the North.
The simple truth is, that for half a century the North
and the South have been wronging and ruining
each other by countenancing and encouraging each
other In their common crime against humanity ; and
hence all claim of the one upon the other for indemni-
ty for the past is impudent and absurd.
I repeat it, that nothing short of repentance can
save the nation. No wonder that the Prophets and
the Baptist and Jesus preached repentance as the great
remedy. Profoundly wise were they in doing so. Its
power is not exhausted on those who are exercised by
it. Besides that, it lifts them up into a nobler charac-
ter, and into the region of a better and nobler life, it
begets forgiveness in the offended ; and they are hard-
ly less profited by their forgiveness than the offenders
are by their repentance. Moreover, repentance begets
repentance. The repentance of others calls loudly and
persuasively on us to repent. Let the South see us
sorrowing penitentially over the oppression of the
black man, and she will not only forgive us, but she
will sorrow penitently with ua.
It may be true that the North will be able to pro-
tect herself by means of victories over the South.
It may be true that the nation will again become nom-
inally one nation. It has been only such for the last
thirty or forty years. But the nation can be saved
and become really one only by conquering the South
through the heart of theSouth. It is true that slavery
will soon cease. But unless it shall cease through
penitence, and through pity and love for the black
man, the nation will continue to be two nationB in
spirit. Moreover, Southern fanaticism, hatred and
desperation, and the diseases of the Southern climate,
and various other causes, including possibly European
intervention, will but too probably have the effect to
keep the nation, for a long time, torn asunder outward-
ly as well as inwardly. And in this connection we are
to remember how mightily the Democratic party at
the North is contributing to this effect. That party —
its patriotic members having left it, and identified
themselves with the cause of their country — is as des-
perate and dangerous a party as the world has ever
seen. It knows it can have no power when slavery
is gone ; and hence it is at work not to save the coun-
try, but to save slavery. It knows that its own life is
the life of slavery ; and hence it dreads the death of
slavery as it dreads its own death. And we are not
to forget that the North has been so long and so exten-
sively debauched by slavery as to make it but too
probable that very many, who had never been enspll-
ed in that party, will now welcome its pro-slavery pol-
icy, and become its members.
Perhaps it is too late for even our penitent delive-
rance of the slave to restore the ruined nation. Per-
haps the American people may repent, and be blessed
in their repentance, and yet not be able to re-establish
their nation. Perhaps the Divine justice — the justice
of Him in whose name and by whose authority Pres-
ident and Congress and People should long ago have
insisted on the immediate and unconditional abolition
of slavery ; perhaps, I say, this justice cannot now' be
satisfied by even the penitent deliverance of the slave.
Perhaps, in addition to this, the nation must remain
broken up — aye, and remain so forever. If it must,
let the penalty for the enormous transgression be ac-
cepted unmnrmuringly. And let there be this con-
solation — that the permanent sundering of the super-
latively guilty nation will sound out to all nations,
present and to come, the loudest warning ever sound-
ed out against oppressing the poor. "For the op-
pression of the poor " God wilt arise. Sooner or
later, he will avenge them. Rivers of human blood,
and thousands of millions of wasted treasure, are now
proving that he does avenge them.
tenancc by American religion ; and since the existence
and toleration of this sin are the true cause of the judg-
ments now abroad in the land, the source and centre
from which flow the darkening floods of calamity, sor-
row, bitterness, and civil war, — the abolition of sla-
very in the District of Columbia, viewed simply as a
feeble expression of national repentance, and an im-
plied disposition to cease to do evil and learn to do
well, to break the bands of wickedness and lo let the
oppressed go free, and to place the nation in harmony
with the spirit of eternal justice, is an act immeasura-
bly more important and more sublime than all the
victories yet won on hind or sea by the loyal forces.
Resolved, That the work initiated by the Aet of
Emancipation for the DistricI of Columbia will not be
complete, and the peace of the country will find no
permanent foundation, until the whole land shall be,
like the District of Columbia, free alike from slave-
holders and slaves, tyrants and vassals, and shall be-
come in reality, as well as in profession, a free coun-
try, where all men, of whatever color or clime, shall
be secure in his title to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.
Resolved, That the statesman of to-day, who shall
undertake to reconstruct the Union on the basis of
compromise with the slaveholding traitors, or upon
any basis short of the natural one of freedom, will
undertake to do what Washington, Jefferson, Adams
and Hamilton attempted in vain, and what Webster,
Clay and Benton in vain endeavored to perpetuate.
Resolved, That as no good word or work is ever
lost; as all truth is related, and can never be sepa
rated; as revolutions never go backward; as the per-
formance of any high and noble deed prepares the in-
dividual or the nation for the performance of deeds
more high and noble; we may wisely value the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, not
merely as a single measure standing alone, but as a
link in the golden chain of events, whereof itself is
the least. It is not the end of the beginning, but the
beginning of the end. During the last twenty years,
slavery, to be safe anywhere, required to be safe
everywhere, — and to destroy it anywhere is in a
measure to destroy it everywhere. A single leak
sends the ship to the bottom.
Resolved, That white acknowledging our obliga-
tions to all members of the Senate and the House of
Representatives, who voted for the freedom of our
brothers and sisters in the District, and to President
Lincoln, who signed the Act of Emancipation, we
would especially remember most gratefully Hons.
Henry Wilson and CharleB Sumner. The first aB in-
augurating the abolition measure, and the last for
giving the death-blow to the opposition.
Resolved, That, notwithstanding we have cause to,
and do eulogize men, and applaud their acts, in re-
spect to the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia and elsewhere, still we see and acknowledge
God to be all in all, to whom be praise and honor, for-
ever and ever — Amen !
EMANCIPATION IN THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA.
A large and enthusiastic meeting of the colored
citizens of Rochester was recently held in Zion's
Church, to give expression to their views and feelings
in regard lo the recent act of the Federal Govern-
ment in abolishing slavery in the District of Colum-
bia.
Mr. James Sharp was called to the Chair, and Mr.
Lewis II. Douglass was chosen Secretary.
The following comprehensive and spirited resolu-
tions were offered, and after animated discussion, in
which Messrs. Taylor, Perry, and Frederick Douglass
participated, they were unanimously adopted as the
sense of the meeting : —
Resolved, That in common with the long enslaved
and deeply injured colored people of the District of
Columbia, now happily liberated from their cruel and
unjust bondage, and rejoicing in their newly acquired
liberty, the birthright of every human being; and in
common with the friends of justice and liberty the
world over, we who are now assembled in Zion Meth-
odist Church, Rochester, duly recognize and appre-
ciate the importance and significance of the recent
Act of Emancipation by Congress, and hail with un-
affected and irrepressible joy, gratitude and praise, the
great and glorious fact, that the National Capital, the
seat of Government of the United States, no longer
gives tho lie to the Declaration of American Inde-
pendence, and has at last ceased to be the foul and
loathsome habitation of the dealers in slaves and the
souls of men, and that, the Boil of the District of
Columbia has been purified and consecrated forever
to free labor, free speech nnd free men.
Resolved, That since greater is he who rulolh his
own spirit than he that takelh ;i cily ; since righteous-
ness alone can exalt a nation, and transgression is a
reproach to any people; since, beyond all question,
slavery is the great characteristic sin of America,
sustained by the Government, and kept in coun-
Gen. Rosseau on Slavery. At a banquet given
to Gen. Lovell H. Rosseau, of Kentucky, at Louisville,
a few days since, the General declared that if the war
continued a year longer, there would not be a slave on
this continent. He said that the rebels were bringing
about thiB result by persisting in falsely representing
that the war is carried on for the abolition of slavery,
and allowing the negro to biind their eyes to all the
blessings of our government. The General did not
hesitate to say that when it came to be a question be-
tween the preservation of slavery and the preserva-
tion of the government, he would strike down slavery,
remarking : —
" Slavery is not worth our government. Slavery is
not worth our liberty. It is not worth all the preciouB
blood now being poured out for freedom. It is not
worth the free navigation of the Mississippi river.
" I am for the government of our fathers against all
things and everybody. While the liberties of the peo-
ple are secure under it, as they ever have been, I would
allow nothing but death to prevent my upholding it.
I am ready for the responsibility. A Southern man
as I am, born and brought up in the South, with all
my sympathies with the South, I could not hesitate
one moment when the issue is presented between the
negro and the government of our fathers. I am for
the government of the United States against all its
2^= Extract from a letter of a gentleman who for
thirty years has done business in the South, and was
one of the most zealous in his convictions concerning
slavery. Hear him : —
" I cannot close without expressing to you my deep
and earnest approval of your wish that the war should
not end until slavery be completely annihilated. If
there is a single person in my native North who is
more ultra pro-slavery than I have been for the last
thirty years, he would be a curiosity to look at; and
yet, will you believe it, the only fault that I have been
at all disposed to find with Northern treatment of sla-
very, — the cause of this atrocious rebellion, — is that you
have been and are too mild and lenient in your oppo-
sition to this national wickedness. I pity from the
bottom of my heart the man who has not been cured
of all sympathy with negro slavery, by the national
calamities it has brought upon us. I am an earnest
advocate of the most stringent measures in relation to
the cause of our present troubles. We may (and shall)
conquer the South ; but we shall never conquer a
peace, until the cause of this war is completely removed.
It is of no use to cut off a few of the leaves of the
deadly Upas tree. It must be plucked up by the
roots."
ANec.ro Patriot. The shores of the James river,
from Drury's Bluff to City Point, are lined with rifle-
pits, which the rebels are rilling with marksmen as fast
as completed, so fatal to their cause do they deem the
landing of troops under cover of our gunboats on the
south bank of the James river. On Saturday last, the
rebels all along the line of pits opened for target prac-
tice on our gunboats, firiug volley after volley with all
the success they could hope for, the balls rolling off the
iron sides of our vessels like hail against window panes.
A brave colored man, who had often requested permis-
sion to go into the maintop lookout to make observa-
tions, discovered a position occupied hy the enemy in
considerable force, and reported the fact to the Cap-
tain of his vessel, the United States sloop-of-war YVa-
chusett. Tlie fleet moved up, and shelled the place
where the rebels were encamped, scattering them in
every direction. The man in the maintop lookout, the
colored seaman above alluded to, made no further re-
port, and upon another man going aloft, he was found
dead at his post, pierced by a score of rifle-bullets.
"Them 'Pesky Niggers." Surgeons and others
returning from White House (on the line of march of
the Army of the Potomac) report that the negroes all
along the route have been of the greatest assistance to
our helpless wounded men. They constantly bring in
supplies from their huts ; they aid the surgeons in at-
tending upon them ; and by their unceasing readiness
and kindness, do a great deal to ameliorate the suffer-
ings of our soldiers.
i33^ = "Very truthfully remarks the New York Tri-
bune: — "If our troops escape an ambuscade or sur-
prise, it is almost uniformly through the timely warn-
ing of a 'contraband.' If they surprise the enemy,
or take him at a disadvantage, the cause of their suc-
cess is the same. Our brave soldiers have irradiated
this whole contest with prodigies of valor, yet the
two most desperate and gallant achievements of the
war are those of the negro who recaptured a vessel
taken by a confederate cruiser, killing the prize crew ;
and the running of the steamboat Planter out of
Charleston harbor by the negro, Robert Small."
JKJf" Tho Adjutant General of the Confederate
States publishes a general order from the rebel War
Department directing recruiting officers, duly accredi-
ted, to draft every white or mulatto male found
throughout the South who is able to bear arms, and
who is between the ages of 20 and 66 years, whether
such persons may have obtained substitutes for them-
selves or not. and wilful evasion of this order is to be
severely punished.
'I'm: Confiscation Bill. — Manassas, Friday, >Tim
20, 18u2. The Confiscation act. passed by the House
of Representatives, meets with the hearty approval of
the OmOers and soldiers concentrated at this point.
Democrats, as well as Republicans, are in favor of the
most radical moans, and nil they fear is, thai Congress
will treat the Rebel BOOUndreta too leniently, instead
of being behind, as it lias been charged, they are in
advance of the average sentiment in Washington.
The Shenandoah campaign lias converted the most
conservative into the most radical. Indeed, :\ few
more such marches would make Gurrisonian Aholi-
tionists of the army of the Rappahannock. — C'orre-
sptmilence. t>f the New York Tribune.
BltOH NSON'B Kkvikw. The Roman Catholic Itish-
op of Virginia has issued an ukase Ratios! O, A.
llrowuson's Heview. declaring that it is no reliable
exponent Of Catholic doctrines and principles; and
he also directs that no article from the Review ha DC
tiecd hereafter by the HemUi and WstTh ■■, [tin official
organ of the Bishop.) — /'.'iwiyWisf,
THE LIBERATOH
— IS PUBLISHED —
EVERY ERIDAY MORNING.
321 -WASHINGTON STREET, BOOM No. 0.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Gkniusal Ageht.
(E^* TEEMS — Two dollars and fifty cents jicr annum,
in advanoo.
j£g?" Five copies will bo sent to one address for ten dol-
lars, if payment is made in advance.
§5P Alt remittances a-ro to lie made, and all letters
relating to the pecuniary concerns of tlio paper are to bo
directed (cost PAID) to the General Agent.
Q5F" Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents
f er line.
E^~ The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn-
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Sooieties are
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.
E3?~ Tlio following gentlemen constitute the Financial
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of tho
{japer, viz: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed-
*ir/ND Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr.
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the laud, to all
the inhabitants thereof."
"Hay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil-
' itary authority takes, for the time, tho place of all munio-
( ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST;'
and that, under that stato of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have tho exclusive
management of the subject, not only the President or
the United States, but tho Commander of the Armt,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN-
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES. * . . From the instant
that tho glaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, in kverv way in which it can bb interfered
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de-
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign powor. , . . It is a war power. I say it is a war
' power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
; it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
, has power to carry on the war, and must carry jt on, ac-
[ cording: to the laws of war ; and by tho laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu-
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thbj
place op them. When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies hare power to cms*-
: cipate all tho slaves in tbe invaded territory."— J. Q. A dam.
&m (&tm\\tv% U tft* WmU, «w ^mmtrymett m »M Pitttfehtfl.
J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.
VOL. XXXII. NO. 39.
BOSTON, FHID^Y, JULY 18, 1862.
WHOLE ]STO. 1641.
itfnp «f 9|f*t&i*&
GOV. STANLEY'S SPEECH.
On the 17th itlt, Governor Stanley spoke at
Washington, N. C, at a Union meeting, in which
seventeen counties were represented. The speech
was also heard by a large number of soldiers, and
the Newbern Progress says that by the army and by
North Carolinians it was received with great satis-
faction. In the course of it, Gov. Stanley said : —
"You say your slaves are all to be emancipated.
What course has the Federal Government pursued
thus far in regard to your slaves ? When Fremont,
Hunter and Phelps issued their proclamations of
emancipation, did not the President revoke them
all ? Has he not adhered strictly to the Constitu-
tion and laws of the country ? Does he not insist
that all the States shall be protected in all their
rights ? Much is said about the slaves coming into
the Federal lines, and many complaints are made
because they are not promptly given up. Are they
not in the Confederate lines, and are they not used
to build fortifications, and do tbe work of rebels, and
in many instances used to man rebel guns, and fight
against" the Union ? The Federal army can't make
a business of catching negroes, and delivering them
up. They have come here to put down treason, and
a war which the rebels inaugurated. If this war
continues, look at the consequences ! see what has al-
ready taken place ! see what must follow I In New-
bern there are nearly 5,000 slaves: they are here,
more continue to come. Should the war continue,
and the Federal army be obliged to advance into the
interior, then will the consequences be upon your
own heads. Then youT institutions, and everything
you have and own, will necessarily be in peril. Give
back the forts, arsenals, navy yards, and all the prop-
erty you have seized from the government, lay down
your arms, send your commissioners to Washington,
and in thirty days you can be back into the Union.
The Union must be preserved, though all the institu-
tions in the South should be perilled, and all her
property of every kind devastated. This Union and
government is worth more than all the property of
the South, and the lives of all the rebels. Much has
been said about the negro schools in Newbern.
When I came, I found them there established by Mr.
Colyer. *He came to me, and asked my opinion. _ I
gave it to him, and told him that I thought it was in-
judicious at this time, that it would look as though I
intended to disregard the laws of the State, which
would destroy all my influence, and make me a very
unwelcome visitor to the people of North Carolina.
I treated the gentleman kindly, made no threats to
him, nor did I'give him any advice or instructions.
I have been misrepresented in this whole matter,
which has unnecessarily engendered a bad feeling.
I come with the olive-branch, and stand, for the time
being, between you and the powerful armies of the
Republic, whose onward march will sweep you u
der, and necessarily destroy your institutions when
brought in contact with the opposing forces. Soon
it will be too late for you to accept of my honorable
terms. Then events must be left to the harsh ;
cruel necessities of the justice which is vindicated
.by the sword. After Hunter's proclamation, I called
on President Lincoln, and told him that if a sweep-
ing emancipation was the policy of the Administra-
tion, I could not go to North Carolina. He assured
me that it was not, and that the Administration had
no such power. I believe he is sincere in all he says,
and that it is not his desire to distress unnecessarily
any State, or deprive her of any of her Constitu-
tional rights. Such is Mr. Lincoln, whom you have
regarded with so much terror, and denounced so bit-
terly. He stands by the Constitution, unmoved, and
I do not believe it is in the power of any human be-
ing or party to turn him either to the right or left."
Sumter to the 4th of July, 1862, a period of fif- , rect interest in, or association with, the institution of
slavery. All humane persons— all who believe in
the Declaration of Independence — all who believe in
pure Christianity— are, in their hearts, Abolition-
ists. That is, they wish there were some safe and
proper way for freedom to come to every human be-
ing. We'all go as far as this, but those who are
technically known as Abolitionists go further. They
believe it to be their duty to agitate for the imme-
diate abolition of slavery. They have, in limited
numbers, cursed the Constitution. Some of them
have been willing to see the country divided, rather
than see the free States saddled with any responsi-
bility for slavery. But these men have been few
and powerless. Their zeal has outrun their discre-
tion, and their indiscretion has destroyed their in-
fluence; but their original impulses were good, and
they have only loved the nigger " not wisely but too
well." But where are the Abolitionists to-day ?
Almost all of them are supporting the government,
while Secession, torn of slaverv, is demonstrating
the devilish spirit cf that institution to be precisely
what they have always represented it to be.
The Abolitionists will bear us witness that we
have been far enough from sympathizing in their pe-
culiar schemes, or their mode of speech and opera-
tion ; but we beg leave to say, that we can hear no
coupling of the names of Secessionists and Abolition^
ists, as men who are equally guilty in the eye of na-
tional justice, and equally responsible for the evils of
the present war, without anger. Such an associa-
tion of names, which are intended to be disgraceful
epithets, is a mean and cowardly act, no matter who
performs it. The attempt to shift the responsibility
of this war, with all its burden of blood and crime
and misery upon Abolitionists, is an outrage upon
the plainest historical truth, established by the volun-
tary boasts and confessions of the Secessionists them-
selves. The army which is engaged in lighting the
battles of the country, and pouring out its blood like
water, is more than half abolitionized to-day, by
what it has learned of slavery during the war. Are
these brave and self-sacrificing soldiers to be classed
with Secessionists? President Lincoln and his en-
tire Cabinet would rejoice in the emancipation
of the slaves, and propose it. Are they to be
classed with Secessionists ? Out upon such non-
sense ! The only real enemies of the govern-
ment are Secessionists, and there are none, North
or South, who deserve classification with them, ex-
cept those who try to lift the responsibility of the
war from their shoulders, or those who, finding it un
safe to be indecent, take their revenge by abusin-
decent people. — Springfield Repmblican.
teen or sixteen months. What are they to be
now ? They say that they have lost confidence
in the President. One man, speaking in a Boston
meeting the other day, said he always .discouraged
enlistments, and he would fight for Jeff. Davis
if he would emancipate the slaves. He was
approved by his fellows in this remark. Another
curses the Administration with the most bitter de-
nunciation. The New York and Western radical
papers begin to denounce Mr. Lincoln as weak, and
declare that they have lost confidence in' him.
Governor Andrew remains cold on the subject of
recruits, and Massachusetts is held back by the
recent repressing influences of the radicals. Sena-
tor Dixon, of Connecticut, rushes home to encour-
age enlistments, and call his constituents to the
field. Charles Sumner sits in Congress, watch-
ing lest a bill pass relating to some subject
without a negro in it, and moving negro amend-
ments to everything malapropos or otherwise, with-
out reason or common sense. Senator Chandler
boldly thrusts himself forward, and demands that the
nation shall make an issue between the President
and General McClellan, and turn out of office one
or the other.
In short, the entire force of radicalism, from the
lowest grades of Massachusetts abolitionism to the
most dangerous, because office-holding, ranks of the
leaders at Washington, now holds itself aloof from
the cause of the Union, and unless the President
joins their ranks, will demand, what they have long
striven for, "the ruin of the American Church and
Union." — N. Y. Journal of Commerce.
DOWN WITH ABOLITIONISM.
Down with Abolitionism ! Let this be the motto
of the truly loyal and conservative men of the North
and West, until the monster is not only crushed, but
killed. It was scotched at the spring elections — let
us finish the job in the fall.
Down with the abolitionists, and down with the
men and presses who directly or indirectly endorse
and sustain them 1
They must go down, or the country will go down.
Tbey must go down, or the Constitution will go
down.
They must go down, or the rights and liberties of
the people will go down.
They must go down, or the interests of the work-
ing men will go down.
They must go down, or the wltile race will go
down.
There is no longer use in temporizing on the part
of conservative men. The radicals — led by Sumner,
Wade, Wilson, et al. — have been and are as bitter
enemies of the Union as the Secessionists in the
South. They prosecute the war solely that aboli-
tionism may be successful. Every day but furnishes
additional evidence of their designs.
Voters, if you desire the restoration of the Union,
the maintenance of the Constitution, and the pre-
servation of your own liberties — if you love your
race better than you do the negro— if you have any
regard for the interest of the laboring classes in
your midst — if you believe that this government was
framed by white men for the benefit of the white
race — strike as one man to drive from place and
power the arch-abolition agitators who have labored
to bring the country to its present perilous position
—who have for years scorned the Union, trampled
upon the Constitution, and violated the laws of the
land. Let your watchword be, " Down with aboli-
tionism ! " — Dayton Empire.
$t\tti\ttu%*
THE FAILURE OF RADICALISM, AND THE
DUTY OF THE PATRIOT.
A glance over the radical forces, as they now
show themselves, is eminently instructive. We
publish elsewhere the remarks of Wendell Phillips,
who is the recognized organ of the faction, of which
the New York radical newspapers, to whom he al-
ludes, are distinguished adherents. Since the re-
ception of Mr. Phillips with such distinguished at-
tention on the floor of the Senate Chamber, by the
Vice-President, and in view of the perfect accord
which exists between him and such politicians as
Governor Andrew, and of the further fact, that the
highest commendations are bestowed on him by the
New York radical press, and that he is never found
to have given occasion to them for criticism or re-
buke, however treasonable in tone may be his re-
marks, the country is fully justified in regarding him
as the recognized exponent of the radical party.
If in the disloyal and disgraceful sentiments which
pervade this sermon, delivered last week in a Bos-
ton mosque, or meeting-house, or public hall, (it
surely was not in a Christian church,) we found the
abolitionist orator uttering sentiments which are not
consonant with those elsewhere expressed by his po-
litical associates, we might doubt their importance
•and give them to the winds, as unworthy of serious
attention. But, alas ! we have had too long experi-
ence in this matter. When, in former years, con-
servative men exposed the plans of Boston abolition-
ists, and corabatted their attacks on Union and Con-
stitution, they were told that the game was too small ;
that they were only a noisy set of fanatics, of little
influence, of no account, whom it was useless to no-
tice. But, to the shame of American character be
it spoken, that set of noisy enemies of the Union be-
came worth purchasing, at their own price, by a po-
litical party who wanted their votes, and they sold
themselves at the price demanded, and the nation
is paying the price to-day. Had those men been
transported from the shores of the nation they dis-
graced and helped to ruin, wc might have had
peace. We cannot ignore them now, nor shut our
eyes to their threats. Besides all this, what Wen-
dell Phillips and his Boston abolition party may do
and say, will be approved by Governor Andrew,
will be commended by Senator Sumner, will be "
dorsed by the New York and other radical news-
papers, and will be pressed on the country with rad-
ical vehemence, Then the wreck of the Republi-
can party, now in alliance with the Albany octago-
nal Union party in this State, will be compelled to
purchase the abolition vote again at whatever price
is demanded, and there will be demagogues and of-
fice-seekers to go for paying the price, which as be-
fore will be paid at the expense of the country.
What price will the abolitionists demand for their
votes this fall ? The question is important. The
speech of Phillips gives a fair idea of it. The price
demanded will be the dissolution of the Union. Let
no one be startled. The abolilionisls are no Union
lovers. They have professed to be Unionist*, be-
cause they saw-in the war a possibility tint they
might wreak a long-cherished desire of vengeance on
tli.-. slaveholding citizen. They were conditional
Unionists, as Phillips tells us, from the fall of
"ABOLITIONISTS AND SECESSIONISTS."
There is a sort of one-horse loyalty which at-
tempts to sweeten the bitter task of condemning
treason, by classifying Secessionists with Abolition-
ists, as equally enemies of the government. There
is a class of politicians who have been cniraged for
years in abusing Abolitionists as the enemies of the
Union. All at once, they find their old associates
turned traitors, and learn that they have been made
the tools of the only men in the country who had
any designs against the government. What to do?
How to get out of their most uncomfortable and
mortifying predicament ? They cannot give up
their pet notion, that the Abolitionists are very black
traitors, for they learned that of the Southern trai-
tors, who were the only truly "national men," only
a year or two ago. It is not safe for them any long-
er to uphold the Southern traitors. It might put
them behind grated windows, or bring them to a con-
sciousness of living in, a very dangerous neighbor-
hood. So they insist that if they are obliged to
abuse their good friends, the rebels, the Abolitionists
shall be yoked with them, and go to infamy in their
company.
There are others, however, who take up the cry
less intelligently and less malignantly. They are
men who are very honestly and very reasonably
afraid of extremists of every class. A Secessionist
is an extremist. An Abolitionist is an extremist.
They therefore see no special injustice in bringing
both into the same classification, and join in the cry
of tbe sympathizers with treason against Secession-
ists and Abolitionists together. Are they either wise
or fair ? We think not.
What is a Secessionist? He is a man who be-
lieves that the United States government has no
rights which a single State is bound to respect — one
who believes that Stato rights override United States
rights — who believes that at any moment when she
chooses, any State can secede from and break up
the United States government. lie not only be-
lieves it, but he practices according to his belief.
He is, moreover, an advocate of human slavery,
and a holder of slaves, and he secedes from the
Union for the simple purpose of benefitting his pet
institution, lie is a man who not only hates the
Union, but he hates all who love it; and not only
hates them, but approves of, or engages in, schemes
for robbing and murdering them. The genuine Se-
cessionist is an enemy to his country, an oppressor of
the poor and the helpless, and a foe to every thing
which we hold most sacred in our free American
civilization. He it is who has taken the responsibil-
ity of this war. He knew his interests were in no
danger. He knew the government never had op-
pressed him. He knew that the present Administra-
tion had no intention to injure him or his favorite
institution. He struck wantonly for power, and the
murder of a hundred thousand men, the bereave-
ment of a million others, the impoverishment of half
a nation, and the utter ruin of the other half, lie at
his door.
Now, what is an Abolitionist ? Literally and
briefly, he is a man who advocates, and labors for,
the aooKtidn of human slavery in this country. In
one sense, every decent man is an Abolitionist, pro*
vided he lias been bred in a region where his judg-
ment and conscience have not been corrupted by tli-
IS NEGRO-HATE AN ANGLO-SAXON IN-
STINCT ?
BY nORACE GREELEY.
The .people of Illinois have recently voted on a
new Constitution framed for them by a Convention
largely Democratic, which was held at Springfield
last winter. The Constitution itself was voted
down by a considerable majority ; so was a special
provision' stringently interdicting future Banks of
Issue ; so was a proposed Apportionment of the
State for the choice of Members of Congress under
the new apportionment ; while two provisions, like-
wise separately submitted, 1. inhibiting negroes
from voting or holding office,' 2. forbidding their fu-
ture migration into the State, were ratified by large
majorities. These proscriptions arc substantially such
as were already a part of the public law of Illinois
but that which forbids colored immigration has nev-
er been much regarded, whether by Blacks or
Whites. Blacks have from time to time quietly en-
tered the State, and settled there in large numbers,
and are living there to-day unmolested, as the bet-
ter portion of them, with many more recent immi-
grants, probably will be twenty years hence. As
many good people regard Liquor Prohibition by
statute as an excellent thing, though no one regards
who would prefer to defy it, so many like to evince
and fortify their Democracy by voting a proscription
of negroes, who would never think of descendinj
the practical wickedness and cruelty of hunting
poor Black out of the home of his choice, and into an
exile from which his soul revolted. Still, the fact
that a large majority of the people of Illinois —
whether impelled by genuine negro-bate, or by po-
litical calculation, or by simple cowardice and want
ofhumanity and principle-— vote thus to proscribe and
repel this most oppressed and down-trodden race, is
a very sad one. The World, semi-Republican in its
tone rather than its professions, while often inclined
to regard political questions from a religious stand-
point, thus dilates upon it :
why is itI
" It is worthy of note that, in the recent vote on Ne-
gro Suffrage in Illinois, the majorities are heaviest
against equal rights in those counties where most of
them (?) reside. Thus, in the central and lower parts
of the State, the vote is all but unanimous against Suf-
frage, while in the Northern counties, where a negro
is rarely seen, a number of townships voted for negro
Suffrage. Winnebago county, on the Wisconsin line,
gave nearly 3,000 majority for Universal Suffrage,
without distinction of color. The same fact may be
noticed all over the North ; Abolitionism flourishes
only where negroes are scarce and their peculiarities
arc unknown. It may be an unpleasant fact for hu-
manitarians to realize, hut nevertheless it is a fact,
that the recent popular demonstration against shivery
political power is not prompted by any kindly
feeling for the African, or sympathy for his woes. On
the contrary, while the popular current has set stead-
ily in favor of Tree Soil and Free Labor, the prejudice
against and dislike of the negro race have grown with
the growth of the Nation. This stale of feeling may be,
and doubtless is, inhuman and unchristian ; but it ex-
ists, and must be considered and allowed by the states-
men who are hereafter to rule this nation. The An-
glo-Saxon race to which wc belong, in no quarter of
the world tolerates any of the inferior races. They
must submit to be enslaved or perish. Witness the
American Indian, tho negro the aborigines of Austra-
lia and Van Die man's Land, the New Zeahuidcr, and
the Kaffir. The Hindoo alone, of the inferior races that
have come under the domination of an Anglo-Saxon
power has been preserved from extermination or slav-
ery ; hut the reason for this exception is to be found in
tbe fact that Englishmen were not encouraged to settle
in Ilindostan, or own hind during the continuance of
the power of the East India Company.
" This pride of race has preserved its purity, as the
Anglo-Saxon never tolerates the half-breed or the mu-
latto. Hence, too, the superior value of this groat
people to colonize, The Latin races readily mixed
with the Indian and the negro, and the result has been
what we see in Mexico and South America.
" While this unfortunate colored race occupies tbe
country with us, there will doubtless always be parties
who will sympathize with it, and insist upon equal
rights being accorded to Blacks and Whites alike;
but, as in Illinois*, they wdll be few in number, and
flourish only in those parts of the North where ne-
groes are scarcely known."
Before discussing the above, let us carefully sepa-
rate iis truths from its palpable errors, or bold, base-
less assumptions :
That, whatever votes were cast for Equal Suffrage
should be mainly cast in tho Northern Counties, is
no wise remarkable. Those Counties arc strongly
Republican in politics, while the South is intensely
Democratic. Northern Illinois is almost wholly set-
tled from New England, or by men of New England
stock from New York, Ohio, etc. ; while the South-
ern Counties are largely peopled from Slave States
— Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, etc. But no evi-
dence is given, and I am confident that none exists,
restricting the negro population of Illinois mainly
to her Southern Counties. On the contrary, the
last census shows that many more of them reside in
Cook county (including Chicago) than : ,n any five
Southern or Democratic counties.
Still, there is a partial — only partial— truth in
the statement, that Equal Rights to negroes have
most champions where negroes are least known.
Massachusetts and Rhode Island have many more
Blackinhabitants than Connecticut and New Hamp-
shire; in the former States, negroes are allowed to
vote on the same conditions as Whites; in the lat-.
ter, they are not. New Bedford and Worcester are
widely known as conspicuously Anti-Slavery among
the cities of Massachusetts, and these have more
Black inhabitants proportionally, than almost any
.other cities of the Free States.
The truth which underlies The World's statement
is this: In Northern Illinois, the great majority
vote for a cherished principle- — Equal Justice and
Equal Rights for all ; in the Southern Counties,
they vote against a despised and degraded caste,
which they have known for the most part in a
servile condition. The Poor Whites of the Slave
States have little to be proud of ; and by so much
the greater is their exultation over the fact that
they are not negroes. The baser and more degrad-
ed the White anywhere, the greater is his pride of
caste — his anxiety to have some one else to look
down upon. If he is neither honest, nor sober, nor
intelligent, nor thrifty, nor respected, he is the more
proud of his (technically) white.skin, and tbe more
tenacious of the patent of nobility into which he
construes it. Hence the overwhelming Democracy
and negro-hate of Southern Illinois, and of many
other sections. No intelligent politician need be
told the fact that the most overwhelming votes in
this State in 1860 against Negro Suffrage were
cast at the Five Points, Corlaer's Hook, and other
notorious denS of debauchery, squalor, and crime.
It is partially— only partially true — that " the re-
cent popular demonstration against slavery as a po-
litical power is not prompted by any kindly feeling
toward the African, or sympathy for his woes."
The whole truth imports that this, like all other
great popular movements, is impelled by a variety
of influences and motives; that one man is a Repub-
lican because heroes cherish a kindly feeling for the
Black rylan, and does sympathize with him m view
of his manifold oppressions; while others vote the
same ticket mainly* to keep the wild West uncursed
by servile labor, therefore substantially free from
negroes Others may be impelled to vote the same
ticket by still different considerations; but to deny
that "any kindly feeling toward the African" un-
derlies the Republican movement, is to defy facts
within the range of every one's observation.
But the broad proposition of The World, that this
confessedly inhuman and unchristian " negro-hate,"
which we have found by no means universal here,
is an antipathy that "runs in the blood," is too fla-
grant. " The Anglo-Saxon race," says our con-
temporary, " in no quarter of the world tolerates any
of the inferior races." The writer need look no
further than the British West Indies to be convinc-
ed of his enormous mistake. In Antigua, the Chief-
Justice is (or lately was) a full-blooded negro, who
was a slave less than thirty years ago; he may be
seen holding courts with whites, whom he has known
as slaveholders, on cither hand. The Speaker of
tbe Legislative Assembly of Jamaica is (or recently
was) a man of color. The Mayor of Kingston ditto.
Journalism is not in a palmy state in the British
West Indies; but of such journals as they have, the
best are edited by colored men. And nowhere un-
der the British flag does color work political disa-
bility, or subject to involuntary expatriation.
The Hindoo is but one of many races inhabiting
the great Anglo-Indian Empire, and none of them has
been enslaved or has perished under British rule.
In Canada, negroes and aborigines abound, and are
neither enslaved, exiled, nor even proscribed. And
the anti-negro prejudice, which was very rank in
the West Indies under slavery, appears to have
been greatly modified by a generation of freedom.
It would be a truth worthy of congratulation if
the Anglo-Saxon " pride of race" had indeed pre-
served the purity of that race ; but the copper-color-
ed faces to be met in the thoroughfares of all our
cities, but eraphaticalty in those of the slave States,
dispels the fond illusion The concubinage of the
plantations in our slave States is grosser and more
general than that of any other rural Anglo-Saxon
community, while the fact that young quadroon and
octoroon female slaves are habitually and notorious-
ly sold throughout the South at double to quadruple
the prices they would command for any other than
infamous purposes, is one of the most revolting fea-
tures of the shareholding system.
It is hardly probable that, Equal Rights will be
generally accorded to Blacks in our day ; it will be
well if we can secure to this unhappy race a legal
and assured recognition ofany rights at all. But it
is no less the duty of humane and of Christian men
to bear up against the flood-tide of prejudice, hypoc-
risy, mob-courting, and genuine slaveholding hate,
which is perpetually playing upon and stimulating
the spirit of proscription and caste whereof this Illi-
nois vote is a fair exemplification. Years may yet
be required to educate the mass of our people into
that spirit of enlightened humanity and rectitude
which perceives in a wrong done to the humblest, an
injury and a peril to the entire community. Mean-
while, let every true man count it a privilege to bo.
permitted to labor and suffer reproach for that full
and hearty recognition of the Rights of Man as Man,
which shall yet efface the memory of centuries of
oppression and wrong in the full triumph of Repub-
lican justice and Christian love.
State heretofore with their slaves — they will not
come because it won't pay — but we have got to de-
pend on another class, who have prejudices against
the institution of slavery, and who will not come be-
cause it is here. It leaves us standing without any
immigration at all. The institution is nothing but
a shadow. It has been virtually killed by the lead-
ers of the rebellion, and I say it is proper for the
people of the State to devise some plan by which the
immigration of the non-slaveholders can be secured.
1 think it is time that the people of the State should
calmly and deliberately think over the question, and
look at it in a financial and moral point of view,
with reference to their own interests and the inter-
ests of the State. It is with this view that I offer
my substitute.
It not only embodies my views, but I believe the
views of a majority of the people of the State. I
believe it is morally necessary that the slaveholders
should consider the matter at once, because, if this
rebellion is carried on much longer, a blow will be
struck by the general government that will take the
negroes anyhow, I am opposed to that, and I am
opposed to this prejudice which has governed iis for
so many years to such an extent that no man could
speak upon the negro at all without being called an
Abolitionist or a Yankee.
THE COST OE SLAVERY.
If ever we hated slavery, it has been within the
past two days. As we think of the ten or fifteen
thousand men, the flower of the North, all in the
prime of youthful manhood, — killed and wounded, —
lying in acony or death, disabled by every form of
wound the most vivid imagination can conceive,
crowding all the swamps of the Chickahominy, and
turning their festering wounds to the feverish heat
of a July sun in Virginia — as we think of the suffer-
ings of these men, we hate slavery and its abomina-
tions more than ever.
But the half is not told ; no, nor the tenth. The
loss by disease is alwaj^s greater than the loss by
battle. Within the last ten days, six days have
seen as many battles. But when we think of the
last fifteen months, of Fort Ilenrv, Fort Donelson,
Island No. Ten, Bull's Run, Ball's" Bluff, Yorktown :
when we remember that no division of our army has
ever been without its hospital, no regiment without
its surgeon and assistant surgeon, we believe it will
be found that the list of killed, and of those whom
sickness or wounds will permanently affect, numbers
already over an hundred thousand of northern men,
and that a six months' more conflict, carried through
the hot weather, will add more than another hun-
dred thousand to the list. And all these are from
the North.
An equal number from the South have fallen, if
they have not saved themselves by running away.
Slavery has already barbarized the South, and cost
the nation a quarter of million of men. It has cre-
ated a national debt.of five hundred millions of dol-
lars. It is adding to that amount a million and a
half of dollars every twenty-four hours. It has taken
six hundred thousand men out of the productive
ranks of the North — not less than a million on both
sides — and made them consumers instead of producers.
It has changed a pacific nation into a warlike one. It
has diverted every channel of trade throughout the
country, and put a tax on labor for the next half cen-
tury. It has done all this, and would do more. If sla-
very could blot the Northern States out of existence,
and kill off every Yankee, it would do it tomorrow,
Now what the North have a right (o ask is, that
this Institution shall never have the power to do
this a second time. We demand that the slavehold-
ers of 1900 shall never cost our grand-children what
the slaveholders of 1SG0 have made us pay. The
rebellion must be put down, and it will be. The
South must once more become a component part of
national existence. But it must not be a dis-
turbing element. The South must not claim to rule
the North. Freedom must become national, slavery
sectional. And the only redeeming element of our
present difficulties lies in the thought, that every
battle by which slavery prolongs the war is only an
added nail to its own coffin. — Worcester Transcript.
worse. He was perfectly isolated from Pope's army
and from Burnside's, while the Rebels, with superior
tactics, had made masterly combinations of their
forces at a common centre. Worst of all, he sepa-
rated himself from his gunboats, the cooperation of
which was the argument that sent him to the Penin-
sula. One would suppose, that the military mind
which could, after the reflection of a fortnight, de-
tect the fatal error of this inland isolation, might
have seen its absurdity at the outset, and by occupy-
ing the river bank at the first available point below
Fort Darling, moved forward with the gunboats act-
ing as a left wing, and, in themselves, representing
a strength equal to 30,000 men. He might have
taken this position at Turkey Bend or Harrison's
Landing before the battle of Fair Oaks, or on any
day for a week after it ; and it is most unfortunate
that he did not think of a base of operations on the
James River, until the enemy were prepared to
make it cost us 20,000 lives.
It is proper that the people should think these
things well over ; and, while they give due credit to
the wondrous valor of our troops, and the skill of those
great captains, Heintzelman, Sumner, Kearney, and
Franklin, who extricated them from their dreadful
situation, administer condemnation wherever it may
be due. Our seven days' struggle was one continu-
ous retreat, conducted under a general order to that
effect by the Commander-in-Chief; but its triumphs
were reaped in a series of separated battles, the
varying fortunes of which, the above-named able
marshals were separately obliged to steer and gov-
ern for themselves. All that we have to add on the
subject of this week of fighting is, that the Rebels
suffered equally with ourselves; but, nevertheless,
they have earned a great moral advantage, and the
Union army has received a check which will retard
its progress for six months."
GOV. STEWART ON EMANCIPATION.
In the Missouri Convention on the 13th ult., Ex-
Gov. R. M. Stewart said : —
I believe tho people of Missouri should extinguish
slavery, and I believe further that the rebels have
put it in a speedy course of extinction. In the un-
holy war which has been brought upon us by the
leading conspirators of the State, they have them-
selves torn down their own pet institution, so that
at this day it is utterly worthless. No slaveholder
will come" here with his slaves hereafter. On the
border, to-day, I know slaveholders who are giving
their slaves passes to go to Kansas, and anywhere
else, because they know they will run away anyhow.
I say that the besom of destruction and war has des-
olaled (Mir fields, burned our houses, stolen our pro-
perly, bankrupted the State, and ruined the institu-
tion of slavery ; and in order to regain our former
THE RETREAT 0E GEN. McOLELLAN.
Wilkes's Spirit of the Times has the following
vigorous criticism on the recent movements in the
Peninsula: —
" Shocked and dejected at the unforeseen result,
the loyal public have anxiously endeavored to ascer-
tain the cause ; while, taking advantage of the gen-
eral perturbation, eveiy traitor in our midst has
sought to locate the blame against the Government.
It is also a feature of this vicious clamor, nay, it is
its leading feature, that all these denunciations of
the Government are invariably accompanied by the
most fulsome eulogies of Gen. McClellan, and a
schism is thus attempted to be set on foot, the object
of which is either to open a Presidential campaign
in his favor, or to distract the public mind on the
subject of the prosecution of the war.
This game has been going on now for a consider-
able time; and it appears to us a little singular that
Gen. McClellan suffers it to proceed, without a word
calculated to rebuke the treason, and sustain the Ad-
ministration from such injurious slanders. He can-
not fail to see that he is put forward virtually as the
leader of this factious opposition, and that his pre-
tended wrongs are the redoubts behind which these
sneaking traitors level their shafts against the bosom
of the country. A warfare of this sort, being made
apparently in his interest, should receive a share of
his attention ; and if he bo not able to drive, back
the. armed insurgents, he can at least rebuke their
slanderous allies who are cooperating with them in
the midst of our society.
In looking back upon the battles of the week, and
reviewing the fruitless valor of our soldiers in connec-
tion with tbe sad result, it is not difficult to arrive at
the conclusion that the whole campaign of the Pen-
insula has been a blunder. The true road to Rich-
mond was due south from Washington, by which
course an army of 250.000 men, covering the capi-
tal as it advanced, might many a time during the
last nine months have been driven in one compact
mass upon the then debilitated Rebel stronghold.
The division of it into parts, so that one-half might
make the strategic circuit round Robin Hood's barn,
with the door open and the road clear (ride Jackson)
toward the North, was tho most fatal error that
could have been committed; and the commanding
general wdio consented to perform the leading part
is truly responsible for the weakness of the scheme.
If he did not approve of it, he should not have con-
sented to it; if he thought his forces insufficient, his
resignation would have been a more honorable and
soldierly alternative than the sacrifice of the army.
Being deficient in strength, he should not have loca-
ted his Ibives amid swamps, and extended his Lines
for thirty miles in the face of a compact and supe-
rior enemy, nor for a long period of days assumed
the attitude of giving battle. The position in which
position, wc have got lo depend upon iiuiuigni.tiun-
not that class of immigrants who have come lo this I he hail placed himself could hardly have been chosen
RIPENING FOR REVOLUTION.
Nothing but judicial blindness can prevent tbe ru-
lers of this nation from perceiving that we are on
the eve of revolution. The enemies of the Republic,
North and South, have determined it ; and without
more prompt and vigorous resistince than this gov-
ernment has yet put forth or is likely to put forth,
they will be able to carry it into execution. It is
madness to shut our eyes to the fact that there is a
grand conspiracy, all over the country, to put down
by force of arms all ideas of justice, all regard for
human rights, all equality among men, the suprema-
cy of God's authority and God's law, and to substi-
tute, instead, a dominion of brute force, a govern-
ment of supreme selfishness, and having its founda-
tion in principles utterly diabolical. The actors in
this grand warfare upon right are now scattering
death and desolation over the South, and watching
the first opportunity to seize the helm of govern-
ment at the North. There is not the slightest dif-
ference between the Southern rebel now in arms,
and the northern advocate of slavery, who is seek-
ing the same end, but who dares not at present use
the same means.
The pro-slavery spirit of this city found expres-
sion at the great conservative meeting in tbe Coop-
er Institute on Tuesday last. The Express says
that twenty thousand signatures were appended to
the call. The speakers scarcely attempted to dis-
guise their treasonable intents. Ex-governor Wick-
liffe, of Kentucky, said that unless the abolitionists
lay down their pens, there might be another revolu-
tion. Win. A. Duer, of this State, said that if every
traitor in this country were to be hung in the order
of their guilt, the next man who marched upon the
scaffold after Jefferson Davis would be Charles
Sumner ; and this was greeted *by the loudest ap-
plause of the evening. Mr. Duer said the Emanci-
pation and Confiscation bills were monstrous viola-
tions of the Constitution which would justify resist-
ance.
But the ruling spirit of the meeting was ex-mayor
Wood. His speech was enthusiastically cheered by
the audience. The peroration, as reported in the
Tribune, was as follows :
" In my opinion, the time will soon come when, if
the rebellion be not suppressed, the people will rise up
and demand either a change of measures or a change
of men. (Applause.) The Constitution is to be pre-
served, in my judgment, only by a change of the pres-
ent Congress, and by a change of tbe administration
to succeed it. (Great applause.) Mr. Wood, after
some further remarks in relation to tbe pernicious
character of the abolition legislation of Congress, and
tbe necessity of getting rid of such a Congress, conclud-
ed by saying: It is to be done as Oliver Cromwell
sent home the Rump Parliament, by walking into
Parliament, and scattering it to the winds. ("Love-
joy ! " — Great applause.) Let your voices be heard
in the capitol of the country, ami if your armies are
not successful at once, I for one raise the standard —
a change of measures or a change of men " ! (Loud
and long-continued applause.)
We do not quote this because it is anything more
than has been often said before, and may be heard ev-
ery day in the streets and saloons of this city. But it
is here put forth deliberately, seriously, earnestly,- by
one of the prominent leaders of a large party, one
who is well known as a sasacious. sober, cautious,
and generally successful leader. Mayor Wood does
not utter sentiments at random. When he says
that our generals are to walk into Congress, and
scatter the representatives of the people as Cromwell
scattered the Rump Parliament, he means it. The
people who cheered him meant it. They mean
civil war at the North ; the shooting, hanging, and
imprisonment of radical Republicans and abolition-
ists. How are their threats to be met? Shall we
look to President Lincoln ? He is doing all in his *
power to conciliate these insolent threaten ers. He
fears a disruption of the North as much as President
Buchanan did. We can look for no essential help
from him, or from the pro-slavery generals into
whose hands he has put the army. Are we, then,
to remain idle, and allow ourselves to be bound hand
and foot'? Shall we tolerate this spirit of anarchy
until it seizes on some opportunity afforded by a re-
verse of our arms, or by foreign intervention, to
carry its threat into execution, and break up the
government? It is time the people were aware of
tbe precipice on which wc are standing. We pro-
test against, allowing the enemies o\' abolition to pro-
seettte their scheme's for the destruction o( liberty,
while wc take no precautions against them. When
the hour for revolution comes, if come it must, let,
the friends of freedom be prepared to deal with pm-
slaverv lawlessness as it deserves. The plotters of
rebellion South are not half as guilty as ihe plotters
of rebellion North.
The question with us must be, If revolution comes,
how shall we be able lo shape it in favor of freedom
instead of despotism? Hon. It. B. Stanton, in his
able Fourth of July oration at Brooklyn, said we
were in the midst of a revolution now. " Startle
not at the word. Deny not the assertion. A phi-
losopher has said, a nation may be in the throes of
a revolution, and yel aol know it. li was long ere
the masses of the French people would admit that
the earthquake that toppled down the throne of
Louis Sixteenth was a revolution." Just so wc may
114
THE LIBERA.TOE
JULY 3 8
bo deceived until our government is completely
revolutionised to slavery, under republican forms.
Wo see that none of the pro-slavery orators attack
Mr. Lincoln. They all appear satisfied with him.
'Cou.oress is the enemy that must bo dispersed at the
Voint of the bayonet. Then, again, the army must
hi wielded by pro-slavery officers. It must be still
further weeded of abolitionists. Hunter must follow
Fremont : Democratic Butler, even, cannot bo trust-
ed ; and Secretary Stanton, though of the same po-
litical -school, is assailed with every epithet of abuse,
because he is supposed to wink at the employment
of blacks in the army.
Mr. Mallory, on Saturday, declared in Congress
that Mr. Stanton showed him a letter from an officer,
asking permission to raise a regiment of blacks, to
which he had not only returned a prompt refusal,
but had ordered the officer's arrest. Still, our pro-
slavery revolutionists are not satisfied of the Secre-
tary's loyalty to their favorite institution. He will
not improbably be sacrificed as a peacc-offeri]
Verily, the bands of another kind of government
than our fathers gave us are being fastened around
our limbs. If our President listens to the advice of
these bad counsellors, he will ere long find the Re-
public crumbling beneath his feet, and his own au
thority swept away with the ruins. We speak not
idle fancies, but sober probabilities.
Since the above was written, we find two numbers
of the Herald filled with editorials designed to get
up a civil war in the North. In his yesterday's is-
sue, the editor gi-ows so bold in his treason as to
threaten the President himself, in the following sig-
nificant and unmistakable language :
■" Wo must state in advance that it will not do For
President Lincoln to attempt to father Stanton's blun-
■Acrs, as lie endorsed Cameron's extravagance. The
people will allow such self-devotion for once ; but if it
be too often renewed, the people may take the Presi-
dent at his icord. It is better to change a Cabinet officer
than a President." [American Baptist.
'm the hitO march to Riclmiond.-
Watchmaii and 1
-Coir, of Boston
DEFEAT ET DELAY.
"STRATEGIC SKILL."
The strategic skill of General McClellan, in chang-
ing his base of operations, is highly extolled by his
eulogists; but, it he deserves credit for this, where-
in did he display "strategic skill" in deliberately
selecting, and persistently occupying, a base of ope-
rations that — as the event proved — needed to be
changed ; one that — according to the representations
of his friends — was, in every respect and so demon-
strably disadvantageous, and, of course, an ill chosen
one ? Was it Secretary Stanton, or was it The
Tribune, or the " radical abolitionists," that selected
that position for him, and forced it upou him ? The
readers of the New York Herald are led to suppose
that this must have been the case ! How absurd !
With Senator Chandler, we demand — " Who was it
that led the army into the marshes of the Clncka-
hominy, where they died like sheep?" Was it the
abolitionists? Was it Generals Hunter and Fre-
mont, whom the Herald and other secession sympa-
thizers are now demanding to have ostracized?
General McClellan's reputation is falling into bad
hands! Secretary Stanton is fortunate in having
earned the hatred of men known to have been in
sympathy with the rebels from the beginning, and
evidently operating in their interest now. — Principia.
i h t x a t x .
BOSTON, MIDAY, JULY 18, 18H.
It is often said that an ingenious advocate can
support any theory by examples from history, and
itime has at length brought its revenges to those who
bave suffered ridicule and odium for their too eager
haste in urging a march to Richmond a year ago.
They were held responsible for the disastrous defeat
at Bull Run in July last. Their impatience, it was
said, precipitated a conflict for which wo were not
prepared. Their zeal without knowledge compelled
military men to march against their better judgment,
and involved the nation in shame and sorrow. The
♦culprits, it must be said, bowed submissively to the
ipublie censure. Some of them acknowledged their
rrashness, and others, without confession, changed
■their course.
A wonde^ul change followed In the public mind.
Delay was declared to be the only salvation of the
■ country, and the country acquiesced in the decision,
GFor eight mouths an immense army, greater than
that with which Napoleon won Marengo, or Auster-
Hitz, or Jena, lay inactive on the Potomac. Their
■monotonous life of sleeping, drilling and eating
an expense of near half a million per day, was i
to be essential to their perfection as an army, and
rthe country believed it, and paid the bills without
■murmuring. All offensive movements were forbid-
den, to save the possibility of defeat. Gen. Lander
feit certain that he could capture Gen. Jackson and
his entire force by a bold and rapid march, and
begged permission to make the experiment, but the
acquest was denied at headquarters, with a sharp
■reproof for his temerity. Jackson was spared to do
untold mischief in the future. Gen. Wool was con-
vinced that a sudden attack would take Norfolk,
and destroy the Merrimao on the stocks. He begged
the privilege of acting on his own responsibility, and
was denied, lest haste should bring defeat. Norfolk
■escaped, and the Merrimac was spared to destroy
imillions of property, to paralyze our movements on
the peninsula, and occasion alarm at every seaport
in the country. Yet the delay was called prudent,
and who could venture to question it ?
At length, the grand army marched from the Po-
.tomac, drilled to perfect movements, and furnished
•with every equipment essential to complete success.
Gen. McClellan assured them that the long and
wearisome delay was ended, and the war was to be
short and decisive. -He intended to lead them face
to face with their enemies, and to sharp fighting.
The army was transported to the peninsula, instead
of moving by land, and it was called wise strategy,
though it occupied two or three weeks, a longer
time than a slow march from Manassas. The ene-
my had intrenchments at Yorktown, and it was
thought prudent to carry them by a regular siege,
■with successive parallels. By this prudent strategy,
the whole army of the enemy had time to gather at
Yorktown, and a month was consumed in siege works.
But the strategy was extolled on all hands, because
the enemy abandoned their worka without defence,
and the way to Richmond was open from Yorktown
as it had been from Manassas. It was true that the
enemy retreated from Yorktown as from Manassas,
without serious loss of men, or field guns, or equip-
ments, but still they retreated, and great was strate-
fy. There was sharp fighting, too, on the way to
Richmond, but generally" in resistance of attacks by
the enemy, never by an offensive movement along
our whole line.
While the country was hoping to hear that Rich-
mond had been assaulted and taken, the news came
that strategy was again to rule, and that the same
process of a siege by successive para lels, which had
been so effectual at Yorktown was to be pursued at
the rebel capital. Some doubted if the malaria
of the Chickahominy swamps would not be more
iatal than the balls of the enemy, but again the
country acquiesced in the wisdom of delay, and the
prudence of winning victories by strategy instead of
hard fighting.
On the 30th ult. the public mind was startled by
the announcement of'Mr. Fulton, of the Baltimore
American, that Gen. McClellan had just executed
the most masterly military movement of the century,
whieh would precipitate the fall of Richmond, but
he was forbidden by the government to reveal it.
Again the advocates of strategy were eloquent in its
praise, and all waited eagerly to hear of the fall of
^Richmond. Expectation gradually turned to anxie-
,ty, and hope to fear, as it was told that this grand
strategical movement had been executed with con-
stant fighting, with serious losses, with the abandon-
ment of most of the siege guns, and of the siek and
wounded in hospital, and with the loss of thirty or
forty field guns. It .began to be whispered that
strategy might be a convenient term to cloak defeat ;
and when at last the public agony was relieved after
a week's suspense, by the news that McClellan, with
his army, was on the James river, twenty-seven
miles from Richmond, it must be confessed that
strategy was a less popular word than it had been
/or a year previous, After a week's delay, our
grand army is beaten, with a serious loss of men, and
guns, and camp equipage, and we are grateful that
matters are no worse, that the defeat did not become
a rout.
There is a little doubt at present in the public
mind if delays are always wise. It may have been
rash to fight at Manassas, last July, but it was the
delay of attack from Thursday until Sunday, that
gave time for Johnson to march from Winchester,
.and cost ua a defeat. It may have been wise to
. .throw up parallels for a siege at Yorktown and
Richmond, but the delay of weeks has given time
,for Jacksou to bring in his whole army, and perhaps,
for a large share of Beau regard's, army to join them
,and has subjected us to losses quite as great, proba-
bly, as would have followed the storming of Rich-
mond, four weeks ago. It is a little curious that
Gen. McClellan, in his very able review of the Cri-
mean War, criticises the allied commanders for their
jlow and cautious movements, A little more bold-
ness, or rashness, even, he intimates, would have
jtaken Sebastopol months earlier. Other critics, in
future days, will probably commend the chalice to
his own lips, and assert that his extreme caution and
wish to avoid bloodshed prolonged the life of the
bellion for many months. Strategy is good, but it
has allowed unobstructed retreats to the rebel army
from Corinth, and Manassas, and Yorktown, while
it ha»beeu hard fighting with troops little disciplined.
that wou the signal victories at Forts Henry and
Donelson, at Roauoko Island and Newbern.
We would not intimate any doubt of Gen, Mo
Chilian's eminent ability, or of the wisdom of a cau-
tious policy, where such vast interests are involved.
There have doubtless been formidable obstructions
at Richmond, whieh he could appreciate better than
any critics. The army has an unbounded confidence
in his wisdom and skill, and the enemy fear him
more than any of our military leader*. But it_ ii
only fair that those who have ridiculed the temerity
of meu who precipitated the disaster at Bull Run,
should confess that the caution and delay which they
have applauded have not won very brilliant laurels
WHY McOLELLAN WAS NOT REINFORCED,
Unstinted abuse has been heaped upon the Presi-
dent, through Secretary Stanton, for not sending
further troops to Gen. McClellan. The obvious an-
swer to this is, that the Government did- send him
every soldier who could with safety be spared. No
man with common comprehension can fail to see
that, if the column of McDowell had been sent to
Yorktown as it is said McClellan requested, Jackson
would have inevitably captured Washington. Since
that time, his force has been poised midway between
Washington and Richmond, ready to swoop down
our armies at either place, as their weakness invited.
Surely, under such circumstances, it would have
been the last degree of folly to have uncovered
Washington to his force.
The fact is, Gen. McClellan, when he decided to
move on Richmond by way of Yorktown, made it a
necessity that the army should be divided. This
undoubtedly entered into his calculations, as it is ob-
vious to any one, at a glance. The only way to
keep it one column was to advance by way of Ma-
nassas, thus interposing the entire army always be-
tween Washington and the rebels. There is no
proof that, after he left Yorktown, he did not have
the force that he deemed necessary. An officer
under his command, now in this city, states that ra-
tious for 150,000 men were issued a few days be-
fore his retreat commenced. And it is now scml-of-
ficially announced that McClellan wrote to the
President, after McCalPs division reached him, that
" lie had more than troops enough to enter Richmond."
It is by no means so plain that our army was out-
numbered in its whole force, as that its troops were
overpowered at the point of contact with" the enemy.
Our right wing appears to have encountered the en-
emy's full force, for they scarcely made a show in
any other quarter. And it is owing to the fact that
this was not supported, that constant and disastrous
retreat was made a necessity. — Roxbury Journal.
CELEBRATION OF THE FIRST OF AUGUST.
Tho Anniversary of British West India Emancipa-
tion will he celebrated in the usual manner at Island
Grove, ABINGTON, on Friday, August 1st, in
Mass Meeting, under the direction of the Managers
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society.
No event in history is more deserving of special
commemoration than this — transforming, as it did,
nearly a million of chattel slaves into free British sub-
jects, by act of Parliament, in obedience to a regener-
ated public sentiment, through long years of Anti-
Slavery agitation — and demonstrating, as it has done,
the safety and beneficence of immediate emancipation
on the largest scale, even under the most adverse cir-
cumstances, — to the confusion and ignominious expo-
sure of all the propbesiers of evil consequences, and
to the triumphant vindication of the atrociously ca-
lumniated negro race.
Tho friends of liberty, who desire to witness a still
nobler jubilee in our own Slavery-cursed land, will,
we doubt not, make their arrangements to be present,
as far as practicable, in order to make the occasion in-
strumental to the furtherance of the sacred cause of
human rights, without regard to the accidental distinc-
tions arising from complexion or race.
The Old Colony Railroad Company will convey pas-
sengers, on that day, to and from the Abington Grove,
at the following rates, being the same as upon former
years : —
Boston, Savin Hill, Dorchester, Neponset, and
Quincy, — to the Grove and back,— -for adults, 50 cents;
children, 25 cents.
Plymouth and all way stations not already mention-
ed to the Grove and back; half the usual rates.
Excursion tickets good on other trains.
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, 1
SAMUEL MAY, JR., „ ... ,
ELBRIDGE SPRAGUE, } i,"_/c
BRIGGS ARNOLD, (Arrangements.
SAMUEL DYER,
THURL0W "WEED ON "CONTRABANDS."
" To the Editors of the Commercial Advertiser :-
I want to ' strike while the iron is hot,' and as your
anvil is nearer than my own, will you allow me the
use of it? The public mind is now taking the right
direction with regard to ' contrabands.' Our army
needs the 4 aid and comfort' which can be obtained
from ' contrabands,' and in accepting it, we deprive
the enemy of an element of strength.
I was with Gen. Butler at Annapolis when he in-
augurated a policy in reference to escaped slaves.
I felt then, as I do now, that lie ' hit the nail on the
head. 1 I went directly to Washington, and urged
the government to instruct all the officers of the
army to receive, and not repel fugitives, proclaiming
simultaneously that the slaves of loyal owners would
be paid for, and those of traitors confiscated ; and
that all should be employed as unarmed auxiliaries
of the army. At least two-thirds of the officers of
the army, from education and habit, left to them-
selves, turned the fugitives back, thus making their
condition worse than it was. and disheartening others
who were eager to escape. Had Gen. Butler's poli-
cy been adopted a year ago, at least half a million
of slaves, who have been at work in the rebel armies,
would have been relieving our own-worn out troops
from exhausting drudgery — -thus weakening the ene-
my, and strengthening ourselves in a corresponding
And this line of policy would have raised no em-
barrassing issues. It was simple, and so just both to
loyal men and traitors, that all would have ac-
quiesced. While it protected loyal citizens, it gave
us the advantage we are entitled to in war over our
enemy.
But, for reasons which were deemed sufficient, the
question of 'contrabands' has been left to drift
along, until public sentiment demands a policy. In
that demand I perceive the dawning of a brighter
day. Proclaim, at once, compensation to loyal men,
in the order which directs commanding officers to
receive and employ ' contrabands,' and the war will
assume new and more encouraging aspects. With-
out the services of slaves, in relieving their troops
from manual and menial labor, the rebellion would
collapse iri a month.
Respectfully yours, T. W."
THE "MASTER RAGE."
The rebels still adhere to the insulting assump-
tion that they are the " master race," and must con-
quer in the present contest through the superiority
of their "blood." The Richmond Whig of June 25
thus rides this favorite hobby of the slaveholders : —
" Since the great battle of Shiloh, and including
it, we have had an almost uninterrupted series of
victories. We have encountered the enemy gene-
rally with heavy odds against us, and frequently be-
hind intrenchments, but in no single instance, un-
less it be the unexplained affair at Lcwisburg,
have Southern troops failed to exhibit superior man-
hood to the mongrel and many-tongued enemy.
Indeed, the whole experience of the war is an at-
testation of the truth long since discovered by im-
partial observers, that the master race of this conti-
nent is found in tho Southern States. Of a better
stock originally, and habituated to manlier pursuits
and exercises, they have ruled in affairs of State by
force of the stronger will and larger wisdom that
pertain to and distinguish superior races of men,
while on the field of battle they have in every eon-
test held apriority of place conceded to them by
their present adversaries.
This natural dominancy of the Southern people
has bad much to do in bringing on the war. The
inferior race, grown strong in numbers and ambi-
tious from prosperity, have revolted against and now
seek to overthrow and destroy those whose superior-
ity was a constant source of envy and self-reproach.
There is no fiercer malevolence than that of caste,
and it is this which has so long stirred the Yankee
bile. Always in the presence of the Southern gen-
tleman, he has felt a strong and painfully repressed
impulse to take off his hat- This conscious inferior-
ity has galled the jealous and malignant creature
until he has broken out in servile insurrection. He
has vainly concluded that his numbers can over-
whelm and exterminate the objects of his envy, and
that he, succeeding to the broad acres and liberal
habitudes of the Southern gentry, will come to bo
looked upon as a gentleman too!
With us the contest is one for hereditary rights,
for the sacred things of home, for the old repute of
the. better blood : — with the Yankee it is a rebellious
and infatuated struggle for a place he is unworthy
of, for privileges he would degrade, for property he
would barter, and for institutions he could neither
comprehend nor enjoy. It is tho old and never-
ending strife between patrician and proletarian, be-
tween gentle and vile. It is the offer of battle on a
new field of muscle against spirit — numbers against
courage. It is not upon Southern soil and among
the descendants of Cavaliers and Huguenots that
this battle will go in favor of brute force.
It may be that the armies in front of this city are
about to rush into mortal wrestle. When they meet,
it will not, perhaps, be upon such unequal terms as
we have generally encountered. But should there
be as great inequality of numbers as on other fields,
it may and will be neutralised here, as it ever has
been, by the superior courage and constancy of our
troops."
GEORGE B. McOLELLAN.
In August, 1861, Gen. McClellan succeeded Gen.
Scott as commander-in-chief of the army. Though
but little was known of the latter by the country, his
appointment somehow raised in every quarter "great
expectations," and among all parties there was a gen-
erous disposition to rely, almost to an unbounded ex-
tent, upon bis patriotic integrity and military ability.
Addressing his army at that time, he confidently said :
" Soldiers ! We have had our last retreat. We have
seen our last defeat. You stand by me, and I will stand
by you, and henceforth victory will crown our efforts."
Month after month passed away, and no advance
was made by Gen. McClellan upon the enemy, Still,
there was great readiness to find excuses for him, and a
forbearance of criticism was shown toward him as to-
ward no other commander. Well, the fall and win-
ter passed away, and nothing was done or attempt-
ed, though he had an army numbering hundreds of
thousands, well disciplined and thoroughly equipped.
Surprise, doubt, suspicion, indignation, began to be
extensively expressed, — the air was full of mutter-
ings, — till at length the President felt himself impera-
tively called upon to give directions for an onward
movement of the army. Before starting, Gen. Mc-
Clellan issued a sounding proclamation to his soldiers,
vbich he admitted that he had "kept them 'for a
long time inactive," (!) but gave, among his reasons
for so doing, tins — " I have held you back that you
might give the death-blow to the rebellion" — a very
queer mode of procedure indeed, with such an ob-
ject in view ! After boasting of their strength and
condition, he added — " The period of inaction has
sed. I will now bring you face to face with the
rebels. I shall demand of you great heroic exer-
tions, rapid and long marches, desperate combats and
privations, perhaps." That was in March : from that
day to this, he has not fired the first gun at the reb-
els, but has been acting all this time as fearing an
assault, rather than as seeking a victory ! He did
nothing at Manassas, except to allow the enemy to
retreat without molestation, and was greatly surprised
to find them among the missing, having left behind
them a superfluous number of wooden guns " to fright
the souls of fearful adversaries " 1 He then took his
army down to Yorktown, and there, after several te-
dious weeks, the old game of Manassas was played
over again. The enemy were not to be found. Next
came Norfolk, with similar results. At length, the
Chickahominy is reached, and crossed — the region of
swamps and malaria ! All this was " masterly strat-
egy"! After considerable detention, and just as it
was announced and expected that Richmond would be
captured in the course of a few days, — behold ! Mc-
Clellan's grand army, vigorously assailed by the ene-
my, is seen making a desperate retreat to the James
River, back twenty-five miles, with great loss of sup-
plies and ammunition, and fifteen to twenty thousand
killed, wounded and missing ! Great is " strategy " !
Keenly does the New York Independent say : —
" Rolled up and driven back for seven days, that he-
roic army, invincible in retreat, fought with grandeur
of courage ; and only by such an exhibition of heroic
spirit in officers, and pluck in men, as was never
known on this continent, was it saved from utter de-
struction. Did the government frankly say to this na-
tion, We are defeated? To this hour it has not trust-
ed the people. It held back the news for days. Nor
was the truth honestly told, when outside informa-
tion compelled it to say Something, It is even to this
hour permitting McClellan's disaster to be represents
ed as.a piece of skillfully planned strategy. After the
labor of two months, the horrible sickness of thousands
of men poisoned in the swamps of the Chickahominy,
the loss of probably more than ten thousand as noble
fellows as ever lifted a hand to defend their country,
McClellan, who was four miles from Richmond, finds
himself twenty-five miles from the city, wagons burn-
ed, ammunition trains blown up, parks of artillery
captured, no intrenchments, and with an army so
small that it is nut pretended that he can reach Rich-
mond. The public arc infatuated. The papers that
regaled us two weeks ago with visions of a Fourth of
July in Richmond, are now asking us to rejoice and
acclaim — not at victory — but that we have just saved
the army ! McClellan is safe, and Richmond too ! "
SIGNIFICANT.
Among the little things which show a continued
rising of the tide, even in Boston, in opposition to sla-
very, are the following.
At the great meeting held in Eaneuil Hall last Satur-
day to stimulate the raising of recruits under the last
call of President Lincoln, the preliminary prayer was
not made by Dr. South-side Adams, nor by his com-
peer in pro-slavery labors, Dr. Blagden. Dr. Lothrop,
who was requested to open the meeting with prayer,
is as little favorable to slavery as to agitation against
slavery.
The unfavorable reflections cast upon Congress, in
the introductory remarks of Mayor Wightman, were
as heartily hissed by one portion of the audience as
they were applauded by another.
The eloquent speech of Edward Everett contained
but one slight reference to slavery, and that implying
opposition rather than favor to it.
The repeated allusions to slavery which necessarily
found place in that part of Charles G. Loring's able
address which sketched the origin and growth of our
present troubles, referred to that institution as a fact
existing, but not as in any way allowable or defensi-
ble. And no sentiment uttered during the whole
meeting met with Biich enthusiastic and prolonged ap-
plause as the declaration of Mr. Loring that, if the con-
tinued existence of slavery should be found incompati-
ble with the continuance of our Union, he would go
for the utter extirpation of slavery from the land.
The emphasis with which this was uttered showed the
importance attached to it by the speaker; and the ve-
hement cheers wbich followed were iinmingled with a
single sound of dissent. These things, occurring in a
Boston " Union Meeting," seem to me to be not with-
out significance.— c. K. w.
ANTI-SLAVERY CELEBRATION AT FRAM-
INGHAM, JULY 4, 1862.
(Concluded from our fourth page.)
Afternoon Session.
After a very pleasant recess, spent in social inter-
course and in numerous pic-nic groupings, the meet-
ing was called to order by the President at half-past
2 o'clock, P. M.
Mrs. Rand, of Milford, read with dramatic skill
the touching poem of the Runaway Slave, by Eliza-
beth Barrett Browning, and was loudly applauded.
The first speaker was Miss Susan B. Anthony, of
Rochester, N. Y., who made a very earnest and im-
pressive speech, designed to stimulate Abolitionists to
fresh zeal and vigilance in the Anti-Slavery cause,
and to warn against concluding that their work is
done. [As the speech was written, no report was
made of it; and not having tho manuscript, we are
unable to publish it in this connection.]
SPEECH OF JOHN S. ROCK, ESQ.
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is with plea-
sure that I mingle my voice with yours in this celebra-
tion of tho anniversary of the Declaration of Independ-
ence. The Abolitionists believe in the Declaration of
Independence. It is our great charter; and we hope
that, ere this war closes, the whole nation will believe
in it, and accept the great truths that it teaches. What
a glorious day of jubilee we shall have when the Ameri-
can nation is converted to believe what it professes
when it shall be no longer a nation of hypocrites, but
of humane and Christian men, who recognize the
Bible, and believe in that religion which declares and
teaches that "God is no respecter of persons," and
that he "hath made of one blood all nations of men
for to dwell on all the face of the earth." {Applause.)
The Abolitionists, who have been for more than
thirty years thundering this anti-slavery gospel into
the ears of this nation, almost in the sleep of death,
have finally aroused it, but hardly in time to save it.
Had Wm. Lloyd Garrison been born a quarter of a
century later than he was, our country would have
been destroyed by the demon slavery. As it was, the
alarm came so late, and the people were so befuddled,
and their ears so tightly stopped with cotton, that
South Carolina had actually surrounded us before we
knew where we were, and we were obliged to put our
wits together to deceive her so as to gain time in or-
der to save ourselves. (Applause.)
If this nation is saved, it will be through the warn-
ings of the Abolitionists, who have been constantly
preaching to you the immortal truths in" the Declara-
tion of Independence, which arc so plain that way-
faring men, though fools, need not bave erred therein.
It is true, all did not see the tragic end so near. Many
advocated emancipation as a matter of duty and of
justice; but all saw and recognized slavery as a n i&-
strous wrong, and .knew that as the nation sowed, sc it
must reap. Men do not gather grapes from thorns,
nor figs from thistles. The present rebellion, with its
barbarities, is the natural fruit of slavery. The abo-
lition trumpet has been heard around the world, and"
yet there are legions in our midst who will not hear.
The Americans are, I fear, a case-hardened people,
and will go to their last final account without the
saving influence of anti-slavery grace. (Applause
and laughter.)
There are some among us who regard the Anti-
Slavery movement as a success, and think it of but
little consequence whether or no we keep up our or-
ganization. This is a mistake. As to the final tri-
umph of our principles, there is not the shadow of a
doubt; but for a general to give up in the heat of a
great battle, because he believes the enemy cannot
stand before his forces, is worse than folly, — it is mad-
ness, and the best way in the world to lose his cause
Give up! No; never give up or compromise while
the enemy holds one foot of soil, nor until every
slave is free. (Applause.) We were never more in
need of assistance, friends and counsel than we
now. This is the time when we look for every :
to be at his post, and do his duty. The work has but
commenced. We cannot spare a laborer, and we are
but illy prepared to sustain the losses which have
come upon us through the ordinary course of nature.
During the last three or four years, we have lost some
of our ablest and best men. Among these were Charles
F. Hovey and Theodore Parker, — friends who used
always to assemble with us, and give their time, their
means, and their influence, to arouse this guilty na-
tion. Though resigned to this our loss, which we
know is their gain, we have felt it heavily, but never
more than we do now. Mr. Hovey, out of his large
wealth, did what he could to repair the loss of his
presence, and unborn generations will bless him for
it. Mr. Parker has left a record which even a saint
might envy. A man so pure, so humane, so patri-
otic, so noble, and so impartial, is not the growth of
every age. He was one of the noblest of Freedom's
champions, — one who believed what he said, and prac-
tised what he preached. If he was with us now,
would he not make our hearts burn while he exposed,
in his inimitable way, the duty of this nation 1 It
cannot be denied that he saw this day a little clearer
than we saw it, and repeatedly warned us that either
slavery or this nation itself must go down in blood.
He is a loss that cannot be repaired. You knew him
only to love him — no one could despise him ; and
many hated him only because they could not answer
him. He was not only a philanthropist, but a scholar,
a theologian, and a philosopher. He was a great pil-
lar of reason : will be the study of learned men for
ages, and the practical Christian world will be in-
debted to him forever. Indeed, he was far above tlie
decoration of words. We have spared him because
we could not help it; but we hope that it may so
happen that the lives of those who have labored so
long in this good cause may be spared to see the tri-
umph of justice and humanity. (Applause.)
At our last celebration of this day, many of us
hoped that, ere the next National Anniversary, we
should all have occasion to meet to celebrate another
day, which should inaugurate a new era, when the
living truths laid down in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence should be realized in our national life. But
it seems as though we were too sanguine. We calcu-
lated without our host. God has not permitted this,
the most guilty of nations to get oft' so easy. It must
suffer still longer. The people are not penitent. The
millions who have lived upon the hard earnings of the
slave are unwilling to relinquish their unjust claims
upon him. They had rather a thousand times that
the country should go to ruin, than that the founda-
tion of slavery should be shaken. On this account,
the day of jubilee has been postponed, and the future
of the country jeopardized. This is done because
Northern men have mortgages on the slave property
of the South, arc dealers in slave produce, and eman-
cipation will take from them the legal right to plun-
der the poor slaves who have sacrificed all that is dear
in life to maintain them in idleness and luxury.
Northern pro-slavery men, and the slaveholders in the
States of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri,
have done more to protract the war than all other
causes combined. To save these four States, we risk
the whole, like the miserly merchant who loses bis
entire cargo in a tempest, sooner than throw a part of
it overboard. To lose a part to save the whole is a
policy that but few men will comprehend. As they
are, what arc these States worth to the Union ? What
have they been but a clog in the machinery of the
government? These four States that you are sacri-
ficing the country to save are not worth the charcoal
and saltpetre, the fire and brimstone, to destroy them.
(Applause.) Must this nation be totally destroyed
because those Northern men and Southern States con-
sent to be kept in subjection by the federal army ?
The country would have been far better off to-day if
these States had gone with South Carolina and Geor-
gia, and we had been obliged to cut our way through
them. (Applause.) They never have bad any sym-
pathy with the Union cause. They go for the Union
because they cannot help themselves. They would
rise up against the government to-morrow if they be-
lieved they could succeed. They are only playing
the hypocrite. They are by the South as the ancient
Egyptians were by the ichneumon— they adored it
because it was supposed to destroy crocodiles, and
they worshipped crocodiles lest they should destroy
them. They are, at heart, with the South, because
they sympathize with her in her efforts to destroy
freedom and free institutions, but they unite with the
North for fear it will destroy them. I repeat it, they
never have had any sympathy with the North. Go
into Maryland to-day, and you will find the railroads,
bridges, and even the machinery on the ferry-boats,
guarded by Federal soldiers ! What is true of Mary-
land is true of all the loyal (?) slave States. Ever
since the commencement of this rebellion, the Na-
tional Capital has been in danger of assault from trai-
tors in these so-called loyal slave States. The people
of these States are no more loyal, and can be trusted
no farther, than the people of South Carolina. Open
enemies are always to be preferred to treacherous
friends. To keep these four States loyal, we will not
interfere with the cause, — will not strike at the heart
of the rebellion. What are we doing? What are we
fighting for? What means this wholesale sacrifice of
blood and treasure at Richmond? Can it be true that
it is generally believed that this rebellion can be
crushed, and the Union restored, without carrying the
war into Africa? Suppose this could be done, where
would it leave us ? Just where we were before, with
a fair opportunity at an early day to have this farce
re-acted on a much larger scale. The South must
either conquer or be crushed. Neither a compromise
nor a recognition of the Southern confederacy will
answer. It is not probable that two nations, with a
civilization so opposite, could remain long at peace in
the same country. We would be like the Romans
and Carthagenians, "between whom at all times,"
says Paterculus, "there existed either a war, prepara-
tions for a war, or a deceitful peace."
The South, unprincipled as she is, has a policy
which she has the courage to state to the world, and
this fact alone has won for her a respect that she oth-
would not have had. No one is in doubt as to
her motives. She means to establish a separate inde-
pendence, — a slaveholding government. She vindi-
cates the right and duty of capital to own its labor.
To accomplish her objects, she is mean and wicked
enough to do anything.
The North is fighting for the Union as it was — a
slaveholding Union. The difference between the
North and South may be plain enough to us, and we
may justly say and believe that the cause of the North
is the cause of liberty, of free speech, of freemen — in
a word, the cause of civilization ; but without an
avowed policy, save that to restore the Union as it was,
we cannot expect civilized States to judge us as libe-
rally as we may wish them to judge us. Our Nation-
al Executive, a pure man as is to be found on this con-
tinent, is beset on every side by traitors in the shape
of Northern capitalists, who have loaned their wealth
to prosecute this war with the vain hope of perpetua-
ting slavery. They seem to think, as they advanced
the original expenses, they ought to have every thing
their own way. They remind me of one of the many
poor whites at the South who cannot read. One of
them, being among a number of gentlemen in Balti-
more who bought the New York Tribune on its arri-
val in that city, thinking that he must do like the rest,
bought one too. A gentleman standing nearby, ob-
serving him looking intently at the paper, said
to him in a low tone, " I beg your pardon, friend, but
you have got that paper wrong side up " He replied,
indignantly, " That's none of your business ; my money
paid for it, and I will read it which way I please.''
(Laughter and applause.) This is the way in which
some men insis^ on carrying on the war ; they have
a'dvanced a portion of the expenses, which must finally
be paid by the people ; therefore the war must be con-
ducted to suit them. If the country is to be sold out
to Wall Street and State Street, the sooner the people
know it, the better will it be for all. The most sim-
ple-minded have long since perceived that much of
the patriotism that we have seen manifested has been
a scandalous game, played ,"iy these pretended public
benefactors tfor private ends. Some think that the
people are so enthusiastic and so patriotic that they
fight forever without an object : and some would-
be Governor says that Massachusetts will not stop to
see whether or no. she is right, but will do as she is
bid, and ask no questions. Perhaps so. This may
be the sentiment of the cotton brokers and secession
sympathizers of Boston, but the people of Massachu-
setts will do their own thinking. The Governor whom
we have chosen understands this, and his reply to
the President found a hearty response in every loyal
man of this State. And no man who is not up to the
sentiment of the people is likely to be chosen to rep-
resent them. The Governor is a true man — true to
humanity, true to this Commonwealth, and true to
the nation ; and Massachusetts will be honored if he
consents to occupy the gubernatorial chair another
year. For the respectability of my color and the credit
of my race, I am proud to know that the Mayor of Bos-
ton is a white-man [Wightman]. (Laughter and ap-
plause.)
I suppose that next autumn all the hunkerism of the
State will be rallied for the purpose of electing a con-
servative Legislature, to defeat the favorite Senator of
this Commonwealth. It is, I understand, the deter-
mination of the pro-slavery element here, if possible,
to prevent the reelection of Mr. Sumner. It is much
easier to defeat than to elect- a man ; and I would ask
the friends of Mr. Sumner to look well to it, and see
that no man is nominated as a Republican representative
who will not give him his entire support. Mr. Sumnel*"
is without doubt our ablest advocate in the Senate — a
man always true and entirely fearless. We eannot
spare him for many years yet. There is much work
to be done, and we have no one so able and so wil-
ling to do it. When his work is finished, then we
hope to have him President of the United States,
with such a man as Owen Lovejoy for Vice President.
(Applause.)
I do not wish to assail any que, but it seems to mo
the friends of the Union make a mistake in attempting
to crush out free speech, even among secessionists.
There are secessionists among us, and we all know it,
but we know but little of them because they arc afraid
to speak : we only know that they exist. If they were
allowed to express their sentiments, we should know
the most of them, and would be put upon our guard.
As it is, we know only the imprudent ones. When
men are not allowed to express their sentiments, but
are expected to utter those that they cannot approve
of, we see secret societies springing up as in France,
and, before we arc aware, tho revolution is transferred
to our own doors, and in our efforts to exteud, we crush
out the vitality of our institutions. It is strange that
our people do not see this. The stopping a man's
mouth neither converts nor prevents him from act-
ing — the freedom of speech is often a great safety-
valve. I have learned that there are many secret or-
ganizations already established throughout the North
who are ready to do their best to overthrow ibis gov-
ernment, and who hold constant correspondence with
the rebels. A clerk in one of the Departments at
Washington told me, only a few days ago, that ho
could count a hundred secession clerks in the De-
partment, some of them slaveholders. Another gen-
tleman informs me that there is but one loyal white
church in Washington, and that is Rev. Mr. Chan-
ning's. We are completely surrounded by enemies,
and yet we do not know them when we see them.
Let them show themselves, and if they do nothing but
talk, this will break no bones.
No one can doubt the presence of secessionists, else
who would there be to defend the South ? Who would
there be to support such vile sheets as the Washing-
ton Star, the Philadelphia Inquirer, the New York llr,-.
aid, tho New York Express, and those in Boston too
familiar to be mentioned 1 The secession sympathy as
seen in tho Northern journals is formidable. Indeed,
we have but lew out-spoken papers, evept. the Nation-
al liqnihlinin, liostmi '/'ni»srri/>/. and Ibe greatest Of all
American newspapers, the New York Trit>unr. They
have fearlessly opposed any concession to those
ho have tried to prostrate this government at
the feet of the Slave Power. Let the true friends of
the Union rally around them.
I have no doubt but that emancipation will bo the
end of this war, not that it will be decreed as a matter
of juhtiee to the slave, but because the nation cannot
help herself. It must be done, and you may as well
do it first as last. There is no use in going around
Robin Hood's barn — emancipate the slaveB, and let
them help you fight the rebels. There is not much
consistency in fighting the rebels, and finally confisca-
ting their property. Confiscate their property first,
and use it to help subdue them. The means you take
to subdue the rebellion remind me of Barrett and his
cat and her kittens. A friend seeing two holes in the
bottom of bis door, asked him for what purpose he
made them. Barrett said they were for his eats to go
in and out. Why, replied his friend, would not one
do for both? You silly man, answered the doctor,
how could the big cat get in the little hole ? But, said
his friend, could not the little cat get through the big
hole ? Egad, said Barrett, and so she could, but I
never thought of that. Now attempting to crush the
rebellion without crushing slavery, is like attempting
to put the big cat through the little hole, when the
great door of emancipation is rusting on its hinges, and
needs only to be thrown open to give peace and lasting
tranquillity to our unhappy country. (Applause.)
SPEECH OF WM. WELLS BROWN.
Mr. President and Fellow- Citizens: The few words
that I shall offer on this occasion will be concerning
the black man's future in this country. The question
is now asked everywhere, and by almost every one,
"What shall be done with the negroes?" and the
idea of expatriation has been coupled with emancipa-
tion, by the Government, in freeing the slaves of the
District of Columbia and other sections. This is a
sad calamity. It seems as if the people of the United
States had not the slightest idea of what really consti-
tutes the nation's wealth. The labor of the four mil-
lion slaves in the Southern States is more valuable to
this country than twenty millions of such persons as
slaveholders have proved themselves to be ; and Bince
this idea of expatriating the colored people from the
country has been mooted, and urged upon Congress,
the governments of states io the tropical islands are
astir, trying to get this class of labor into their own
islands. England is moving. Jamaica to-day is will-
ing to take out of this country any number of the
slaves, if they are emancipated, and willing to go.
English capital will be used for the purpose of carry-
ing them out of the country without any expense to the
United States. Hayti is doing all she can. The King
of Denmark has made a proposition to carry off all
who see fit to go. Why J, Because they know very
well that those who have produced the cotton, sugar
and rice in the Southern States, and have made this
country so wealthy, will make the West Indies more
productive and valuable in the future, if they can get
possession of them. Now, the people of this country
ought to be alive to this fact. This spirit of expatria-
tion ought to be met in every community, by the pul-
pit, the press, and every one who regards the future
of this country. Let slavery be abolished and the
spirit of expatriation carried out, and it will produce
an effect in the Southern States which it will take
generations to overcome.
The negro's capability of taking care of himself has
been already demonstrated. The report of Mr. Pierce,
the report of General Hunter, the reports coming
from the Southern States in every direction, prove
that the black man is capable of taking care of him-
self. And not only that, but he is the element of
wealth in the Slave States of this nation. - 1 know
the idea is prevalent all over the land that the negro,
when freed, is to be forced upon the country. Last
week, the Boston Courier had a long article upon this
very point — that negro equality is to be forced upon
the people. They have no objection whatever to the
black man as a slave, but they are horrified at the
thought of regarding the black man as an equal.
Now this talk about forcing the black man upon soci-
ety, upon the educated people of this country, is all
nonsense. No one ever advocated anything more
than that the slave should have his liberty ; and this
talk about forcing the negro into society is only for
the purpose of working on the feelings of some over-
fastidious people upon the point of negro equality.
I remember an exemplification of this very point that
I saw last winter. I was stopping with a very good
family in the State of New York, and there was a
gentleman in the company who had been talking
about forcing the negro into society. He said he
could get along very well with educated colored people,
but he objected to forcing the ignorant and degraded
black man upon a white community. That evening,
we happened to be in company, and a gentleman of
the house had a very good-looking white servant, and
his wife said to him, "Jimmy must fix himself up,
and go into the company." I was very glad of it, for
I wanted to see how Jimmy, ignorant, degraded,
would act among educated people. He came in, was
introduced — about as fine a looking man as I ever
saw, and very fashionably dressed — and did very well
as long as he kept his mouth shut. I went to my fas-
tidious friend, and asked him, " What do you say to
forcing ignorant people upon society ? " The conver-
sation went on, and Jimmy said nothing except
"yes" or "no" in reply to questions that were put
to him. By and by I missed him, and I went into
the kitchen, and there was Jimmy smoking his pipe.
He was the greatest sufferer in the company that
night; he was where he did not belong, and could not
get used to that society. I went after my friend, took
him to the kitchen, and pointed out Jimmy. " There,"
said I, "is the ignorant, degraded white man. We
colored men have just as much objection to hav-
ing ignorant white men forced into intelligent colored
society as you have to having ignorant black people
forced into white society." It is all nonsense. You
cannot force the ignorant black man into educated
white society, any more than you can force the igno-
rant white man into educated black society. All that I
ask for my enslaved countrymen is that they may have
their freedom, and be allowed to carve out their own
destiny. I remember, when I was escaping from the
South, the very first family I stayed with, nfter get-
ting into anything like civilization, was a good Quaker
family. I never shall forget them. That good Quaker
lady had more benevolence stowed away in the third
story of her cap than is to be found in one-half the
towns of New England. (Laughter.) I was asked
at once to come in and sit down to the table. I
went in and sat down, but I had no appetite. She
insisted I was sick; and I insisted I was not sick.
She went out and got a bottle of something, put some
into a glass, poured a little water in it, and told me to
drink it. I asked her what it was, and she said it was
number six. I drank it, and it tasted like number
twenty. (Laughter.) I could not eat anything. When
dinner time came, she said she hoped I would bave an
appetite. Said I, " Madam, if you will give me some-
thing on a plate, and let me go into the kitchen, I
think I can eat it." She did so, and my appetite came.
Like poor Jimmy, I was where I belonged. Color
don't make any difference. I ate my dinner, and sent
for more, and made up for what I had lost at break-
fast time. I was then just coming out of slavery,
and was afraid of white men and women ; 1 bad never
been recognized as a man by white persons. Three
years ago, 1 was invited (o lecture before a county
lyceum in that same community, and 1 sal at the
table of some of that lady's family, and found that I
had an appetite ; 1 had gone through the mill. Well,
the white man has got lo go through this mill as well
as the black man. I don't ask any community to
help the black man into sueiely. When the black
man shall educate himself up to that point of culture
where he shall deserve respect, 1 believe any dv-
itizeil and Christian community will regard him ac-
cordingly (applause); and whether » nmu be black
or while, if he is intelligent mid titled In occupy a
high position, morally, socially and intellectually, he
will demand il, and gel what is due to him. This
talk about degradation is not all on one side. Wo
204
THE LIBER^TO E
DECEMBER 19.
*t«g.
THY WILL BE DONE.
BY JOHN G. VHITTIER.
We seo not, know not, nil our way
Is night— with Thee alone is day :
From out the torrent's troubled drift,
Above the storm our prayers we lift,
Thy will be done !
The flesh may fail, the heart may faint,
But who are wo to make complaint,
Or dare to plead in times like these
The weakness of our love of ease ?
Thy will be done !
We take with solemn thankfulness
Our burthen up, nor ask it less,
And count it joy that even we
May suffer, serve, or wait for Thee,
Whose will be done !
Though dim as yet in tint and line,
We trace Thy picture's wiso design,
And thank Thee that our age supplies
The dark relief of sacrifice.
Thy will be done !
And if, in our unworthiness,
Thy sacrificial wine we press,
If from Thy ordsal's heated bars
Our feet are seamed with crimson scars,
Thy will be done !
If, for the age to come, this hour
Of trial hath vicarious power,
And, bless'd by Thee, our present pain
Be Liberty's eternal gain,
Thy will be done !
Strike, Thou, the Master, we Thy keys,
The anthem of the destinies !
The minor of Thy loftier strain,
Our hearts shall breathe the old refrain.
Thy will be done !
From, the Salem Observer.
"THE LOKD IS OUE KING."
God of the Nations ! o'er our land
Shed thy protecting power ;
Let Freedom's voice at thy command
Kule sovereign of the hour.
When dark Rebellion's lowering mien
Sends forth her tempest frown,
The Star of Peace o'ershadowing
To hurl her altars down ; —
To rend the sacred chain which holds
Our land united, free —
And plant, 'mid its dissevered folds,
The rod of Tyranny ;—
Thou, who the stormy winds canst break.
Where lashing surges roar,
Chain every heart that dares to wake
Contention on our shore.
So hallowed by the kindred breath
Of those who nobly trod
The road to famine, fear and death,
For Freedom and their God.
The glory of their sleeping dust
Lies hidden in the tie
That hinds a nation to its trust
In fadeless purity.
Bright monuments of Faith and Hope,
Forever may they stand
Entwined amid the stars that float
Above the sea-beat strand.
God of our strength, our Country bless,
To thee her cause we bring — ^
With Sword and Crown of righteousness
Be thou the Conqueror, King.
GOD SAVE OTJE PRESIDENT!
BY E. S. BABCOOK.
~ God save our President !
'Mid perils imminent,
Guide thou his hand ;
Oh ! while the storm-clouds lower,
Of Treason's threatening power,
In this her darkest hour,
God save our land !
God save our President !
May grace omnipotent
Direct his life ;
May he enforce our laws ;
Nor, in this fearful pause,
Yield Freedom's sacred cause
To party strife.
God save our President t
Trustful and confident,
Thy time we wait ;
When he with Right shall stand,
And, with uplifted hand.
Proclaim through all the land,
Emancipate !
God save our President !
Soon will the night be spent,
Light sheds its rays ;
Freedom shall be the dawn
To Union's glorious morn ;
Then, when sweet peace is born.
Thine be the praise !
Southampton, III.
HOMELESS.
BY ADELAIDE A. PROCTOB.
It is cold, dark midnight, yet listen
To that patter of tiny feet !
Is it one of your dogs, fair lady,
Who whines in the bleak, cold street? —
Is it one of your silken spaniels
Shut out in the snow and the sleet 7
My dogs sleep warm in their baskets.
Safe from the darkness and snow ;
All the beasts in our Christian England
Find pity wherever they go —
{Those are only the- homeless children
Who aro wandering to and fro.)
Look out in the gusty darkness —
I have seen it again and again,
That shadow, that flits so slowly
Up and down past the window pane :
It is surely some criminal lurking
Out there in the frozen rain !
Nay, our criminals are all sheltered,
They are pitied and taught and fed ;
That is only a sister woman
Who has got neither food nor bed —
And the Night cries " sin to be living,"
And the River cries "sin to ba dead."
Look out nt that farthest oorner
Where the walls stand blank and bare ;
Can that be a pack which a pedlar
Has left and forgotten there ?
His goods lying out unsheltered
Will he spoilt by the damp night air.
Nay : — goods in our thrifty England
Are not left to lie and grow rotten,
For each man knows the market value
Of silk or woollen or cotton —
But in counting the riches of England,
I think our Poor are forgotten.
Our Beasts and our Thieves and our Chattels
Have weight for good or for ill ;
But the Poor are only His image,
His presence, His word, His will —
And ho La/.arns lies at our door-stop,
And Dives ncgleots him still.
SPIEIT-FEIENDS.
could we all the world forget,
And bear the truth without disguise,
Our hearts might hear the love-toneB yet
Of Spirit-friends in Paradise.
GEORGE THOMPSON, ESQ. AND ME. BUX-
TON, M. P.
On the 13th ultimo, George Thompson, Esq., late
M. P. for the Tower Hamlets, delivered, in the hall of
the Corn Exchange, Maidstone, an address on the
civil war in America, with special reference to the
speech recently made by Mr. Buxton, M. P., at the
dinner of the Maidstone Agricultural Association. The
Rev. R. E. E. M'Clellan presided, and on the plat-
form were Mr. G. Edmett, Mayor; Mr. F. Dougal,
Mr. G. Kemp, Mr. Swinfin, Mr. T. Wells, Mr. Rook,
Mr. Ball, &c. The hall was densely crowded.
The Chairman briefly introduced Mr. Thompson.
Mr. Thompson then came forward, and was received
with loud and prolonged cheering. When the ap-
plause had subsided —
Mr. Thompson said he had come to Maidstone to
offer some remarks at variance with the sentiments
which Mr. Buxton had recently delivered. Mr. Bux-
ton was a gentleman justly respected, and he (Mr.
Thompson) had known and respected him long before
he had become acquainted with the borough. Mr.
Thompson then proceeded to say that, for thirty years,
he had been engaged in the discussion of the slavery
question, and that he had been throughout the States
of America, and had seen the working of slavery
there. These, he submitted, were his qualifications for
presuming to rectify the opinions which had been ex-
pressed by one of their members. (Cheers.) With
regard to the speech that had been referred to, he had
this to say, that if it was a correct view of the present
state of the question, then his thirty years' study had
been in vain, and if the Hon. gentleman was right,
then he ("Mr. Thompson) was entirely wrong. (In-
terruption.) Let those who interrupted attend to
what he said, If Mr. Buxton, he repeated, had stated
that which was true, then he (Mr. Thompson) knew
nothing of the subject; but if that which he was
about to state was the truth, then Mr. Buxton was
wholly ignorant of the subject he had discussed. (Ap-
plause.) The present state of things in America was,
he contended, the fruit of the accursed system of sla-
very — that vile inslittition which we had abolished in
our own dependencies. (Cheers.) Mr. Buxton had
informed them that " he was unable to discover that
the war had anything to do with slavery." What
was the history of the origin and cause of the present
struggle 1 When the Declaration of Independence
had been promulgated, slavery existed more or less
throughout ; the thirteen States; but, before the Con-
stitution was adopted, it was abolished, either imme-
diately or gradually, in all the States North of Mary-
land. At the time of the Constitution, there had been
seven free States and six slave States — the latter being
Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Maryland, and Del-
aware. As soon as the Union had been formed, the
Southern States, well knowing that an increase of ter-
ritory and of States would add to their political pow-
er, proceeded to divide the existing Slates, and to form
new ones. Thus Kentucky had been formed out of
Virginia, and Alabama and Mississippi out of Georgia
and North Carolina. These new States had then
been brought into the Union, and the Slave Power
was therefore greatly increased. But, not satisfied
with this, they obtained the purchase, by the Fede-
ral Government, of Louisiana, a vast territory stretch-
ing from the mouths of the Mississippi, along the
whole valley of that mighty river, to the very base
of the Rocky Mountains. Out of this territory, the
State of Louisiana proper had been formed, and a
new slave State brought into the Union. The next
step had been the purchase of Florida from Spain
adding another slave State to the Union. Thus slave-
ry had pursued its career of aggrandizement, but it
waff from no love of slavery on the part of the North;
^TWhen he had been first in America, the
rfeeling of the North had been stronger than
former time; but, even then, their concessions to the
South had arisen from the fnot, not that they b
slavery less, but that they had loved the Union more.
The Union had ever been the god of their political
idolatry.
Now, a word as to the right of a State to secede
from the Union. There was no such right. (Some
expressions of dissent.) There was no one profound-
ly acquainted with the history of the American Re-
public, either in America or England, who contended
for that right. Let those who wanted information on
this point read the two masterly essays published by
Mr. Motley in the columns of the Times, when the
secession first broke out, and the opinions which had
issued from the pen of Mr. John Stuart Mill, one of
the greatest thinkers of the age, or the speeches of
Daniel Webster, the greatest constitutional jurist
America had produced. Constitutional secession was
an absurdity. (Cheers.) Before the Constitution had
be_en adopted, each State was sovereign, but the
,'Union called upon each State to merge its individual
sovereignty in a common nationality, and from that
time the people of the several States became one peo-
ple under a Constitution which provided that those
who sought its overthrow should be punished as guilty
of treason. No Constitution in the world had ever
been framed with a view to its own dissolution.
(Cheers.) There was always a revolutionary right to
secede, and a corresponding obligation resting on the
servants of the Constitution to repress such a revolu-
tion, and to punish its abettors.
Mr. Thompson then resumed his narrative of the
growth of the Slave Power in America, especially re-
ferring to the Missouri compromise, the Mexican war,
and the annexation of Texas, and the resistance offer-
ed to the admission of California into the Union as a
free State. He also referred to the monopoly of the
government of the country by the election of slave-
holding Presidents, during sixty-eight years of the
Union, to the exclusion of men of Northern birth, who,
in the instances in which they were elevated to the
chair, were compelled to pledge thefhselves beforehand
to be the servile instruments of their Southern sup-
porters. After particularly alluding to Gen. Pierce
and Mr. Buchanan, he traced the rise and growth of
the ami-slavery political party in the North. That
party were able to give only 156,000 votes in 1842,
when they nominated Mr. Hale, but the same party,
in 1856, cast 1,300,000 votes in favor of Colonel Fre-
mont. The causes which led to this extraordinary
augmentation of the anti-slavery party were the
measures which the South had carried in the inter-
val — such as the infamous Fugitive Slave Law, the
horrors of which the speaker vividly depicted; thepay-
^mi rJf*^^000;000-tD-Tc^ni-rtB^eMiiJjii.i!se^lT!fflSR?^
/ for its spoliation of the territory of Mexico; the re-
/ peat of the Missouri Compromise, by which the bar-
/ ricr to the extension of slavery was destroyed ; the
brutal assaults upon Mr. Sumner and other members
of Congress at Washington, and the decision obtained
from the Judges of the Supreme Court, (a majority of
whom were slaveholders,) that slavery was constitu-
tional in every part of the Union, whether in the
States or Territories. The election of Mr. Buchanan
had placed the pro-slavery party in power for four
years, but the strength displayed by the Northern par-
ty convinced the South the period of their domination
was drawing to a close. The South determined,
therefore, to make preparations for a dissolution of the
Union and the establishment of a separate Confede-
racy. The traitors in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet resolved
'that if the Republicans should elect their candidate
iin 1860, he should not have the means of resisting
jiuccessfully the rebel movement of the South. They
■orruptcd the United States army ; they scattered to
i listant plaeeB the United States navy; they robbed
Vhe national treasury ; they emptied the arsenals and
.-trmamenta of the North, and transferred their con*
it'iits to the South ; they withdrew the garrisons from
she forts in the South, in order that the defences of
ihe country might more easily fall into the hands of
he rebelB. As soon as they had struck their medi-
ated blow, they seized upon every sub -treasury, every
oint, custom-house, revenue cutter, arsenal, dock-
yard, ship and Government storehouse, together with
very fort and all other descriptions of national pro-
perty. (Applause.) They then organized a Govern-
ment for the express purpose of maintaining the invio-
lability of negro slavery, which they made the chief
corner-stone of their new republic.
After some further remarks, explaining the action
of the South, Mr. Thompson said he would direct his
attention to that portion of Mr. Buxton's speech in
which he said the North haled the South. Mr. Bux-
ton said that "every traveller for many years past who
ever went into the North toid us how they (theNorth)
abhorred the South." (Hear.) He would observe, in
passing, that this assertion was scarcely consistent with
what Mr. Buxton had said in the same speech — j
ly, that " the North was eager with both hands to
throw overboard the negroes, if the South would but
hold to the Union " ; and again, that the North " sug-
gested compromise after compromise on the question
of the extinction of slavery to induce them to stay."
Now, as to the North hating the South, he (Mr.Thomp-
son) had twice visited and travelled through the North-
ern States, and he had besides read, he believed, the
works of every distinguished traveller in America
during the last thirty years, and upon their authority,
as well as upon that of his own experience, he would
offer a flat contradiction to Mr. Buxton's statement.
His (the speaker's) charge against the North had al-
ways been, that it had been too anxious to conciliate by
compromise and concession the good opinion and
friendship of the South. (Cheers.) He might chal-
lenge Mr. Buxton to show that any Southern man
had ever been insulted at the North. He challenged
him to quote from the work of any traveller of au-
thority any proof of the hatred he had alleged. Noth-
ing was more notorious than that the men of the
South going to the North were invariably treated with
kindness, respect, and hospitality. (Cheers.) South-
ern ministers of religion were permitted to preach in
all the Northern pulpits, and while a Northern man
suspected of anti-slavery principles could not go into
the South but at the risk of outrage or death, no tvav-
eller from the South to the North had ever in a sin-
gle instance received ill-treatment at the hands of the
people. (Cheers.) He (the speaker) would ask wheth-
er the election of slaveholding Presidents during sixty-
eight years of the Union was not a fact most amply
demonstrating that the North cherished no hatred of
the South. (Cheers.)
He would now notice Mr. Buxton's criticism on
Mr. Lincoln's proclamation. The honorable member
had said, " Mr. Lincoln's proclamation was not the
abolition of slavery." This was a most extraordinary
assertion, and entirely in opposition to the facts which
had come to his (Mr. Thompson's) knowledge.
The speaker alluded to several circumstances, which
he contended proved that, in the opinion of the Ameri-
can people, the proclamation meant the abolition of
slavery. He would not, however, rest his demand
that the sympathy of England should be given to the
North solely on the ground of Mr. Lincoln's procla-
mation. He would call attention to what had been
done during the short period Mr. Lincoln had been in
power. (Cheers.) Slavery and the slave trade had
been driven out of the District of Columbia, which
was the seat of Government. (Loud applause.) The
black republics of Hayti and Liberia had been recog-
nized, and now the colored ministers from those
States could appear at Washington upon a footing oi
equality with the ambassadors from Russia, France,
and England, (Cheers, and a voice, "They won't
let a black man sit in the house of God.") He did
not think it was generous, when he was makin;
reference to the noble conduct of President Lincoln in
recognizing two negro republics, to reproach the peo-
ple of America, with their prejudice against color. No
man had rebuked that prejudice with greater severity
than he had done, but justice demanded that he should
say that the worst persecutors of the negro at the
present time, and for many years, had not been the
i-born citizens of America, hut those who had
'wi subjects of the British Crown, and had emigrated
She United States. The colored man at this mo-
ment was at least treated with respect, if not with
equality. Jim Crow ears had been abolished — district
schools had been thrown open for colored children —
and he knew Governors of States who would feel
more pleasure in sitting down and conversing with
the blackest negro whom God had created, than with
the most polished and kid-gloved apologist of South-
ern rebellion. (Much cheering.) Let those who de-
sired to see this prejudice removed assist every mea-
sure tending to elevate the negro to the condition of a
free man, for never, until color ceased to be the badge
of slavery, could the negro rise to a level of equality
with the white man. (Cheers.) Many, however,
were above this prejudice ; and he had heard Fred-
erick Douglass, a negro, relate how, on entering a
railway car in Massachusetts, Governor Briggs of that
State rose and brought him to his seat, and conversed
with him to the end of the journey. (Applause.) He
then went on to remark that, by an Act of Congress,
slavery had been declared forever illegal throughout
all the national territories, thus preserving the vast
regions of the far Southwest sacred to freedom and
free labor. (Cheers.)
Another most important measure was the treaty be-
tween the Federal Government and England, conced-
ing the mutual right of search, so that now the slave
trade was no longer protected by the American flag,
and a British cruiser could seize the ship of an Ameri-
can who prostituted that flag, and could procure its
condemnation in any port where there was a mixed
commission. (Loud cheers.)
Let them take another fact. So early as last
March, as would be in the remembrance of many,
Mr. Lincoln addressed a solemn and earnest message
to Congress, directing their attention to the expedi-
ency of giving a pledge to indemnify the Slave States
generally — but more particularly alluding to the bor-
der and loyal States, to indemnify them in the event
of their passing acts in their own Legislatures for the
immediate or gradual abolition of slavery. (Cheers.)
The Congress adopted a resolution in conformity with
the President's proposal, and towards the close of the
session, Mr. Lincoln convened a meeting at his resi-
dence of the Representatives of the loyal Slave States,
and conjured them to recommend the adoption, by
their constituents, of the measure proposed. This
surely was an indication of a desire to abolish, in a
peaceful and constitutional manner, the institution of
slavery. (Cheers.)
16 ^ oWl \ present tin
"■slavery >T , ivi ,. b(lr ,
""'""^ b%ns»l.je.
Where, above all, should England he in the present
struggle, with a proclamation of freedom on the one
side, and n decree of eternal slavery on the other —
where, if not by the side of those who are marching
to the enfranchisement of lour millions of men, wait-
ing with trembling anxiety for the hour of their re-
demption 1 (Loud cheers.)
As a reason why the English people should ex-
hibit greater toleration towards the Northern States,
with regard to their shortcomings on the slavery
question, Mr. Thompson alluded to the experience of
this country in the anti slavery contest. Shall we,
who so lately washed our own gHiuients from blood ; —
shall we, who carried on the slave trade for centuries,
and supplied America herself with slaves — who saw
our bishops, our peers, and princes of the blood stead-
ily resist, for a quarter of a century, the humane
efforts of Mr. Wilberforcc to bring the slave trade to
an end; — shall we, whose Glasgow, and Bristol, and
Liverpool were built up by the slave-trade, reproach
America for not having done the great work before '!
Above all, shall we choose the present time to hurl
our taunts at her, when she is showing a disposition
to make reparation for her past misdeeds, and gather-
ing up her energies for the utter overthrow of that
system which the South is now fighting to render
perpetual? (Loud cheers.) Let us remember that,
for many years, the anti-slavery associations of this
country asked for nothing more than the mitigation of
the evils of slavery, with a view to its gradual aboli-
tion, and would have been thankful for any measure
that tended to ameliorate the horrors of the system.
Well did he remember the 14th of May, 1833, when
Mr. Stanley (now Lord Derby) introduced the Gov-
ernment measure for the abolition of colonial slavery.
At the end of the debate which ensued, he (the
speaker) met Mr. Buxton, the distinguished lather of
their member, in the lobby of the House, who, taking
him by the hand, exclaimed, " What think you of the
resolutions? " He (Mr. Thompson) thought they
should be rejected on account of the apprenticeship
and compensation clauses, when Mr. Buxton rejoined,
'"Oh, let us not throw them out, but thank God that
we have lived to see the day when a Minister of the
Crown should propose to the Legislature a bill for the
abolition of the system we have so long desired to see
abolished." (Loud cheers.) And was it not equally
a matter of the highest congratulation to see a procla-
mation issuing from the hand of the President of the
United States, decreeing that on the 1st of January,
1863, every slave in every rebel Stale should be
thenceforth and forever free? (Prolonged applause.}
After a powerful appeal to the audience to stand by
the side of truth and justice, Mr. Thompson said he
would take the liberty of submitting a resolution to
the meeting. He had not asked any gentleman on
the platform to propose it, because he did not, in the
slightest degree, Wish any one around him should be
compromised with him in his opinions. The resolu-
tion was in the following terms: — "That this meet-
ing, having heard the exposition given by Mr. Thomp-
son of the questions involved in the present civil
war in America, desires to express its opinion that the
emancipation policy of President Lincoln and his
Cabinet is deserving of the moral support and sym-
pathy of Englishmen."
Mr. Thompson concluded, amid great applause, a
very eloquent and forcible speech, which occupied
about two hours in the delivery.
Mr. Swinfin said he would, with great pleasure,
second the resolution.
Mr. Cook proposed an amendment, " That the meet-
ing expressed its detestation of slavery all over the
world." (Some applause.)
Mr. Wickham seconded the amendment.
After some further discussion, during which Mr.
Thompson answered, to the satisfaction of the audi-
ence, several points that had been raised, the vote was
taken, and from forty to fifty hands were held up for
the amendment. The original resolution was then
put, and carried by an overwhelming majority. The
announcement by the chairman of the decision of the
meeting was hailed with great applause.
A vote of thanks was then tendered to Mr. Thomp-
son, who proposed that a similar compliment should
be paid to the chairman. This motion was cordially
complied with, and the proceedings terminated.
Ope of the laws passed by the late Congress was
intended to give liberty to every fugitive slave escap-
ing to the lines of the Federal army — (cheers) — and
another, more sweeping still, was for the absolute con-
fiscation of the slave property of the rebels whereso-
ever they might be found. This law came into ope-
ration on the day preceding that on which the procla-
mation waB published, so that in fact there had been no
legal slavery in the rebel States since the 21st of Sep-
tember.
Having noticed these measures, every one of which
exhibited alike the anti-slavery feeling of the Gov-
ernment, and the determination of the people at large
to support an anti-slavery policy, he asked on which
side should the sympathies of England he manifested ?
(Cries of " The North.") England, with her glorious
history, full of the records of struggles for freedom
and the right; England, with her marble monuments
to Fox and Wilberforcc, Granville Sharp and Sturge,
Romilly and Buxton ; England, that toiled for thirty
years for the abolition of the slave trade — that toiled
for thirty more for the abolition of slavery — that paid
twenty millions to ransom her sablo bondmen. (Loud
cries of " With the North.") Yes, certainly, wilh
the North; for how could they be given to the South
— to the South that had hated England always, most
of all for having liberated her slaves— -the South that
had incarcerated England's free colored seamen and
sold them into slavery when they were unable to pay
their prison fees — the South that had always obstructed
England In her noble efforts to suppress the infernal
Blave trade — the South whose slave codes inflicted the
penaity of death for the offence, when twice commit-
ted, of teaching a slave child to read? (SenBation.)
view of this fact, I have the strongest confidence in
the present triumph of right. The confiscation act
and the proclamation must of an inevitable neces-
sity be carried out. The work begun will continue
to its completion.
ABRIDGED HEMAHKS OF DIt. KNOX.
Mr. President and Friends— We have met to
commemorate the martyrdom of a prophet, puritan,
hero, and practical Abolitionist; one who gave his life
freely, feeling in his noble soul that to die for the
down-trodden slave without a murmur was the gain
of the helpless slave.
Three years ago to-day, in Charlestown, Virginia,
there was more enduring, transcending glory reflected
from the Bcaffold of John Brown, than there has been
Bince in the whole State by the military display of
both slaveholding armies. In view of this, friends,
can we forget to keep this day to the end? As for
me and my house, we will.
lam aware that terrible events are upon us; still,
the earth remains. How was it three years ago to day
in all the North ? All was mourning and tears. Why
this indifference, this falling by the way-side? A
spasmodic condition, I suppose; therefore requiring
an anti spasmodic remedy, intense hatred to slavery
and all its relations.
John Brown was put to death hy the moat infa-
mous statute and bloody hands that ever disgraced a
semi-harbarous State, and yet that State is courted by
the Government!
I cannot refrain from speaking of those young
heroes of Harper's Ferry, the disciples of Brown.
How nobly they suffered and died that the slave might
go free ! From John tluss the martyr to the day of
their execution, we look in vain for young martyrs
more glorious.
If we are a divided nation, whose fault is it ? I
am not so stupid as to believe that England will not
accomplish her work, when I remember that she
sent John Henry here on a secret mission to under-
mine this Union when we had given her no vantage
ground. Since this war was levied by the South, we
have given her all the means by an armed servility
to the rebels, rather than conquest; by protecting pro-
perty, the sinews of war, rather than confiscation ; by
holding slaves for them, rather than liberating them.
Who can conquer an enemy under these circum.
stances? In this way England and the South will
succeed. I am aware that there is a North in Eng-
land as well as a South, represented by that able and
eloquent champion of British and American emanci-
pation, George Thompson, and on the other hand by
that small specimen of a man, G. W. P. Bentiuck,
M. P.
Had our Government struck for liberty even
during the first six months of the war, the mouths
of all lories and oppressors would have been closed,
long ere this, both in England and America.
At the conclusion of these remarks, the meeting
adjourned to meet Dec. 2d, 1863.
MEADYILLE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL.
On the sacred evening of December 2d, a meeting
was held in this institution, commemorative of John
Brown. The gathering was originated by some half
dozen of the students. There was considerable oppo-
sition; but the martyr truly said, "Time and the
honest verdict of posterity will approve of every act
of mine." The meeting was held in the chapel of
Divinily Hall, and many friends from the (own were
present. We give some extracts from the letter of a
friend in Meadville.
* * * The proceedings were very solemn. First
was sung the martyr's favorite hymn, " Blow ye the
trumpet, blow." His spirit seemed to stand there,
and blow a blast louder than all. Then Prot. Carey
read some of those passages which the Messiah, in his
second coming, deemed worthy to present, as em-
bodying his doctrine — words that had so often fallen
from heroic lips. They came home with new mean-
ing and force. Then we boys rose, one after another,
and tried to utter the feelings which welled up in our
hearts. Of course we made short, perhaps boyish
speeches, but our friends will not charge us with any
false feeling, or sham endeavor to immortalize the
already immortal memory of good John Brown.
Finally, the Rev. Dr. Stearns (the President of the
school) rose from his chair, and, for three quarters of
an hour, electrified all with the eloquence of his ear-
nest soul. I wish you could have heard him ! Three
years ago, I listened to brave Christian words in Tre-
mont Temple. The fire of liberty burned brighter,
as noble thoughts fell from the lips of Martin, Griffin,
Pierpont, Garrison, Clarke ; but I never, never heard
such earnest, living, burning words spoken for John
Brown, as Father Stearns uttered on this occasion.
He spoke of those who essayed to measure John
Brown's character, and charge him with foul crime.
After marshaling before his mind those Christians (?)
who sat in judgment on the noble nature of this new
messiah of the Blave, he passed judgmenton them thus :
" They are not fit, they are not fit to measure the life and
character of John Brown."
After singing "Am I a Soldier of the Cross," our
friends went home, saying, " We were doubly paid for
coming." We did have a good meeting. Some of
our brothers who opposed us came in and listened,
The longer I study the life of John Brown, the
brighter his great soul shines. His tabernacle is the
emancipation of the slave. May all true lovers of
liberty and the law of God how before it, and do
homage I
In commemoration of the martyrdom of John
Brown, a public meeting was held at the residence of
Dr, Knox, 59 Anderson street, in Boston, Dec. 2d.
The President (J. H. Fowler) being absent, J. B.
Smith was chosen pro tern.
The meeting was opened by prayer by Rev. Mr.
Grimes, and the singing of an emancipation song.
The President remarked that he was happy that
another opportunity was afforded for meeting together
for the purpose of commemorating the life and acts
of one of the greatest Christian heroes of this or any
other age. May the race for whom he offered up his
noble life such a sublime sacrifice never forgot that
day on which he consummated his glorious devotion
to those principles to which he had given the best en-
ergies of his noble nature and his life I We cannot
appreciate loo highly Hint beatifnl life, and the sacri-
fices which it involved. To the martyrdom of John
Brown wc are indebted for the convulsions now
shaking this great country, and the bright prospects of
freedom Hint have been produced by it. His death
was the precursor, ordained hy the great God, to open
the glorious way of the slave's redemption. Appoint-
ed and directed by the will and power of God, neither
his life nor death can possibly be called a failure. In
MEM0EIAL 0E A HUMPBACK,
Our little friend came to us out of the shadow.
He was fatherless and motherless; more than an
orphan, for not only were his father and mother
dead, but none knew who or what they had been.
He scarcely knew himself who or what they had
been. His childhood, his home, his early youth,
lay in deep, dark shade. He had but spectral and
fleeting memories of the past. A bit of drift-
wood, a piece of sea-weed, torn from the ooze, he
lay floating on the surface of life in this vast city,
which, seeing the poor boy struggling helplessly
with the tide, put out its strong, kind arm, and bore
him to that stern shore so thickly strewn with ship-
wrecks — Randall's Island. There, for no fault, but
that grievous one of being poor, small, lonely, and
forsaken, the lad lay several years ; breathing such
moral atmosphere as they breathe who live there.
One by one his companions, bright, able-bodied,
hopeful boys, were taken away by pitying citizens,
to work on farms, in shops, in factories, at domestic
service ; but the little deformed boy was useless for
such purposes, and was left behind. There was
none to take him. Visitors came and went, and left
him there alone.
At last he was seen and noticed by those kind
eyes which have thrown their light and love into so
many dark places, and have found so much good-
ness where others have found vileness only. He
was brought away to a Christian home.
Our friends took him in for pity's sake, being
unwilling that the poor unfortunate should perish
thus early and sadly, if they could help it. For
humanity's sake, for Christ's sake, for God's sake,
they took him in, and gave him a home in their
home. Delicacy forbids my saying all I might of
their kindness in so doing. But I must not say less
than this : that they gave him a home as good as
their own, they gave him freely all the comforts and
privileges they enjoyed themselves, they treated
him in every respect as their own son.
# # * # *
Our little friend was not beautiful. There was
no comeliness in him that he should be desired.
He was cruelly delbrmed, a withered, stunted little
creature ; every line of his shape was crooked ;
every organ in his body seemed out of place. His
face was pinched and brown, with wrinkles in it as
of untimely suffering and sorrow. It was the face
of an old man; but there was that within which
did not correspond with this disagreeable and re-
pulsive outside. The angels love to sing in stables.
God is not careful or choice in selecting caskets for his
jewels, and in this casket, so rude and unshapely, in
this casket of lead he placed one of his sweetest
spirits; a spirit very true and gentle, thoroughly
self-respecting, and sensitive, far beyond the com-
mon. The little humpback had the bearing of a
natural gentleman; he possessed an unaffected dig-
nity of character, a sense of what was due from
himself to others, and from others to himself, which
is rare, in any class. I knew him much less than
some others did, who may be present, outside of this
household. But I can testify, from my personal ob-
servation, to his remarkable hunger for knowledge,
to his great desire for an education, to his truly high
ambition to become h s own master, to his proud de-
sire to acquire an independent position, and perform
an independent service for the world. His sympa-
thies were as true as they were quick. He was re-
sponsive to large and fine thoughts. He was drawn
to the best people. I have seen him in his class at Sun-
day-school, the most earnest listener there, when the
teaeher touched any of the great principles of noble
living or told a story of self-sacrifice. His eye flashed
in an instant at the deed of wrong, and as instantly
filled with tears at the tale of sorrow. He had a
genuine fellow-feeling with the unfortunate; never
forgetting amid his "privileges that lie was one of
them, never being ashamed that he was one. In
his comfortable and happy home, he remembered
always most affectionately his companions at the
Island. To one in particular whom he had been
drawn to by the fellowship of suffering, he would
write letters and send pocket-money, and when the
little fellow came to see him in the city, his jov
was as real as if his visitor had been a gentleman's
son. His morals were singularly pure, his tastes
singularly refined, his manners delicate, his beha-
vior simple and unobtrusive, his habits neat and de-
corous. There was a grace in him, such as we com-
monly associate with gentle blood.
# * * * #
I try to think of him as a man of twenty-five,
twenty, even eighteen years old, and the thought
of him thus is all made up of sadness. I think" of
lii in as coining to a man's sense of his delbrmitv.
and of the trial to whicli it would subject him. "l
think of liim with a man's heart, but without a
man's opportunity, or a man's career. I think of
him as eager to learn, yet meeting, on the very
threshold of knowledge, with physical and social
disabilities which he could not remove; ambitious
to excel, but condemned to fall behind the young,
and strong, and beautiful; resolute to maintain his
independence, but not allowed to stand in the B&OTO
group with the favored of society ; generous, loyal,
confiding, but meeting no welcome from the world
which worships grace anil loveliness. We know
how men and women regard the crooked, the dis-
torted, the humpbacked.' Imagine what the sensi-
tive hoy musl have suffered from the cold looks and
cold words, from Ihe repugnance, (he disgust, the
derision that would have mat him on all sides.
Imagine the cruol disappointments, the bitter grids.
the biting humiliations, the glooms that would' have
come down on his soul. Think of him with his
Unfolding affections drawn out to objects which they
could never hope to attain. Who would have given
the humpback love for love? Answer that ques-
tion; and think how minli desolation and heart-
break are in the answer. It was a tender hand
that led him away before he could know all this
depth of suffering.
We will not say, then, that his death waB un-
timely. No death, perhaps, is untimely, if we
knew all. Some lives are longer, seme shorter, but
all lives end at the hour, not before. Sr.me f pirita
light upon the planet only to tpring away again.
Some stay a few months, tome a few years — come
wait to learn the earliest lessons in the alphabet of
Providence — others must go into ihe high mysteries
of Experience, and spend a generation or two in
care, duty, toil, and sorrow.
*****
For the rest, we believe in Immortality. Indeed,
we believe in Life, and only in Life. We do not
believe in Death. Death but opens the door into
another chamber of the Father's mansion which
Jesus spoke of — that mansion, which is wide as the
infinite-care — bright with the infinite Wisdom —
homelike and happy with the infinite Love. This
is but one of the lower and darker rooms of that
heavenly home; how low and dark for the most
part to him, we know. Our little brother has
passed on to a higher being. There is nothing in
ihe angels that was not folded up in this childlike
heart. Now it is free to show what it was. The
veil is taken from his face ; the burden is lifted from
his spirit.
He lives here, too, in association and memory.
His form will be in these rooms yet for many a
day — I aro sure that, for many a day, it will be in
these hearts; he will make a part of the household;
he will bear a share in domestic thoughts and feel-
ings — in family joys and sorrow?. Going away, he
carries his friends with bun, and leaves himself be-
hind.
Let ns believe that he leaves behind his pain and
weakness and infirmity, an he leaves the unhand-
some flesh of his mortal body to moulder in the dust
from which it came. Let us be thankful that we
knew him; let us be grateful for the good he
manifested and did: let us rejoice that the earthly
tabernacle is dissolved in which he groaned, being
burdened, and the Spirit, whose child he was, has
taken away his vile body, and clothed him with a
glorious body, such as befits the mind he revealed.
— Rev. O. B. Fr at kin (/ham, N. Y., at the Funeral of
Robert F. Dsnyer, adopted son of John and Rosa
Hopper, Oct. 19th, 18C2.
To the Honorable, the Justices of the Supreme Judicial
Court, next to be holden at Dcdham, within and for the
County of Norfolk, on the third Tuesday of Febrnary,
A. D. eighteen hundred and sixty-three.
EESPECTFULLY represents Cornelia JameF, of Wren-
thara, in said County of Norfolk, that she married
Tiioums K. James, at Providence, in the State of Rhode
Island arid Providence Plantations, on the twenty-eighth
day of July, A. I). eighteen hundred and forty-nine ; that
her maiden name was Cornelia Taylor ; that she and ber
said husband, from mid twenty-eighth day of July, A. D.
eighteen and forty-nine, afterwards, lived together as hus-
band and wife, at Wrenthain aforesaid, until the eighth day
of November, A. D. eighteen hundred and fifty-live ; that
on said eighth day of November, A. D. eighteen hundred
and fifty-five, said Thomas X. James separated himself from
her, his said wife, and has not since lived with her - that
has at all times been faithful to her marriage obliga-
tions ; that on, or about, the first day of February, A. D.
ghteen hundred and fifty-six, said Thomas K. James wil-
fully and utterly deserted her, bis eaid wife, without her
consent ; that said desertion has continued uninterrupted-
ly from that time until the time of the filing of this libel.
And your libellant further represents that said Thomas K.
James now resides in or near Rochester, in the State of
jw York.
Wherefore your libellant prays a divorce from the bonds
matrimony between her and her said husband be decreed
her by this Court ; that suitable alimony may be decreed
to be paid her by her said husband, at such times as to this
Court shall seem proper ; that she may be allowed to re-
sume her maiden name ; and that such other and further
order and decree may be passed by this Court, as justice
.ay require. CORNELIA JAMES.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
Dffolk, ss. Supreme Judicial Court, )
At Chambers in Boston, Dec. 6, 18G2. >
On the foregoing libel, it is ordered, that the libellant
give a notice to the said Thomas IC. James, to appear be-
the Justices of this Court next to be bolden at lledbam,
iin and for the County of Norfolk, on the third Tues-
day of February next, by publishing an attested copy of
said libel and of this order thereon once a week, Ihree
weeks successively, in the Boston Liberator, a newspaper
printed in said Boston, the last publication to be thirty
days, at least, before said third Tuesday of February next ;
also by depositing in the Post Office, postage prepaid, a
copy of said libel and order, enclosed, directed to the said
Thomas K. James at Rochester, in the State of New York,
thirty days, at least, before said third Tuesday of February
next, and making affidavit that this part of the order has
been complied with ; that the said Thomas K. James may
then and there shew cause why the prayer of said libel
should not be granted.
By the order of George T. Bigelow, Esq., Chief Justice
of said Court, GEO. C. WILDE, Clerk.
A true copy of said libel, and of the order thereon,
Attest, Geo. C. Wilde, Clerk.
dee!2-3w
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1£^" Furs preserved during the sum rat
novTtf
154 Washington St., 5 doors South of Milk St.
Otober '24. Cm
D'i
1313 TNTT I S THT.
DANIEL MANN has removed his offioo to 146
Harrison Avenue. Ho has, for the past five years, in-
serted artificial teeth on the vulcanite base, in the use of
which holms made some improvements. It is better than
gold, when well made, being lighter, stronger, and more
durable, and is also much cheaper.
Dr. M. also uses a somewhat, similar proparaton for fil
ling teeth too tender or too far decayed for filling with sold.
His pi ices at* M moderate, at least, as those of any re-
sponsible dentist.
Boston, Soptembw 20 186S.
ICII X3IE3XT.
GLOBE HOTEL
WILLIAM P. POWELL, Pnonm ros,
2 DoTXS STOUT, (near Franklin Square,
NEW YORK.
THE LIB E 11 A T O K
— IS I'l in.!SUi:ll
EVERT FRIDAY MORNING,
321 "WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. 6.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Generai; Agent.
J^" TERMS — Two dollars ami fifty cents per annum,
in advance.
qftpfrj! will lie sent to one address for ten hol-
la us, iT i^iyiiiont is mniU» in advance,
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directed (i-ost paid) to the General Agent.
IFjjp* Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents
per line.
^5r" The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn-
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator.
[5f Tlio following gentlemen constitute the Financial
Committee, .but are riot responsible for any debts of tho
paper, viz : — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed-
mund Jackson, and William L. Garkison, Jr.
WM, LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.
"Proclaim Liberty throughout oil the land, to all
tlio inhabitants thereof;"
"I lay thin down « ■ tho law of nations. I way that mil-
itary authority lakes, for the time, tho place of all munic-
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE KEST;
and that, under) that state of things, ho far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have tho exclusive
management of the Subject, not only tho President of
this 1;.niti:u States, but the Commander of the Army,
HAS POU'Elt TO ORDER Till' UNIVERSAL EMAN-
CIPATION OK TKB SLAVED * . . From the instant
that tho slavehnlding States become tho theatre of a war,
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of CoNfjituss extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, in BTERV way in which it can be interfered
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de-
stroyed, to tin; oussiou of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is s, war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power. to carry on the war, and must cAitur it on, ac-
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu-
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes tub
place of them. When two hostile armies arc set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman-
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."— J. Q. Adam*.
mix tiotttttrg U tU WevlA, mv <&m\\tx\jm\x m att Utettltfofl.
J. B, YERRINTON & BON, Printers.
VOL. XXXII. NO. 52.
BOSTON, FEIDAY, DECEMBER 36, 1862.
WHOLE NO. 1664.
af ®p]we$$f0tt.
WAR AND "REFORMS."
Those people who advocate what they call new
ideas in human progress, (as if most of them had
not been repeatedly tried and rejected in the his-
tory of the race,) seem to have received a quietus
from this stunning, practical, fact of war. It has
always been recorded as an incidental benefit of
this scourge of mankind, that it puts an end to the
whole brood of absurd fantasies which are hatched
out by the very prosperity of nations in time of
peace. People must think, and when they have
no war on hand, to task their thinking powers to
the utmost, they cast about for the first subject that
is new, (or appears so to limited readers of history,)
and set to thinking about that. In this country, the
number of these uneasy thinkers, both men and
women, always on the lookout for intellectual prob-
lems, is large. They take a pride in encouraging
so-called new ideas, 'i'hey subscribe to newspapers
which are addicted to the support of all notions
claiming to be reform?, no matter how chimerical
and absurd. They also furnish audiences for stroll-
ing lecturers who profess to own patent plans for
the regeneration of the human family. They do not
— -at least all of them do not — fully believe in every
preposterous antiquity, revamped and labeled " nov-
elty," which is brought upon them; but they give it
a hearing, or an examination, (always paying for it
in some shape,) which is ail that the professors of
the old-fashioned reforms desire. This generous
patronage, which our people — more than any other
in the world — give to all ideas which are set up as
new, seems to have been almost entirely cut off by
the war. We have no means of judging of the
pecuniary receipts of reform organs or reform pro-
fessors; but we observe that none of them are mak-
ing any stir in the community, and it is a well-known
fact that when reform ceases to make a stir, it is
dying. Agitation, discussion and continual fuss are
the very conditions of its existence. When the ail
no longer reverberates with the fierce declamations
of its advocates, reform may be safely regarded as
in a moribund state. Judged by this law of expe-
rience, Woman's Rights, as they used to be ex-
pounded in the New York conventions, must be
pretty nigh extinct. The public have not heard
"Woman's Rights" mentioned for over a year.
Spiritualism has been dropped out of the public
mind for at least the same period. The spasmodic
attempt recently made to lift it into notice in con-
nection with " spiritual photographs," proved a total
failure. People no longer feel any interest in its
pretensions. They have quite forgotten (so rapid
is the American mind in its reception and rejection
of professedly new ideas) that there ever was such
a thing. After this form oi' spiritualism has been
dead four or five years, it can be brought out under
a new name as a bran new philosophy, and, if the
country is at peace, will have another good run.
Let the professors, now bereft of* their subsistence,
wait till then ! Other reforms might be enumerated
which have been hastily tossed overboard by the
public in the tempest of this war; but the notorious
fate of the two above mentioned, illustrates the law
which applies to the whole of them. — New York
Journal of Commerce.
and anti-slavery agitators to see to it, that they
carry their" favorite topics not much further in their
chosen direction, lest its opposite movement land
them, with all their pet schemes, in a fathomless
abvss.
Pray, gentlemen, keep this ball in motion, and
oblige not your subscriber and friends only, but
benefit mankind. J-.
— N. Y. Journal oj Commerce.
POLITICAL OLERGT, &c.
Hartford, (Conn.,) Dec. 11, 1862.
Gentlemex, — I have just read your article on
the late political movement of our clergy at the
Cooper Institute, and regard it as eminently ap-
propriate and timely.
Just so certain as they attempt in an organized
capacity to influence political legislation, so certain,
and to a like degree, will they damage the cause of
their professed Master, and bring both themselves
and the religion which He came to establish on
earth into contempt. This radical error of the
clergy, however, is attributed not solely to their own
disposition to " mix in," pugnacious as too many of
them are, with the prevailing political agitation, but
in a measure to the stimulus and encouragement
which they unfortunately receive at the hands of
numbers of their adherents and supporters, who be-
lieve that both the Gospel and the party are to be
best sustained by setting and keeping the people
" by the ears."
As illustrative of this, we witness, in this goodly
city of ours, the disgraceful spectacle of certain
leading men, in one of our heretofore most prosper-
ous churches, systematically and very actively ope-
rating to drive their minister — a man whose excel-
lence's and good works are known and cheerfully
acknowledged throughout our entire community —
out of his pulpit, which he has occupied for the last
ten or twelve years, because, forsooth, they cannot
compel him to preach the Gospel according to Abo-
litionism on Sunday. He prays for his and oui
enemies, and that peace may again return in God's
good time to a distracted country, and hence is a
traitor and secessionist, and must be driven forth
from the flock which he has so long watched over
and led in the paths of peace and righteousne
It has been the unhallowed ambition of men of
this stamp among us, to bring not the pOttrit only
but, so far as possible, their secular and religious
press, our schools and library societies, under their
control, that they may make them fountains for the
dissemination of the pestilent doctrines of aboli-
tionism. They are incessantly at work in their mis-
chievous vocation; bold and outspoken, when this
course promises success, but still and wily as ser-
pents whenever this kind of strategy promises the
best results.
Into our Young Men's Institute, a literary society,
have they presumed to set their cloven foot, to the
discredit of our city and the serious impairment of
its former happy influence.
We arc to be treated, the coming winter, to a
course of lectures before this society, supported
thou"h it is by all classes of our citizens, in which
Mr. Horace Greeley figures in the programme,
and others of the same stripe, though beyond a
doubt the enemies of its direction. Further, while
newspapers constitute a feature of the reading mat-
ter to be found on its tables, not a single Demo-
cratic paper, outside of our city press, appears
there, excepting only a single weekly, and this, I
learn, is a gift to the society; while all the leading
New York papers and others of the Republican
school are spread out in lavish profusion before the
young men who spend their evenings at these rooms.
The end of all this will be a revolution; and if
we do not sooner or later go to the extreme of hear-
ing Democratic politics in our pulpits— which find
forbid, for partizan politics never ought to find ut-
terance there— and getting nothing bat democracy
in our schools and institutions for the moral and in-
tellectual improvement of the young, it will bo a
piece of good fortune for which we shall not be
indebted to our abolition friends. The pendulum
still swings; and it behooves our political par-sous
CLERGYMEN AS CLERGYMEN, IN THE
POLITICAL ARENA.
Messrs. Editors,— I send you an extract from
a letter from one of the roost intelligent Christian
ladies in a neighboring State, noted wherever she is
known for her faith and charity, and the fruits of
her Christian faith. Similar proofs might be in-
definitely multiplied of the deep grief of Chris-
tians at the degrading spectacle of distinguished
men, whom the Church and the community gen-
erally have held in respect, so long as they kept
within the legitimate bounds of their high duties,
stepping down from their elevated position to play
the partizan in the political strife of the day. She
says :—
"Mr. has just called my attention to an article
in the Journal of Commerce which has made him quite
indignant. It is a meeting of clergymen of the dif-
ferent denominations at the Cooper Institute to pro-
pose an address to President Lincoln, expressive of
their approval of his Emancipation Proclamation,
mentioning the venerable Drs. Spring, Ferris, Tyng,
&c. It is to be regretted that men who have attained
such eminence as divines should stoop so low as to
sully their clerical fame by advocating Mr. Lincoln's
wild projects, which are only adding fuel to the flame
and sharpening the sword of vengeance. Would it
not be advisable for each church pertaining to these
pastors to call a meeting for special, prayer, that the
spirit man he poartd out > aml tllpSD deluded men re-
ceive a fresh baptism, a reconversion, — that their at-
tention may be turned from political strife to preach-
ing the gospel and laboring for precious souls ? Surely
God's people should sigh for tile abominations that are
rife in our land, especially for our ministers, who, in-
stead of wielding the sword of the spirit, and fighting
tiie fight of faith, are brandishing the sword of con-
tention, and advocating the cause of- abolition heresy
which is to flood our country with beggary and crime.
It seems as if they were given over to strong delusion
to believe a lie. "Oh that God would arise, and have
mercy on our Zion, and bring our ministers into the
dust, and keep them there till they disrobe themselves
of their defiled garments, and come forth clothed in
humility," &c.
These are the sentiments of a devout and pious
mind, with which thousands in the Church most
cordially sympathize. No move could be more '
opportune than these clergymen have proposed,
none more calculated to bring religion, as repre-
sented in these persons, into disrepute. I must sup-
pose them men of common sense, and then let me
ask them in what capacity do they address the
President of the United States, in behalf of a po-
litical measure ? Will it be said that we are citi-
zens, and have our rights as citizens, and therefore
we may give our opinions on any political measure ?
Granted : no one will dispute that position so long
as you give it as citizens; but when you leave that
position and make use of your position as clergymen,^
intending, as you must intend, that the influence of
your ecclesiastical position shall be brought to bear
in the support of a political measure, then I think I
am safe in saying you have exceeded your rights.
I will not insult your understandings, by supposing
you do not comprehend the difference between your
official and individual position. Mr. Spring, Mr.
Ferris, Mr. Tyng, may undoubtedly support any
political measure they please, and their opinions
will go for what they are worth, more or less valua-
ble than Mr. Jones, the barber, Mr. Smith, the car-
man, or Mr. Brown, the tailor; but the Rev. Dr.
Spring, the Rev. Chancellor Ferris, and the Rev.
Dr. Tyng, have no right to give a factitious impor-
tance to their address, as citizens, by clothing them-
selves in a garb unacknowledged in the legitimate
political costume of the country. Milton.
— Journal of Commerce.
clergymen ; that tho minutes about being read were
a private affair ; they contained that which belong-
ed exclusively to the clergymen who were present
at the other meeting ; it never was intended to be a
public affair; it was in no sense a public matter;
that paper gave information which belonged entire-
ly to the gentlemen who had met previously; he
would submit the question to the chair.
Rev. Dr. Ferris stated that such publicity as had
been given to their proceedings at the other meet-
ing was entirely unauthorized, and the brethren at
that time present were not in any sense responsible
for the notice given of the present meeting ; who
were the parties giving the notice, he knew not.
Rev. Dr. Hitchcock. — The Committee caused no
advertisement to be made, and the many represen-
tations made in the public, prints were entirely in-
consistent with the spirit and aims of the gentlemen
who met the other evening.
Rev. Dr. Spear referred to the gross misrepre-
sentations of the press, and he regarded it as grossly
indelicate that the reporters should remain after
what he had said — he was amazed that no hint was
taken. He then moved that the reporters be re-
quested to leave the room.
The chair, instead of putting the motion, referred
to the large number of persons present other than
the clergymen at the other meeting, and stated that,
if it was thought proper that they should remain,
he must vacate the chair, and decline to participate
in the proceedings. Rev. Drs. Canfield, Smith, and
others, spoke to the same effect.
Rev. Dr. Vermilye. — As chairman of the commit-
tee appointed to present a report to this meeting,
I would say that we have no report this evening
to make. On the contrary, advices from Washing-
ton, just received, intimate distinctly that there'will
be no necessity, and in fact no propriety whatever in
our taking action in this matter. I therefore move
that the meeting adjourn.
The motion was carried, only the fifty or so cler-
gymen present at the other meeting being requested
to vote. As these were leaving the room, a clergy-
man not of this number requested that those not at
the other meeting remain, and organize for the con-
sideration of their duty in the present crisis of the
courtry. After some consultation, another clergy-
man announced that as they had made no arrange-
ment for the use of the room, and therefore could
not properly hold a meeting there, he thought they
had better adjourn with the rest. (Laughter.)
The remaining clergvmen then dispersed. — New
York World.
THE CLERGY AND THE EMANCIPATION
PROCLAMATION.
Some two or three hundred of the clergy of New
York and the adjacent cities assembled last evening,
at the Cooper Institute, for the purpose of consider-
in"' the duty of the Church and ministry, in the
present state of the country, in reference to the
proclamation of emancipation. Among those pres-
ent were Chancellor Ferris, Rev. Drs. Vermilye,
Tyng, Hodge, Burchard, Cheever, Spear, and Hitch-
cock? and Rev. Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Cuyler, Dun-
bar, Canfield, Matteson, and Rev. Mr. Conway,
chaplain of the Ninth New York Regiment.
At the commencement of the meeting, there were
several ladies and laymen also present. The ma-
jority of the clergy seemed to be of the exaggerated
radical class.
Rev. Dr. Tyng called the meeting to order, and
nominated Rev. Dr. Burchard for chairman, Rev.
Dr. Ferris, the chairman of the previous meeting,
not being then present. Rev. Dr. Burchard, on
taking the chair, said their object in coming togeth-
er had been very clearly stated at the last meeting;
it was to take into consideration what is the duty
on the part of the clergy of this city and the neigh-
boring cities.
Rev. Dr. Tyng here raised the point that there
were many lay and many female friends present,
whose society would be agreeable for him when the
occasion was suitable. This was a meeting exclu-
sively for clergymen, and the report to be presented
to them was of a nature so delicate and important,
that it could not properly be presented to any other
than an adjourned meeting of the clergymen pres-
ent, when the committee who were to present the
report were appointed.
The ladies and several gentlemen now left the
room, and at the same time the clergymen who call-
ed the first meeting were requested to step out of
the room for conference.
These gentlemen havingre-eutered, Rev. Dr. Fe;
ris, who had now arrived, assumed the chair, and
Rev. Dr. Burchard offered prayer.
A clergyman wanted to know if the meeting was
meant for the Protestant clergy, or were Roman
Catholics included?
Rev. Dr. Burchard.— It is for the clergy— the
term is generic.
Clergyman, (going toward the door.)— The fifct
duty of the clergy is to come out from the rest, and
be separate in that case. (Hisses and laughter.)
The Secretary having been called nppn to read
the minutes, proceeded to do so, but hail read but a
few lines, when
Rev. Dr. Vermilye, rising rather excitedly, stated
that Hi'' meeting was intended to be one purely of
FRENCH BRANCH OF THE EVANGELICAL
ALLIANCE AND THE AMERICAN WAR.
The following is a copy of an Address from the
French-speaking branch of the Evangelical Alliance
to Christians in America:—
TO THE MEMBERS .OF THE DIFFERENT EVANGEL-
ICAL DENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES.
Paris, October 25,
Beloved Brethren, — " When one member suf-
fers, all the members suffer with it." This is what
we feel regarding you, since the calamities which
have fallen- on your nation. Though the Universal
Conferenee of Geneva sent you last year an address
of sympathy, wc feel constrained to reiterate that
expression of our fraternal love. In fact, the year
which has elapsed has seen your sacrifices multi-
plied in a fearful proportion. United to you by the
bond of common faith, to which must now be added
that of a civilization based on human liberty, we
feel that what touches you, touches us. It is true the
Evangelical Alliance is bound to raise itself above
all differences which separate religious or political
parties. But here it is not a question of one of
those accessory points of doctrine, of discipline, or
of organization, which may divide Evangelical
Christians. It is a question of those great notions
of justice and injustice, and of the supreme law of
charity in the name of which our Alliance was
formed. It would be a lie, if it interdicted itself
from protesting against those great social iniquities
which dishonor the Gospel under which it is at-
tempted to shelter them,
It eannot remain indifferent while, in an age
when the conscience of the world condemns slavery,
and all the countries of Europe, except Spain, have
abolished it at the cost of great sacrifices, and when
Russia has just emancipated, by an admirable effort,
thirty-five million of serfs, Protestant theologians
are seen attempting to justify that institution by
the Bible, and men inspired with their doctrines
excite an atrocious war to maintain the enslavement
of an unfortunate race. The Alliance feels itself
directly wounded in the faith which it professes,
when it assists at so monstrous a spectacle as that of
a Confederation which boasts of being Evangelical,
(Evangelique,) yet at the same time is founded (as
one of its principal magistrates has said) on slavery,
as " the stone refused by the builders," but which is
precious in the sight of God,
THE PRESIDENT'S EMANCIPATION PROC-
LAMATION.
To the Christian Public, Clergymen and Laymen
throughout the Union :
Being desirous to sustain the President of the
UnitedlStates in his responsible and critical duti
in upholding the Government and overthrowing the
Rebellion, and having given the subject our careful
deliberation, we submit to you the following memo-
rial :—
While we, clergymen and laymen of various Chris-
tian denominations, acknowledge our present nation-
al humiliation as a just chastisement from God for
our national sins, we believe that his paternal hand
directing the sore calamities in the interest of hu-
man freedom, as well as for the moral and civil ed-
ucation of the American people.
Though we regard slavery as the original and im-
mediate cause of the rebellion, we would not excul-
pate ourselves from guilt. We have permitted this
flagitious system to grow up under our Government
to its present fearful proportions. But we believe
that God is turning the war which slaveholders have
waged for the extension and perpetuity of slavery,
to work its prospective and final destruction.
We regard the confiscation of the property of the
rebels, as we do the proclamation of prospective
emancipation, as just, and necessary to bring this
wicked war to a close, and to secure a righteous
and permanent peace. And for all the loyal citizens
of the land, and in the name of humanity and out-
holy religion', we thank the President for the pru-
dent and ^well-considered manner in which he has
accepted and met the responsibility thrust upon him
by the terrible crisis.
We are profoundly impressed with the conviction
that in the Providence of God, and under ourCon-
stitution, sustained by a loyal people, he holds in his
hands the destinies of our free Government audthe
precious interests depending on it for generations
yet unborn: and we pledge him, in support of these
measures for the restoration of the nation, our sym-
pathy, our prayers, and, if need be, our lives; for
when our free Government is overthrown, then also
is the free exercise of our religion, and with it every
thing which renders life desirable.
We therefore urgently request Pastors of Churches
of all denominations, (with all other Clergymen,)
throughout the Union, and members of their con-
gregations, immediately and without further notice,
to join us in signing the following petition, addressed
and to be forwarded, through their several Senators
and Representatives, to the President of the United
States. We also request Clergymen, after forward-
ing the petition as suggested above, to return then-
names, titles, denominations, and the number of
signatures to tho petition, to Benjamin H. West,
M. D., Secretary, Boston, Mass., that wemay obtain
complete lists of clerical names, and the number of
the petitioners.
Religious and loyal papers, by inserting tins arti-
cle, will advance the cause.
To Abraham Lincoln,
President of the United States :
We, the undersigned, hereby express to you our
cordial approval of your late Proclamation of Pros-
pective Emancipation, as a measure intrinsically
right, and necessary to secure for the country a
righteous and permanent peace; and we earnestly
hope that it may be carried into full effect. In so
doing, be assured that you have our entire support
anil most hearty prayers.
Boston, Dec. 5, 18(i2.
Rev. L. D. Barrows, D. D.,~|
Hon. Simon Brown,
John G. Webster,
Rev. J. N. Murdock, D. D.,
Edwin Lamsmi,
Rev. Edward E. Hale,
Otis Clapp,
John M. Forbes, Mauhrrs
Rev. E. (). Haven, D. D., of the
Charles W. Slack, r Christian
Julius A. Palmer, Emancipation
Rev. Edward Edmunds, ( 'ommiltm
Warren Sawyer,
Rev. J. G. Bartholomew,
Samuel G. ISowdlcar,
Edward G. 'Bleston,
Benjamin H. West, M. D.,
Secretary.
[Signed by Kuv. Drfli Htmv, Nualo, Kirk, dleaveland,
Hugiio, Wiirron, Purkur, Uunuan, and two hundred mul
twonty-two others, uluryyinoii and laymen.]
The Evangelical
Alliance would no longer be the great association of
fraternal love that it is, if it forgets those hundreds
of thousands of brethren in Jesus Christ, who are
now sold in the South like wretched cattle, marked
with red-hot iron, and who often perish under the
lash of pitiless drivers. Nor should we be less want-
ing in our duty towards those of our brethren in the
South, who have voluntarily associated themselves
with a colossal enterprise formed to perpetuate and
to extend slavery, if we did not declare to them the
profound sorrow which we feel at that- spectacle,
the fearful scandal which results from it, and the
immense damage which they are causing to the in-
terests of our Divine Master.
Suffice it for us to say to you, Evangelical Chris-
tians of the United States, that without wishing to
enter into questions of nationality, of country, and
of constitution, which are not within our domain, we
can assure you that you have our most lively sym-
pathies. If you have to suffer, it is for a grand and
glorious cause. That which has let loose on your
people all the miseries of war is a first step taken in
resistance to tho extension of slavery. We have
heard with thankfulness of the measures which have
been already taken to destroy this odious institu-
tion, and of the many symptoms which make us fore-
see the speedy disappearance of the prejudice
against color, that grievous corollary of slavery.
We pray God soon to blot out the last traces of it ;
and we can assure you that nothing will be so well
calculated to counteract those prepossessions in
Europe, which are grounded chiefly on the manner
in which the black race is still treated in the North.
We entreat the Lord to keep you in this path.
Each step made in this direction will bring you
nearer to the close of your sufferings. Since God
permits this horrible carnage, it is doubtless in order
to deliver America from an evil which is even more
awful than war, because it is more lasting, and be-
cause it poisons more completely the springs of a
nation's life. When your country shall have done
everything which lies in its power to restore liberty
to the captives, it will be able to take to itself that
promise of the Lord: "Is not this the fast that I
have chosen, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let
the oppressed go free, and that ye break every
yoke? Then shall thy light break forth as the
morning, and thine health shall spring forth speed-
ily." Then, also, whatever the extirpation of this
scourge may have cost you, you will feel that such
a benefit could not be too dearly bought.
In the name of the Committee of the Evangelical
Alliance of Paris,
The President — Guillaume Monod.
The Secretary— Georges Eisch.
The representatives of the French-speaking branch
of the Evangelical Alliance, assembled at Geneva
on the 29th of October, 18G2, have taken the above
address into consideration, and given it their hearty
approbation.
In the name of the general conference,
The President— Charles Barde, (Pasteur.)
The Secretary— David Tissot.
day. We think that no one will claim that twelve
per cent, is too high a rate of interest on perishable
property like slaves, who are sure to become value-
less in a few years; or that any of these estimates
are too high. If, then, the negligent, slothful man-
agement of a Southern planter, with the rude, in-
convenient, ill-conditioned tools and machinery used
on most of the plantations, could pay sixty-three
cents per day for slave labor, and grow cotton at a
profit when it sold for ten cents per pound, what
per cent, of profit would a Northern man make in
the same business, with improved Northern tools,
when the same labor could be obtained at one dol-
lar per day, and cotton selling, as at present, at
sixty cents per pound ? Certainly five hundred
percent.; and there is little prospect of its selling
below thirty cents per pound for some time, as only
a small amount has been grown this season, or is
likely to be next, and the profit of employing these
laborers, at reasonable wages, could not fail to be
be extremely large. It would also add very much
to the effect of the Proclamation, if the slaves could
be assured constant employment for themselves and
families, with wages at one dollar per day for the
labor of an able hand.
This being true, what greater mistake can oe
made than for the Government to add to the present
enormous expenses, the burden of supporting tens
of thousands of liberated slaves brought into our
lines by the President's Proclamation, after the first
of January, who are living in idleness and learning
vicious habits, while large tracts of the best, cotton
lands in the world are in our possession and remain
uncultivated, and our people suffer for the want of
cotton that might be grown on them ? How shall
this be avoided ?
Capital should be raised at once — a large num-
ber of confiscated plantations purchased from the
Government — arrangements made for tools, teams,
supplies, transportation and superintendents. No
time should be lost : the planting season will soon
arrive. When it has passed, it will be impossible to
furnish profitable employment to liberated slaves, if
no crop has been planted.
The amount of capital required to commence an
enterprise like this successfully, in the outset, must
necessarily be large; as those who engage in it at
first must furnish their own transportation for sup-
plies from New York to the plantations cultivated,
and for the crop grown, to market, as no freight
lines are running to the South now. After a care-
ful investigation of the subject, we estimate that
about two hundred dollars of capital will be re-
quired for each hand employed. How shall this
capital be raised ? As there is danger of being
driven off by the rebels before the crop is gathered,
and the whole investment lost, no one will be willing
to invest a large amount in it; but many will risk a
small amount for the purpose of seeing this experi-
ment tried, and the fact demonstrated that cotton
can be grown cheaper with free labor than with
slaves, and a movement initiated, which will be the
means of inducing other parties to engage in many
similar enterprises before the season is past, and
thus furnish employment to a large number of eman-
cipated slaves.
The amount of capital required being greater
than private parties would be willing to risk, there
is clearly no method of raising it but by means of
a stock company with a comparatively large capital,
whose stock is divided into small shares.
We are willing and anxious to engage in this en-
terprise, and will invest three thousand dollars in its
stock, provided others will join us and make up an
amount of capital sufficient to go on with it suc-
cessfully. Who will join us? Any one willing to
take stock in such an enterprise to the amount of
ten dollars or more, is invited to advise us of the fact
by mail. Friends of the cause, let us hear from you.
Ellis, Britton & Eaton.
Springfield, (Vt.,) Nov. 15, 1862.
period of the war, mass the slaves in one jormidabl
body, and thus render them immeasurably more power'
ful In inflict injury ? This is precisely what the
rebels are doing. But we have heard nobodv object
to their doing so. It' they can stand it, we guess
that we can endure it, not only patiently but com-
fortably- In fact, we confess we rather like the
movement. The rebels are kindly putting their
heads so close together, that we can soon sever them
at one blow, as if they had but dne neck. Nor
does it require the gift of prophecy to foretell what
will follow in this State.
These splendid plantations, whose area is vast,
wdiose fertility is unsurpassed, and whose climate is
delightful, will not be allowed to lie idle. An army
of hardy, enterprising immigrants from the north-
west will soon pour in to fill the places left vacant
by the slaves; and, in the place of half-savage,
wooliy-headed, coal-black ragged Africans, as un-
educated as the mules they drive, there will be a
multitude of industrious, thinking, well-clad, edu-
cated, newspaper-reading, church and school-going,
white farmers, able and wilting to serve the State
in peace and in war. The exchange will not be a
bad one: it will soon double our wealth. — Nashville
Union.
EMPLOYMENT FOR LIBERATED NEGROES.
We believe it to be of vital importance to the
complete success of the Proclamation of Emancipa-
tion, that its friends immediately take measures to
furnish profitable employment to those slaves who
shall come within tho Union lines, and claim their
liberty under it. Unless this is done, only a few of
the able-bodied, middle-aged men, who can be em-
ployed for military purposes, will be able to find
employment, or the means of support ; the remain-
der will become an immense burden to tho Gov-
ernment, and remain in idleness.
Every day's labor which the people will be able
to do, during the coming year, in tho cotton-field,
can be made worth two dollars at least, and will
leave an immense margin of profit on the capital
required to employ them, at that, price, wiih any-
thing like, respectable management; for the same
labor that was required to grow one dollar's worth
of cotton in 1860, when ii sold for ten cents per
pound, will grow six dollars' worth to-day, when it
sells for BlXty cents per pound. The labor of a
good field hand cost the master si\ly-lhree cents
per day in 1$60. This cost consisted of the follow-
ing items, viz. : — Twelve per cent, interest on the
cost of a good hand, say twelve hundred dollars,
which amounts to forty-eight CCDta per da.v ; fifteen
dollars per annum for clothing, equal to live eenls
pei- flay i twenty-four dollars per annum for pro-
visions' furnished, equal to eight cents per day;
time lost during sickness, expenses for medicine and
negro quarters, equal to I wo eenls per day, ■ mak-
ing the total cost per hand sixty-three eenls per
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION IN
TENNESSEE.
THE NEGRO EXODUS — THE WAT OF THE TRANS-
GRESSOR IS HARD.
The rebel slaveholders of Middle Tennessee — and
they comprise, perhaps, five-sixths of the slavehold-
ers — are filled with alarm at the approaching evil
which menaces them with ruin. It is evident that
they do not regard the President's Emancipation
Proclamation as brutum falmen — -mere thunder and
no lightning— as some newspapers regard it. On
the contrary, they look upon it as the most terrible
wound yet inflicted upon the peculiar institution,
which, as it is the chief corner-stone of the Butter-
nut Confederacy, so it is tho chief corner-stone o*
the rebellion, whose death involves the death of the
Southern rebellion. The slaves have heard of the
proclamation, and are following the example of re-
bellion set them by their masters. Whoever else
may affect to doubt that the proclamation is a live
document, the rebels of Middle Tennessee do not
doubt it, and they quake in the extremity of their
terror as the day draws near when it shall take
effect in Wilson, in Williamson, in Maury, in Ruth-
erford, and in Davidson counties. The rebel masters
have, for. two weeks past, been gathering up their
slaves, and running them olf as expeditiously as
possible. Whole plantations, which once counted
their scores of bondsmen — coal-black, chestnut-
brown, saddle-colored, olive-tinted and Saxou-hued
— are now depopulated. Their former inhabitant
have
"Laid down tho shovel and tho hoe,
And hung up tho fiddle and tho bow ; *
and have been driven off to Dixie — to the land c
cotton, cotton-mouth snakes, and cotton-headed poli
ticians.
We have our doubts whether these fugitive mas-
ters will find the change for the better. It looks t<
US like leaping out of the frying pan into the fire.
What will they do with their slaves when they ge:
them South ? There is no work for them to do, no
cotton or tobacco to raise, and nothing for them to
cat. It does not seem to us that to collect hun-
dreds of thousands of restless, excited negroes to-
gether, is exactly tho best method of securing and
strengthening the divine institution of slavery, which
is sanctioned by the .Lord's prayer and the Sermon
on the Mount! To use a plain term, these rebel
slaveholders are a set of asses ; they never were
troubled with much brains, and they have improved
very much, oi late — the wrong way. If we wanted
to stir up mischief, insubordination, and the devil
generally, in the cotton States, we would advise
these slave-owners of Middle Tennessee to do just
as they are doing, dust let them pile up their ne-
groes four deep, over Mississippi and Alabama, until
those Slates look like the deck of a slaver, and be-
yond all doubt, we shall speedily witness an irre-
pressible conflict, compared with which all other
conflicts will appQftT lame and spiritless! Who
would have believed, twelve months ago, that dur-
ing a bloody civil war, the rebel slave-owners, who
have always dreaded insurrections among their slaves,
even when they were separated Ironi eaeh other On
isolated plantations, would) at- the most dangerous
PE00LAMATI0N, POE A DAT OF PUBLIC
THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE.
I hereby appoint and set apart Thursday, the
Twenty- Seventh Dat op November, as a day
of public thanksgiving and praise; and I earnestly
recommend to the Superintendents of Plantations,
Teachers and Freedmen in this Department, to ab-
stain on that day from their ordinary business, and
assemble in their respective places of worship, and
render praise and thanksgiving to Almighty God
for the manifold blessings and mercies he has be-
stowed upon us during the past year; and more
especially for the signal success which has attended
the great experiment for freedom and the rights of
oppressed humanity, inaugurated in the Depart-
ment of the South. Our work has been crowned
with a glorious success. The hand of God has been
in it, and we have faith to believe the recording an-
gel has placed the record of it in the Book of Life.
You, freedmen and women, have never before
had such cause for thankfulness. Your simple faith
has been vindicated. "The Lord has come" to
you, and has answered your prayers. Your chains
are broken. Your days of bondage and mourning
are ended, and you are forever free. If you can-
not yet see your way clearly in the future, fear not ;
put your trust in the Lord, and He will vouchsafe,
as He did to the Israelites of old, the cloud by- day -
and the pillar of fire by night, to guide your foot-
steps " through the wilderness," to the promised land.
I therefore advise you all to meet and offer up
fitting songs of thanksgiving for all these great mer-
cies which you have received, and with them, forget
not to breathe an earnest prayer for your brethren
who are still in bondage.
Given at Beaufort, S. C, this ninth day of No-
vember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-two. R. SAXTON,
Brig. -General, and Military Governor.
A NEW ENTERTAINMENT.
A COLORED WOMAN READING THE AMERICAN
POETS.
The little semi-circular hall of the Stuyvesant
Institute was opened last night to such of the pub-
lic as knew of the fact, and chose to attend. The
attraction announced was a poetical reading by a
" Mrs. Louise DeMortie, a colored lady of Boston,"
and as the affair had not been advertised, except
among our colored citizens, there were only about
half a dozen white persons present. The rest of
the audience, which half filled the room, included
negroes of every hue, from the deep brown and
dark black to the pale olive. There were several
splendid-looking women, as elegant in dress and
feature as the rich Creoles of Louisiana. There
were one or two colored preachers, of raven com-
plexion and garb, and not a few of the more elegant
and dandyish " colored gemmen " who may be seen
in fashionable hotels and hair-dressing rooms. One
man, bald on the top of his head and magnificent
as to whiskers, was the very bust in chocolate of
General Burnside. There were several men and
women so white that they could scarcely be dis-
tinguished from those of the Caucasian race who
were present. While waiting for the reader, two
men — a harpist and a violinist — played upon their
instruments very indifferently.
At a little after eight o'clock, Mrs. De Mortie ap-
peared, and sat down before a small pine table, on
Which were placed a few books and a pitcher of wa-
ter. A splendid-looking woman she was — complex-
ion of a flushed creamy tint, hair dark and wavy,
eyes large and lustrous, and features oval and al-
most classic. She was dressed in black silk, and
wore white kid gloves. She could not be consider-
ed a type of the African race, for, though the Afri-
can blood evidently tinged her skin, she might easi-
ly have passed for a Creole. Yet she at once iden-
tified herself with the negro race, of which there
were so many undoubted members in the audience,
and opened her readings with some passionate stan-
zas by Whittier, on "The Slave and Slavery."
The voice was superb — rich, deep and musical —
the pronunciation admirable, without the slightest
touch of negro accent, while the gestures were al-
ways easy and graceful. Whittier's exquisite pas-
toral, " Maud Muller," followed, read with the qniot
ease and half-hidden pathos the piece requires. Ex-
tracts from " The Honeymoon " exhibited in the
reader considerable sprightliness and humor. A se-
lection from the " Hero and the Slave," written by
J. Sella Martin, a black man. again called forth her
fire and energy, but, though well written, and con-
taining many passages of genuine poetic fervor, the
Eiecc was too long to interest the audience. Iu
■onglellow's "Skeleton in Armor" there was a
marked deficiency ; several lines were so carelessly
read that some words were entirely omitted, and
Others inserted, thus quite destroying the rhylhm.
Nor was the " Pied Piper " rendered uracil bettor;
but in the next piece, an anonymous little gem.
entitled » Magdalena," Mrs, He Mortie fully equal-
led in pathos and effect any lady reader who has
ever attempted to read to a New York audience;
nothing in this style could be better.
The listeners were attentive, quiet and decorous,
but Btranjgely lacking in applause or enthusiasm.
In fact, ihe programme was, with a few exceptions,
adapted to a more scholarly audience, and it was
hardly to be expected (hat it would be fully appreci-
ated try all of those present.
This " colored lady " will probably read here aeain
Boon. There are many families in (his eily who,
without being at all prominent in the work, sympa-
thise, al least in talk, with the colored race, and are
not even afraid of the dreadful word " Abolition-
ist." These families ean enjoy an agreeable evening
listen to reading Rllly up to the average, and en-
courage, by their presence, a colored woman of u«
206
THE L I B E H J± T O E
DECEMBER 26.
doubted talent. They will hear or sec nothing to
offend the most delicate susceptibilities, and we trust
hit som« of them will attend the next reading of
Mrs. De Mortid, whose talents as a reader have only
been developed during the past year, and will im-
prove with experience. — New York Eve. Post.
WASHINGTON UNIONISM.
In this city of Washington, I can proclaim myself
a Union man, and remain in good standing with
such facile politicians as George D. Prentice, George
B. McClellan, Gov. Seymour, James Gordon Ben-
nett, John Van Buren, Fernando Wood, Ben, his
brother, and that renegade puritan, Misther Brooks,
as well as with Abe Lincoln, Horace Greeley, the
Cabinet, the citizens of Washington, and all the
aiders and abetters of Treason, from Richmond to
New Orleans. To be a Union man is to be a map
popular everywhere and with everybody. This is
desirable. Just see how the thing looks !
As a Union politician, I can be opposed to Aboli-
tionism and Black Republicanism, (which lattw is
only a modification of the former,) to the abolition
of slavery in the District of Columbia, and to the
emancipation policy of President Lincoln. I can fa-
vor compromise with Rebellion tor the sake of Union^
and sympathize with the most damnable treason cf
our ""Southern brethren," while they unsympatluz-
ingly eut the throats of loyal Northern brethren. 1
can regret Northern outrages on Southern and " sa-
cred soil," and denounce the cruelty that keeps the
chivalry barefoot for want of leather, and their teeth
chattering for want of quinine. As a Union man, 1
can feed at the public crib, and cajole the Adminis-
tration that gave me place, while I am secretly pray-
ing, if not working, for its overthrow. As a Union
partizan, I can blatantly denounce as Abolitionists
the honest fools who thought this Administration in-
tended to stand by the men who fought its battles.
and on the stump and at the ballot-box, won the
victory that placed them in power. The motto of
all Union men is, " The Constitution as it is, and the
Union as it was." Not only is this Unionism, but it
is also Democratic. It is the war-cry of Seymour,
of Prentice, and .of Brooks, of Fernando, of Ben.
aud of Prince John. It is the principle for which
hundreds of thousands of our brethren have died
in the camp, on the field, and in the hospital. It i
the principle which, triumphant, secures to oui
country its past greatness, the white man his suprem-
acy, and the black man his inevitable servitude.
There never was, since I can remember, such a
convenient political formula presented to any peo-
ple for their adoption. It is for the reason that I
am at this hour a Union man, watching carefully
the moment when to call my political bias by
some other name.
Don't you think your four friends in Iowa had
better abandon the name of Republicans, and here-
after call themselves Unionists? The Democracy
North and the traitors South will then have some
hope of redeeming the State from Abolition rule!
If Union men are flattered and fawned upon a little
while longer in the Border States, and Abolition-
ism, and its counterpart, Black Republicanism,
(which seek to continue this war until Southern
aristocracy and slavery are " squelched out,") are
repudiated, this rebellion will soon be terminated by
friendly compromise with traitors, reestablishing the
" Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is."
In the mean time, the army must be freed from the,
presence of Generals disposed to pursue a policy
differing from the one I have just indicated. — Wash-
ington corr. of Iowa State Register.
THE AMERICAN EMANCIPATION MOVE-
MENT.
On Friday evening, a meeting was held at the
hall of the Metropolitan Institution, Cleveland street,
to protest against recent expressions of opinion in
flavor of the South, and to promote the success of
the American emancipation movement. Mr. J. A.
Nicholay presided, and on the platform were Pro-
fessor Newman, Mr. Washington Wilks, Mr. James
Beal. Mr. H. J. Slack, Mr. R. Moore, Mr. Elt, Mr.
Chamerovzow, Mr. P. Sinclair, Mr. Evans, Mr.
Malleson, &c. The room was crowded.
The Chairman briefly opened the proceedings.
The war they now saw raging in America was
lamentable, and he might say unparalleled; but
amid the horrors which prevailed, he thought he
could see that the slave was to have an opportunity
of gaining his freedom. They knew what the
great and good Garibaldi had said with respect to
the American struggle. (Cheers.) His sympathies
were with the Federal cause, on account of the dis-
position which its adherents manifested to free the
slaves. (Loud cheers.) He (the speaker) had al-
ways been on the side of liberty ; he had often
fought the battle of the working classes; and he
would have considered himself disgraced, if he had
not come forward to assist the slaves in freeing
themselves from bondage. (Applause.)
Professsor Newman then rose, and proposed the
following resolution: — "That this meeting, looking
with pride and sympathy on the great free Repub-
lic which draws its blood and its principles of con-
stitutional liberty from England, most earnestly
desires that in the future England and the free
American Union may be found united in brotherly
friendship." The question, he said, had sometimes
been asked, What had England most reason to be
most proud of? Some would reply, that England
had preserved her freedom when despotism had
covered Europe. Others might say that England
had produced a free literature and a sound morality :
while others might reply that England had spread
freedom and a free literature over the world.
Where, he asked, was the truth of this most readily
to be seen? In the United States of America.
(Applause.) That Union was England's greatest
progeny — that of which Englishmen had the great-
est reason to be proud. Certainly, any cause of
hostility between the two peoples was deeply to be
regretted. What was the test of a true civilization ?
It was the condition of the masses; and that test
was answered in America. Three millions of Eng-
lishmen had gone to the United States, and, there-
fore, it was true that they had drawn a large por-
tion of their blood from among ourselves. They
had gone to the United States in preference to
Canada. Perhaps he might mortify their national
pride when he said that England, which in former
times solved various important, problems, had now
somewhat got into a tangle. That difficulty was in
many respects solved in the United States. Here we
had a hierarchy which impeded education, whereas
in the United States there were great educational
advantages. (Cheers.) The people had a motive to
educate their children, for there was no hereditary
aristocracy to stop their rise in society. The people
in America had also the advantage of being rid of
secret diplomacy, and the result was that a few per-
sons could not get up a war. (Applause.) Still,
nobody would say that the diplomacy of America
was worse conducted than that of Russia, or of other
countries. He hoped the best feeling would always
continue between England and America — that Eng-
land would readily forgive the offences America had
committed against us, which he thought had been
small, and that America would forgive the offences
committed against her by England, which he feared
bad been great. (Applause.)
Mr. Sinclair seconded the resolution. He had, he
said, travelled a great deal in America, and he
could, from his own experience, assert that the peo-
ple of the Northern States were not actuated by
any feeling of hostility against us. He knew that
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward cherished the most
friendly feeling towards England. He then dis-
cussed, at some length and with much eloquence,
various questions connected with the war, which he
argued was carried on by the South in behalf of
slavery. (Applause.)
Mr. Evans supported the resolution. He had also
travelled extensively in America, and he confirmed
the statement of the preceding speaker in regard to
the feelings with which England was generally re-
garded in the Northern States.
- Mr. Ball here asked the Chairman if it was open
to any one to move an amendment.
The Chairman answered in the affirmative, and
invited his questioner at once to move an amend-
ment, if he desired to do so.
Mr. Ball then ascended the platform, but his re-
marks being irrelevant, the meeting refused to hear
him-
Mr. Lerapriere, barrister, next moved an amend-
ment, to the effect that the meeting deprecated the
continuance of the war, and desired that it should
bo stopped by mediation. (Noise, and cries of
" That is no amendment.")
The audience being indisposed to hear Mr. Lnm-
priere, the Chairman and Mr. Wilks made an ap-
peal on hia behalf) It was the desire of the pr i-
moters of the meeting that any advocate of the
South should have a fair and impartial hearing.
Mr. Lempriere then proceeded with his address,
amid much interruption. He read copiously from
the speech recently delivered by Mr. Buxton, M. P.,
and was understood to endorse the opinions Mr.
Buxton had enunciated. These opinions were re-
ceived with vigorous expressions of dissent, and
Mr. Lempriere was somewhat peremptorily re-
quested by several persons in front of the platform
to state his own arguments, and not to take up the
time of the meeting by reading a speech which they
had all seen in the newspapers.
After some further irregular discussion, the amend-
ment was put, and it secured a few supporters.
The resolution was next put, and it was carried
by an overwhelming majority.
Mi'. Slack then proposed — " That this meeting,
adhering to the principle of non-intervention, is
gratified to learn that the Government has declined
the mediation proposed by the French Emperor in
the affairs of the United States, which was obvi-
ously calculated to obstruct the measures of Presi-
dent Lincoln for the emancipation of the slaves."
Mr. Slack supported the resolution in a speech
containing numerous pertinent arguments and illus-
trations. He examined the arguments by which
the advocates of the South had justified secession,
maintaining that they were false and unfounded.
The North had waged a modified war against sla-
very, while the South was waging an unmodified
war in support of slavery. (Applause.)
Mr. Wilks, in seconding (he resolution, expressed
his satisfaction that the Government had declined
the French Emperor's proposal of mediation. He
then, amid great cheering, read Earl Russell's reply
to the despatch of M. Drouyn de I'Huys. He pro-
ceeded to contend that President Lincoln's Procla-
mation had prevented a servile* war, and having
stated that a society had been formed for the ex-
press purpose of heiping the American emancipa-
tion movement, fervently appealed to the meeting
to give the society cordial support. He concluded
a speech which was much applauded by drawing
vivid picture of the different, aspect America would
present to the world after effect had been given to
Mr. Lincoln's Proclamation.
The resolution, on being put, was carried almost
unanimously, there being only three or four disse:
tients.
The meeting, which had been protracted to twenty
minutes past eleven o'clock, terminated with a vote
of thanks (o the Chairman. — London Morning Star.
SYMPATHY WITH THE OONPEDEEATE
STATES.
A correspondent writes as follows: — You are
probably not aware of the existence of the London
Confederate States Aid Association. Let me, there-
fore, inform you of a fact which is fraught with so
much significance. It begs in the most piteous
terms for money, and I fear on false political pre-
tences. I have just got a printed address of this
association, and the document must be the source of
much amusement to all who have the perseverance
to read it through. Towards the conclusion of this
wonderful production, the ladies of Britain — flatter-
ingly described as the "fairest and best of earth"—
are earnestly implored to eomo down with their
subscriptions for the sake of " violated innocence "
and "insulted virtue." But, sir, not only has tins
association issued an address— it has commenced a
lecture crusade. Yesterday evening, Dr. Lempriere
appeared as the champion of " violated innocence"
and '• insulted virtue," the arena of the display be-
ing the drawing-room of a house in Devonshire-
street, Portland-place. The company was not par-
ticularly numerous. The doctor commenced by
some very general observations, and then went on
to condemn the North for cruelty to his proteges.
At this juncture, Mr. James Beal mildly interposed
an observation to the effect that the South had been
duly represented in the councils of the nation,
whereupon Dr. Lempriere waxed awfully indignant
at the interruption. Mr. Beal then asked if there
was to be no discussion, and Dr. Lempriere answered
in the neeative. The doctor then said he could not
go on with his lecture until Mr. Beal had retired;
and he requested Mr. Beal would leave the room.
Mr. Beal in turn objected, and reminded Dr. Lam-
priere that he had been heard in favor of the South
at the meeting convened by the friends of the North.
Dr. Lempriere rejoined [hat discussion was not to
be allowed, and that Mr. Beal must go out. Mr.
Beal said he had come at Dr. Lempriere^ invita-
tion, that he had not disturbed the meeting, and
that those who turned him out would do so at their
responsibility. A policeman was then sent for, Mr.
Beal meanwhile maintaining his position with per-
fect coolness. After some further altercation, Mr.
Beal said he would retire, if, on a show of hands, it
was decided he should do so. The show was then
taken, and the meeting, which numbered between
forty and fifty, pronounced by a decided majority
for Mr. Beals retirement. Mr. Beal then asked
Dr. Lempriere to declare the numbers of the voting,
but the doctor declined, and requested Mr. Beal to
leave. Mr. Beal asked him again to state the num-
bers, adding that if they were declared against him
he would retire. The doctor paid no attention to
the request, and, seizing Mr. Beal, ejected him, with
the aid of a policeman. The doctor then went on
with his lecture, which was rambling and illogical
in the last degree. — London Morning Star.
No Union with Slaveholders!
BOSTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 26,1862.
CONCERNING THE LIBERATOR
The war has not only crippled the circulation of the
newspaper press generally, but it has produced such a
scarcity in the materials for making printing paper, —
owing chiefly to the failure of the cotton crop, — that
the price per ream is now more than doubled, with a
strong probability of a further upward tendency for
some time to come. The consequence must be, uni-
versally, either a diminution in the size of the sheet
or in the quantity of reading matter, or else a propor-
tionate increase in the subscription price. Another
alternative is, speedy extinction. In numerous cases,
a stern necessity will doubtless compel the acceptance
of the last, especially by weekly newspapers, as com-
paratively few of these have, hitherto, been able to
preserve more than a precarious existence. It was
the extra ounce that broke the camel's back ; in this
case, it is a ton's weight, instead of an ounce.
In common with all other publishers, we find our-
selves in a very tight place. Our subscription list has
been seriously reduced, by various causes, during the
last year; and this, alone, is a source of pecuniary
embarrassment. To attempt to go on at the same
rates, with this loss, witli the enormous advance in the
price of printing paper, and with no immediate pros-
pect of extending our circulation, would inevilably
terminate the publication of the Liberator at an early
day. On the other hand, to increase the terms to
§3.00 per annum, — which, supposing our present list
of subscribers should remain firm, would barely cover
the additional cost of the white paper, — may cause
such a further diminution in the number of our pa-
trons as to hasten the same fatal result. The first
course, if pursued, is certain suppression ; the second
furnishes the only chance of continuance. In these
trying circumstances, we cannot hesitate which to
adopt. The price of the Liberator, therefore, at the
commencement of the new year, will be enhanced fifty
cents per annum, until the market value of printing
paper he restored to its normal condition. Other
weekly papers throughout the country have been
obliged to make a similar advance in their own case.
This is a simple statement of our situation, and our
readers can easily cipher out the absolute necessity
for this change in our terms.
Death has made serious ravages among our earliest
subscribers, especially within the last two or three
years ; but we still retain on our subscription list the
names of a number of cherished friends, in different
parts of the country, whose untiring cooperation and
unwavering confidence call for the warmest expression
of our gratitude. Such will continue to stand by us,
while we remain faithful to the cause of the enslaved
as in the past.
Of course, we shall reduce the altered subscription
price to its former state, at the earliest practicable pe-
riod.
THE EVENTFUL DAY.
On the 22d of September last, President Lincoln
made to the country and the world the following
Proclamation : —
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare, that
hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for
the object of practically restoring the Constitutional
relation between the United States and the people
thereof, in which States that relation is or may be
suspended or disturbed ; that it is my purpose at the
next meeting of Congress to again recommend the
adoption of a practical measure, tendering pecuniary
aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all the slave
States, so called, the people whereof may not then be
in rebellion against the United States, and which
States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereaf-
ter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abol-
ishment of slavery within their respective limits, and
that the effort to colonize persona of African descent,
with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere,
with the previously obtained consent of the govern-
ments existing there, will be continued; that on the
first day of January, in the year of our Lord one
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons
held as slaves within any State, or any designated
part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in
rebellion against the United States, shall be then,
thenceforward and forever, free; and the Executive
Government of the United States, including the mili-
tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and
maintain the freedom of such persons, or any of them,
in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom ;
that the Executive will, on the 1st day of January
aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, or
parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof
respectively shall then be in rebellion against the
United States ; and the fact that any State or peo-
ple thereof shall on that day he in good faith repre-
sented in the Congress of the United States by mem-
bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of
the qualified voters of such State shall have partici
patcri, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing
testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such
State and the people thereof are not then in rebel-
lion against the United States ; that attention is here-
by called to an Act of Congress, entitled, ' An Act to
make an additional Article of War,'- approved March
13th, 1S6"2, and which act is in the words and figures
following : —
" Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress assem-
bled, that hertafter the following shall be promulgated a;
an additional article of war, for the government of the
army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and ob-
served as such: —
" Article — . All officers or persons in the military or
naval service of the United States are prohibited from em-
ploying any of the forces under their respective commands
for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor
who may have escaped from any persons to whom such ser-
vice or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall
be found guilty by court martial of violating this article
shall be dismissed from the servicer.
"Section 2. And be it further enacted, That this Act
shall take effect from and after its passage."
Also the 9th and 10th sections of an Act entitled
"An Act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason
and rebellion, to seize and confiscate propertv of reb-
els, and for other purposes," approved July "17, 1862,
and which sections are in the words and figures fol-
lowing: —
" Section 9. And he it further enacted, That all slaves
of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion
against the Government of the United States, or who shall
in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such
persons, and taking refuge within the lines of the army, and
all slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them,
and coming under the control of the Government of the
Unittd States, and all slaves of such persons found on or
being within any place occupied by rebel forces, and after-
wards occupied by the forces of the United Slates, shall be
deemed captures of war, and shall be forever free of their
servitude, and not again held as slaves.
"Section 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave,
escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Co-
lumbia, from any of the States, shall be delivered up, or
any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for
crime, or some o lie nee agsi-inst the laws, unless the person
claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person
to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to
be due is his lawful owner, and has not been in arms
against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in
any way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person
engaged in the military or naval service of the United
States shall, under any pretence -whatever, assume to de-
cide on the validity of the claim of any person to the ser-
vice or labor of any other person, or surrender up any
such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed
from the service."
And I do hereby enjoin and order all persons en-
gaged in the military and naval service of the United
States lo observe, obey and enforce within their re-
spective spheres of service the Acts and sections
above recited; and the Executive will in due time
recommend that all citizens of the United States, who
shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the re-
bellion, shall, upon the restoration of the Constitu-
tional relations between the United States and their
respective States and people, if the relations shall
have been suspended or disturbed, be compensated
for all losses by acts of the United States, including
the loss of slaves.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand,
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington, this 22d day of
September, in the year of our Lord 1862, and of the
independence of the United States the 87th.
By the President,
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State.
The eventful day indicated in this Proclamation is
at hand, and, as it draws near, the hearts of all true
friends of freedom are palpitating with hope and fear
as to its enforcement or possible modification. No
doubt, a tremendous pressure has been, and up to the
last hour will be, brought to bear upon the President,
by those who desire his downfall and the success of
the Southern traitors, to induce him to postpone in-
definitely the operation of his Emancipation Act.
That he will stand by it seems to be the general con-
viction, though we shall not be greatly surprised if he
substitute some other project for it. A man so mani-
festly without moral vision, so unsettled in his policy,
so incompetent to lead, so destitute of hearty abhor-
rence of slavery, cannot be safely relied upon in any
emergency. But having solemnly committed himself
to the recognition of the freedom of every slave in the
Rebel States, January 1, 1863, both in his Proclama-
tion and Message, to retract at this late period would
subject him to the opprobrium of mankind, and lead
to the most fearful convulsions. The slaves are every
where, throughout the designated rebellious regions,
patiently waiting for the day of their deliverance ; but
should they be disappointed, by any infidelity on the
part of the President, their hope will give way to de-
spair, and bloody slave insurrections speedily follow.
It will be seen, by notices in another column, that
the day is to be celebrated by a Grand Jubilee Con-
cert at Music Hall, on the afternoon of January 1st,
and also by meetings in the Tremont Temple, fore-
noon, afternoon and evening, by the colored citizens
of Boston and their friends, under the direction of the
Union Progressive Association. These, no doubt, will
be largely attended.
The colored citizens of New York intend celebra-
ting the event by a Grand Emancipation Soiree, and
also a Mammoth Demonstration in the Cooper Insti-
tute, on the evening of January 6th, on which occa-
sion addresses, interspersed with music by a full band,
will be made by Rev. Dr. Cheever, Rev. H. H. Gar-
ret, Professor William J. Wilson, Lewis Tappan, Esq.,
Rev. R. H. Cain, John Peterson, Esq., and William
Wells Brown.
The colored people of Hampton, Virginia, propose
celebrating the 1st prox. as a holiday.
May there be no drawback upon the anticipated joy
of these celebrations, by any act of the President to
modify or suspend his Proclamation I
Aid fou the Liberator. Hon. Gerrit Smith, of
Peterboro', N. Y., has kindly sent us 820, and the
Hon. Edward Harris, of Woonaocket, R. I., $25, to
enable us to meet the pressure arising from the un-
paralleled increase in the price of printing paper.
T£gF~ We would call attention to the Circular, head-
ed " Employment for Emancipated Negroes," printed
on our first page. With regard to the responsibility
and good faith of Messrs. Ellis, Burton anil Eaton, the
public are referred to the Exchange Bank, Springfield,
or Connecticut River Bank, Charleston, N. H. It is
manifest that, in the liberation of so large a body of
the slave population, some extensive plans, similar to
this, conducted in good faith by Northern associated
skill and enterprise, will be needed to turn the labor
of the emancipated to the beat advantage for all con-
cerned.
00NGEESS.
Congress, as yet, has done nothing of special im-
portance, excepting the passage in the House of Rep-
resentatives of a resolution, approving of the Presi-
dent's Emancipation Proclamation. The vote stood —
dyes, 78; noes, 51. A strict party vote, we pre-
sume — the Democratic party still continuing, as from
the beginning, the natural ally of slavery.
The following is a copy of a bill introduced by
Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania : —
A Bill for the suppression of rebellion, treason, and insur-
rection, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States of America in Con-
gress assembled, That the President be, and is hereby
authorized to raise as many regiments, not exceeding
one hundred of Africans, or colored persons of the
United States, as, in his discretion, he may consider
necessary ; to be uniformed in some marked or special
manner, and armed and equipped as he may direct;
their term of service to be lor seven years, unless
sooner discharged ; the pay of the private soldiers and
musicians to be six dollars and fifty cents per month,
one half of which is to be retained till the end of their
period of enlistment ; the pay of the non commissioned
officers to be the same as that of like grades in the re-
spective corps of the regular army ; the commissioned
officers of these regiments to be men of collegiate edu-
cation, either white or colored, and to receive twice
the pay and emoluments of officers of corresponding
grades in the infantry arm of the regular service ; the
non-commissioned officers to be either white or colored,
as the commanding officers of regiments may see fit;
each company to have one teacher or chaplain's clerk,
with the pay and allowances of orderly sergeant, and
the whole to receive the same allowances of clothing,
rations, quarters, fuel, et cetera, as are now provided
by law for the other troops of the United States.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That a line of
seuii-inonthly steamers, of not less than fifteen hun-
dred tons burden each, be established by contract or
otherwise, between New York and one or more ports
in Liberia, Africa, to touch on the outward passage at
Norfolk, Virginia, and at Port Royal, South Carolina,
for the purposes of carrying mails, passengers, articles
of commerce, and such persons as the various coloniza-
tion societies of the United States may desire to send ;
and that for the purposes of superintending the said
line of steamers and the emigration of Africans from
the United States, three commissioners shall be ap-
pointed, whose term of office shall continue during
good behavior, with the pay of three thousand dollars
a year each, and whose duty it shall be to send to Li-
beria such freed men of the African race as are or may-
become dependent upon the United States for support;
to furnish them with suitable agricultural implements,
and with clothing, provisions, and medical attendance
for the period of one year, rendering an annual ac-
count of the same to the Secretary of the Navy, for
the information of Congress.
Sec 3. And be it further enacted, That all the sums
accruing to the United States, through the confiscation
of the property of persons in rebellion against the
Government of the United States, by the act entitled
"An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason
and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of
rebels, and for other purposes," approved July seven-
teen, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, be, and hereby
are, appropriated for the purposes of education in the
respective States wherein the confiscated property lies,
to be paid over to, and expended by, the legitimate
authorities of those States, when reestablished in the
full and complete exercise of their appropriate power
under the United States : Provided, That the said ed-
ucation shall tench that liberty is the fundamental prin
eiple of the Government of the United States, nn<'
shall be extended equally to all persons, without dis
tinction of race, sect, or color.
We are sorry to see so anti-slavery and intelligent
a man as Mr. Hickman giving any countenance to for-
eign colonization ; and we trust it will be voted down
as needless, injurious, and disgraceful to the country.
Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, has introduced the
following resolution into the U. S, Senate : —
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives, That they cordially approve the policy of the
President of the United States, in setting free slaves
in the insurrectionary districts, as indicated in his
proclamation, dated September 22, 1862, and recom-
mend to him the employment of that and every other
means known to civilized warfare to terminate the
present rebellion, and assert the supremacy of the
government of the United States over its entire terri-
tory and people.
The following resolutions have been introduced in
the U. S. House of Representatives by Hon. Thaddeus
Stevens, of Pennsylvania : —
Resolved, That this Union must be and remain om
and indivisible forever.
Resolved, That if any person in the employment of
the United States, in either the legislative or execu-
tive branch, should propose to make peace, or should
accept, or advise the acceptance of any such propos"
tion, on any other basis than the integrity and entir
unity of the United States and their territories as they
existed at the breaking out of the rebellion, he will be
guilty of a high crime.
Resolved, That this government can never accept
the mediation or permit the intervention of any for-
eign nation in this rebellion, or in our domestic affairs.
Resolved, That no two governments can ever be
permitted to exist within the territory now belonging
to the United States, and which acknowledged their
jurisdiction at the time of the insurrection.
Mr. Vallandighara of Ohio offered the following,
which he proposed to debate : —
Resolved, That the House earnestly desire that the
most speedy and effectual measures be taken for the
restoration of peace in America, and that no time be
lost in proposing an immediate cessation of hostilities
in order for a speedy and final settlement of the un-
happy eontroversy which brought about this unneces-
sary and injurious civil war, by just and adequate se-
curity against the return of like calamities in times tt
come ; and this House desire to offer most earnest as-
surances to the. country that they -will in due time
cheerfully cooperate with the Executive and States for
the restoration of the Union, to make such explicit
and most solemn amendments and provisions of the
Constitution as may be found necessary for securing
the rights of the several States and sections within
the Union under the Constitution.
This Vnllandigham is as much a traitor at heart
Jeff. Davis or any of his rebel associates, giving the
"aid and comfort" in every possible way. He should
be promptly expelled from the House.
The American Cause in England. We are
favored with another interesting letter from our clear-
sighted, untiring English coadjutor, George Thomp-
son, Esq., in which a modest reference is made to his
truly valuable and indefatigable efforts to remove the
strange prejudices and correct the wide-spread mis-
apprehensions of his countrymen in regard to the
true nature of the portentous struggle going or
America. Whatever may be the incongruities, para-
doxes and weaknesses attending the action of th>
American Government in dealing with the rebellion
and slavery, Mr. Thompson instinctively and intel-
ligently perceives that the conflict is essentially be-
tween the elements of freedom on the one hand, and
the powers of despotism on the other; and, as he has
ever nobly done, in the face of popular opinion, he
adheres to the right, trampling all the temptations of a
selfish expediency beneath his feet. America has no
truer friend in the world than George Thompson ; yet
how base has been her requital of Ins self-sacrificin
efforts to bless and save her! But the day is comin,
when his name shall be honored from one end of the
land to the other.
It will be seen that a new Emancipation Society has
been formed in London, having for its special object
the enlightenment of the public mind as tothe course
which justice, honor, humanity and liberty demand
should be pursued by the British people and govern-
ment towards the contending parties in this country.
May it obtain liberal support, and its efforts be vigor-
ously prosecuted!
A Just Rebuke. Garibaldi writes to a friend,
in reference to our war, that he "is at a loss to un-
derstand why a nation like the American Republic
with such absolute and soul-inspiring declarations of
freedom engrafted in her Constitution and laws,
should be so regardless of the dictates of humanity,
and the enlightened civilization of the nineteenth
century, as not to have shivery, the barbarous relic of
ii barbarous age, at once and forever abolished."
35^"" To the poetical effusion on our last page, en-
titled " ThB Champion," should have been appended
the following
Mural. — Strike whou you speak. VWAj, moro than
wtirdx, your perill'd uniuitry needs,
The sword should be t.liu .soldier's pen — his proclamations
deeds.
LETTEE EE0M GE0BGE THOMPSON, ESQ.
London, Dee. 6, 1862.
My Dear Garrison, — I am so worn down by much
lecturing upon the American question, that I am not
fit for writing, and can do no more than give you a
general idea of what is doing.
Our London Emancipation Committee has merged
in a Society, the objects of which you will learn from
a circular and an address which I enclose. We have
an active Executive Committee, and a general Com-
mittee, which already numbers about two hundred;
composed of good men and true in all parts of the
kingdom. We are making daily additions to it. We
have commenced holding meetings in the metropolis,
and shall multiply them as rapidly as possible. I ad-
dress one this evening. On the 8th, 9th and 10th, I
lecture in Staffordshire, on "Preedom or Slavery?
That is the Question 1 The Slaveholders Rebellion :
Lincoln's Proclamation, and the Duty of Englishmen
in relation thereto." I return to London for a great
meeting in Spa Eield's Chapel on the 11th, and on the
12th give a lecture at Stratford, near London.
Here you have a specimen of my labors to bring my
countrymen to take an interest in the awfully mo-
ntous crisis of your country. I try to furnish some
antidote to the poison diffused by our public men in
their addresses. I send you a reply, recently made to
a speech delivered by Charles Buxton, M. P. (1)
Next week I shall be refuting the falsehoods and
calumnies of an ex-M. P., Bcresford Hope. You will
not have forgotton my campaign on the " Send back
the Money Question ; " nor the one on the conduct of
the Evangelical Alliance. The present is like unto
those; but my strength is not as great now as then.
Nevertheless, I am doing all I can, and, with God's
blessing on the efforts of myself, and other and better
men, England shall be saved from her delusion.
William A. Jackson [Jeff. Davis's ex-coachman]
will be able to do a good work here. He is still my
guest. My wife and daughter give him elementary
instruction. He has been to several meetings, and has
acquitted himself well. He attends one this evening.
If he is not called away to America soon, we will send
him to school, so that he may return better qualified
to serve his brethren than he is at present.
I have just become aware of the existence of a So-
ciety in London, calling itself "The London Confed-
erate States Aid Society." It professes to be origina-
ted by Englishmen, and has issued an address "To
the British Public, and all Sympathizers in Europe."
I have procured a copy of this document. The night
before last, the association held a meeting at its office,
No. 3 Devonshire Street, Portland Place, near the
American Embassy. Having a meeting of my own
at the same hour, I sent William A. Jackson, who
brought me back an account of the proceedings.
There also appeared, in the Star of yesterday morn-
ing, an account of what took place. This I send you
for insertion in the Liberator. (2) Jackson's account
confirms what is there stated. Mr. Confederate Com-
missioner Mason, of Fugitive Slave Law notoriety,
was present. On the retirement of that person from
the meeting, he was confronted at the door by men
exhibiting a placard, three feet long by two wide, in
which was represented a negro in tattered garments,
with an iron collar round his neck. Beneath the figure
were the words, —
"Dudley Weils, of Montgomery County, Missouri, as
he appeared when, after two months hiding in the woods, he
was rescued by a party of Federal, soldiers " — .£ c, $c.
And then, the following : —
"Fellow countrymen! Remember that the 'Southern
chivalry,' which asks your sympathy and admiration, is
composed of the wretches who perpetrate these atrocities on
the weak and defenceless. Will you not, then, with a spirit
worthy of the sons of Freedom, rather give your moral sup-
port to the men who are shedding their blood (as thirty years
ago you gave .£20,000,000 of money) to purge this" nation
from the foul shame and guilt of complicity with slavery ? "
The Fugitive Slave Law ex-Senator, and now Rebel
Commissioner, on beholding this placard,
" Grinned horribly a ghastly smile,"
and, as soon as he was able, got beyond sight of the
apparition of Dudley Wells !
The Address of the Confederate States Aid Associa-
tion is a virtual appeal for pecuniary contributions, to
enable the rebels to " continue their war against their
unscrupulous enemies." It begins by charging the
North with having "insulted, imprisoned, flogged, vio-
lated and outraged the women of the South in the
most inhuman and savage manner." Further, " The
North, in executing their fiendish and demoniacal pur-
pose, are bent on mischief, robbery, murder, arson,
and crimes of the most revolting nature; glutting
their hellish rage by inflicting every kind of torture,
spreading wild ruin, devastation, destruction and uni-
versal desolation, for the purpose of revenge and
hatred. In their fury, madness and malice, the atroci-
ties, cruelities, crimes and outrages committed against
the South are without a parallel in the history of the
world." After much more of the same sort, English-
men are invoked, in the names of " Civilization, jus-
tice, peace, liberty, (!) humanity and Christianity, to
rouse themselves to arrest the horrors of the blood-
stained march of tyranny, and to rush to the aid of the
South with — their pence, shillings and pounds."
This anti-climax is followed by an appeal to the wo-
men of our country. Here are the words : —
"Fairest and best of Earth ! For the sake of vio-
lated innocence and the honor of your sex, come in
woman's majesty and omnipotence, and give strength
to a cause that has for its object the highest aims — the
amelioration and exaltation of humanity."
This address is followed by a statement of the case
of the North against the South, which is thus put: —
The non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law was a
virtual dissolution of the Union, and absolved the
South from their allegiance to the national compact.
The Republican party is a political conspiracy, and
Mr. Lincoln "the head of vigilant committeeism, un-
der a higher law than the laws of the land." The
South " is invaded by hordes of mercenaries, collected
from the scum of almost every nation." "The South
has no rival, either in commerce or in glory." Eng-
land's neutrality has starved the South, while it has
replenished the North. The conduct of the South
should extort the admiration of all lovers of law and
order; and, finally, the South implores England, with
tears, to help her own children.
I shall, to-night, notice this new society, and com-
pare the spirit of the North with the spirit of the South.
I have a choice selection of elegant extracts from Rich-
mond Examiners, and Whigs, and Enquirers, and Dis-
patches; with some Memphis Avalanches and Appeals,
New Orleans Deltas and Crescents, Petersburg Express-
es, Mobile Registers, Charleston Mercuries, South Caro-
lina Presbyterians, Scalping Letters, &c, &c.
Ever, most truly yours,
GEORGE THOMPSON.
|1] This reply we printed in last week's Liberator.
[2] For the article here referred to, see a preceding
column.
LOHD0H EMANCIPATION SOCIETY.
This Society has been formed for the purpose of
giving practical expression to the convictions of the
British people on the question of Negro Slavery, and
to protest against the degrading assumption that the
countryman of Granville Sharpe, Clarkson and Wil-
herforce can sanction the proceedings of any com-
munity thai contravenes the fundamental principles of
religion and morals, by blasphemously declaring that
Man can be the property of his fellow Man.
It offers no opinion upon the purely political aspects
of the American Civil War. That terrible contest has
palpably had its origin in the existence of the un-Chris-
tian and inhuman institution of Slavery in the South-
ern States, and in the culpable toleration of the iniqui-
ty so long shown by n large portion of the people of
the North. The question of union or separation chief-
ly concerns the Americans themselves; but the whole
civilized world is interested in the purification of their
community from the shame and guilt which Slavery
entails. The Emancipation Society, therefore, calls
tor an earnest expression of public sympathy with
every movement tending to the liberation of the slave,
and for the strongest reprobation of every pretence to
prolong his bondage.
In such measures as the recognition of Liberia and
Hayti; the concession to England of a Right of
Search ; the Abolition of Slavery in the District of
Columbia and the Territories ; the offer of compensa-
tion to the Slave States; and the Emancipation Proc-
lamation of President Lincoln, the United States Gov-
ernment has displayed a wise and humane feeling.
No effort should be spared in England to do justice
to the noble endeavors of the most enlightened Ameri-
can citizens, and to give them moral aid in their ar-
duous efforts to arouse their countrymen to the duty
of treating the African with the same political justice
which they demand for themselves.
The Emancipation Society will act in conjunction
with other Anti-Slavery Associations in England and
the United States, and it appeals to every friend of
Libekty and Human Rights for subscriptions or per-
sonal aid.
Office : 65, Fleet Street, London, E. C.
ADDEESS OP THE LONDON EMANCIPATION
SOCIETY.
Fellow-Countrymen — The abolition of Negro
Slavery — always an object of earnest desire to the
philanthropist — has become now an object of urgent
political necessity. Thirty years ago, England found
it impossible any longer to tolerate the existence in
her colonies of 800,000 bondmen. Since that time,
France, Holland and Portugal have decreed the abo-
lition of slavery in their colonial possessions. Slavery
in the United States of America has at length pro-
duced a crisis as much more terrible than that which
threatened us, as the strength of the system is greater
and the strength of the slave-owner more formidable.
If, in our own country, slavery had occupied half the
soil, had counted as votaries or victims a third of the
population, had for many years controlled the govern-
ment, and had diffused the poison of its influence
through all our religious and social institutions, we
hould not have got rid of it by so easy a process as
the payment of .£20, 000,000 sterling. It would proba-
bly have provoked a civil war, and have threatened
to destroy the commonwealth it could no longer rule-
Thus has slavery in America armed in its defence the
States that proclaim themselves an independent Con-
federacy, and demand European recognition in that
capacity.
The Government of the United States has tardily
but decisively advanced from the principle of Free
Soil Territory to that of Free Labor throughout the
Union. It has proposed and earnestly recommended
voluntary emancipation, offering partial or entire in-
demnity from the Federal exchequer. To the States
and slave-owners in arms against its authority, it an-
nounces the cessation of their legal title to property
in human beings; and appoints the first day of the
next year as the epoch of emancipation through all
the States then in rebellion.
The Southern slaveholders respond by the denun-
ciation of this measure as a violation of the laws of
war, and threaten acts of retaliation that imply a root-
ed resolve to hold the negro race in the deepest deg-
radation as well as the hardest bondage.
To such a struggle, England cannot be indifferent.
Neutrality must be to the end, as it has been from the
beginning, the rule of our governmental policy. But
our people cannot regard with unconcern a conflict the
origin and issues of which are so closely allied to the
question of personal slavery or freedom to four mil-
lions of human beings.
To make more plain this connection — to make it
everywhere perceived and confessed, by the force of
indisputable testimony, that the South is fighting for
slavery, whilst the North is fully committed to the destruc-
tion of slavery — is the principal object for which this
Society is organized.* Its promoters do not believe
that English anti-slavery sentiment is dead, or even
enfeebled. They are confident that when the de-
mands and designs of the South are made clear, there
will be no danger of your being enticed into complic-
ity therewith. They trust that an unequivocal ex-
pression of English feeling in favor of the Republican
North — of its Free Soil platform aud its Free Labor
proclamation — will powerfully encourage the friends
of negro freedom in America; and so hasten the sat-
isfactory termination of the war that now devastates
the New World and afflicts the Old.
By order of the Committee,
WILLIAM EVANS, Chairman.
F. W. CHESSON, Eon. Sec.
Office, 65 Fleet Street, London, E. C.
Meetings at Abington. It will be seen by notice
in the appropriate column, that our estimable friend,
Theodore D. Weld, will lecture next Sunday, at
Hatherly Hall, in Abington. We bespeak for him a
crowded audience, assuring all who attend that they
will enjoy even an intellectual treat not often pre-
sented from any platform or pulpit; while they will
also witness a presentation and defence of the highest
political, moral and spiritual truths, that never fail of
producing a marked effect upon his hearers. Much
and most excellent speaking as we have heard from
the Anti-Slavery platform, for upwards of a quarter of
a century, we have seldom, if ever, been privileged to
listen to a speaker who more entirely satisfied and de-
lighted us, than Mr. Weld. Having had large experi-
ence in the Anti-Slavery cause, when it perilled every
prospect in life, and life itself, to be known as its ad-
vocate, and having watched with a most vigilant eye
every change and movement of the cause since, no
man living is better qualified to instruct his hearers,
or wisely interpret the signs of the times. We hope
that Abington will do itself the justice to throng his
meetings.
Mr. Weld, we are glad to hear, will also speak in
East Abington and Randolph early in thfc week.
3^~ The Atlantic Monthly, for January, 1863,
commences the new year under brilliant auspices, and
offers the following attractive table of contents : —
1. Happiest Days; 2. The Promise of the Dawn;
S. In the Half-Way House ; 4. Mr. Buckle as a
Thinker; 5. Recollections of a Gifted Woman; 6.
Axial, (conclusion) ; 7. The Legend of Rabbi Ben Le-
vi; 8. My Friend the Watch; 9. Benjamin Banne-
kcr, the Negro Astronomer ; 10. The Sleeping Senti-
nel ; 11. Iron-Clad Ships aud Heavy Ordnance; 12.
Andrew Rykman's Prayer ; 13. The Strathsays ; 14.
Lyrics of the Street; 15. A Reply; 16. The Sol-
dier's Rally; 12. Overtures from Richmond. Re-
views and Literary Notices.
2^=" The Continental Monthly, for January,
1853, presents the following variety of papers : —
1. Huguenots of New Rochelle. Hon. G. P. Disos-
way. 2. Macearoniand Canvas. No. 10. 3. Thought.
4. Consequences of the Rebellion Hon. F. P. Stan-
ton. 5. "I"; or Sunimar in the City. 6, The Ivy.
Charles Godfrey Lelnnd. 7. The Mishaps of Miss
Uobbs. William L. Williams. 8. The Union. No. 4.
New York and Virginia Compared, Ac. Hon. Robert
J. Walker. 9, Promise. Edward S. Hand, Jr. 10.
American Destiny. John Stahl Patterson. 11, Wsb
He Successful! Richard B, Kimball. 12. The Phys-
ical Survey of New York Harbor and its Approaches.
Henry Mitchell, Assistant U. S. Coast Survey.
18. An Englishman in Carolina. (Concluded.) 14.
Pen, Pallet, and Piano. Literary Notices. Editor's
Table.
John F. Trow, 50 Greene St., New York. Publisher.
1
PitELiMiN.wiv RBFORT ox riii- Eighth Census —
I860, We are indebted lo lion. T. 1>. Eliot for a
copy of this valuable Report, which makes a volume
Df 800 pages, crowded with valuable statistics relative-
bo the agricultural and manufacturing interests of the
country, and also numerous tables, giving the popu-
lation of the several State* and counties in the United
Slates,— the whole indicating a vast amount of pa-
tient research and elaborate preparation, mid furnish-
ing a great variety 0-1 useful information.
DECEMBEE 26.
THE LIBERATOR
207
TEE SLAVES OF REBELS PROTECTED BY
THE AMERICAN ELAG.
INTERESTING NARRATIVE.
We have been kindly permitted to publish the fol-
lowing highly interesting narrative, copied from the
log-book of the U- S. barque Kingfisher, Joseph P.
Couthout, A. V. Lieut. Commanding, U. S. N-, and
transmitted in letters to a friend in Boston. This hu-
mane, energetic and accomplished officer has just been
called to take command of the U. S. steamer Colom-
bia. No one better understands the nature and cause
of the rebellion than himself, and the true govern-
mental method to quell it. Wherever he is called to
act, the cause of freedom and emancipation will find a
whole-souled, brave, uncompromising defender.
[Written at St. Marks, Florida.]
Tuesday, 15th April. We have given shelter, this
evening, to not less than six escaped slaves from Geor-
gia. Five of them are pure Africans — the sixth, a
light mulatto— and their ages range from 20 to 60.
It happened in this way : About quarter past 4, a sail-
boat was discovered under the land to the westward,
apparently heading toward tiie ship ; and in the course
of half an hour we could, with the glass, make out
that it was a very small craft, with a very rude sail,
fejv' and something meant for a white flag at the mast-
El head — partly paddled, partly rowed, by half a dozen
£ sitters. It at once occurred to us that they might be
jS "contrabands," and if they should be descried from
i8the shore, their escape might be cut off; so at 5, the
Bp fourth cutter was despatched with an armed crew to
W *he rescue, with orders, in case of their being fugitive
^ slaves, and any attempt made at their recapture, to
defend them to the death. Our flag was hoisted as we
pulled toward them, to let them know we were friends ;
ami in half an hour we bad them in tow, and by a lit-
tle past 6, they were safe on board. They were sent
aft, to tell their story. One look at them was a bet-
ter refutation of the arguments of the " South-side
Adams" theorists than any that even Wendell Pbil-
jgft lips, with all his fiery eloquence, could present :— six
B bundles of rags and tatters, with a human body and
B soul inside of each. Their story lias the material fnr
B half a dozen " Dreds " or " Uncle Toms " in it. One
H of them — the old man — escaped from the plantation
B^seven months ago, and has been hiding in the bush
P eve"f\since; living— God, who feeds the young ravens
when Khey cry, alone can tell how. He was picked up
by theVothers, on their way down from Georgia.
They started ten in number, but five were retaken,
(one aVier being shot seven times before he fell,)
«' cotched by dc nigger dogs dey set on 'em." Early
this morning, following the Wacutla river to its
mouth, they found a little skifT with a couple of
oars ; and with these and four stakes for paddles,
a ragged blanket for sail, and the remnant of an old
frock for a flag of truce, they started on a pull of some
twenty miles for their floating "city of refuge."
They were very much exhausted, and it was touch-
ing to hear their replies to some few questions that
were asked them.
After hearing where they came from, and how they
got away, the Captain asked them, " Well, why do
you come to me ? Do you suppose I am going to
keep you? What can you do here? What can I
do with you, better than to send you back? " " What
we is gwine to do, sir? Why, we is come to stay
'long wid you, and do anything you tells us, sir."
" Weil, suppose I tell you to go ashore at once, where
you belong?" " No, no, mass' cap'n, we isn't 'feared
fo' dat, bless de Lord ! We knows yon never send us
back to de rebels — and we is gwine to stay 'long wid
you." He asked if they heard our guns at noon ?
" For sure, mass' cap'n, but it don't bin skear us —
toe's bin chase by de nigger dogs, and we only pull
de harder — cas we thought, who knows, please de
Lord, but we monght git dere, an' help a bit? "
One of them brought on board what we took to be
a leg of venison ; but, in reply to a question what it
was, and where they got it, he said it was wild hog,
""and they ran it down last evening. The captain made
them all take a good wash, threw their rags over-
board, and rigged them out in a suit of new flannel
clothes, just like the men's; and they are a dappy set
of A$e men, this night! I look upon this as the
greatest day's work of our cruise.
April 16th. I must tell you something more of the
poor creatures who came to us yesterday, more than
half naked, and wholly bewildered between the perils
they had escaped, and their joy at deliverance, but
who are now "sitting clothed, and in their right
mind," or cheerfully employed in little jobs about the
deck. It was not the old man " Bot," as you will see,
but one of the younger, who had been so many
months " in de bush.'-' They are named Dick White,
Dick Rowse, Frank Lynes, Bob, John, and Isaac —
the last three having no surnames. Frank was the
" farm thrall " of one Joseph Lynes, who has a cotton
and tobacco plantation five miles south of Quiucy,
Gadsden Co., Florida, and owns ten working "hands,"
and as many more women and children. Frank made
his escape early last May, taking with him two suits
of old clothes, and about a peck of corn, tied up in a
bundle. He has been, like the rest, wandering about
in the woods and "hummucks" ever since, living
" on whatever de good Lord please to give dis poor
nigger," trying to get down to the coast, but without
success, till last Thursday, when they fell in with
Isaac, who knew the way, and "tookdem to de mouf
of ' Slopshoddy Creek,' to Mr. Farrall's landing, on
de Wakulia river, whar dey foun' de skiff; and last
night but one dey start fo' to pull along de coas', to
whar dey seen de mast of de Yankee ship. Dey
know'd she was a man o' war, and dey would be all
right once dey f'otch to her ; and so dey is, mass'
cap't, bless de Lord ! "
Dick White, who is ebony black, cannot tell how
old he is — looks 18 to 20 — heavy featured and stolid —
was a " chattel " of Dr. Robert White, and a field hand
on his cotton and tobacco plantation near Quincy, ad-
joining that of Mr. Lynes. He got away "a day befo'e
de big storm dey had long heah jes befo'e Christ-
mas "—has been living in the bush ever since, most
of the time, together with all the others, except Bob.
He says, "De nigger dogs ran dis chile once in de
swamp in de night ; but he ran into a bayou, up to his
_c I ! :u in de water, and trow'd 'emoffde track." "Sup-
pose they had caught you," said I, " what would they
have done ? " " Don' know, sir — 'spose dey 'd a wor-
ried me — dey 's lamed to do dat — 'spec' I never come
out o' dat swamp, 'cep in pieces."
Dick Rowse, dusky jet, quite intelligent, 23 years
old last May — " held to service" by Kennedy Rowse —
worked on corn plantation, (cotton till last year — signifi-
tant i) on Lake Jackson, ten miles above Tallahassee ;
got away five days before Christmas, and has been
with the rest since about the middle of January, liv-
ing in the woods and hummucks on corn and roots —
now and then a few sweet potatoes, gathered in the
fields at risk of recapture — and pork, when they had
the good luck to run down a pig.
Isaac — pure African — 22 years old. Ran away last
Thursday night from the cotton and com plantation of
John I. S. Mauran, on the Wakulla river, about three
leagues from the coast. There were eighteen work-
ing hands, and about thirty women and children, on
the plantation. He ran away because a white gentle-
man, Mr. John Murrell, told him Mr, Mauran was go-
ing to lake him up to Faulkner's (a Floridian Legree,
no doubt) and have him whipped, to get more work
out of hini ; and would bring the nigger dogs to set
on him, so he could not get clear on the way. Thus
advised, ho determined to escape that night, if possi-
ble. The next day, striking for the coast, he met
the other five, and showed them the way. Monday
night they started with the skiff— as related by the
others — and pnlled all night and the next day, till
they saw our boat's flag, and then gave out, "but
dey knowed dey was safe den."
John is a tolerably intelligent mulatto — doesn't
kilOw his age — guesses he must be between 30 and 36.
Like most of the lower orders of the " patriarchal in-
stitution, " as soon as a good chance opened, he ran
from the master to whom he was " devotedly attach-
ed "—a Mr. Edmund Hawley, whose plantation is in
Gadsden county, eight or ten miles west of Tallahas-
see. This was early in January, and he has been with
the crowd ever since a few days nfter he got clear.
There were ten of them at one time; hut the planters
came down on them (after the benevolent Southern
patriarchal fashion in such cases) with " nigger dogs,"
and caught five, one of whom must have died soon
after, as he had seven balls put into him before he
could be brought to listen to the affectionate entrea-
ties of his pursuers to return ! The dogs chased the
others into the swamp, where they turned, and with
clubs killed two and maimed the other three, and so
escaped.
Last conies Bob, between 60 and 60 years old, a
field hand of Dr. Robert Butler, on his corn and to-
bacco plantation on Flint river, near Bainbridge ;—
got away early in March — met, on Ids way to the
coast, with the rest of the party, a fortnight ago. Bob
is the gentleman of the lot— looks like Touissaint—
converses fluently, and expresses himself more cor-
rectly than half the officers on board this ship. * *
If you see Wendell Phillips, recall me to his mem-
ory, and say I thought of him as we received these
hunted fugitives under the protection of that banner
which he stood under, for the first time, when it was
our good fortune to hear him speak after the shot
fired against Sumter had pealed the death-knell of sla-
very; and tell him that there will be a North, even
in this region, before long. Every slave in the South
knows to what this war is tending — better at this mo-
ment than the North, as a people, or its rulers— and
God sits watchful between the cherubim ever.
April nth. * * I am more and more impressed
with the general intelligence and correctness of lan-
guage of Bob, the old man of whom I was telling you.
There is no attempt at fine speaking, using long
words and the like, but a singular clearness and terse-
ness of expression that reminds me of John Brown,
of whom, by the by, I must ask him if he ever heard.
He says that this rebellion was discussed, and all
arranged, in case of a Northern man being made
President, for more than a twelvemonth before it
broke out; that the common people — the poor white
folks — were made to believe that they could take
Washington at once, and whip the North " all to
pieces" in less than six months; and that even now,
the general belief was, that the Yankees would have
to give in soon — that they could not live without the
cotton and corn (1) of the South — were starving al-
ready, their last dollar gone, — and they had now
to depend for money entirely on the sale, in Cuba, of
the slaves they stole and sent to that market — and
that pretty soon England and France were going to
raise the blockade, and then all the cotton would
be shipped, and they would have free trade with
all the world, and the South would be stronger and
richer than ever, while the North would die out,
starved to death !
Did he believe all this? I asked. "Well, mass 1 ,
to tell you the living truth, at first the slaves thought
it must be so, else their masters would not have made
the war; hut pretty soon they saw that there was too
much talk about whipping the Yankees, and they was
all the time getting whipped themselves, and a call-
ing for more soldiers — more soldiers — and then the
black people was of opinion that the North was the
one that was agoing to whip, after all, and then they
would all be free to work for themselves."
"But," said I, "do you suppose if the slaves were
all free to-morrow, that they mould work for them-
selves? Don't you suppose the cotton would all be
lost, and the planters ruined for want of labor?"
" No, sir ; no, sir I I tell you the truth — there is not
a slave in the South that would not do twice the work,
and raise twice the cotton and tobacco he does now,
if he was paid for it. The planters, sir, would be a
great deal richer; but they don't want, to see it, be-
cause they like to own slaves, and whip them when
they takes a fancy, or sell them if they are pushed;
but if we was free, they could not do this, you see,
sir. And then, I think sometimes, sir, the Lord He
shuts their eyes, so they can't see what is best for
them."
* * * To day, passing by Bob, who was refresh-
ing himself by drinking in the full sunshine, as he
lay stretched his length on the forecastle, I asked him
if he ever heard of such a man as John Brown. " O,
yes, I have heard tell a great deal of him, sir. He
came down to Virginia to free the slaves. He was a
very brave soldier, sir; but the South was too strong
for him there, and so they conquered him ; and then
they was skeered he might get away, and come down
again with an army, and so they hung him, sir ! But
I 'spect the army is come, fo' all that, sir, and plenty
of John Browns that the South keant conquer, along
with it, please the Lord ! "
Who can doubt, with such facts before them, whether
"John Brown's soul is marching on"? Bob says
that he was too fast — that every slave in the South
would have risen then, if they could only have had a
certainty of any one to back them, or finding arms
to defend themselves; "but they was all watched too
close to get a start then."
I have tried to give you his very words, as nearly
as possible. Don't you think this poor unlettered
African, who can neither read nor write, capable of
reading a lesson in wisdom, or teaching political econ-
omy, to many of his late masters, and the South-Side
Adams school among ourselves?
[Written at St. Joseph's Bay, Florida.]
Sunday, Aug. 2ith. We have had quite a break in
the monotony of our blockading work, (or want of
work,) this forenoon; and I enjoy the satisfaction of
having impoverished George Walker, of Albany, the
comity town of Dougherty County, Georgia, by the
equivalent, according to the arithmetic of chivalry, of
§1000 and upwards, in the form of an able-bodied, in-
telligent contraband named Henry, whose surname is
Walker, after his late master and pretended owner.
Just before 9, a small boat was descried through the
mist off the eastern shore, paddled by one man, and
heading directly for the ship. We had the 4th cut-
ter down, and after him, in a twinkling, and in half
an hour, Henry, erst the bondman of Walker, the
Georgian, stood on the deck of the Kingfisher, a free
man ! He reports the salt works as being on quite
an extensive scale, having steam ebgines, and eight
large boilers, capable of manufacturing more tb;
200 bushels a day ; and that there are several smaller
establishments, higher up the bay. Also, that there
is a company of mounted " gorillas " at a place a little
way back, called the " Cross Roads." In reply to the
question, how many persons there were at the steam
saltworks, he said, " Dere is about twenty head of ne-
groes, leastwise, dere was las' night, but now I is got
clear, dere is only nineteen head left, and six white
men" — having been, as you perceive, trained to re-
gard himself and fellows like "dumb, driven cattle,"
whose only estimated value is that of so much per
head. It pleased me to find that, in speaking of the
two, he gave the black "stock" precedence of their
white owners. Learning from him, that when he
started at daybreak, in his frail cockle-shell of a punt,
(which looked more like a shell coffin than like a boat,
being only two rough boards a foot wide for sides, and
another for bottom, with a slake for paddle,) seven
others set out through the woods for a point about
three miles abreast of us, and ought to reach it by
ten, we sent at once armed boats to bring them off,
should they reach the point. When the boats had got
about a third of the way to the shore, we saw the
seven come out of the woods and down to the beach.
But while our boats were yet a mile from shore, the
party was joined by an eighth person, conspicuous in
a white shirt, and presently the seven "head of ne-
groes" withdrew to the woods again, followed by
him of the shirt, who, no doubt, was an overseer — as,
an hour later, we saw them all on the beach again,
some distance higher up, making directly for the salt-
works, of which we intend making short work very
soon. We will have the whole "nineteen head" of
human fctock transformed into free men yet, if they
arc not driven inland. * * * * *
Later. The day has been more fortunate than I
had ventured to hope. Let me tell you what lias hap-
pened since the last page was written. About 3,
we discovered another party of five persons on the
beach, near where we saw the "seven head of ne-
groes" this morning. We Bent in our boats as be-
fore, and by the time they had got within musket shot,
three others came down ; and as soon as wo were
near enough, the whole eight waded out to the boats,
each scrambling for the nearest, and in half an hour
were on board of us, the happiest crowd we have seen
since their fellows escaped to us at St. Marks. They
all belong (or did) to parties living on Flint river, near
Albany, and, with the exception of two old men who
are past service, and were sent down here to be
"worked out," are able-bodied men — four of them
quite intelligent. They were divided equally be-
tween the U. S. barque "Pursuit," lying near us, and
this vessel; and it was explained to them that they
were now as free as any of the ship's company, but
that they must not expect to be fed and clothed for
nothing; that they would have to work while they
remained on board, like the rest of the crew — would
be paid §10 per month, and only the value of the cloth-
ing supplied them deducted from it; and if any pre-
ferred returning, to remaining on these conditions,
they should be landed to-morrow. But they all de-
clared they were willing to work, and would be glad
to only for their food, so they were allowed to stay on
board. They tell a pitiful story of the destitution
that prevails in all this section of the country — noth-
ing in the way of food or clothing to be had, save at
exorbitant prices, and little even at these.
It would be idle to attempt giving any idea of their
dress. Such remnants of nondescript hats, tatters of
clothing that was once a coarse shirt and pants, and
fragmentary shoes, I never beheld before! Better
might be picked from any dust heap at th* North.
About 5, a sail-boat was seen standing out to us from
the saltworks, and one of the cutters was sent after
her. She was manned by three whites, in the seediest
kind of apparel, yet evidently their Sunday's best.
They were asked what they meant by running their
heads this way into the lion's mouth, and said that
they were the owners of the saltworks — good Union
len, &c. (of course — none other would be here, mak-
ig salt for the rebels!) — and had reason to believe
that several of their men had got on board of us, and
so came off to see if they could not make some ar-
rangement to have them returned 1 Was not that
coo.l — for the season and latitude ? They were very
anxious to know if we intended to break up their
ks. We had not quite determined yet in regard
to that. If we did, would they have notice and time
to remove their engines, &c. — The notice? Yes, to
get out of harm's way ; but if they were molested at
all, their machinery would be demolished, every par-
ticle of it, the first thing. They thought this would
be rather hard upon them — good Union men as they
were! Perhaps so; but they must remember they
e in very bad company, and, moreover, doing their
best to furnish the enemies of the Union with an
article, to prevent the introduction of which from
abroad was one of the objects for which we were
tationed here. They hoped, too, that we would not
attempt to take any more of their workmen, as, being
hired hands, they would have to pay for them in case
they escaped.
In reply to this, I repeated my declaration that, till
my men who were, in the most cowardly manner, fired
upon, when peacefully filling water — and twelve of
them carried prisoners to Tallahassee — were returned,
and the two murdered ones restored to life, I would
shelter every slave that came within my reach — bring
them within it, whenever and by every means I
could — and work their so-calied owners evil and in-
jury to the utmost of my ability, till this infernal re-
bellion was crushed, beyond possibility of rising again,
or my own life ended; — with which understanding I
sent them on their way. These men fully confirm
the statements of the contrabands, in regard to the
scarcity of food in all this section. Corn is $4 a
bushel, flour §24 a barrel in all the interior, salt §10
a bushel, pork §40 a barrel, tea and coffee — myths.
Slaves' allowance of 3 1-2 lbs. bacon and peck of meal
weekly, reduced everywhere in Georgia, Florida, and
the adjoining Gulf States, to one half these quantities.
Has not rebellion been a profitable and pleasant busi-
ness for the South, so far? And "the end is not
yet"! _^___^__ a _^___^^__
THE SEWARD EMBROGLIO.
The New York Times contains a circumstantial ac-
count of the events which preceded the resignation
of Secretary Seward. The writer says that the first
motion adverse to Mr. Seward, in the Senatorial cau-
cus, was made by Mr. Grimes of Iowa, and was sup-
ported in speeches by Mr. Fessendeu, Mr. Trumbull,
Mr. Wade, Mr. Field, the new Senator from New
Jersey, and several others. The burden of their re-
marks was that Mr. Seward was largely resposible for
the tardy and ineffectual prosecution of the war. The
more conservative Senators, taken by surprise, en-
deavored to delay action, and Mr. King of New York,
in particular, exe'rted himself against the motion. At
the second caucus, Mr. Harris of New York offered a
substitute resolution, calling for a " reconstruction of
the Cabinet," in order to take away the appearance of
a personal aim at Mr. Seward. Mr. Fessenden moved
to amend by inserting "partial" before "reconstruc-
tion," which Mr. Harris accepted, and then the reso-
lution was adopted by 28 votes, Mr. King declining to
vote at all. A committee was then chosen to report
the matter to the President, consisting of Messrs, Col-
lamer, Fessenden, Sumner, Wade, Trumbull, Grimes,
Pomeroy, Harris and Howard. Their interview with
the President began with a brief paper read by Mr.
Collamer, expressing the general desire for a recon-
struction of the Cabinet. Then each member of the
committee gave his individual views. The reported
reply of the President is so pithy that we copy it as
follows : —
"President Lincoln listened with attention to all
that was said. He then expressed the profound solici-
tude which he felt on the subject they had brought
before him, and the overwhelming anxiety which op-
pressed him concerning the condition of the country
and the progress of the war. What the country wanted,
he said, was military success. Without that, nothing
could go right; with that, nothing could go wrong.
He did not see how the measure proposed by the com-
mittee would furnish the remedy required. If he
had a Cabinet of angels, they could not give the coifn-
try military successes, and that was what was wanted
and what must be had. But he promised bis most
careful attention to the subject, and another interview
was appointed for the next evening, in presence of
the Cabinet."
A second interview was bad on Friday, when the
President proposed the question whether more harm
or good would result from the acceptance of Mr.
Seward's resignation. Mr. Fessenden and Mr. Grimes
declined to discuss the matter; Messrs. Wade, Sum-
ner and Trumbull advocated the acceptance ; and
Messrs. Collamer, Harris and one or two others were
against it. It was reported that each member of the
caucus pledged himself not to accept any Cabinet
office if a new organization was made. The Times,
as if speaking by authority, says of Mr. Seward :—
He did not oppose the issuing of the Pproclama-
tion. He did not resist the removal of McClellan.
He did not originate, direct, or in any way interfere
wit!) the Banks expedition. He had nothing whatever
to do, directly or indirectly, with the movement of
General Burnside. He has attended exclusively to
the affairs of his own department, and has sustained,
with cheerful and hearty loyalty, whatever measures
the President has deemed essential to the public
good."
The Battle of Prairie-Grove. This severe en-
gagement, near Fayetteville, Arkansas, between our
forces under Generals Blunt and Herron, and the
rebels under Gen. Hindman, which occurred on the
7th inst., resulted in a Federal victory. Our loss in
killed and wounded was 1000, and that of the enemy
2000. Four caissons filled with ammunition and a
large quantity of small arms were taken. The enemy
lost five Colonels killed and wounded. Col. McFar-
land, of the 19th Iowa, was killed.
THE TWENTY-NINTH
NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY SUBSCRIP-
TION ANNIVERSARY.
In view of the colossal magnitude of the Southern
rebellion, on the one hand, and of the corresponding
efforts for its suppression by the American Govern-
ment, on the other, the Managers of the National
Anti-Slavery Subscription Anniversary have
deemed it expedient to defer their ANNUAL AP-
PEAL to this late period — not knowing what events
might occur, in the mean lime, to render a modifica-
tion or suspension of their established plan of action
desirable, and wishing to be guided by the highest
wisdom in such a momentous crisis.
Reverently recognizing in this awful visitation the
hand of God in righteous judgment for our great na-
tioftal transgression, and trusting it may mercifully
end in the total extinction of chattel slavery throughout
the land ; believing that the Proclamation of President
Lincoln, emancipating forever all slaves held in States
found in rebellion on the first day of January, 1863,
will, if energetically and uncompromisingly enforced,
inflict a staggering blow upon that fearfully oppressive
system; they, nevertheless, feel that the uncertain-
ties of civil war are too great, and the expedients of
governmental and political organizations too unreliable,
to justify, for one moment, any abatement of vigilance,
activity, zeal, liberality, and determination, on the
part of those who have so long and so disinterestedly
consecrated themselves to the godlike work of imme-
diate and universal emancipation, joyfully " bearing
the cross and despising the shame." With no person-
al or sectional feelings to indulge, no selfish ends to
promote, no party or sectarian objects to attain, — ani-
mated by the deepest religious sentiment and the
purest patriotism, — it is not for such to commit their
sacred cause to other hands, to be lulled into inaction
even by the most cheering signs of the times, to re-
gard their special mission as accomplished, or to aban-
don their organized efforts and efficient instrumentali-
ties which have hitherto been crowned with such ani-
mating results. Their work is, by Divine help, the
extermination of slavery, root and branch; and so
long as one slave remains in his fetters, and they are
able to plead his cause, that work will not have been
accomplished. They must continue to be " the forlorn
hope" to the end, leading the way, and taking upon
themselves the brunt of the conflict, until the victory
be won, the captives set free, and liberty the birth-
right and possession of every inhabitant of our land,
from sea to sea.
Granted, that the Anti-Slavery cause has grown
from infantile weakness to manly strength — from uni-
versal proscription to respectful public consideration —
from an apostolic number of adherents to a multi-
tudinous host. Granted, that it is Slavery which is the
sole cause of the Rebellion, and that the suppression
of the one may necessitate the forcible overthrow of
the other. Granted, that the Emancipation Proclama-
tion of President Lincoln, if it can be enforced, will
include nearly three fourths of the entire slave popu-
lation. Granted, that the rebels themselves, despair-
ing of achieving their independence in any other way,
may proclaim freedom to their bondmen, and thus se-
cure their loyal cooperation. Still, we have to deal
with stern realities, and must not allow ourselves to
be deluded by mere possibilities which may never be
fulfilled. Still, it must be remembered that no blow
will be struck at the slave system, as such, by the
Proclamation; for slavery will continue to be recog-
nized and protected, under the old constitutional guar-
anties, in all the so-called loyal slave States, and possi-
bly reinstated in every rebel State, under the shield of
State sovereignty, after its subjugation and the with-
drawal of the Federal armies. Still, it is manifest
that a powerful pro-slavery sentiment exists through-
out the North, deadly hostile to every scheme of eman-
cipation, defiantly claiming a strong reaction of public
sentiment on its side, intent on persecuting and ostra-
cising all who are obtaining their freedom by flight
and the chances of war, and leaving nothing undone to
get the control of the government, so as to make the
most humiliating concessions to the South, and recon-
struct the Union on a permanent slaveholding basis.
Under these perilous circumstances, therefore, there
must be no indulgence given to the pleasing illusions
of fancy, or to an undue exaltation of mind. The
struggle for the abolition of slavery may yet be pro-
tracted for years ; and, unquestionably, it will be fierce-
ly contested to the end by all that is hostile to impar-
tial liberty, North as well as South. We must gird up
our loins anew, make a fresh consecration of our means
and powers, labor with increasing devotedness, and
ask for a discharge from this warfare only with the
termination of our mortal life, or the liberation of all
in bondage.
The Managers of the National Anti-Slavery
Subscription Anniversary give notice, therefore,
that it will be held, as usual, in Boston, the last
week in January, 1863 ; and to that annual gathering
they cordially and urgently invite all who abhor trea-
son, love liberty, desire peace and reconciliation on an
enduring basis, and seek the unity, happiness and
prosperity of our now distracted, fearfully guilty, but
we trust to be regenerated country — bringing with
them {or sending, if they are not able to give their
personal attendance} as generous contributions and
donations as their means will allow, causing " the
riches of their liberality to abound" even in "the
abundance of their poverty," — assured that the pro-
ceeds thus obtained will be sacredly used, under the
auspices of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
as hitherto, to disseminate light and knowledge on the
subject of slavery by voice and pen, through the press
and by the lecturing agent — to quicken the religious
sentiment, inform the understanding, stimulate the
conscience, soften the heart, and so effect that mighty
moral change in public opinion which is essential to
the banishment of all complexional hatred and oppres-
sion, and, consequently, to the reign of universal jus-
tice and good will. It should be remembered that the
pecuniary resource of the Society is largely depend-
ant upon this instrumentality ; and as its treasury is
now empty, it is vitally important for its continued
operations that prompt and liberal aid should be ren-
dered in the manner already indicated.
To those every where who have so long and so gen-
erously aided us, we present our annual appeal, trust-
ing it may be so ordered by the God of the oppressed
that no renewal of it will be needed, by reason of the
speedy and complete consummation of our labors and
aspirations.
EMANCIPATION DAY.
A mooting in honor of President Lincoln's li! mancipation
Proclamation wilt be held at Trumont Temple, January lut,
18(13, under the auspices of the Union Progressive Associa-
tion. Sessions will be held forenoon, afternoon, and even-
ing — during which, speeches may be expected from the fol-
lowing gentlemen :— Rev. Wm. K. Alger, Wendell Phillips,
Charles Lenox Reinond, William Wells Brown, Rev. James
Freeman Clarke, Rev. John T. Sargent, Jobn S. Rook, Esq.,
Hon. Nathaniel H. Whiting, Dr. J. B. Smith, Rev. R. C.
Wnterston, Charles W. Slack, Esq., John C. Cluer, Esq.,
and others, to be hereafter announoed.
Speaking to be interspersed with appropriate music by a
select choir, and reading of the President's Proclamation.
Admittance during the day free. A collection will be
taken in the afternoon, in aid of the National Frecdmcn.
Admission in the evening by tickets, 10 cents each, to do-
fray expenaeB.
The public are cordially invited.
William C. Nell,
J. Harrison Shaw,
Albert Jackson,
Mark R. DeMortie,
Charles P. Taylor,
ioston, Deo. 24, 1863.
George W. Potter,
John S. Rock,
Edward M. Bannister,
John A. Newly,
George Teamoh,
Committee of Arrangements.
fl^P ABINGTON.— There will be a mooting at Hather-
LY Hall, in Abington, on Sonbay next, 28th insfc., at the
usual hours, morning, afternoon and evening.
Addresses will be delivered by Theodore D. Weld, Esq.,
and Parker Pillsbuey.
^- ANNA E. DICKINSON, of Philadelphia, will speak
a FITCHBURG, on Sunday evening next, Dec. 28th, on
[ The Nation's Peril."
f" ANDREW T. FOSS, an Agent of the American
and Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Societies, will lecture as
follows : —
Cornville, J
Athens,
Palmyra,
East Pittsfield,
Sunday, Dee. 28.
Monday, " 29.
Tuesday, " 30.
Wednesday, " 31.
P"B. H. HBYWOOD will speak on "The Rebellioi
and Emancipation," in
Rock Bottom, Saturday evening, Dec. 27.
Marlboro', Sunday afternoon and evening, " 28.
f MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed on
695 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par-
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children.
References.^ LutherCIark, M. D. ; David Thayer, M. D.
Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M.
jp" Members and friends of the Massachusetts Anti-Sla-
very Society, who are indebted for Pledges made to tho
Society in January last, or previously to that time, are re-
quested to pay the same as early as practicable, either to
the Treasurer, Edmund Jackson, or at the Society's office,
221 Washington Street.
-^-
MARRIED— At Annapolis, (Md.) Dec. 11, Mr. George
G. Drake, of Leominster, (Mass.) and Miss Mary Eliza-
beth Parrish, of Annapolis.
Our Heroes at Fredericksburg. Tho rebel
officers who witnessed the efforts of our volunteers on
that fatal field of Fredericksburg are enthusiastic in
their commendation of the daring wherewith they
scaled the slippery steeps, charging bayonet .against
long lines of defences, held by deadly marksmen, un-
der the murderous fire of enfilading batteries, vomit-
ing grape and shell. Never was death more nobly
laughed to scorn — never did patriots shed their blood
more lavishly in defence of their country's integrity
and perpetuity.
L. Maria Child,
Mary May,
Lydia D. Parker,
Louisa Loring,
Henrietta Sargent,
Sarah Russell May,
Helen E. Garrison,
Anna Shaw Greene,
Sarah Blake Shaw,
Caroline C. Thayer,
Mattie Griffith,
Mary Jackson,
Evelina A. Smith,
Caroline M. Severance,
Elizabeth Gay,
Ann Rebecca Branihall,
Sarah H. Southioick,
Sarah P. Remond,
Mary Willey,
Abby H. Stephenson,
Sarah J. Nowell,
Elizabeth von Arnim,
Eliza Apthorp,
Sarah Cowing,
Abby Kelley Foster,
Mary E. Stearns,
Mary Elizabeth Sargent,
Sarah C. Atkinson,
Abby Francis,
Mary Jane Parkman,
Georgina Otis,
Katherine Earlc Farnum.
2^= At a meeting of the ministers of the various
tlenominiitions in New York, held on Monday evening
in Dr. Cheever's church, a committee, consisting of
Rev. Dr. Cheever, Rev. Nathan Brown, and Rev,
William Goodell, who were appointed to consider the
duty of the church and the ministry in the present
state of our country, reported a memorial to the Presi-
dent and Congress now in session, begging that they
would, in the name of God, Justice and Humanity,
immediately enact and execute, the decree of uni-
versal freedom, as the memorialists believed the whole
cause of our disasters to bo our own continued com-
plicity with Hint crime of human slavery which is the
foundation and the inspiring demon of the rebellion.
BOSTON MUSIC HALL.
GRAND JUBILEE CONCERT,
THURSDAY AFTERNOON, JAN. 1, 1863,
IN HONOR OF
THE DAY !
THE PROCLAMATION I
THE EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVE !
THE SPIRIT OF THE FATHERS AND THE CON-
STITUTION !
The exigencies of tho war have made necessary, in the
judgment of tho President, and as an exercise of tho mili-
tary power of the Government, the issue of a Proclamation,
emancipating all persons held as slaves in such States ae
shall be in rebellion against the Federal Government on the
first of January, 1863,
Confident in the belief that this first day of the new
year will prove the complement of the 4th of July, 1776,
and a new era in the history of the Republic, when the soil
of America, hallowed anew by the sacrifice of so much
heroic blood, shall no longer be trodden by the foot of a
slave, we propose to celebrate the occasion by a Musical
Festival, at the Boston Music Hall, on THURSDAY*
AFTERNOON, January 1, 1863, the proceeds of the sale
of tickets to be appropriated to the benefit of the freed
slaves, under the auspices of the Educational Commission.
Leading musical artists, orchestra and chorus, heartily
consent to lend their aid, and the programme of music pre-
sented will, it is hoped, bo worthy to give voice to tbe feel-
ings of tho hour.
Henry W. Longfellow,
Josiah Quincy, Jr.,
Edward Atkinson,
Martin Brimmer,
R. W. Hooper,
James M. Barnard,
Edward E. Hale,
Francis Parkman,
James T. Fields,
Wm. Endicott, Jr.,
Geo. S. Hale,
James Sturgis,
James T. Fisher,
R. W. Emerson,
J. M. Forbes,
O. W. Holmes,
Henry Lee, Jr.,
B. Seblesinger,
Charles E. Norton,
JobnG. Whittier,
John P. Putnam,
Otto Dresel, -
E. P. Whipple,
F. II. Underwood,
John S. Dwigbt,
R. E. Apthorp,
Joseph P. Couthouy, U.S.N. J, C. Haynes.
Full particulars of Programme hereafter. Meanwhile
the Committee are happy to be able to promise the Phil-
harmonic Orchestra, largely augmented, under CARL
ZERRAHN, who will perform the glorious Fifth Sympho-
ny of Beethoven, and patriotic overtures ; a grand chorus,
to be conducted by Mr. B. J. LANG, with appropriate
choruses from Oratorios of Handel and of Mendelssohn ; a
Beethoven Concerto, for Piano and Orchestra, to be played
by Mr. OTTO DRESEL, &c, &e.
The Concert will commence
Doors open at 2.
at 3 P. M. punctually.
obituary:,
death of darius p. lawton.
Frieni> Garrison, — The duty falls to my lot of mak-
ing honorable mention of another of our veteran fellow-
laborers in the cause of Freedom, who has lately been called
to his rest. At East Providence, R. I., on the 19th of last
October, Darius P. Lawton came to the end of his earth-
ly labors, after completing a little more than half of tho
75th year of his active and useful life. Though occupying
no prominent or conspicuous position in our ranks, and lit-
tle known beyond the circle of the several neighborhoods
in which he has at different times resided, he has been,
from the first, among the most earnest in purpose, the most
devoted and uncompromising in spirit, and the most dili-
gent and faithful in service to the good cause, never omit-
ting an opportunity to bear his testimony to its principles,
at whatever risk to his social standing or pecuniary inter-
ests ; and always ready to give its public advocates a wel-
come, (of the warmth and heartiness of which I can speak
from repeated experience,) and to do his utmost to aid the
purpose of their mission.
He began his anti-slavery work before the appearance of
Liberator, of which he gladly hailed the advent, sub-
scribed for it previous to the issue of the first number, and
continued taking it to the day of his death. So much had
he the cause at heart, that, not content with working for it
while he lived, he wished to make his death also furnish
ion for promoting it, and, as it were, from his very
coffin, to plead on its behalf. To this end, when ho sup-
posed his last hour was near, he requested that some one of
anti-slavery speakers should be invited to officiate at
funeral ; hoping, he said, that some would listen to
truths spoken over his lifeless form, which they were un-
willing to hear from his living lips. It was my privilege
to use tbe occasion in accordance with his wish.
In the Temperance cause, also, ho was no less decided
than in that of anti-slavery, upholding it in word and prac-
tice with the samo constancy and firmness. Nor was his
sympathy wanting to other enterprises aiming at tbe ad-
vancement of truth and right, the redress of wrong, and
the promotion of human welfare. Ho was honest and up-
right in his dealings, and in a marked degree frank and
open-hearted, " without concealment and without compro-
mise," simple in manners, cordial and kindly in feeling,
plain, earnest and direct in speech, strong and distinct in
his moral convictions, fearless and emphatic in uttering
them. He seemed to be constitutionally incapable of neu-
trality or indifferenco where he believed tbat right and
wrong were in conflict, however a selfish " prudence " might
dissuade from mingling in the oontest. In the words of
one who knew him well, " he maintained his principles with
a degree of moral courage rare among men." His attach-
ment to tho religious organization of which he was a mem-
ber — the Society of Friends — gave way to his conviction
that it failed to maintain, with the energy and efficiency
demanded by tho exigences of the times, its traditional tes-
timonies against prevailing wrongs, slavery in particular ;
and, during his last few years, he was connected with no re-
ligious sect, but left his life alone to testify whether or not
his was tbat "puro religion and undefilcd before God and
the Father," of which an apostle speaks. C. C. B.
DIED — In Newbury, Ohio, on the 20th of October,
Herman Ober, aged 56 years. In the same place, on the
25th October, his father, Zachariah Ober, aged 87 years.
Thus, within tbe brief period of six days, both son Sbd
father wero translated to a higher and brighter state of
existence,— meeting their change with Christian serenity,
and feeling assured that, having "kept the faith," they
should enter into rest eternal.
The venerable and much respoctod father removed from
Washington, N. II., in 1S33, to Newbury, Ohio. He lived
to see forty of his descendants settled within six miles of
him, and a wonderful ohango in tho State of his adoption.
Deeply religious, and strong to the last in his evangelical
intiments, he was neither pharisce nor bigot, but nobly
ue to his oonvietious, upright and just in his actions,
deeming good fruits a surer test of character than assent to
any creed, and true piety that which delights in progress,
and is over concerned for tho welfaro of suffering humanity.
Consequently, he early espoused tho despised Anti-Slavery
causo, and was ono of tho first to plead for the doivn-trod-
den slavo in tho church of which ho was a prominent mem-
ber. Of oourso, ho had to onoounter muoh opposition at
that time, but his integrity and moral courage woro equal
to any trial. What was thon branded as secular, bo re-
garded as an essential part of " puro and uudofilod religion
before God," in accordance with tbo toaching of tho apos-
tle James. But he lived to see a radical ohango in tho
views of many who were among his opponents, and died re-
joicing in the prospect of a coming jubiloc at no distant day.
Tho passage of tho barbarous Fugitive Slavo Law especial-
ly shocked his sympathetic nature, and kindled his moral
indignation to a flame. Ho promptly recorded his protest
against it in tho Liberator, which paper ho road with warm
approval and delight to the close of life. Truly, "tho
memory of tho just is blessed."
HXBIUM Oueu, Ins son, was of tbo samo religions faith,
a lover of impartial freedom, a good, upright, benevolent
man, whoso doors woro ever open to the weary and outcast,
without rogard to complexion or clime. His departure is
heavily folt and deeply lamented by a largo family, and
loving friends,
The Sale of Tickets will commence on Friday, Decem-
ber 2Gth, at the Music Store of Messrs. OLIVER DITS0N
& CO. Every ticket will bear a number corresponding
with a certain seat ; price $1 or 50 cents, according to lo-
cation.
MISS H. M. PARKHURST
Will commence the Second Term of her Boarding
and Day School for Young Ladies,
AT 92 GRAND STREET, NEWBL'EGH, N. T.,
ON MONDAY, JANUARY 5th, 1863.
MISS H. M. PARKHURST, Teacher of Music and Moral
Science, Rhetoric, &o.
MISS H. L. BOWEN, Teacher of Mathematics and Natural
Sciences.
MISS L. E. SHEPARD, Teacher of Languages.
MISS F. E. NEWLAND, Teacher of Drawing, Painting
and Penmanship.
PROF. T. F. PERKINS, Teacher of Vocal and Instrumen-
tal Music.
M
ISS PARKHURST has had seven years of successful
._-, experience in the care of a Boarding School ia- fh l s ■■■
State, besides several years of teaching in tho best schools
Massachusetts.
She designs and promises, tbat all branches of study un-
dertaken in her School shall be thoroughly and efficiently
pursued.
Especial attention will be given to tho health of the
pupils.
Daily religious exercises will be held in the family and
in the School.
The School Year will be divided into three terms : two
of thirteen weeks each, and one of twelve weeks.
Board and Tuition in English Branches, per term, $60 ;
per year, $165.
References. — Rev. T. J. Sawyer, D. D-, Clinton, N. T. ;
Rev. S. W. Fisher, D. D., President of Hamilton College,
Clinton, N. Y. ; De Witt C. Grove, Mayor of Utiea, N. Y. ;
Rev. A. D. Mayo, Albany, N. Y. ; Henry Bigclow, M. D-,
Newton, Mass.; Dio Lewis, M. D., Boston, Mass.; Prof.
H. B. Pierce, Principal of Model School, Trenton, N. J.;
Rev. E. H. Chapin, D. D., New York ; Rev. Austin Craig,
D. D., Blooming-Grove, N. Y. deol9-3w
THE PROBLEM SOLVED.
THE RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION.
BY M. AUGUSTUS COCHIN.
Translated by Miss Mary L. Booth, translator of M.
Gasparin's Works on America.
M COCHIN is an ex-maire and municipal councillor of
, the city of Paris. He has had great advantages
for research among both public and private documents ;
and has devoted bis life to tho subject on which his forth-
coming volume treats. He recently received the order of
knighthood from the Pope, in acknowledgment of tho abil-
ity displayed in this book ; to which also was recently
awarded tho first prize of three thousand francs by the
French Academy.
So little is positively known of the economical and social
results of Emancipation in those countries where it has
taken place, that the importance of this volume to the peo-
ple of the United States, in the present crisis, can hardly
bo overestimated.
; was written at the suggestion of the learned Count
Montalembert ; is based entirely on official reports ; and
its statements, which comprehend every form of the ques-
tion, are fully reliable.
OF the style and attractiveness of the book, the follow-
g extract from a notice of the French edition, in the Chris-
m Examiner, may testify. It is pronounced, "among
io most remarkabfc, fascinating, and timely books of the
year. It is, at once, cautious and eloquent, candid and en-
thusiastic ; as sagacious as De Toequeville's work on Ameri-
ca ; and as ardent as Viotor Hugo's Legend of the Ages.
It is scientific in its arrangement, accurate in its display of
faots, logical in its reasoning, and clear in its conclusions."
12mo. Sent free by wail, on receipt of the price, — $1.50.
Tub Rejecteo Stone ; or, Insurrection vs. Resurrection in
America. By a Native of Virginia. 12mo. Cloth, 50
cents.
"This remarkable book," says the Christian Examiner,
"discusses the question of Emancipation as the result of
tho war, with a depth of conviction, a boldness of utter-
ance, cogency of argument, wealth of illustration, and
withal a keenness of satire and a fervid eloquence, which
insure readers for the book."
Another critio remarks : " This eloquent, argumentative,
electric work is instinct with the passion of the South and
the reason of tho North."
Tho Independent opens its criticism with the significant
query : " Have wo an American Carlyle ? "
ALSO,
Tub True Story of the Barons of the South ; or, The
Bationalo of tho American Conflict. By Rev. E. W.
Rkynolhs, author of "Roaords of Bubbleton Parish."
With Introduction by Rev. S. J. May. 12uio. 75 ots.
WALKER, WISE & CO.,
decl2-3t.is 245 Washington Street, Boston.
HOPEDALE HOME SCHOOL.
Till; next Term of this Institution will commence on
^Yc<^nr.■.■day, January 7. 1863, and continuo Fifteen
weeks. For particulars, please address
WM. S. HEYWOOD, > p r{ „ rinn ,
A. B, MEYWOOD, l^"">!'^-
Hopednlo, Milford, Mass., Dee. 21, 1802. dcc26-2t
A. J. GR0VER,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
KARL.VIIJI.E, La Salle Co., 111.
■ Especial attention given to securing and collecting
Clai
s for Eastern Morohnnts.
August S
tf.
JOHN S . ROCK. I' s Q , .
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
No. 6, TnitMONT Street, : * BOSTON
SOS
T H E LIB E K A. T O M
DECEMBER 26.
f 1 1 1 « .
Kr the Kberator,
EE OHAMPIOH.
■
prodt .■■■■■ i ■.:!<:ptii<pi.
BY DANtKL MASH, K. ".
„ioae tables wedtsoern
Botae truth i thai wiser moderns are too unapt I
When ger.orn-iBbc.m.'1'y valiant deeds fchelrtaugl
proVe.--.-i
i ■■ ■' .
-,.-■ | Q fj ■■
The swords benWs emblem fcbefi, and pi
0- ■!>■]■ 'I:,
A-.-l lion-vatet ItofB its offliae with lamfrJika uinweoea j
aensed wrong the wootty pawon
gave,
er ' toensiave.
for right—
And fie that lost'was bravest in the
ftgllt :
The eye to pltj most inclined isonH pot be availed by fear,
softened by a
Sar s
No sunuoons motlied by chill delay the nation'* hope de-
fined}
Nor laggard cnief a seeend 1 Low to h.(»iojte post preferred
Then victory's PATflPlSCER found Favor in the State.
And greatness then in power and place was for the truly
great.
That age of gold by poets told was not like this — alas !
An age of proclamations, and postage stamps, and brass
en, gentles, to my tale ! In days of old romance,
A youthful knight went forth in light to prove his maiden
lanoe ;
TTpon a desert mountain's side a cavern he surveyed,
■ ng for n Buiart young knight just setting up his
trade)
"With stern resolve our knight advane'd, drawn by myste-
Lsaving, without, horse, lance and squire, the diro event to
wait ;
When, lo ! within the gloomy depth a hall of wondrons
space,
■Whoso hollow donio .ascending far tho eye could scarcely
trace ;
On either side withouten bound, the solemn scene he viewed
Of gloomy grandeur, silent space, and murky solitude.
Then seemed a strange, sepulchral tongue, with unknown
accent, spoke —
And, hark ! a deep and sullen bell the awful silence broke ;
And, lo ! a rising curtain brought a wondrous scene to fight,
thoas ■ iteeds array'd in armour
Eaoh vrith elos'd helmet, spear in rest, and arm'a>froui bead
bo h
bio pirn
, and mail of triplo
With golden spurs, and
steel.
In silence stern and rigid state, it seem'd some wizard hand
Prom quarried marble, steel and gold, had wrought the
sculptured band :
One horse alone stood riderless of all that knightly train,
A sheathed sword and bugle-horn hung by his bridle rein ;
And by an altar stood a shield, with this inscription
wrought, —
"Knight, whosoe'er thou art whom chance or late hath
hither brought,
This is tliy hour of destiny, if to thy knighthood true ;
Henceforth thy praise to latest days the ages shall renew.
'- the paynim yoke, thy conquered eoun
And prostrate priest with prayer and mass for her deliver-
ance pleads :
Five hundred years, transformed to stone, await these war-
riors bold,
The hour, the man, the bugle-blast, by ancient seer foretold,
Who in f*-is holy cause shall throw tho gage of battle down
Fearless to pluck tho victor's wreath, or claim the martyr')
erown,
ost of the sons of men the bards of earth shall
praise,
Him to the loftiest seats above the virgin mother raise.
If thou, prepared and self-possessed, shall dare the desper-
ate fight,
Mount ! draw the sword, and blow tho horn, and God j>e-
FBKB THE BIGHT !*
Forthwith our knight, disdaining fear, with high heroic
teorn,
Athwart the vacant saddle lcap'd, and blew the bugle-horn ;
At ones, with hurried clang of arms, the hosts of war ad-
vance,
The earthquake tramp of myriad steeds, the crash of shiv-
ered lance !
A moment, and the strife is o'er, the fated crisis past,
And on the floor in weltering gore our hapless knight is
cast.
Tho fast receding dim of arms dies in the depths away,
And gloomy silence supersedes the storm of desperate fray ;
And from the grouud in angry sound of pity and disdain,
This scornful sentence smote the knight_with still severer
"Wo, wo, tnsro ma
Who did sot dra
BirGtE-HORH '
onn BEFOHE
FKOOLAMATIOH SONG.
The first of January nest, Eighteen si s ty- three,— -
So says the Proclamation, — the slaves will all be free !
To every kindly heart 'twill bo the day of jubilee,
For the bond shall all go free !
John Brown, the dauntless hero, with joy is looking on,
home among tho angels he aces the coming dawn ;
ith Freedom's banner, and bail the glorious morn
When tho slaves shall all go free !
We've made a strike for Liberty — the Lord is on our side,
And Christ the friend of bondmen shall ever be out guide ;
And soon the cry will ring, throughout this glorious land
so wide,
" Let tho bondmen all go free ! "
;io crushed and bleeding hearts we'll hear the
broken sigh,
No more from brothers hound in chains we'll hear the
pleading cry ;
For the happy day, the glorious day is coming by-and-hy,
When the slaves shall all go free !
We're bound to make onr glorious Hag the banner of the
free,
it of January next, Eighteen sixty-three ;
0/ every loyal Northern heart the glad cry then shall bo,
" Let tho bondmen all go free ! "
" No coxphomise with tsLAVEitv ! " — we hoar the cheering
sound ;
Tbo road to peace and happiness "Old Abe" at last has
prilling hands to sto
we're bound,
While ho Bets the boudmen free i
The morning light \a breaking, we see its cheering ray,—
of Ti nU; and Justice that cau never fade away ;
;bten to a great and glorious
fl*y,
shall all go free '
"other sidi lo all toget
■iiy hand ;
brothers in that brighter, better 'and,
Where the bond snail all be free !
17, 1862. J. M. FarjSND.
THE BEAUTY OF WINTER.
Even winter to sno hath a thousand :
short gloomy days, and its long starry nights i
And I love to the dawn to inhale
Tho health-breathing freshness thiti. !:■
■-■'■(■ the crest of the lull.
Hand are hoary and still ;
When the motion and Mind of the streamlets are lost
In the i«j frost ;
'■. ■ . hotter]
■ .'■ spirit of natnri hath rings,
eed of all glorious th
-■ n .
■ Ilness of beauty and ..
■ ■ ■
BRUTAL TREATMENT OP SLAVES BY GEN.
CORCORAN.
I have just returned from Yurlttown. Suffolk, Fort
Norfolk, Peat-House and Craney Island. The last
three fjjaoes ajfl in the neighborhood of Norfolk, and
I sat my foot on tho wharf at Newport News only to
find the colored people in a state of consternation ;m<l
confusion, Four weeks ago, vs wen- all foil of hope ;
id t building ".granted to am for a school-house,
and we were gettlag ready to receive 600 or 600
more of the fYeetlroea and v.-nmeij, who had been in
tents nil summer at HaniptOB-, to iBake B|r*parto1
the 1000 or 6001) that Were to ho provided with win-
ter charters litre. On the 9th inst,, J00 women, chil-
dren and decrepit men were landed at night, many ot
them sick and helpless. Their ghastly and shadowy
.forms will ever haunt ranf roory. They were put
into lar-e barracks for the remai r of the night,
where they slept upon a little hay, with a eold snow
storm raging outside. Not. 10th, myseh
and such others .is I could rally were busy, by times,
building fires lo boil a little coffee which was given tc
them, but without sugar, as it was not eonvcnieul
tor the commissary to draw a iiltle for them.
At 5 o'clock, we gave them some pork and bear,
soup and hard bread, and another night all slept agair
upon the hay, — mothers shivering all night, drawing
if possible, their little mies closer to them, that thej
might impart the warmth of their person to them.
AH this time, a day and two nighM, their blankets
and s few other things had been locked up in
another barrack, their new superintendent not deem-
ing it necessary to give them out. On the 11th, before
they had had their morning meal, the steamer Mystic
came in with the intelligence that Gen. Corcoran had
anchored with his legions before Fortress Munroe, and
that Newport Jsows must be cleared of all colored peo-
!•:■■ to make room for his troops. Here, again, was
confusion, for none of the people had had a good sound
meal, and had not full time to bury their dead, which
was fifteen in two days. By request of Dr. O.Brown,
who is superintendent of the freedmen, I went to Cra-
ney Island, to see the condition of the place and the
quarters. This was a rebel fortification, and is sit-
uated on the right bank of the Elizabeth river as you
enter it going to Norfolk. There I found three bar-
racks, containing thirteen rooms, in which we had
600 peopie, over 46 to each room. They were homed
over, and remained in this condition until tents could
be drawn from the Quartermaster, and put up; in
the mean lime, the suffering for want of food was ex-
treme, especially among the children.
On the 2'Jlh, Gen. Corcoran arrived here, and, hav-
ing got control of Newport News, he has seen nothing
but these colored people. They are before him, like
the mysterious cat in the fable which lifted her hack
to the- moon. He sees, -them a hundred years hence
on this Peninsula, wiilTthe implements of a new civil-
ization in their hands, the plow and the Bible ef which
Wickliffe told the .priests that the plow boys should
soon know more than they did. He threw out his
guards, and 300 more of these people, who have work-
ed al! summer in the hospitals — a few receiving only
five dollars, while many of them nothing — he had
forced together upon the beach and other available
places. The steamer John A. Warner took a part of
them to Craney Island, and those who were found
after she left were driven, by his order, to the end
of the wharf over the water. One woman was com-
pelled to take her sick daughter, of thirteen years, in
her arms, and carry her half a mile to the place where
the rest were. At the same time, every house was
robbed by these Irishmen, of both clothing and money,
where it could be found. One man, whom I know-
well, told me that he had a little money, and they
forcibly took it from him.
The same night was one of the stormiest of the sea-
son. It rained incessantly, and these poor people
were forced to remain in this exposed condition on
the lower end of the wharf all night, and until next
day late in the afternoon. In the morning, tho mother
oi the sick girl informed me* that she had died in the
night, and thatshe had neither light nor water lo give
when she asked for them, ; and that the other child
must soon go too. Here she hid her face in her hands,
and asked me what .they were going to do with the
folks. I had no answer for her question, not even a
word of consolation ; for whatever was her state of
mind, I knew that she was a better Christian than I.
My only recourse was to go to the fortress, lo Gen.
John A. Dix, before any thing could be done, as no
one dared even to move the body from the wharf.
He quickly sent a steamboat to take tiie peopie to
Craney island, and an order to have- the child buried.
All day, Gen. Corcoran's men had been stepping over
the corpse, while it lay there in a drenching rain.
There arc still remaining some of these people,
who work in the Quartermaster's department, but
who are without houses, and must remain so, until
Lieut. Alfred Gage, to whom any one interested car.
write, can provide (hem places.
Gen. Corcoran may win a great many hard-fought
battles; he may lead his Regions as a successful Gen-
eral ; but he will never be able to erase from his his-
tory the record which he has so early made at New-
port News. The memory of the death of that little
girl, and two or three others who will soon follow,
from criminal exposure on the wharf at Newport
News, "Virginia, on the night of the 26th of Novem-
ber, 1S62, his own act, must he his companion for life ;
and ■■ ben dead; will make one of the darkest pagea of
his history. A General without pity is a barbarian;
and the military man who would so barbarously treat
these docile people, who are never found with a mur-
mur upon their lips, no matter what their sufferings,
only merits a place by the side of the heartless Quarter-
mastcrTahnadgc.who both starved, and beat them with
wagon whips. A man who is not able to work a re-
form in his own heart, God has no use or mission for
him on the earth.
it seems to me that everything which is despicable
and oppressive is used to make these colored people
hate freedom. Between forty and fifty of them left
here on Sunday night. 22d inst., when they heard
what was going to take place, saying that the Union
woa&l never see them again. And what man, seeing
the condition of things, can blame them '? Most of
these freedmen, if let alone, would work their way
into a good living, and would save a little money.
The Superintendent at Craney Island has sent tugs
along the shore, and taken from all the fishermen the
boat 1 ? winch they own, saying that he wants them un-
der his control. They can now fish and oyster at his
dictation. That colored men shall not think for
themselves is of Southern tyranny, and is practised
by any under- official who can get a little authority over
is the way, if free, we can't take care of
ourselves I
Gnraey Island, too, is to he the place to which all
opposition . : tXDH procla-
mation wiii turn its ■ '.< this winter, with the view of
....-.■'. ..■ together of these people to
be fed by Government, who would otherwise support
res, will retard its progress. The New Yofk
11 riot forget this place. It is a grave injury
to these people to put them on this island, fortius rea-
... ■ ■■■ . .■ ■
Government for support, Secondly, it ex-cludes them
from active life and the tree use of their limbs, which
..-y to their own health, us evidenced in the
fact that they now die from twelve a day.
Thirdly;, H affords bad ojen
asufOS of eompr ■:
■ .-.iijli, the North La full.
iHW OLIVER.
portBfewB, Va.. Wo
Mr. Oliver's tettel ,l,,:i1 t: -" Now
He African. Thi '
band ■ .:■;.■■
he hun ■ ■ ■ ran, v ■ i i
beet! the " :: " CHIJBi
THE MANHOOD OP THE NEGK0.
Mk. pDi tl disturbed and dis-
turbing times, the gnat question is, how shall we in-
o -i':ill we Wlito our page of
history so flint we may not Wash to lesve the record
to those who are to come after ' What shall be the
Koran, the thing to be read, from which to draw our
inspiration ?
To the hundred thousand wh.i have ftchtewd their
liberty, how much depends on our answer! How
ill to the four millions wbOBfl chnins yet
be car of slavery ! How- much to the 1
i N D E X
M.
TO
■ ; ; ■ [Al '. ! .'■ Ball, ;:-!-:: i-51
■ gy, 121
THE LIKEnATOrt,
■ ■ ting ia Coopeir
4]
Mr. Uowiaud'fl Keply to
Mi'- May,
VOLUME XXXII.
■ ■ nai | Dishonesty, 44
McClellai
Metayow, 44-4M8-T6
ermaent, 148-149
School at Chat-
Mi .Dicey- ' ipiuion, 162
A.
ham, 59-62
Marriage ol an Ex.
ightman
.' of ;l Sump-
. ..li'lp Prophecy, R A Voic6"irQul B$1
80
wta iv, 101-103-118
book, 204
Aodraw, Bov., Address of, 6 AHtUAb»litianMorem't,109
Maine Jiujuwrjioy, I cj ;j
It
.'■ ' hangs ! 'l Position, not Abolition
il the President
. . ■'......
a Change of Principle, C eionists,
113
on COBipenflatiOB, i Ifi
'.r 1.:;.
rrable Memorial, inti-Slavery Celebration
Arming ot staves by the at r'ni-riiinghn.ni.
n-s
N.
■j Address of F. M McKin
Attack on oar Soldiers by on Pnrt RoyaJ Centra
Negroes fox Bohliera, 13
■ ■ lorne, 102
National Sobeci ipfcion An-
N. v. Journal of Com-
A Thank: trii i, 13 Army of the Potomac,
niversary Report, 28
New Northern Constitu-
12'^
Negro Regiment at Port
Abolition License, 17 A Coloi A
Wi.
■ry O'ffici
)rder of MoCJellati on
President's Proclama-
tion, 1(13
3rtlur of Peovost Mar-
109
. mO.K«t,
P.
■ ■ . .
si Colomzali
Port Royal M
J U2
71
i, 73
0-103-123
I long— In
And the practical s
s not without- its
:k man been cat
THE JJKBT WOliK
AGEI
Hai'jjer'o Koto
OF
The Great Rebellion
THE TTTSTXIVESX} JST-a-TEiS.
M- ..
SHE GREAT
.-..■,:
Llun, by&**i
': I i . ■ : i
of the foi mat
mation and
■ ■ . . meal ;
doctrines of
^--ion, uutl Hip various phs
they assumed antU tbelt Bnal oolmiuation in the Great
;,■,/.■ in ..■
The llis'ionY compriees ■■<■ fi ■■■ from tho
■ ■ ■ '■■■ , ol all . ■ ■ ' ■ .
intrigues of the Southern leaders at home and abroad ; the
feotion of one section ; thegreat'Cpri
People for the nraintenanco of the National Life and Exiefc-
: v- Army ko& Navy ;
The ItLCSTRATu ss eomprlH) Portraits of all those who
bavebori ..■'- part ia tlie stroggle i .Maps of the
■ ■ ' ;-.s ; Views
of every, scene ■
ties. Tbeai mostly from drawings taken
-:■■: iv iis-ri-t..; ■■'!(.-} juf..trd for that purpose to aeeom-
pftny i^verv division of nur 4r!ny and -'
ijity^at thf; command of the Publishers hae been
employed in the preparatiOEi and execution of the work ;
and they eooSdently believe that it ttill form
trustworthy and raruuble liHstery which can ■■■■
of THE QEBAT ■•-yin^.-'^LE FOH THE A ■■
Mode and Terms of Publication.
■-■ i- ■ ■, :. Numbers, each eonsi
of Lhe .-!"■ of " Harpers WtiMy" minted from
on ■ ,-■■ paper, oiid frill probably in
issued, at intervals, if ;.■ ■ ■
,,-y Nc-
.■on ti'i-'si.i: us as yon treat others." "Protect us in oui
■ights, and if wc cannot- sustain ourselves. let us gt
BSY, ME. PEEK0H AT TEE CAPITAL.
Washln-ctOs, {D. C.) Dec. 15, IS62.
C. M. Clay on tho War, 134
Democratic Treason, 33-73 Dr. HmMen and Daniel
Discourse of fiav. Mr. Al- Dr. Edson B. Olds, i
S8 Dei
trial- Des
sible, 154 Do;
rebellion, until we were w
the slaves : that for his part he
take his place by the side of the
with him, and to die and go U
But he said he believed tlmt in nt
be continued long. It was flie m
slaves that their deliverance is
claimed to have learned this fact
that they knew that the Proclaim
long before it actually came out
instanct-s illustrating the confidin
and religious trust of the negrot
scarcely seen a drunken colored n
profane language, during his expi
He also contradicted the oft-repea
negroes will not fight for their li
have an opportunity. He knew
and willing to fight. The meetin
:i splendid success. It marks a n
of Washington Sunday meetings,
could not this meeting he folio-wed
not some of the
day, with
gafeed, if)
lling to do full justice, to
i P bj.
the old p
oneers be heard here on Sun-
>pcn doors
3 It would he a great point
T\u
* .To
n "::
urself, Mr
Phillips and Parker Fillsburv
is Ga
pital,
rd here by
the masii-s. There are many,
Ho
ni th
w
Northcn,
men here now, among them
id 1 have no doubt that Anti-
Ho
e go cou
d be safely and profitably held
A. J. GKOVEII.
Hi
1 idi
^= It is perfectly notorious here, that three-quar-
ters of the Massachusetts men in the field were op-
posed altogether to the late Republican party. — Bos-
ton Courier.
The Courier knows "aa much of the sentuneuls of
tire soldiers, as it does of the people, of Massachusetts,
which is just nothing at all- The feet is jusl the re-
verse of what the Courier states, as every our knows
who has mingled with the Boldiers. — Boston Journal.
g^r^ 1 The day after the late election, a Democrat-
ic newspaper in New York covered its bulletin board
with the following announcement: "See Indiana!
see Ohio 1 see Pennsylvania! see Seymour! A friend
1 ■ tep . up to the bulletin, wrote underneath,
■ - -'..>' Independent.
■■I (jL Death. The Dubuque JSeratd closed
its existence yesterday morning, lis hist number wan
chiefly devoted to the vindication of the administra-
tion of James Buchanan, written by himself. This
is entitled — "His Administration nobly vil
his policy the true pul'ey " ; and so tin- Herald Sled
praising James lJucliaiian \ It was an awt'td death s
■ : i Times,
.'■■ man and his wife, with six childi
within a short time, from North Carolina. They
forded streams, and swam one river, each carrying
- ;t time OB their backs, until all had passed
i.. er. Bol though thus eager for freedom, they
dread the North— its climate and its ways. Give
them freedom, and there is no danger of their leaving
the sunny !
PAiu;r: 1'iio.M Coi:n' llu^ii'-. The London Median
ica' Magazine stateB that "excellent paper is now
in Ku rope from the leaves of Indian corn fh re is
one miii in operation in Switzerland, and one in Aus-
tria, in which paper is made from BUCh loaves OXfitu
sively. Tli . envelop the ears of corn
make 'in- best quality."
Gen. Busl oi .■ iw S oi k, Ija? hi ■
o Gen Dix at ifortrest Munroe, where an
. . ■ "il command will be arranged for him,
. . ;■ , ■ ..■;.•■ ■ ; ........
Ill ;, ,■::, IjOll 111
Iforl a'nd mi ■' Irmi a prvs ■ ifit.
. ■ ■ ■ ■ ■■.' ■ . on Sal
:■ of George tV. tis, In I
■ ' ■
. ■
si
Ul-i
Democracy,
of Dlacks
313
lute
awwith thi
rithBorile
Prosi
Stat
J
tin
of Chioago Chris-
Delegation,
Jehu Brewn-ism,
JoSbraoa Dai b 1
onoh
53
JefF.
(,i
D
tvis to Abraham
In.
man, 81
Jell". Davis to his Army,
IStl
118
J. 1
tic
Itesolu-
:il Worcester*
Kansas Eman. League, 47 Kansas NegMj Itcs'taont, 186
Loyalty of Colored Ameri-
cans in the Revolution-
ary War, 2
Lecture by li. 11. Heywood, 3
Letter from Htm. llalleck
to Frank BUIt, 7
rom U.il.Croclter, 24
Let tor from Elisabeth
Gady Stanton, 20
im English Abo-
litionists, 82
Letters to George Thomp-
son, 30 :.i 38
!/ hit from Mrs, Pranoet
D, (Jage
Letter Irum Montgomery
Blair, 45
9.B.SI '
■ ate Ifix-
■ ■ ■ ■ 19
r fl om And row Pa-
imi.
60
hotter to Bon. William H.
Beward, .M
. ,;. .
■ ■ vn Iter, Daniel
Foster, 60-11] i
159 ti ■ .1 ! 190 LO ■
>; ■ Diokii
.-■.,
i A. 1
iiia -195
I . m J. Miller Mo-
I
[,.mii l*rce tiohool,
>!..!. f18
i i i tor IVod
■
li ■
Letter from . Rev. Mr.
Quint, ST
Letter to lion. J. Colla-
more, 94
Letter from Dr. B
Lei.u-r from Bern
Wright, iov-M'j- LOO- L5I
18T^17*-176-178 I ■
203 ■->■■
Letter frqm ffen. Banhs, 1 15
Letter from Sen. Butl
Letter ffom Gen. B«n-
:-■ ■.-. Dr, lyng, 126
Eiotter IV latoi H
son, 130
: inion of Attor-
'■::.■ :.. I
!.■■''■ c From U Mi
Child bo tho !'-■'■■ Idonl . 130
Ufa among riu Oontra-
bands, M-i
Letter LVon
ton, i ■■'
rom M. L. Whit-
t-„, I6fi
Oattc ■ E
100
..■>..■.,:'..
B b, LB !
■ Powlor,18G
Uttor ii.-t" 3; < -■■■
son, L80
U Btaro oJ
■■
fairs,
i .■. i
193
■ ■ ■ ■ ■
;■-;..,. . .
! People
Rev. E. H. CLapin
i Reply «
I A. H.
ctu
or
(J Pt
fill
of J
■:* p'
Sella
Mai
la
ebe
CI
1 (
lii
lofl
oute
en. McCIp
182-18
npt of M
ad
obc
M
cat
rt
itt
SIB 1
Dak
Dow
Owe
i an
The Price of e
alent to an ordir
The Illustrati
KniuU
volame
r, which eontaiiiS matter equiv-
, will be Twenty-five cents.
Number are alone worth the
iipioyment, esp^eially
BLED SOLDIERS,
■:■ ■,.■■
b oi read; -=ale and good profits.
y to the Publishers,
I &. BROTHERS,
; o„. 3 «f
Frniikliu Square, New York,
i To the flonoral
Court, next ti
. ■ - = "
A. D. cightne
IX thain, in
Thomas K- Ian
&laud and Pro
day of July, A.
her maiden nai
le,
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118 ;
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Letter
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T. Bigelow, Esq.. Chief Justice
GEO. C, WHdJE, CUrk.
Gi;o. C. VviuhL, Cicrf;.
Speech of Eon. Dai
Speech of ClGu
A GOOD CHANCE TO MAKE
$50 to $100
TER MONTH. AND EXPENSES.
;. Di I ' .. -, Map of Vir-
:itrn States, frerii to pedbsrs and
3 any part- of Maine or New Samp-
I . Con ■ ,
The Port fii
ment,
103
rh ■ 3pi ■
- ■ ".-!:>. ,;.!-,:.
T]:, ---.., : . iios, 12-16
Treason Rampant in Bor-
ton, 13
Bcipa'rj League, lo
Tennessee LegisiaMoi
Trnstea Traitors. 24
The British idoii, 2i">
The Ahiditiun Traitors, 'Si
ons Of the South, 31
L'Jie President'i ilea
■' \ow. 18
Thy Naval fight inliajnp-
tou Roads, 48
The M.-ik-rn Jonah, -1G
Tl.o President's Pn
tion, 4'!
The State of tbeOoonlry, B8
Thi .-■■ W(, ,.,;.i. 3uh 6f
Tho First &
The Army A-nti-Abolit^on,73
-,. m . of Aweri-
A.S. Sooiety on tho
Wai
74
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Biavesj 3
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tyodger, 141
Thurlow Weed on Con-
trabands, 114
The Master Eaoe, J 14
TheSIavesof Rebels, 126
.'. ■ a \IVi-
eau ColonisatiOQ, 133-
1S4-3S8
133
TheCeurae
Treason In
Thitii:s that inakt! for
167
DharlM
SuiKnei , IfiS
The Union as it Was, H I
rowing Bold, 156
■ iio,-|.ital, IKS
ten Gate, '■'-
The Problem ;;. .-.■, I ..■
., i re
Parker, 173
■ ■ II
Theodore R Weld, 178
The Verdioi
- an Ass, i98
■
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Voioo of Dnion Esilos, 136 \ lews of an Entelligent
Vermont Anti-lfngitivo Negro, ',
■ ; ■
■ i it? 87
Who are the Negro Wor-
shippers, ll
Ward uoi .....
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Wendell Phillips in Wash-
40
H-tin, 58
,i fi3 70
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— Address ot dKtoi 1M
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175
WhoRallj .■■■■■.■
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European and Fancy Furs,
308 WasliiugtoL Street, 308
OPPOSITE BOSTOM THKATBE, B08T O X .
j^ 5- Particular attention it paid to altering and repair
ing Old Furs.
|js5?" Purs preserved during the summer. :;ov7tf
on St, 6 doors South of Milk St.
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sorted arti&oii toetli
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GLOBE HOTEL,
■';'■■.
JULY 18.
THE LIBERATOR
115
colored people are just as fastidious upon this point as
white people. We have our aristocratic feeling. I
have my neighbors all around ine— most of them
white — some of whom my family arc glad to have
come in and cliat with us ; there are others we don't
associate with at all. I have no particular ohjeclion
to their hair because it is a little red, or to their eyes
because they are a little grey; my objection to them
rests on other grounds. When my white neighbors
shall arrive at a proper point of Intellectual culture
and moral development, I shall not object to their com-
ing in and taking their position. (Laughter and ap-
plause.)
Now, one or two words in another direction. We
often hear the remark made, "We don't want the
negroes liberated ; if they are liberated and come here,
they will take work away from us, and we shall have
nothing to do." That is the objection I heard made
in Lawrence, in East Boston, and in almost every
place where I have spoken upon this subject. Now
that objection is a very foolish one. The slave's labor
is more valuable In the {southern States, where he is
to-day, than it ever could be hi' the Northern States.
It is more valuable in raising cotton, sugar and rice
than anything else, and when slavery is abolished, the
demand for labor in the Southern States will be even
greater than it is to-day. And they can till the soil,
they can work out in the hot sun, and being acclima-
ted will be far superior as laborers to any class of per-
sons who can he introduced there. Look at the
British West Indies. The attempt has been made to
introduce white laborers there, into Jamaica, but they
never could compete with the black man. And there
is another thing to be considered. Let slavery he
abolished, and it will be better for the country in
every respect. Think of 4,000,000 consumers who
will spring into existence in the Southern States!
People seem to forget that. These slaves, who are
now living upon Indian corn, bacon, and hickory
nuts, will at once wish for something better. Your
cheese, your butter, your flour, and all such things,
would at once be demanded in the Southern States,
and those 4,000,000 of slaves would become the con-
sumers of the fabrics that are made here in the North-
ern States. These are things that the people of the
North, as I think, ought to take into consideration
when asking the question, " What shall be done with
the slaves, if they are liberated 1 " {Applause.)
SPEECH OF CHARLES C- BURLEIGH.
The short time which it is possible for me to take,
in justice to other speakers, will not permit a speech ;
and therefore I shall only give you a fragment, torn out
of the middle of one, with neither beginning nor end.
We have been reminded in the course of the day of
the method, or rather, perhaps I should say, the want
of method, in which the military operations of the
North are carried on against the rebellion. If the anti-
slavery movement which has been agitating the country
for the last thirty years still stood in need of any justi-
fication to the minds of candid and sensible men, it
would be found in this very attitude of the North to-
day towards the rebellion, acknowledged on almost all
hands to have sprung from slavery, and nothing else.
Here stands the North, cowering before the very
power which has stirred up that rebellion, and talking
about putting down the rebellion without going behind
it, and putting down its admitted cause; as if you
should try to put down diabolism in the world, and re-
spect the vested rights of Satan. Why is it so 1 Be-
cause slavery has blinded the minds of the people, and
stupified their understandings; and all the way from
Abraham Lincoln in the chair of State, down to his
lowest follower in the halls of Congress, you find the
same evidence of a want of clearness of vision — not
only of moral, hut even of intellectual vision. We
suppose that men in conspienmis public stations ought
to know something; and these men do know some-
thing about every thing except slavery, and what sla-
very teaches; but going there, they seem to know
nothing, or, at least, they dh not know every thing
which it is important they should know at this time.
We are told that Abraham Lincoln is a very good, well-
meaning man; I hope he is. All the stronger, if so,
is the proof of what I have said ; for your well-mean-
ing man, if he understood his business, would never
go about the work of putting down a pro-slavery re-
bellion after the fashion in which he has gone about it.
But men say he is waiting to see if the people will
support him ; he is going to drift upon the tide. I tell
you the man who understands his business never waits
for his followers to drift him in the right direction.
He is resolute to go forward, and his very resolution
serves to bring his followers after him. If Abraham
Lincoln had spoken the right word at the right time,
he would have been supported by the whole country;
not only by those who are marking out a policy, but
by multitudes who would have thanked him from the
bottom of their hearts for saving them the trouble of
seeking one for him ; and not only they, but those
who stand waiting for an opportunity, and mean to go
with the strongest party, and when they see one party
in deadly earnest and the other shivering in the wind,
by instinct, they recognize the deadly earnest men as
the strongest party ; and still others, those who were
opposed, would have been swept into the current, if
Abraham Lincoln had shot forward with energy
enough to make a wake behind him that would draw
men in.
Men say the Constitution stood in his path. But
why is not the constitutional right of everybody else
as sacred as that of so-called loyal slaveholders — the
" black swans " of this age — to hold men as chattels,
when we know that the very root of disloyalty is the
practice of holding men as chattels ? I think I have
some rights, I think you have some rights ; but this
government of yours stretches its long arms to the
North and the South, and sweeps you all up together,
your property, your lives, your liberty, and crushes
' them into one mass, which is to he hurled against the
rebellion. You strew the battle-field with slaughter,
— nobody's constitutional rights meddled with there;
you crowd your prisons with captives, put there with-
out warrant of law, save martial law — nobody's con-
stitutional rights meddled with there ; and you destroy
the property of the nation until you burthen the land
with a thousand millions of dollars of debt — and no-
body's constitutional rights are meddled with there.
There is but just one thing sacred in this land, and
that is, not your person, not your freedom, not your
life or your property, but the slaveholder's claim to
make a beast of his brother man. (Applause.)
Now, I answer all that in a great many ways,
but I only make one answer this afternoon. In the
first place, I say that if you want Constitution, you
shall have Constitution, to the very end of it — as much
of it as Portia in the play would give of his bond to
the Jew; you shall have all that the law awards, and
nothing more ; and then I say, that by the Constitu-
tion of your country, and by the law of your land,
Abraham Lincoln is a perjured man if he allows sla-
very to be recognized as a legal institution in this
country another hour. I tell you that slavery died in
every rebellious State of this Union the instant it
raised the flag of rebellion. I prove it to you in a few
short Words. What is the legal basis of slavery, if it
has any ? Positive law. Lord Mansfield said, in Eng-
land, years ago, that slavery is of so odious a nature,
that it cannot be suffered to exist upon any other
ground than that of positive Law. The courts of Geor-
gia, Mississippi, and almost every one of your States,
slave and free, have recognized that same principle in
by-gone times; and alt the North — Abraham Lincoln
and all the rest— recognize it to-day. Slavery is the
creature of positive law, so far as it has any legality at
all. Positive, not natural law. It has no prescriptive
rights, no rights based upon nature ; it has nothing to
uphold it as a legal system but judicial precedents and
statute enactments. Well, what holds up judicial
precedents and statute enactments 1 The government
from which they proceed— nothing else. If I have a
natural right to anything, you may annihilate all the
governments this side of God's, and my natural right
remains unharmed ; but if I have a right created by
government, when the government sinks, my right
goes to the bottom with it. Is not that plain common
sense ? The Creator dying, his creation perishes with
him. All your theologians will tell you that. Now,
the rebellion has annihilated the law-making power in
the slavcholding States. Is there any government in
South Carolina, is there any government in Georgia
or Virginia, or any other rebellious State, which any
loyal citizen of the North has a right to recognize as a
government? Hoes Abraham Lincoln recognize any
government there except his own ? He sends a Gov-
ernor down — more's the pity — to North Carolina, who
goes there to enforce the laws of Nortli Carolina!
Poor fool ! Not knowing that if he does, he is like
the man who stood out upon the branch of a tree, and
sawed it off close to the trunk— the instant he attempts
to enforce the laws of North Carolina, he cuts oil' his
gubernatorial existence. He ought to know that. But
in sending a Governor to Tennessee, North Carolina,
and elsewhere, President Lincoln recognizes the fact,
that there is no government except his own in any re-
bellious State ; and whether he recognizes it or not,
you know it, as a matter of plain common sense. No
man can owe allegiance to two governments, at war
with each other. The rebellion, therefore, by annihi-
lating every law which the slave States have enacted,
has left those States with no other law but the natural
law, which does not support slavery, and the laws of
the Federal Government, which neither do support
nor have any constitutional or legal power to support
it. (Applause.) You see, therefore, that there is no
legal slavery in any one of those States.
Abraham Lincoln said in his inaugural address,
speaking to his "dissatisfied fellow-countrymen" — a
very pleasant phrase to apply to men in armed rebel-
lion against the government, trying to pull down the
very pillars of the commonwealth upon their heads
and his own — addressing his '"flissatistied fellow-coun-
trymen," lie says — "You have no oath registered in
Heaven to pull down this government ; I have an oath,
a solemn one, to uphold, and defend, and protect it."
He is sworn to protect the Constitution. By the Con-
stitution of the country, every man in every rebellious
State is a free man this day, and therefore Abraham
Lincoln has sworn that he will recognize the freedom
of every man in those States. What right has he,
then, when General Hunter, as hi3 subordinate, does
his part of the work by issuing an order freeing every
man within his jurisdiction, to send out and counter-
mand that order? There have been but few men in
conspicuous places earnestly engaged in putting down
this rebellion — I think there have been a great many
more down lower; but the few who have shown good
sense in their action have been thrust back by the
well-meaning President, and the well-meaning govern-
ment of which he is the executive officer. I should
like to know, if he has such a very earnest desire to"
go the right way, and such a sincere hatred of slavery,
if there is a chance to show it, why he allows General
Halleck's order Number 3 to remain in force, which
thrusts slaves back into their chains; thus indirectly
violating a plain act of Congress, which declares that
no officer or soldier of the United States shall return a
fugitive slave 1 What is the difference, pray, whether
you give him up by not allowing him to come into
your lines, or letting him come in, and then pushing
him back "i It is only pushing him back a little soon-
er in the one case than in the other. Why did not
President Lincoln put an extinguisher upon Governor
Stanley's order the moment his nonsense was pub-
lished 1 I see he is beginning to crawl back from his
position, and has even found Mr. Colyer so good-
natured as to be his medium, and say there was a mis-
take. I think the "mistake" was in his thinking
that he should get more support than he did.
The rebels have gone on gaining victories and win-
ning advantages because they have had a purpose, and
knew what it was to drive right at it. If a man gath-
ers all his strength up into the muscles of his right
arm, and strikes one manly blow right forward from
the shoulder, it is felt by the man he strikes. But if
a man does not know what he will strike, and spreads
his fingers all abroad, and flourishes his arms this way
and the other, he will hurt nobody. Beauregard will
laugh in your face at such kind of strategy ; and the
people who have not made up their minds whether
this war has a meaning or not, ought to be defeated,
and will be defeated ; and it is but a vindication of the
ways of Providence, the natural working out of the
principles of common senso, when they are defeated.
I say all this is the natural result of the stupifying in-
fluence of slavery upon the minds and hearts of the
people. They have lived under the shadow of this
evil institution so long, that they do not know how to
behave themselves when the shadow begins to grow
less, and so they keep crawling after it and getting un-
der it, because they are afraid of the fresh air and clear
sunlight of freedom. (Applause.)
SPEECH OP REV. DANIEL FOSTER.
This gathering to-day shows us that there is no
need of exhorting the Abolitionists to keep up their
interest. The fourth of July, 1862, is celebrated only
by those who meet to demand, in the name of the Fa-
thers, and of the ideas under the inspiration of
which they fought through the Revolutionary strug-
gle, the abolition of slavery as the termination of this
contest or revolution in which we are engaged to-day.
What do we see, just on the eve of this celebration?
After a whole year of wonderful military strategy, the
mustering of the finest army ever gathered on the face
of the earth — an army with which Napoleon Bonaparte
would, in a single year, have conquered Europe —
with all the resources at his command that have ever
been placed at the command of any General, McCIellan
has fought no battle that he has not been compelled to
by being attacked, he has encamped upon the swamps
of the Chickahominy, where his men have died by
thousands, and now he is driven away, and has es-
caped with little more than half his army ; and all the
pro-slavery journals are lauding him aB a wonderful
General, because he has not lost every man and every
siege gun. If the people submit any longer to the
charletanism of being commanded by men of abso-
lutely pro-slavery character, like McCIellan, Sturgis,
Denver, and some others, then the judgments of God
will continue to fall upon them. It is true, as our
friend Dr. Rock said in his speech, that we want an
idea to fight for. That idea is freedom. The fathers
fought for freedom, and they pledged themselves and
their children after them to maintain the grand and
glorious idea that liberty is the birth-right given by
Almighty God to every man — a birth-right that no
combination of men can ever take away from him ;
and as our friend who has just taken his seat has
clearly shown, whatever interpretation may be placed
upon the Constitution, the moment South Carolina
disowns that Constitution, she throws away all her
laws ; and slavery, if it be created by positive law, and
if >it be recognized in the Constitution, falls to the
ground that moment. In the name of God, in the
name of the fathers, in the name of freedom and hu-
manity everywhere, I call upon our government to
take this position, I call upon you to demand it of the
government. Wc have had the finest army that has
ever been gathered ; a-.i army drawn from our school-
houses, our work-shops ; an army of intelligent men
who love freedom, who went into the war to fight
against slavery, to make a free as well as a united fa-
ther-land; and throughout this whole war, our Gene-
rals have been fettered with red tape ; have been fol-
lowing the strategy of Europe before the days of Na-
poleon Bonaparte; while Beauregard, and Johnston,
and Stonewall Jackson, have been exhibiting the
energy, dash, and the strategy of Napoleon, concen-
trating their forces where they could strike an effec-
tive blow — and with limited men, with neither money
nor credit, they have won nearly all the victories that
have been won in this war so far. Our army fought
nobly at Pittsburg Landing, at Fair Oaks, at Wil-
liamsburgh, at Winchester ; and now, after five days
fighting on the banks of the Chickahominy, they have
maintained themselves against overwhelming odds,
and have saved the army, in spite of incompetent and
traitorous Generals, by their indomitable pluck.
(Loud applause.) Let President Lincoln turn Gen-
eral McCIellan out, and put General Hunter or Mitch-
ell in. (Applause.) That man has proved himself
incompetent; and I see that the editor of the,New
York Evening Post now demands, in the name of com-
mon decency and humanity, that General McCIellan
shall retire, and give this war into the hands of some
body who knows how to carry it on. (Applause.)
Give the command to General Mitchell, with his dash,
with his live ideas, with his sympathy for freedom,
or to General Hunter, with the ideas ho has put forth
iu South Carolina, and the war will be closed before
another Fourth of July conies round, and we may
meet in this grove to thank God that we have a free
and united father-land. (Loud applause.)
SPEECH OP ANDREW T. FOSS.
I fully agree, Mr. President, with the criticisms that
have been made upon our President and our Gene-
rals to-day ; and yet, with all the fault I have to find
with the conduct of this war, I am in favor of it, and
believe it will work out a beneficent end. In saying
this, I do not say that I am in favor of returning fugi-
tive slaves, as was done by the army for a long time,
but which, happily, they can do no longer; I
do not mean to say that I am in favor of any of
those pro-slavery policies that have controlled the
President and his Generals; but I know, Mr. Presi-
dent, as you said this morning, that this war has been
occasioned by the rebellion of the slaveholders, and
that they have made that rebellion in favor of the eter-
nization of slavery; and when I sec the North and
the South arrayed against each other, and know that
the question at issue is nothing else, I cannot but re-
joice that there is life enough in the people to produce
this degree of inflammation.
Now, Mr. President, when I say I am in favor of
this war, I agree with every slave in this land. They
are in favor of this war. I believe very much in in-
stinct, and very much in the instinct of the slaves.
After all that has been done by the Government to
drive them over to the other side, after they have been
outraged in everyway, they yet entertain the idea
that this war is to eventuate in their deliverance. I
think it will. I do not thank Abraham Lincoln, I do
not thank the Generals, but I thank God, for this war.
I know that war is horrible, but I know that there is
something more horrible than war, and that is slave-
ry ; and we must have slavery all over this land, and
that eternally, or we must have war. There" is but
one path to freedom, and that is through the red sea
of blood, and therefore I am glad of the issue ; I ac-
cept it with joy.
Now, Mr. President, with regard to the conduct of
this war. Those who have heard me speak upon this
question know that no man has denounced the conduct
of the war more freely or more earnestly than I have.
I have believed and do believe that Mr. Lincoln has
been utterly wanting in statesmanship, utterly want-
ing in fidelity to freedom ; I believe our Generals
have been ; and yet, after all, I believe that a great
deal has been done and is now being done in the way
of freedom, and in itl rejoice and will rejoice. But,
Mr. President, there are people so stupid that they
cannot understand how you and I can be in sympathy
1th the result of the war, and yet not fully and en-
tirely endorse all the proceedings and actions of the
government in carrying it on. I can understand how
we may be in favor of one course of action on the part
of some man, and opposed to another course of ac-
tion on his part. Abraham Lincoln, returning fugitive
slaves, I condemn ; but Abraham Lincoln, signing the
bill giving freedom forever to the slaves of the Terri-
tories, and establishing freedom in the District of
Columbia, I commend. While I condemn Abraham
Lincoln for all his pro-slavery acts, Lrejoiee to see him
signing the treaty, recognizing the independence of
Hayti and Liberia. I agree with Mr. Burleigh, that
the President having the power to free all the slaves,
is the greatest slaveholder in the' land to-day, and as
such I denounce him ; but I will not denounce him
for a right act because I denounce him for a wrong
act. I desire to he discriminating. I rejoice in the
good that I see, while I condemn the evil.
Mr. President, I have great hope in regard to this
war. I believe it will issue in the disenthral ment of
the slaves of this land, and because I so believe, I
herein do rejoice and will rejoice. I suppose that we
are all saddened— I am sure I am — by hearing of the
defeat of our arms ; but I expected it. I agree with
Mr. Poster, that General McCIellan is utterly wanting
in the qualities of a great leader of a free people.
In the first place, he has been, from the beginning, in
sympathy with the slaveholders ; and no man in sym-
pathy with slaveholders is fit to be a military leader
in this war. But, Mr. President, although I lament
the reverse to our arms, and mourn, deeply mourn,
that fifteen thousand of our countrymen, brave and
noble young men, have been sacrificed, yet, after all,
I do not know but it will do good. This nation must
endure still more chastisement at the hand of God,
before they will let the people go ; and for aught I
know, there may be, as in Egypt, one dead in every
house; but this work is begun, and will go on, until
God by his hand shall sweep slavery from this land;
or it may be that he will sweep us all away ; but sla-
very is sure to die in this land, and I rejoice in that
belief.
I do not want to be misunderstood, Mr. President.
I am in favor of this war, I am glad of it, I rejoice in
it, but I criticise and condemn all the pro-slavery ac-
tion in regard to it. I cannot conceal from myself,
you cannot conceal it from your eyes, that during the
last fifteen months, the cause that has been advocated
on this platform has gone forward; its prospects have
brightened, and we are allowed to cherish a clearer
hope in regard to the triumph of our principles than
ever before. The day of redemption draws near.
As I have said before, so I say now, I believe no
society that was ever organized for a moral purpose
has ever seen its work carried so far forward, so near
its consummation, in so short a time, as this.
SPEECH OF HENRY C. WRIGHT.
I think that our friend, Mr. Burleigh, ha3 demon-
strated to the entire satisfaction of this audience, that
there is not, at this moment, a slave legally held in
slavery in the Rebel States. They were made free by
the act of the slaveholders themselves, and now the
question is, — Are we fighting to reenslave those whom
the slaveholders have freed 1
Mrs. Postek. Yes.
Mr. Wright. Our friend, Abby Kelley Poster,
says " Yes." That is the question. Are we now con-
tending for the reiinslavcmentof those whom, by their
own act, the slaveholders have set free? I believe
that a great portion of those who are now sustaining
this war, especially the officers in the army, and the
great mass of the politicians of the country, are really
and actually fighting to reenslave those who have been
made free by the act of rebellion ; and it is my most
earnest prayer that the nation may forever be defeated
in that object. They never will succeed in such a
diabolical scheme. For myself, I believe that from
the moment Charles Sumner introduced into the Sen-
ate of the United States, early last winter, his resolu-
tion, proclaiming that by the act of rebellion, the State
governments, through which the slaves were held in
slavery, were annihilated, — from that hour, the slaves
were free, and the Constitution of the United States
recognized their freedom, because it ceased to recog-
nize the rebellious States as States; they are Territo-
ries, and no longer have any State government. Now,
every man who is fighting to restore this Union to its
original basis, or where it stood two years ago, is fight-
ing to reenslave some four million of men, women
and children whom the rebels have set free.
Mr. Mat read a letter from Wendell Phillips,
stating that he was prevented by a cold and hoarseness
from attending and addressing the meeting, as he had
intended, f Of course, the absence of the eloquent or-
ator was greatly missed by the immense gathering.]
A brief but lively, pertinent and witty speech was
then made by Rev. Mr. Tennby, of Marlboro', who
was followed by Mr. Garrison with some appropriate
concluding remarks. An Anti-Slavery song was sung,
and the exercises of the day terminated.
THE CONFISCATION BILL.
The rebel Confiscation Bill agreed upon by the Joint
Committee of Congress, and which was adopted by
the House of Representatives on Friday by a vote of
82 to 44, was agreed to on Monday, 27 to 18, by the
Senate. The bill, therefore, only requires the signa-
ture of the President to be the law of the land, anil
from the heavy vote cast in its favor in each house,
e presume it will be approved, whatever may be the
President's objections to this or that particular feiitnre
of the measure. The bill provides : —
First — That the President, by proclamation, shall
give sixty days' grace to the rebels to return to their
allegiance, and that the properly of every rebel fail-
ing to do so within this interval of sixty days shall he
forfeited.
Second— Death is declared the penalty of treason,
id the liberation of the traitor's slaves, if possessed
of any; or he shall be fined §10,000, imprisoned five
years, and his estate, except his slaves, shall be seized,
the slaves to go free. The pains and penalties of the
bill apply with particular force to the office-holders,
civil and military, attached to the rebellion ; and
rebels are disqualified from holding office under the
government of the United States.
Third — The President is authorized to seize the
property of traitors of every kind whatsoever, staves
excepted, and turn over the proceeds thereof to the
government.
Fourth — Slaves of rebels and of those giving aid
and comfort to the rebellion, when such slaves shall
seek the refuge of our lines, are to be forever free;
also slaves abandoned by their owners, and coming
under the control of the government; as also the
slaves found at places falling under our military occu-
pation.
Fifth — Fugitive slaves, escaping from one State
_nto another, except in cases of crime against the
United States, &c, shall not be delivered up until the
claimant shall have sworn that he is and has been
loyal to the Union.
Sixth — No person employed in the army or navy
shall decide on the validity of any claim to a slave, or
surrender him back to his owner, on pain of dismissal
from the public service.
Seve?ith — The President is authorized to employ as
many persons of African descent for the suppression
of the rebellion as he may think proper, and may use
them in such manner as ho may deem best for the
public welfare.
Eighth — He is also empowered to make provisions
for the colonization of our negro population beyond
the limits of the United States.
Ninth — The President is invested with full discre-
tion in the matter of pardon and amnesty to rebels
held as prisoners.
This bill, literally enforced in its sweeping opera-
tion, ranks with the "Domesday Boke" of William
the Conqueror, the English confiscation acts from time
to time in Ireland, and the confiscations of the first
French revolution against the revolutionary Poles.
There is something, however, of charity in the sixty
days' grace granted by this bill to our Southern
rebels, and something of conciliation in the large dis-
cretion given to the President in regard to amnesties
and pardons.
What will be the effect of the bill in regard to
the war will depend upon various contingencies. If,
rithin the sixty days' grace allowed, we gain a great
ictory over the rebels in the field, there may be a
powerful Southern popular reaction for the Union ;
otherwise we are very likely in for a longer war,
which will completely change the whole existing face
of things in the South, as our armies advance — insti-
tutions, political and social, and population, white and
black.
If in the judgment of the President the act is sea-
sonable and expedient, and he shall sign it, we must
bow to it as to a law of the land, and rely upon the
sagacity and humanity of Mr. Lincoln to make it as
easy as possible against the innocent and helpless,
while pursuing the guilty connected with this rebel-
lion.— N. Y. Herald, July 13.
S^= This Bill received the votes of every Massa-
chusetts member of Congress except Messrs. Delano,
Thomas, and Train — Delano and Train being absent,
and Judge Thomas voting against it. Of the forty-two
votes which were cast against it, the name of only one
representative appears who was elected as a republi-
can — Mr. Granger, of Michigan. The democrats and
border State men, with the exception of Messrs. Blair
of Virginia, Casey of Kentucky, Fisher of Delaware,
and Maynard of Tennessee, voted against the bill.
Senator Wright of Indiana, a member of the confer-
ence committee, and a democrat, was a staunch friend
id advocate of the bill.
[^= The bill has been signed by the President.]
MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Washington, Monday, July 14, 1862.
The following Message from the President was de-
livered to Congress to-day : —
Pclloui-Citizcns of the Senate and House of Representatives:
Herewith is the draft of the bill to compensate any
State which may abolish slavery within its limits, the
passage of which, substantially as presented, I respect-
fully and earnestly recommend.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representa-
tives of the United States of America in Congress assem-
bled, That whenever the President of the United
States shall be satisfied that any State shall have law-
fully abolished slavery within and throughout such
State, either immediately or gradually, it shall be the
duty of the President, assisted by the Secretary of
the Treasury, to prepare and deliver to each State an
amount of six per cent, interest bearing bonds of the
United States equal to the aggregate value at
dollars per head of all the slaves within such State as
reported by the census of 1860, the whole amount for
any one State to be delivered at once, if the abolish-
ment be immediate, or in equal annual installments if
it be gradual, interest to begin running on each bond
at the time of delivery, and not before.
And be it further enacted, That if any State having
so received any such bonds shall at any time after-
ward, by law, reintroduce or tolerate slavery within
its limits, contrary to the act of abolishment upon
'Inch such bonds shall have been received, said bonds
so received by said State shall at once be null and
void in whose soever hands they may be, and such
State shall refund to the States all interest which may
have been paid on such bonds.
The bill was referred in the Senate to the Finance
Committee, and in the House to the Select Commit-
tee, especially charged with the consideration of the
Border State question.
A correspondent of the Baltimore Sun reports the
President's remarks, in an interview with the Border
State Representatives, as follows : —
He said to them in effect, that the friction of war
■ wearing away, or seriously damaging the slave
interest in the border States, and that it was best for
t people to at once inaugurate measures for eman-
cipation, when the government has the will and the
ability to pay, and when the former have slaves to
dispose of. The President also expressed it as his
opinion that the Confederates hold out in rebellion by
reason of the expectation of future armed co-operation
by the border States."
Washington, July 15. The border State repre-
sentatives to-day finally agreed upon their reply to the
President's emancipation proposition. It is represent-
ed as temperate and respectful. They cannot, for rea-
sons stated, indorse his policy, and differ from him in
the belief that the declination of those States to act
upon and adopt it may or will prolong the war.
They join in the recommendation that those States
give a respectful consideration, but in no way commit
themselves to its support. Probably twenty members
of Congress have been in consultation upon the sub-
ject. Some of those from the border States were not
present at the meetings, while othei-B have left the
city. Several will prepare a reply of their own, the
tenor of which has not transpired.
ADDRESS OF MAJOR GENERAL POPE.
Washington, Monday, July 14, 1862.
To tlie Officers and Soldiers of the Army of Virginia:
By special assignment of the President of the Unit-
ed States, I have assumed command of this army.
I have spent two weeks in learning your where-
abouts, your condition, and your wants; in preparing
you for active operations, and in placing you in posi-
tions from which you can act promptly and to the pur-
pose.
I have come to you from the West, where we have
always seen the backs of our enemies — from an army
whose business it has been to seek the adversary, and
to beat him when found — whose policy has been attack,
and not defence.
In but one instance has the enemy been able to
place our Western armies in a defensive attitude.
I presume I have been called here to pursue the
same system, and to lead war against the enemy. It
is my purpose to do so, and that speedily. I am sure
you long for an opportunity to wiin distinction you
are capable of achieving ; that opportunity I shall en-
deavor to give you,
In the meantime, I desire yon to dismiss certain
phrases I am sorry to find much fn vogue amongst
you. I hear constantly of taking strong positions and
holding them — lines of retreat and of bases of supplies.
Let us discard such ideas. The strongest position a
soldier should desire to occupy is one from which he
can most easily advance against the enemy.
Lot us study the probable lines of retreat of our op-
ponents, and leave our own to take care of itself. Let
us look before us, and not behind. Success and glory
are in the advance. Disaster and shame lurk in
rear. Let us act on this understanding, and it is safe
to predict that your banners shall be inscribed with
many a glorious deed, and that your names will be
dear to your countrymen forever. (Signed)
John Porn, Major Qmtral Commanding,
LETTER FROM GEN. BUTLER.
The following characteristic letter from Gen. Butler,
explaining his reasons for issuing the celebrated order
'n regard to the women of New Orleans, has been re-
ceived by a gentleman of Boston : —
Headquarters Department of the Gulf, \
New Orleans, July 2, 1862. J
My Dear Sir — I am as jealous of the good opin-
ion of my friends as I am careless of the slanders of my
enemies, and your kind expressions in regard to Order
No. 28 lead me to say a word to you on the subject.
That it ever could have been so misconceived as it
has been by some portions of the Northern press is
wonderful, and would lead one to exclaim with the
Jew, " O, Father Abraham, what these Christians
arc, whose own hard dealings teach them to suspect
the very thoughts of others ! "
What was the state of things to which the Woman
Order applied'?
We were two thousand five hundred men in a city
seven miles by two ,to four wide, of a hundred and
fifty thousand inhabitants, all hostile, bitter, defiant,
explosive, standing literally on a magazine — a spark
only needed for destruction. The Devil had entered
the hearts of the women of this town, (you know seven
of them chose Mary Magdalen for a residence,) to stir
up strifes in every possible way.
Every opproprious epithet, every insulting gesture
was made by these bejewelled, bcerinolined and laced
creatures, calling themselves ladies, toward my sol-
diers and officers, from the windows and houses, and
the streets. How long do you suppose our flesh
and blood could have stood this without retort ! That
would lead to disturbances and riot, from which we
must clear the streets with artillery — and then a howl
that we had murdered these fine women.
I had arrested the men who hurrahed for Beaure-
gard. Could I arrest the women 1 No. What was
to be done f No order could be made, save one that
would execute itself. With anxious, careful thought,
I hit upon this : " Women who insult my Boldiers are
to be regarded and treated as common women plying
their vocation."
Pray, how do you treat a common woman plying
her vocation in the streets 1 You pass her by unheed-
ed. She cannot insult you. As a gentleman, you
can and will take no notice of her. If she speaks, her
words are not opprobrious. It is only when she be-
comes a continuous and positive nuisance, that you
call a watchman, and give her in charge to him.
But some of the Northern editors seem to think
that, whenever one meets such a woman, one must
stop her, talk with her, insult her, or hold dalliance
with her, and so from their own conduct they con-
strued my order.
The editor of the Boston Courier may so deal with
common women, and out of the abundance of his heart
his mouth may speak — but so not I.
Why, these she adders of New Orleans themselves
were at once shamed into propriety of conduct by the
order, and from that day no woman has either insult-
ed or annoyed any live soldier or officer, and of a cer-
tainty no soldier has insulted any woman.
When I passed through Baltimore, on the 23d of
February last, members of my staff were insulted by
the gestures of the ladies (?) there. Not so in New
Orleans.
One of the worst possible of all these women show-
ed disrespect to the remains of gallant young De
Kay, and you will see her punishment. A copy of the
order which I enclose is at onco a vindication and a
construction of my order.
I can only say that I would issue it again under like
circumstances. Again thanking you for your kind in-
terest, I am, truly, your friend,
BENJ. F. BUTLER,
Major General Commanding.
Two men named Fidell Keller and John W. An-
drews had been sent to Ship Island for confinement
with hard labor, for exhibiting bones alleged to be
ie of Yankee soldiers, fashioned into personal orna-
ments.
A Mrs. Phillips, for laughing and mocking at the
remains of Lieut. De Kay during the passage of his
funeral procession, had also been imprisoned at Ship
Island. The Delta says :
Mrs. Philip Phillips, the lady who is about to spend
the hot season at Ship Island, is a Jewess. She is a
vain woman, with a large hankering for notoriety.
She used to be a leader in flash society at Washing-
ton, and on the occasion of the battle of Bull Run illu-
minated her house in honor of that Southern victory.
She was finally driven out of Washington, and came
to this city about a year ago. She has repeatedly of-
fered insult to the Union troops here; but it was not
until Monday morning that Gen. Butler condescended
to ta"ke notice of her conduct."
JEFF. DAVIS'S ADDRESS TO THE CON-
FEDERATE ARMY.
The Richmond Despatch of the 8th publishes the fol-
lowing Address, issued by Jeff. Davis to the officers
and men who participated in the late series of san-
guinary battles on the Peninsula : —
Richmond, July 5th, 1862,
To the Army in Eastern Virginia :
Soldiers, — I congratulate you on the series of bril-
liant victories which, under the favor of Divine Provi-
dence, you have lately won, and as the President of
the Confederate States, do heartily tender to you the
thanks of the country, whose just cause you have so
skilfully and heroically served.
Ten days ago an invading army, vastly superior to
you in numbers and in the material of war, closely be-
leagured your Capital, and vauntingly proclaimed its
speedy conquest. You inarched to attack the enemy
in his entrenchments ; with well directed movements
and death -de tying valor you charged upon him in his
strong positions, drove him from field to field over a
distance of thirty-five miles, and, despite his reinforce-
ments, compelled him to seek safety under cover of
his gunboats, where he now lies cowering before the
army so lately derided and threatened with entire sub-
jugation.
The fortitude with which you have borne toil and
privation, the gallantry with which you have entered
into each successive battle, must have been witnessed
to be fully appreciated; but a grateful people will not
fail to recognize you, and bear you iu loved remem-
brance. Well may it be said of you, that you have
" done enough for glory;" but duty to a suffering
country and the cause of constitutional liberty claims
for you yet further effort.
Let it be your pride to relax in nothing which can
promote your future efficiency ; your own great object
being to drive the invader from your soil, and, carry-
ing your standards beyond the outer boundaries of the
Confederacy, to wring from an unscrupulous foe the
recognition of your birthright, community, indepen-
dence. (Signed) JEFFERSON DAVIS.
THE IMPUTATION ON GEN. BANKS.
The following is the letter of Major- General Banks
to Mr. Gooch of the U. S. House of Representatives,
relative to the resolution of June 10, offered by Mr.
Voorhees of Indiana, directing the Committee on the
Conduct of the War to inquire whether persons of
color were allowed Government transportation on Gen.
Banks's retreat from Strasburg, while white people,
including sick and wounded soldiers, were compelled
to walk : —
Winchester, June 19, 1862.
Hon. D. W. Gooch: Dear Sir, — In answer to your
inquiry, I have the honor to say there is no foundation
of fact for the statement contained in the resolution
inclosed to me- No person, not belonging to the army,
white or black, was allowed to occupy or use Govern-
ment transportation of any kind on the march of my
command from Strasburg.
If any instance occurred it was, with one exception,
not only without authority, but against orders, and
has not yet come to my knowledge. Citizens, traders,
refugees and fugitives were protected iu the occupancy
of their own wagons, and allowed to move with the
Government train in order, and no further.
The rear guard, infantry and artillery, halted in the
rear of Martiusburg from two o'clock till evening.
When at a considerable distance on our march, we
overtook a small party on foot. My attention was at-
tracted by a little girl, about eight years of age, who
was toddling over the stones by the wayside, and I
asked her how far she had traveled. "From Win-
chester," she said.
We were then about 27 miles on our march. I re-
quested the cannoneers to give her a lift, and the gal-
lant men who had hung upon the rear of the column
for its defence the greater part of the distance, an-
swered with alacrity.
No successful efforts were made to ascertain her
complexion, but it is not impossible that she belonged
to the class referred to in the resolution, and that her
little limbs had been strengthened by some vague
dream of liberty, to be lost or won in that hurried
night march.
I have the honor to be, with much respect,
Your obedient servant,
N. P. BANKS, Maj. Gen. Commanding.
jI^T 8- The correspondent of the Anti-Slavery Stand-
ard remarks on the singular fact that our disasters
commenced with the decision of the President to re-
voke Hunter's emancipation order. Still more strik-
ing is the Providence that caused the culmination of
these disasters in the most stunning blow of the whole
war, to commence on Thursday, tho twenty-sixth of
June, the same day that Fremont was superseded fn
command by the appointment over Mm of his subor-
dinate, Gen. Pope I
SJ^" The guerrillas near Memphis are becoming
more hold, burning cotton almost in sight of tho city,
nisguising themselves as cotton buyers, they find
where It is Beorettd, and then come iu force and burn
it. Even the safety of Memphis is in peril.
COLLECTIONS
By the Finance Committee, at FramingKdm Grove, July
14, 1862:
Geo. W. HimondB
$7.00
W. W. Dutcher,
1.00
Edward B. Perkins
6.00
W. Browfi
0,26
Timothy Davis
8.00
B. Snow, Jr.
1,00
Wm. V. Parker
2.00
Margaret P. Snow
1.00
.Sarah K. Wall
1.00
Rufus Pond
1.110
ft V. Pond
1.00
Johnson
0.30
John Midgley
1.00
Louisa Bumphey
0.25
I. Stimpson
0.35
H. G. O. Blake
1.00
P. B. Southwick
1.00
E. Wight
1.00
A. H. Tilhon
0.25
A. M. Chase
2.00
Richard Clapp
1.00
Mrs. L. R. Draper
0.26
Thos. U. Rice
1.00
Jonathan Buffiim
1.00
J. Mitchell
0.2.5
Alden Sampjfon
1.00
D. Russell
0.35
James Curry
0,10
A. A. Giflonl
0.25
John Wesby
0.15
O. S. Brigham,
1.00
J. Wilmarth
1.00
John Wenzell
1.00
Wm. Sparrell
1.00
Mr. Hoyt
0.25
E. Lyon
0.25
Chas. Rreck
100
Caswell
0.20
T. Hazard
0.25
Henry O. Stone
1.00
Wm. B. Harrington
0.50
Do. (for Society)
2.00
Wm. ft Howe
0.25
Mr. Grout
0.26
Thos. P. Knox
0.50
A. Wyman
1.00
Daniel Foster
0.25
L. Jewett
(1.26
L. Stratton, Jr.
1.00
S. H.
1.00
S. M. Whipple
0.25
A. E. Foster
0.60
A. ft Harlow
1.00
W. E. Budd
0.30
H. Swasey
0.25
I. W. Forbush
1.00
N. Swasey
0.25
A. L. Babcock
0.50
E. B. Underwood
0.25
J. H. Bingham
1.00
H. W. Carter
0.25
Samuel Barrett
1.00
Susan H. Remond
1.00
D. B. & A. B. Morey 1.00
Mrs. Wm. lyes
1.00
S. S. Jones,
1.00
E. D.& Anna T. Dra-
S. ft Southwick
1.00
per
2.00
Joseph Treat
0.25
Oliver Johnson
1.00
M. C. Mason
0.25
Samuel May, Jr.
1.00
L. D. Gray
0.60
J. Miller McKim
1.00
Cash and friends, in
W. L. Garrison
1.00
various Bums,
18.43
E. Bailey
1.00 Oron W. Adams
0.25
WOMAN AUD THE PBESS.
On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held in
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While
none questioned the value and the need of snch an instru-
ment in the Woman's Eights cause, the difficulties that
would endanger or even defeat the enterprise were fully
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should
ie made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable
an object, we insert and call attention to the following
PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL :
When we consider that there is scarcely a party, sect,
business organization or reform whieh is not represented
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting
half of humanity, should have no organ, in America,
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par-
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread
attention in this couutry than in any other, while in no
other country can the double power of free speech and a
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap-
pears stranger from the fact that conservative England ha3
successfally supported a journal of this sort for years with
acknowledged utility.
America needs such a journal to centralize and give im-
petus to the efforts which are being made in various direc-
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs itmost
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both as act-
ors and sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na-
tion, while so many others are foreed by the loss of hus-
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup-
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, are
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which
will leave to that of woman the most prominent place
henceforth.
To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish
a Woman's Journal, based on the motto, " Equal Rights
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur-
nish an impartial platform for the free discussion -of these
interests in their various phases. It will aim to collect and
compare the divers theories promulgated on the subject,
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made hi behalf of
women, in this country and elsewhere, and to render all
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time
it will neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro-
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com-
prise reviews of current social and political events, arti-
cles on literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton,
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature —
in short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will be open'
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers on the sub-
jects of which it treats, under the usual editorial discretion,
only requiring that they shall accept, a priori, the motto of
the paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion.
Among the contributors already secured to the Journal .
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Maria
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, Mr3. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Elizabeth Palmer
Pea body, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips,
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higginson, Moncure D. Conway,
Theodore Tilton, and William F£. Channing ; and other
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains
will be spared to enlist the best talent in the country, and
to make the paper one of literary merit as well as practical
utility.
The Journal will be issued semi-monthly, in octavo form,
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars per annum, the first number
appearing on the 1st of October next, and will be publish-
ed in Boston.
Subscriptions will be received froni this date by agents of
the Journal, or by the Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2,
to he paid on the receipt of tho first number of the Journal.
In this connection, we would earnestly solicit the co-operation
of friends of woman throughout the country, in extending
the subscription list of the Journal, and thus placing it on
that permanent basis which will insure its continued util-
ity and success. Those interested in the enterprise are re-
spectfully requested to communicate with the editors at tho
above address.
A discount of twenty-five per cont. will be made to agents.
Agents will please return all prospectuses with names
before the 15th of July.
MARY L. BOOTH,
MARIE E. ZAKRZEWSKA, M.D.
Boston, May 15, 1862.
§^ HENRY C. WRIGHT wilt hold meetings in
Union Hall, Harwich, Sunday, July 20, all day and eve-
ning. Subject: "Man and his Destiny."
$^=* GO AND HEAR HIM I— Rev. Samuel Greek,
the colored Methodist preacher, who was sentenced in Ma-
ryland, in 1857, to ten years' imprisonment for having in
his possession a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin, will narrate a
history of his sufferings on Sunday next, July 20, as fol-
lows : —
Zion Church, West Centre Street, 10 1-2 o'clock, A. M.
Twelfth Baptist Church, Southac Street, 3, P. M.
Joy Street Church, (Mr. Martin's,) quarter to 8, P. M,
The case is a very remarkable one.
Rev. JAS. N. Gloucester, of Brooklyn, N. Y., will ac-
company Mr. Green, and speak upon the demands of the
hour.
|jgf SUMMER RESORT— Round Hill Hotel, North-
ampton, Mass. — Terms — $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per
week.
" We freely commend it as a delightful place of sojourn.
The scenery is of unriralled beauty ; valley, hill, aud river
give it inexhaustible variety. There are numerous delight-
ful drives in the vicinity, aud tho hotel is well kept, con-
taining every accommodation for guests, as well for their
comfort as amusement." — A r . O. Picayune.
J^~ MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D,, has removed on
605 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par-
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children.
References.— Luther Clark, M.D. ; David Tbayen M. D.
Office hours from 2 to i, P. M.
OBITU A.R, Y..
Captain Partridge. Capt. Willjam T. Partridge, of
tho 5th Regiment N. Y. S. V., commonly called Duryea's
Zouaves, was killed in the battle at Gaines's Hill, on Fri-
day, Juno 27. This announcement brings sincere grief to
many hearts. One of God's noblest' works — an honest, a
true, and a bravo man, has failen. All whose privilege
it was to know him felt a profound regard and a warm at-
tachment for him. Men who woro far beyond him in years
willingly confessed his superiority in soul. His character
was transparent as crystal. There was no guile, no treach-
ery, no low cunning iu it. He spoke and acted bis real
thought with a frankness that astonished the worshippers
of polioy and expediency. Ho know not how to wear any
disguise, or stoop to any stratagem. His abhorrence of
whatevor is mean, base, or dishonorable, was instant and
spontaneous, tho very instinct of his nature. Sttfittod
oppression, tyranny, slavery, and ovwy' form of injustice,
with an intensity that was almost divine. He oould not
ooneeivo how ono could love God without loving man ; or
how ono could bo a Christian without, being generous and
solf-sacrificing. Tested by the pure word and life of Jma,
ho was a truo disciple, an inheritor of the kingdom of
heaven. Of his death, in tho sorvico of freedom and hu-
manity, of his I'oiinti'v nml his God. mny fitly bo spoken
that saying of Cluisi, " He licit losoth his life for my sake
I stiull find it." »■ R. B,
116
§ otfHg-.
THE LIBERATOR
JULY 18.
For tlio Liberator.
WANTED — A POLICY.
Adapted fkom Freii.igrath.
Our lirnd is Hamlet !— Grave and dumb,
Thoro witlks eaoh night his oasfcle-ywrd
A ghost from buried Freedom's tomb,
And beckons to the men on guard.
She halts, in glittering steel arrayed ;
Cries, as ho shrinks through doubt and fear :
" Bo my avenger ! draw thy blade !
They have poured poison in mine ear ! "
He hears with trembling limbs, till she
The awful truth as dawn makes clear ;
From that hour would avenger be —
Could he at last but really dare !
He thinks, and dreams ; yet sees the goal
Of firm resolve alway recede ; —
Ah, for a strong, courageous deed
He lacks a strong, courageous soul ! Wl I
For the Liberator.
SONG POE THE TIMES.
Air — Bruce's Address.
From the lowly cabin, hear!
Sounds like these salute the ear :
"Bless the Lord, the time is near,.
"When we shall bo free ! "
Shall this aspiration fail?
Shall the captive still bewail?
Shall the tyrant's power prevail
O'er this fated land ?
Powers of darkness ! hence, away !
Ye that lead the mind astray,
Ye whoso teachings will betray,
And in ruin end.
"Will no sense of justice dawn ?
"Will no powers of light transform
Those who seemin error born,
By thoir senseless cry?
He who~marks the sparrow's fall,
Judge supreme of great and small,
Hath ordained, alike for all,
Freedom's glorious boon.
Can we thwart His high decree,
"Which would set the captives free,
When tbey humbly betid the knee,
To implore bis aid?
How much longer shall wo dare
To defy the Father's care?
He hath said, of this beware,
"Vengeance is mine own."
He hath said, "But for a span
Shall my spirit strive with man ;
Yield in mercy while ye oaD,
Or in judgment bow."
Long has been Ins mercy shown,
Long, too long, the captive's moan
Hath ascended to his throne,
For his power to save.
Let the people then arouse,
And the bondman's cause espouse ;
And sincerely plight their vows,
That all shall be free. H
THE MILLS OP GOD.
" Die MucHen Gottes maklen sckrfein."
Those mills of God ! those tireless mills !
I hear their ceaseless throbs and thrills :
I see their dreadful stones go round,
And all the realms beneath them ground ;
And lives of men, and souls of States,
Flung out, like chaff, beyond their gates.
And we, Lord ! with impious will,
Have made these Negroes turn Thy mill !
Their human limbs with chains we bound,
And bade them whirl Thy mill-stones round :
With branded brow and fettered wrist,
We bade them grind this Nation's grist !
And so, like Samson — blind and bound —
Our Nation's grist this Negro ground ;
And all the strength of Freedom's toil,
And all the fruits of Freedom's soil,
And all her hopes, and all her trust,
From Slavery's gates were flung like dust !
With servile souls this mill we fed,
That ground the grain for Slavery's bread :
With cringing men, and grovelling deeds,
We dwarfed our land to Slavery's needs ;
Till all the scornful nations hiss'd,
To see us ground with Slavery's grist.
The mill grinds on ! From Slavery's plain
We r p great crops of blood-red grain ;
And still the Negro's strength we urge,
With Slavery's gyve and Slavery's scourge ;
And still wo crave — on Freedom's sod —
That slaves shall turn the mills of God !
The mill grinds on ! — God lets it grind !
We sow the seed — the sheaves we hind :
The mill-stones whirl as we ordain :
Our children's bread shall test the grain !
While Samson still in chains we bind,
The mill grinds on !— God lets it grind !
— JV. Y. Tribune. A. J. H. Dugakn:
From the New York Independent.
MEN OB DE NOEF!
Men OB de Norf ! why don't you come along?
Dat is now de burden ob de brack roan's. song.
We's bin a waitin' dese many years,
Wid patient hearts, but bitter tears ;
We's bin a waitin' in griefs and pains,
For de break ob day an' de break ob chains ;
An' now, tank God, dere's a light in de sky,
An' de brack man's heart jumps up to his mouf ;
An' now, tank God, dere's a stong arm nigh,
An' a blast ob a trumpet troo de Souf !
Men ob he Norf ! oh ! oh ! come along,
Come along, come along, oh, come along !
We don't belieb in murder, an' we don't belieb in crime,
For dere's bin enuiFo' dat ting in all past time ;
But we's bin a keepin' quiet, an' a waitin' on de Lord,
For we knowed dat our bondage was accordin' to His word;
An' we knowed dat de day ob dcliberance would come
In de fulness ob de time, jes' as sure as de sun,
An' now dere's a Voice wid a mighty soun' —
"Let the servants go free, and never more he
SLAVES."
De massas stare at one anuddcr all aroun',
But do hearts of de brack folks leap like de waves !
Men ob *de Norf ! oh, come right along,
Come along, come along, come right along !
Oh, de juberloo is comin' to de brack man's soul,
An' de clouds ob his trouble all away shall roll ;
An' de sua shall shine on a happy race,
An' de Souf shall wear a smiling face ;
An' we'll work for de white folks do same as before,
But dey sha'n't sell our ehil'ren and our wives any more !
An' we'll work wid a song an' a cheerful word,
A raisin' ob de cotton, an' do rice, and de corn,
An' de land* shall look like de garden ob do Lord,
An' we'll all get rich jes' as sure as you are horn !
Men on de Norf ! oh, quick ! come along,
Come along, come along, quick, come along !
Dcre was massa Hunter, he write a little note,
An' set a million niggas jes' as free as a shoat ;
But old massa Linkum, he modify,
An' say wait a bit, till we see by-an' by.
Now massa Linkum is a bery fine man,
An' he's a gwine to do all de good dat he can ;
But men ob de NoitF ! jes' yon come on,
An' bring all your powder an' your guns for de fight,
Den you jes' "pitch in," while de niggas "toat along,'
An' ole massa Linkum soon'll eome around right !
Men ob de Norf ! yah ! ho ! corno along,
Come along, come along, ho ! come along !
Lafayette, Ind., June, 18C2.
ANTI-SLAVERY CELEBRATION AT FRAM"
IWGHAM, JULY 4, 1862.
In accordance with its long established usage, the
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society celebrated the
National Anniversary in mass meeting at the beautiful
Grove in Framingham. From Boston, Worcester,
Milford and Northboro', the trains came crowded with
as choice a gathering of the friends of universal lib-
erty as ever assembled on any occasion — very many
of them representative men and women in their va-
rious localities, distinguished for rare moral worth and
intellectual vigor — all inspired by the noblest senti-
ments, and with full purpose to redeem the day from
its general perversion by " remembering those in bonds
as bound with them," and earnestly striving to deliver
them from the house of bondage. So large a gather-
ing was probably not held in any other place in the
Commonwealth. (1)
At a quarter to 11 o'clock, A. M., the meeting was
called to order by E. II. Ileywood, who submitted, in
behalf of the Committee of Arrangements, the follow-
ing list of officers for the occasion : —
President — William Lloyd Garrison.
Vice Presidents — E. D. Draper, Hopedale ; George
W. Stacy, Milford; Alfred Wyman, Worcester;
William II. Fish, New York ; Daniel Foster, Kansas ;
John S. Rock, Boston ; Benjamin Snow, Jr., Fitch-
burg ; Oliver Johnson, New York ; John Bailey,
Lynn; Chas. L. Remond, Salem; J. Miller McKim,
Philadelphia; William F. Parker, Cleveland, Ohio.
Secretaries— Samuel May, Jr., J. M. W. Yerrinton,
Wendell P. Garrison.
Finance Committee — Jerome Wilmarth, Mary Willey,
David B. Morey, Sarah E. Wall, Caroline R. Put-
nam, Frances H. Drake.
These nominations were unanimously adopted.
The President (Mr. Garrison) said he would com-
mence the proceedings by reading some appropriate
selections from the book of the prophet Jeremiah.
Having done so, prayer was then offered by Rev.
Daniel Foster, of Kansas — followed by the singing of
an original hymn, commencing —
For the sighing of the needy, to deliver the oppressed,
Now the Lord our God arises, and proclaims his high bi
Through the Red Sea of his justice lies the Canaan of rest :
Our cause is marching ou !
Mr. Garrison then said : — Friends of Freedom !
the ground on which we are assembled is consecrated
ground — consecrated by precious memories, by high
aspirations, by the iningling of hearts and hands in a
common effort for the deliverance of our country from
its shame, its crime, its all-abounding iniquity, and for
the carrying out of the Declaration of American In-
dependence, and the Golden Rule of our Saviour.
Turning away, as we have hitherto done, from the
thoughtless frivolities, the base hypocrisies, and the
hollow mockeries which characterize the general ob-
servance of this anniversary, we meet once more to
bear our testimony in regard to the oneness and
brotherhood of the human race, in behalf of the
rights of all men, without distinction of race or com-
plexion, and to vindicate. the law of eternal justice
and right.
There has been no time since the organization of
our Government when it was not a mockery, on the
part of the people, to pretend to celebrate this day in
the spirit of impartial and universal liberty. While
men are held in bondage, and clanking their galling
fetters, the people who can enslave them are not in a
condition to sing the praises of Freedom. At the
present time, especially, any attempt to treat this day
as though it were properly a day of rejoicing, on
the part of the nation, would indicate great hardness
of heart and blindness of mind. The nation is reel
ing and staggering to-day like a drunken man; the
nation is divided and torn asunder by civil war; the
nation is bleeding at every pore ; and the cries of en-
slaved millions are still fresh in the ear of the Lord of
Sabaoth. It is a day for sackcloth and humiliation,
rather than for exultation of spirit on the part of the
nation. And yet, amid this terrible tumult and clash
of arms, are there no signs of the times which indi-
cate progress, and a hopeful future for the cause so
dear to our hearts ? Yes, the very conflict itself is
hopeful. It is because, at last, there is so much of
conscience here in the North, in opposition to slavery,
that the South can no longer possibly tolerate com-
■panionship with us, even upon the old conditions. I
might recapitulate many events, all going to show
that, with whatever of darkness there may be still re-
maining around us, we have much to rejoice over.
Think of the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia, our national capital! Think of a treaty
between Great Britain and our own country for the
effectual suppression of the foreign slave trade ! Think
of the passage of a bill by Congress, consecrating all
present and future Territory forever to freedom !
Think of the recognition of those two hitherto de-
spised and rejected republics, Hayti and Liberia,
recognized now as independent nations by our own!
Think, finally, of the passage of the Homestead Bill,
whereby in the great opening West, forever and for-
ever, slavery shall find no heritage, nor be able to
acquire those vast landed possessions which are essen-
tial to its vigorous existence. (Applause.) These are
some of the cheering signs of the times; and though
there are some discouraging incidents — incidents
which sadden the heart, and exert a dispiriting influ-
ence for the moment — yet, on the whole, our great
and glorious cause is advancing with irresistible power.
Happily, its triumph docs not depend upon the result
of any battle, whether upon the Potomac or at the
West : that triumph is ultimately pledged by the word
of God, and by the rights and necessities of human
nature itself. I will not, however, extend these prefa-
tory remarks, but will reserve what I have to say, in
regard to the state of the country, to a later period in
the proceedings of the meeting, should an opportunity
be found.
The first speaker announced was Mr. E. II. Hey-
wood, of Boston, who was warmly applauded.
SPEECH OF E. H. HEYWOOD.
Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen:
This is the Fourth of July — a day that smacks of
earthquake and revolution; a day remindful of events
which appealed from expediency and tradition to tin;
inner facts of nature, from governments to justice.
from men to man. Granting all that is claimed for
the birth-hour of a great people, that the Declaration
of Independence might be the programme of the mil-
lenium even, the Abolitionists long ago leapt into this
pulpit to preacli repentance to Democratic oppressors
and deliverance to their enslaved victim. This negro
question is no ephemera of fanaticism, no mushroom
of a night; its roots widen to all races and deepen
through the strata of centuries. What we see to-
day — commerce ruined, manufactures unmade, indus-
try beggared, churches sundered, parties in frag-
ments, the Union "lying loose around," and millions
of Americans in the death-grapple — all this has been
a great while preparing. Water trickling behind
Alpine rocks is unobserved, until the thunder of the
avalanche announces the work of years, perhaps of
centuries.
The strife of politics is merely a strife between the
ins and the outs. One party climbs on the people to
power, and kicks away the ladder, which is again
picked up by a second, ascending to pull down the
first. There is so much downwardness in human
nature, so dishonestly and effectually did the fathers,
who demanded impartial liberty, confer slavery, that
the chief task of the abolition movement — as indeed
of all moral reform, the root of its rare patriotism and
profound religious significance — lias been not so much
to unify this nation as to break it up ; not so much to
organize men into bodies as to unorganize them into
individuals, as Jesus did ; to drag these States out of
the by-paths of cowardice and hypocrisy, and relaunch
them on the high road of truth and instinct; to har-
monize society with natural law, and enable the body
politic to move under the impulsion of the Divine
Heart. Hence its power; hence the South flying
from the Northern conscience ; hell seceding from
heaven; or, as the Carolina negro expressed it, when
lie was asked why he expected deliverance from the
North — "Because," said he, "in a dream, the Lord
appeared to me in the form of a Yankee." (Laughter
and applause.)
No government, however powerful, no institution,
however deeply rooted in present emolument or tradi-
tional favor, has been able to withstand the application
of this moral force method. A few strong men, ap-
pealing to the common sense of the. English mind, un-
frocked bishops, disbanded parliaments, sent one mon-
arch to the block, and turned another like Nebuchad-
nezzar out to pasture upon the continent. An inso-
lent sovereign could afford to flout the great religious
poet and reformer of that period as "a blind adder
spitting his venom upon the king's person," but who
now does not love to rise, from the cricket chirp of
Charles Stuart, to the sphere harmony of Milton and
impartial liberty 1 "I am the State," was the proud
boast of Louis XIV. in the seat of Charlemagne, with
the church kneeling at his feet and the army wailing
I am aware, sir, also, that our Government compares
favorably, in respect of justice and efficiency, with
any of which history brings us the account. If the
hot violence which bound Indian Sepoys (English
rebels) to the muzzle of English guns, to be blown to
fragments, had inflamed our people, Mason and Sli-
dell, instead of crossing the Atlantic from Fort War-
ren, would have been invited to a hasty cup of that
British tea at the bottom of Boston harbor. The last
question asked in Parliament of West India emanci-
pation was, " Will it be safe for the master longer to
retain his slaves'?" The only gospel light which
Louis Napoleon respects from Italy is the gleam of
Orsini's dagger and Garabaldi's sword ; while the ulti-
mate argument ior emancipation with Alexander of
Russia is the thin film separating his feet from the
fiery gulf of insurrection. But let not these halle-
lujahs take you off your feet. We are not yet out of
the woods. Neither an efficient government, nor
late successes, nor good intentions of the President,
can redeem an impenitent pro-slavery people. Good
intentions! "Hell is paved with good intentions."
We have passed the "slough of despond," but not
Apollyon or the valley of humiliation. Grave in vic-
tory, cheerful in defeat, you will " think nothing done
while anything remains undone." When Illinois
flares a new code of atrocious black laws in the face
of the age, — when manacled fugitives from the marble
steps of the Capitol are handed back to bondage, —
when millions are in chains yet recognized as legal by
a Republican Administration, — when slavery is strong
enough, holding one race under its feet, and keeping
20JOOO,000 of another race at bay, to decimate the
at his gates, as he plotted the subjugation of empires ; j finest army raised in modern times,— it is no time for
but in the quiet chamber of some modest thinker— ol ! Abolitionists to resign. So long as the best President
Pascal, or Charon, or Rosseau — you may find the ! can merely represent an unregenerate people, so long
(1) Notwithstanding this fact, none of the daily papers
in Boston had the fairness or courtesy to make the slight-
est reference to the meeting, exoeptlag the Courier, which,
with characteristic mendacity, said of it — "Wo intended
to give some of the proceedings at the usual traitors' meet-
ing at Framing!) am, in order to show that none of the old
and vilo spirit is extinct Mr. Phillips was absent,
Mr. Garrison as good as 'played out,' and the other per-
formers of no account." Slang like this calls for no reply.
The proceedings, as reported by Mr. Yerrinton, and given
in our present number, speak for themselves. — [Ed. Lib.
drop of democratic truth, whose electric forces shat- :
tered that throne to the four quarters of Europe.-
With this free platform for a pulpit, with the broad
acres of democracy for a diocese, we will yet make
an Eden of this bare garden of the West, and lift
America to the level of Calvary. The highest office
is not to be president or king, but to be right. If
servant girls, plough-boys and gravel-tossers are with
us in a moral issue, Wall street and Washington
must come round. They called you a fanatic, sir, but
in asserting fair play for black men, you stood behind
the Declaration of Independence and Plymouth Rock,
behind Hampden and Magna Charta, behind Luther
and Jesus, behind human nature and the throne of
Infinite Truth.
A German play makes Adam cross the stage, going
to be created. (Laughter.) Democracy here is just in
that state — in embryo ; has not taken to feet and life ;
has not uttered itself in organic forms, cut its wisdom
teeth. Young, athletic, dreamy, feeling within stir-
rings of a great future, hearing distant voices calling
it to high destinies, yet the gristle of democratic sen-
timent has not hardened into the bone of manly pur-
pose. Nature is a stern schoolmistress, and still holds
the race to the primary benches. Massachusetts
even, the best State in history, has not yet graduated
from the infant school of human rights. The same
men who brought Magna Charta to Bunker Hill, the
same hands that smoked with the blood of British
tyrants, spread the shield of Federal law over the
slave pens of the South. Within the same year, the
first slave ship cursed the soil of Virginia, and the
free feet of the Pilgrims consecrated Plymouth Rock.
FYom those two opposite points have arisen two hos-
tile, belligerent, defiant types of society; or rather, a
society and a chaos : the one rising and broadening
into the freest, purest, most energetic and beneficent
civilization known to history, the other treading under
its impious feet all the guaranties of human rights
which the toil and agony of ages have erected, would
make the Republic itself a stepping-stone whence to
vault into the throne of a universal slave empire.
This conflict now raging through the Republic is
simply, then, the old battle between despotism and
the people — feudalism against the free cities, Cavaliers
against Roundheads, old Sarum against Manchester.
What the Tarquins were to Rome, what the Haps-
burghs are to Hungary, what the Stuarts were to
England, what George the Third was to the Colonies,
that slaveholders are to the States. As a portion
of the. people, I do you the honor to suppose that
you do not intend to be abolished. Well, then, abol-
ish slaveholders ! — for one of you must go under. (Ap-
plause.)
As you said, sir, in the opening, this is the progress
in national affairs since the war. Happily, Southern
interests among us are at somewhat of a discount.
The explanation otitis this. The democratic masses
of the North have been made to face the music; have
been brought in collision with their natural, despotic
enemies of the South. But it is not so much a change
of sentiment and principles as a -change of relations.
Slavery has not changed. When Jefferson Davis
spoke in Faueuil Hall, and waltzed with the beauty of
New England, he was as really a pirate as now ; for
every thread of his garments was the stolen earnings
of the slave. The war — it is only a thunder-clap in
dog-days to clear the atmosphere; it is an earthquake
coming up under our feet, jostling apart States built
on an unnatural basis. It unmasks slavery, and
makes it sit for its portrait; reveals the foot of clay in
the silver slipper. " When rogues fall out, honest
men come to their own." Herein is the hope of the
slave. That is why you have thought that this roll of
Federal drums, crossing the continent with the morn-
ing light, will yet end in the grand chorus of the ne-
gro's redemption.
An impression has got abroad, that the negro's
freedom, if not guarantied, is at least pledged; that
this moral force agitation, passing from words to
blows, is superseded by the conflict at arms ; thought
unplumed by the 3word, and "Othello's occupation
gone," this Society may adjourn to heaven on the
wings of jubilee. True, the negro's freedom was
always assured. Launching a great principle, aboli-
tion, from the first, was only a question of time — how
long these children of the Declaration of Independ-
ence could resist self-evident truth, could defy the
laws of nature, stem the tide of events, and fight up
against the frowning wrath of God's retribution.
Here a refluent ripple, there a wave breaks and rolls
back, but the great flood steadily advances. The
cause, which has gone through England, which In
gone through F'rance, Holland, Turkey, Russia; the
cause which has scaled and captured every throne of
Europe, will not be strangled here by a fibre of seces-
sion cotton. When this gigantic system trembled
under the single blow of Harper's Ferry, Mr. Vir-
ginia Hunter, in the Senate, said, "If slavery ever
stands on bayonets, it will fall." It is there, Mr. Hun-
ter ; stand from under I (Applause.) Moreover, the
late rapid and determined strides of this cause, com-
pared with its early halting progress, bespeak the
goal.
" A stumbler stumbles least in rugged way."
Our country never walked so erect as in the present
calamity. The suppression of the foreign slave trade,
abolition in the District, the consecration of the Ter-
ritories to freedom, and the spirit of the age, electric
with free ideas, floating through every crevice and
fissure of its shattered system, reveal the beginning
of the end of slavery.
Then we have a President who at least tries to
represent the people. This confidence in his execu-
tive ability and good intentions, this general ap-
plause of all parties, is unexampled in our poli-
tics ; and though not born like Alexander upon the
steps of a throne, or like Caesar in the folds of impe-
rial purple, if the President but carry emancipation,
all the nations shall greet him wilh royal thanks, and
history crown him with a nobler laurel than has
graced the Father of his Country (applause); for
while George Washington, in putting his hand, red
with the life of tyrants, to the slave clauses of the
Constitution of '89, wittingly or unwittingly, con-
signed the weaker race to chains, may it be the good
fortune of Abraham Lincoln, by tearing out that
"stripe of blood," to redeem the pood old pledge, and
make the "cause of America the cause of human
nature." (Applause.)
as that capillary column of water in the White House
can only balance the ocean without, I prefer to be-
lieve in God rather than in Abraham Lincoln, — to ap-
peal to the eternal moral sense of the people, which
was before governments, and will survive them.
But a little while ago, you recoiled with horror from
Federal officers. They would apologize for slavery,
hunt fugitives, raise mobs, and all because they ac-
cepted the Government as a fixed fact, with all its re-
spectable crimes. Well, stripping the Democrats of
their official robes, the Republicans have crept into the
same poisoned shirt. May we not fear lest they lose
their souls also % In Boston, it is yet to be proved
whether or no there is a path from the Custom House
to Heaven. I allow the Republican party has done
well. It attempted all that could be done inside of our
Government, and girdling slavery with the fire of non-
extension until the scorpion should sting itself to death,
it was an earnest and heroic effort on the part of the
people to do the best thing with the institutions on
hand. The reason Massachusetts reaches over Beacon
street and Harvard College, and lifts Henry Wilson
into the Senate of the United States, is not from any
young America recklessness or want of respect for
cultured dignity, as the heartless scholarship of the
Courier affirms, but because there has been more ef-
ficient politics, more practical statesmanship hammered
out on that cobbler's lapstone than the classic brain
of Everett, with his world -em bracing learning, ever
knew. (Applause.) But the Republican party did as
little as possible. They only struck at a twig of the
system, not at the tree itself. You Abolitionists were so
"rash," so "radical"! — But they found a tiger while
beating the jungle for a deer ; and quailing before him,
after having fought their way to the Capitol on the
doctrine of non-gxtension, they at first organized the
Territories without the guarantee of freedom; so that
Mr. Wilmot entered one door of Congress just in sea-
son to see his proviso flying from the other.
I refer to these things to show you that we cannot
depend, in a moral struggle, even upon the best of par-
ties. Politicians, statesmen, scholars, theologians, —
why, they are only passengers scolding on the deck,
whom the ocean, the people, heaving below, sail or
sink at pleasure. The muttering wrath which broke
out in Governor Andrew's late tetter to Secretary
Stanton shows the volcanic indignation which under-
gulfs and will overwhelm this Administration, unless
it speaks for liberty. I was going to take Mayor
Wightman for a target, but if he were not too dirty to
touch, he is not worth the powder. (Laughter and ap-
plause.) Bet the people of Massachusetts repeat and
emphasize that protest by reelecting Mr. Andrew as
Governor (applause); and if you would have your
trumpet at Washington give no uncertain sound, see
to it that Charles Sumner next winter is returned to
the leadership of the Senate. (Prolonged applause.)
But outside and above politics is the party of justice —
of justice, under whose serene, firm eye alone these
trembling States can find refuge, their only interest in
this conflict for truth and liberty. Having appealed to
the world against the sin of their own government;
flinging out " No Union with Slaveholders," as a signal
of distress to the nations ; holding up a fat, impenitent,
recreant church to the indignation of Christendom;
outcast and execrated as "radicals," "fanatics," "in-
fidels," " traitors ; " cursed by the Church, lampooned
by the Press, hunted by the Government; for thirty
years treading alone the wine-press of national wrath,
the party of justice will make their way over every
obstacle, against every foe, by the Constitution or in
spite of the Constitution, through the Union or over
the Union, to break the last fetter upon the continent.
(Applause.)
If this war is to be fought with Northern treasure
and Northern blood, ought it not to be fought with
Northern ideas'? ("Aye, aye!") Granting war to
be right, until that Yankee sword, which now lightens
on the black front of the South, means liberty, it is
murderous, the disgrace of the nation and the age.
(Applause.) I would have Massachusetts put her foot
down; say to the President, "Not another dollar or
another man until you decree emancipation." (Ap-
plause.) God in his mercy will send defeat and dis-
aster, even to the slaying of the first born of all your
households, unless this nation lets His people go.
Gen. Hunter understands this question, and responds
to the impudent resolution of Wickliffe by promising,
before November, to cram 60,000 black troops down the
throat of Kentucky. (Loud applause.)
These appeals to expediency and interest, this fol-
lowing the lead of slavery, assuring posterity that we
will never be guilty of a disinterested motive, this
tendency to forget the negro, even among Abolition-
ists, to merge everything in Union, to make Human
Rights a mere bob to the kite of political success,
betrays an alarming distrust of justice and human na-
ture — more faith in Diabolism than in Divinity. It is
a feeling that God is not quite strong enough to take us
through this crisis ; we must lean on the Devil a Utile.
(Laughter.) I distrust this cry of "Union." It is a
Union under which families are sundered at the auc-
tion-block, and women sold for prostitution ; a Union
under which tottering, fainting ago, and lender, beau-
tiful youth, are hunted with bloodhounds; a Union
under which men are burned alive for their love of
liberty, and which for two generations has been a
dcathVhcad and cross-hones erected above the grave
of Freedom. This nation has fort/otten God. The ty-
rannic dogma of the Stuarts, dug up from thj asphal-
tic contempt of two centuries, and robed in Republi-
can ermine, is abroad here. We say, not " the king
can do no wrong " — he is out of fashion ; hut the ma-
jority can do no wrong — the Union can do no wrong —
the army can do no wrong. In Mr. Dickens's phrase,
we "dignify all our favorite vices as institutions."
Any respectable rascality may be " voted up or down."
I would not attack the President; from my baby level
I could not fling a spear so high. I know his policy ;
it is to go to heaven backwards ; to drift with the tide
of events ; " to float, and let the current find the
way "—
"To blow the villains all sky high,
But do it with economy."
(Laughter.) Yet from anything uttered by the Com-
mander-in-Chief so far, the Federal army to-day is light-
ing for aa really a selfish object as the Corrftderate
army. I know it is an unpleasant thing to Bay, ohief-
ly unpleasant because it is true. Many an officer
has been cusliiered lor his love of liberty ; where is the
officer cashiered for his love of slavery ? Fremont's and
Hunter's orders to free men are annulled ; Halleck's or-
ders to enslave men are approved. No sane man doubts
the war power of the President to abolish slavery. One
stroke of his pen would annihilate the system. Indeed,
the rebellion of a State is in itself a decree of emancipa-
tion to every slave in that State. These slaves are not
held, then, by the laws of God, or the laws of man,
but by Abraham Lincoln, the greatest slaveholder
in hislory. I have no confidence in this death-bed
conversion, this "military necessity " — I scout it.
The nation that will abolish slavery merely to save it-
self, will establish slavery to save itBelf. It is idle, it is
wicked, it is atheistic, for the President to make terms
with men in armed defiance not only against all Fed-
eral authority, hut against the laws of nations and the
laws of God. Ah, Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Lincoln, above this
war of words, above these hurtling epithets, more po-
tently than political expediency or military necessity,
louder than the shock of battle, speaks Eternal Justice
— " Break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free."
Mr. George Draper. I would like to ask the
speaker why he wants us to send back Charles Sum-
ner, who speaks so highly of President Lincoln, when
he can use such language against him?
Mr. Hetwood. In order that Mr. Sumner, by his
Territorial doctrine, may annihilate the slaveholding
South (Applause.)
Emancipation is the method of peace and civiliza-
tion — the only name under heaven by which we can
live, it kills the slaveholder, and saves the man. I
would have let the South go out ; or, rather, repudi-
ated her on moral grounds. The policy of the Anti-
Slavery Society, for seventeen years, to dissolve the
Union in behalf of liberty, to cast out slaveholders
as other criminals, is the most honest, direct, practi-
cal and statesmanlike method of solving this question
yet proposed. The North wants to marry the South.
Well, she won't have you, and what are you going to
do about it 3 We are two nations, and the sword,
which never heals the wounds it makes, which is
never wreathed in myrtle — the sword can never make
us one nation. The war is no cure ; it only announces
the disease, that the physician may appear. You can-
riot illuminate men's minds by letting daylight through
their bodies. As religious reformers, the sword, ex-
cept to be execrated, is beneath your notice. The
time will come when to wear a sword will be a greater
disgrace than to hold slaves. You may think that fa-
natical, but I bring truth, not apology. Conquest
confers no right. If my fist is bigger than yours, is
that any proof that my heart is larger or my brain
dearer "i Wc must rule the South, not by the weight
of our fist, but by superior ideas, larger philanthropy,
more beneficent civilization ; for if this nation cannot
comeback to the basis of justice, God grant that it
may sink forever from the sight of men ! (Applause.)
But to hold the South on the basis of force, even, you
must innoculate her with a new principle — freedom
to the blacks. This oyster must be opened with the
not the sword. Teamsters say, that when you
have failed to catechise a baulking horse into motion
with a cudgel, a handful of mud, scooped from the
gutter and pressed against his nose, will start him,
because it gives him an idea. (Laughter.) Nothing
but this mud of Democracy, of abolitionism, will ever
put the South on the road to progress. The Demo-
cratic party, leaping from its grave, spurs into the
conflict to break another lance against justice, to bring
back the Union as it was; and Mr. Lincoln says we
cannot allow this struggle to degenerate to revo-
lution. But the revolution is upon us, and we
must go up to it, not down. The old Union! it's a
last year's Almanac; a Union of red tape; a Union
of diplomacy — it never was a Union of ideas. This
Union sentiment at the South is a fiction. The Bor-
der States would have gone long ago, if they had not
been pinned to their loyalty with federal bayonets-
Norfolk is defiant, Nashville is defiant, New Orleans
is defiant. Slavery and Rebellion, one in life and love,
in death cannot be divided. Hang the leaders !
Hang the leaf, and leave the tree! Hang the inci-
dent, and leave the cause ! - Rather pluck up the thing
by the roots, and brandish it in triumph over the ene-
my. If, as Mr. Vice President Stephens says, slavery
is the foundation of the rebellion, then one simple
airy word — Emancipation — dropped in, knocks the
bottom out of secession.
Put down this agitation I Let owls and bats put
down sunshine I They tried Texas, they tried Fugi-
tive Slave bills, they tried Nebraska swindles,theDr^d
Scott decision, bludgeoning Senators, secession ; and,
in Boston, the mobocratic waves clapping their hands
above the City Hall and the State House, said —
" It is done ; Wendell Phillips is hushed up I " When,
lo ! one morning the Courier waked to see that same
irrepressible agitator go into the Capital of the Re-
public, a conqueror I (loud applause) — while the
same men who breathed threatening and slaughter to
all who dared lisp the name of John Brown, by the
unseen omnipotence of this idea, in embattled le-
gions were hurled against, slaveholders in the tune
of " Glory, Hallelujah ! " This is the Lord's doings,
and marvellous in the eyes of the Courier. (Laugh-
ter.) Oh no; to "keep step to the music of the
Union," you must keep step to the music of the'
negro. In all your pride of arts and arms, the
sheen of victory, the heroism of defeat, the black shine
of the negro's countenance alone reflects the smile of
Heaven. " Pharaoh sits upon the throne, but Joseph
is governor over all Egypt." Colonize the slaves!
Colonize the Rocky mountains ! It cannot be done.
We do not want to do it, for we must have the ne-
groes as a metropolitan police to hold the South. We
shall yet have those cotton States represented at
Washington by black faces instead of black hearts.
(Applause.)
In Conway's vigorous phrase, "The war will never
he over till slavery is over." [Mr. Burleigh — Until
slavery is under.] This slaveholding oligarchy must
go for guano. By eight generations of outrage to
a trampled and bleeding race, by Sumpter and Corco-
ran, by Baker and Lyon, by our brothers scalped, and
desecrated in their hallowed graves, slaveholders are
outlaws I I would not stir your blood or- wake re-
venge.
" Though by their high wrongs I am struck to the quick,
Yet with your nobler reason 'gainst your fury
Do I take part."
These men were not natural friends ; the spirit they
incarnate, which bound twelve gigantic States to the
chariot wheels of Rebellion, which sends death and
desolation to thousands of Northern and Southern
homes, and drives its murderous steel to the heart of
free institutions, is Slavery. Then, in the name of
government periled, of families beggared, of wives
Widowed and children orphaned, of unborn generations
to inherit the poverty and woes of this, of the black
race for centuries trodden into the burning marl of op-
pression, hurl this fiend to the pit whence it rose I
There are, Mr. President, but two methods of hand-
ling this thing. One is, to forget the negro ; the other
is, to acknowledge his rights. Long and fairly tried,
the former is a failure. Entrenched In all the strong-
holds that command the public mind, the pulpit, the
press, the Senate, the seats of learning, mounting on
iis flying car all the machinery of our civilization, for
seventy years Slavery was victorious on every field.
Your public men, for ability, for learning, for virtue—
notwithstanding the excellent curses launched upon
thorn from this platform — would not sutler in compari-
son with those who have administered political oll'airs
in England or France during the same period. Where,
then, was the hitch '< They essayed to reconcile free-
dom with slavery, an impossibility; for where the In-
tellect of Webster, the eloquence of Clay, the scholar-
ship of Everett, the statesmanship of Seward, and the
oonselenoe of Sumner could not succeed, the gods
ilu inches must fail. The other horn of the dilem-
ma, Which is the lesson of this day, is fair pbiy to
black men. Some mornings ago, as n nosegay of the
nursery floated under my window, and one tiny slip
of womanhood put hot- jauoy foot, on a mutual right,
the others scattered, BOrwmlng, "I'll tell mother,
1 '11 tell mother ! " It seemed girlish ; yet then was
deep wisdom in the method of reco'icilialion. "An
ounce of mother is worth a pound of clergy," says the
old proverb. So in our trouble we must go back to
first principles, back to justice, back to impartial liber-
ty, back to the laws of God, until we can make better.
(Loud applause.)
The President said it gave him great pleasure to in-
troduce, as the next speaker, one of the curliest ami
most devoted advocates of the cause of the oppressed,
James Miller McKim, of Philadelphia, so long iden-
tified with the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society as
its Secretary and General Agent.
Mr. McKim (who was warmly applauded) proceed-
ed to give a very interesting and most encouraging
sketch of his recent visit to Port Royal and Beaufort,
with reference to the "contrabands," and the educa-
tional and industrial eflbrts making in their behalf,
f We defer its publication, at his request, until he shall
be able to revise and complete it.]
An original hymn, by Caroline A. Mason, of
Fitchburg, was then sung; and it being 1 o'clock, the
meeting adjourned for a social pic nic till half past 2,
P.M.
ft^T For the remainder of the proceedings, see the sec-
ond and third pages, inside.
THE BRUTALITY OF TEE REBELS AT THE
MOUND CITY DISASTER.
Colonel Fitch bears testimony, in his official re-
port, to the brutality of the rebels at the Mound City
disaster, and a correspondent of the Cincinnati Com-
mercial says of the scene, after the explosion : — ■
"In the confusion of the moment, some 60 men,
badly scalded, jumped overboard — thirty or more of
whom we are sure were drowned or murdered — the
enemy's sharp-shooters literally picking off our poor
fellows while they were swimming and struggling in
the water for life.
When the accident occurred, Master Dominy was
standing out forward on the starboard spar deck,
(the only man then on the deck, Capt. Kelry being
at his post in the pilot-house,) giving orders during
the hail of cannon, rifle and musketry shot. Dis-
covering the flow of steam, Dominy pulled off his
coat, with which he covered his head, and begged his
men, 'For God's sake not to jump overboard.' He
next went to the stern, waved his handkerchief for
the gunboats below to come up and tow the disabled
Mound City out from under the rebel batteries — 32-
poundcrs — which were playing on her very heavily
at the time. "While signalling the gunboats to come
up, tbe handkerchief was shot out of his hand. As
fast as he pulled the men out of the water at the
stern of the Mound City, the enemy's sharp-shooters
shot them down."
Of the terrible sufferings that were undergone by
the victims he says: —
"The agonizing scene cannot be described or
imagined. Here lay the bodies of some twenty
men, scalded to death, others with their mangled
bodies severed asunder by the fatal shot.
The gun deck was literally strewn with from 75
to 80 others, who, being badly scalded and horribly
disfigured, were tearing off their clothing, and long
strings of bleeding flesh dangling from their finger-
ends, hands, arms, and lacerated bodies, and with
eyes burned out and closed, crying out for ' Help,
help — water, give me water, water — save me.* * Ob, I
God, save me, save me.' ' Oh I kill me, shoot me.*
'Oh! do end my misery.' 'Doctor, will I live?*
' Tell my wife how I died,' and numerous pitiful ex-
clamations and pathetic appeals of this character.
The features of all were wonderfully distorted.
Many could not be recognized by their most inti-
mate friends. We pray to God we may never have
occasion to look on such a scene again."
We know not where else so much authen-
tic intelligence of the Rebellion can be ob-
tained."
No other wosk possesses the value as a
■WORK OF REFERENCE??
■IT IS RELIABLE, COMPLETE, AND DESIRABLE."
Rebellion Record,
Edited by FRANK MOORE,
Is the only publication which gives the HISTORY OF
THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR FREE GOV-
ERNMENT NOW GOING ON.
IT IS
Full, Impartial and Reliable.
A RECORD "WHICH THE COURTS, THE DEPART-
MENTS AND THE PRESS quote as the
HISTORY OF THE TIMES.
It appeals to the intelligence of every citizen. By re-
ference to it, every person can be fairly and truthfully
posted up in relation to this
GREAT REBELLION.
IT CONTAINS, — L,
The Causes of the Great Struggle and the Great Issues
before the Country,
BY EDWARD EVESETT.
II.
A DIARY Or VERIFIED EVENTS :
Commencing with the meeting of the South Carolina Con-
vention, Dec. 17th, 18C0- giving, in the form of a Dia-
ry, a concise, succinct, and truthful history of every
event as it occurs.
ITI.
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CONSISTING OF ALL THE
OFFICIAL REPORTS OF BATTLES, SKIRMISHES,
&o., MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS
of the President of the United States,
SPECIAL ORDERS, Ac. &a.
GRAPHIC ACCOUNTS of tbe Movements of Troops,
IMPORTANT SPEECHES AND LETTERS, from leading
Men, North and South.
PICTURESQUE NARRATIVES, (from eye-witnesses)
of the GREAT BATTLES, SECESSION ORDI-
NANCES, MESSAGES, PROCLA-
MATIONS, &o.
IV.
Rumors, Incidents, Patriotic Songs and Ballads.
Illustrated with correct Portraits, engraved on steel, of the
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THE LIBERATOR
IS PUBLISHED
EVEET FEIDAT MOEHING,
— AT —
221 WASHINGTON STREET, BOOM No. 6.
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IST TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum,
jJ3F* Five copies will bo sont to one address for ten bol-
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"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof."
"Hay this down as tho law of nations! 1 nay that mil-
itary authority takes, for tho time, tho place of all nninic-
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST j
■ and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of the subject, not only tbe President op
the United States, but the Commander of the Army,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN-
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES, f. . . Prom the instant
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
crviL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war poweri
of Congress extend to interference with tho institution of
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de-
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac-
cording to the laws of war ; and by tho laws of war,
an invaded country has aU its laws and municipal institu-
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes th*
place op them. When two hostile armies areset in martial
array, tho commanders of both armies have power to eman-
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."-J. Q. Adamm.
WM. LLOYD GAKRISON, Editor.
©Mr <£><nmtv\j U t\u WmM, jntv mmtixjmm m ixll ptmttuwfl.
J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.
VOL. XXXII. ISTO. 30.
BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 25, 1862.
WHOLE ILSrO. 1642.
idnp of ®\)\mmw.
ABOLITIONISM OVERT TREASON.
The best minds of tbe country have decided that
the doctrine of State Sovereignty is not more pesti-
ferous to the perpetuity of the Republic than Aboli-
tionism. The former is the parent of secession ; the
latter helped the growth of secession by its loud fa-
naticism. It has openly taught that the " Constitu-
tion is a league with hell," and at tbe present mo-
ment it is actively engaged in the dissemination of
principles which are eminently subversive of the na-
tion. In point of ideas, Abolitionism is much worse
than secession. The excess of guilt in the latter
consists in its eruption into bloody rebellion. Had
secession been met by armed force when it was in
the first stages, the rebellion had ended long since:
and it may well be apprehended that the negro-wor-
shippers will yet merit having a similar observation
made of them. They are fanatical enough for any
violence. A John Brown or a John of Leyden
could at once lead them into revolution against the
Government for the emancipation of the black. If
Fremont had not been promptly recalled, bis friends
of the North would, probably, have gone to a most
unfortunate excess. The conduct of Phelps and
Lane filled the Abolitionists with the utmost intein-
perateness of sentiment; and the late insensate pro-
clamation of Hunter has made them act with a spirit
of hatred to the Union that will not easily subside.
Here are public facts. In presence of them, what
should be done with the multitude they animate ?
The case needs military legislation. It needed it a
long period ago. If it come not, there will be an
open abolition rebellion in the North. Fanaticism
soon takes up arms. The Pilot has some inattentive
readers, who interpret its articles against the Aboli-
tionists as exceedingly severe. We acknowledge
much of the imputation ; but our antagonism has its
cause in respect for the Constitution of tbe United
States ; and we have never said anything against
tbe fanatics at issue that was not deserved, and that
was not a duty. Enemies to the wholeness of the
Republic are they. Traitors they undoubtedly are.
If they be checked not, the country will smart under
the consequence. There can be no real peace until
they are silenced. What was Governor Andrew's
response to the President but a refusal to give sol-
diers to tbe Union — but an Abolition proclamation
that Hunter should be maintained? The "Con-
federacy " is a fiction. Abolitionism is not. It is
every man's duty to oppose it. — Boston Pilot.
junction**
THE EMANCIPATION ELEMENT. -
It Is unhappy for our country, that such an atro-
cious course as that of the vulgar Chandler, of Michi-
gan, or of tbe radicals in general, should be tolerated
for a moment by any friend to President Lincoln.
If they had the power, they, at this hour, would
block the wheels of Government, unless the Presi-
dent would yield to their infernal schemes. Do not
the set publicly declare, here in Boston, that not a
man more should be raised, and not a dollar more
should be voted, until President Lincoln throws out
a proclamation of universal emancipation ? Are
not the mischief-making panderers to this traitorous
element continually exciting expectations, through
telegrams, that the President is on the eve of issuing
such a proclamation ?
The friends of President Lincoln will do service
to the country, when they say to the whole set, " Get
behind us, Satan." It is the gravest of political blun-
ders to attempt to conciliate this element. It is as
grave an error as it would be to attempt to meet
and suppress this rebellion by sprinkling rose water :
as nothing but the Union bayonet will answer at
this time to meet Secession in arms, so nothing but
political extermination will answer for abolition
treason. Every effort of the friends of President
Lincoln to meet the aims of the set who openly ex-
press scorn of the Constitution of their country, and
who really abhor the Union of the Fathers, is an ef-
fort in the direction of the destruction of Constitu-
tional Liberty. This is a solemn truth, and the
sooner it is seen and acted upon, the better will it be
for our country.
We observe that journals nearest in sentiment to
the party who hold now, and have held for years,
that the Constitution is an agreement with hell, are
making it out that the Union never was weaker, and
that rebellion never was stronger, than it is now !
If the object of this sort of croaking was to aim for
two confederacies, it is not easy to see how writers
could more effectually promote this than they are
doing. And so of other things. There cannot be
pointed to a worse course than Charles Sumner's
course about Western Virginia, so utterly does it
override the Constitution by practically regarding it
as a Territory wliich Congress is to govern. These
fanatics, by insulting and browbeating the Border
States on any and every occasion — by snubbing their
Representatives and Senators — by exhibiting an ar-
rogant and overbearing course unworthy tbe gigan-
tic power of tho free States — seem to be bent on
driving these Border States into rebellion. Their
abominable course is inexplicable on any other
theory. All honor to Collamer and Browning and
Cowan and Divcn and Thomas, with a goodly band
of other Republicans, for the manly rebukes they
have administered to obviously unconstitutional
schemes ! If there be the depression in the public
mind, beyond a question this terrible course of the
fanatics in Congress and out of Congress has created
it. It is so gigantic a breach of public faith, that no
wonder men begin to doubt whether there is mean-
ing in language — whether there is such a thing as
solemn public faith. — Boston Post.
THE ABOLITION FANATICS.
Every well directed stroke at this abolition party
is a double blow, — a blow at Northern infidelity to
the Constitution and at Southern treason, and con-
tributes to infuse fresh life into the country. It will
be hailed with the highest satisfaction by the army
whose glorious eye ib upon the Flag, and by the
loyal men who admire its bravery. The monster
Union meeting at New York has given such a blow.
The Constitution recognizes Slave States and
Free States as co-equal in reserved rights ; that Ken-
tucky, for instance, has as full power over the com-
munity within its limits as New York has within its
limits. Can a sane man doubt this who - knows
anything of our polity ? Is this not a fundamental
in our system ? Then let the good sense of the peo-
ple rise up in terrible rebuke of the political hypoc-
risy and partisanship which, even while professing
devotion to the Union, is practically undermining its
foundations. Bring men and things boldly, fearless-
ly, righteously to this test. What accords with it,
feeds the national life with sustaining influences;
while the proposition to reduce a whole section of
our country to a territorial condition is a Bohon
Upas that can only bring the blight of death. — Bos-
ton Post.
GENERAL McOLELLAN,
The campaign of Western Virginia in the summer
of 1861 brought Gen. Geo. B. McClellan promi-
nently before the people of the United States. His
despatches were written in modest, terse English,
commending their author as a master of chaste com-
position. We have learned since that they were
written probably by his Adjutant, and not by him-
self, as is evident by their comparison with his re-
cent ones, and especially that singular document,
his address to the army in February, when about to
march on Manassas. Besides, Gen. McClellan 's un-
varying success in his first campaign, and his alleged
disregard of all stiff formalities, (wearing an awk-
ward slouched hat on the field of battle,) went far
to lead all to the conclusion that he was the Moses,
called'ofGod to lead us over the Red Sea, and
through theWilderness of tbe Slaveholders' rebellion.
At the time of his call to the chief command, our
own estimate of the man was quite as high as that
entertained for him by the rest of the people; and
nothing but the wait-and-prepare policy, drawn out
for months together, impelled us to adopt the opin-
ion that George B. McClellan, while an accomplish-
ed organizer of armies, a splendid engineer officer,
and perhaps a good manceuvering commander, is but a
poor fighting general.
We apprehend that no campaign was ever plan-
ned and finished in its details, according to the orig-
inal draft. So many things depend upon contin-
gencies that the thing is impossible. Hence, Gene-
rals like Napoleon and Garibaldi fight in a style that
sets the rules of war at defiance, showing plainly
that tbe art of insuring success at arms cannot al-
ways be learned in the schools, but is mainly a nat-
ural gift. McClellan's slow sieging mode of advance
is ostensibly safe and sure, (because slow,) but noth-
ing is farther from the fact. For instance, his plan
of advance upon Richmond, instead of marching rap-
rapidly by way of the Rappahannock, seems to have
contemplated a multitudinous army of operation
that would.sweep the whole peninsula between the
James and York rivers, exposing his line to be cut
in two at any point, as has taken place. The very
slowness of his advance gives the enemy tbe chance
for reinforcement and concentration against him.
There has been no time since last November that a
rapid march upon Richmond would not have brought
tbe rebels out of their advanced intrenchmente at
Manassas and Yorktown, without the trouble of
trenching. As soon as Columbus at the West was
flanked by the battles of Somerset and Fort Donel-
son, that place had to be abandoned. The same
was true of Island No. 10 and Nashville. But Mc-
Clellan seems to have invaded the South very much
as Xerxes marched on Greece, relying on thegreatness
of his army, and not as Garibaldi assailed Sicily with
a handful of men, trusting to moral appliances and
bold fighting. For nearly a year he has been at the
head of the army of the East, and yet he has fought
but one battle, where he made a sudden strategic as-
sault upon the enemy — the battle of Hanover. In
every other fight, he has been attacked by the ene-
my, and fought— as all such must do — at disadvan
tage. Now, why have Grant, Thomas, Pope, Rose-
cranz, Burnside, Mitchell, and almost every other
subordinate commander, been driving the rebels be-
fore them, while he and Halleck have been digging
and trenching against the wily enemy, who at his
leisure perfects his schemes of rapid concentration
to overwhelm them with disaster ? We have no ev-
idence to believe that Gen. McClellan's forte is fight-
ing ; or, perhaps it may be that Bull Run exists as
a perpetual terror to him. We are free to confess,
however, that finding himself in a swamp, where his
men were falling by malaria faster than rebel balls
could have destroyed them, and observing that he
was outnumbered and about to be outflanked, he ex-
tricated them with consummate skill. Waiving a
discussion of the reasons that induced General Mc-
Clellan to make White House, on the Pamunkey, his
base of operations, and the Chickahominy swamps
his sieging ground, and simply recognizing the fact
that, owing to the delay of his movements, he had
become greatly weakened, and the enemy vastly
strengthened, fall of which ought to have been fore-
seen and provided against) — we say, setting these
things aside, and only looking at the bold and skill-
ful field movements of the past two weeks, it must
be admitted that Gen. McClellan's generalship was
fully equal to the bravery of his army, and that nei-
ther has been excelled by any military operations
of the nineteenth century. But the practical ques-
tion is, Why has Gen. McClellan been at tbe head
of the vastest army of modern times for eleven
months, and yet the rebel capital still in their pos-
session ? Why was the Potomac blockaded all win-
ter in tbe face of a host 250,000 strong ? And why
did he finally start to Richmond, like Peter the Her-
mit on a Crusade, leaving Norfolk, with all its dan-
gerous capacity for mischief, unsubdued in his rear —
a place which yielded to a small force under the
brave' Wool ? It is not Gen. McClellan's capacity
to organize armies, or ably direct them in the field,
that is called in question ; but his earnestness and
vigor in pressing his frequent opportunities to decisive
victories. It was tbe opinion of many officers and
soldiers in his army, that, if the General had permit
ted it, our men would have chased the enemy pell-
mell into Richmond during the route at Seven Pines
on the 1st of June. The misfortune of McClellan's
strategy seems to be to overlook fighting the rebels
in detail; but leaving him time to recover from ev-
ery blow, he strives to finish him at once by a coup
de main. The rebels are wisely pursuing the tactics
we employed against the British in the war of Inde-
pendence, while McClellan, like the British, is rely-
ing upon crushing blows, which somehow or other, as
with them, never come. But the McClellan men
have a cheap mode of defence against all complaint
and criticism. " It is all," say they, " the Secretary's
fault for taking away his men, or not reinforcing him."
We reply, that it is the General's slow sieging strategy
that makes so many men necessary. During last win-
ter, the army of the Potomac was two to the enemy's
one; and yet nothing was done, although at the
very time our brave Western Generals, with forces
not more than equal to those opposed, wero reduc-
ing the whole Northwest.
But the most momentous thought of all, at this
time, is the possibility of foreign intervention, as a
consequence of the delay and the late repulse. We
confess to great fears of the result. We can imag-
ine what Americans would think, if Lyons or Havre
was a year in insurrection, and unconqtiered by the
French Government at Paris — after that govern-
ment had boasted an army of seven hundred thou-
sand men to reduce them to obedience. We ought
not to complain, under the circumstances, that for-
eigners are incredulous. The President has called
for three hundred thousand more northern white men,
to pour out their blood in this quarrel about the ne-
gro—who is counted out; and we should not be sur-
prised if there are no active operations on the Poto-
mac till fall, giving tho rebels just that much more
time to recover tor another stubborn resistance to
our advance. But the grand consolation to us, who
have always been in favor of a war, "short, sharp
and decisive," consists in this, that the longer the
contest is protracted, the more effectually it makes
an end of slavery, which is the cause of all the trou-
ble. If we had taken Manassas in July, 1861, and
if the rebellion had caved then, slavery would have
been nearly as strongly entrenched in public favor
as before; and if the war goes on another year,
there will not be a slave in any rebellious State.
McClellan's greatness as a general may consist in
this: That he suffers the cauldron to boil until the
charm shall be broken by emancipation, which our
people are nearly as stupidly set against, as Pharaoh
of old. So we are doubly armed, and await events
with a calm trust in Divine Providence. — Norris-
town Republican.
THE ARMY OP THE P0T0MA0.
It cannot be treasonable to repeat information
given publicly by a United States Senator. Mr.
Chandler has stated in his place in Congress, that
one hundred and fifty-eight thousand men had been
sent to the Peninsula before the recent battles. Of
this number it is probable that twenty-three thou-
sand were killed and wounded in battle and on pick-
et duty, and disabled by sickness while lying in the
swamps of the Chickahominy. This would leave
one hundred and thirty-five thousand men; but to
avoid any chance of over-estimation, we will call
McClellan's effective force before the late battles
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men. That
army was acknowledged by everybody of military
judgment to be as well equipped as any army in the
world. The Government had lavished upon it its
boundless resources. It lacked nothing that could
make it formidable to the enemy. The soldiers
went to the Peninsula in excellent condition. They
were thoroughly disciplined, and had been tried for
months on picket duty in frout of Washington.
They bad the best arms, both large and small, man-
ufactured in the world, and had become skillful in
using them. They were emulous of the examples
set them by their Western brothers on their success-
ful battle-fields from Fort Donelson to Pittsburgh
Landing. The rebels had lost that prestige of suc-
cess which bad encouraged them after the battles of
Bull Run and Ball's Bluff. We expected— the
country expected — a grand victory in Virginia.
Ample time had been taken to make it sure — so we
were told by those who directed the movements of
that army. The people were patient — almost to
the verge of apathy — under vexatious restraints and
unexplained delays. The cry " On to Richmond 1 "
which had led tq_a disaster at Bull Run, was heard
no more in the land. We all waited the motion of
the President and his chosen Generals, pledging
them ample support. Is it strange, then, that the
people are surprised and mortified by a disastrous
reverse of our arms ? Having given their confidence
so freely, is it to be marvelled at that they are dis-
appointed ? Shall we wonder if they hold somebody
responsible for a terrible blunder ? *
The resources of the country were more than suffi-
cient to make victory sure on every field. They
were all placed at the disposal of the President —
and what is the result? Two causes of our defeat
are so palpable as to be seen by civilians of ordina-
ry common sense : the division of our army involved
in the adoption of the Peninsula campaign, and the
demoralization of the army of tbe Potomac by con-
stant service in the trenches from Yorktown to the
Chickahominy. We were not beaten by tbe arms
of the enemy, but by the picks and spades in the
hands of our own soldiers, with which they have
wasted their vigor, to cover the whole surface of the
Peninsula wiib earthworks that have done us no
service, but which will remain forever as monuments
of brave soldiers who died for their country, but in
vain. Will not what has proved so disastrous in
this campaign be discarded in tbe next ? The
300,000 soldiers now called from the body of the
people have an especial desire to be answered. —
Boston Herald.
fluence no better than savages ? Must not he be a
fanatic abolitionist who makes so ridiculous an asser-
tion ?
But will the slaves fight? Why not? Blacks
have fought well, — why should not those who have
grown up among the chivalry be the most valiant ?
If they had lived among trading, cowardly Yankees,
they might have become equally timid. But where
courage is reckoned the greatest of virtues, surely
men ought to learn to be brave.
Will it be said the war was not commenced for
the purpose of overthrowing slavery, but simply to
suppress therebellion ? Very true, but we are un-
der no constitutional or other obligations which for-
bid us to avail ourselves of the rights of war, and to
deprive the enemy of their property, and employ it
in putting down the rebellion. We should remem-
ber that if we are not, in carrying on the war, to
make the destruction of slavery our object, neither
are we to make its maintenance our object. The
fact that if we take a particular course we shall
damage and perhaps destroy slavery, ought not to
prevent us from pursuing it. If slavery were a
most beneficent institution, we should be perfectly
guiltless, though we overthrow it, when, by endan-
gering it,_we can put down the rebellion. The most
conservative of conservatives is guilty of no inconsist-
ency in advocating arming the negro. We hope
that while the people come up to the help of the
Government, there will be a general demand that
blacks as well as whites shall be permitted and in-
vited to fight in the noblest of all wars. — Taunton
Republican.
CONSUMMATE POLLY.
In the prosecution of the war, there have been, as
we might have expected there would be, many mis-
takes. But we question whether in the judgment
of history there will be found one, approaching in
magnitude that which the North has committed in
waging the war at the expense of the lives of its
best citizens, and persistently refusing to accept the
services of a multitude of allies who were willing
and anxious to be employed. The greatness of this
folly particularly impresses us at the present time,
when, owing to the rapid wasting away of the Fed-
eral armies in numerous und most destructive battles,
and by diseases, if not so sudden in their ravages, yet,
on tbe whole, more potent in diminishing tbe effi-
ciency of our forces; when, by the rapid increase of
the rebel hordes, through a most despotic and mer-
ciless conscription, it has become necessary to call to
the help of the Government 300,000 additional
troops. We cannot refrain from asking' and press-
ing the inquiry, why do we not avail ourselves of
the services of those black allies who are impatient-
ly waiting the privilege of fighting for us, and who,
if they are not employed on our side, will be used
against us — will be compelled to work for the sup-
port of those rebels against whom we are fighting.
As if to exhibit this folly in the most glaring light,
at this very juncture when the call for more men is
made, one of our Generals writes to the Secretary
of War that he has already a regiment of negroes*,
and can soon enlist from 40,000 to 50,000 such
troops, and speaks in the highest terms of their qual-
ifications for soldiers. Why then, we ask, shall
this nation refuse to employ blacks, when Washing-
ton was glad to accept their services in the Revolu-
tionary war, and Jackson in the War of 1812 ? When
other nations, including the most highly civilized,
willingly admit them into their armies, why should
we refuse to accept them, and by that refusal virtu-
ally make a gift of them to the enemy, if not to
fight, yet to do what is equally indispensable to
them, support by labor those who do fight? Said
Mr. Stevens of Pennsylvania in the House of Rep-
resentatives on the 4th inst. : " Tho employment of
blacks is but carrying out the usage of all civilized
nations. Nothing could be produced from history
to show the contrary. The usage has been to lib-
erate slaves, and take them into servico to defeat the
enemy." What good reason can be given why we
should not conform to this usage? Will any one
say the negroes will fight like savages? They are
not savages. Multitudes of them are humble, de-
voted Christians. They have all spent their lives
the most Christian country in tho world, and in
what their masters claim is the most civilized por-
tion of it, where the pure gospel is preached, and
no isms arc allowed. Why should they be expected
to act like heathen who have been reared amidsuch
advantages, in tho very condition for which it is
claimed they are made i Is the effect of God's own
institution to make those who grow up under its in-
0ALLING ALL HANDS.
Unless we strangely misread the signs of the times,
a great change in the manner of prosecuting the war
for tbe Union is about to be inaugurated. We might
say a radical change, but we waive the adjective in
deference to the delicate sensibilities of our conser-
vative friends. The Ameriean Republic, we gather
from all we see and hear, has at length resolved to
live and not die — at all events, not to die by suicide.
The policy of fighting a demoniac rebellion with one
hand only, is to be utterly given up, and in arming
and fighting hereafter, our rulers and leaders are to
consider solely what policy, justified by the laws of
war, will most effectively weaken the Rebels, and se-
cure the triumph of the National arms. How much
the nation has sacrificed, and lost, and suffered, in
default of such a policy hitherto— how a year, and
Erecious blood, and Five Hundred Millions bave
een almost wasted for want of it — wo do not care
now to; consider. Suffice it that at last the loyal
masses of our countrymen have been brought to
realize that the life of the Union is at stake" and
that it can only be saved by the most determined,
vigorous and unsparing use of all the National re-
sources. When a Breckinridge Democrat so emi-
nent and so ultra as Senator Rice, of Minnesota,
speaks as be did in the debates of Wednesday, we
may be sure that whatever is heartily loyal in the
Democratic party is ready for the decisive step
which, even to their minds, has become indispensa-
ble. Henceforward, we feel assured, the nation in
her dire extremity will reject no proffered service,
but will call all her loyal children to her rescue, even
including the " servants born in her house," as did
the patriarch Abraham.
Up to this time, the Slave Power now in rebellion
against the Union has bad the sole use of the four
millions of our people held in bondage. A blind
and senseless prejudice, born of slavery and its
father the devil, has prohibited the use of blacks in
the National service, unless as menials to a few offi-
cers. General Orders have forbidden the reception
into our camps of loyal blacks who had fled from
their rebel masters on purpose to warn us of am-
buscades, surprises and assaults in overwhelmingforee
on our exposed positions. Negroes who had braved
everything to render our arms the most important
service have been surrendered to the traitors who
claimed them as their chattels, and "by them beaten
nearly or quite to death in punishment of their pa-
triotism. Offers of military service by the despised
race have been spurned as insolent and insulting
presumption. Journals that pretend to be loyal
have devoted far more talent, energy, and space to
calumniating the blacks, who are almost necessarily
friendly to the National cause, than to exposing and
reprobating the treachery, cruelty, and villany of
the traitors who are seeking our National ruin. To
strengthen the Rebels and weaken the loyal by four
millions of people would seem to have been the chief
aim of the Democratic and Border State leaders and
organs throughout the last eventful year. And the
Administration, appalled by the menaces of a divided
North, has hesitated and delayed until the Union is
in its last extremity. We see enough to convince
us that it can hesitate no longer.
Let us hope that whateveris now done to under-
mine the rebellion will be done in no haltiug, grudg-
ing, niggard spirit. Let us have done with ambigu-
ity and paltering. If we are henceforth to esteem
a black Unionist as at least the equal of a white
traitor, let us frankly say so. If we want tbe slaves
of traitors to cease working for the support of the
rebellion, and begin working generally and in earn-
est on the side of the Union, let us tell them so in
unmistakable terms. The pretence that they will
never hear us is sheer absurdity. They have their
expresses and their telegraphs, somewhat ruder than
ours, but still effective. We are well assured that
news has recently been received at Fortress Monroe
from Florida by secret slave dispatch in eight days
— the distance being not less than six hundred miles.
The message probably made two^thirds of the jour-
ney on foot, keeping clear of cities and highways.
Let our Government to-morrow issue a decree or
proclamation giving freedom to all slaves of rebels
who will present themselves at any of our camps,
and henceforth give their services to the National
cause, and three-quarters of tbe slaves in rebeldom
would know the fact within a week, and the residue
before the close of the current month. Tho fact
that famine now threatens the South, while food is
plenty in the loyal States, would strengthen the
natural impulse to seek for freedom.
How much and what direct, positive service would
thus be secured to the National cause, we do not de-
cide; but we firmly believe a proclamation of free-
dom as above would rapidly concentrato around the
National standards one hundred thousand stalwart
diggers, cooks, and teamsters, ready to bo converted
into rank and file whenever our Generals shall say
tho word. But wc do not count so much on what
they would speedily do for us as on what they would
coaso doing for our enemies, and on the diversion of
half tho effective forco of the rebellion from shoot-
ing Unionists into watching, hunting, and recaptur-
ing fugitive slaves. From the hour that it was gen-
erally understood that a slave escaping from the
rebels to our lines would be a slave no longer, tho
rebel pickets on a line at least three thousand mites
long must keep at least as sharp a lookout for fugi-
tives in their rear as for Unionists in their front.
Their anxieties and labors would thus bo doubled,
while their perils would bo largely increased. And
every hour would witness a weakening of tho ma-
terial base of the rebellion by the escape of enslaved
workers for its willing upholders to be emancipated
workers on the side of the Union.— iV. Y. Tribune.
NATIONAL P0LI0Y,
Mr. Editor,— Much is said about tbe Union and
Constitution— to restore the one and establish the
other is said to be the only object of the war. Now
it seems to me that rebels who have renounced the
Constitution, and are seeking to destroy the Union,
are to be dealt with in a military way— they have
no right^of citizenship until they cease to be rebels.
The South does not wish to return to the Union.
Confidence between tbe free States
broken. No concessions to
completely
__very will satisfy the
South ; nothing short of the extinction of slavery
will satisfy the North. With this impassible gulf be-
tween,_ reunion on the old basis seems to me to be an
impossibility. Only one of the two alternatives re-
mains — we must either acknowledge the indepen-
dence of the South, or we must abolish slavery. The
first is put of the question ; the second is a necessity
which it seems impossible to avoid.
To say that Abolitionists are the cause of this war
is supreme folly. Slavery is the cause, and nothing
else. Destroy the Abolitionists if you will ; no soon-
er done than a new crop of larger growth and more
frowning aspect will spring from tbe tree. Slavery
has bad its day, and now comes its doom. The
world is against it; God is against it; and it must
fall.
A little more than a year ago, about twenty plant-
3_ assembled at a tavern in Alabama to discuss
politics. Pro-slavery rose to intense heat : the Yan-
kees were cursed, and the whole party, except one,
clamored for secession and war. This exception
was an old planter, a wise and thoughtful man, a
slaveholder, and a man of influence. They demand-
ed his opinion, for he was suspected of bein°- a Free
State man. " If you enter upon this war,"°said the
old man, "you will be beat— I tell you so." A
shower of invectives came down upon him. Again
they demanded his reason for saying they would be
beaten. " Because," said the old man, " the North
has twice as many men ; the Union is right, and
they have all good men on their side: and again,
more than all, they bave God on their side." " And
who," they furiously demanded, " is on our side ? "
" I'll tell ye plainly," said the old man ; " you've got
them cursed Spaniards in Cuba, the Democratic
party,- and the devil ! " The old man escaped for
that time. This conversation was beard and related
by a Northern man, who lodged for that night in the
same tavern, and who then did not anticipate the
war.
The_ old planter did not see that the Democratic
party in less than a year, after making every possi-
ble concession to tbe South, would buckle on its ar-
mor, and battle in the front ranks for the preserva-
tion ofjhe Union and the crushing out of the rebel-
lion ; but in regard to the other two allies of the
South, he was quite right.
My opinion, you know, has always been that Gen-
eral Abolition would have led tbe war, and not bring
up the rear. I have no contest with Gen. McClel-
lan, whom I believe to be a brave and skilful officer ;
but I think the aforesaid General, without rifled can-
non or immense armies, would have done more to
crush the rebellion, than all the military power we
have employed : not that tbe military is not neces-
sary and of vast importance to follow up the work ;
but as a pioneer and preliminary tie would have pre-
pared the way, by satisfying the world that the
moral sentiment of America was true to freedom,
and all pretence for intervention would have been
put to rest forever. — Newburyport Herald.
much opposed to slavery agitation, as any of you can
be. Yet where he can be made available, let us
make him so. Then what shall we do with him ?
(A voice — " Place him in the rear." " No, put him
to the front." [Applause.] A voice—" In tbe
ditch.") Stop one moment, there is policy in war
as well as in politics. One thing is very certain ;
nothing is to be so carefully guarded against as the
prejudices of the soldiers, andunless it was some des-
perate occasion, some last resort, when even soldiers
would be grateful for their assistance, I would 'not
propose to put him in the line of battle to the front.
(" That's the true doctrine," and applause.) But
to every brigade I woultkhave a regiment of work-
ing negroes — to every company I would bave a fair
complement of cooks. (Applause.) I would feed
them, I would organize them, and to each one who
did good service, I would at the end of the war give
him or her freedom. (Immense cheering.) Let me
make one remark further. The common impression
has been that this was a war in which we had all the
advantages. Now, then, listen to my practical ex-
perience. I tell you it has not been such a war of
inequality in our favor as many suppose. I have
visited plantations in the course of marches. I bave
asked, Where is the man of the house ? He is in
the army. I have looked around. I have seen his
harvest field full of stalwart negroes. They reap
his harvest, and they put it away as well and as
carefully as if the man had been at home, and not
in the army ; and what was the result ? He bad
plenty to eat — a superabundance — some of which he
was sure would come to the sustenance of that South-
ern army. There are supposed to be 4,000,000 of
negroes. Do you suppose that Jefferson Davis, if
we went humbly to him beseeching such a thing,
proposing to him : You have 4,000,000 of operatives
belonging to your people in the South; under our
policy we may not touch them — not molest them.
We will leave them upon your farms to work, will
you agree to leave us 4,000,000 of operatives home
on our farms, in our shops, unmolested ? Do you
suppose that Jefferson Davis would agree to that ?
(" No ! ") Yet he would have to agree to it before
equality of advantage was established between us.
(Applause.) Jefferson Davis is a better manager,
because be is a desperate man. (Applause.)
We cannot forbear repeating the closing remark
of tbe General: —
" Oh, that I could get a little back bone into those
who are governing us ; if I could but animate them
to use the great powers at their command ; if I could
induce them tojet us (the army) make war, it is all
I ask."
GEN. WALLACE ON THE NEGRO QUESTION.
On Wednesday night, 8th inst., about 11 o'clock,
a number of Indianians tendered Maj.-Gen. Lew.
Wallace a serenade at his quarters at the National
Hotel in Washington. An unusually large con-
course was present on the occasion. After several
national airs by the band, Gen. Wallace made his
appearance upon the balcony, when he was greeted
with most enthusiastic cheering. In the course of a
very spirited and telling speech, which was warmly
applauded, Gen. Wallace said : —
I am no politician. (Cries of " Good for that,
and " Don't want any now-a-days.) Probably for a
regular speech, I had been much obliged to some of
my political friends if they had made it for me.
(" Keep them in the dark," and laughter.) If it is
expected that I am to speak on subjects of a politi-
cal character to-night, I know I should have been
obliged for some of them to have performed the task
for me. If I touch upon them, bear me witness that
I speak of them not as a politician, but as a soldier.
(Applause.) I was at the Senate Chamber to-day.
They were discussing the policy of the war. The
question in agitation was, or what at least seemed to
be the paramount question, " Should the ne°To be
used or not ? " (Cries of " Yes," " yes," and " No,"
' : no.") Well, I find my audience precisely as I
found the Senate. (Laughter and applause.) Some
said " ves." and some, said "nn" — ™*t no ■ann* ***,
saying. (Laughter.) (A Voice—" Will you give
us a soldier's opinion ?") Yes, let me speak about
that as a soldier ("good"), not as a politician.
(" Don't want any politicians.") He would be a
poor soldier, in my opinion, who would fail to use
every element of war which God Almighty gave
him, if he could use it to his advantage. (Prolonged
and enthusiastic cheering.) I think you concur with
me in that at least. (Cries of " Certainly we do; "
" Every sensible man will.") Now, then, if we find
tho negro before us, or around us, as we advance,
planted there by some accident — Providence may
have had a great deal to do with it — and we can
find his services available, would not that General
be a crazy man who would refuse to use them ?
("Most assuredly," and applause.) So it seems to
mc, and my position may be plainly stated upon
that. If by the services of a negro I can make my
soldiers comfortable ; if, by the services of a baud of
negroes, I can relieve them of onerous duties and
hard work; if I can make them available to dig my
trenches (" That's right "), shall I not do it ? (Cries
of " Yes," " yes." Loud applause.) Yes, and I will
do it. (Vociferous cheering. A voice — " Soldiers
will follow you to the death for that." Another voice
— " Put no arms in their hands." Several voices—
" Oh yes, as many as they want.") Now, then, let
me speak about that. (Cries of " All right now ; "
" You are a mighty good boy.") If I accept of the
services of a negro, and he works well and faithfully,
Jed by us, clothed by us, and ho stands by my gal-
lant regiment, relieving them of the hard duties I
have mentioned, would it be human, would it not be
cruel, to put him into tho army, in tho way of shot,
and yet give him nothing with which to defend him-
self? (Cries of "That's so," and loud and con-
tinued cheering.) My fellow-citizens, I speak as a
soldier all the time, recollect. I am not viewing this
matter in its political aspect, for I have ns much
prejudico against tho negro politically, and am u
SLAVERY A CONTINUAL CONSPIRACY.
The Atlantic Monthly, for June, contains a valua-
ble historic paper on " Tbe Horrors of St. Domin-
go," to be continued in successive numbers, which
people who are nervous and. timid about emancipa-
tion would do well to read. Here is a prefatory ex-
tract in relation to the nature of slavery : —
Slavery is a continual conspiracy. Its life de-
pends upon intrigue, aggression, adroit combinations
with other forms of human selfishness. The people
at the North who at this moment hate to hear the
word Emancipation mentioned, and who insist that
the war shall merely restore things to their original
position, are tbe people who always hated the phrase
" An ti- Slavery," who will be ready to form a fresh
coalition with Slavery for the sake of recovering or
creating political advantages, and whom the South
will know how to use again, by reviving ancient
prejudices, and making its very wounds a cause for
sympathy. Slavery will be the nucleus of political
combinations so long as it can preserve its constitu-
tional and commercial advantages, — while it can sell
its cotton and recover its fugitives. Is the precious
blood already spilled in this war to become, as it con-
geals, nothing but cement to fugitive slave bills, and
the basis of three-fifths, and the internal slave trade ?
For this we spend three millions a day, and lives
whose value cannot be expressed in dollars, — for this
anguish will sit for years at thousands of desolate
hearths, and be the only legacy of fatherless chil-
dren. For what gjory will they inherit whose
fathers fell to save still a chance or two for Slavery ?
It is for this we are willing to incur the moral and
financial hazards of a great struggle,— to furnish an
Anti-Republican party of reconstructionists with a
bridge for Slavery to reach a Northern platform, to
frown at us again from the chair of State. The
Federal picket who perchance fell last night upon
some obscure outpost of our great line of Freedom
has gone up to Heaven, protesting against such cruel
expectations, wherever they exist; and they exist
wherever apathy exists, and old hatred lingers, and
wherever minds are cowed and demoralized by the
difficulties of this question. In his body is a bullet
run by Slavery, and sent by its unerring purpose ;
his comrades will raise over him a little hillock upon
which Slavery will creep to look out for future
chances,— ruthlessly scanning the political horizon
from the graves of our unnamed heroes. This, and
eight dollars a month, will bis wife inherit ; and if
she ever sees bis grave, she will see a redoubt which
the breast of her husband raises for some future de-
fence of Slavery. The people, who are waging this
war, and who are actually getting at the foe through
the bristling ranks of politicians and contractors,
must have such a moral opinion upon this question
as to defeat these dreadful possibilities. Let us be
patient, because wc see some difficulties; but let us
give up the war itself sooner than our resolution,
that, either by this war, or after it, Slavery shall be
stripped of its insignia, and turned out to cold and
irretrievable disgrace, weaponless, faugless, and with
no object in the world worthy of its cunning. We
can be patient, but we must also bo instant and
unanimous m insisting that the whole of Slavery-
shall pay tbe whole of Freedom's bill. Then the
dear names whose sound summons imperatively our
tears shall be proudly banded in by us to History, as
we bid her go with us from grave to grave to" see
how the faith of a people watched them against the
great American body-snatcher, aud kept them invio-
late to be her memorials. We feel our hearts re-
inforced by the precious blood which trickled from
Ball's Bluff into tho Potomac, and was carried
thence into the great sea of our conscience, tumul-
tuous with pride, anger, and resolve. The drops
feed the country's future, wherever they are caught.
first by our free convictions ere they "sink into the
beloved soil. Let us bo instant, be incisive with our
resolution, that peace may not be the mother of
(Mother war, and our own victory rout ourselves.
Blow, North-wind, blow ! Keep that boarded field
of bayonets levelled southward f Rustle, robes of
Liberty, who art walking terribly over the land,
with sombre countenance, and garments rolled in
blood ! See, she advances with one hand armed
with Justice, while tbe other points to that exquisite
symmetry half revealed, as if beckoning thitherward,
her children back again to the pure founts of life !
" Be not afraid," she cries, "of the noise of my gar-
ments, and their blood-stains ; for this is the blood of
a new eovenant of Freedom, shed to redeem and
perpetuate a chosen land."
118
THE LIBERATOR
JULY 25.
SPEECH OF SENATOR OHAttDLER.
In lils late able speech In the U. 8. Senate —
Mr. Chandler referred to the fact that the Com-
mittee on the Conduct of the War had been engaged
in investigation, and had collected a deal of evidence.
Heferring to the battle of Bull Run, ho said there,
was a column of 20,000 under Patterson, ordered
either to attack the enemy, or else keep him engaged
so he could not reinforce at Manassas. Patterson
telegraphed that Johnston had a superior force, and
had received large reinforcements, when the fact
was that Johnston received no reinforcements, and
had less force than Patterson. The reason of the
loss of the battle of Bull Run was the delay from
Thursday till Sunday by reason of the q uartcr mas-
ter's supplies not coming ; the delay of Sunday morn-
ing in consequence of Keyes' brigade not getting in
position; the arrival of 'Johnston's reinforcements ;
the disaster in placing a battery a thousand yards in
advance, and mistaking a rebel regiment for a bat-
tery support, and the failure to bring up the reserve
at the critical time. But the losses of Bull Bun
were small, and the people rallied, till on the 10th
of December the roll was 195,435 men, with thir-
teen regiments not reported, and mostly intended
for General Burnside, all under command of Gen-
eral McCleltan. He then referred to the battle
of Ball's Bluff, reading the orders to Devens and
Colonel Baker, snowing that Baker supposed there
were 40,000 men within twelve miles of him ; and
there was no evidence of rashness on the part ot
Colonel Baker, except exposing his own person. He
quoted from the evidence of Major John Uix, who
said that a very few men in reinforcement would
have sufficed to drive off the enemy at Ball's Bluff,
and this gallant officer offered to go if they would
let him have a company of one hundred men. The
enemy's batteries were in a wood, and it was diffi-
cult to tell what'their force was.
Mr. Chandler continued his remarks, and read
from the testimony of the general officers concern-
ing the battle ot Ball's Bluff to the effect, that rein-
forcements could easily have been sent by the way
of Edward's Ferry, but McCall and Smith were
ordered to fall back at the very time Baker was sent
across the river, ami no men were sent from Ed-
ward's Ferry, though the distance was short. Gen-
eral Stone "swears there were never any mounted
guns between Edward's Ferry and Ball's Bluff.
The man who issued the order must answer to
God for the slaughter of the brave men in that fight.
After this wholesale murder, the whole army of the
Potomac retired, except frcjn in front of Washington.
He then read further testimony, showing that the
Navy Department applied to the War Department
for 4000 men to hold Matthias Point, and keep
open the Potomac, commencing such application
as early as June, till in October it was agreed
to send men, and vessels were gathered there by the
Navy Department, but the troops here were not
sent by the appointed time, and the Navy De-
partment could not find out the reason. The evi-
dence further stated that the President assisted the
Navy Department, as much as he eould with this
plan, but Gen. McClellan objected because he feared
that the arrangements for landing could not be made.
Thus, he said, the nation was disgraced for months
by the blockade of the Potomac, and the Capital be-
sieged by a force at no time half that of the United
States. In December, the nation began to clamor
for a movement, and the Committee on the Conduct
of the War urged the necessity of some movement,
and the President and Cabinet were in favor of
some forward movement, and they were assured by
Gen. McClellan that a move would be made very
soon ; that he never intended to go into winter quar-
ters, and he did not. Our brave men spent the win-
ter in canvas tents. At last, in January, the Presi-
dent gave an order to go forward, and that glorious
event took place at Fort Donelson, Fort Henry,
Newbern, &c., and do-nothing strategy seemed to
give way to work, and the day of spades, pickaxes
and shovels was over. On the 23d of February, the
army of the Potomac was ordered to move, but it
was not ready. At last on the Kith of March it did
move under the protest of the commander. On the
10th of March that army numbered 230,000 men by
musket roll. They marched oji Manassas, and the
wooden guns of Centreville, and the enemy less than
40,000 quietly moved away. At a council of war,
eight generals voted not to advance on Manassas,
but leave the enemy there, and sneak around
by Annapolis. Seven out of eight of these gene-
rals were appointed by the advice of Gen. Mc-
Clellan. But the Secretary of War overruled
this, and made the army move on Manassas. Why
the magnificent army of 230,000 did not march on
Richmond, no one knows, but at last McClellan di-
vided the army, and sailed for Fortress Monroe
The Committee on the Conduct of the War sum-
moned General Wadsworth, who swore that he had
only 19,022 men left to defend Washington, and not
a single gun mounted on wheels, and part of this
force was new and undisciplined, and some nearly
disorganized. He (Chandler) then read from the
testimony of John Tucker, Assistant Secretary of
War, who testified that prior to the 5th of April,
120,000 men were sent down to McClellan, then
Franklin's divisiou was sent, 12,000 more; the 1st
of June, McCall's division, 10,000 more, and about
that time 11,000 from Baltimore and Fortress Mon-
roe ; and last June, Shield's division, about 5,000.
were sent, making a total of 158,000 men, sent to
Gen. McClellan prior to the engagements before
Richmond. Mr. Tucker further testified that he
did not know of any other force which could have
been sent to Gen. McClellan. Thus, Mr. Chandler
said it is shown that 158,000 of the best troops that
ever stood on God's footstool have been sent to Gen.
McClellan, and yet the treasonable press of the
country have been howling against the Secretary of
War because he had not sent reinforcements to Gen.
McClellan. He read further from the testimony of
Gen. Meigs, corroborating Mr. Tucker, and saying
that he believed everything that Gen. McClellan had
asked for had been promptly sent to him by the gov-
ernment. .Mr Chandler continued, saying that Mc-
Clellan lost more men in the trenches, five to one,
than ever fell before the enemy since the army went
to Torktown. At last, when a small fraction of the
army whipped the enemy at Williamsburg, McClel-
lan, at a long distance from the field of battle,
wrote a dispatch to the Secretary of War, that they
should try to hold the enemy in check, but they
were too 'fast. The road to Richmond was open,
and all he had to do was to march out of the swamps
and into Richmond ; but he found the most swamps
he could, and sat right down in the middle of them,
and went to work digging trenches, and tens of thou-
sands of brave men were lost there by sickness.
Then, after waiting, the battle of Fair Oaks was
fought, and, instead of following the enemy into
Richmond, they found another swamp, and com-
menced digging trenches, and waited till the enemy
got all the. reinforcements they could raise by im-
pressment, and for the army from Corinth to come.
and then the rebels attacked us, throwing their
whole force on our right wing; but Instead of rein-
forcing there, they ordered a retreat, and that is
strategy. We'lost ten thousand men there digging
trenches, and then left those trenches without firing
a gun, and the army was ordered to advance on the
gunboats instead of Richmond. He said he knew
he should be denounced for making these disclosures,
but he thoi'ght the country ought to know the facts,
and only traitors and fools would denounce him.
LETTER FROM CHARLES SUMNER.
The following letter from Charles Sumner was
read at the great war meeting in New York city
last week :
" Washington, July 14.
Deau Sir: — I welcome and honor your patriotic
efforts to arouse the country to a generous, deter-
mined, irresistible unity in support of our govern-
ment ; but the Senate is still in session, and my pres-
ent post of duty is here. A Senator cannot leave
his post, more than a soldier.
But absent or present, the cause in which the
people arc to assemble has my God-speed, earnest,
devoted, affectionate, from the heart. What I can
do, let me do. There is no work which I will not
undertake, there is nothing which I will not re-
nounce, if so 1 may serve my country.
There must be unity of hands and of hearts too,
that the republic may be lifted to the sublime idea of a
true commonwealth, which we are told " ought to be
as one huge Christian personage, one mighty growth
and stature of an honest man, as big and compact in
virtue as in body," Oh I sir, if my feeble voice
could reach roy fellow-countrymen, in their work-
shops, in the streets, in the fields, anil wherever they
meet together; if for one moment I could take to
my lips the silver trumpet, whose tones should sound
and reverberate throughout the land, X would sum-
mon all, forgetting prejudice and turning away from
error, to help unite, quicken and invigorate our com-
mon country, — most beloved now that it is most im-
perilled, — to a compactness and bigness of virtue in
just proportion to its extended dominion, so that it
should be as one huge Christian personage, one
mighty growth and stature of an honest man, instinct
-with all the singleness of unity. Thus inspired, the
gates of hell cannot prevail against us.
To this end, the cries of faction must be silenced,
and the wickedness of sedition, whether In print or
public speech, must bo suppressed. These are the
Northern allies of the rebellion. An aroused and
indignant poop e, with iron heel, ought to tread
out the serpent, so that he can neither hiss nor sting.
With such a concord, God will be pleased, and He
will fight for us. He will give quickness to our
armies, so that the hosts of the rebellion will be
broken and scattered as by the thunderbolt, and He
will give to our beneficent government that blessed
inspiration, better than any newly raised levies, by
which the rebellion shall be struck in its single vul-
nerable part ; by which that colossal abomination
which was its original mainspring, and is its present
motive-power, shall be overthrown, and by which
the cause of the Union shall bo linked with that di-
vine justice whose weapons are of celestial temper.
God bless our country! and God bless all who
now serve it with singleness of heart I
I have the honor to be, dear sir,
Your faithful servant,
Charles Sumner.
Charles Gould, Esq., See'y of Select Committee.
safeguards of liberty and the rights of human nature,
n order to subserve their hellish ambition. All the
principles of genuine democracy are shamelessly dis-
carded by the party. It goes for the perpetual en-
slavement of the four millions now in bondage in this
country, and of their posterity, and brutally resists
every effort even to meliorate their terrible condi-
tion. Its language is uniformly that of blackguardism
and ruffianism, whenever the cause of these millions
is urged upon their compassionate consideration. It
threatens violence — it demands silence — it froths at
the mouth— it shrieks, " Nigger! nigger! Bobolidon !
bobolition ! " Its organs, while pretending to be pre-
eminently loyal, are sedulously devoted to the success
of the rebets, by fiercely denouncing every proposition
for the confiscation of their slave property ; and where
they publish one syllable against Southern treason,
they print whole columns of lying abuse and mis-
representation of Northern abolitionism. They shower
their dirty compliments upon the President (to his
discredit) as governed by a truly conservative spirit,
and in all respects faithful to the Constitution ; and at
the same time they boldly declare that no reconcilia-
tion with the South can be effected until the Demo-
cratic parly again holds the reins of government —
when, of course, " order will reign in Warsaw," what-
ever terms the traitors choose to dictate wilt be sub-
missively acceded to, and the most stringent measures
adopted, through penal legislation and mob violence,
to give absolute supremacy to the Slave Power.
CELEBRATION 0E THE EIRST OF AUGUST.
The Anniversary of British West India Emancipa-
tion will be celebrated in the usual manner at Island
Grove, ABINGTON, on Friday, August 1st, in
Mass Meeting, under the direction of the Managers
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society.
No event in history is more deserving of special
commemoration than this — transforming, as it did,
nearly a million of chattel slaves into free British sub-
jects, by act of Parliament, in obedience to a regener-
ated public sentiment, through long years of Anti-
Slavery agitation — and demonstrating, as it has done,
the safety and beneficence of immediate emancipation
on the largest scale, even under the most adverse cir-
cumstances, — to the confusion and ignominious expo-
sure of all the prophesiers of evil consequences, and
to the triumphant vindication of the atrociously ca-
lumniated negro race.
The friends of liberty, who desire to witness a still
nobler jubilee in our own Slavery-cursed land, will,
we doubt not, make their arrangements to be present,
as far as practicable, in order to make the occasion in-
strumental to the furtherance of the -sacred cause of
human rights, without regard to the accidental distinc-
tions arising from complexion or race.
Among the speakers looked for ami confidently ex-
pected on the occasion are the following : —
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, H.
C. Wright, Wm. Wells Brown, John S. Rock,
Andrew T. Foss, Rev-. Daniel Poster, and others.
E^An Excursion Train on the Old Colony Rail-
road will leave Boston at 9 o'clock, A. M. Leave
Plymouth 9.20, A. M., stopping at usual way stations.
RETURNING, leave the Grove at 5 1-4 P. M.
The Old Cahny Railroad Company will convey pas-
sengers, on that day, to and from the Abington Grove,
at the following rates, being the same as upon former
years :—
Boston, Savin Hill, Dorchester, Neponset, Quincy,
and Braintree, — to the Grove and back,— -for adults, 50
cents; children, 25 cents. ,
Plymouth, and all way stations not already mention
ed, — to the Grove and back, half the usual rates.
Excursion tickets good on other trains.
Should the day prove stormy, the meeting will he
held in the Town Hall, adjacent to the Grove, so that
there will be no interruption of the proceedings..
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, )
SAMUEL MAY, JR., j r ... ,
ELBRIDGE SPRAGUE, 1- ^""""""^ '■'/
BRIGGS ARNOLD, {Arrangements.
SAMUEL DYER, J .
A BETRAYED COUNTRY.
Since the capture of Fort Sumter by tha^-Skmth
em traitors in arms, and the subsequent call of the
Government for seventy-five thousand volunteers to
vindicate its lawful supremacy, there has been an ira-
mense disparity between the contending parties on
the score of numbers, resources, wealth and power.
At first, a single Gulf State — South Carolina — boldly
hoisted the flag of rebellion; then four, and finally
six more States joined her, and organized themselves
into an independent Confederacy — making elever
slave States arrayed against nineteen free States, witl:
Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri in a divided condi
tion. At whatever disadvantage the Government was
taken at the outset by the conspirators, its means of
defence were boundless. Fifteen months have elap;
ed, and though an army of nearly a million of men
has been brought into the field, and a thousand million
of dollars expended, to uphold the Union, no essential
progress has been made in reducing the revolted States
to obedience. On the contrary, the recognition of their
independence by France and England is a matter of
daily probability, and the Capital of the Nation is safe
only because surrounded by almost impregnable forti-
fications and a strong military force. The great army
before Richmond, under General McClellan, has been
compelled to make a disastrous retreat, with immen;
loss of men and stores, some twenty-five miles' from
the swamps of the Chickahominy to the banks of the
James river, and finds safety temporarily only under
the fire of the gun-boats. Of that army, seventy thou-
sand, within ten months, have melted away — killed
wounded, sick and missing — and the Government has
signified to the loyal States the pressing necessity that
exists for three hundred thousand additional troops.
It now seems probable that, though tempting bountie
are offered by the various local authorities to volun-
teers, it will be necessary to resort to a general sys-
tem of drafting. Every thing is at a standstill; en-
thusiasm has nearly become extinguished; and the
hitherto most hopeful are beginning to sink into a state
of despondency.
To what is this state of things owing? Not to any
thing the rebels have done, or are capable of doing, by
themselves. Before an efficient Government and a
united North, — Generals who are equally competent
and earnest, and an army inspired by the sentiments
of impartial liberty, — they would he swept away like
chaff before the whirlwind. But the Government is,
practically, false to itself — blind as a bat to its true
line of policy — stumbling, halting, prevaricating, ir-
resolute, weak, besotted — disposed to trust the man.
agement of its armies to the bitter and uncompro-
mising enemies of the administration, and to keep in
subordinate stations or promptly to ostracise its most
energetic and reliable friends. The Northern house
fearfully divided against itself, in spite of all surface
unanimity; and "a house divided against itself can>
not stand." A growing treasonable spirit is visible in
every direction ; and traitors, under the guise of Ioy<
alty, are every where in systematic and designed
conspiracy to restore the reign of satanic democracy.
in order to proffer the most humiliating terms of pence
and union to the rebels, ami to place the destiny of the
republic once more in their blood-stained hands, with
despotic power surpassing all antecedent usurpation
The democratic party at the North is essentially as
treasonable a party in spirit and purpose as exists in
any part of the revolted South, and incomparably
more to be detested and feared by every true friend
of his country. While simulating patriotism, it is
rotten with treachery. Its rank and file, with few
exceptions, are composed of the most ignorant, despe-
rate and degraded portion of the population, and its
leaders are as unprincipled demagogues aa ever
cursed the earth — men capable of conniving at any
villany, and of instigating to the perpetration of any
outrage, however atrocious, to the overthrow of all the
IS GOV. STANLEY ABETTING TREASON?
So it would seem by the following startling letter,
just received from a reliable correspondent at New-
bern, N. C. Read, and be astounded, friends of your
country and of free institutions I When is the rebel-
lion to be put down, if such men as Halleck and Stan'
ley are to be placed at the head of affairs ?
"Newbern, (N. C.) July 11, 1862.
From what I have seen and heard of Governor
Stanley, I am well satisfied that his whole heart, if he
has any, is with the rebels, and it is a burning dis-
grace that he should be allowed to remain as Gover-
nor of this State one moment longer. I will give you
a few facts as to his course since I have been here.
If such a course is continued, it will only tend to
fasten closer the fetters of the poor slave, and make
slavery supreme. Gov. Stanley allows the officers of
the rebel army to come into Newbern under a flag
of truce, with their families, whom they leave here,
under the protection of the Governor, while they are
absent leading the armies of the rebellion against us.
These rebel officers are blindfolded when they cross
our lines, but at the same time are taken to some of
our Generals' quarters, and feasted with wines and
food. And this same Governor Stanley has ordered
that all the white families of Newbern within our
lines shall be provided with the best of flour and
food of all kinds, and the best of tea and coffee, at
the expense of our Government, while their hus-
bands and brothers remain in the rebel army. This
is creating such a feeling here, that our Quarter-
masters talk of handing in their resignations. He
also allows these same rebels to cart their cotton,
which they dig out of the ground, (where they had
buried it previous to our arrival,) and ship it to mar-
ket; and from Washington, N. C, he is protecting
them in shipping lumber, shingles, &c, to the West
Indies, And all this is done by Massachusetts men,
under arms; and if we take a prisoner of war, no
matter how mean he is, the Governor paroles him.
Our soldiers are completely disgusted with the whole
proceedings.
" One of oux Massachusetts boys has been acting as
postmaster at Newbern ever since our army reached
the city, and he has got the recommendation of the
Colonel of our Regiment, Gen. Foster's, and Major-
General Burnside, and has furnished such bonds as are
required. He has even gone further, and has offered
to deposit the amount of bo^ds required, in cash,
here in Newbern, to remain on deposit so long as he
shall act as postmaster. But Governor Stanley even
declines to accept of that, as I have learned frofti the
postmaster this morning, his object being to get in
some North Carolina sccesh, some miserable lickspit-
tle of a tool to overhaul our letters and papers.
"These are facts; and how long are we to live
under such a milk-and-water rule? I thank God that
we were whipped at Richmond; and my praye
that we may be defeated in every engagement, till we
are ready to do justice to the whole human family ;
and if we must lose our capital (Washington) before
justice can be done, I for one say, in God's name, let
it come, and come quickly!"
DUTY OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE ARMY.
Three hundred thousand men are now assembling,
at the call of the President, to place their lives in his
hands, and to be sacrificed, if he shall think the good
of the country requires it. What is to become of this
vast number of men ? What are the probabilities in
regard to their destiny during the coming year?
They go with the understanding that many of their
number are to perish miserably on the battle-field,
many in the camp, many in the hospitals. They are
aware of great privations and sufferings to be encoun-
tered, in daily life; for the term of their enlistment, if
their lives shall last so long; and they take the risk of
the further (and probably greater) unanticipated pri-
vations and sufferings which the war may have in
Store for them. They leave their private affairs, their
business, their families, and give themselves entirely
up to the President, for the good of the country.
Surely they do their part. Surely they have a right
to expect that the President shall do his part, making
some effort and some sacrifice for their sakes, using
his legitimate power to protect them, helping them to
victory (where that is possible) by the exercise of his
high function, instead of by the exposure of their lives.
If the President could, by an act of his will, dimin-
ish the rebel army at Richmond to one half its pres-
ent number, would it not be his duty to do it ? Would
not this be imperatively his duty, alike to the besieg-
ing army which has just received so disastrous a
check, to the brave volunteers who are going to rein-
force it, to their friends at home who yield them to
his summons, and to the country which has put him
in c*liarge of its defence and its welfare ?
The President can, by a single word, and in a sin-
gle week, reduce the rebel army to one half its pres-
ent number.
The force of the two sides, during that terrible week
of battles which sacrificed tens of thousands of lives
without material change in favor of either party, was
nearly equally balanced. We had not men enough to
accomplish the capture of Richmond ; so we proceed
to raise more. They had not men enough to conquer
or drive away the besieging army ; so they, of course,
have proceeded to raise more. Are the two reinforced
armies to engage again in another series of ineffective
slaughters ? Arc dead men to continue to be piled up
around Richmond as long as volunteers or conscripts
can be raised from the spacious North and the spacious
South to battle there ?
This is a question to be decided absolutely by the
will of Abraham Lincoln. He has power to decide
whether the rebel army shall retain that equality of
numbers with ours which it has hitherto retained;
whether it shall beat us in the next battles ; whether
it shall still be able to hold Richmond against us.
The policy of the President has hitherto allofred,
and still allows, a concentration of the rebel force at
Richmond. The vast army in occupation there is
made up of regiments from every Southern State;
and the new volunteers or conscripts who are now
gathering lo reinforce it, are gathering from every
Southern State, and marching, with their utmost
speed, in converging lines, towards Richmond. It is
in the President's power, if he will, to keep all these
forces in their respective rebel States, and to send
half the Richmond army, post-haste, to reinforce
them, leaving Virginia and its capital lo Immediate
conquest by the Federal army. The question is, will
he do it ? Will he make a sacrifice of personal feeling
corresponding with that which the soldiers and the peo-
ple have made ? Will he relinquish his pride of per-
sistency in a course of policy which, tried for more than
a year, has proved abortive?
The course of Abraham Lincoln's administration,
thus far, has shown two phases, each marked by a
frightful expenditure of treasure and of blood. A
third is urgently needed, and there is a third which
promises thorough and (comparatively) speedy suc-
cess The question is, shall this third one be tried
fairly, and be tried now, when it will be so effective
in saving the lives of our soldiers before Richmond ?
During the first six months of his administration,
the President tried the experiment of absolute non-
interference with slavery. He wished to conciliate
both the rebel States and the Border States. He sig-
nally failed in both cases.
Since then, he has so far yielded to (he necessities of
the case, and the urgent requests that have been made
him from many quarters, as to make a few moderate,
intermittent and fragmentary movements, looking to-
wards the discouragement of slavery. Moreover,
these have not only been few and insufficient, hut they
have alternated with occasional movements in the op-
posite direction. And the last specimen of the
President's action in regard to slavery has been
an unworthy evasion of the just, and manly re-
quest of Gen. Butler, that some uniform rule be dic-
tated from head quarters, by which both he and Gen.
Phelps may guide themselves, thus avoiding the folty
and harm of two diverse courses of policy in the same
department.
The question is, will the President now try a third
course, namely, active opposition to slavery, uniform-
ly exercised wherever his civil or military power is
operating, al! over the country, with the intent of ut-
terly exterminating that accursed institution, as far as
the United States are concerned '<
The question is, will he use the power which clear-
ly, in time of war, belongs to his function, both as
President and as Commander-in-chief of the army and
navy, to abolish slavery ? Will he make Proclama-
tion, in either or both of these capacities, that Slave-
ry is abolished throughout this nation? Will
he send explicit direction to each station where his
naval and military forces are now carrying on the war,
announcing this Proclamation, directing that it be
there- published as extensively as possible, and direct-
ing also that the services of black as well as white loy-
alists shall be accepted and used in every practicable
manner towards overthrowing the rebellion? And
wilt he publish in Washington, simultaneously with
the Proclamation above-mentioned, the fact that such
instructions have been sent, and will at once be act-
ed on, wherever our army or navy are operating ?
Action like this would be powerfully efficient in
many ways ; but I suppose the following would be its
first, its immediate operation : —
As soon as the army in Richmond should hear of
these two acts, the issuing of such a Proclamation by
the President, and the order to employ blacks as well
as whites in all the operations of the army and navy,
both the rebel leaders and the rebel soldiers would see
that the danger to their cause was far more threaten-
ing at their respective homes than at Richmond. And
the same thing would be seen by the authnritins of
the rebel States on the Atlantic border, on the Gulf,
and on the Mississippi, as soon as the intelligence reach-
ed them. The Governors of these States would at
once demand the return of all, or a large part, of the
troops they had sent to Richmond ; and the regiments
at Richmond would see that such an order must speed-
ily he given, and that no time was to be lost in obey-
ing it. The very first effect of the movement in
question by President Lincoln would be a scattering of
at least half the army that now defends Richmond, and
the result must be our speedy possession of that place,
either by capitulation or by a comparatively short and
bloodless struggle. Does not the President's duty to
the Three Hundred Thousand imperatively require
this policy ? Without this, or something equivalent
to this, are not these brave men marching to sacrifice,
and to a sacrifice comparatively useless ?
I am not now to speak of the many and great ad
vantages of other kinds, and to both races, which
would follow the abolition of slavery, but only of the
manifold aid which such abolition would give in quel-
ling the rebellion. The first result of such action
(probably an immediate result) would be the scatter-
ing of the Richmond army.
The second result in order of time would be an or-
ganization of negro regiments under our commanders
at the various stations in the Southern country, not
only strengthening these stations for all purposes of
present action, but enabling us to hold them after the
coming sickness shall have prostrated our Northern
soldiers. It will be remembered that Gen. Hunter
proposed to organize fifty such regiments in his mili-
tary department, and that his success in this direction
was perfectly satisfactory and encouraging, until the
President interfered with him. However superior
our soldiers may be to the negroes in other respects,
the latter are superior in power of withstanding the
climate. Why should not this superiority be enlisted
on our side, and taken away from the enemy's side ?
This brings us to a third very great service of the
movement in question towards the overthrow of the
rebellion. All the force, all the numbers, all the man-
ifold capabilities drawn by the proposed method to our
side would be so much abstracted from the strength of
the enemy. While we refrain from making such a
movement, no doubt their boast will remain true, that
the slaves are an element of strength in their warfare,
always available for the severe labors involved in for-
tification and the movements of armies, and when
these services are not required, always useful in the
production of food and clothing. To withdraw these
benefits from the Confederacy, and to acquire them
for the Union, would make an immense change in the
position and prospects of the war.
Lastly, we should remember that, just as this policy
must scatter the forces of the rebels now concentrated
at Richmond, so it must prevent a future concentra-
tion of their forces anywhere. As soon as the move-
ment is begun of welcoming the negroes to the duties
and the rewards of loyalty, from that moment no rebel
State in which our armies are operating will have a
single soldier to spare for the exigencies of any other
State, or of the Confederate leaders. From that mo-
ment they must fight in detail, and must be vanquish-
ed in detail.
Let me glance at the reasons commonly urged
against a Proclamation, by the President, of the imme-
diate abolition of slavery.
1. It would be unconstitutional.
Answer. — If common sense does not show you that
war overrides Constitutions as well as other ordinary
rules, look at reason ; look at the elaborate argument
of John Quincy Adams, showing conclusively that
the proposed action, in time of war, is within the pro-
vince of the President, as well as within the province
of Congress; then, as an exemplification of this, look
at the facts of our present war, and observe that the
President has done a dozen aefs entirely unconstitu-
tional, under the exigencies of the case ; correctly as-
suming that the right to make war includes the right
to use all means needful for success in it. The Con-
stitution itself, in providing for war, provides for its
subjection to the necessities imposed hy war.
2. The people in the North and West would not sus-
tain the President in such action.
Answer. — This objection is an inference from insuf-
ficient premises. It is true that the people at present
do not desire such action, and would not advise it.
But they would immediately, and hy an overwhelm-
ing majority, fall in with a decision of the President
to that effect; just as they agreed to his decision,
the very reverse of their expectations and wishes, in
the case of Mason and Slidell.
8. The army would not sustain such action.
Answer. — The objection is absurd. Nine officers
out of every ten are as ready to obey orders as Gen.
Butler is, even when he dislikes the service in ques-
tion. And ten will bo ready mid willing to take the
place of every one who may resign. And the sol-
diers are as ready to obey orders as the officers.
There is neither reason nor plausibility in the objec-
tion.
4. It is idle to issue a formal Proclamation that the
slaves are free, when such a document can reach but
few of the slaves, Hnd can have little power to, lib-
erate them. ^
Answer.— Granting this now, for the sake of argu-
ient, (and I would grant it in no other manner,) such
a Proclamation would reach, and would mightily influ-
ence, the slavcholding rebels. Let it be remembered
that I am urging this movement as powerfully auxili-
ary to the action of our armies against the armies of
the Confederacy. We know very well the superlative
power and the contagious character of panic in a
slavcholding community. We know that slavehold-
ers are always fearful of a rising of their slaves, and
that they especially dread interposition of any kind
from without, in tavor of those slaves. We know
that our present troubles have sprung from the deter-
mination of the rebels that slavery shall grow and
strengthen, instead of dwindling or even remaining
stationary. Direct movement against this institution,
especially movement proposing its entire eradication,
would at once concentrate their energies upon its de-
fence. And they can defend it only by sending their
forces to occupy the many and widely separated points
where it would be assailed. And this immediate recal
of a large portion of the Richmond army, to defend
every Southern point now occupied or threatened by
our troops, is just what we need for the capture of
Richmond.
5. The negroes would be useless to us. They are
lazy, and will not work ; they are cowardly, and will
not fight.
Answer. — These conclusions also are made from in-
sufficient premises. In the particulars of disliking
hard work when they are to have no pa& and dis-
liking to fight when the odds are overwhelmingly
against them, negroes are exactly like white men.
My opinion is, that they would show a further resem-
blance to white men, both in working and fighting,
if sufficient inducements were offered them. This is
the experiment yet to be tried. Let us try it.
If a small proportion of the negroes at Port Royal
and Fortress Monroe have shown some indisposition
both for working and fighting, it is but fair to remem-
ber that they have had very insufficient assurances
of benefit from either. Even the very moderate
promises made them of a small reward for their labor
have been only partially fulfilled; and they really do
not know, to this day, whether they are to be given up
to their former masters, or to be held in some sort of
bondage by the Government, or to have freedom and
recognition as human beings, when the war is over.
Until sufficient assurance can be given them, from
some quarter, that they are no longer slaves, and no
longer exposed to enslavement, they cannot be expect-
ed to show any special zeal for the Government, or its
army, or its flag. Let that Government issue its edict
in their behalf, let that army welcome them as allies,
and pledge itself to their deliverance, let that flag be
the assurance of liberty to all beneath its folds, and we
shall see a very different demeanor on their part. Let
the experiment be tried. It is for the President to de-
cide whether it shall or shall not be tried.
6. Shall we excite the horrors of insurrection, of
servile war, of wholesale massacre ? Shall we set the
blacks to cutting the throats of white men, women
and children, throughout the South f
Answer. — The lies insinuated in this objection are
like the slaveholding fathers who begat them, "gross
as a mountain, open, palpable." The action proposed
involves the very opposite of all these things, namely,
a calling of such blacks as can escape from their rebel
masters into our camps, to be placed under the orders
of our officers, and used by them in conformity with
the rules, and under the restrictions, of civilized war-
fare. Just so much seizure of property and just so
much destruction of life as our soldiers now practise,
under the orders of their officers, will he practised by
the black regiments, when they shall come under the
orders of the same officers, and no more.
As to revengeful retaliation on the part of the blacks
at the moment of seizing their liberty, the facts that
have been observed and recorded so far in the history
of this struggle, the known experience of the tens of
thousands who have thus far escaped from slavery
to our army lines, and the new light that has been
thrown by this crisis upon the peculiar traits of
negro character, all show the falsehood and ground-
lessness of the objection above stated. In the records
of Port Royal experience there are ten well-authenti-
cated instances of cruel and brutal acts committed by
fugitive masters upon slaves who refused to follow
them, for every one committed by the slave against
the master. And it is safe to say that such interfer-
ence with slavery as I have proposed would prevent
ten outrages of white against black, for every one
which it caused of black against white.
Thus insufficient are the objections to such action
against slavery by the President as would give direct
and efficient aid towards the overthrow of tb.e rebel-
lion. Thus strong are the reasons for commencing
such action at the present moment. If the President
shall still shrink from this duty, will not the people,
by strong, importunate and repeated petitions, suggest
it to him, and urge it upon him ? Will not, at least,
every man and woman who has a friendin the present
army, or among the throe hundred thousand recruits
now to be raised, join in sending such petitions ? Join,
at once, before more slaughters shall yet further re-
duce their number. — c. k. w.
tradiction criminates him. His pretext is too shallow.
He insults the people.
Who is so blind as not to see his insincerity and his
unfaithfulness to bis own knowledge of the truth in
the ease, when he would make the people believe he
has no more power to enforce a decree of emancipa-
tion than John Brown bail ? He would make the peo-
ple believe what he knows to be the reverse of the
truth. He knows that John Brown was hindered by
the very power which he, as the Executive of the na-
tion, possesses for the purpose in question. I say
again, then, he insults the intelligence of the people,
and shamefully degrades himself, and ignominiously
degrades as many of the people as submit to the scan-
dalous insult.
If the same had been said by Abraham Lincoln at
home in Illinois, it would have been of small compara-
tive consequence. Coming from the President at
Washington, it is a thousand fold more mischievous,
and therefore a thousand fold more deserves rebuke.
Or if the President had been settling small matters
between rival petitioners for place, there would be less
impropriety in our passing by unnoticed his trifling
with truth and honesty, But he has in hand the
gravest, the most momentous matter that can occupy
a ruler standing in the highest place among the rulers
of men, in a more vital and opportune crisis than haa
fallen to the fortune of any predecessor of his among
human rulers. Is the situation too high for him f Is
his head giddy on that peerless eminence ? la it
addled by the annoyance of place-hunters ? Then he
is not qualified for his business— is not equal to the
situation — is not fit for the place and the trust — and
should retire.
Stopping here, and reading over the report again in
the Tribune, I find him reported as having said — pre-
viously to saying what I have been commcntingtfm : —
" It was a relief to be assured that the deputation
were not applicants for office, for his chief trouble was
from that class of persons. The next most trouble-
some subject was slavery."
Is this the key to his conduct? Has he not yet,
during these fifteen months of internecine war, been
above allowing himself to be " chiefly troubled " about
gratifying and satisfying hungry politicians? Has
"slavery" — the cause of all this convulsion of two
continents — two hemispheres — involving bloodshed
and starvation not yet computable — to say nothing of
its own intrinsic atrociousness and matchless inhuman-
ity — only found place in his attention "next," after he
has occupied himself "chiefly " — at least allowed him-
self to be "chiefly troubled" — with his hungry horde I
Verily, President-making and making compensation
for it are great matters ! For reasons then and there
rendered, I have said, on another occasion, that our
Commander-in-Chief is conducting our war politically
— not patriotically — not righteously — not morally — not
manfully. Here is additional evidence of it, out of his
own mouth.
The President not only insults the people — he be-
trays them — he sacrifices their interests to the inter-
ests of his personal flatterers — he perfidiously attends
to the demands of the politicians first — the interest of
the people, if they get any attention at ah", come in
afterward. " How long ? "
ORSON S. MURRAY.
Foster's Crossings, Warren Co., O., June 27, 1862.
THE PRESIDENT INSULTS THE PEOPLE.
The Religious Society of Progressive Friends, in
Chester County, Pa., having sent a delegation to
Washington recently, praying the President to pro-
claim emancipation, the President, in reply, is report-
ed, by the New York Tribune, as having said ; —
"If a decree of emancipation could abolish slavery,
John Brown would have done the work effectually.
Such a decree surely could not be more binding upon
the South than the Constitution, and that cannot be
enforced in that part of the country now. Would a
proclamation of freedom be more effective ? "
This reply from the President is an insult to an in-
telligent people. In it he has not given the reason —
while pretending to give it — for not decreeing emanci-
pation. He is not sincere in the utterance. This is
proved in previous words from his own pen, in his ex-
tra Message, wherein be invites the South to sell — as
Wendell Phillips says — and then, in connection, mani-
festly designs to make himself understood by the
friends of freedom, as threatening the conspirators
that he will take their slaves from them if they don't
cease their hostilities — thus acknowledging he has the
power that he might long ago have put in force, if it
had been his pleasure — and so giving himself the
criminal contradiction in his present sham pretension
of lacking the power to enforce emancipation. It is
worthy a small lawyer — it is worthy a low, intriguing
politician. It is not worthy a truthful, honest man. in
his rectitude, presiding over and holding the destinies
of a great people, in an hour of imminent peril.
The very reason, the only reason, why he cannot,
enforce the Constitution in the South, is (bo fact that.be
does not proclaim emancipation. The proclamation of
emancipation would make the double difference of tak-
ing from one side and adding to the other, in numeri-
cal force, equal to the number and efficiency of one
half the Southern army now in the field ; and, what is
more than all this besides, it would be taking away
from the conspirators what, and alt, they are fighting
for — their institution — thus destroying their motive, in
addition to destroying their power. This he well
knows. Why did he modify Fremont and Hunter,
but to prevent emancipation— to prevent the proclama-
tion Of emancipation going into effect ? With his own
proclamation added to theirs, he has every reason to
believe that before now the work could have been ac-
complished. Will some one say lor him here that he
made those modifications lest Kentucky should go into
the conspiracy and treason? And why dues Ken-
tucky hold that terrifying roil over his humiliated
head, but to prevent his issuing such a proclamation,
and thus effecting emancipation 1 His owO self eon-
MAYOR WIG-HTMAN vs. GOV. ANDREW.
Abdover, Mass., June 28th, 1862.
Hon. Joseph M. Wigiitman, Mayor of the city of
Boston :
Silt, — I am induced to write you this from a
sense of duty, for the purpose of repudiating in a
most emphatic manner your gratuitous and uncalled-
for advice to President Lincoln, that the Governor of
Massachusetts is not authorized to speak for the loyal
citizens of the State in proposing any conditions in
regard to slavery as affecting a further requisition by
him for volunteers. Now, sir, as one of those loyal
citizens, I think the Governor of Massachusetts is as
well qualified, and that it is quite as much his pre-
rogative to speak for the loyal citizens of the State, aa
is the Mayor of the city of Boston, which city does
not, in my humble opinion, echo the sentiment of the
State with regard to emancipation. Boston could,
some fifteen months ago, roll up a petition with twen-
ty thousand signatures, to support the notorious and
contemptible Crittenden resolutions; and perhaps it
may even now (if we are to credit your statements
in your letter to the President) do the same against
emancipation and humanity ; for I would ask if there
is any humanity in sacrificing thousands, tens of thou-
sands, scores of thousands, if not hundreds of thou-
sands of our young men on the battle-field to crush
this inhuman rebellion, and let the rebels retain their
slaves to do their work, to build their forts, and thus
continue to be the strong arm of their defence, or
rather aggression ? Sir, I believe it is the avowal of
sentiments such as yours, openly expressed or silently
admitted, that gives essential aid to this rehellion.
Let the watchword go forth, and be reiterated by
every man, woman and child that can lisp the word
Liberty throughout the free States, that we will not
lay down our arms, or make peace on any terms but a
reunion of all the Federal States on the principles of
freedom and liberty for all the people, of all colors
and conditions, (who by crime have not forfeited those
privileges,) and 1 think, with Governor Andrew, that
Massachusetts would respond at once to any reason-
able call upon her for men or money.
You say that you believe the mingling of questions
in relation to slavery, with the crushing out of the
present rebellion, is viewed with the strongest feelings
of disapprobation. This is an opinion of yours which
I think wants more confirmation than can be obtained.
What, I would ask, but Slavery caused tins rebellion ?
and what will subdue this rebellion but the death of
Slavery? — not only negro chattel slavery, but white
slavery ; for we of the North have been the willing
servants of the Slave Power, and on us they depend-
ed, in a great degree, for aid to carry their rebellion
to a successful issue. What, I would ask, are we
fighting for? Is it to establish slavery on the old
basis, and to bring back the rebel States with their
slaves, and all the evil influence and miseries, corrup-
tion and wickedness, of the vilest system of oppres-
sion and degradation, both to master and slave, and all
others who advocate or apologize for its existence or
continuance, as you appear to me to do? or are we
fighting for equal rights, and liberty for all ? Let
the Federal Government say, "Give us men to fight
the battles of Freedom and Union," and not Union
and Slavery, -and I believe the Government may
soon have an army sufficiently strong and powerful to
cut the bonds and break the cruel chains of shivery,
by the strong arm of the war power, which 1 believe,
in the present state of affairs, we have a constitutional
right to do, If we are to ignore the question of sla-
very, 1 believe a majority of the people of Massachu-
setts have but little sympathy for furnishing more
men for the prosecution of the war; for while the
rebel States are fighting for slavery and unlimited
rule out of the Union, the Federal Government is
fighting for slavery in the Union.
Sir, I think the Federal States of America, if united
on the principles of freedom and justice, would stand
among the nations of the earth like the lion among the
beasts of the forest; but We, like the Hon in the fable,
have been caught in a net, the subtile net of slavery,
which has paralyzed our strength, and whose coinpli-
Oated meshes cannot be QQtied, but must be cut with
the sword of justice, wielded by the strong arm ot the
war power.
It is snid nothing but % military necessity will war-
rant (he Government in doing it. If that necessity is
not already upon us, as well as a moral necessity, I
think it very soon will he, in all the magnitude ot its
importance. DAVID OKAY.
IS^ 1 The foregoing letter was sent to the Huston
Journal for publication, but the editor returned it to
the author, saying, " It is quite impossible for me to
tlnd room for it." Of course, where there is no u-ill,
there is no wiy. The Journal is looking in all the
characteristics of I manly sheet. |— I'd. Lib.
JULY 25.
THE LIB ERA-TOR
119
ESSEX 00. ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION
AND PI0-NI0.
Ry invitation of Elam Buruharo, a meeting was held
at his large ami com moil ions barn in Hamilton, July
6th, commencing at 10 o'clock, A. M.
The meeting was called to order by James N. Buf-
fum, of Lynn, ami organized by choosing Thomas
Haskell, of West Gloucester, President, and Margaret
E. Bennett, Secretary.
Parker Pillsbury made a few prefatory remarks.
He said this was the first anti-slavery meeting in the
town of Hamilton, and though the meetinghouses
could not probably be obtained for such a purpose, he
was happy to meet so good an audience in Ins native
town, and in the native building of Jesus.
H. C. Wright presented the following resolutions,
■which were accepted for discussion: —
Whereas, a Government or Church that cannot ex-
ist without enslaving men should be destroyed ; and,
whereas, it is the duty of all to seek the overthrow of
such institutions ; therefore,
- Resolved, That the American Union and Constitu-
tion, if they cannot exist and be perpetuated without
slavery, should be destroyed.
Whereas, bullets may kill the tyrant, but an idea
alone can kill tyranny ; therefore,
Resolved, That, as Abolitionists, our war upon sla-
very, to be effectual, must bo a war of ideas, and lib-
erty can never be made sacred and safe by a war of
bullets, and the only efficient weapons of our warfare
arc those which appeal to the reason, the conscience
and sympathy of men, rather than those whose object
is to mutilate and kill their bodies.
Resolved, That the great object at which we a
i. e., the abolition of the spirit, principle and practice
of slavery, can never be accomplished by a war of
bullets and bayonets.
Resolved, That, as Abolitionists, we have nothing
to do with a war waged ostensibly to support a Gov-
ernment and Constitution baaed on the practice of en-
slaving men.
The above resolutions having been hastily written,
Parker Pillsbury proposed the reading of some which
he had prepared previous to coming to the meeting,
with more time for deliberation. By request of the
meeting, he then read the following : —
Resolved, That war ia always an evil, if not a
crime, and can never be justified, unless for the re-
moval of evils greater than itself; and, whereas, the
American Union, with chattel slavery as an essential
element, should never have been formed, therefore,
any war waged merely for its restoration or continu-
ance would be a war against justice, humanity and
liberty.
Resolved, That Southern barbarism, so fearfully
manifest in the present war, is largely the result of
Northern teaching. The Constitution has been cheer-
fully made to extend, protect and perpetuate slavery.
The North has furnished the school teachers for the
clave States, has modified the school-book literature to
suit their demand and taste, has educated their young
men at its colleges, and the ministers for them at its
theological seminaries, — thus supporting slavery as a
State, and sanctifying it as a religious institution,
basing it on both the Constitution and the Bible, wel-
coming slaveholding Senators to Congress and slave-
holding saints to the sacramental supper; praising
the " chivalry " of Virginia, the " hospitality " of South
Carolina, and "the general intelligence and virtue of
our dear Southern brethren," until it can be truly said
that the South, in its intellectual, moral and spiritual
culture and character, is most alarmingly but the
handiwork of the North.
Resolved, therefore, That the sin and guilt of sla-
very, the terrible cause of our present most terrible
war, must rest heavily on the North as well as the
South; and though the guilty parties may shed each
other's blood on a thousand battle-fields, it can be no
atonement to the God of justice, nor to the millions
of slaves, whose wrongs His mighty arm is now
stretched out to redress; and though peace should be
restored by conciliation at last, instead of by repent-
ance, and the Union restored by a compromise, instead
of doing justice, still, while a slave is left to lift on
high his manacled hands, he shall be a swift witness
against us, and a sure precursor of our final if not
sudden destruction as a nation.
James N. Buffum replied to H. C. Wright's argu-
ment against a war of bullets. This Government, he
Baid, though now engaged in mortal conflict, is never-
theless moving forward in ideas. Slavery is abol-
ished in the District of Columbia, and Henry Clay
once asserted that "the District of Columbia is the
keystone of the arch of slavery, and to abolish slave-
ry there would be the commencement of entire eman-
cipation; and to effect this work would cost twelve
hundred millions of dollars." Mr. B. said — " Let this
work go forward, at whatever cost of money. I wel-
come any bolt, whether from heaven or hell, that shall
strike out this curse. I think the Indian's recipe for
killing witch grass might furnish a suggestion to
those who seek to destroy slavery. For certain con-
siderations, the Indian gave this infallible method for
its destruction: 'Take a hoe and dig up every vest-
ige of root, then shake off every particle of soil or
any thing that will afford it nourishment, and hang
it in the sun till perfectly dry.' If every tyrant was
killed, slavery would soon cease."
John Cutler, of Danvers, followed with remarks
which showed his approval of war. He maintained
that every thing which had been done in this world
had been done by brute force.
Meeting adjourned for one hour.
Afternoon. The meeting was called to order at
1£ o'clock. H, C. Wright was the first speaker, who
enforced the idea embodied in his resolutions, that
bullets, although they may kill slaveholders, cannot
kill slavery. The evil principle of slavery, he ar-
gued, exists in the heart of man, and can only be ef-
fectually removed by the introduction of the princi-
ple of justice to take its place.
Parker Pillsbury followed in an impressive speech.
He said that politics had ripened into its legitimate
fruit, war. No law of the nation was so insignificant
but that, as a last resort, it must be settled by bullets.
He thought war a less evil than slavery, but must
insist that it be used to remove the greater evil.
Abolitionists lost sight of their greatest means of
power when they failed to adhere to their principles.
Let us, said Mr. P,, weigh well our words and actions
at all times. We cannot consistently vote for a man
to do what we cannot do ourselves. Men seem to be
possessed with the demon of war, and a Messiah is
needed to cast it out. What do we see this Govern-
ment doing? After the slaughter of one hundred
thousand of our men, not one State is redeemed from
secession. This is a purposeless war. Three hun-
dred thousand men are not what Gen. McClellan
wants, but a purpose, a determination to stand by the
right at all hazards.
The South deserves all she is receiving, but does
she deserve it of us ? " He that is without sin among
you, let him cast the first stone." Our mistake is in
supposing that the South is the chief of sinners. How
many vagrant slaveholders in the Carolinas would
it take to make one Edward Everett or one South-
side Adams t We should look at what caused slavery
to be what it is. Gov. Stanley said to slaveholders,
" Abraham Lincoln is your best friend. Your slaves
formerly ran away, now your property is protected."
Is our army much longer to receive this kind of
praise ? Shall we not rather accept the issue, Liber-
ty or Slavery 1
The losses of this war ! In money, they are some-
thing; in life, they are something; in the goodness
and purity of those who remain, they are much more.
James N. Buffum followed. He said the talk of
restoring the old Union was about as sensible as it
would be to try to restore the old potato that was
planted after the top had blossomed. This war was
inaugurated by the Mouth, and we must have cither
liberty or slavery. The tendency was hopeful- Mr.
Lincoln had done more than he promised, and that
was doing well for a President. He told Wendell
Phillips to go home, and manufacture all the anti-sla-
very sentiment he could, for we should need it all
soon.
Mr. Pillsbury begged to correct the speaker. It was
Tark Godwin and not Mr. Phillips to whom the Pres-
ident had made that remark. And what was Park
Godwin's anti-slavery?
Charles L. Remond thought Mr. Lincoln's course
had been against the black men. He had ignored
their rights. In his policy, they are either contra-
bands or vagrants. How did it happen that he could
not put on the miserable United Slates uniform? If
it should be proposed to strike off their heads to save
their own, they would do it. This was United States
anti-slavery !
Joseph Merrill said this war was a question of
power; it was a contest between slaveholders and
their friends — a house divided against itself. He
hoped it would fall, and if it crushed slavery, God be
praised, and not Republicans!
II. C. Wright said the business of Abolitionists was
to kill slavery. What relation had this war to the
abolition of slavery ? The South was fighting for
slavery; let those at the North who fight be as ear-
nest for liberty.
Adjourned till 5r} o'clock.
Evening Sksssion. Parker Pillsbury spoke of
the inaction of Congress, now the Senatorial elections
are pending, as indicating that they fear to take that
prompt and decided action which the crisis demands,
lest it should influence those elections unfavorably to
themselves. He should not endorse this war until it
had a nobler object than preserving the old Union.
Our work was with the people; Lincoln's hands
were tied. Our army was dreadfully thinned, and
now three hundred thousand more were called for, to
be commanded by pro-slavery Generals. God, Mr.
P. said, was not on the side of the strongest battalions,
unless they were on the side of right.
H. C. Wright said the Government had no right to
rcenslave those once set free. By rebellion, State in-
stitutions were swept away. By law, no slaves were
held in a rebel State. Will you, asked Mr. W-, en-
slave those who, by the act of their masters, are taken
from under the Constitution of the United States and
made free 1 Surely, rebels are not citizens, and are
consequently deprived of all the rights which as citi-
zens they formerly possessed.
Mr. Pillsbury presented the following resolutions,
which were adopted: —
Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are
justly due, and are hereby heartily and unanimously
tendered, to Mr. Burnham, for his very generous
hospitality and kindness extended to us on this oc-
casion.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this Conven-
tion be signed by the President and Secretary, and
forwarded to the Liberator, with a respectful request
for their publication.
The resolutions offered by Mr. Pillsbury at the
forenoon session were also adopted, and the meeting
adjourned.
THOMAS HASKELL, President.
Margaret E. Bennett, Secretary.
EMANCIPATION IN THE BORDER STATES.
The Representatives and Senators of the Border
slaveholding States having, says the National Intelli-
gencer, by special invitation of the President, been con-
vened at the Executive Mansion on Saturday, 12th in-
stant, Mr. Lincoln addressed them as follows from a
written paper held in his hands : —
Gentlemen, — After the adjournment of Congress,
now near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you
for several months. Believing that you of the Border
States hold more power for good than any other equal
number of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot
justifiably waive to make this appeal to you.
I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure
you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the
resolution in the gradual emancipation message of last
March, the war would now be substantially ended.
And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most
potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States
which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that
in no event will the States you represent ever join
their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much
longer maintain the contest. But you cannot divest
them of their hope to ultimately have you with them,
so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the
institution within your own States. Beat them at
elections, as you have overwhelmingly done, and,
nothing daunted, they still claim you as their own.
You and I know what the lever of their power is.
Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake
you no more forever.
Most of you have treated me with kindness and con-
sideration, and I trust you will not now think I im-
properly touch what is exclusively your own, when*
for the sake of the whole country, I ask, " Qan you,
for your States, do better than to take the course I
urge ? " Discarding punctilio and maxims adapted to
more manageable times, and looking only to the un-
precedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better
in any possible event? You prefer that the constitu-
tional relations of the States to the nation shall be
practically restored without disturbance of the institu-
tion ; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this
respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office,
would be performed. But it is not done, and we are
trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the
war cannot be avoided. If the war continues long, as
it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institu-
tion in your States will be extinguished by mere fric-
tion and abrasion — by the mere incidents of the war.
It will be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in
lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How
much better for you and for your people to take'the
step which at once shortens the war, and secures sub-
stantial compensation for that which is sure to be
wholly lost in any other event ! How much better to
thus save the money which else we sink forever in the
war I How much better to do it while we can, lest the
war ere long render us pecuniarily unahle to do it !
How much better for you, as seller? and the nation, as
buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the
war could never have been, than to sink both the thing
to be sold and the price of'it, in cutting one another's
throats !
I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a de-
cision at once to emancipate gradually. Room in
South America for colonization can be obtained cheap-
ly and in abundance ; and when numbers shall be large
enough to be company and encouragement for one
another, the freed people will not be so reluctant to go.
I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned —
one which threatens division among those who, united,
are none too strong. An instance of it is known to
you. Gen. Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I
hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less
for his agreeing with mc in the general wish that all
men everywhere could be freed. He proclaimed all
men free within certain States, and I repudiated the
proclamation. He expected more good and less harm
from the measure than I could believe would follow.
Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not of-
fence, to many whose support the country cannot afford
to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure
in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing.
By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and,
much more, can relieve the country in tins important
point.
Upon these considerations I have again begged your
attention to the Message of March last. Before leav-
ing the Capitol, consider and discuss it among your-
selves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I
pray you consider tins proposition; and at the least
commend it to the consideration of your States and
people. As you would perpetuate popular govern-
ment for the best people in the world, I beseech you
that you do in no wise omit this. Our common coun-
try is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and
boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved,
its form of government is saved to the world ; its be-
loved history and cherished memories are vindicated,
and its happy future fully assured and rendered incon-
ceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the
privilege is {riven to assure that happiness and swell
that grandeur, and to link your own names therewith
forever.
At the conclusion of these remarks, some conversa-
tion was had between the President and several mem-
bers of the delegations from the Border States, in
which it was represented that these States could not he
expected to move in so great a matter as that brought
to their notice in the foregoing address, while as yet
,the Congress had taken no step beyond the passage of
a resolution, expressive rather of a sentiment than
presenting a substantial and reliable basis of action.
The President acknowledged the force of this view,
and admitted that the Border States were entitled to
expect a subslantial pleiltfe of pecuniary aid as the
condition of taking into consideration a proposition so
important in its relations to their social system.
It was further represented in the Conference, that
Iho people of the Border States were interested in
knowing the great importance which the President at-
tached to the policy in question, while it was equally
due to the country, to the President and to themselves,
that the Representatives of the Border Slaveholding
States should publicly announce the motives under
which they were called to act, and the considerations
of public policy urged upon them and their constitu-
ents by the President.
Willi a view to such a statement of their position,
the members thus addressed met in council to deliber-
ate on the reply they should make to the President,
and, as the result of a comparison of opinions among
themselves, they determined upon the adoption of a
majority and a minority answer.
THE REPLY OF THE MAJORITY.
The following paper was sent to the President on
Thursday, signed by the majority of the Representa-
tives from the Border Slaveholding Stales : —
Washington, July 14, 1862.
To the President:
The undersigned, representatives of Kentucky, Vir-
ginia, Missouri and Maryland, in the two Houses of
Congress, have listened to your address with the pro-
found sensibility naturally inspired by the high source
from which it emanates, the earnestness which marked
its delivery, and the overwhelming importance of the
subject of which it treats. We have given it a most
respectful consideration, and now lay before you our
response. We regret that want of time has not per-
mitted us to make it more perfect.
We have not been wanting, Mr. President, in re-
spect to you, and in devotion to the Constitution and
the Union. We have not been indifferent to the great
difficulties surrounding you, compared with which all
former national troubles have been but as the summer
cloud; and we have freely given you our sympathy
and support. Repudiating the dangerous heresies of
the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the war
on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects
for which it was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by
your Message at the opening of the present Congress,
to be such as all good men should approve, we have
not hesitated to votc*ll supplies necessary to carry it
on vigorously. We have voted all the men and
money you have asked for ? and even more ; we have
imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are pay-
ing them with cheerfulness and alacrity ; we have en-
couraged enlistments, and sent to the field many of
our best men ; and some Of our number have offered
their persons to the enemy as pledges of their sinceri-
ty and devotion to the country. We have done all this
under the most discouraging circumstances, and in the
face of measures most distasteful to us, and injurious
to the interests we represent, and in the hearing of
doctrines avowed by those who claim to be your
friends, most abhorrent to us and our constituents.
But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we
as long as we have a Constitution to defend and a gov-
ernment which protects us. And we are ready for re-
newed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any
sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to pre-
serve our admirable form of government and the price-
less blessings of constitutional liberty.
A few of our number voted for the resolution recom-
mended by your Message of the 6th of March last, the
greater portion of us did not, and we will briefly state
the prominent reasons which influenced our action.
In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our
social system, and was hurried through both houses
with undue haste, without reasonable time for consid-
eration and debate, and with no time at all for con-
sultation with our constituents, whose interests it
deeply involved. It seemed like an interference by
this Government with a question which peculiarly and
exclusively belonged to our respective States, on
which they had not sought advice or solicited aid.
Many of us doubted the constitutional power of this
Government to make appropriations of money for the
object designated, and all of us thought our finances
were in no condition to bear the immense outlay winch
its adoption and faithful execution would impose upon
the national Treasury. If we pause but a moment to
think of the debt its acceptance would have entailed,
we are appalled by its magnitude. The proposition
was addressed to all the States, and embraced the
whole number of slaves. According to the census of
1860, there were nearly four millions slaves in the
country; from natural increase they exceed that num-
ber now. At even the low average of three hundred
dollars, the price fixed by the emancipation act for the
slaves of this District, and greatly below their real
worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of
twelve hundred millions of dollars; and if to that we
add the cost of deportation and colonization, at one
hundred dollars each, which is but a fraction more
than is actually paid by the Maryland Colonization
Society, we have four hundred millions more ! We
were not willing to impose a tax on our people suf-
ficient to pay the interest on that sum, in addition to
the vast and daily increasing debt already fixed upon
them by the exigencies of the war; and, if we had
been willing, the country could not bear it. Stated in
this form, the proposition is nothing less than the de-
portation from the country of sixteen hundred million
dollars' worth of producing labor, and the substitution
in its place of an interest- bearing debt of the same
amount !
But, if we are told that it was expected that only
the States we represent would accept the proposition,
we respectfully submit that even then it involves a
sum too great for the financial ability of this govern-
ment at this time. According to the census of 1860 —
Kentucky had
Maryland, -
Virginia,
Delaware, - r
Missouri,
Tennessee, -
87,188
190,887
1,798
114,965
275,784
Making in the whole, - - 1,196,112
At the same rate of valuation these would
amount to £358,833,600
Add for deportation and colonization $100
each 119,244,533
And we have the enormous s
i of $478,078,133
We did not feel that we should be justified in voting
for a measure which, if carried out, would add this
vast amount to our public debt at a moment when the
Treasury was reeling unde» the enormous expendi-
tures of the war.
Again, it seemed to us that this resolution was but
the annunciation oi a sentiment which could not or
was not likely to be reduced to an actual, tangible
proposition. No movement was then made to provide
and appropriate the funds required to carry it into ef-
fect; and we were not encouraged to believe that
funds would be provided. And our belief has been
fully justified by subsequent events. Not to mention
other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our pur-
pose to bring to your notice the fact, that while this
resolution was under consideration in the Senate, our
colleague, the Senator from Kentucky, moved an
amendment appropriating $500,000 to the object there-
in designated, and it was voted down with great una-
nimity. What confidence, then, could we reasonably
feel that if we committed ourselves to the policy it
proposed, our constituents would reap the fruits of the
uise held out; and on what ground could we, as
fair men, approach them and challenge their support?
The right to hold slaves is a right appertaining to
all the States of this Union. They have the right to
cherish or abolish the institution as their tastes or their
interest may prompt, and no one is authorized to ques-
tion the right or limit its enjoyment. And no one has
more clearly affirmed that right than you have. Your
inaugural address docs you great honor in this respect,
and inspired the country with confidence in your fair-
i and respect for the law. Our States are in the
enjoyment of that right. We do not feel called on to
defend the institution, or to affirm that it is one which
ugbtto be cherished; perhaps if we were to make
the attempt, we might find that we differ even among
ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to know that
t is a right ; and so knowing, we did not see why we
hould now be expected to yield it. We had con-
tributed our full share to relieve the country at this
terrible crisis, we had done as much as had been re-
red of others, in like circumstances, and we did not
why sacrifices should be expected of us from
which others, no more loyal, were exempt. Nor could
we see what good the nation would derive from it.
Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have
strengthened the arm of this government or weakened
that of the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge
of our loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a
reasonable doubt, in every form and at every place
nble. There was not the remotest probability that
the States we represent would join in the rebellion,
nor is there now j or of their electing to go with the
Southern section in the event of a recognition of the
independence of any part of the disaffected region.
Our States arc fixed unalterably in their resolution to
ndhere to and support the Union; they see no safety
for themselves and no hope for constitutional liberty
but by its preservation. They will, under no circum-
stances, consent to its dissolution, and we do them no
more than justice when we assure you that while the
war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastro-
phe, they will sustain it as long as they can master a
man or command a dollar. Nor will they ever con-
sent, in any event, to unite with the Southern Con-
federacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of
that region will forever prevent them from placing
their security and happiness in the custody of an as-
sociation which has Incorporated in its organic law the
eeds of its own destrnction.
We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had
otcd for the resolution in the Emancipation Message
of March last, the war would now be substantially
ended. We are unable to see how our action in this
particular has given, or could give, encouragement to
the rebellion. The resolution has passed ; and If there
be virtue in it, it will be quite as efficacious as If we
had voted for it. We have no power to bind oar
States in this respect by our votes here, and whether
we had voted the one way or the other, they are in
the same condition of freedom to accept or reject its
provisions. . No, sir, the war has not been prolonged
or hindered by our action on this or any other measure.
We must look for other causes for that lamented fact.
We think there is not much difficulty, not much uncer-
tainty, in pointing out others far more probable and
potent in their agencies to that end.
The rebellion derives its strength from the union of
all classes in the insurgent Slates; and while that
union lasts, the war will never end until they are utter-
ly exhausted. We know that at the inception of these
troubles Southern society was divided, and that a large
portion, perhaps a majority, were opposed to secession.
Now the great mass of Southern people are united.
To discover why they are so, we must glance at South-
ern society, and notice the classes into which it has
been divided, and which still distinguish it. They are
in arms, but not for the same objects; they are moved
to a common end, but by different and inconsistent
reasons. The leaders, which comprehends what w
previously known as the State Rights party, and is
much the lesser clnss, seek to break down national in-
dependence and set up State domination. With them
it is a war against nationality. The other class is
fighting, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve its
rights of property and domestic safety, which it has
been made to believe are assailed by this government.
This tatter class are not disunionists per se; they are
so only because they have been made to believe that
this administration is inimical to their rights, and is
making war on their domestic institutions. As long
these two classes act together, they will never as-
sent to peace. The policy, then, to be pursued is ob-
vious. The former class will never be reconciled, but
the latter may be. Remove their apprehensions.
Satisfy them that no harm is intended to them and
their institutions ; that this government is not making
war on their rights of property, hut is simply defend-
ing its legitimate authority, and they will gladly re-
turn to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of mili-
tary dominion imposed by the Confederate authorities
is removed from them.
Twelve months ago both houses of Congress, adopt-
ing the spirit of your message, then but recently sent in,
lared with singular unanimity the objects of the war,
and the country instantly bounded to your side to assist
you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution
had been adhered to, we are confident that we should
before now have seen the end of this deplorable con-
flict. But what have we seen ? In both houses of Con-
gress we have heard doctrines subversive of the prin-
ciples of the Constitution, and seen measure after mea-
sure founded in substance on those doctrines proposed
and carried through, which can have no other effect
than to distract and divide loyal men, and exasperate
and drive still further from us and their duty the peo-
ple of the rebellious States. Military officers, follow-
ing these bad examples, have stepped beyond the just
limits of their authority in the same direction, until in
several instances you have felt the necessity of inter-
fering to arrest them. And even the passage of the
resolution to which you refer has been ostentatiously
proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the
people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to
them. The effect of these measures was foretold, and
may now be seen in the indurated state of Southern
feeling.
To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omis-
sion to vote for the resolution recommended by you,
we solemnly believe we are to attribute the terrible
earnestness of those in arms against the government,
and the continuance of the war. Nor do we (permit
us to say, Mr. President, wiih all respect for you,)
agree that the institution of slavery is " the lever of
their power," but we are of opinion that " the lever of
their power" is the apprehension that the powers of a
common government, created for common and equal
protection to the interests of all, will be wielded against
the institutions of the Southern States.
There is one other idea in your address we feel
called upon to notice. After stating the fact of your
repudiation of General Hunter's proclamation, you
add : —
" Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not
offence, to many whose support the country cannot af-
ford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pres-
sure in this direction is still upon me, and is increas-
ing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve
me, and, much more, can relieve the country in this
important point."
We have anxiously looked into this passage to dis-
cover its true import, but we are yet in painful uncer-
tainty. How can we, by conceding what you now
ask, relieve you and the country from the increasing
pressure to which you refer? We will not allow our-
selves to think that the proposition is, that we consent
to give up slavery, to the end that the Hunter procla-
mation may be let loose on the Southern people, for it
is too well known that we would not be parties to any
such measure, and we have too much respect for you
to imagine you would propose it. Can it mean that
by sacrificing our interest in slavery, we appease the
spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be with-
draw^, and rid the country of the pestilent agitation of
the slavery question ? We are forbidden so to think,
for that spirit would not be satisfied with the libera-
tion of 700,000 slaves, and cease its agitation, while
three millions remain in bondage. Can it mean
that, by abandoning slavery in our States, we are
removing the pressure from you and the country,
by preparing for a separation on the line of the cotton
States? We are forbidden so to think, because it is
known that we are, and we believe that you are, unal-
terably opposed to any division at all. We would
prefer to think that you desire this concession as a
pledge of our support, and thus enable you to with-
stand a pressure which weighs heavily on you and the
country. Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary
to secure our support. Confine yourself to your con-
stitutional authority; confine your subordinates with-
in the same limits ; conduct this war solely for the
purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate
authority ; concede to each State and its loyal citizens
their just rights, and we are wedded to you by indis-
soluble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you touch
the American heart and invigorate it with new hope.
You will, as we sincerely believe, in due time restore
peace to your country, lift it from despondency to a
future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen,
their posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure of
a constitutional government.
Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and
candor the reasons on which we forbore to vote for
the resolution you have mentioned; but you have
again presented this proposition, and appealed to us
with an earnestness and eloquence which have not
failed to impress us, to "consider it, and at the least
to commend it to the consideration of our States and
people." Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate
of our beloved .country in the hour of its greatest peril,
we cannot wholly decline. We are willing to trust
every question relating to their interest and happiness
to the consideration and ultimate judgment of our own
people. While differing from you as to the necessity of
emancipating the staves of our States as a means of
putting down the rebellion, and while protesting against
the propriety of any extra territorial interference to
'nduce the people of our States to adopt any particu-
ar line of policy on a subject which peculiarly and ex-
clusively belongs to them, yet when you and our
brethren of the loyal States sincerely believe that the
retention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace and
nationat harmony, and are willing to contribute pecu-
niary aid to compensate our States and people for the
inconvenience produced by such a change of ^stem,
are not unwilling that our people shall consider
the propriety of putting it aside.
But we have already said that we regarded this res-
olution as the utterance of a sentiment, and we had
no confidence that it would assume the shape of a
tangible, practical proposition, which would yield the
fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are in-
fluenced by the same want of confidence, and will
not consider the proposition in its present impalpable
form. The interest they are asked to give up is to
them of immense importance, and they ought not to
be expected even to entertain the proposal until they
are assured that when they accept it, their just expect-
ations will not be frustrated. We regard your plan as
a proposition from the nation to the States to exercise an
admitted constitutional right in a particular manner,
and yield up a valuable interest, Before they ought to
consider the proposition, it should be presented in such
a tangible, practical, efficient shape as to command
their confidence that its fruits are contingent only
upon their acceptance. We cannot trust anything to
the contingencies of future legislation. If Congress,
by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide suf-
ficient funds, and place them at your disposal to be ap-
plied by you to the payment of any of our States or
the citizens thereof who shall adopt the abolishment
of slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they may
determine, and the expense of deportation and colo-
nization of the liberated slaves, then will our States
and people take this proposition into careful consider-
ation, for such decision as in their judgment is de-
manded by their interest, their honor, a their duty
to the whole country.
Wo have the honor to be, with great respect,
C. A. Wickuffe, C/tuir'n. Chari.es B. Calvert,
Gaurett Davis,
R. Wilson,
J. J. Crittknden,
John S. Caklilk,
J. W. CltISt'-lEI.I>,
J. S. Jackson,
H. GllIDKR,
John S. Phelps,
Ehancis Thomas,
('. L. h. Leahy,
Edwin II, Weuster,
R. Mali.ohv,
Aakon IIaudino,
James S. Hollins,
J. W. Mknzies,
Thomas L. Price,
G. W. DUNLAl',
Wji, A. Hall.
THE REPLY OP THE MINORITY.
Washington, July 15, 1862.
Mr. PKU8IDKNT, — The undersigned, members of
Congress from (he Border States, in response to your
address of Saturday last, hog leave to say that they
attended a meeting on the same day the address was
delivered, lor the purpose ol considering the same.
The meeting appointed a committee to report a re-
sponse to your address. That report was made on
yesterday, and the action of the majority indicated
clearly that the response reported, or one in substance
the same, would be adopted, and presented to you.
Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own
sense of duty to the country, under the existing perils
which surround us, concur in that response, we feel
it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to
you a brief and candid answer over our own signa-
tures.
We believe that the whole power of the Govern-
ment, upheld and sustained by all the influences and
icans of all loyal men in all sections, and of all par-
lies, is essentially necessary to put down the rebel-
lion, and preserve the Union and the Constitution.
We understand your appeal to us to have been made
for the purpose of securing this result. A very large
portion of the people in the Northern States believe
that slavery is the " lever-power of the rebellion." It
matters not whether this belief be well-founded or
not. The belief does exist, and we have to deal with
things as they are, and not as we would have them be.
In consequence of the existence of this belief, we un-
derstand that an immense pressure is brought to bear
for the purpose of striking down tins institution through
the exercise of military authority. The Government
cannot maintain this great struggle, if the support and
influence of the men who entertain these opinions be
withdrawn. Neither can the Government hope for
early success, if the support of that element called
"conservative" be withdrawn.
Such being the condition of things, the President
appeals to the Border State men to step forward, and
prove their patriotism by making the first sacrifice.
No doubt, like appeals have been made toextremc men
in the North to meet us half way, in order that the
whole moral, political, pecuniary, and physical force
of the nation may be firmly and earnestly united in
one grand effort to save the Union and the Constitu-
tion.
Believing that such were the motives that prompted
your address, and such the result to which it looked,
we cannot reconcile it to our sense of duty, in this try-
ing hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or queru-
lousness over the things that are past. We are not
disposed to seek for the cause of present misfortunes
in the errors and wrongs of others who now propose to
unite with us in a common purpose. But, on the
other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in
which it was made, and, as loyal Americans, declare
to you and to the world that there is no sacrifice that
we are not ready to make to save the Government
and institutions of our fathers.
That we, few of us though there may be, will per-
mit no men, from the North or from the South, to go
further than we in the accomplishment of the great
work before us. That, in order to carry out these
iews, we will, so far as may be in our power, ask the
people of the Border States, calmly, deliberately, and
fairly, to consider your recommendations. We are
the more emboldened to assume this position from
the fact, now become history, that the leaders of the
Southern rebellion have offered to abolish slavery
among them as a condition to foreign intervention in
favor of their independence as a nation.
If they can give up slavery to destroy the Union,
we can surely ask our people to consider the question
of emancipation to save the Union.
With great respect, your obedient servants,
John W. Nowell
Sam'l S. Casey,
George P. Fisher,
A. J. Clements,
William G. Brows,
Jacob B. Blair,
W. P. Willey.
REPLY OF MR, MAYNARD.
House op Representatives, July 16, 1862.
Sir, — The magnitude and gravity of the proposi-
tion submitted by you to Representatives from the
Slave States would naturally occasion diversity, if
not contrariety, of opinion. You will not, therefore,
be surprised that I have not been able to concur in
view with the majority of them. This is attributable,
possibly, to the fact that my State is not a Border
State, properly so called, and that my immediate con-
stituents are not yet disenthralled from the hostile
arms of the Rebellion. This fact is a physical obsta-
cle in the way of my now submitting to their consid-
eration this or any other proposition looking to politi-
cal action, especially such as, in this case, would re-
quire a change in the organic law of the State.
But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal.
I am not. You are surrounded with difficulties far
greater than have embarrassed any of your predeces-
sors. You need the support of every American citi-
zen, and you ought to have it, active, zealous and hon-
est. The union of every Union man to aid you in
preserving the Union is the duty of the time. Differ-
ences as to policy and methods must be subordinated
to the common purpose.
In looking for the causes of this Rebellion, it is
natural that each section and each party should as-
cribe as little blame as possible to itself, and as much
as possible to its opponent section and party. Possi-
bly you and I might not agree on a comparison of
our views. That there should be differences of opin-
ion as to the best mode of conducting our military
operations,. and the best men to lead our armies, is
equally natural. Contests on such questions weaken
ourselves and strengthen our enemies. 'J*hey are
unprofitable, and possibly unpatriotic. Somebody
must yield, or we waste our strength in a contempti-
ble struggle among ourselves.
You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to
sacrifice something of feeling and a great deal of in-
terest. The sacrifices they have already made and
the sufferings they have endured give the best assur-
ance that the appeal will not have been made in vain.
He who is not ready to yield all his material inter-
ests.and to forego his most cherished sentiments and
opinions for the preservation of his country, although
he may have perilled his life on the battle-field in
her defence, is but half a patriot. Among the loyal
people that I represent, there are no half patriots.
Already the Rebellion has cost us much, even to
our undoing; we are content, if need be, to give up
the rest to suppress it. We have stood by you from
the beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand
by you, God willing, till the end of it.
I did not vote for the resolution to which you al-
lude, solely for the reason that at the time I was ab-
sent at the capital of my own State. It is right.
Should any of the Slave States think proper to ter-
minate that institution, as several of them I under-
stand, or at least some of their citizens propose, jus-
tice and a generous comity require that the country
should interpose to aid it in lessening the burden,
public and private, occasioned by so radical a change
in its social and industrial relations.
I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home
or abroad, of the adoption of your policy, nor inquire
what action of the rebel leaders has rendered some-
thing of the kind important. Your whole adminis-
tration gives the highest assurance that you are
moved, not so much from a desire to see all men every
where made free, as from a far higher desire to pre-
serve free institutions for the benefit of men already
free ; not to make slaves freemen, but to prevent free-
men from being made si ives ; not to destroy an insti-
tution, which a portion of us only consider bad, but to
save institutions which we all alike consider good.
I am satisfied you would not ask from any of your
fellow-citizens a sacrifice not, in your judgment, im-
peratively required by the safety of the country.
This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to
t in the same spirit.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
HORACE MAYNARD.
To the President.
Florence, July 22, 1862.
Dear Garrison— Considering bow rapidly I spoke at
Franungham, it is not strange that, in our friend Yorrin-
ton's generally excellent report of my remarks, I find a
few mistakes ; the wonder being rather that they are so
few. But I should liko to make the following corrections,
th your leave : —
In the sentence, about midway of the second paragraph
These men do know something about everything except
slavery, and what slavery toaches," for "teaches," read
touches."
In the last clause of that sentence, " they do not know
everything which it is important they should know at this
time," for "everything," read " the very thing."
In the 10th lino from the end of the paragraph, iu the
clause ending "seeking one for him," for "him," read
themselves."
In the samo lino, for " not only they," read " not only
by them," and insert " by " after the following " but."
In tho sixth lino from the end of the samo paragraph,
they" should bo omitted beforo "reoognuo."
Yours, truly, C. C. BURLEIGH.
Correction. In the report of the Essex County
annual meeting, it was stated that the resolutions of
Mr. Pillsbury were accepted. It should read, they
were unanimously adopted by the meeting.
^=- We ask the special attention of every reader
Of the I '.il'iratorto the very lucid and admirable speech
of J. Miller McKim, on our last page, delivered in
Sanson, Street Hall, Philadelphia, (and the substance
of it given at the Framinghani Grove on the 4th of
July,) concerning the condition, progress and pros-
poets of the "contrabands " at. Port Royal and Beau-
fort. All its statements are fully continued by a pub-
lished letter from Gov. Saxlon, and they triumphant-
ly vindtoftta th« ofcpiwtty ami chuaotsr <>r the colored
raco from the foul aspersions of (heir enemies.
A MANIFESTO FROM THE PRESIDENT.
Executive Mansion, I
Washington, July 11, 1862. J
Ordered, That Major General Henry W. Halleck
be assigned to the command of the' whole land forcefl
of the United States, as General-in-Chief, and that ho
repair to this capital an soon as lie can with safety to
the positions and operations within the dffp£rtmcni
now under his special charge.
Abraham Lincoln:
|ft^™ We fear that this appointment, for the gov-
ernment, is "out of the frying-pan into the fire." It
is our sober, deliberate, settled conviction, that if the
four leading Generals — Halleck, McClellan, McDowell
and Buell — were dismissed from the service, it would
be a gain to the cause of freedom, and a heavy blow
to the rebellion. We bblieve them to be equally un-
trustworthy — more in sympathy with slavery than
with liberty — more disposed to prolong the war than
to end it, in order to effect some new compromise for
the propitiation and restoration of the Slave Power in
controllTng our national affairB. The President ia
credulous, blind and infatuated, in committing euch
high trusts and solemn responsibilities' into the hands
of these political opponents, who are only too willing
to see his administration overturned.)
ORDER CONCERNING THE SEIZURE AND
USE OF REBEL PROPERTY.
War Department, July 22.
Executive Order.
First. Ordered that the Military Commanders with-
in the States of Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia,
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and
Arkansas, in an orderly manner, seize and use any
property real or personal which may be necessary or
convenient for their several commands, as supplies or
for other military purposes, and that while property
may be destroyed for proper military objects, none
shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice.
Second. That Military and Naval 'Commanders shall
employ as laborers within and from said States so
many persons of African descent as can be advanta-
geously used for military or naval purposes, giving
them reasonable wages for their labor.
Third. That, ah to both property and persons of Af-
rican descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accu-
rate and in detail to show the quantities and amounts,
and from whom both the property and such persons
shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation
can be made in proper cases, and the several depart-
ments of this Government shall attend to and perform
their appropriate parts toward the execution of these
orders.
By order of the President,
(Signed) E. M. STANTON_-^
ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS.
Congress, at the session just closed, has perfected
ore good measures than any predecessor for the last
half century. Among these we reckon
The Free Homestead Act;
The prohibition of Slavery, absolutely and forever,
all the Territories of the Union ;
The Abolition ot Slavery in tfie District of Colum-
bia;
The Pacific Railroad Act;
The revision of the Supreme Court Judicial Dis-
tricts ;
The act appropriating Public Lands to the founda-
tion and support of Agricultural and Mechanical Col-
leges in the several States;
The act retrenching Military Expenses and Allow-
ances.
And, finally,
The act confiscating the property and emancipating
the slaves of persistent Rebels. — N. Y. Tribune.
An English Estimate of Wendell Phillips. —
"An English Traveller " writes from Boston to the
London Spectator : —
"The re^l pillar of the abolitionist party is Wen-
dell Phillip*^ Gifted with great talents, with untiring
energy, and, above all, with an eloquence which in my
experience I have never heard equalled, he might
have risen to any height in public life ; and the career
open to an ordinary American of talent is higher than
we at home can well realize. But, for conscience'
sake, Mr. Phillips refused to enter on a career which
necessitated, to say the least, an outwaid acquiescence
in the sin of slavery. He has labored for years past,
amidst ridicule and abuse and obloquy, to awaken the
nation to a sense of their duty. It is difficult for an
Englishman to conceive the amount of moral courage
required by an American who preaches the doctrine
that the cherished Constitution of Washington and
Hamilton was in itself a compact with sin — an evil
to be abolished. Right or wrong, you cannot deny
Wendell Phillips's courage. Pro-slavery or anti-sla-
very, you cannot dispute the power of his eloquence.
And his labor has not been in vain."
The Rebel Irruptions in the Southwest. The
sudden forays by bodies of rebel marauders in Ten-
nessee, Kentucky and Missouri, — their capture of
Murfreesboro' and menace of Nashville — their ravages
in Kentucky and advance toward the capital of that
State, and toward the Ohio River — their appearance in
Northern Missouri, and their operations on the very
border of Iowa — their demonstrations in the vicinity
of Corinth and along our entire line in North Alabama
— the bold front they assume in Northern Arkansas
and along the Mississippi River — indicate that the em-
bers of rebellion in the Southwest are still hot and
smouldering. They prove that the rebels have taken
new heart from their so-called successes on the Penin-
sula, and that they yet look forward to a reeonquest of
the Southwestern States; or rather, perhaps, they
may indicate that, though Kentucky, Tennessee and
Missouri are inevitably lost to the Confederacy, the
expelled rebels are determined to carry into them fira
and sword, destruction, confusion, rapine and blood-
shed ; and thus, if they cannot rule, they will at leait
do their best to ruin.
The Total Loss at the Richmond Battles. —
The following statement, which comes from an official
source, may be relied upon as a correct enumeration
of the Union losses during the six days' battles before
Richmond : —
Corps.
Killed.
Wounded.
Missing.
Total.
Franklin,
245
1313
1179
2737
Sumner,
no
1068
848
208?
Keyes,
69
607
201
777
Heintzelman,
189
1051
833
2078
Porter,
878
3700
2779
7352
Cavalry,
19
60
97
176
Engineers,
—
2
21
23
Totals,
1565
7701
6958
15,224
Working Industriously. General Saxton write!
to the Secretary of War that the contrabands in South
Carolina are working industriously, that the system
of voluntary labor is effective, and that the blacks are
contented and happy in their new position. The
General adds that, by adoptinq a judicious system of re-
ward, almost any amount of labor can be obtained] and
that the proceeds will pay expenses. Two advantages
are hero indicated — first, the negroes will work faith-
fully for day wages, and, secondly, their labor is suffi-
ciently remunerative to free the Government of all
expense on their account.
Chicago, July 15. A special dispatch to the Tri-
bune, dated Memphis, says that 200 of Col. Fitch's
command had an engagement with the rebels, number-
ing 450, on the morning of the 6th. The Federal loss
was 22 killed and wounded, and the rebels had 8-i
killed, wounding and missing. Another engagement
took place on the night of the 7th. Col. Fitch cap-
tured all the enemy's camp equipage and provisions.
Both fights are said to have taken place within tea "
miles of Duvall's Bluff, where a large force of rebels
arc said to bo stationed.
&J^ A free colored man, who escaped and arrived
in Washington from Richmond, says the rebel loss in
killed, wounded and missing in the seven davs' bat-
tles was 32,000.
The Atlantic Monthly. We give below the
list of contributors to the Atlantic Monthly for August:
The New Gymnastics, by Dio Lewis, M. D. : Mr.
Axtell; My Daphne, by Mrs. A. D. T. Whiinev ,
Concerning Disagreeable People, by the " Country
Parson"; The Sam Adams Regiments in the Town
of Boston, by Richard Frothingham ; Life in the Open
Air, by the late Theodore Winthrop ; To William
Lowell Putnam; the Horrors of San Domingo, bv John
Weiss; My Lost Art, by M. 1). Conwav ; In War
Time, by John G. Whittier; Amy Vvontworth ;
Thoreau, by Ralph Waldo Emerson ; A Summer-
Day ; Reviews and Literary Notices.
W ANDREW T. F03S, an Agont of the Massachusetts
tf. Sooioty, will locturo upon Slavery, the W«r, and
Emancipation, a« follows : —
Reading, Sunday, July 27.
Stonehain, «< Aug. 3.
W E. 11. HEYWOOD will spoak at East Princeton,
Sinulay, Aug. 3d, at 10 1-2, A. M., aud 1, P. M.
OTW.M. WKU.S BROWN will speak as follows— on
llu. IVuHiiuis of tho Present Hour, tit
Westminster, flln:
M iiu-lioiHlou, "
Sniulny, July 2",
Tu^Liy, " 29.
ISO
THE LIB ERA. TOR
fltfttg
TOR TEE GROVE MEETING AT PRAMING-
HAM, " FOURTH OF JULY."
Beautiful Summer is smiling around us,
Earth is like Eden arrayed in its bloom ;
On the fair face of Nature no shadow is resting,
In the joy of her sunlight no sadness or gloom.
Sura never a lovelier Summer smiled o'er us,
Since first by the seashore fcho Puritan stood.
And saw the. white snow-shroud wrap hill-side and valley,
And the smoke of the wigwam rise through the lone
wood !
And again we have met in this "Temple of Nature/'
This grand old Cathedral, whose dome is the sky ;
Whose gates open wide to the lonely and outcast,
Where no tinsel-show glitters to dazzle the eye !
Our organ the air-barps — our minstrels the song-birds,
Whose sweet anthems rise to our " Father in Heaven : "
Ah ! would that we too might join in the chorus,
And chant the blest words — Lo ! the fetters are riven !
Through the war-cloud blood-stained we have seen the faint
dawning,
And waited and watched for the coming of day ;
And oft we have said, " Sure, the day-star is rising ! "
But, alas ! we behold scarce its first beaming ray.
Our loved and our treasured — bow many are lying
'Neath the green turf of June, in their lone soldier's
grave !
New England's brave martyrs are counted by thousands,
From the storied Potomac to Mexico's wave !
By Albemarle's waters, in Koanoko's pine groves,
Where Newbern looks out on the river so fair,
Where the Oaks and the Pines* of Virginia are ohanting
A dirge for our loved in the soft Summer air !
And still in our South-land the bondman is waiting,
And vainly imploring our North-land to aid ;
And praying that he, too, may battle for freedom,
And join with the champions for contest arrayed.
How earnest and loyal, how true and devoted,
Have our slave brothers been, History's record will
show ;—
Through darkness and danger our armies they've guided,
And never deceived or betrayed to the foe.
...Ah ! would we but raise the white banner of freedom,
And Eay to the tyrant, " Your vassals are free .'
All blackened with treason, ye blood-thirsty traitors,
Think not we longer shall cringe unto ye !
"We've left our dear homes on the green, sunny hill-sides —
The homes which free labor makes peaceful and blest :
We've severed each tie which so fondly hath bound us,
At the call of our country left love, peace and rest !
*' We've come in our might, as the avalanche oometh,
To bury forever all treason and wrong !
Ye have taunted and scorned, ye've defied and contemned
us,
And boasted that Slavery should ne'vo be o'erthrown !
" Lo ! Cotton is King, ye have said ! — we believed you,
And in homage we bowed to the proud despot's sway ;
But we worship no longer — our idol is broken —
From our sight we have cast it forever away.
" If our life-blood must crimson the soil of the South-land,
No altar of slavery shall rise where we fall j
From our graves shall spring up the fair tree of true free-
dom,
And grow till its branches give shelter to all ! "
If thus we would speak, then the traitors would tremble,
And feel that the dark hour of doom had drawn near ;
And Oppression's death-knell, in thunder-tones sounding,
The voice of the Northmen with trembling they'd hear !
But, alas for our country ! our rulers still heed not,
Though to us God now speaks as to Pharaoh of old ;
Still they falter and shrink, and heed not the mandate,
" Let mine image no longer be bartered for gold !
*' Let my people go free ! — or the red sea of carnage
Must engulf your fair land 'neath its blood-crimsoned
tide ;
For ne'er till ye heed the command I have given,
Will the olive-branch wave, or the death-tide be stayed !"
Then let us arouse to the duty before us,
tly, fearlessly strive for the Eight ;
And list to the voice that to-day is entreating —
Press onward, still guided by Truth's beaming light !
Barre, Mass., 1862. Carrie.
* Eeferring to the battle of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines.
®k* 3Eifon'ttt0*.
JULY 25
From the New York Tribune.
EMANCIPATE.
Lo ! looms a morning long foretold !
It dawns in blood -bedabbled gold,
'Mid awe, and shame, and prayer, and wonder,
And fire, and rage, and death, and thunder ;
The morn that ends a night more dread
Than that whose break showed Misraim's dead.
And twice ten thousand quenchless rays,
In awful, unresisted blaze,
Write broad above day's burning gate,
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! !
The day is here ! The hour is high !
This, this must be our battle-cry !
None else avails, nor ought, nor can,
While manhood is denied to man !
God wills it from eternal years,
We learn it slow, through stripes and tears ;
But learn at last, or learn we must,
"Til deeper agony and dust,
God's mandate to our guilty State,
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! !
Deep from ten thousand thousand hearts
The gathering echo swells and starts !
Hearts whose best life is wrung and riven ;
Hearts whose best blood Hke rain is given j
Hearts wise by all the woes they feel ;
Hearts true as trebly- tempered steel ;
They gave their bravest, day by day,
To worse than Juggernaut a prey ;
And now they cry, in holy hate,
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! !
Down with the wretch who dares withstand
This sole salvation of our land !
Who dares, what time her cannon roar,
What time her veins their life-blood pour,
To shield, through all her mortal strife,
The Hydra that assaults her life !
Contemns the aid Heaven long since chose,
And foils his country, not her foes !
Down with the wretch ! or small or great !
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! !
Dare to do right because 'tis right !
""Dare to be read by God's own sight !
Count not false friends, nor treacherous foes !
Who smites with God what powers oppose?
Strike he who dare ! Strike he who can !
A blow with heaven ! A blow for man !
Strike grandly in this hour sublime
A blow to ring through endless time t
Strike ! for the listening ages wait
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! 1
G. L. T.
From the Boston Christian Register.
OUTWARD CONQUESTS NOT ENOUGH.
'Tis not enough to overcome with arms, —
These may the body, not the mind, subdue :
A mightier foo within the spirit barms
Than that the armed warrior ever knew.
Here Ignorance and Error still prolong
Their ancient rule, and dread the coming light ;
And joined with them Ambition, Pride and Wrong
Muster their hosts, and, leagued with" darkness, light.
These not by carnal weapons are o'erthrown,
But by the power of light and truth aud love, —
Weapons the warrior's hands have never known,
Sent from the armory of God above, —
Boldness to speak the quick and powerful Word,
That sharper is than his two-edged sword ! J. V.
The gloomiest day bath gleams of light,
The darkest wave hath bright foam near
And twinkles through the cloudiest night
Some solitary star to obeer it.
THE FREED MEN OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
ADDRESS OF MR. J. M. McKIM,
At Sansom Hall, Philadelphia, on Wednesday evening,
the $th instant, to an audience invited by the Port Royal
Relief Committee— Stephen Colwell, Esq., in the Chair.
Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen : — I
am here to-night at the request of my friends and co-
adjutors of the Port Royal Relief Committee, to give
some account of a recent visit which, at their in-
stance, I have been paying to the Sea Islands of South
Carolina. My mission was one of observation and
inquiry, — its object being to obtain accurate informa-
tion as to the condition and wants of (he liberated
blacks, and the progress and promise of the free-labor
experiment there being made.
Before proceeding with my account, it may be
proper for me to make a few preliminary statements,
for the benefit of such — if such there be here — as may
not have given this subject their particular attention.
The successful bombardment by our fleet, under Com-
modore Dupont, of the two rebel forts at Port Royal,
put our forces in possession of all, or nearly all, that
rich and fertile portion of the Palmetto State known
as the Sea Islands. At the approach of our soldiers,
the planters fled to the main, carrying with them all
the property they coutd, including as many of their
Blaves, especially their house servants, as they could
induce or compel to accompany them.
They left behind them, however, nearly 10,000 of
their plantation slaves, a large proportion of whom
were aged, infirm and children. They left, also, con-
siderable stores of corn, and still more considerable
quantities of cotton. Of the latter, most was un-
gathered and on the stalk. The negroes showed
themselves so loyal and friendly, and in all respects so
well disposed, that our government concluded to em-
ploy them, at wages, in harvesting the cotton, and
baling it for market. The wages that were promised,
though moderate, were nominally — that is, in the in-
tentions of the government — all-sufficient; but when
they were disbursed in store goods at exorbitant rates,
by selfish and sordid agents, they amounted to but a
meagre pittance. Some of these cotton agents were
honorable and upright men; others were base and un-
scrupulous. Nevertheless, the blacks worked indus-
triously, and were content. As the result of their
labor, upwards of 1,100,000 pounds of this valuable
article was shipped to New York, there to be sold for
the benefit of the national treasury. Its value in dol-
lars and cents, and that of the labor which made it
available, may be estimated when I state that a lot,
some six weeks ago, brought seventy-two cents a
pound at auction. Since that time, the price has
greatly advanced.
Encouraged by the success of this enterprise, the
government — that is, Mr. Chase, by the advice of
friends — resolved to try the experiment of planting a
new crop. The undertaking was entrusted to Edward
L. Pierce, Esq., at that time a private in the ranks of
our volunteer army, at Portress Monroe; previously
a rising young lawyer at the bar of Boston. Mr.
Pierce waB a personal friend of Secretary Chase, and
had been at one time his private secretary. He had
proved his capacity for the work now confided to him
by the skill and judgment with which, while at Port-
resB Monroe, he had organized the "contrabands"
there, and turned to account their industry and labor.
Constituted Special Agent of the Treasury Depart-
ment, with certain powers, one of which was to or-
ganize a corps of assistants, and another to draw on a
fund placed at his disposal for the purchase of seeds,
implements, &c, necessary for the execution of his
task, Mr. Pierce repaired to Boston, and proceeded to
lay the facts of the case before his friends and the
public. In a short time, assisted by a Freedmen's
Association, which had been formed there, he organ-
ized a body of about fifty men and women to go to
Port Royal, there to labor as superintendents and
teachers; the superintendents to oversee the planting
of crops and the like, and the teachers to instruct the
children, and, as far as convenient, the adults in the
rudiments of learning; and both to inculcate upon all
habits of self-respect and self-support, and the lessons
of morality and religion.
While Mr. Pierce was thus at work in Boston, Mr.
Prench — Rev. Mansfield French — was similarly em-
ployed in New York. Mr. French had been an old
friend, also, of Mr. Chase. He was earnestly devoted
to the cause of freedom, and had taken a lively and
active interest in the blacks at Port Royal, from the
time our forces first occupied those islands. With his
aid, the association at New York selected upwards of
forty men and women to act as laborers in this work.
In a few weeks these ladies and gentlemen — for such
the chief of them were, eminently and in all re-
spects — were on the ground and at work.
In the meantime, the attention of the people of
Philadelphia was called to this subject. The state-
ments published in the newspapers, and the appeals
of General Sherman in behalf of the liberated blacks,
and of Commodore Dupont also, had created a lively
feeling in regard to the matter. A public meeting
was called, and National Hall, as you will remember,
was crowded to repletion. Bishop Potter presided,
and Dr. Tyng and others addressed the meeting, set-
ting forth in eloquent terms the pitiable condition of
the liberated blacks, their destitution, moral and ma-
terial, and the duty devolving on the people o# the
North to come to their relief. A permanent com-
mittee was appointed to raise funds, to procure food
and clothes for these suffering people, and otherwise
to carry out the purpose of the meeting. The com-
mittee organized, and went to work. In a short time,
they raised between five and six thousand dollars in
money, and a very considerable quantity of clothes,
new and second-hand. With part of the money they
purchased provisions — bacon, fish, and molasses —
which, with some twenty or thirty boxes of clothes,
they sent South with as little delay as possible. They
purchased and forwarded, also, considerable quantities
of new material for men's and women's wear, and
thread, needles, thimbles, and the like, with which to
make it up. At the same time, they sent a lady from
this city to superintend the distribution of these sup-
plies. Or, rather, a lady of this city voluntarily, and
from her own deep interest in the cause, went, and
there, at Port Royal, assumed the onerous task of
distributing, by gift and sale, these contributions of
Philadelphia charity. Soon were received in return
the most grateful acknowledgments from Mr. Pierce
and his coadjutors. The supplies had been most
timely, and had done great good. They had fed the
hungry, clothed the naked, cheered the hearts of the
blacks, and strengthened the hands of their white
friends.
The Committee, of course, were encouraged. They
desired to continue and to increase their gifts, but
they needed more accurate information. None of
them had ever been at Port Royal, nor had any of
them any personal knowledge in regard to what wbb
most needed. The people of New York and Boston
were better informed. Some from both of these cities
had been on the ground. It was deemed important
that one of our number should also go, and in person
make himself thoroughly acquainted with the position
of affairs. And because others more competent did
not feel at liberty to leave their business or their du-
ties at home, the lot fell upon me. Accompanied by
my daughter, I left New York in the steamer that
sailed for Port Royal on the 2d of June, and returned
in the Ericsson, which arrived at that city on the 28th
of the same month, having been gone about four
weeks. I spent between two and three weeks of tins
time in visiting the chief points of the principal
islands. I visited and inspected plantations on St,
Helena's and LadicB' Islands, and on the islands of
Port Royal and Hilton Head. I also touched at Edisto
and James Islands, where I had an opportunity of
making some inquiries. James Island, it will be re-
membered, was the scene of the lato disastrous en-
gagement between the rebel troops and our forces
under Gen. Benham. While gone, in pursuance of
the purpose of my mission, I talked with people of
all classes; with white and black, soldiers ahd sailors,
officers and privates, abolitionists and anti-abolitionists.
The result of my inquiries it is my business now to
state.
As to the experiment of working the negroes by
iges, and cultivating the land by free labor, I have
say that the enterprise has, thus far, in all respects,
been entirely successful. This is a fact beyond the
reach of cavil, and will not be denied by any honest
man having information sufficient to justify an opinion.
It does not rest on the testimony of any one man or
set of men, but on figures — arithmetical figures and
statistical tables — which have been submitted to the
world, and which challenge scrutiny. I allude par-
ticularly to Mr. Pierce's late report, which it is to be
presumed most here have read.
The success of the experiment is seen in the fact
that 14,000 acres of cotton, corn, and other provisions,
are now in an advanced and satisfactory state of culti-
vation, needing little more than a few weeks of ordi-
nary fair weather to ensure a liberal harvest. If our
arms should encounter no disastrous reverses, and
these crops should be favored with the customary al-
ternations of sunshine and shower, Mr. Pierce will
have furnished an argument- against slavery which
merchants on 'Change and business men will find it
impossible to resist. For, remember, that this experi-
ment has been made under the most unfavorable cir-
cumstances. It was not begun until full six weeks
after the usual time of commencing to prepare for the
new crop. The work, instead of beginning early in
February, was not started till the last of March.
Then the implements were altogether insufficient,
both in number and character. There was a lack of
hoes, plows, and horses to draw the plows. Then
the people were reluctant to work on cotton. They
were ready enough to go to work in raising corn, the
value and need of which they understood, but cotton
had been their old enemy; it had been the cause of
all their woes. To them it meant slavery. In this
reluctance they had been encouraged by our soldiers,
who had advised them not to raise cotton, which they
could not eat, but only corn, which would feed them,
and which would be their friend in the coming winter.
It required much effort to overcome this difficulty.
Then the superintendents were strangers to the work.
Few of them had ever seen a cotton plant outside of
a green-house, and some of them knew nothing prac-
tically of any kind of agriculture. They were stran-
gers to the country, to the people, to the usages, to
the climate, to everything, and all they had to depend
upon was their own good sense and good will for the
work, and the good sense and cooperative good will of
the blacks. These were some of the difficulties that
embarrassed the enterprise ; and yet, under all these
discouragements, 14,000 acres of cotton, corn and po-
tatoes have been put under successful culture. The
actual work has been done by about 3800 laborers,
that being the average number of able-bodied field
hands out of the 10,000.
The success of this experiment is further seen in
the contentment and happiness of the people. That
they are content is seen from their looks. Wherever
you go, you meet cheerful and happy faces. Their
words corroborate the language of their looks. " Oh
yes, massa, dese is good times." "Neber saw sich
good times afore." "Too good to last, massa; too
good to last." These are samples of the expressions
we heard wherever we went. And yet these peoplt
have been and are still working for very scanty wages.
Until this time, their pay has been almost wholly in
promises. But they are content. They have their
freedom. They have their food and clothes, and,
what they value more than anything else, they have
kind and sympathizing friends. There is but one
alloy to their happiness, that is, their fear of
sesesh." They cannot divest themselves of a dread
of their old masters' return. But for this, these black
people would be, what their former owners falsely
declared them to be, "the happiest peasantry in the
world."
To get a proper idea of these people's present con-
dition and feelings, it is only necessary to go on a
Sunday to one of their churches. I availed myself
of the earliest opportunity after my arrival to enjoy
this privilege. On the first day of the week there all
go to church, or rather to Sunday school, which is
generally held in the church. During the week, chil-
dren are taught (and to the number, in all the islands
of about 2500); but on Sunday people of all ages as
semble, and the superintendents and others act in the
capacity of teachers. On St. Helena's Island, the
Baptist church, a large brick building, was the place
of meeting. When I entered, though not late, the
house was well filled, and the exercises had begun,
The teachers were scattered throughout the congre
gation, and with elementary books and large cards
containing simple words were busy at work. These
cards comprised such sentences as, " God is love,
"Thou shalt not steal," "Fear God — walk in his
ways," &c, &c. In this manner they instructed the
minds of these eager and docile people in the ele-
ments of our language, while at the same time they
impressed upon their -hearts the lesson of morality
and religion. It was a pleasing sight. The people
were decorous in their behavior and tidy in their ap-
pearance. They were comfortably and even becom
ingly dressed, many of them wearing the clothes-
frocks and jackets, &c. — that had been sent to them
from Philadelphia.
Here were men and women who at home belonged
to diverse and often conflicting sects, all enga
heartily and fraternally in inculcating upon their
hearers the fundamental doctrines of a common re-
ligion. There stood, card in hand, with the up-
turned faces of a large class before him, young Mr.
Parke, son of Professor Parke, of Andover; next to
him, similarly occupied, stood Mr. Gannett, son
Rev. Dr. Gannett, successor to Dr. Channing. Not
far off" was the Rev. Mr. French, of the Methodist
church ; further on was Mr. Buggies, a graduate of
Yale ; and near him Mr. Hooper, an alumnus of
Harvard — the former a Presbyterian, the latter a Uni-
tarian. Near by stood the two ladies who have gone
out under the auspices of the Port Royal Relief Com-
mittee of Philadelphia, the one an earnest Baptist and
the other a conscientious and consistent member of
the 'church under the care of the Rev. Dr. Fum
Near them stood a young lady who was a member of
no religious denomination, but who had been tenderly
and conscientiously reared outside of sectarian pales,
on the outskirts of liberal Quakerism. Nevertheless,
her heart was as deeply interested in the work as that
of any of the rest, and she as well qualified for the
duty in hand. I thus specify, not to gratify curiosity,
but to describe practically the character and mode of
operation of the people engaged in this movement.
When the school was about to close, it was an-
nounced that there was a gentleman present from
Philadelphia, who would make some remarks. " Phil-
adelphia," it was added, " is the place from which were
sent that good bacon and that nice molasses." At
this the people's faces lit up with an expression of
pleasure and recognition. I was glad of the opportu-
nity to give utterance to my feelingB. I told the peo-
ple who I was, and what I had como for; that the
people of Philadelphia were much interested in their
condition; that we had heard different reports about
them ; that some said that the black people of South
Carolina were industrioiiB and well-disposed; willing
to work if well treated, and not needing the whip.
Others, that these blacks were lazy, and good for
nothing, spoiled by kind treatment, and unmanageable
without a master. That I had come to see what the
truth was on this and other subjects, and that I was
happy to say that I had a good report to carry back;
one that would delight the hearts of the many friends
who would be wanting to hear what I should have to
say. I had been pleased to have their assurances that
they thanked heartily their distant benefactors; but
that there might be no mistake on this head, I wiBhed
them now to tell inc, in their own words, just what to
say when I should get home. "Shall I repeat what
I have heard you say, that you thank them, and pray
God to bless them?" "Yes sa, yes massa," came
from different parts of the house. " Stand up," said
one, "and speak out for yourselves." Upon this they
all rose, and then followed a shower of expression.
"Tell em, tank em; tell em, tank em, massa. Tell
em, tank em too much. Tell em, God bless em; tell
em, God Almighty bless em." "I will," Baid I.
" The very first opportunity I get I shall deliver your
message." And now, my friends — you that have con-
tributed to this holy charity — I have only to add, that
the blessings of the poor, and of them that have been
ready to perish, have come upon you.
As I was leaving the house, I was met at the door
by a group whose hearts had not been sufficiently re-
lieved, and who needed further expression. Said one
woman : " Tell de Philadelphy people we tank em too
much, massa, too much." This, by the way, is a
common phrase with these people when they want to
express themselves strongly. It is a sort of fourth
degree of comparison, as it were — "much, more, very
much, and too much." We heard it frequently used
when they would be speaking of their contentment
and gratitude. One man in the group took my hand,
and said: "Tell em, tank em; tell em, God bless
em;" and, as if straining for a climax, he added, in
very fair English, " Give 'em my compliments."
The success of this enterprise is further proved by
the industry, sobriety and susceptibility to control of
these people. Every day of the week, except Sun-
day, they were to be seen busily engaged at work.
Idlers and loafers there may have been, and doubtless
were, but they never fell under my observation. Mr.
Wickliffe said at the anti-emancipation meeting, lately
held in New York, that at Port Royal he had under-
stood the negroes would hot work, and that for every
man was needed a special drive*. If Mr. Wickliffe
had said that black was white, or that two and two
did not make four, his assertion would not have been
more directly contrary to tire' truth.
These plantations are worked by purely voluntary
labor; the driver, now called leader, having no power
to force, and the superintendents having an average
each of five or six plantations to oversee, which, being
often miles distant, they can only attend to by occa-
sional visits. The blacks are very tractable. A threat
of the law operates like magic. A superintendent
told me that a driver on one of his plantations was
unruly. He reasoned with him, but the driver was
obstinate. At last he said, " If you don't go to work,
I will speak to the Provost Marshal, and have you
arrested." The effect was instant. The man was
both overawed and flattered — flattered because he had
now risen to the dignity of being subject to law. He
was not to be handed to the overseer for a hundred
lashes, but he was to be arrested! The law, potent
witli all ignorant people, is trebly powerful with these,
They are especially tractable under the management
of Northern people. There is a universal feeling of
admiration for and gratitude to the Northerners,
Though badly treated by some of our soldiers,
officers and privates, they are discriminating, and give
the " Yankees" due credit and more for all that can
be claimed for ub. They are especially grateful and at-
tached to the teachers and superintendents. They
think Northern "gentle people" "purtier and purtier
behaved " than " secesh gentle people." For they
see in these Northern gentlemen and ladies not only
all the external grace of their old masters and mis-
tresses, but superadded a genial courtesy — an easy
and sympathetic condescension — which they had not
dreamed of before in white people. These young
scholars from Cambridge and Yale, and young mer-
chants from Boston and New York, come into their
huts, take off their hats, sit down on their benches,
listen with interest to their talk, and shed tears at the
recital of their wrongs. I speak literally. No man
with flesh in his heart can listen without emotion to
the stories they tell. These ladies visit their Bick ;
put their soft white hands into the rough hands of the
women field laborers ; dress their sores, and otherwii
minister to their daily wants. Such kindness, such
tender and beautiful attentions, they had never before
thought possible ; as a consequence, the teachers and
superintendents thus acting can do with these simple
people just what they please.
The contrast drawn by the blacks between North-
ern and Southern manners is not an unjust one. Slave-
holders are, as a class, essentially vulgar and ill-bred.
They may be familiar with the forms of politeness,
but they are without its spirit. "Vulgarians may pass
for a time, with their equals or superiors, for ladies and
gentlemen, &at when they get among those whom
they regard as below them, they are sure to betray
themselves. "Be pitiful, be courteous, condescend
to men of low estate," are maxims of Christianity, the
justice of which is acknowledged by the highest civil-
ization. A man's behavior to his inferiors is the best
test of his breeding. Tried by this, slaveholders, as
a class, are essentially vulgar.
I have many facts in my note-book on this head,
which, if there were time, would illustrate this point.
I have scraps of the private history of leading ladies
and gentlemen in Beaufort and round about, with
names and circumstances, which show that the airs
of superiority assumed by these people are utterly un-
supported by character, *iid indicate that their pre-
tensions from beginning to end are a lie and a sham.
That the present condition of there people is in fa-
vorable contrast with that under their masters is evi-
dent from their songs, which constitute a striking fea-
ture in their manifestations of character. They are a
musical people. When they work in concert, as in
rowing or grinding at the mill, their hands keep time
to music. Their boat songs are the ones most fre-
quently heard. The islands are made and permeated
by rivers and 'creeks, and the boat furnishes the most
common mode of locomotion.
When the negroes begin to row, they at the same
time begin to sing. All their songs are in the minor
key. If one chances to begin on the major, it quick-
ly saddens, and passes into the minor. Their songs
are all religious, barcaroles and all. I speak without
exception. So far as I heard or was told of their
singing, it was all religious. None of their songs ex-
press mirth or present joy. The only joy expressed
or implied is that of hope. " Rest at last " was their
general burthen. " Heaven is my home ; " " Have a
little patience;" "God will deliver" — these and the
like were the refrains of all their ballads.
There was one which on shore we heard more than
any other, and which was irresistibly touching. It
was a sort of ballad, known as " Poor Rosy, Poor
Gal." It is almost impossible to give an idea of the
effect of this or any of their songs by a mere recital
or description. They are all exceedingly simple, both
in sentiment and music. Each stanza contains but a
single thought, set in perhaps two or three bars of mu-
sic; and yet as they sing it, in alternate recitative
and chorus, with varying inflections and dramatic ef-
fect, this simple aud otherwise monotonous melody
will, to a musical ear and a heart susceptible of im-
pression, have all the charm of variety. Take, for
instance, a few stanzas from the dirge of " Poor Rosy."
Fancy the first line sung in the major key, and the
two following changed by an easy transition, and with
varying inflections, into the minor, and you will have
some idea of the effect : —
Poor Rosy, poor gal !
Poor — Rosy — poor — gal !
P-o-o-r R-o-s-y, p-o-o-r g-a-1 I
Heaven shall bo my home.
Hard trial on my way !
Hard — trial — on — my — way !
II-a-r-d t-r-i-a-1 o-n m-y w-a-y !
Hoaven shall bo my homo.
Wonder what de peoplo want of me t
Wonder — what — de people — want — of me?
W-o-n-d-o-r w-h-a-t d-o p-e-o-p-l-e w-a-n-t o-f- me ?
Heavon shall be my home.
When I talk, I talk with God I
When— I— talk— I— talk— with— God !
W-h-c-n I t-a-I-k, I t-a-l-k w-i-t-h G-o-d !
Heaven shall bo my home.
I asked one of these blacks — one of the most intel-
ligent I had met — where they got these songs. " Dey
make em, sar." "How do they make them?" Af-
ter a pause, evidently casting about for an explana-
tion, he said, " I'll tell you ; it's dis way : My master
call me up, and order me a short peck of corn and a
hundred lash. My friends see it, and is sorry for me.
When dry come to de praise meeting dat night, dey
sing about it. Some's very good singers, and know
how ; and dey work it in, work it in, you know, till
dey get it right; and dat's de way." A very satisfac-
tory explanation.
I said these songs were all in the minor key. This
was a mistake. They have one that has a cheerful,
id, bb it sounded when I first heard it, a hilarious
ring. It is a new one, made, as they said, "since
Becesh times." It runs thus: —
No more driver call for me,
No more driver call ;
No more driver call for me —
Many a thousand die.
No more peck of corn for me,
No more peck of corn ;
No more peek of corn for me —
Many a thousand die.
No more hundred lash for me,
No more hundred lash ;
No more hundred Jasb for me —
Many a thousand die.
And so on, recounting all the incidents of slave life.
When I first heard this song, I was going up from
Hilton Head to Beaufort in a boat rowed by a half-
dozen men detailed from the first regiment of South
Carolina volunteers. They were in fine voice and
spirits, and the echoes came back from the inletB of
Ladies and St. Helena with fine effect. As we passed
along, we encountered a boat-load of black people row-
ing in the opposite direction. They were acquaint-
ances of our oarsmen, and after the first salutation,
asked what those clothes meant. Our crew were
dressed in the blue blouse and pants and felt hat which
constitute the uniform of the regiment. They ex-
plained — one of them adding, in a tone of laughing
triumph, " We'se Uncle Sam's chil'n now, we'se Un-
cle Sam's chil'n ; we're none of yourfiel' han's." The
others looked envious, and passed on. The fact that
these people are thought worthy to be enlisted as sol-
diers adds to their self-respect.
I dwell on these songs, not as a matter of entertain-
ment, but of instruction. They tell the whole Btory
of these people's life and character. There is no
need, after hearing them, to inquire into the history of
the slave's treatment. Recitals of this kind one will
hear enough of, whether he desires it or not ; for these
people, having now, for the first time in their lives,
sympathetic listeners, pour out their hearts in narra-
tions which nothing but flint can resist.
I ought to add, before leaving this subject, that their
songs, like their talk, are couched in a barbarous, Af-
ricanized sort of English, and are sometimes quite un-
intelligible. In the specimens I have here given, I
have not followed their pronunciation.
The success of a judicious system of free labor at
the South is insured by the large development on the
part of the blacks of the religious sentiment. As per-
sons deprived of one sense acquire greatersusceptibil-
ity in those that remain, so it would seem that these
people, degraded in body, stunted in intellect, scarred
and twisted out of shape ia their muscular and mental
forms of existence, have acquired additional strength
in their spiritual life. Religion is universal among
them. To be sure, in most cases it is a mere senti-
ment or habit, and not sufficient to preserve them
against temptation ; but in many cases it is a living
and active operative principle. Their convictions are
strong and their experiences vivid. They speak of
" seeing God " and " hearing God " with a simplicity
of faith which sounds fanatical, but which to the phi-
losophic mind is quite consistent with reason. Their
spiritual conceptions are like sight or sound ; and thus
it is that they are supported in their trials. God is a
present refuge to them in every time of trouble.
"Francis," said I to an old gray-haired man who was
conning over his spelling-book, "why do you take the
trouble to learn to read 1 You say it is hard work, and
very discouraging; why do you try ? " "Because,
massa, I want to be satisfied ; I want to read de Word
of God." "But can't you know the word of God
without reading it in a book ? " " Yes, massa, I do
know it, I know it here.'" striking himself On the
breast; "but I want to read it for myself." I had
asked the same question of an elderly woman, on the
Sunday previous, at Sunday school. She was one of
those spiritual-faced ones whom you will sometimes
find among the most illiterate. Her countenance told
a story of suffering and of triumph. " Tamar," said I,
" why, at your age, do you take so much trouble to
learn to read?" "Because I want to read de Word
of de Lord." " But can't you know the word of the
Lord without reading it ? " " Yes, massa, I car hear it,
but I want to read it." "How can you hear it?"
" I hear de voice here," laying her hand on her
breast. " I have hearn it, massa." " When, Tamar,
did you ever hear it?" Turning upon me her full
and deep eyes, she said : "One morning, sa; one
morning I went out to de woods before daylight to
pray. My heart was full of sorrow : and when I was
praying, de Lord spoke to me." "And what did he
say, Tamar? " He said, " Tamar ! all you'se sins is
forgiven ; you're my chile." " Well," said I, waiting
for her to go on. " Den I was filled with lub and joy ;
my heart was full of lub for everybody." "Not for
your old master too, Tamar?" "Yes, sir, for my
master and eberybody." Now, who will say that
this old woman had not heard the voice of God? And
whose religious faith will bear a stronger test than
hers ?
Religion has afforded these people their only re-
source ; they have no amusements, no diversions, no
social visiting. Their children have no plays — no
games whatever. The " praise-house" (prayers-
house, as the hut in which they hold their meetings is
called) is their only* recreation. Here, as one of their
songs goes, they
Tin
and pray
r souls away
in sweet forgetfulness of their wrongs,
The night after the bacon arrived from Philadel-
phia, the people on Pope's plantation gathered in the
"praise-house," and sung and prayed till broad day-
light. In the camp of the black regiment there is,
I was told, a prayer-meeting in one or the other of
the tents every night. I may add, in passing, that
there is no better behaved set of men on Hilton
Head than this same "First Regiment of South
Carolina Volunteers." Their appearance, in their
dark blue uniform and felt hat, is picturesque. They
handle the musket with as much dexterity as other
new recruits, and their proficiency in marching is
more rapid. Their camp is kept neat and tidy, and
they compare well in all respects with others of more
favored complexion. As for their military capacity
and the wisdom of General Hunter in enrolling them
as soldiers, I say nothing here ; not for want of well-
settled convictions on these points, but because these
points arc not embraced in the range of inquiry, the
results of which it is my business here to report.
But I must hasten on. I should be glad to speak
here of the relation which this movement sustains to
military people and affairs in South Carolina,and of the
deep interest in its success which has been taken by
distinguished officers of the army and navy. I refer
more particularly to General Hunter and Commodore
Dupont. Both of these gentlemen — and they are in
all respects gentlemen — more than can be said of many
others high in military and naval command — have
shown themselves philanthropists, as well as patriots,
ith a just sense of the honor of the country, by the
care they have taken, to protect and provide for the
unhappy people who have been thrown upon the na-
tion's charity.
The Port Royal Relief Committee, more deeply im-
pressed than ever with the importance of their work,
desire now to prosecute it with increased efficiency.
They will be calling for funds and clothes, and super-
intendents for the plantations, and teachers. There
will be no need hereafter to send provisions; the Gov-
ernment will see to that. But clothes for the aged,
for the infirm, and for children, will have to come for
a while yet from the charities of the people.
The able-bodied can support themselves, hut they
must be protected from imposition. It is contem-
plated by the Committee to establish a store on one
of the islands, at which goods can be bought at rates
covering first cost and transportation. This is deemed
necessary to save these poor people from the exac-
tions to which they are subject from the traders and
utlers, who rob them of their money, and then slan-
der their character.
Thirty new superintendents are needed at this mo-
ment on plantations. Of these Boston will furninh
ten, New York ten, and Philadelphia ought to send
the other ten. General Saxton, on the part of the
government, will pay these superintendents fifty dol-
lars a month. Teachers are also wanted. These will
derive their support from the Relief Committee ; their
pay will not be such as to make the appointment an
object, as it will not exceed twenty-five dollars a
month.
The qualifications needed by both superintendents
and teachers are good health, good sense, and a hearty
good will for the work. Of the ninety odd who went
out last spring, quite a number proved incompetent.
They had not gone from the right motive, nor were
they of the right spirit. Some went hoping the cli-
mate would be good for their health, or from a spirit
of romance, or to see a semi-tropical country with its
peculiar productions, or in a spirit of sectarian re-
ligious zeal, or from some other motive not essentially
unselfish, and in harmony with an all-pervading de-
sire to be useful. Such people soon get tired ; or
their coadjutors get tired of them. There was a great
deal of work to be done; and to them the life was
one of dull and monotonous drudgery. They have
consequently come home. Those that remain have a
heart for the work. It is their delight. The good
they do is palpable, and they have the reward in their
own bosoms. More of such are needed, especially as
superintendents. For this field it is not the pushing,
driving, and rough-and-tumble kind of people, that
are sometimes called " practical," that are most
needed. The forces of chief avail here are spiritual
forces, such as proceed from a heart devoted to the
work, and from manners and character that inspire
respect. The best educated and best bred people,
other things being equal, are the best qualified for
usefulness in this enterprise. The blacks have quick
intuitions in these matters ; and a man of coarse na-
ture is sure to be detected. Experience at Port Royal
has proved that refinement in a superintendent is all-
important, both in order to commend the man to the
confidence of the blacks, and the enterprise to the re-
spect of white cavillers around, who are ever on the
look-out for grounds of objections. But I will add
nothing more on this point — broad as is the subject —
nor on any other, at this time. The night is hot, and
I have trespassed already too long on your forbear-
ance. Thanking you for your patience, I here ab-
ruptly close my remarks.
[Mr. McKim spoke for an hour and three-quarters.
He was listened to with the closest attention, aDd was
frequently interrupted by applause. His allusions to
the black regiment, and to the handsome behavior of
General Hunter and Commodore Dupont toward the
free labor experiment, elicited especial marks of ap-
probation.]
"We know not where else so much autbkn-
tic intelligence of the rebellion can be ob-
TAINED."
" No OTHER WORK POSSESSES THE VALDE AS A
WORK OP REFERENCE,"
" IT IS RELIABLE, COMPLETE, AND DESIRABLE."
Rebellion Record,
Edited by FRANK MOORE,
Is the only publication which gives the HISTORY OP
THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR FREE GOV-
ERNMENT NOW GOING ON.
IT IS
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posted up in relation to this
GREAT REBELLION.
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before the Country,
BT EDWARD EVERETT.
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THE LIBERATOR
— 18 PUBLISHED —
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AT
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Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof"
" I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil-
itary authority takes, for the time, the place ©f all munic-
ipal institutiona, and SLAVERY AMONG TILE REST;'
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive.
management of the subject, not only the President or
the Ukited States, but the Commander of the Aruy,
HAS POWER TO ORDER TJIE UNIVERSAL EMAN-
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES, f . . . From the instant
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
ctvil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of Congress oxtond to interference with the institution of
slavery, is every way in which it can be interfered
■with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de-
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
j has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac-
| cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war,
j an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu-
i tiona swept by the board, and martial power takes the
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial
; array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman-
I cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J, Q. Adajo,
TO. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor.
#w toninj is tUt wemM, m Oflmttttrymen mt all tjftraftind.
J. E. YERRINTON & SON, Printers.
VOL. XXXII. 3STO. 31.
BOSTON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 1, 1862.
WHOLE NO. 1643.
iefnp tal (foyimmm.
A SERIOUS SUBJECT.
"We are told by a gentleman who heard him, that
Parker Pillsbury, the embittered Abolitionist, deliv-
ered a Sunday harangue to a crowded audience in
Milford, Worcester Co., Mass., last Sunday. He
painted in vivid colors the horrors of the war, and
told them not to enlist; urged them to discourage re
cruiting — until such time as the Administration de-
clared for an abolition war. This is the ground taken
by Gov. Andrew, in his letter to the Secretary of
War, in which he stated the terms on which Massachu-
setts would consent to furnish volunteers. Pillsbury
abused the President, and ridiculed the policy of the
war; depicted the agonies endured by the wounded
soldiers — the shrieking shot and shell, the mangled
bodies, the returning soldier with stooping form, sal-
low cheek, and bending crutch. He said it would he
folly for our young men to go down there and be made
targets for the rifles of Jefferson Davis, until there was
a proclamation of abolition, and then lie recommended
fight." — Hartford Times.
We have recently had occasion to lay before our
readers the proceedings of the Essex County Abo-
lition Society, the resolutions of which were so
thoroughly disloyal that they shocked all who read
them. They were offered by the same person
named in the above paragraph. We recall, in this
m connection, the recent letter of Senator Sumner in
reply to an invitation which was sent to him to at-
tend the New York Union meeting. We extract a
sentence, which demands Mr. Pillsbury's profound
attention : —
"To this end the cries of faction must be silenced,
and the wickedness of sedition, whether in print or public
speech, must be suppressed. These are the Northern allies
of the rebellion. An aroused and indignant people,
with iron heel, ought to tread them out forever, as
men tread out the serpent so that it can neither hiss
nor sting."
Does Mr. Sumner wish it to be believed that he
is really in favor of suppressing those seditious
men, his friends and admirers, who are to-day pre-
venting the enlistment of the young men, sons of
Abolitionists, who make up Essex County societies,
and attend of a Sunday on the preaching of Mr.
Wendell Phillips in Boston? If he does, we shall
hear him open his lips in Boston to denounce these
men. He will boldly risk his reelection to the Sen-
ate by using bis influence to silence the sedition he
professes to abhor. Perhaps we have mistaken him,
and he did not have these men in mind when he
wrote the sentence. But they are the only men who
oppose enlistments, and distinctly avow enmity to the
Gsmern^nent, excepting the Southern rebels. We
suggest the subject in all seriousness to Mr. Sumner,
as one demanding his attention as a patriot. He
can do instant and vast good. He has great influ-
ence with all that class of men. He knows, as we
all know, that they utterly refuse to enlist, or to
send their ^ons to the war, and that this is due, at
least in part, to the teachings of their leaders ; we
cannot think it is entirely due to personal disincli-
nation to fight the battles of the Union. But if
Mr. Sumner desires to do a noble service to the
Government, let him now persuade the Abolitionist
leaders in Boston to enlist personally, and bring in
their men with them. If they are loyal, they will
do it; and as they boast of loyalty, and freely call
all who do not agree with them traitors, we submit
that the opportunity is good for testing their alle-
giance.
We say frankly, that we don't believe they are
loyal. If this man Pillsbury is a fair specimen, and
he is certainly high in their church, they are as disloy-
al as the men that fought against us at Richmond.
The present state of the enlistments makes tins
matter a much more serious business than Mr. Pills-
bury seems to imagine it. The danger is imminent ;
the necessity of the Government presses as never
before. In ordinary times, he and his like are of too
small account to be noted, and arrest and imprison-
ment would only give them coveted martyrdom.
But now, when discouragements of the smallest kind.
drive us toward the necessity for drafting, and a
single obstacle may make expensive and difficult
measures necessary, it is wicked, even to criminali-
ty, for any man to pursue this course in a loyal
State. And inasmuch as imprisonment is considered
martyrdom by such fanatics and their followers, it
is worth consideration whether a law cannot be
passed condemning these men, who are preaching
enmity to the Government in Worcester and in
Boston, to be passed through our lines before Rich-
mond, and into the lines of the rebels, where they
belong, as enemies to t 
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