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Full text of "The liberator"

THE LIBERATOR 

— IS PUHL19HED — 

EVERT FRIDAY MORNING, 

321 "WASHINGTON STREET, BOOM No. 0. 



KOBEKT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



J^" TERMS — Two dollars and fifty conts per annum, 
in advance. 

E^" Five copies will bo sent to ono address for tin dol- 
lars, if payment i3 naado in advance. 

|jb^" All remittances are to bo made, and all letters 
relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper aro to be 
directed (post paid) to tho General Agent. 

85P Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo cents 
per line. 

$W Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies aro 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

55P" Tho following gentlomon constitute tho Financial 
Committee, but aro not responsible for any debts of tho 
j/aper, viz: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Qoracr, Ed- 
mund Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Je. 




"Proclaim Liberty throughout all tho land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof;'' 

" I lay this down as tho law of nations. I Bay that mil- 
itary authority takes, for tho time, tho place of all munic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST; 
and that, under that state of things, bo far from its being 
true that tho States whero slavery exists have tho exclusive* 
management of tho subject, not only tho President or 
the Uniteh States, hut tho Cohmamdeb of the Arkt, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF TIIE SLAVES. * . . From the instant 
that tho slareholding States become the theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with tho institution of 
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
etroyed, to tho cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it ho a war of. invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has powor to carry on tho war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by tho board, and martial power takes thb 
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, tho commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J. Q. Ada**, 



"WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



©ur $mmtru i$ tbt WmU, out* $mmtrpwu mt »U irtitutmid. 



J. B. TERRINTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 27. 



BOSTON, FRIDA-Y, JULY 4, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1645. 



kfitft of ©pjmssjStau- 



SLAVERY POREVER I 4 

The Missouri State Convention having refused 
even to entertain a proposition for a gradual and 
compensated emancipation in that State, the Boston 
Post coolly says : — 

It is not material, in our view of the case, what 
considerations lead the people of Missouri to take 
this view of their duty; still it is worth while to 
hear what the friends of non-action say about it. 
The Convention has declined, the St Louis Republi- 
can says, " to bring new dividing issues into our 
politics to distract the harmony of the loyal people, 
and launch the community, not yet recovered 
from the exhausting struggles of the last twelve 
months, upon discussions (.hey arc in no temper to en- 
tertain, much less decide. In a word, it has very 
quietly, by a vote of nearly three to one — fifty-two 
to nineteen are the exact figures — expressed the 
opinion, that the present is not a time to agitate 
the question of emancipating the slaves of this State." 
We- should suppose that the common sense portion 
of the people, even here in Massachusetts, would 
say at once that this was a wise decision. But, un- 
happily, everything here is made to centre on sla- 
very; very honest people are under the hallucina- 
tion that the Union will be nothing, unless at once 
everyman of the negro race is made free; trie belief in 
Charles Sumner's prophetical afflatus is very gene- 
ral : and the present leaders of the Republican par- 
ty, being very desirous to enjoy the honors and 
emoluments that flow from the State House and 
Washington are determined to use this hallucina- 
tion. Hence the sway of common sense is very 
doubtful, while adroit leaders still very successfully 
use the slavery question to perpetuate their power. 
But will nothing open the eyes of the people to 
the suicidal work of ruin to which these selfish lead- 
ers are hurrying them ? Their course, on its mer- 
its, cannot stand a moment. The people of Massa- 
chusetts and of New England may not like this de- 
cision, and deplore this state of feeling; they may 
affirm that this shows in that State an inferior plane 
of civilization ; they may say it is immeasurably 
short of the ideal that our advance corps of reform- 
ers have before them as their excelsior, which can 
be seen at work in any of the anti-slavery conven- 
tions when black spirits and white fraternize. But 
this is not the question at all. The point is, not 
what the feelings or ideal of the immaculate Charles 
Sumner may be, or of Massachusetts may be, but 
what right have we here in Massachusetts to say 
that North Carolina shall open schools to teach the 
blacks to read, or to say that Missouri shall eman- 
cipate her slaves"? Are we here in New England 
to enter upon the business of saying to the State of 
Missouri, you shall declare the negroes in your limits 
to be freemen, and shall allow them to remain as such 
in your limits ? This intermeddling policy, this propa- 

fandist policy, is now the civil question of the time. 
t has fairly come to this. 
The signs of the times are alarming as to civil af- 
fairs. Those who have hope for our country can 
have little hope, if the monstrous test of loyalty is to 
be the immediate emancipation of the slaves. This 
would be revolutionary. . Indeed, the politicians, un- 
scrupulous partisans, men who have greedy hands 
in the public crib — the Abolitionists alike with the 
Secessionists — are the real enemies in our unhappy 
country. 

A SPECIMEN OF MAINE DEMOOBAOY. 

I desire hero to remark that, I do not, by any 
means, in what I say, allude to the conservative ma- 
jority of the Republican party. I speak only of the 
intensified abolition element, which, though con- 
temptibly inferior in point of numbers, still manages 
to tone the policy of that whole political organiza- 
tion. The real struggle in the Republican camp to- 
day is, on the part of a few old fashioned Abolition- 
ists, to wield the power of that party and the tri- 
umphant results of this war to the promotion of 
their old but ever-repudiated fanatical desires. It is 
with this faction, really, that the loyal feeling of the 
country has now to deal. By its vigorous asperity, 
it domineers over the real strength of the Republi- 
can party to-day. It is, confessedly, at the bottom 
of this war. It announces, under the shadow of the 
White House even, through the lips of Phillips, &c, 
that Union dissolution is, and ever has been, its pur- 
pose and design. Those infamous declarations were 
greeted with undisguised applause by Vice President 
Hamlin, Senators Wilson and Sumner, Garrison, 
Fred Douglas, et omne genus. These men, some of 
them, are sworn to support the Constitution of which 
this traitor Phillips is a confessed but happily-balked 
assassin, and to whom, with these treasonable sen- 
tences yet resting behind his teeth, they extend the 
right hand of political fellowship I 

That sentiment yet applauds Hunter's proclama- 
tion—it assails the policy of Lincoln — it sustains the 
coarse and brutal ambition of Secretary Stanton — 
it yells for blood, and dreads only a constitutional 
Union reorganization, resting upon the foundation 
upon which the Fathers of the Republic originally 
placed it. 

In the same boat must go over the great politi- 
cal Niagara of popular repudiation, Abolitionism, 
Mainc-lawism, and all the other humbug organiza- 
tions which have now too long afflicted the peace 
and prosperity of the people. There will be, com- 
paratively speaking, no difficulty in bringing this 
war to a close when the people shall choose to choke 
down those voices, in and out of Congress, and in 
and out of State Legislatures, which, tor miserable 
personal purposes, are daily feeding the fires of re- 
bellion. 

We, in Maine, are a loyal, " Aarr/-fisted " people. 
We do not understand the treasonable sophistry 
which rules in sentences such as these. We mean 
the Union,— &m\ we do not mean anything else, — 
do not care to study the halting patriotism of the 
following: — 

"But if the President will sustain General Hunter, 
and recognize all men, even blade men, as legally capa- 
ble of that loyalty the blacks arc waiting to manifest, 
and let them fight, with God and human nature on their 
side, the roods will swarm, if need be, with multitudes, 
whom New England would pour out to obey your call. 
Your obedient servant, John A. Andiiew." 

That Mr. Lincoln has found himself obliged to 
brave and leave the phantom theories of the Chicago 
platform, is hut another and familiar recognition of 
the great truth that only upon Democratic principles 
can this Government be either administered or even 
preserved. That fact is so — else why have these 
dusky Republican leaders, behind the llimsy dis- 
guises of lame and halting professions, left to Demo- 
crats not only the stern performances of the battle- 
field, but the superadded duty of defending his war 
policy against their covert and malignant assaults? 
The "roads of New England will swarm," says 
your Governor, "if this war can bo converted into 
a negro-arming, emancipation, Abby Folsom war I 



otherwise, our young men are pre-occupied I " That 
is both rich and patriotic — in street phrase, rather 
" mixed." Allow me to say, that in that response of 
your Governor to the appeal of the Federal authori- 
ties for the means of its own self-preservation, he 
displayed the open, black palm of a most intense 
Abolition hand. No one can doubt his intellectual 
ability ; but who, after reading this most singular re- 
sponse, can confess to his patriotism ? Abhorrence, 
on all hands, greeted its publication here. We in 
Maine are a hard-fisted people. There are no " its " 
or "conditions" in our determination to support 
the Federal Government in putting down this war 
Our Governor said at the opening of this strife, that 
a " conditional Union man was an unconditional 
traitor." Whose head does that cap fit ? — manu- 
factured, too, by a Republican Governor ? — Corre- 
spondence of the Boston Post, Augusta, Me. 



WHAT DANIEL WEBSTER SAID. 

To the Editors of the N. Y. Express : 

" THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT." 

Soon after this declaration was made by its dis- 
tinguished author, and his followers, the abolitionists 
and fanatics, had joined hands and formed a party 
organization, a great and good man, who still lives — ■ 
in memory— said, in the hearing of the writer of this, 
as follows, to wit : " If these infernal fanatics and 
abolitionists ever get power in their hands, they will 
override the Constitution, -set the Supreme Court at 
defiance, change and make laws to suit themselves, lay 
violent hands on those /oho differ with them in their 
opinion, or dare question their infallibility ; and, final- 
ly, bankrupt the country and deluge it with blood ! " 

Happy for the far-seeing author of the above, he 
did not live to see his prediction fulfilled. He now 
"sleeps his last sleep"; but he will ever " live in 
the hearts of his countrymen," while those whom he 
so truly denounced will only be remembered to be 
cursed by their countrymen and the whole civilized 
world ! They deserve to be hanged — ought to have 
been hanged before the present " civil " war com- 
menced, and then we should have had peace and 
prosperity, instead of war and ruin. Well, they 
may get their just deserts yet, for " God is just," and 
" truth is mighty and will prevail." 

Oh, that " all men " would learn to respect, up- 
hold, defend and live up to the glorious Constitution 
our fathers made, — mind their own business, and not 
meddle with that which does not concern them,— 
the only way we can ever get the Union restored, 
and live together in peace and prosperity. 

Truth. 

[Our correspondent gives both his name and ad- 
dress.] 

CHARLES SUMNER, 

The New Bedford Standard sounds tho alarm for 
Sumner. It smells his defeat, and calls upon " the 
rural districts" to come in, and save him from the 
plots of the " aristocracy." It takes it for granted 
that the Republicans can have no other candidate 
but him, oblivious apparently of the 10'dy, rotund lit- 
tle gentleman at the Stale House, and, of what is far 
stronger, the sound conservative sentiment which 
will appear in its retributive strength when the 
time comes, and strive to put in place of (Ae whining, 
.shallow rhetorician, who, for twelve years, has been 
an arch-agitator in Congress, a man capable of fairly 
representing Massachusetts, her patriotism and busi- 
ness interests, and of wielding properly the influence 
conferred by the honored Commonwealth upon her 
delegates in Washington. Surely, there is a better 
time coming for the old Bay State ; a time when 
she may point with some of her old pride to her 
Senators, and no longer blush at their incapacity, 
their demagogism, their utter want of statesmanlike 
qualities, their persistent, absorbing negrophilism, and 
indifference to the true needs of the hour. Such a 
time is foreshadowed by the New Bedford radical, 
which perks up its head to shout an anti-slavery cry 
in behalf of Charles Sumner, betraying its fear and 
his by an early demonstration of the weakness of its 
candidate throughout the State, and its dread of the 
reaction that already sounds his political death-knell. 
— Boston Post. 



[From tho Boston Courier.] 

Mr. Cox, of Ohio, has prepared the epitaph be- 
low upon the Congress of which he is a member. 
The people are impatiently expecting its dissolution, 
the erection of its monument, the conspicuous in- 
scription of the epitaph, as a memorial to all future 
times. Warning enough it lias already afforded of 
the infinite evils which have resulted from electing 
men to national office upon sectional grounds — of 
the advantage it has afforded to the radical gang, of 
the embarrassments in which it has involved many 
men whose sentiments and convictions are averse to 
radicalism, of the irreparable mischiefs which have 
thence overwhelmed the country. When the body 
of this Congress is dissolved, its spirit will evaporate. 
In tho words of Dr. Watts, it may now be said of it— 

" Ita memory and its sense aro gone " — 
and then we can complete the couplet — 

" Aliko unknowing and unknown." 

EPITAPH. 

HERE LIE THE ABIIES OF THE XXXVII. CONGRESS 

It found the United States in a war of 

gigantic proportions, involving 

ITS VEJtY EXISTENCE. 

It was content to wield the sceptre of Power 

and accept the emoluments of office, 

and used thoun to overthrow 

the political and social system of the country which 

IT WAS SWORN TO PROTECT. 

It saw the fate of thirty-four white Commonwealths in 

peril, but it babbled of the 

neoro ! 

It saw patriotic generals and soldiers in the 

field under the old flag; 

It slandered the one, and in the absence of the other, 

IT DESTROYED HIS MEANS OF LABOR.' 

It talked of Liberty to the black, and piled 

burdens of taxation on white people 

for schemes Utopian. 

The people launched at it the thunderbolt 

OF TimiR WRATH, 

and its members sought to avoid punishment 

by creeping into dishonored 

political graves ! 

Requiescat ! 



tlttixnut* 



lite Jacut. When are we to see this session of 
Congress end ? It cannot adjourn, after fixing a 
tax bill, too soon for the good of the country. Wen- 
dell Phillips says Sumner rules the Senate and 
Lovejoy rules the House, and then claims that the 
Abolition element rules them. Too much, far too 
much has there been to justify this allegation. At 
any rate, the Abolitionists are in extacies at the 
course of the ultras; and as the radicals rise, the 
country will sink. The distrust and disgust for 
this Congress are daily increasing. It is ruled, not 
by high aims of statesmanship, but by small, adroit 
men, who are engineering ibr party. — Boston Post. 



ON THE RECOGNITION OP HAYTI, AND ON 
HATTIAN AMBASSADORS. 

The bitterest pill that the Border State slave- 
masters have had to swallow this session has been 
the recognition of the independence of the national- 
ity of Hayti. One of the most eminent statesmen 
of the country, — a man careful of his words,— its 
speaking of this measure, described it as " a stupen- 
dous event." The newspapers have not said much 
about it, for the reason that the war-fever prevents 
editors from thinking carefully of any subject not 
immediately connected with carnage. " At any 
other time," said the distinguished legislator whom 
we have just quoted, " all the journals would have 
been full of it ; every speech would have been wide- 
ly printed, every incident of the debates noted and 
commented on— but, now, only a few lines will be 

given to it Why, if the archangel Gabriel were 

to come down to the Senate, and deliver an oration 
such as he would make before the Throne of God, 
his advent would hardly be noticed." 

It is indeed a great event, whether regarded as a 
prophecy or as a guarantee. It means that this 
Government henceforth recognizes Blacks as citi- 
zens, capable of a National life ; not as chattels who 
have no rights which white men arc bound to respect. 
It means that it may be necessary to create a Conti- 
nental Hayti, by giving up the Gulf States, or large 
portions of them, to the colored race. That is the 
prophecy concealed in it. 

It means, furthermore, that the a;gis of the Ameri- 
can Union is henceforth thrown around the Nation- 
ality of Hayti ; that if Spain, for example, attempt- 
ed to conquer it, she would find herself suddenly 
confronted by the power of the United States. And 
she knows what that means to her — that Cuba and 
Porto Rico would be the first trophies of the Yan- 
kees. This is the guarantee. 

The effect of this act will be highly beneficial in 
Hayti. When the present President of Hayti took 
his oath of office, he found 24,000 men in arms, lie 
has gradually reduced this army one-half. But a 
further reduction has been rendered difficult, we 
have been told, by the fact that the people fear a 
quarrel with the United States, and desire to pre- 
serve the nucleus of an army. This fear is now re- 
moved, and we hope soon to hear that the army has 
been reduced to 5,000 men, which, considering the 
population of Hayti, is a large force — sufficiently 
large for a peace footing. Thus, by the recent act 
of Congress, 5,000 men will in all probability be re- 
stored to agriculture in Hayti — five large industrial 
regiments added thereby to the labor of the Re- 
public. 

There will bo commercial advantages also, but 
these we count of comparative unimportance. 

We propose to publish the debate in the House of 
Representatives on the Recognition of Hayti, and 
may hereafter have some comments to make on it. 
At this time we have a few words to say respecting 
the debate in the Senate, which we have already 
printed in pamphlet form. 

Kentucky has the misfortune to be represented in 
the Senate by a garrulous old man, named Garrett 
Davis, the successor of John C. Breckinridge, whom 
he does not resemble in three particulars — for the 
ex- Vice President was a man of ability, in manner 
and in speech a gentleman, and he is now an open 
rebel. This unfortunate Kentuckian, on the 24th of 
April last, after spitting out a large piece of tobacco 
which he had been chewing, arose, put his hands in 
his pockets, and addressed the Senate on the Bill for 
the Recognition of Hayti. Mr. Davis began by say- 

_ that he was sick and disgusted — not, as we were, 
at his filthy habits, but — with the " introduction of 
slaves and slavery into this chamber." He had no 
objection to forming treaties of commerce with Hayti 
and Liberia— like all slaveholders, he was willing 
enough to make money out of "colored people, to 
use the mild term," (as he said)— it was the idea of 
putting them on terms of equality with the whites, 
that was so abhorrent to his refined Kentuckian sen- 
sibilities.* 

He showed that ho was equally illiterate and ill- 
bred, by using the following language : — 

" I have not the least objection to the recognition by 
our Government of the existence of those two repub- 
lics as independent Towers, and I have no objection to 
any extent of commercial relations between our coun- 
try and those two republics. I have no objection to 
the negotiation of a treaty of amity and commerce and 
friendship between our Government and the Govern- 
ments of those countries ; but I oppose the sending of 
ambassadors of any class from our Government to 
theirs, upon this consideration; it would establish, di- 
plomatically, terms of mutual and ei|ual reciprocity be- 
tween the two countries and us. If, after such a mea- 
sure should take effect, the republic of Hayti and the 
republic of Liberia were to send their ministers pleni- 
potentiary or their charges d'affaires to our govern- 
ment, they would have to be received by trre Presi- 
dent and by all the functionaries of the Government 
upon the same terms of equality with similar repre- 
sentatives from other Powers. If a full-blooded negro 
were sent in that capacity from either of these coun- 
tries, by the laws of nations he could demand that he 
be received precisely on the same terms of equality 
with the white representatives from the Powers of the 
earth composed of white people. When the President 
opened his saloons to the reception of the diplomatic 
corps, when he gave his entertainments to such diplo- 
mats, the representatives of whatever color from those 
countries would have the right to demand admission 
upon terms of equality with all other diplomats; and 
if they had families consisting of negro wives and ne- 
gro daughters, they would have the right to as*k that 
their families also he invited to such occasions, and 
that they go there and mingle with the whites of our 
own country and of other countries that happened to 
be present. We recollect that a few years ago the re- 
fined French court admitted and received the repre- 
sentative of Soulouque, who then denominated him- 

lf or was called the Emperor of Dominica, I think. 
Mr. Sumner. Of Hayti. 
Mr. Davis. Well, a great big negro fellow, dressed 
out with Ids silver or gold lace clothes in the most tan' 
tastic and gaudy style, presented himself in the court 
of Louis Napoleon, and, I admit, was received. Now. 
sir, I want no such exhibition as that in our capital 
and in our Government. Tho American minister, 
Mr. Mason, was present on that occasion, and lie was 
sleeved by some Englishman — I have forgotten his 
name — who was present, who pointed him to the am- 
bassador of Soulouque, and said, ' What do you think 
of him ? ' Mr. Mason turned round and said, ' I think, 
clothcB and all, he is worth #1,060.' " (Laughter.) 

It is due to the Senate to say that the "laughter" 
which is reported to have followed this coarse story 
proceeded from the mouth of the speaker only — for 
no other Senator seemed to see where the humor of 
it lay. 

Without stopping to comment on the vulgarity so 
clearly Bhown by telling such a story, and by en- 
dorsing the brutality it narrated — without pointing 
out the ridiculous vanity which causes a Kentuckian 

* in a Buhraqiwat debate he avowed Mxaself rottdy tooon- 

iisciLtci tho ulitvos of rebels, provided they wuro sold, ami tho 
iiioiwy put into tho treasury ! but was uttorly opposed to 
their Jib era Lion. 



of low birth to be fastidious where the French court 
is cordial — we come at once to the facts of the ease, 
and to a vindication of Haytian ambassadors. 

This story is told of M. Damiek, once Haytian 
ambassador at St. James. We personally know this 
gentleman, and can aver that he is, both intellectual- 
ly and in manners, the superior of Mr. Senator 
Davis. He not only speaks his native language pure- 
ly, but would be ashamed to mispronounce the Eng- 
lish tongue as the Senator from Kentucky does. 
We have heard Mr. Davis speak in the United States 
Senate only and certainly he does not pronounce 
the English language purely thai: And, if not thai; 
whar does he speak it correctly ? But we forbar, 
and pass on to the others. 

Mr. Dupuy was a distinguished financier, and, on 
being expelled from Hayti by Soulouque, made a for- 
tune in California by commercial pursuits. He is 
said, by all who know him, to be a man of superior 
merit and culture. 

Mr. Linstant Pradine is the editor of the 
" Recueil General des Lois et Actes du Gouvern- 
ment d'Haiti, dupuis la proclamation de son Inde- 
pendence jusqu'a nos jours; avec des Notes his- 
toriques de jurisprudence et de concordance," — an 
erudite work, whose very title we question whether 
Mr. Davis can read. 

Mr. S. Linstant is the author of an " Essay on 
the means of extirpating the prejudices of the whites 
against the color of the African and the Mixed 
Bloods," — a work which carried off the prize of the 
" French Society for the Abolition of Slavery," al- 
though several eminent English and American wri- 
ters contended for it. 

Mr. MADrou is the author of an " Histoirc d'Hai- 
ti," in three volumes, and is the first Haytian who 
has written the history of his country. This learned 
work was the first presentation of the Haytian view 
of the history of the Island, and is a book of estab- 
lished authority. 

Mr. Ardouin is the author of a history of Hayti, 
in twelve volumes — a brilliant and philosophical pro- 
duction, which the entire historical literature of the 
Southern States is unable to equal. 

These are the men who have been Haytian am- 
bassadors — all of them men of culture, ability, and 
refinement ; men who would degrade their character 
by familiar association with either the Senator from 
Kentucky, or the Senator from Delaware. If any 
one of them comes to the United States, or whoever 
comes, the Senator from Kentucky may rest assured 
that he will fulfil Mi'. Sumner's prophecy when he 
said — 

■ "I have more than once had the opportunity of 
meetiiig citizens of these republics, and I say nothing 
more thau truth when I add that I have found them 
so refined and so full of self-respect, that I am led to 
believe no one of them charged with a mission from 
his Government will seek any society where he will 
not be entirely welcome. Sir, the Senator from Ken- 
tucky may banish all anxiety on that account. No 
representative from Hayti or Liberia will trouble Mm." 

— Pine and Palm. 



WAE EXPENSES, AND WHO SHALL PAT, 



It would require the pen of inspiration to make 
out the cost of the .present pro-slavery rebellion. 
Human skill at figures would utterly fail. The dan- 
ger in every computation is to make the amount too 
small. It is well to think over the matter, however, 
in the light of dollars and cents, and to keep in mind 
our extraordinary expenditures. 

We cannot estimate the value of liberty, justice, 
and humanity by any earthly standard of value. 
Gold and silver, houses and lands, goods and chat- 
tels, and all mere creature comforts, sink out of sight 
and out of mind in the presence of these priceless, 
heaven-born principles. For these we will fight to 
the last, pour out without stint our money and our 
blood, and the God of the poor and down-trodden 
shall be with us, and give us a glorious victory. 

The cost of the war to the Government, up to the 
1st day of July, will be not less than $600,000,000. 
This amount, however, is but a small part of the 
total expenses of this monstrous rebellion. Who can 
estimate the damage it has been, and will be, to in- 
dividuals ? Hundreds of millions have already been 
lost by the depreciation, waste, and destruction of 
private property. How many ships have been sunk 
or burned ! How many have been idle in our har- 
bors 1 How many houses, with their contents, have 
been destroyed I What a vast amount of breadstuff's 
and other necessaries of life have been worse than 
wasted ! Who can tell how many millions of days 
the past year have been idly spent ? Time is thonoy. 
The loss on the real estate of the country, now 
going a-begging in all quarters, can only be counted 
by thousands of millions of dollars. How has busi- 
ness suffered in every city, town, and village ! The 
losses here in profits and by depreciation of stock 
have been fabulous. The wheels of manufactories 
have been stopped, machine-shops have been closed, 
and every channel of trade has been clogged. Me- 
chanics, laborers, and professional men have been 
forced to join the army to save their families from 
starvation. 

The merchants of New York alone, it is estima- 
ted, have lost, in bad debts South, more than 
$100,000,000. Hundreds here have been utterly 
ruined in consequence. We know a large number 
of mercantile firms who, two years ago, were re- 
garded independent, but are now hopelessly bank- 
rupt. Their only hope of relief from the crushing 
burdens resting upon them is in Congress, whither 
they now look with distressing anxiety. What Sena- 
tor or Representative will refuse to give them help ? 
Nearly the whole capital of the country has been 
diverted from its ordinary peaceful channels. It is 
used for war instead of aiding to promote our na- 
tional growth and prosperity. The accumulated 
property of generations — the surplus gains of an in- 
dustrious people, on which have rested our commer- 
cial strength and thrift — has thus in a moment been 
swept away. 

We are supporting an army of 600,000 mou, who 
have been producers, but are now consumers. Fig- 
ures will fail to show the immense loss in this direc- 
tion. But the expenditures and losses must go on 
for years to come. Sufferings and privations, caused 
by this unholy war, may begin now, but they will 
not end, it may be, for a century. How many have 
pledged their property — their all — to find means for 
support through these pinching limes! Embarrass- 
ments thus begun will, in numerous cases, end in 
bankruptcy and utter ruin. Homes! cads will be 
sold, and hundreds of thousands of dollars will thus 
bo sacrificed, in many a little family group. 

What is to become of the great army of maimed 
and crippled soldiers? What a mighty host of pen- 
sioners, for years, will draw their living from our na- 
tional Treasury ! These palroits, who counted not 
their lives dear unto them, will now add little to the 
capital of the country. They must be nursed and 
tenderly cared for till every tongue among them 
shall cease to tell the story of our wrongs, and the 
price they have paid for liberty. The millions for 
their sii|>|iort we will give ungrudgingly". 

Tho total losses of the nation and of individuals, 



traceable directly and indirectly- to the war, cannot 
be less than ten thousand millions of dollars. 

The losses of*other nations have also been, and 
will be, immense. How vast will now be the war 
expenditures abroad ! Whole fleets — thousands of 
iron-clad naval ships — must be built. Money will 
flow like water in this direction. 

Could we value the tears, the sighs, the groans, 
which this war has cost, and wiil cost, the amount 
would far exceed all other expenditures. How 
many homes have been made desolate for ever 1 
How the heart's blood will flow for years to come at 
losses which neither money nor gratitude can ever 
repair ! The father, the joy and support of a happy 
home — the darling son, the hope and consolation of 
loving parents — the affectionate husband — the de- 
voted brother — these by thousands have been snatch- 
ed away, leaving a void which can never be filled. 
Here will be loss and suffering which can only be re- 
paired hereafter, in that land where liberty and jus- 
tice are never imperiled, and where for every earth- 
ly trial there shall be full satisfaction. 

The nation is now agitated or. the subject of con- 
fiscation. The question is, who shall pay the ex- 
penses of this infernal rebellion ? Our voice on that 
subject shall be loud and plain. We say, most em- 
phatically, Let the burden, for a quarter of a cen- 
tury at least, rest on the shoulders of the rebels. 
Let there be no more tender-footed marching in that 
direction. Jeff. Davis & Co. should now be told, in 
unmistakable language, that those who inaugurated 
this war, who broke loose from the most benign and 
prosperous Government on earth*who have directly 
caused death by tens of thousands, and losses by 
thousands of millions, — that these men now shall be 
made to suffer. — New York Independent. 



00L0R — NORTH AND SOUTH. 

It seems to be a cardinal feature of American poli- 
cy to exile — by compulsion if necessary —a consider- 
able part of our laboring population. We Whites 
are so fond of hard, rough, ill-paid work, that we 
are afraid the Blacks will get it all away from us if 
we let them stay among us. We don't want to be 
office-holders, doctors, lawyers, professors, merchants, 
&c, but hostlers, boot-blacks, and wood-sawyers ; 
and we fear that Sambo, if suffered to remain here, 
will monopolize the vocations we covet. Then he 
smells offensively — that is, if free — for none of us 
are repelled by his odor so long as he remains a 
slave. Our Southern aristocracy and chivalry are 
nursed on Black bosoms and dandled in Black arms 
— Blacks are the playmates of their infancy and the 
companions of their youth ; it is only freedom that 
makes them so disgusting that we liken them to re- 
pulsive reptiles. And it won't do to send them a 
thousand miles off to live and labor by themselves — 
they must be thrust out of our country or we cannot 
rest satisfied. 

It is fortunate that this hateful spirit — which is 
loudly commended as a Caucasian instinct, felt' by 
the entire White race — is unknown beyond our own 
borders. Hayti has for two years been taking hun- 
dreds of these people from our shores, paying their 
passage out and giving them six months' subsistence; 
but her people, being negroes, know no better. 
What shall we say, however, to the formal offer of 
Denmark to take these despised "contrabands" off 
our hands, and remove them to her island of St. 
Croix at her own cost? The Danes are at least as 
white as we are — they are not ignorant of negroes, 
having had them on their hands, both slave and free, 
for generations. She has many of them in St. Croix 
now, and, like Oliver Twist, " wants some more." 
She is willing to take all we have to spare. And if 
her narrow island should thus be overpeopled, other 
European Powers that have West India or other 
tropical colonies will gladly take what she does not 
need. So it seems that negro-hate, so far from be- 
ing a universal Caucasian instinct, is scarcely known 
out of this country. And if slavery were stone 
dead to-day, the expatriation of our Blacks would 
no more be urged than that of our red-haired men 
and women. It is sheer truckling to the slavehold- 
holdcr that raises the clamor for negro expatriation. 
When he is told that the Blacks must be exiled if 
liberated, he drugs his conscience with the narcotic 
that it is better to keep them in bondage than to 
drive them into exile. 

So with the popular horror of having Blacks in 
our armies. Jeff. Davis has had Blacks in his Mili- 
tary service these six months at least, and he has 
just decreed a new and sweeping conscription, by 
which he summons all Mulatto as well as White 
males between the age of 20 and that of 55 to enter 
the Confederate military service at once. Of course 
it is fighting, not digging that he wants of these Mu- 
lattoes; otherwise, he would call in Negroes as well 
as Mulattoes. His men fight beside Negroes and 
Mulattoes; ours, it is said, will not. If so, they are 
not nearly so much in earnest as the rebels. Shall 
not these things be taken to heart? — N. Y. Tribune. 



NEGRO-PHOBIA vs. NEGRO EQUALITY- 
PHOBIA. 

Friend Swift — As I have read the remarks of 
Messrs. Davis, Saulsbury, et al., in the United 
States Senate, on the question of a recognition of 
Hayti and Liberia as independent governments, I 
have noticed that their only argument against the 
bill is the danger of being obliged to receive a color- 
ed minister from one or both of them. This, to 
these gentlemen, is a dreadful thing. They think 
that it would be a terrible affliction to the people 
of the South, and, therefore, the bill ought not to 
pass. This, at first sight, would indicate that these 
gentlemen, and those for whom they speak, are ter- 
ribly afflicted with Negro-phobia. If wo consider 
the habits of these people, we shall sec that this can- 
not be the case. Why, sir, when these men were little 
babies, one-half of them were cared for by black wo- 
men, and drew their sustenance from black breasts; 
their chosen companions were children from the ne- 
gro quarters. When that spirit of despotism, which 
has produced the present rebellion, began to mani- 
fest itself, it was by mauling and knuckling negro 
boys. When the passions of young manhood began 
to (ire their blood, they sought and found unholy 
gratification in overcoming the virtue of negro and 
mulatto girls. Even in later years. 1 heir wives have 
often found the presence of a good-looking colored 
girl a source of trouble- They have Uvea among 
negroes all their days. Their houses are full of 
iliem. They know not how to do without them, 
and complain that they cannot safely bring them 
North when (hey visit us. Surely, these men can- 
not be afflicted with this disease. 

After some thought, I have concluded that, (heir 
disease must, be Negni-equalily-phobia, This must 
be HQ awful visitation. Think of the condition of 
one of these afflicted ones, should he chance to nuvl 
a black man who weighed as many pounds, could 
run as fast, jump as high, light as well, was as brave. 

dressed as well, was as rich, owned as many slaves, 

was as talented, as well educated, as refined, as mor- 
:i^ as high in Office as himself. Poor man! Merc 
stands his equal cut in ebony. What is to be done? 
See him shake— hear him growl — see him froth! 



Don't you pity him? It is of no use; there is no 
help for him. If this equal was only a Mongolian, 
with straight hair done up like a long tail, who'eats 
rats and puppies, and whose wife had a little foot, 
how different the case would be ! Then he might 
be courted and petted by the President and all his 
subordinates, and no trouble ensue. But the man 
is black ! O dear ! O dear ! And there is no 
help. But, says Mr. D. or Mr. S-, do you wish to 
associate freely with blacks? Would you like to 
have your sou marry a black woman ? No, but I 
should prefer to have him marry a black woman, and 
have him live honestly with her, rather than marry 
a white woman, and then commit adultery with one 
who is colored. I would choose as an associate a 
black man with a white heart, .rather than a white 
man with a black heart. The one or the other may 
be respected in an official position, without social in- 
timacy. But, Mr. Editor, all this is nothing— -Ne- 
gro-equality-phobia is a dreadful disease, and the 
cause of it, tliat is, qualified negroes, is increasing. 
Yankee schoolmasters and missionaries are doing 
wonders at Port Royal and elsewhere. I fear the 
afflicted people referred to have a. hard time before 
them. Sheva. 

Chatham, May 22, 1862. — f Yarmouth Register. 



INHUMAN TREATMENT OP A SLAVE. 

The New Orleans Delta says: — 

Soon after the arrival of the United States forces 
in this city, they received information that arms 
and tents were concealed in the house of one Wm. 
T. Hunter, who had sworn he would shoot any 
damned Yankee who should enter his house to look 
for them. An officer, in due time, was sent to search 
for them. To his agreeable surprise, he was cor- 
dially received by the owner of the house, who in- 
formed the officer that it was true he had arms — a 
double-barrelled gun, an old uniform or two that be- 
longed to his son, and a small tent, which had es- 
caped the wreck of Camp Lewis, which was pitched 
in his garden as a playhouse for his children, and 
that he had no other such thing in the house. The 
officer being satisfied with this frank avowal, said he 
would not disturb the tent, childBan, uniform or gun. 
Thereupon the proprietor politely invited him to 
take a drink. 

On the next day, Hunter proclaimed on 'Change, 
or in his neighborhood, that he had a large quantity 
of tents in his garret ; that the federal officers did 
not get them; that he could buy the officer with a 
drink ; and further, that he could buy the whole set 
with drinks, even from the commanding officer down. 

This speech induced another examination, which 
resulted in the finding of Major-General Lewis's 
marquee, thirteen tents, and more furniture in Mr. 
Hunter's attic, and some pistols and two dirks in 
Mrs. Hunter's keeping. This lady's nerves were 
too sensitive to accompany the officers in the search, 
and she directed a negro woman to show the officers 
through the house. 

THE REBEL'S VENGEANCE TJPONf HIS SLAVE. 

Upon removing the contraband articles to the 
railroad station, Mrs. Hunter followed, and informed 
the officer that" the negro girl had left the house and 
was intending to go away. The officer said that 
could not be permitted, and sent a corporal to con- 
duct both women— white and black — to their house, 
and assured Mrs. Hunter that the girl had expressed 
no intention of leaving her mistress. Fearing, how- 
ever, lest the servants should have been suspected of 
having given information, the officer assured the 
lady that no information had been received from the 
servants, and they ought not to be punished. 

But the moment the officer retired, the girl was 
locked up to await the return of the master. 

When Mr. Hunter returned, and ascertained 
what had occurred, he demanded of his wife "why 
she had not shot the damned Yankees." She re- 
torted, " They took away my arms." Upon this, 
Hunter went to the closet, and took from it a heavy 
riding-whip, and beat the servant over the head in 
such a manner as to cause heavy bunches. He then 
took her down into the back yard, chained her feet 
to a block — the mistress, who claims to be one of the 
ladies of New Orleans, fastening the shackles to the 
block. The husband and wife then threw the ser- 
vant down upon her back, fastened her hands to the 
feet of another servant, who was forced to hold the 
girl out to her full length. The suspected girl was 
then subjected to head-shaving; her clothes were 
next removed, and Hunter beat the exhausted crea- 
ture with the horsewhip until he was too tired to 
stand. He then called for a chair, sat down, and 
finished his brutal beating in a sitting posture. The. 
screams of the sufferer soon attracted the attention 
of the neighborhood. 

GENERAL BUTLER'S TROMPT nTNISIIMENT OF THE 
SCOUNDREL. 

One neighbor sent intelligence of what was going 
on to General Butler. Before word reached the 
General, the monster, having flayed the back of his 
slave until it became raw, washed her down with 
brine, threw her into a wagon, and at nine o'clock 
at night conveyed her to the parish prison, with the 
ploasing information that the rest of the beating — 
to the extent o/300 lashes — would bo inflicted in the 
morning. 

The General ordered all parties in the morning. 
They came, and the girl was liberated. Upon the 
hearing, these facts appeared. The General asked 
the master to state upon his honor, why he washed 
the girl's back in brine, while recking in blood. Ho 
replied, " It was to ease the pain." 

Thereupon, the General informed Mr. Hunter 
that he would be committed to Fort Jackson until 
further orders, and that he must behave himself very 
well there; because the officers in charge would be 
instructed to chastise him severely, if he did not ; 
because, if they exceeded in the severity of punish- 
ment, they would be instructed to wash his wounds 
'in brine ; and that the girl would be turned over as a 
laundress to the care of the Thirteenth Connecticut 
regiment. 

Mr. Hunter, upon this, said he had brought in a 
physician to prove that he had been sick for a num- 
ber of months. The General responded that, if ho 
was well enough to inflict the punishment that hail 
been proved, he was in a physical condition to suffer 
the punishment which had been imposed, llunler 
is a rebel, a thief, (for ho had stolen the tents.) a 
liar, (for he had eluded lhe*olliecr who had been 
sent in search,) a brute, (lor he had whipped the 
girl without, cause.) Ami we leave him m Fort 

Jackson. 

y^ ' The Nashville Virion is severe on "radical 
abolitionists." defining them as follows:— 

" By radical Abolitionists we mean wretches who 
arc destroying the system of shivery by sword. :tnd 
fire, and devastation. The fiends of hell :uv more 
humane and noble. They arc hastening the over- 
throw of slavery by bringing on. not only on ihc 

South, but. on tiie public, great tribulation. These. 

devils in human shape abound in this City, and QftJJ 

themselves Secessionists, Southern Higllts men. Fire 
SaterS anil Conlederales." 



106 



THE LIBERATOR. 



JULY 4 



STATE SOYEKEIGNTY. 

To dcnv that a State cannot forswear Tier alle- 
eiance, is "to deny her Bovferettftfty as a State— a sov- 
ereignty which is limited with her own boundaries, 
and tho obligations to the provisions of the Central 
Constitution" nndor which she exists, and Without 
whtoh site would not be a State at all. lleuee, the 
voluntary rupturing on her part of this bond or lig- 
ament of amity must necessarily destroy her integri- 
ty as a State, together with all the loeal laws pecu- 
liar unto her; and in just as great a degree as 
would he the domestic authority of the wife who had 
in the most violent and indecent manner violated 
the marital relation- 
It is most preposterous to longer countenance the 
advancement of the doctrine that a State cannot 
commit self-destruction. States have done it, and 
done it in their State capacity. There could have 
been nothing more deliberate or regular than the 
manner in which the Southern States absolved 
themselves of all allegiance to the Union. No State 
aet ever passed with more deliberation and apparent 
unanimity than the acts of separation. They all 
owned slaves; and it was because of this that seces- 
sion became possible, and as they supposed, necessa- 
ry. It was the pronounced declaration of long-fos- 
tered enmity — the enmity which darkness has 'al- 
ways had against light from the beginning. 

It is evident that, as States, the so-called Confed- 
erate States have no laws which the offended Union 
is bound by any obligations. Constitutional or other- 
wise, to respect. What may have been the ac- 
tion of the inhabitants of the several portions of ter- 
ritory by which the jurisdiction of these States was 
circumscribed, It is not now given us to know ; and 
for audit we do know, or have a right legitimately 
to know, there may not now, in the whole area of 
Rebeldom, according to the local and municipal laws, 
fee a single slave in existence. What a figure we 
should make in history, if, pcrad venture, we should 
"be found, in our anxiety to maintain what, through 
dint of reiteration, we have been taught to believe 
was the actual Constitution — slavery — we should 
ultimately find that we were attempting to unite 
th& living present with the dead and loathsome car- 
cass of the past— slavery ! No more ludicrous and 
inconsistent would this be than to attempt to restore 
the condition of things which has furnished its own 
■elements of destruction. The President may^ pro- 
claim freedom to the slaves of the South. Their 
freedom would not come by any act of his. They 
are free, and it will be for him and for Congress 
only to say that they will not re-enslave them. 

But it may be said that this suicidal act of the 
several Southern States was not inaugurated nor 
■consummated by the loyal men of the South. These 
■loyal men, we opine, are like the visits of the angels, 
■few aud far between, but their sufferings cannot ig- 
nore the fact of the abrogation of all law. In very 
deed, their sufferings are the strongest evidence in 
favor of this supposition. But it may be said those 
men are entitled to indemnity for the loss, by the 
action of the State, of property guaranteed by the 
Constitution. Conceding that the Constitution of 
the Union does guarantee property in man, or rath- 
er property in the right to their labor, the Constitu- 
tion eaunot and never could prevent the several 
States from declaring the emancipation of every 
slave within their own boundaries with or without 
compensation. How, then, can the Federal Govern- 
ment be responsible now for the action of a State to- 
wards the lninorityof its citizens, so long as we recog- 
nize the Democratic principle, that the majority should 
rule, and the fact remains that the Federal cover 
ment never did guarantee the return of a slave to 
the person claiming him in any State of the Union, 
both being resident in that State ? 

We have again and again advanced the idea, 
plain and palpable as the light at noonday, to those 
who are not morally blind, that God in his provi- 
dence has so shaped the actions of arrogant despo- 
tism in the Southern slaveholder, that his own des- 
perate acts should, aud no doubt have freed the 
bondsman whose cry for help " has entered into the 
ear of the Lord of Sabaoth." Let Congress declare 
the freedom of the ^ve as a means of terminating, 
at an earlier period, the horrors ofthis contest. Let 
Abraham Lincoln, in his plenitude of supposed pow- 
er, do the same, aud no harm, but good, may come 
of it. They cannot, however, do what is done al- 
ready ; they may, however, attempt to undo what 
has been done ; and if so, woe be to these United 
States when the bayonets of our soldiers are used to 
force back into hopeless bondage four millions of hu- 
man beings now free ! Then, indeed, would we be 
responsible for all the horrors and atrocities of sla- 
very. Then would be the timewhen all the civil- 
ized world might find a reason for interference and 
enthusiasm on the part of their people to enter on a 
crusade against the most stupendous act of barbar- 
ism that could be conceived of.— Paterson Guardian. 



the latter has the reputation of being a very anti- 
slavery city, she is easily influenced to act in a way 
hostile to the anti-slavery cause. ■ The federal ap- 
pointments have not been such as would be apt to 
throw the weight of influence in the right way, and 
it would not be very difficult, while the voting pop- 
ulation of the city might be largely in Mr. Simmer's 
favor, to return a delegation to the House of Repre- 
sentatives decidedly hostile to him. The way things 
have been managed for some years back shows this 
plainly enough. 

But it is to the heart of the Commonwealth, it is 
to the rural districts, untainted by the aristocracy 
which veils itself under the soft term of " conserva- 
tism," that we look for the correct decision of this 
j matter. The people of Massachusetts understand 
well what Mr. Sumner is. They know his principles, 
his actions during his senatorial career, though they 
cannot know or appreciate perhaps, the full extent 
of his labors and his influence. But, from what his 
actions and principles are, they can judge what 
would be likely to be those of a hostile candidate, 
and decide whether they will be such as they will 
be likely to approve, or such as they would like to 
see proceeding from the Old Bay State, which has 
so long been devoted to liberty, and whose ideas are 
the watchword of the friends of freedom in the pres- 
ent struggle. Let the people of the State watch 
carefully the plans of the old minority parties that 
are combining to displace Mr. Sumner, and guard 
especially in the election of their representatives 
against being betrayed by the Judas kisses of hypo- 
critical pretensions. — New Bedford Rep. Standard. 



SENATOR STJMNEE, 



The New York Tribune intimates that there is a 
doubt about Mr. Sumner's re-election to the Senate. 
We believe it to be mistaken. Mr. Sumner's ene- 
mies are settling this point in his favor very fast. 
Their abuse is divesting Republicans of what dispo- 
sition there was to oppose him. Here" is the high 
compliment the Tribune pays our Senator, the chief 
beauty of which is, that every word of it will be ad- 
mitted as true by his warmest opposers: — 

'■ Never inattentive to or neglectful of any public 
duty, never even accused of sacrificing or opposing 
the interest of Massachusetts in any matter of legis- 
lation, Mr. Sumner is yet known to believe that her 
interests can never be truly promoted by sacrificing 
those of Humanity. In an age of venality and of 
uncharitable suspicion, he was never even suspected 
of giving a mercenary or a selfish vote; in an at- 
mosphere where every man is supposed to have his 
price, and to be scheming and striving for self-aggran- 
dizement, no man ever suggested that Charles Sum- 
ner was animated by sinister impulses, or that he 
would barter or stifle his convictions for the Presi- 
dency. The one charge brought against him by 
his many bitter adversaries imports that he is a fa- 
natic — not that it was ever imagined that he is the 
special devotee of any fane or sect, but that he sin- 
cerely believes it the end of civil government to has- 
ten the coining of God's earthly kingdom, by caus- 
ing His justice to pervade every act, every relation, 
and thus making the earth, so far as human imper- 
fection will permit, a vestibule of Heaven." — Nor- 
folk County Journal. 

g^f 3 Some journals in other States are suggesting 
to the people of Massachusetts that they should not 
reelect Mr. Sumner to the Senate. They are very- 
kind, but it is within the limits of possibility that 
these Balaams would do themselves some service if 
they were to mind their own business. — Traveller. 



MOKE TEOOPS CALLED FOR. 

Nearly all the Governors of the loyal States, having 
aibscribed their names, officially' to a letter to the 
President of the United States, urging an immediate 
and extensive augmentation of the national forces for 
the speedy suppression of the rebellion, the President 
responds as follows : — 

Executive Mansion, Washington, July 1, 18G2. 

Gentlemen, — Fully concurring in the views expressed 
to me in so patriotic a maimer by you in the communi- 
cation of the '28th day of June, I have decided to call 
into the service an additional force of 300,000 men. I 
suggest and recommend that the troops should be 
chiefly of infantry. The quota of your State would 

be . I trust that they may be enrolled without 

delay, so as to bring this unnecessary and injurious 
civil war to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. 

An order fixing the quotas of the respective States 
will be issued by the War Department to-morrow. 
(Signed) ABKAHAM LINCOLN. 

All this might have been avoided, together- with a 
vast amount of life and treasure already needlessly 
wasted, if the Government had availed itself of the 
strength and bravery of the colored population, bond 
and free, in the rebellious States. Instead of doing 
this, it has allowed this mighty force (equal to an army 
larger than has yet been gathered on the battle-field) 
to remain on the side and in tho service of the rebel- 
lion. How long is such a suicidal policy to be pur- 
sued? It is even threatened, in certain "Demo- 
cratic" quarters, that, should the Government pro- 
claim emancipation as a military necessity, there will 
be a formidable revolt in the army. We believe this 
is a libellous charge ; but, if it be true, the sooner the 
test is applied, the better for the safety of the Govern- 
ment and the suppression of treason, North and South. 



THE PKESIDENT'S LAST POSITION. 

In the reply of the President to the memorial of the 
Progressive Pricnds, as reported in last week's Libera- 
tor, occurs tho following paragraph : — 

" If a decree of emancipation could abolish slavery, 
John Brown would have done the work most effec- 
tually. Such a decree surely could not be more bind- 
ing upon the South than the Constitution, and that 
cannot be enforced in that part of the country now. 
Would a proclamation of freedom be any more effec- 
tive 1 " 

Since these remarks contain almost all that the 
President had to say in opposition to the request of his 
memorialists, they are worthy of examination" and 
criticism. If we mistake not, they arc childishly 
weak and unreasonable. And, to begin with the first 
sentence above-quoted, will any one show us the logi- 
cal connection between the former and the latter mem- 
ber — between the supposition and the conclusion ? 
The President argues as if a decree, or the palpable 
embodiment thereof in parchment and ink, were a self- 
propelling power, able fare da se — to go alone — or, if 
you please, a missile, whose effectiveness is indepen- 
dent of the hand which discharges it. For how, other- 
wise, could any sensible man compare, even by im- 
plication, an edict issuing from John Brown at Har- 
per's Ferry and the same from Abraham Lincoln at 
Washington f The one, a private citizen, without 
commission or authority, and, above all, assuming a 
position hostile to laws State and National ; the other, 
the Chief Magistrate of the whole people, the Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the whole army, and invested by 
the Constitution with the absolute, undisputed control 
of the War Power, together with ample means for the 
execution of any order or policy in his judgment 
necessary. The one might have decreed till dooms- 
day, and nothing would have come of it, without the 
exercise of force sufficient for the end proposed; and 
if John Brown had succeeded in making his avowed 
idea an accomplished fact, it would not have enhanced 

-.1 a particle the legality of his procedure. But the 

closing my schools for colored people at Newborn, „ ., ■,«,.. * , TT ■ ■> « A j. 

N. C. ; that he never intended to put in force the laws \ President and Generalissimo of the United States, un- 
of North Carolina; and that until he gets explicit in- 



ANOTHER TURN OF THE SCREW. 



THE STANLEY-COLYER CONTROVERSY. 
To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune. 

Sin — In accordance with the request of lift Excel- 
lency, Gov. Stanley, I wish it published that I misun- 
derstood his Excellency; that he had no intention of I 



® iu !ii&*t»t0t« 



No Union with. Slaveholders! 
BOSTON, FELDAY, JULY 4, 181 



struct ions from the Government at Washington, D. C, 
he will neither interfere with my schools, nor return 
fugitive slaves to their masters ; all of which I do with 
the most sincere and heart-felt pleasure. 

VINCENT COLYER, 
Superintendent of the Poor. 
Newbern, June 21, 1862. 

S^" It is evident that the universal burst of moral 
indignation which followed the announcement, that 
Gov. Stanley bad suppressed the negro schools in 
North Carolina, has had a wholesome effect upon his 
mind. He now desires to have it understood that Mr. 
Colyer entirely misapprehended him; that he will 
not interfere with the schools, return fugitive slaves, 
nor put in force any of the laws of North Carolina, 
unless explicitly instructed so to do by the Govern- 
ment. Of course, he will have no such instructions 
from that quarter; and, of course, the Courier, Post, 
and all the other satanic journals that came "with 
alacrity" to the defence of Gov. Stanley, supposing 
he had been accurately reported, must feel extremely 
chagrined and wof'ully disappointed. Will they tell 
us what they now think of Gov. Stanley? Their 
pro-slavery villany is immeasurable, and of the dir- 
tiest kind. Here is a venomously libellous assault of 
the Post upon Mr. Colyer : — 

" It is said that Vincent Colyer is the renowned 
model artist man who was badgered by the police in 
almost every city in the Union years ago. His pres- 
ent vocation of mischief- making, under pretence of 
negro teaching, is even worse than his former one. He 
is a fine individual to teach the black idea to shoot.' 

The Post knew it was basely confounding two ut- 
terly distinct persons in making this assertion. 



HON. CHARLES SUMNER. 

The time is approaching when the people of Mas- 
sachusetts will have to select its" representatives in 
both houses of Congress, a Senator iu the place of 
Mr. Sumner, whose term expires in March next, 
and Representatives from the Congressional districts. 
The political condition of the country is such as to 
render it most important that this matter shall be 
seasonably and carefully considered by the people, 
and that it shall thoroughly understand the aims 
and manoeuvres of political parties, especially of 
those who are seeking to replace Mr. Sumner by a 
man of an entirely different stamp and different 
principles, and to place in the Senate a member of 
the party which has been for many years in a hope- 
less minority in tins State, but which hopes, by art- 
ful combinations and plausible professions, to sup- 
plant the Senator who has for twelve years so ably 
represented this State in the Senate, devoting his 
entire energies, his varied scholarship, and the influ- 
ence of his high reputation abroad, to advancing 
the cause of freedom, to rescuing the nation from its 
greatest curse and disgrace, to enlightening the pub- 
lic mjnd as to the evils and dangers of slavery, and, 
more especially, oflate, to removal from the nation- 
al code' of those iniquitous aud barbarous laws which 
bear record to the kind of influence which has hith- 
erto predominated in the national councils. 

We lake it for granted that the Republican parly can 
have no other candidate for the Senate than Mr. Sum- 
ner Himself. We are well aware that Mr. Sumner 
is not a favorite with a considerable portion of the 
party. We know that the press of Boston, republi- 
can or anti-republican, is cold it not hostile towards 
him ; and we have seen indications that papers 
claiming to be leading representatives of public opin- 
ion in that city would prefer to ally themselves with 
the Courier, in a combination against Mr. Sumner, 
rather than support him for re-election ! 

Still, if the dominant party in this State is to have 
a candidate for the Senate, there can be no other 
than Mr. Sumner. No other is mentioned. None 
of the able members of the party, who sympathize 
with him in sentiment and principle, would for a 
moment consent to stand in his way. The only way 
by which he can be supplanted is by a hostile com- 
bination, under the specious pretence of a " no par- 
ty " movement, in which a hotch-potch both of Breck- 
inridge Democrats, Douglas Democrats, Bell-and- 
Everetts, and extremely conservative Republicans. 
-r-men who stand so extremely erect in their anti-sla- 
very as to lean over towards slavery,— shall combine. 
in a coalition with which that, of which some of them 
were so long accustomed to speak in terms of such 
reproach, by which Mr. Sumner's election was first ef- 
fected, could make no kind of comparison, and put up 
some of their moderate favorites — their conservative 
candidates— their men with democratic talk in their 
mouths and aristocratic principles in their hearts— 
some of those who do not, like Charles Sumner, ask " in- 
demnity for the past and security for the future " 
from the evils which slavery has inflicted on the 
eountry, but who are sweetly lor " the Union as it was, 
and the Constitution as it is," — that is, for allowing 
the odious privileges secured to slavery in the Con- 
stitution to remain in full force, for the barbarous laws 
remanding fugitives to bondage to remain unrepealed, 
and, in general, for a resumption and restoration of 
the policy which has cursed the country for a whole 
generation, and w hose ioverth row at the last election 
they hope may prove but a temporary one! 

This is the scheme which has been concocting for 
some time. It was the theme of general conversa- 
tion in the legislature last winter, when bets were 
freely offered that Mr. Sumner could not be re- 
elected, and a representative from this city is rc- 
ported to have said that, if the election had come oil' 
then, he could have got but one vote from our dele- 
gation. 

As we have said, we do not look for any support 
for Mr. Sumner from Boston. Perhaps we cannot 
expeet much for him from this city, although we be- 
lieve that a fair vote would show an overwhelming 
voice in his favor. But Boston and New Bedford 
;iro remarkably alike iu some respects ; and though 



FOURTH OP JULY! 

It has been the invariable custom of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society to commemorate this 
National Anniversary ; not, however, in the boastful 
spirit and inflated manner of those who rejoiced in a 
Union with Slaveholders, and who could see no con- 
tradiction, in such a Union, to the great principles 
of the immortal Declaration of Independence of July 
4th, 1776. Our celebration has ever been with the 
distinct and simple purpose of recalling to the mind 
and impressing upon the heart of the people the 
great "self-evident truths, that all men are created 
equal, and are endowed by their Creator with an inali- 
enable right to Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Hap- 
piness." 

Confident that our repeated testimonies on these 
National Anniversaries have been as good seed, sown 
upon soil long indeed stubborn and unyielding, but at 
length fertilized, and now full of promise of a 
ous harvest, — soon, we trust, to be gathered in 
again invite and summon the friends of Freedom, of 
every name and age, and whether living within or be- 
yond the bounds of this our honored Commonwealth, 
to meet with us, as aforetime, and in even greater 
numbers than ever before, at the beautiful and well- 
known FRAMINGHAM GROVE, on this Fourth 
of July. 

We need say nothing of the beauty and many at- 
tractions of the spot, wdiether for adults or for the 
young. The day and the occasion constitute the real 
claims upon our attention, and to these let the Anti- 
Slavery men and women of Massachusetts, and of 
New England, respond fitly, as they so well know 
how to do. 

The Boston and Worcester Railroad Co. will convey 
passengers to and from the Grove, upon their main 
road and its branches, on that day, at the following 
rates of fare : — 

From Boston, Worcester, and Millbury, 70 cents 
for adults, 35 cents for children. 

From Grafton, adults, 60 cents, children, 30 cents. 

From Milford, Miltbrd Branch, (except Holliston,) 
Northboro', Marlboro', Noedham, Grantville, Corda- 
ville, Southboro', and Westboro', 50 cents for adults, 
25 cents for children. 

From Natiek, Holliston, and Ashland, adults 40 
cents, children 20 cents. 

Trains will run to the Grove, as follows : — 

Leave Boston at 9.15, and Worcester, at 0.40, A. M., 
stopping at way stations; from Miilbury, regular 
morning train; Milford, at 7.10, or 9.40; Northboro', 
at 7 ; Marlboro', at 7.24, or 10.15. 

Returning, leave the Grove at 5.15 for Boston 
and Worcester ; at 6.15 for Milford and Northboro' 
branches. 

Admission fee to the enclosure of the Grove, for 
those not coming by the cars, adults 10 cents, chil- 
dren 5 cents. Those who come by railroad admit- 
ted free. 

&^= The House at the Grove will he open for Re- 
freshments. 

In case of rain, the meeting will be held in Wa- 
verley Hall, opposite the railroad depot at South 
Framingham. 

Addresses from well-known advocates of the cause, 
with Songs, and such recreation as this attractive 
place affords, will occupy the day. Among the speak- 
ers expected are Wsi. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell 
Phillips, Andrew T. Foss, Charles C. Bur- 
leigh, E. H. Hetwood, IIiiNUY C. Wright, Wm. 
Wells Brown, John S. Rock, Esq., Rev. Daniel 
Foster, of Kansas, and others. 
SAMUEL MAY, Jit., 

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, I Committee 
B. II. IIKYWOOD, \ of 



Visit to England. Our esteemed and untiring 
fellow-laborer in the vineyard of Universal Humanity, 
Henry C. Wright, expects to leave Boston, for 
England, in the steamer Africa, August 6th, or in the 
Great Eastern, at New York, should she leave about 
that time. Meanwhile, letters may be. addressed to 
him— Gare of B da Marsh, or Robert F. Wa!lcut tl Bos- 
ton, Mass. He will carry with him our best wishes for 
his health, safety, and extensive usefulness on the 
other side of the Atlantic; and we are quite eertam 
that he will receive a very cordial welcome from the 
many English, Scotch and Irish friends, who know 
his worth and appreciate his faithful devotion to the 
cause of freedom and philanthropy for the last thirty 
years. Wherever he may travel, he cannot be other- 
wise than interested in the amelioration of the condi- 
tion of the whole human family ; for, dead to all feel- 
ings of selfish nationality, with him race, complexion, 
country are swallowed up in the full recognition of 
man as man. We regard his visit abroad as particu- 
larly opportune at this period, inasmuch as, possessing 
as be does anaccurate and perfect knowledge of the 

eal cause and diabolical object of the Great Rebellion 
in this country, he will be able to remove much of the 

gnorance and prejudice now existing in the old world, 
in relation to its real merits. In the cause of peace, 
of temperance, of woman's rights, &c, &c, he will 
ever be found a ready laborer. While sternly uncom- 
promising in principle, he carries a genial and loving 
nature, is never morbid in disposition, but always 
hopeful and confident of the triumph of truth over all 
opposition. 

The Boston Directory, for the year commenc- 

g the 1st inst., has been published in good style by 
Adams, Sampson & Co. By the use of smaller type 
some of the departments, and lighter paper, 
together with the decreased number of names, the 

ork has been somewhat reduced in bulk. It is of 

mvenicnt size, and, taken as a whole, is a model 

work of its class. The decrease in the number of 

mes reported is accounted for by the great number 
of men Boston has sent to the war. A canvas of the 
city for the State Register, a few months since, re- 
vealed the fact that four thousand volunteers for the 
seat of war had left Boston previous to March 1st, 
three hundred of whom were commissioned officers. 

The Directory of 1853 contained 38,000 names; that 
of 1862 has 55,000 names, an increase of 17,000 names 
during the nine years. In the former year, this city 
had 15,000 houses, now it has 20,000. 

The Boston Directory has now been printed more 
than half a century, and has ever enjoyed the confi- 
dence and support of the business public. A com- 
plete set of the work would show the outward growth 
of the city better than anything else. A new Direc- 
tory is indispensable each year, but the old one should 
be preserved or presented to some Society, as its val- 
ue to students of our local annals will increase with 
its age. Its pages contain information in regard to 
persons and firms not to bo obtained elsewhere. The 
office of the Directory is 91 Washington street, where 
copies can be obtained. 



HENRY O. STONE, 
CHARLES A. IIOVEY, 



Arrangements. 



July Fourth. To-day is the Eighty-Sixth Anni- 
versary of American Independence. Itfinda four mil- 
lions of slaves yet to be emancipated— the Union dis- 
solved through Southern perfidy and lust of power— 
the nation bleeding at every pore— the most awful 
civil war that the world has ever 3eon wasting its life 
and substance — and no prospect of peace. Is it a day 
for boasting and revelry, or for sackcloth and ashcB 1 

ES8E1 County. Intelligence received from Ham- 
ilton and vicinity indicates that the Convention there, 
on Sunday next, will be one of great interest. |SV 
notice in another column. J 



A Primary Cook Book, by Mrs. Putnam, for Nc 
Beginners in Housekeeping. Receipts suited to the 
times. 

This is the title of a small, neat, 12mo- volume of 
84. pages, published by Mr. Loring, 319 Washington 
street. It gives information found in no other work. 
It shows bow comfortable a young married couple can 
make themselves, who begin housekeeping in three 
rooms ; gives a list of the articles required in each ; a 
routine of the work for every day in the week; what 
to purchase in the market, and bow to select it, and 
its quality; and then how to cook it. It gives one 
hundred receipts for cooking meats, soups, fish, pud- 
dings, cakes, &c., closing with directions for bache- 
lor's meals, teaching the latter how to make their own 
coffee, to cook chops and eggs, to stew oysters, &c, 
&& The writer is a lady every way competent to the 
(ask she has assumed, and her work should be in the 
bands of every young housekeeper. 



like the Virginian martyr, has no need of the half mil- 
lion bayonets which attend his call. In changing the 
status of an enslaved people to that of freedom, — a 
wheel, by universal experience and consent; which 
knows no backward turning, — iu bis lips words are 
things. The declaration, the legal, constitutional 
declaration once uttered, the deed is done, — the slave 
walks erect in a new manhood. He may still be plun- 
dered of his rights, still outraged and tortured as of 
old, still chained and hunted and burned, before he can. 
touch the nation's right band stretched out to him 
over the intervening army of rebellion, but his suffer- 
ings now may be requited and avenged ; the law takes 
cognizance of him as a citizen grossly .injured, and 
hurls its judgments against his oppressor; while the 
right of self-defence is restored into his hands, and 
from a murderer he becomes a justifiable homicide. 
On the same grounds wo hold that Generals Fremont 
and Hunter, by their proclamations, (which the Presi- 
dent did not question their right to issue, but only their 
liberty,) did, at least until they were officially counter- 
manded, really make free forever those who availed 
themselves of those instruments in the meanwhile. 
We say, in the meanwhile, for we are aware that some 
pretend that sueh slaves as could not immediately pro- 
fit by the proclamations alluded to, lost the chauce of 
gaining their freedom as soon these were annulled. 
For our own part, we do not doubt that any other than 
an American court would decide in favor of the free- 
dom of every slave covered by the terms of the pro- 
clamations, since if two are necessary to make a bar- 
gain, the slave's consent to that which gives him lib- 
erty can be more certainly assumed than in any other 
concern of human interest. Lastly, let there be no 
confusion as to the War Power under which John 
Brown might seem to have acted, equally with the 
President. That hero, humane and beneficent as was 
his purpose, could have found no legal justification 
for his means but in success. His jurisdiction only 
equalled the range of his rifles, which constituted his 
power; what he changed, another stronger might re- 
turn to its old condition ; if Ins failure was partial, it 
was complete. The President, on the contrary, is but- 
tressed by law, duty and necessity; his jurisdiction 
reaches farther than his armies ; his fiat is irrevocable, 
unless the whole nation perishes with him. The dif- 
ference between abnormal and normal, between revo- 
lution and established law, is the difference between 
John Brown and Abraham Lincoln, and the powers of 
each. 

Now a word as to the sophistry contained in the lat- 
ter portion of the quotation. It is true, as the Presi- 
dent avers, that a decree of emancipation "could not 
be more binding upon the South than the Constitu- 
tion," but it would be just as binding, since it would 
be in perfect harmony with that instrument; and as 
for the possibility of its enforcement, as Mr. Johnson 
rightly intimated, it is no worse off than the Constitu- 
tion, which can be as little enforced, while the one is 
as deserving of effort as the other. But the falsity of 
the reasoning lies in the assumption that the claim of 
allegiance and the declaration of freedom would be 
directed to the same persons, which is quite contrary to 
the facts of the case. Unless, indeed, there can be 
found one so foolish as to propose an order to the rebels 
to emancipate their slaves for the speedier overthrow 
of the rebellion ! No ; why must the President trouble 
himself about the respect with which the traitors of 
the South are likely to receive a decree of emancipa- 
tion'? He might guess it beforehand, but no matter; 
he is not speaking to them. He addresses four million 
slaves — colored Americans — loyal from the necessities 
of their social position and the attitude of the combat- 
ants in the civil war. And that South will bear ! — trust 
them, Mr. Lincoln ! The decree which " could not 
be binding" upon the white South, will be religiously 
regarded by them. They will not clamor for succoring 
armies to lift them up to freemen ; your word will suf- 
fice. After that, no more rebel fortifications raised by 
black hands; no more arms borne by them in battle 
against Northern liberators; no more corn and hominy 
planted or gathered for rebel enslavers; but isolation 
of every rebellious host, — railroads torn up, — bridges 
burned,-«vires cut, — every large city, every hamlet 
trembling under the never-fading fear of a general in- 
surrection, — and universal demoralization in the army 
from Richmond to Mobile. All tins because the slave 
will confide in your promise, and because he is able to 
overthrow the Southern Confederacy the moment be 
feels that he may work shoulder to shoulder with the 
government and the North. In spite of our pro-slave- 
ry generals and captains, in spite of order No. 3 or 
No. 333, the slave still comes to us for protection, hap- 
py if he may impart the knowledge which will destroy 
the enemy. But invite him with open arms ; promise 
him liberty not for attack, for bloodshed and revenge, 
but for desertion simply ; aud the corner-stone of that 
infamous league, whose existence shames the age and 
us, will glide from under the edifice like a glacier or a 
quicksand, leaving the tumbling ruins to entomb a 
fouler band of conspirators and a fouler conspiracy 
than ever claimed a Catiline as their master-spirit. 



It has often been said, and most justly said, by abo- 
litionists, that the President moves, in the direction 
of emancipation, only as the pressure of events seems 
to demand, and not as wishing to interfere with the 
"peculiar" institution; not as recognizing the fact 
that slavery is the root of rebellion, and that both 
must be destroyed if we would avoid future catastro- 
phes like that which is now in operation. The Phelps 
and Butler correspondence, or rather the requests of 
those officers for specific instructions from the Gov- 
ernment, (which may be found in another column,) 
that they may pursue a uniform course towards those 
colored refugees who wish to leave the rebels and 
join the Union party, is a new specimen of the pres- 
sure above alluded to, requiring the reluctant Gov- 
ernment to explain itself. If the President now re- 
evades this pressure, if he either repels these 
slaves from the cooperation which they offer him 
against the rebels, or gives an indecisive answer, al- 
lowing his subordinates each to pursue such policy 
upon tins great subject as shall seem good to himself, 
then upon him will rest the heavy responsibility of 
the permanent transfer of four million souls from loy- 
alty to rebellion. For, considering the constantly in- 
creasing failures and losses of the Confederate States, 
and the spirit of superlative malignity which they 
now feel toward the North, and the impossibility of 
their making slaveholding profitable in the old way 
while the war lasts, and the fact that emancipation on 
their part would be the most effective means of secur- 
ing that foreign intervention without which they are 
utterly ruined— considering all these things, I say, it 
cannot be doubted that they will bind the negroes to 
their side by emancipation, unless we make this move- 
ment in advance of them. It rests with President 
Lincoln now to say— and the time is short, and every 
day's delay involves a fearful hazard — whether he 
will have these blacks for friends or enemies. They 
have the casting vote in this great struggle. 

" While stunds the Colifleuro, Rome shall stand ! 
When falls the Coliseum, Homo must fall ! " 

In General Butler's letter, above alluded to, he de- 
clares himself to be a soldier, recognizing the right of 
his Government to command, and ready to obey or- 
ders, any orders that may be given him. He inti- 
mates his preference for orders which shall exclude 
the negroes, and reject their offered help. But it is 
to be remembered that, on a former occasion, when 
the same question came up for his decision at Fortress 
Monroe, in asking instructions from the Government 
he strongly intimated his preference for orders which 
would combine favor to the oppressed blacks with 
justice against their rebel masters. It is to the shame 
of President Lincoln, and history will record it as at 
once a crime and a blunder on his part, that this in- 
timation was disregarded. Nobody suspected the 
veteran partisan Democrat of being especially soft- 
hearted, or of caring very much for the rights or the 
welfare of negroes. It was plain that the sagacious 
old politician saw that that was the right card for the 
Government to play, and that the Administration 
ould doubly strengthen itself and weaken the rebels, 
by taking part with the slaves against their former 
masters. The President then disregarded his subor- 
dinate's wise suggestion, and went on with the policy 
which his birth in slaveholding Kentucky, and his life 
in negro-hating Illinois, and his very moderate Re- 
publicanism, had prepared him for. He held himself 
aloof from interference with slavery. What -wonder 
that when (owing to the President's continued absti- 
nence from the publication of a settled policy or prin- 
ciple on this subject) the case comes up again for de- 
cision, General Butler should try the other tack! 
What wonder that, having failed to enlist his com- 
mander in the prosecution of a coUrse which his own 
judgment dictated, he should try next the road for 
which that commander had already shown his decided 
preference ! 

The entire responsibility of this decision rests with 
the President. Let us mart which way he decides, 
and mark, too, whether he shrinks from positive de- 
cision. When further defeats shall have added to the 
desperation of the rebels, every day's delay of our 
Government to enlist the slaves on its side will add 
fearfully to the risk of a permanent loss, both of them 
and the country in which they live. Oh that Presi- 
dent Lincoln may have already decided to make thw 
Fourth of July the day of Freedom and Indepen- 
dence to the slave ! — c. k. w. 



Magrudcr once commanded, and I learn by the way 
of prisoners that he told his men he must have it if it 
cost ten thousand lives. You can judge something of 
the havoc" made in their ranks, from the fact that 
eight hundred of their dead lay upon a space of lees 
than an acre of ground, besides double this number 
of wounded. This affair took place about half an 
hour before sunset, Saturday evening. 



Confiscation. Mr. Sumner delivered a very able 
speech in the Senate on Friday afternoon, in reply to 
Mr. Browning's attack upon him and his views con- 
cerning confiscation on Wednesday. He showed con- 
clusively the utter folly of carrying on the war longer 
In give the rebels the rights of war, while wo confined 
oursclvcB to the rights of peace. 



" An,\ plus deshe'rites Ie plus 
: Ticknor and Fields. 



Tragedy of Eiihors 
d' amour." Boston 

Thanks to the publishers for this long wlshed-for 
volume. Wc have experienced the same gratification 
in its perusal that we did in the case of its sequel, the 
"Tragedy of Success." Great skill is shown in the 
narration necessary to the comprehension of the plot, 
where the natural tendency to be prosy has been most 
successfully overcome; while tiie scenes winch depict 
the negro love of music anil, power of improvisation 
are graceful and fascinating iu the extreme. The 
reader will rise from the hook with a feeling of un- 
alloyed pleasure, unless, like us, he regret those pas- 
sages which seem to strike at the cause of Woman's 
Rights, of which tho tideiited authoress is really so 
able a supporter.— w. r. G. 



jjtjf The Provost Marshal of liichmond lias issued 
a notice, earnestly requesting the citizens lo lend the 

army the use of their slaves. Nobody prOtOBtB ! 



THE BATTLE AT PAIR OAKS, VA, 

Boston, June 28, 1862. 
Friend Garrison : 

I send you herewith some extracts from a letter re- 
ceived from a friend of mine who is a non-commis- 
sioned officer in one of the regiments of Massachu- 
setts Volunteers, together with a reply to the same. 
Make sueh disposition of them as you please. Per- 
haps they may be of some interest to the public, both 
as a clever description of one of the bloodiest scenes 
in the battle to which they refer, and as indicating a 
state of feeling in the Federal army, which, if it be as 
general as he intimates, is likely to place the success 
of the Government in the present struggle absolutely 
beyond the reach of possibility. My own view I 
have endeavored to state in such a way that at least 
there should be no misapprehension about it. 

I have suppressed the name of the writer, as the 
letter was a private one, and as he is only the repre- 
sentative of a class, more or less numerous, both iu 
the army and out of it. I think the publication may 
arrest attention, and be a means of learning in wdiat 
direction we are drifting in this wild hurricane. 
Yours for liberty in any event, 

N. H WHITING. 

Camp at Fair Oaks, (near Richmond,} Va., ) 
June 17, 18(32. J 

The excitement of the late battle, fought here on Sat- 
urday and Sunday, the last day of May and the first of 
June, has nearly subsided. The dead have all been 
buried, and the wounded, such of them as were able 
to be removed, sent home, or to the hospitals in the 
different Northern States. It was a most horrid 
looking scene around here on Monday, the day after 
the h:\tile. Everything in the vicinity in the shape of 
a building was filled to overflowing with the wounded 
of both friend and foe ; yet not one-half of them could 
obtain shelter of any description. Consequently, 
many with their limbs amputated were compelled to be 
exposed to the sun during the day, and a drenching 
rain which fell during the following night, 

Our Division (Couch's) was in the thickest of the 
fight, and was at one time in a most critical situation, 
being entirely cut off from the main body ; and had it 
not been for the timely arrival of Gen. Sumner, with 
a large reinforcement, we must have been all cut to 
pieces or taken prisoners. 

Our regiment was detached from the brigade to sup- 
port a battery of four guns, and we had been in our 
position not over twenty minutes when the enemy ad- 
vanced with a force fifteen thousand strong. At this 
critical moment, Gen, Sumner arrived with Sedgwick's 
Division and Ricketts' Battery, consisting of six 
twelve-pound guns. They had barely time to place 
the guns in position and form line of battle, when the 
enemy made his appearance out of the woods into the 
clearing directly in front of us, and not more than 
sixty yards distant. They fired one volley, and one 
only. Our two batteries, numbering iu all ten guns, 
now opened upon thorn, and being all shotted with 
grape and cannister, nnd tho distance just right for 
tho shot to spread from gun to gun, did actually cut 
them down by companies. After the battle, I saw two 
Companies that were out down to a man. apparently, 
as no vacancy could be seen in their ranks. Officers 
ami men fed in the enter in which they advanced upon 
(lie batteries. 'fids might truly be called mowing 
men down. Three times did they charge upon our 
batteries, and no troops in the world, however veteran. 
could do it better, Bui RIoketts 1 Battery, which is 

perhaps the besl in Hie service, together with the de- 
structive tire of mir infantry, proved too much for 
them. This battery ol Uieketts is ihe same that 



What do you think of the progreBtt of the warl 
How or when do you think it will teimhiate? You 
stated in a former letter that the war could never end 
in the restoration or reconstruction of the Union upon 
its old basis. Have you altered that opinion any of 
late? For my part, I have never b^en able to see 
how it could end otherwise, although it may be the 
indirect cause of doing away with slavery in some of 
the border States. It will never do for Congress to 
pass the Emancipation Bill. It would be equivalent 
to disbanding the army ; for I do not think there are 
one hundred men in it who would willingly remain, 
after the passage of such a bill. I have yet to see the 
first man. Tins army volunteered to put down the 
rebellion and restore tho Union, not to free negroes. 
For this, and this alone, we are ready to fight. 

But perhaps Congress could raise an army of this 
class, sufficient to take the place of the one already in 
the field. If so, all very well; but, with the excep- 
tion of one or two generals, there are none to be found 
in the present army. . 
I should be glad to hear from you in reply. 

Yours, respectfully, . 

Boston, June 24, 1862. 
Dear Fhiesd, — I thank you for the letter you sent 
me under date of the 17th inst. It is no ordinary 
privilege and satisfaction to receive news direct from 
an actor on the stage where is being performed the 
great drama of the nation's life.pr death. Your de- 
scription of one of the bloody scenes is graphic and 
thrilling in a high degree. 

The dread arena seems spread out before me. I 
hear the turmoil and shock of battle, — the rattle of 
nusketry, the shout of charging squadrons, the deep, 
ullen boom of cannon, the curse of murderous hate, 
the shriek of despair, and the yell of mortal agony. 
I see in my mind's eye the ghastly spectacle of the 
dead and dying thousands who are strown so thickly 
on that prolific field of death, which turned out its 
human swaths at the rate of two thousand five hun- 
dred sheaves to the acre! An awful harvest truly; 
leading one to exclaim with Fortinbrass in the play : 
" proud death ! 
What feast is toward in thine eternal cell, 
That thou so many brothers at a shot 
So bloodily hast struck?" 

Not often does the Great Reaper carry desolation 
and woe to so many hearth-stones with one sweep of 
his remorseless scythe ! 

We might bear bravely, triumphantly, the untimely 
loss of kindred and friends, could we know that these 
young men had bled and died for, and that the sacrifice 
would advance the cause of liberty and justice. We 
could sing pagans of thanksgiving, even while our 
hearts were aching for the fallen and stricken ones of 
the land. We would canonize those heroes of ours 
as among the most precious martyrs of all the ages. 

But, alas ! when I read your letter, and witness the 
desperate and unscrupulous efforts which are being 
made to blind the people as to the cause of this war, 
and exasperate them against those wdio are alone the 
friends of good government, — because they are the 
champions of civil and religious liberty, — I have many 
misgivings that the end sought for in this vast array of 
mortal strife is not to establish and conserve human 
liberty, but to extend and perpetuate human slavery. 

"Some guard through love his ghastly throne, 
And some through fear to reverence grown." 

If we could believe the "conservatives" of our land, 
these immense armies are engaged in deadly conflict, 
each under some strange hallucination, some unac- 
countable misapprehension in regard to the other's 
character and purposes. They would seem to be two 
bodies of friends, like our troops at Big Bethel, stumb- 
ling along in the dark in pursuit of a common foe, 
engaging in wholesale slaughter under the mistaken 
idea that they are enemies. Were it not for its fatal 
effects upon the lives and happiness of our citizens, 
we might* look upon the whole thing as one of the 
most absurd and ludicrous exhibitions of human blind- 
ness and folly that history gives us any record of. 

Here are two parties madly seeking each other's 
ruin, the one to save slavery, pure and simple, from de. 
struction, and the other to save slavery and the Union 
from a like catastrophe, — these last looking upon sla- 
very and the Union as the Constitutional " Siamese 
Twins," not to be separated without inevitable disas- 
ter and death to both. What a spectacle this pre- 
sents to spirits, both infernal and celestial! — of joy to 
the former, of sorrow and shame to the latter ! 

You ask me when I think this war will end. Wlien 
the cause of it is removed. You may cry peace ! peace ! 
but there will be no peace until slavery Is torn up by 
the roots, and cast into the fire of a free people's con- 
suming wrath. 

I know we are told continually that the Abolition- 
ists are the cause of this convulsion, and should be 
held ' accountable therefor. There are many who 
seem fondly to imagine that if they could only hang 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Henry Ward 
Beecher, Horace Greeley, and a few others of a simi- 
lar cast, the gaping sutures of the Union would speed- 
ily close up; trade would revive, the thirty pieces of 
silver obtained for the .betrayal and crucifixion of the 
divine principle of liberty would be multiplied a hun- 
dred fold, the crack of the driver's whip and the sound 
of the auctioneer's hammer in his market for human 
souls would again be heard in the capital of the na- 
tion, and, at the roll-call of Toombs' slaves at the 
foot of the monument on Bunker Hill, the millennium , 
of the sham democracy would darken [be horizon, and 
speedily run and be glorified over the whole land. 

These are bright anticipations to be indulged in by 
avarice and cupidity, but they can never be realized. 
No doubt in the same sense that truth is accountable 
for the corruption and ravages of falsehood, virtue for 
vice, love for hate, are those men and their compeers 
responsible for the murderous attack of slavery upon 
the nation's life. Like the devils in the olden time, it 
has cried out, "We know thee who thou art. Hast 
thou come to torment us before the time?" "Put 
on! the light! " it has cried to its Northern pimps and 
vassals. But, nolwitbstanding the "alacrity" with 
which they have labored in " this foul work of hell," 
(he light has increased, aud flashed across the conti- 
nent, and penetrated the dark prison house, so that the 
hideous character of the monster was becoming pa- 
tent to all eyes. Goaded ihus to desperation and de- 
spair, it has madly plunged into this stormy gee of re- 
bellion, to meet, we will fain hope, the fate of the 
demons who took refuge in the swine of Galilee. 

Smitten with a blind fatuity, there are those who 
fancy that the death of a few individuals would ap- 
pease the wrath of the Slave Tower, and reslore peace 
and harmony to these warring Siales. They do not 
seem to consider that this is a conflict of ideas, of 
principles, and not of men merely. Kill these men 
who are so obnoxious to the slaveholders ! It would 
bo like sowing the fabled dragens' teeth: they would 
spring up armed men — armed not with rifle and bowie 
Unite only, but with the might of everlasting princi- 
ples. 

- These areb agitators," " these pestilent fanat- 
ics," Who have for so many years been turning the 
nation up-side down, and who. that it may at lust 
stand upon its feet, arc yet, under God, to break the 
boon's of wickedness and lot the oppressed go Ireo,— 
these are indeed but globules in the life-blood of that 
universal heart, which, in all ages and nations, has in 
some way given voice to the immutable truth which. 
when expressed in the splendid rhetoric of Brougham, 
declares tint*, "while men despise fraud, and loathe 
rapine, anil abhor blood, they will reject with indigna- 
tion the wild and guilty phantasy that man can hold 
proper^ in man.*' 

Anti-Slavery ! Win. it is as old as the sense of 
juMico, the love ol' truth, the idea ot human brothfil 



"•• ■ ■"■' ' - - ■■-■■■ 



JULY 4. 



THE LIBEH^TO R 



107 



hood, the instinct of liberty, the aspiration for i 
mortality. It will die when they do : never before. 

You ask mo if I still hold to the opinion that the 
Union can never he restored on its old basis. Un- 
doubtedly. It is not possible. Nature never repeats 
herself. Our motion as individuals and nations is (ill 
eular, but we never come back to the spot from 
whence we start. We have travelled a long way. 
since the 12tll of April, 1861. It is a vast circle in 
which we are revolving. When it is completed, we 
shall have risen much higher or sunk far lower than 
we were before we began the journey. Onr position 
is in our own hands, so far as ascension or degrada- 
tion ts concerned ; but no power in the universe can 
make us what we were when South Carolina e 
mencetl treading the wine-press of rebellion. If the 
thing were possible, God forbid, say I, that it should 
ever be repeated ! Such an experience as we have 
had should suffice for one generation, and even for 
all. Old forms may possibly continue for a time, but 
the facts out of which they grew are changed forever. 
You say an act of emancipation by Congress would 
be equivalent to disbanding the whole army. I hope 
and believe you are greatly mistaken. But if not, 
if, after the practical knowledge yon have received of 
the inherent, incurable ferocity and diabolism of sla- 
very, — you still prefer national ruin to salvation with 
and by the help of the negro, perhaps you can hav 
your choice. But of this be assured, the slave will 
have his freedom. Those four millions of " poor blind 
Samsons " down there in the South land are play- 
ing, and have yet a more important part to play in tins 
struggle. Woe be to them who persist in seeking to 
repress and trample out the divine love of liberty 
which is stirring in their rude, untutored hearts ! We 
cannot succeed without them. Whoever secures their 
strength in the final grapple, " his party conquers in 
the strife," 

" The army did not enlist to free the negro " ! Of 
course not. You are in the field to maintain the au- 
thority*of the government, and to obey all its behests 
while remaining in its service. But your government 
has no justifiable existence only on the basis of the 
truths in the Declaration of Independence. You are 
fighting for the nation ; but that rests upon a principle 
grossly violated in the case of the slave at the South. 
And will you forsake it when it begins to show signs 
of an intention to embody this principle into its actual 
life? The negro in this case stands for the race. 
Oppression does not seize upon the strong, the intel- 
ligent, and the rich, but upon the weak, the ignorant, 
the poor and friendless. He is the man fallen among 
thieves, and we have been the allies of the thieves. 
The blow we aimed at the despised African has re- 
coiled upon our own heads. We have sown the wind : 
we are reaping the whirlwind. 

Do you know that slavery has never confined itself 
to color, or race even ? All races have been driven 
under its cruel lash. And while I write, there lies 
before me the portrait of a girl, now grown to woman- 
hood, who, "blue-eyed, and fair, with Saxon blood," 
shows no visible trace of relationship to the despised 
negro. She resides in this city, having been re- 
deemed from slavery by a noble Senator of Massa- 
chusetts. Do you think that the avarice and cupidity 
which originated and sustain this system would hes- 
itate to make a profit out of this "cunning pattern 
of creating nature," because Caucassian blood flows 
in her veins? Nay, verily. The negro is your rep- 
resentative as well as mine, in this conflict. The 
knife you aim at his bosom draws the life-blood from 
your own. 

You want to restore the old order of things ! Do 
you consider what that drags along in its train " Dred 
Scott decisions ! fugitive Slave laws ! lynch laws for 
all who will not bow down and worship slavery, and 
sell their birthright for its miserable pottage ! slavery 
in the District! slavery in the Territories! slavery 
wherever our eagle flies, or our stars and stripes float 
in the breeze ! This is worth fighting for, is it ? You 
are perilling "life and fortune and sacred honor" to 
restore once more the time 

" When crime was virtue — gown, and sword, 
And law, their three-fold sanction gave ; 
And, to the quarry of the slave, 
"Went hawking with our symbol-bird." 

This is brave work ! Who is ready to engage in it ? 
Not you, I hope. 

No, my friend, slavery has sought to throttle our 
nation, and build up its filthy empire upon the ruins. 
It must die ! It has appealed to the dread arbitrament 
of war. It shall abide its fortune. Do you intend to 
save it from its doom t 

In the name of the silent dead who lie festering in 
their bloody graves around you, — of all those who are 
to die, or be crippled and maimed in this atrocious and 
wanton rebellion, — the unutterable misery it will carry 
to so many hamlets and firesides ; — for the sake of the 
justice outraged, the love blighted, the homes made 
desolate, the humanity murdered; — and in the name 
of that posterity which, though now "existing only 
in the all-creating power of God," is hereafter to 
stand in our places, and gather the fruit of the tree 
we this day plant, — I adjure you toNeave no rightful 
means untried by which this great criminal, Slavery, 
can be cast out and trodden under foot of men. The 
way is now open. All that is needed is the unflinch- 
ing, resolute will, guided by an unconquerable devo- 
tion to our dear country, and that universal freedom 
and justice it was designed to secure. 

This, my friend, is my reply to your request. I 
commend it to your careful deliberation. That you 
may be an instrument in the redemption of our land 
from its great crime and curse, and thus lay the 
foundation for a brilliant career of prosperity and hap- 
piness for all, is the earnest desire of 

Your friend, N. H. WHITING. 



NO COMPKOMISE WITH WRONQ— THE LES- 
SON OF THE HOUR. 

Harwich, (Mass.; June 23, 1862. 
Dear Garrison — Yesterday, according to ap- 
pointment, I lectured three times in this town — twice 
in Union 'Hall, once in the Orthodox meeting-house, 
Rev. Mr. Munsell the minister. Deep interest in the 
meetings was manifested in the Hall. In the forenoon, 
the lecture was on the Unity of the Race. The human 
family includes all out of the body, and all in it — 
black, white and red. The kingdom of humanity — 
which is the kingdom of God — knows no nation, no 
church, and, of course, embraces all human beings, 
and none else; politicians, priests and sectarians are 
excluded from it — sectarism and nationalism being 
equally and forever shut out. * To be a Christian — 
as the word is understood according to the theory and 
practice of the church and of Christendom — is a great 
and daring crime and outrage against humanity. To 
be a patriot is in like manner a crime and outrage 
against justice and humanity. 

But the meeting in the Orthodox meeting-house, in 
the evening, is worth special notice as indicative of 
the great change going on in favor of liberty, and 
against slavery. Subject: "Compromise." Text: 
What God hath put asunder, let no man put together. 
The minister — ltev. Mr. Munsell — opened by prayer — 
emphatically and in so many words praying, that 
"the war miijht continue, till slavery is abolished." In 
my heart, I cried out, " Hear, hear ! " it came out so 
heartily. Who can help but pray that the pain may 
continue till the patient is willing to remove the en 
of the disease 1 — that the horrors of war may come to 
the people till tliey are willing to abolish slavery — 
that greatest of horrors, and the source of all our 
troubles '! 

It was shown how this nation's effort, for seventy 
years, to put together what God had put asunder, 
had darkened the conscience, perverted the reason, 
and obfuscated the entire moral nature of the people, 
on all questions of social, civil, religious and domestic 
life. 

But the richest part of the whole meeting was this : 
The leading man of the church moved a vote of thanks 
to the lecturer— Henry C. Wright— which was car- 
ried by a rising vote ! Then the same leading mem- 
ber of the church called for the singing of John 
Brown's Glory, Hallelujah ! and all the congregation 



arose and joined in singing the chorus, while I sang 
the verses. Then the minister generously and hearti- 
ly thanked me for my lecture. Alt this, dear Garri- 
son, in an Orthodox meeting-house, on Sunday ! The 
world moves ! 

All just as it should be! Just right! Had all the 
Orthodox churches of the North treated Abolitionists 
and the Abolition movement, for the past thirty years, 
as Rev. Mr. Munsell and his church treated me yester- 
day, this war had never been— with its anguish and 
tears, and legacy of wailing, of sighs and sorrow, to 
generations yet unborn; Abolitionists and Aboli- 
tionism had never been arrayed against them, for they 
would all long ago have been arrayed against slavery, 
and in their bosoms the dumb and down-trodden had 
found a sure protection from the enslaver. 

My heart is full of hope— cheerful, animating hope. 
I can see the beginning of the end of slavery. This 
government can never be restored to where it was, 
with slave-bunting and slave-representation as a basis. 

The almighty talk! What power in ideas! Before 
the omnipotence of thought, vitalized by love and 
sympathy, no evil can stand. Even slavery must fall. 
Thought has more power to kill slavery than cannon, 
rifled though they be. 

Yours, HENRY C. WRIGHT. 



ANTI-SLAVERY AT THE WEST. 

Lewistown, (Fulton Co.) III., June 23, 1862. 

Dear Liberator, — If any anti-slavery laborer of 
your acquaintance thinks our work is already done, or 
that a more vigorous and faithful prosecution of it than 
ever will not be more fruitful than ever of good results, 
let him come, and work and watch in this part of the 
vineyard, which is now white to the harvest, but in 
which the laborers are few indeed. He will find here 
a blind and stupid hatred and dread of the negro, 
grown to an absorbing passion, and genuine abolition- 
ism looked upon by the majority as the pestilence that 
walketh in darkness ; and yet, the uncompromising 
worker will see these barbarous notions melting rapidly 
away before the steady light of truth, and the track of 
thorough anti-slavery work as readily distinguished by 
good results as are the lines of irrigation on New Eng- 
land hillsides by the stronger and healthier vegetation. 
The people come out, and listen with interest and ap- 
preciation, and I only wish the laborers were in any 
proportion to the harvest which might be gathered in. 

I have been holding a series of meetings lately, 
which have been unusually encouraging. At Brim- 
field, Peoria Co., with the assistance of our good and 
true friends, the Hucys, we had a fine open air meeting. 
At Maquon, Knox Co., a place where this gospel was 
never preached before, we bad a stirring time. I 
spoke on the "Lessons of the Rebellion" until half- 
past 10 o'clock, after which a lawless limb of the law, 
imported for the occasion by the Valiandighamers, de- 
fended the persecuted apologists for slavery, and I re- 
joined; the meeting continuing with unabated interest 
till past midnight. The large audience, even the wo- 
men and children, remained to the close, and the labor 
was evidently not in vain. 

To Mr. L. .W. Blakesly, at whose beautiful home I 
was entertained, and to " Charley " McGrew, I am 
under many obligations. 

In Maquon, as, in some other places, I was waited 
on by the Republicans, and begged not to discuss the 
black clauses of the New Constitution, as it would 
only irritate and alienate the Democrats, whom it was 
all we could do to hold to the support of the Govern- 
ment by concession and conciliation. Poor, faithless 
Republicanism ! Shivering and cringing yet under 
the whip of negro-hating, God-denying bullies, who 
are desperate because their hour is almost come ! 

In Ipava, Pulton Co., I was greeted by an audience, 
overflowing both in numbers and enthusiasm; cheer- 
ing most heartily the most radical sentiments. 

At Vermont, a fine substantial town which every 
way docs honor to its name, the Congregationalists 
gave me the use of their meeting-house, and we had a 
large and pleasant meeting. Dr. Taylor, a cousin of 
Bayard Taylor, whom be resembles in feature and in 
freedom from the trammels of conventionalism, was 
our chairman. Rev. Mr. Eels and wife, of the Con- 
gregational church, gave us a helping hand, (notwith- 
standing their personal relationship to Parsons Cooke, 
of the Boston Recorder, )— but to H. S. Thomas, Esq., 
P. M., formerly an anti-slavery and temperance lec- 
turer, and to his pleasant family, our good cause and 
its advocates are under special obligations. 

At Pleasant Dale, four miles from Vermont, is a 
Quaker neighborhood, where a society is still in work- 
ing order. Here I had an appointment for Sunday 
last. On reaching the place of meeting, we found 
the good, wholesome-looking Quakers out en masse, 
and also delegations from Ipava and Vermont, which 
apparently would have thrice filled the house. The 
meeting was, therefore, adjourned to an adjacent grove, 
and in that beautiful temple we enjoyed a season of 
rare interest. It was heart-cheering to look into the 
soul-lit faces of that audience. H. S. Thomas, Esq., 
of Vermont, presided, and spoke, too, with excellent 
effect. 

At Hickory Grove, I found a community almost 
unanimous for slavery. They gave me a bearing, 
however, and I found here a few thorough-going Abo- 
litionists. I shall not soon forget the hearty kindness 
of that good old Quaker couple, Jesse Kinzie and Na- 
omi, his wife. 

I see that Mrs. H. M. T. Cutler dates one of her let- 
ters in the Liberator from Elmwood, where we should 
have been glad to hear her lecture, but our orthodox 
minister, with whom she staid over Sunday, kept her 
so snugly hidden under his ecclesiastical bushel, that 
we knew nothing of her advent until several days af- 
ter she left. I am glad she succeeds so well with, the 
clergy, and I wish she; or some other favored one, 
would give us avecipe for preaching the whole gospel 
of anti-slavery, and yet retaining the helping hand and 
good-will of these reverend shepherds. For myself, I 
often find them the greatest stumbling-blocks in the 
strait and narrow way of truth. I hope Mrs. Culler 
will make another tour through this region, and that 
she will not overlook Elmwood. 

E. R. BROWN. 



MEETINGS IN NASHUA, (N, H.) 

Nashua, June 23, 1862. 
Friend Garrison — I rode some twenty miles this 
(Sunday) morning, to listen to our ever-faithful 
friend, Parker Pillsbury, and was more than paid 
for my labor. The audience in the afternoon, though 
not large, was composed of the best spirits of this 
place, who listened to the burning words of inspiration 
and eloquence which fell from the lips of one long 
devoted to the cause of suffering humanity. It was 
evident the seed fell on good ground. May it bring 
forth abundantly in due season ! This evening, the 
audience was much larger, and it was plain that the 
serious and solemn truth concerning the enormous 
crime of the Church and Nation against God and 
man was even more eagerly received ; and it must 
have a deep and abiding influence upon the mind: 
of the bearers. The " higher law " was portrayed to 
us as vividly as was the brazen serpent, of which we 
read, to those who bad been bitten. Would to God 
our religious teachers had, in years past, held up this 
law of love for our guide ! But have not a great ma- 
jority of them scoffed at the plainest teachings of Je- 
sus, whose disciples they profess to be ; and, by fol- 
lowing these blind guides, is not the nation now in a 
Red Sea of blood well earned'? R. H. OBER. 



EEOM KANSAS, 

An article from the pen of Rev. Daniel FoBter of 
Centralia, Kansas, has lately come to our notice, in 
which the state of affairs in this portion of Kansas is 
set forth in false colors, and, as the communication was 
originally published in the Liberator, we respectfully 
ask a hearing in the columns of the same. 

The author of the communication referred to evi- 
dently designs to convey the impression that, in the 
affair which he attempts to relate, he was opposed by 
a pro-slavery faction, and that the opposition was on 
account of his anti-slavery sentiments, which is a base 
misrepresentation, and has no foundation whatever in 
truth, as the more thoroughly reliable anti-slavery 
portion of this community is opposed to the general 
course taken by him, since his return from the East in 
the spring of 1861. The movement, on our part, has 
nothing to do with slavery, but was inaugurated {so 
far ns our action is concerned), for the establishment of 
law and order, and for the purpose of rescuing our 
community from the danger of falling into a debauch- 
ed state of morals. 

The Home Association, chartered in 1858, — the 
Charter and Constitution of which provide for the 
building of a fence around Home Town, and the loca- 
tion of a seminary at the Centre — proved, in the 
bands of certain persons, to be a swindling corporation. 
From nine to eleven thousand dollars of the seminary 
and fence fund had been collected, and appropriated 
to the support of a few individuals. The good people 
of HomeTown, not willing to bear the burden any 
longer, at the last September election elected a new 
Executive Committee, without any show of opposition, 
scarcely, that the existing order of things might be 
changed. But the old Committee, knowing full well 
that they were no longer to feed on the spoils of office, 
and Kansas relief, on the eve of the election, attempt- 
ed {without the authority of the people of Home Town) 
to place the seminary fund under the control of {bogus) 
corporators, (the petition to the Probate Judge being 
forged, and the inventory of property being, in part, 
State school lands, &c.) 

In this manner, this same Committee attempted to 
make themselves corporators of Centralia Seminary, 
and employed Mr. Foster to teach. The " bigots, hun- 
kers and driftwood," anxious to educate their children, 
sent them to school, notwithstanding their opposition 
to the swindle. But, in time, the school began to 
dwindle, everything seemed to be in confusion, excite- 
ments were common, the house was closed against the 
Lyceum, church societies were discommoded, Mr. Fos- 
ter threatened suit for slander, testimony was filed in a 
Justice's office, threatened suit not prosecuted, &c. &c. 
Up to this time we waited for things to develop 
themselves. In the meantime, relief contributions from 
the East were made to subserve the purposes of the 
Morse-Foster party. Sabbath-School clothing, instead of 
being distributed to the Sabbath-School children, was 
appropriated to the support of Mr. Foster. Two hun- 
dred Mm's a month, as Relief Agent, is another item, 
also, which we consider rather burdensome. The asser- 
tion of Mr. Foster that we "had tried all legal means 
to oust him from the building, and signally failed," is 
utterly false. We are in possession of the house, and 
have taken no steps but in accordance with legal ad- 
vice. We bide our time. We believe the official 
misconduct of Dr. McKay, Chairman of the Board of 
Corporators, was, his disapprobation of the manner 
in which the school was carried on. The comparison 
of the*female teachers was certainly uncalled for, and 
would bear reversing. We are not aware of any at- 
tempt to get the doors and windows by a search-war- 
rant : hut Mr. Foster did bring an action of replevin 
against Dr. Hiddon for the doors and windows, and 
withdrew the suit at his own cost. 

On the 8th day of March, 1862, (after the house 
had been vacant about one month,) the Executive 
Committee of Home Association employed a teach- 
er to take charge of the school, and to occupy the 
house to protect it from any one who might be disposed 
to act the part of an incendiary. On the 10th of 
March, while the removal of the family was being 
made, Daniel Foster, armed, and accompanied by 
several attendants, burst open the door and entered 
the house. His friends, armed with guns, began to 
gather around the house. Mr. Foster drew a revolver, 
and threatened to empty its contents. Up to this time, 
no hostile demonstration had been made toward Mr. 
Foster, with hatchets, axes or canes, or any other 
weapon whatever, and no one had attempted to put 
him out of the house. We awaited the operation of 
the civil law, while our lives were in jeopardy by an 
armed mob in and around the house. A writ was 
placed in the hands of the Sheriff, and Daniel Foster 
and his accomplices were taken before Justice Beers ; 
they had the case removed, and it was removed and 
tried before "Injustice" Lanham, (on whom Mr. Fos- 
ter delights to heap such outrageous scandal.) Mr. 
Foster and his two friends who refused to give bail 
were not released, when the application for the Habeas 
was answered by Judge Horton; but the decision of 
Esquire Lanham was sustained. 

John W. Davis, Pres. of Home Association. 

Jno. S. Hidden, Sec'y. 

J. W. Tcller, Auditor. 

H. A. Goodman, I Business Committee of 

John McBhatney, j Home Association. 

Hiram H. Lanham, Justice of the Peace. 

Joseph W. Franks, 

O. P. Gallagher, 

H. Grimes, 

Charles Brainard, 

William Anderson, 

T. A. Campfield, 

D. Wm. Granger, 
Delos Reed, 

S. B. H., 

E. D. Hymer, 
Reuben Mosher, 

and other citizens. 
Centralia, Nemaha Co., (Kan.,) ) 
June 19, 1862. ( 



Education in Massachusetts. We have re- 
ceived the Twenty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board 
of Education, together with the Twenty-Fifth Annual 
Report of the Secretary of the Board. This is a large 
and handsomely printed volume, showing the state of 
education and the schools in the various cities and 
towns in Massachusetts, and therefore full of valuable 
statistics and useful information. It also contains the 
Reports of the Visitors of the various Normal Schools 
in the Commonwealth and an Abstract of School Com- 
mittees' Reports and of School Returns. 



THE NEW CONSTITUTION OE ILLINOIS. 

Earlville, La Salle Co., (111.) 1 
June 26, 1862. J 

Dear Mr. Garrison — The proposed Constitution, 
by which rebel sympathizers expected to precipitate 
Illinois into the vortex of civil war, is without doubt 
defeated by some 12,000 majority, counting the votes 
polled within the limits of the State. The votes of 
the Illinois Volunteers, which the Convention pro- 
vided, — in palpable violation of the Constitution and 
laws of the State, — might be taken by unsworn Secesh 
Commissioners, outside the limits of the State, are not 
yet counted, nor even polled. The Commissioners 
have until August to finish up the business. By that 
time, they will know just how many votes to return, 
to turn the scale in favor of the iniquity. The Chica- 
go Times, the paper which undertook to get up a mob 
when Phillips spoke at Chicago last winter, and the 
Northwestern organ of Jeff. Davis, which Secretary 
Stanton ought to have "wiped out" long ago, says 
that "we (the Sceesh Democracy) are prepared for 
just such an emergency " — a popular vote in the State 
against the swindle. I expect, therefore, that we may 
look out (or Calhoun-Kansas-candle-box returns from 
our regiments in other States. But the Judges of our 
Supreme Court, who would be ousted by the new 
Constitution, can be relied on, in the last resort, to in- 
terpose a decision against the legality of fishing for 
votes outside of the State for a month after the elec- 
tion. When the interest of Supreme Judges lies ex- 
actly in the line of their duty, no one will doubt that 
they can bo trusted. In our case, to save themselves, 
they must save the State; therefore we, feel that we 
are safe in any possible event. But it is said that the 
soldiers have nearly all turned Abolitionists, and arc 
voting against the "new Constitution," almost to a 
man. If this be true, it would Beem difficult for these 
pupils of candle-box Calhoun to invent, at this late 
day, a new dodge. But we shall see. 

The secret of John Wentworth's apostaey proves 
to be, if we can believe " the papers," that his father- 
in-law is the owner of abont two millions of the Mc- 
Allister and Stebbins' bonds, the payment of which 
the proposed Constitution expressly provided for. 



The McAllister and Stebbins' bonds, so called, are 
State bonds of Illinois, to the amount, at the present 
time, interest and principle, of about three anil a half 
millions, which some time in 1838 or '40 were hypoth- 
ecated with a broker in New York for the sum of 
two hundred and eighty thousand dollars, and after- 
wards by said broker disposed of as his own in the 
market. The State was ready to pay the borrowed 
money when due, and has always held herself in 
readiness to do so, but these bonds could not be bad,— 
the holders claiming to be innocent purchasers, and 
entitled to the full amount of the bonds. This was 
known to be a fraudulent pretence, and the Slate has 
steadily refused to pay the bonds, although every 
legislature has been beleagured by the holders thereof, 
and their agents, for twenty years. Well, it came to 
pass, in the course of time, that " Long John," the 
friend of John Brown, and since a radical abolitionist, 
married the daughter of a very wealthy man in Chi- 
cago, who, honestly or otherwise, was the holder of 
the siiug sum of two millions, more or less, of these 
bonds. John became tilt' advocate of a Constitutional 
Convention, to change the old Constitution ; the legis- 
lature was invoked, and the Convention called; dele- 
gates were elected, and assembled at Springfield, and 
John appeared in their midst, and became the most 
active and influential member— made an extravagant 
eulogy upon Douglas, and became the friend and co- 
worker of sceesh Democrats. The Constitution was 
finished, and the Convention adjourned. John imme- 
diately became the associate editor of the secesh 
Times — worked day and night, made speeches, wrote 
long editorials for the Times, went to Dutch balls, 
drank bad whiskey at Irish wakes — in short, did an in- 
credible amount of dirty work, to secure the adoption 
of the New Constitution. But, on one fine day, 
it was discovered that the new Constitution was made 
to fit the case of the McAllister and Stebbins' bond- 
holders, exactly. The people saw through the trick. 
John's balloon leaked gas, and collapsed. Professors 
Wise and LaMountain never tumbled as did Prof. 
John. John's altitude was immense, but his descent 
was immenser. His exact landing-place, or the extent 
of his injuries, is not lenown, but is certainly worse 
than a tree-top or a mill-pond, and eight days' subsis- 
tence on roots and yabs. I commend the story of the 
rise and fall of "Long John" to all men who are 
tempted of the devil, in these latter days, to betray 
Liberty and the People. A. J. GROVER. 



PETITION TO CONGRESS. 

On the 20th ult. Hon. Mr. Sedgwick presented to 
the Congress of the United States the following peti- 
tion, signed by more than five hundred of the adult 
male citizens of Syracuse — fair samples of the profes- 
sional, mercantile, mechanical and laboring men of 
that city : — 

Syracuse, May 15th, 1862. 
To the Honorable Mt'tiibtr* of ilia Senate and House of 

Representatives of the ignited Stutes in Congress assem- 
bled: 

Gentlemen: We, the undersigned, citizens of Sy- 
racuse, in the State of New York, respectfully submit — 

That as shivery is undeniably the cause of the pres- 
ent civil war, which has already, during the past 
twelve months, wasted hundreds of millions of proper- 
ty, maimed the persons, and broken down the health 
of tens of thousands of our countrymen, and destroy- 
ed the lives of many thousands more : 

That as this " peculiar institution " has ever been, 
and must ever be, utterly incompatible with the ad- 
ministration of a truly democratic government, and 
with the accomplishment of the grand purposes of the 
Union and Constitution of these United States of 
America: 

That as the holding of human beings as property, 
and treatingjhem as domesticated brutes, is the most 
tremendous sin of which individuals or a nation can 
be guilty: 

Therefore, the Rulers of this Republic ought to rid 
it of this curse, — extirpate from our country every 
fibre of " this root of bitterness," — and we hereby 

.rnestly implore you so to do. 

Feeling sure, as we do, that if slavery be allowed to 
remain in the land, no peace that niigfit be patched 
up could be true and lasting, and that our vast expen- 
ditures in this civil war of money, time, health, limbs, 
lives and virtues would be for naught, we therefore 
entreat — we pray you — to adopt such measures as you 
deem best to abolish slavery throughout the country 
now a|hd forever. 



The Negro Question in General Butler's 
Department. A test in regard to the treatment of 
refugee negroes has been reported to Washington by 
Gen. Butler for the decision of the Government, It 
appears that, on the 15th ult., about one hundred and 
fifty negroes, comprising men, women and children, 
had collected near the camp of Gen. Phelps, at Carrol- 
ton, where they were likely to experience much suf- 
fering from want of food and shelter, unless Govern- 
ment aid could be extended to them, which could not 
he done, owing to the order of General Butler exclud- 
ing them from the lines. 

One party, seventy-five in number, reported that 

they were sent over the river by a planter named Le 

Blanche, who gave them their choice of leaving before 

sundown, or receiving fifty lashes each. Gen. Phelps 

mt a communication to Gen. Butler on the subject, 

ith the request that it should be transmitted to 
Washington. With this request, Gen. B. has complied, 
accompanying the letter of General Phelps with a 
statement of his own. Gen. Butler concludes as fol- 
lows : — 

"The account of Gen. Phelps is the negro side of 
the story; that above given is the story of Mr. Le 
Blanche's neighbors, some of whom I know to be loy- 
al men. Gen. Phelps, I believe, intends making this 
a test case for the policy of the Government. I wish 
it might be so, for the difference of our action upon 
this subject is a source of trouble. 

I respect his honest sincerity of opinion ; but I am 

soldier, bound to carry out the wishes of my Gov- 
ernment so long as I hold its commission, and I un- 
derstand that policy to be the one 1 am pursuing. I 
do not feel at liberty to pursue any other. If the poli- 
cy of the Government is nearly that which I sketched 
in my report upon this subject, as that which I have 
ordered in this Department, then the services of Gen. 
Phelps are worse than useless here. 

If the views set forth in this report are to obtain, 
then be is invulnerable ; for his whole soul is in it, and 
he is a good soldier of large experience, and no braver 
man lives. I beg to leave the whole question to the 
President, with, perhaps, the needless assurance that 
his wishes shall be loyally followed, even if not in 
accordance with my own, as I have now no right to 
have any on the subject. I write in haste, as the 
steamer Mississippi is waiting this despatch. Await- 
'ng the earliest possible instruction, 

I have the honor to be your most obedient servant, 
BENJ. F. BUTLER." 



Mr. Mayor Wightman. A friend from a distance 
writes : "Are there no enterprising people in Boston 
or Roxbury who are willing to quench the flaming 
impudence of Mayor Wightman in a horse-pond t My 
fingers itch to make one of such a noble band!" It 
would be a mistake to give Wightman even this dis- 
tinction. He is simply a ridiculous bore, whose con- 
ceit makes him a general laughing-stock, and who is 
about as worthy of notice by dignified men and wo- 
men as is Daniel Pratt, Jr. In point of rhetoric, his 
letter to the President is hardly equal in merit to the 
immortal Gridiron of his distinguished co-laborer. — 
Norfolk County Gazette. 

^="The Rev. Mr. Tenney, of Marlborough, sends 
us for publication a letter addressed to the President, 
in which the silly letter of the self-conceited Mayor 
of Boston is pretty seriously chastised. We are not 
sure that Mr. Wightman deserves so much attention. 
He is evidently half-brother to the editor of the Etans- 
will Gazette, and own cousin to the famous Mrs. Leo 
Hunter, of the Pickwick Papers. It was a ridiculous 
ambition that led him to publish that letter; but it 
has already done some good, by causing even dys- 
pepsia itself to shake its sides with laughter. This 
Mr. Wightman of Boston, travelling away from the 
sphere of his duties to assume care of tho State, as- 
suming the manner of a great man, and talking to the 
President as if he were an oracle ! Oh, nothing like 
this is possible every day ! We cannot get angry 
with the man. It does not surprise us, however, that 
others, like Mr. Tenney, take his conceited utterances 
more seriously, and become very much in earnest 
against them. — Worcester Spy. 



ftj?=" The new Constitution made for Illinois is 
said to be rejected ; but the three odious sections di- 
rected against the colored race have been adopted. 
They are of a character that would disgrace Sahara 
for savageness, and Caffraria for cruelty. If we shall 
fail in the secession war, it will be as punishment for 
the base prejudices and mean bigotry of a portion of 
tho Northern people. That Illinois vote will do us 
more damage abroad than could be made to prucecd 
from the loss of ten pitched battles. Battles may 
have their issues determined by a score of things that 
shall not be discreditable to the losers, but deliberate 
oppression of the weak by the strong creates disgust 

even In the minds of despots. We shall be despised 

as well in Vienna us in Venice. — Traveller. 



THE OPERATIONS BEFOBE RICHMOND. 

Three /Jays' Important Eveftt) — A Great Battle tin Fri- 
day — Important. Strategic Movement. — White House 
Evacuated — The Enemy Severely Repulsed. 
The interruption of telegraphic communication with 
Gen. McCieUan forbids anything beyond the barest 
abstract of the recent great movements on the Penin- 
sula. From the confused accounts by various bands, 
we gather the following:— 1 ' 

On Wednesday morning, at 8 o'clock, an advance 
was made by Hooker's Division, led by the Masachu- 
setts 1st, which resulted in an engagement lasting all 
that day, and giving us possession of the ground held 
by the enemy. The position thus gained is said to be 
Tavern Hill, an eminence commanding Richmond. 
The report of our loss varies from 800 to 700, or even 
1000. 

The recent raid of rebel cavalry as far as the White 
House, coupled, perhaps, with certain intelligence of 
the enemy's intentions, led Gen. McCieUan to order 
the abandonment of that base of operations for a new 
one on James River. The removal of the sick and 
wounded, stores, ammunition, &c, was begun on 
Wednesday, and accomplished by a large fleet of sail- 
ing vessels and steamers, with entire completeness. 
On Thursday, the rebels began an attack on our right 
wing, crossing the Cbickahotuiny.and advancing from 
above Hanover Court House. The righting lasted 
till night, when our troops were ordered to fall back. 

Ten guns were taken from us by a sudden flank 
attack, covered by the thick smoke which hung around 
the pieces, and slowly drifted to leeward. A rebel 
Major was taken prisoner by Count de Paris. He 
states that the whole of Jackson's army was here and 
in the attack on our right. The rebels had from 
60,000 to 80,000 troops. 

On Friday the battle was renewed with the great- 
est intensity on both sides, and the losses cannot now 
be estimated. Porter's Division seems to have borne 
the brunt of this conflict with great heroism, though 
ordered to retire at the close. The enemy, which be- 
fore this whole affair bad been reinforced by Stone- 
wall Jackson with his army, pushed for the White 
House on Friday afternoon. The railroad was held 
by us during the night, and on Saturday morning the 
work of emptying the White House was almost per- 
fect. 

On Saturday, the rebels took possession of the cov- 
eted position, but only to find the White House 
burned, and no property of any consequence remain- 
ing. Beyond this, we have no definite intelligence. 
The general impression is, that the drawing in of our 
right wing, which is the result of the three days' 
fighting, and which places our entire force between 
the Chickahominy and James Rivers, was designed 
by Gen. McCieUan, and is a strategic movement exe- 
cuted in the most masterly manner, and promising the 
most important results. Meanwhile, Gen. Burnside 
is said to be in the rear of Fort Darling, ready to co- 
operate with our gunboats, and the position of Rich- 
mond is thought to be critical. 

The enemy made his appearance in considerable 
force at the White House, about 7 o'clock Saturday 
evening, and although he neither found bread for man 
nor bay for beast, was welcomed with heavy showers 
of grape shot from the three gunboats which were 
ranged along in front of the landing. They were 
supposed to be 30,000 strong, and unless they brought 
their haversacks well supplied, they must have gone 
supperless to bed. 

Gen. Casey reports that he lost not a man, nor did 
he leave a soul behind, not even a contraband. 

At 10 o'clock on Saturday morning, Col. Ingalls 
and Capt. Sawtelle were before Yorktown with an 
immense convoy of vessels and steamers, on their 
way to the new base of operations on James river. 

S^= The New York Tribune has the following list 
of killed at Meehaniesvillc : Col. Samuel W. Black, 
62d Pennsylvania, formerly Governor of Nebraska, 
by a ball through the head, while leading a charge 
through a piece of woods ; Col. John W. McLane, 
83d Pennsylvania; Col. Magilton, 4th Pennsylvania. 
Reported: Capt. Carr, 10th Michigan; Capt. H. S. 
Brown, Co. I, 83d Pennsylvania; Capt. MoCafferty, 
9th Massachusetts ; Capt. Madigan, 9th Massachusetts; 
1st Lieut. R. Nugent, Co. I, do.; Lieut. Francis O. 
Dowd, Co. I, do.; Joseph Simpson, Co. E, 2d Pa.; 
Private Partridge, Co. E, 5th New York; Private 
Nesmith, 12th U. S. Infantry. 

Reported wounded: Col. Duryea, 5th N. Y. ; Col. 
Warren, Acting Brigadier General in Sykes' Division; 
Major Hall, 5th N. Y. 

The First Massachusetts Regiment suffered most 
severely, losing at least 75 killed and wounded, of 
whom three were captains and three lieutenants. The 
seventh Massachusetts lost 15 killed and wounded by 
sharpshooters and skirmishers. Only one was killed. 
Lieut. J. C. Bullock of Fall River was unfortunately 
mortally wounded by one of our own shells. 

Col. Hinks's Nineteenth Massachusetts lost some 
forty men, of whom twelve were killed. The Second 
Rhode Island had five killed and twenty-five wounded. 
Private Chas. Blake, Company E, Seventh Massachu- 
setts, is complimented for his gallantry. He was se- 
verely wounded in the shoulder, but not disabled. 
After his wound was dressed, he returned to the bat- 
tle-field, and fought until he was disabled by a wound 
in the leg. 

Count de Paris testified to the remarkable good con- 
duct of all the regiments that sustained the unequal 
attack on Porter; they gave way indeed, but not one 
of them ran. Their losses are enormous. The regu- 
lar 11th cavalry are about annihilated. Nearly every 
officer is killed or wounded. The 1-ith suffered se- 
verely. 

Major Rosselle, of the regulars, a kinsman of Mc- 
CieUan, was killed. Col. Pratt of a New York regi- 
ment was killed, and Lieut. Cols. Black and Sweitzer. 

Our loss in officers is very marked. Indeed, the 
disproportion in numbers was so extraordinary, and 
the obstinacy of our troops so unyielding, that our 
losses were inevitably large. 

The artillery in both Porter's and Smith's divisions 
piled the rebels in heaps. The fire was horribly effec- 
tive. 

The New York Herald's report, dated the 27th, 
states that our killed and wounded on that day reach- 
ed 1200. 

At Savage's Station, the wounded already fill the 
great street of tents in the garden, and begin to pave 
the grass yard as after the H^pen Pines. The same 
moaning and shrieking all the night as then, and 
again bear testimony against the style of warfare, 
which submits regiments to the fire of brigades. 

It is reported that Stonewall Jackson was killed, and 
that one of our Brigadier Generals was taken prison- 
er, together with an entire regiment. 

Gen. McCieUan, with much severe fighting, had 
penetrated and passed through White Oak Swamp, 
with 40,000 men and 100 pieces of artillery, to a se- 
cure and advantageous position, and subsequently cut 
through a line of communication with James river. 

It is reported that during the two days fighting Gen. 
McClcllan's loss was 10,000. 



Sanguinary Battle on James Island. A dar- 
ng and desperate effort was made by the Federal for- 
ces of the Second Division, under Brigadier-General 
Stevens, on the 16th ult., to carry the formidable rebel 
fortifications at the point of the bayonet, wholly un- 
aided by cannon, at James Island, near Charleston, S. 
C. It was temporarily successful, but resulted very 
disastrously in the sequel, for lack of adequate sup- 
port. Gen. Stevens, in his report, says : — 

Parties from the leading regiments of two brigades, 
the Eighth Michigan and the Seventy-ninth Highland- 
ers, mounted and were shot down on the parapet, of- 
ficers and men. Those two regiments especially cov- 
ered themselves with glory, and their fearful casual- 
ties show the hot work in which they were engaged. 
Two-fitths of the Eighth Michigan and nearly one- 
quarter of the Seventy-ninth Highlanders were struck 
down, either killed or wounded; and nearly all the 
remaining regiments — One Hundreth Pennsylvania, 
Seventh Connecticut, Forty-sixth New York and 
Twenty-eighth Massachusetts — had a largo number of 
casualties. 

The Richmond papers give glowing accounts of 
their late victory on James Island. The Charleston 
correspondent of the Richmond Despatch writes : — 

Every day's exploration of the surrounding woods 
reveals additional dead of the enemy. It has been as- 
certained that a body of the Federals attempted to 
cross a swamp, where many of them stuck fast in the 
mud, and were killed and drowned by our shells. 
Finally, the tide came up and drowned both dead and 
wounded. Two hundred and fifty of the enemy have 
already been buried by onr troops, and fifty additional 
dead bodies were discovered yesterday. The total 
loss of the enemy in the battle cannot be far from — 
Killed and left on the field, - 300 

Taken prisoners, -----, 130 
Wounded and dead carried oft" the field, estimated, 700 

Total loss of the enemy, - - 1,130 
The Confederate loss in this glorious victory is — 

Killed, - . . 4s 

Wounded, \qq 



Total Confederate 1 



1,M 



Evacuation of James Island. We have news 
by the arrival of the Matanzas from Port Royal, that 
Gen. Hunter has entirely evacuated James Island. 
This is, of course, a complete abandonment of the 
present attempt upon Charleston — a consequence of 
the failure to take the rebel battery at Secessionville. 
The position seems to have been so important, that 
while its possession would have given us an impreg- 
nable front, the failure to capture it makes Gen. Hun- 
ter's previous entrenched camp untenable, and in- 
volves his withdrawal from the island. 

LLyif~ The death of tho brave Col. Ellet, of the ram 
flotilla at Memphis, is announced. Also that of his 
wife, through grief at his loss. 



An Attempted Ne<jro Inhl'hr6ctkj». The 

Greensboro Motiae, (Mississippi,) of June 14th gives" 
information of an attempt Of the negroes at insurrec- 
tion : 

•' We learn from a reliable source that the negroes 
were arming themselves very rapfdly with such wea- 
pons as they could get at Double Springs, Oktibbeha 
county, twenty-two miles from this place, to kill off all 
the men and boys. By some means they were de- 
tected fn their plot by the citizens of Double Springs 
and were arrested. 

Upon being questioned as to what their intention 
was, they replied that they were to murder all the 
white males on the 18th of June, and that they had 
already picked out their choice of white women for 
their wives. Our informant says that the citizens bad 
arrested eight or ten negroes and two white men. 

He further states that tbey are to be tried to-day, 
and three of the negroes will certainly hang, and the 
others will be severely lynched. We do not know 
what they will do with the white men, but we are 
confident- if they can prove what the negroes say, they 
will be apt to pull hemp." 



Illness of Senator Wieson. The Washington 
correspondent of the Boston Traveller says : 

" Senator Wilson has been quite ill for a few days. 
He is at the Washington House, corner of Third 
street and the Avenue, his old place, and is convales- 
cent. He has been quite ill — much more so than most 
of his friends hereabouts supposed. He is so active a 
member of the Senate, that he is instantly missed 
from his place. He is one of the most useful mem- 
bers of Congress, doing more work for the govern- 
ment and nation than a dozen ordinary members. He 
hopes to be able to be back in his seat in the Senate 
ealy next week." 



"WOMAN AND THE PEESS. 

On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held ia 
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new 
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While 
none questioned the value and the need of such an instru- 
ment in the Woman's Rights cause, the difficulties tbat 
would endanger or even defea-t the enterprise were fully 
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should 
be made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable 
an object, we insert and call attention to the following 

PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL : 
When wo consider that there is scarcely a party, sect, 
business organization or reform which is not represented 
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting. - 
one half of humanity, should have no organ, in America, 
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par- 
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread 
attention in this country than in any other, while in no 
other country can the double power of free speech and a 
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap- 
pears stranger from'the fact that conservative England has 
successfully supported a journal of this sort for years with 
acknowledged utility. 

America needs such a journal ti centralize and give im- 
petus to the efforts which are being made in varioifs direc- 
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs it most 
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the 
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both as act- 
ors and sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to 
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na- 
tion, while so many others are forced by the loss of hus- 
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup- 
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, are 
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which 
will leave to that of woman the most prominent place 
henceforth. 

To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish 
a Woman's Journal, based on the motto, "Equal Rights 
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all 
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur- 
nish an impartial platform for the free discussion of these 
interests in their various phases. It will aim to colleetand 
compare the divers theories promulgated on the subject, 
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made in behalf of 
women, in this country and elsewhere, and to render all 
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time 
it will neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro- 
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com- 
prise reviews of current social and political events, arti- 
cles on literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton, 
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature — 
in short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful 
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will be open, 
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers on the sub- 
jects of which it treats, under the usual editorial discretion, 
only requiring that they shall aeeept, a priori, the motto of 
the paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion, 
mong the contributors already secured to the Journal 
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Maria 
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady 
Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Elizabeth Palmer 
Peabody, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, 
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higginsou, Moncure D. Conway, 
Theodore Tilton, and" William H. Channing ; and other 
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains 
will bD spared to enlist the best talent in the country, and 
to make tho paper one of literary merit as well as practical 
utility. 

Tho Journal will be issued semi-monthly, in octavo form, 
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars per annum, the first number 
appearing on the 1st of October next, and will be publish - 

" in Boston. 
Subscriptions will be received from this date by agents of 
Journal, or by the Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2, 
to be paid on the receipt of the first number of the Journal. 
In this connection,we would earnestly solicit the co-operation 
of friends of woman throughout the country, in extending 
the subscription list of tho Journal, and thus plaeing it on 
tHat permanent basis which will insure its continued util- 
ity and success. Those interested in the enterprise are re- 
spectfully requested to communicate with tho editors at the 
above address. 

A discount of twenty-five percent, will be made to agents. 

Agents will please return all prospectuses with names 
before the loth of July. 

MARY L. BOOTH, ' 

MARIE E. ZAKRZEWSEA, M. D. 

Boston, May 15, 18G2. 



W ESSEX COUNTY ANTI-SLAVERY CONVEN- 
TION AND PIC-NIC.— By invitation of Rev. Elam Burn- 
ham, tho friends and lovers of freedom will hold an Anti- 
Slavery gathering on his premises, in Hamilton, on Sunday, 
the sixth day of July, commencing at 10 o'clock in the 
forenoon. Should the day prove favorable, it is confident- 
ly expected that alarge concourse will bo present from tho 
surrounding towns. 

It is proposed that all attending should furnish their 
own refreshments, tho place being at some distance from 
tho village, in tho south-easterly part of the towu. 

Parker Pii.lsbhrv, Henri- C. Wright, and other 
speakers are expected to address the Convention. 



EF" MEETINGS AT WORCESTER— Charles C. 
Borlkigu will speak at Washburn Hall, in Worcester, on 
Sunday next, July li, at 3 o'clock in tho afternoon, and 
at half-past 7 iu the evening. 



0T E. U. HEYWOOD will speak in Milford, N. H., 
Sunday, July 13, at 1 and 5 o'clock, P. M. 



33J- WM. WELLS BROWN will speak as follows : 
Feltonvillo, Sunday, July 6, morning and afternoon. 
Marlboro', " " in tho evening. 

Subject: "What shall bo done with the slaves when 
they are liberated ?" 



OT REMOVAL. — DISEASES OF WOMEN AND 
CHILDREN. — Margarbt B. Brown, M. D., and Wm. 
Symington Brown, M. D., have removed to No. 23, 
Chaunoy Street, Bostou, where they may bo consulted on 
the above diseases. Office hours, from 10, A. M., to i 
o'clock, P. M. 3m March 28. 



&-MK11CY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed on 
880 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

JttfWrnrrx.— Luther Clark, M. D.; David Thayer, M. P. 

Office hours from 2 to i, P. M. 



;;.jf srMMKK i; K30RT— Rocnd Hill Horn, North- 
ampton, Mass.— Terms— $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per 
week. 

" its t-eiuiiii'ui sMMry, toUgbtfoJ lawttoapa vfan, put 

mountain spring water, fine carriage drives, ami sxtttah •,. 
(brant parks, rander It a obanaing retreat, beta for tho 
pleasure seakar and the invalid."'— Xrw Hmm Journal. 



MARRIED— In this, city, Juno 21. by Rov. I,. A. 

linuies, -Mr. KmviN M.utai; Ki Miss .\v. 1 1 * ^ r . Pikhiu. 



108 



THE L I B E rt A. T O E . 



JULY 4 



tf t K g . 



From tho N. T. 

THE DAT OP G0D.1 

BY GEO. S. BttHLEIGn. 

All blessings walk with onward feet ; 

No day dawns twice, no night comes back ; 
Tho ear of doom, or slow or fleot, 

Kolls down an unretuming track. 

"What wo havo been, we cannot bo ; 

Forward, inexorable Fate 
Points mutely to her own decree — 

Beyond her hour is all too late. 

God reaps his judgment-field to-day, 
And sifts the darnel from tho wheat ; 

A whirlwind sweeps tho chaff away, 
And firo tho refuge of deceit. 

Onoo in a century only blooms 
Tho flower of fortune so sublimo 

As now hangs budded o'er tho tombs 
Of tho great fathors of old time. 

Eternal Justice sits on high, 
And gathers in her awful scales 

Our shame and glory — Slavery's Ho, 
And Freedom's starry countervails. 

When falls her sword, as fall it must 

In red Eellona's fiery van, 
Let the old anarch bite the dust, 

And rise the rescued rights of Man. 

In vain a nation's bloody sweat, 
Tho sob of myriad hearts in vain, 

If the scotched snako may live to set 
Its venom in our flesh again. 

Priests^ of an altar fired onco more 
For Freedom in His awful name, 

Who trod the wine-press, dripping goro, 
And gave tho Law in lurid flame, — 

Oh, not in human wrath, that wroaks 

fievengo for wrong, and blood for blood ; 
Not in tho fiery will that seeks 
_ Erate power in battle's stormy flood,— 

Go forth, redeemers of a land, 
Sad, stern, and fearless for the Lord, 

Solemn and calm, with firm right hand 
Laid to the sacrificial sword. 

The lords of treason and tbo whip 
Have called you to the dread appeal, 

From tho loud cannon's fevered lip, 
And tho wide flash of bristling steel. 

If now the echo of that voice 

Shake down their prison-house of wrong, 
They have their own perfidious choice ; 

For God is good, and Truth is strong. 

Their steel draws lightning, and the bolt 
But fires their own volcanic mine ; 

God in their vineyard of Revolt 
Treads out his sacramental wine ! 

Bo this our conquest, — as they gave 
Their all to Treason and the Chain, 

Wo snap tho fetter from the slave, 

And make car sole revenge their gain ! 



From the H". Y. Tribune. 

THE LOYAL DEMOCRAT, 

Mouth not to mo your Union rant, 
Nor gloze mine ears with loyal cant ! 
Who stands this day in Freedom's van, 
He only is my TJmion Man ! 
Who tramples Slavery'3 Geslor hat, 
He is my Loyal Democrat ! 

With whips engirt by chains, too long 
We strove to make our fasees strong ; 
When Bebcl hands those fasces rend, 
Must wo with whips and chains still mend ? 
If " Democrats " cud stoop to that, 
God help me, Im no Democrat ! 

Thank Heaven ! the lines are drawn this hour, 
'Twist Manly Eight and Despot Power ; 
Who scowls in Freedom's pathway now, 
Boars " Tyrant " stamped upon his brow ; 
Who skulks aloof, or shirks his part, 
Hath " Slate " imprinted in his heart. 

In vain of " Equal Eights" yo prato, 
Who fawn like dogs at Slavery's gato ! 
Beyond the slave each slave-whip smitos, 
And codes for Blacks are laws for Whites ; 
The chains that negro limbs encoil, 
Beach and enslave each child of Toil ! 

Northern Men ! when will ye learn 
Tis Labor that these tyrants spurn 7 
'Tis not the blood or skin they brand, 
But every Poor Man's toil-worn hand ; 
And ye who serve them — knowing this — 
Deserve the slave-lash that ye kiss ! 

While Northern blood remembrance craves 
From twice ten thousand Southern graves, 
Shall free-born hearts — beneath the turf — 
Lie always crushed by tramp of serf 7 
And pilgrims, at those graves, some day, 
By Slavery's hounds be driven away 7 



The green grass in the church-yard waves — 
The good corn grows o'er battle-graves ; 
But, ! from crimson seeds now sown, 
What crops — what harvest — shall be grown ! 
On Shiloh's plain — on Roanoke's sod — 
What fruits shall spring from blood, God ! 

Spring-time is here ! The Past now sleops — 
Tho Present sows — the Future reaps ! 
Who plants good seed in Freedom's span, 
He only is my Union Man ! 
Who treads the weeds of Slavery flat, 
He is my Loyal Democrat ! 

A. J. H. Dt/GANNE. 

New York, May 23, 1862. 



'ANOTHER VICTOKY "--WHO IS BEREAV- 
ED? 

Who are widows, — who aro orphans 7 

Victory again is won ; 
Who will bear tho news of sadness 

To the lonely, stricken one 7 
Who will tell how fell tho father, 

Husband, brother, in the fray 7 
Who will bear their " last sad whisper," 

As their llfe-tido flowed away 7 

Who can paint the depths of anguish 

That must follow all this strife 7 
Meroy weeps, and wails in sadness, 

O'er this waste of human life : 
Who can sound tho depths of sorrow? 

Dread suspense " is but a part" ; 
Thousands, waiting, soon will shudder, 

And will griovo with broken heart. 

Who will gather in the orphans 7 

Seo thorn cluster round the hearth 7 
Who can still their merry prattlo, 

Check their childish joy and mirth? 
And thoir laughter — turn to sorrow — 

Telling how their father diod 7 
List, with pity, to their weeping '. 

Draw them closely to thy side ! 

Thero wcro broth ors, — there wero lovers, — 

Bravely, too, " they fought and fell ;" 
Who will boar tho saddening tidings 

To tho loved, "thoy loved so well "7 
Who will tell that trusting maiden 

Where his manly form was lain? 
Tell her, hut, 0, toll her gently ! 

'Twas her lovod one "'inong tho slain"! 

Tell hor, " yes — she was romombored t " 

'Twas her imago on his breast ! 
Thoro her miniaturo was resting ! 

By his stiffen'd hand 'twas press'd ! 
Sure the loving aro tho bravest ! 

Ever bravest — truo and tried — 
'Twas for her, and for her country, 

That tho youthful hero diod ! 



Bear tho tidings — bear them gently ! 

Toll tho widow where ho fell ; 
Whore tho husband fought so bravely 

For bis country, long and woll ! 
Toll her how hor namo was spoken, 

Ere his spirit wing'd its flight, 
Whisporing, " my bleeding country ! 

And "My Mary, Uod*aud Bight * " 




PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND HIS MESSAGES. 

From the first, the aim and purpose of the Presi- 
dent have been to restore the Union as it was. To 
this end, he has done his best to assure tho people of 
the South, slaveholders or otherwise, that, under his 
administration, the pro-slavery guaranties of the Con- 
stitution, and tho laws for carrying them out, should 
be executed to the fullest extent. 

"Were such a consummation practicable, it would by- 
no means bo desirable. To wish it, were to wish the 
recurrence of all the Bufferings and calamities which 
have come upon the nation during the past year. To 
labor for it, wero to sow the seeds of future revolu- 
tions. Judging from results alone, such a conclusion 
is inevitable. Evidently, it was a Union "not fit to 
bo made." It was an attempt to harmonize principles 
which, in their very nature, aro antagonistic and ir- 
reconcilable. And we aro reaping their legitimate 
fruits in tho turmoil and calamities of civil and do- 
mestic strife. Thus far, certainly, it has failed "to 
establish justice, to insure domestic tranquillity, or to 
secure the blessings of liberty," even for ourselves. 

With such an experience, what consummate folly it 
would be, out of the same materials, with the same 
elements, now exasperated into tenfold virulence, upon 
the same basis, to attempt to form a more perfect 
Union than the old 1 

It must not be done. "Who and what are the men 
whom tho President is endeavoring, with so much 
earnestness, to recal, to their allegiance, and to a re- 
union with their unehiding and forgiving brethren of 
the free States 1 White men at the South, who con- 
spire and hold four millions of God's children in ah- 
ject slavery, bind them, and task them, and exact 
their sweat with stripes, that they themselves may 
revel in luxury and inglorious ease. Nor is this all 
standing between them and their Creator, trampling 
upon their right to life and liberty, they withhold from 
thera all the joy and blessedness which spring from 
the exercise and development of their intellectual, 
social and moral natures. No ties are sacred. 

The wrongs and cruelties of the slave system are 
absolutely measureless ; language cannot compass 
them; and yet, they owe their very existence to the 
strenuous, persistent, united exertions of a few intelli- 
gent but selfish and aristocratic white men at the 
South, who, in the enjoyment of dignified leisure, 
have contrived to give shape and consistency to all 
the political institutions of that region. Indeed, tho 
Constitutions and laws of the slave States, so far 
they relate to this subject, are but the compacts by 
which two hundred and fifty thousand slave-owners 
agree to sustain each other in the ceaseless perpetra- 
tion of this outrage upon human rights. 

By the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the na> 
tion was involved in it. The people of the Eastern 
States, however reluctantly, recognized the wrong, 
and, for the sake of the Union, lent it their aid. The 
result has been, that, for seventy years, the slave oli- 
garchy have controlled and wielded the power and re- 
sources of the nation, for their own selfish purposes, 
viz., "the preservation, extension and perpetuation of 
that wicked institution." 

Cheeked in their career by the growing power of 
the free States, our ancient allies have deliberately 
set at nought the corner-stone of our republican in- 
stitutions — the right of the majority to rule. Out- 
voted, they have assumed the right of secession, and 
with it, exclusive jurisdiction of the soil within their 
respective States. Conspiring against the nation's 
life, they have revolted against the Government, and 
defied its power. Worsted in argument, they have 
appealed to force, and, invoking foreign intervention, 
they have attempted to destroy the republic, and es- 
tablish a slaveholding empire of their own. To- 
wards this nation and its subjects, then, they 
have shown themselves criminals of the deepest dye. 
Much, therefore, as we might wish to be rid of them, 
we had no right to let them go. We were bound, if 
possible, to hold in cheek these petty tyrants, to dis- 
allow their treachery and wholesale robberies of our- 
selves, lest, elated with success, and availing them- 
selves of foreign intervention, they should seize and 
hold the coveted territories of neighboring republics, 
aud thus extend their slaveholding domain. 

The idea of separation, therefore, was not to be en- 
tertained for a moment. For our neighbors' and the 
slaves' sake, as well as our own, the rebellion must be 
crushed, its authors and abettors subdued; the vaunted 
Confederacy must be disbanded, and its people be 
brought into obedience to the authority and laws of 
the United States. 

To this end, as the Chief Magistrate and represen- 
tative head of a great nation, clothed with its au- 
thority, and moving in the majesty of its strength, 
the President should have addressed them only in the 
language of authority— calling upon thera, in the name 
of the people, in the name of justice and equality, 
to lay down their arms. Cannon-balls, not" flattering 
proclamations, have been and are the appropriate ar- 
guments. In such a cause, with a foe so desperate 
and defiant, and so strong, the language of entreaty, 
soft words and complimentary addresses are wholly 
out of place. At present, nothing of less potency than 
bayonets and cannon-balls will reach the case. Let 
us say to the President, ply them, then, till the reb- 
els call to parley, and sue for peace. And, to hasten 
the result, cripple their power of resistance by pro- 
claiming freedom to the slaves. So shall the authori- 
ty of the government be maintained; the rebellion 
shall be crushed, the nation shall be saved ; not, how- 
ever, by renewing and restoring, but by eliminating 
and expelling the vicious and disturbing elements 
which threaten its life. 

Oh that the President were wise, and great, and 
good enough to proclaim and maintain liberty and 
justice throughout all the land, among all the inhabi- 
tants thereof ! Alas ! he is not, but dares to leave 
it to the wisdom and discretion of those whose per- 
verseness can find scope, whose malignity and hatred 
can be gratified, and whose social and political con- 
sideration can be maintained only by tho conservation 
of the old order of things. Oh, that the people were 
wise and good enough to demand that measure at his 
hands ! They are not. People and President alike 
indulge the vain hope, and guilty purpose, of reconcil- 
iation and political "eunion with the dominant classes 
in the rebel States ; while they leave in;their grasp the 
very institution which occasioned their secession, and 
which they are still fighting to maintain. What an 
egregious blunder! 

From the first, it is manifest that the President has 
had very inadequate conceptions of the character and 
strength of the enemy, or of the magnitude of the 
work he was called upon to do. Hence his errors of 
judgment in regard to the necessary and appropriate 
means for* its accomplishment. The attack on Fort 
Sumter indicated, clearly enough, the desperate and 
determined character of tho foe. And I hold it was 
unmanly, utterly unworthy the head of a great na- 
tion, to ply them with threats, with flattery or money, 
to induce them to return to their allegiance. Like 
other criminals, they should be held to their alle- 
giance. 

The proposal of emancipation, with compensation, 
says the President, " makes common cause for a com- 
mon object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts 
not tho hypocrite." Is our type of civilization, then 
no higher or better than theirs 1 If they are as good 
men"and as good patriots as we are, why should we 
be at war with them ? It may be said that we con- 
tend with them not as slaveholders, hut as rebels. I 
reply, they are rebels because they aro slaveholders. 



They know there can be no cordial union with us 
while slavery endures. They perceive the onward 
march of freedom's host ; the ground trembles at their 
approach. In Swedcnborgian phrase, they feel her 
sphere spreading over and enveloping them, and, with 
the instinctive, strong antipathy of bad to good, they 
shun the approach ; would quit the Union bodily, lest 
they ho ground to powder and absorbed by it. 

The distinctive purpose Of the Republican party 
has been aud is the exclusion of slavery from the 
Territories of the United States. And while that 
purpose stands, it is a perpetual protest against the 
folly and wickedness of slaveholding or of slave-trad- 
ing. In their view, the principle is wrong, the prac- 
tice is immoral. If, therefore, they have abolished 
slavery in the District of Columbia, or prohibited it in 
the Territories, it was because they believed thero 
was something wrong in it. It was a reproach to the 
nation to retain it there ; a reproach to increase or ex 
tend it. It was a reproach to the nation to have it 
anywhere within its borders ; and the reproach must 
fall, with all its weight and point, upon those who per- 
petrate the wrong, wheresoever they may be found, 
It is an imputation of criminality, of moral obliquity 
and wrong-doing. 

For President Lincoln, therefore, or his party, 
disavow the reproach which their whole course and 
purpose imply, is to avow their indifference to the 
principle. It is to put themselves on the same moral 
level with slaveholders ; and, in that case, it would he, 
indeed, the most natural and becoming thing in the 
world for them to open their arms to their slavehold- 
ing brethren at the South, and, with the most urgent 
appeals, entreat them to return to their allegiance; 
assuring them that they shall have all the protection 
to life and property which the fathers promised, though 

'"Tis a sin to swear unto a sin, 

But greater sin to keep the sinful oath." 

The credulity of the President is truly marvellous 
After proposing compensation to slaveholdeT s for in- 
conveniences, public and private, which they may suf- 
fer from a change of system, he says to them — " So 
much good has not been done by one effort in all past 
time, as, in the Providence of God, it is your high 
privilege to do," by taking the initiatory step towards 
" the gradual abolishment of slavery." As if, just 
at this time, the slaveholders of this country were in 
a frame of mind to do good on a gigantic scale ! In 
the first place, such magnanimity and generosity are 
hardly compatible with the position and character of 
genuine slaveholder, at any time; and if they were, 
they would be vitiated, in the present case, by the fact 
of compensation. Why, I would as soon think of 
the arch-enemy of God and man doing the work of a 
saint. 

Again : if emancipation would indeed be so great a 
good, (and I am not disposed to deny it,) what may 
we not say of the neglect of it? Does it not imply a 
corresponding strength and depth of wickedness, on 
tho part of the persistent slaveholder '? How, then, 
shall he escape our censure and reproach 7 What if 
the President's entreaties pass unheeded, and the ty 
rants still refuse to let their bondmen go 1 The vast 
future will lament it; the curses of posterity will fall, 
in no stinted measure, upon those, who, having the 
opportunity to pour along their path unnumbered bles- 
sings, withhold them, and, instead, deal ceaseless mis- 
ery and woe. In the ease of slaveholding, the crime 
of doing, and of not undoing, is the same. We cast 
reproaches now ; and were it not for the impoteney of 
his position, fettered as he is by the letter of the Con- 
stitution, the President would not fail to east reproach- 
es too. We cast reproaches upon the slaveholders of 
our day, not only because they arc slaveholders, but 
because they are rebels — rebels for the purpose of 
slaveholding. They wish to be rid of us, that they 
may be free to exercise their tyranny without re- 
straint. • 

The abolition of slavery would be the easiest thing 
in the world, if the people, North and South, would 
only consent to it. Then, indeed, " the change it con- 
templates might come gently as the dews of heaven." 
But the time for its abolishment has not yet come. 1 The 
disposition and the will for it have yet to be created. 
The nation is not ready for it. Certainly, the Presi- 
dent is not. He still believes that the rebellion can 
be crushed, the authority of the government main- 
tained, and peace restored without it. He is aware 
that slavery is at the bottom of the rebellion 
is its root and cause. He is alive to the momen 
tous crisis through which we are passing, and would 
gladly save the ship of State, which reels and 
shudders amid the. surging and troubled sea. But, 
instead of seizing the helm, putting on steam, and 
pushing for the best and nearest port, he lets her drive, 
calling upon the rebellious, cloud-compelling South to 
pause in her mad career, as if, at his earnest appeal, 
the blasts of war would cease, the tempest would 
hushed, and from a dozen points at once favoring 
breezes would spring up, and blowing us in the same 
direction, bear us smoothly on to the same wished-for 
haven of peace I Who believes it ? 

The question has often been asked, what shall we 
do with the slaves, if they are set free ? I do not pro- 
pose to answer it. Frederick Douglass says, "Do 
nothing with them." Cease to oppress them, take off 
their shackles, acknowledge their manhood, remove 
their civil disabilities, and leave them to work out 
their own welfare. 

The President says, colonize them. Aud he 
an honorable man, a representative man; represents 
fairly, perhaps, the spirit of the nation, or even that 
of the nominally free States. Certainly he is no abo- 
litionist. So far from grappling with the spirit of 
caste, by this measure, he recognizes and encourages 
it, — encourages the prevailing dislike, the contempt 
and hatred of the colored race. Does he propose to 
enfranchise them, to acknowledge their citizenship, to 
enroll them as soldiers, and send them forth to fight 
the battles of their native land, as if they had an in 
terest in its welfare? On the contrary, he is contend- 
ing only for the salvation of the government. As a 
measure of justice to the slaves, what is that to him ? 
It i3 the white man's government, and, except inci- 
dentally, is to be administered according to his wishes, 
and for his special benefit. 

But what shall be done with the slave-owners, if 
they are compelled to lay down their arms and let 
their bondmen go ? " Do nothing with them " ? Nay, 
they will constitute, and should be denominated, em- 
phatically, " the dangerous classes." Shall we expa- 
triate them ? What is that but to let loose a despe- 
rate horde of criminals and outlaws, with their ill-got- 
ten wealth, to annoy and prey upon neighboring 
States and nations ? Shall we seek out some Pit- 
cairn's Island, some Botany Bay, and colonize them 
there, where, at a safe distance from the world of men, 
they can prey only upon each other? 

The demands of justice would be satisfied with 
neither. They are subjects of the United States Gov- 
ernment, and should be held to their allegiance; com- 
pelled to keep the peace, and earn an honest liveli- 
hood, if need be, even in tho penitentiary. To admit 
them, at once, to the rights and privileges of citizen- 
ship — to offices of trust, where their voices would be 
heard, and their influence felt, in remoulding the po- 
litical institutions, State and national, of the whole 
country, would be preposterous. They must undergo 
lustration — must be put upon probation, five, ten, or 
twenty years, till every vestige of disloyalty is oblite- 
rated from their minds and hearts. Shall we enter 
into fresh compacts, or new treaties with them ? What 
guarantee have we, that they will manifest more fldcl- 
ty in tho future, than they have done' 111 tho past? 
Only this : the object for which they have been con- 
tending, slavery, wilt have passed away, and, instead 
of bracing themselves up to defend and maintain their 
pro-slavery position, the agitation of the matter, how- 
ever violent, must subside also. Instead of engaging 
in angry debate, instead of being borne along by the 
hirlwind of discussion, to which tho President in- 
vites them, new exigencies will demand new meas- 
and the labor of their thoughts will be, to adapt 
themselves to the new order of things— to the nobler 
and happier condition of freedom. II. W. C. 

DouciiJiSTEii, June 20, 1802. 



LETTER PROM MRS. OUTLER. 



JB, (III.,) June 10, 1862. 



Jackson v: 
Demi Liherator: 

Since my last joltings, I have been doing a large 
amount of hard work — hard enough to suit my most 
estimable friend Mrs. Pardicle. In the first place, I 
must premise that this pleasant town is delightful 
enough for a second paradise, with its shaded walks, 
its blossoming shrubs, its pretty homes, its rare 
suburban scenery. 

It is also designated, by the especial favor of the 
State, as the location of all tho public charities, save 
the penitentiaries, reserved for towns more in the 
commercial line. The asylums for the blind, the 
mutes and the insane, would honor the philanthropy 
of any State. I have seen none in older States ap- 
parently better conducted. 

Then, there are important schools here, the Illinois 
College, the Methodist Female College, and the Pres- 
byterian Academy. There are the usual number of 
churches, and more than the usual number of church 
quarrels. Indeed, in most Edens, the serpent coils 
his way in, and disturbs the quiet of the happy deni- 
zens, and this is no exception. I have often observed 
that the most pious people, in their own estimation, 
quarrel with the most zeal over their own dogmas, 
assured that they are right and all else aro wrong. 

Thus much in explanation of the efforts needed for 
success. The friend at whose house I met a cordial 
welcome was about leaving home, so I could not se- 
cure his aid, only a few judicious suggestions. The 
hard work of making arrangements, I found all fall- 
ing on my own hands. Some other matters stood in 
the way of securing an early audience, such as prayer 
meetings, concerts, &c., so my time was fixed for 
Saturday night. There is but one hall at present that 
can be used, and the price for that is so exorbitant that 
I did not think it safe to engage it, but sought a 
church. A good old-fashioned anti-slavery man in- 
troduced me to one of the stewards of the M. E 
Church, and in him I found a most disinterested CO' 
adjutor; but, unfortunately, he was attacked with 
hemorrhage of the lungs, and could do little more 
than give directions. 

The prejudice against the negro is not the only 
prejudice to be encountered, as I have long since 
learned; for it is almost as great a crime to be 
woman, and yet feel a desire to benefit the world by 
public efforts, as it is to have a black skin and a woolly 
head, and yet desire freedom. The great truth at the 
bottom of all this turmoil is, that poor humanity wants 
service; that slaves get bread for their masters by 
the sweat of their brow, and hence cannot be spared 
the vicarious suffering; and that women assume the 
care of the preparation of all the needed luxuries of 
life, including pastry and buttons, and this double 
service renders man lordly indeed, his only care now 
being a needful vigilance lest these most essential 
accessories of his being should find some independent 
vocation. 

Now, the example of a negro escaping from his mas- 
ter, or of a woman leaving the duties of the kitchen 
and the parlor to other hands, for any other purpose 
than a pleasure excursion, is an example as deleteri- 
ous to the interests of respectable society, as the diso- 
bedience of Vashti ; and the lords of this mundane 
sphere often treat such accordingly. 

I remember once hearing a very devoted husband 
say to dear aunt Fanny (Mrs. F. D. Gage) that she 
ought to be at home, mending her husband's stock- 
ings. "My husband is a man, and can buy a new 
pair, if old ones are out at the toes," was her cool 
reply, but she of course felt that our sphere was 
clearly defined by this sage. 

I found plenty of this feeling here, and had to 
satisfy the good people that my own family was 
amply provided for in my temporary absence. These 
important preliminaries once adjusted, and my char- 
acter as a decent, religious woman fully vouched for 
by old friends, I at last got informal permission to use 
the church. My bills were posted, and when the 
evening came, I found myself at the church, with a 
fair audience, and nobody bold enough to introduce 
me. So I took the matter in my own hands, went 
forward, and talked with a zeal and energy that made 
the people whisper to each other, "Lovejoy.- 

An invitation was most cordially proffered for 
another lecture on last evening, which I of course ac- 
cepted. Sabbath evening brought out one of then 
most conservative ministers on the subject of emanci- 
pation, in which he took sides with God against the 
sins of the nation. It was good — very good. 

But my difficulties were not ended. A small mi- 
nority of the church thought that to speak of the 
Christian policy of emancipation would be bringing 
politics into the church, and as that would be a crime, 
I was compelled to occupy another house, which was 
with some difficulty procured. But a good audience 
came out, and I was pleased to learn that some who 
had hitherto objected to permitting women to speak, 
went away declaring their prejudices entirely over- 
come. There was enough opposition stirred up to 
show that the truths uttered had in them some vital 
power. H. M. T. C. 



hoy In Canada, saying, " Come and bring mother, and 
let us all Jive together here." It was a good idea, but 
tho old man, before venturing to take all his little 
property to a foreign country, made a hurried trip to 
Canada, to seo what waB the prospect of earning a 
livelihood in the high latitudes. Meanwhile, the story 
of his absence made noise enough to reach the atten- 
tive ears of the civil officers, On his return, a consta- 
ble knocked at his door, and said, " You arc suspected 
of holding correspondence with the North, and I shall 
search your house." 

Come in, sir," said Mr. Green ; " it is a small cot- 
tage; you can soon search it through; but you will 
find nothing, for there is nothing to find." 

But Samuel Green — unsuspecting man! — found to 
his cost that he was a great rogue, and that the proof 
of it was in his own house. The constable found 
three guilty things : first, Uncle Tom's Cabin ; sec- 
ond, a map of Canada; third, a picture of a hotel at 
Niagara Falls. These were all, hut were they not 
enough? What constable in Maryland would have 
asked for more 1 What Court in the State would 
have given less than ten years in the State-prison after 
such proofs ? Besides, even out of Maryland, does 
not Gov. Stanly, and the editor of the Herald, and 
other good men, call it a crime for a black man to 
know how to read ? 

But without palliating Samuel Green's crime, if any 
kind-hearted person can be persuaded to show kind- 
ness to the criminal, by giving a little money to help 
the old man off to the penal colony of Canada, it will 
reach him if sent to 

THEODORE TILTON, 
Office of The Independent, No. 5 Beekman street, N. Y. 



OUT OF JAIL. 

THE BLACK MAN WHO WAS IMPRISONED FOR READ- 
ING UNCLE TOM'S CABIN. 

I am asked to make an appeal for a poor man — a 
criminal, just out of jail. He was convicted for three 
offences : — first, because a black" skin covered his face ; 
second, because the English alphabet came and sat 
upon his tongue; and third, because he had read the 
story of " Uncle Tom's Cabin." 

For these crimes he was tried and convicted by a 
Maryland Court in 1857, and sentenced to the Balti- 
more Penitentiary for ten years. After wearing out 
five years of this long penalty, the gate of his cell was 
opened a few weeks ago by the new Governor of 
Maryland/who told him that he might quit the jail, if 
he would quit also the United States. He immediate- 
ly promised to go to Canada, and is now in New York 
on his way thither. 

The culprit's name is Samuel Green. He is 62 
years of age, though, except for his gray hair, he 
seems younger; good-looking, intelligent, and amia- 
ble ; showing in his face God's plain handwriting of a 
good character ; a man whom a stranger would trust 
at first sight. 

He was born a slave in Maryland, and wore the 
chain for 30 years, until his master died, bequeathing 
him freedom at the end of five years. The slave, 
kindled with this hope of becoming a man, worked 
extra hours, and earned in one year enough money to 
buy his service for-the remaining four. While a slave, 
he had married a slave-woman, tho properly of a kind 
master, who, after her husband had so handsomely 
worked out his freedom, sold him his wife for 25 cents I 
Mr. Green says, " My wife was worth more, but I was 
willing to take her for that ! " 

They had two children — son and daughter — both 
slaves of one master. Eight or nine years ago, the 
son, after praying long for freedom, got it at last, after 
tho manner of Frederick Douglass, who "prayed 
with his legs." The boy Green Btarted on a moon- 
light night, and ran away to Canada. His master, 
fearing the sister would follow, sold her straightway 
to Missouri; breaking her heart by separating her 
from her husband and two little children. 

About this time, when almost everybody was laugh- 
ing and crying over the pages of Uncle Tom, ono 
morning while Samuel Green was going to the mill, a 
blacksmith came out of his shop at the roadside — him- 
self a black man, aud sinco a Methodist clergyman — 
exclaiming : — 

" Sam Green, would you liko to see Uncle Tom's 
Cabin 1 " 

"Whar is it?" asked Sam, who thought it was 
some new shanty put up in the neighborhood. 

"It's a book," replied tho blacksmith; "it's tho 
story of a slave, aud it goes for Abolition." 

" Yes, I'd liko to read it," said Sam ; and ho took 
home the slory, in two volume, and began to road. 
Hut before he finished, ho received a letter from tho 



ably disposed to our institutions, and well prepared 
to judge dispassionately of their practical workings. 

He says the subject is too vast to be discussed ex- 
cept after careful personal examination. Although 
appreciating the value of the great work of De Toc- 

(jueville, he complains of the general inadequacy of 
Kuropcan criticism upon America." 



BOOK NOTICE. 

Woman's Kiguts under, the Law : by Mrs. C. H. 
Dall, Author of " Woman's Bight to Labor," 
" Historical Pictures Retouched," etc. 

Notwithstanding the terrible war sweeping with a 
besom of destruction over this nation, and the clouds 
still darkening the horizon of our future — harmoniz- 
ing with the immutable law of progress, the civiliza- 
tion of the nineteenth century must be in advance 
of all which has preceded it. Therefore we have 
no cause for discouragement. The signs of the 
times clearly indicate that chattel slavery cannot 
much longer pollute our soil. When its removal 
shall have opened the way for a full and thorough 
discussion of the subject of human freedom in its 
broadest signification and in all its bearings, then the 
excellent book with the above-named title will be 
found a valuable auxiliary in enlightening the public 
mind with regard to Woman's legal and consequent so- 
cial position ; and be a sharp and effective weapon in 
the hands of others who with earnest zeal " wage the 
war of words," the bloodless battle of ideas. 

This little volume was published a year ago, but 
having no relation to the all-absorbing theme of war, 
of course it attracted slight attention. It is, however, 
a work which can well afford to bide its time for ap- 
preciation. When a deadly contest is waging be- 
tween the hosts of Despotism and Democracy ^ and 
theevents of a hundred years are being concentrat- 
ed into one, there is little leisure to speculate on un- 
derlying causes, or dwell long upon abstract ques- 
tions of philosophy and ethics. 

" We wait beneath the furnace blast" for that 
more auspicious day which we have reason to be- 
lieve is not far "distant, when the angel of purifica- 
tion shall have prepared the way for the working 
out of a higher civilization than has ever dawned 
upon society, — a civilization in which woman shall 
be recognized as co-equal with her brother in all 
the relations of life — when, to despoil her of any 
right or privilege on account of sex, will be consider- 
ed in its true light, as a tyrannical usurpation on 
the part of law or custom. 

In the pages of Mrs. Dall's book, freighted with 
concentrated thought, she has brought succinctly be- 
fore the view of the reader the relations and bearings of 
late upon woman in a manner evincing great research 
and power of generalizing — and while dissecting 
with a skillful hand the intricacies and complexities 
of law, she has succeeded not unfrequcntly in invest- 
ing those dry details, the study of which to the law- 
yer is an onerous task, with the fascinations of ro- 
mance. 

Until woman becomes herself familiar with the re- 
lations of law to her rights of property, personal lib- 
erty, &c. : she can never reasonably hope to be placed 
on a. just legal status. 

- We therefore owe a debt of gratitude to Mrs. Ball, 
who has so bravely trodden this thorny field of in- 
vestigation, where few women have preceded her, 
and so successfully illustrated and familiarized a 
subject the importance of which cannot be overesti- 
mated. 

This valuable work is dedicated to the friends of 
forsaken women throughout the world, because, as 
the author says, the lives of such women are the le- 
gitimate result of the spirit of the Law. All who 
are included in this dedication would find them- 
selves amply compensated should they procure and 
read the book. Whether considered in the light of 
a logical argument, or an eloquent protest, it would 
be throughout equally interesting. A, G. 

Harwich Port, May 10, 1852. 



DEATH OP ME. BUCKLE. 

Intelligence has been received from Europe of the 
death of Henry Thomas Buckle, author of the " His- 
tory of Civilization in England." Mr. Buckle was 
born at Lee, England, November 24, 1822. He re- 
ceived a good education, and entered his father's 
commercial establishment, but gained more reputa- 
tion as a chess-player than a merchant. In 1840 his 
father died, leaving him an ample fortune, and 
Buckle, then abandoning commerce, devoted himself 
to literary pursuits, residing with his mother in Lon- 
don. His assiduous labors upon bis great work had 
greatly reduced his strength, and he had for some 
months before his death been travelling in the East, 
with some benefit, as was understood, to his health. 
He was the guest of Mr. Thayer, the American 
consul-general at Alexandria, early in this year ; 
and at last died in Damascus on tbc^lst of May. 

The two volumes of Mr. Buckle's " History " 
which have been published form, as is well known, 
only a part of what he had laid out as the introduc- 
tion to the work itself. In completing the second 
volume, he found it necessary to retrench heavily 
from his original designs, and decided to hasten 
through with the introduction, that he might com- 
pete the history itself before passing the period of 
ife when he could hope to be capable of intellectual 
labor. His next volume would have touched upon 
the United States, and it will cause profound regret 
that the comments of so liberal and bold a thinker 
upon our institutions should be lost. It is our im- 
pression that this part of the work was entirely un- 
written, when he left England to seek for health in 
the East. 

Probably no work has appeared for years which 
has occasioned so much controversy as tho two vol- 
umes published of Mr. Buckle's introduction ; but 
no opponent ever denies the surprising industry or 
the surpassing ability of the author. His philosophi- 
cal conclusions may be unfounded, and may fall be- 
fore the searching examination to which they, are 
subjected ; but the world will bo the gainer in the 
end from tho appearance of tbo work which has oc- 
casioned such fresh inquiry and activity, and it will 
generally regret the loss of the story of English 
civilization, told by a writer of such power ana of 
such earnest convictions. 

To this brief notice of a great author, wc may 
subjoin a few remarks, made by a correspondent 
writing to us from Cairo, February 17th, — who had 
frequent opportunities of meeting Mr. Buckle while 
the latter was in Egypt: — 

" Mr. Buckle, tho distinguished author of the ' His- 
tory of Civilization,' has lately returned from an 
expedition of several weeks up the Nile, in search of 
rest and health, and is now nere making arrange- 
ments for a tour to Syria. lie proposes to visit 
America, and would have gone thWioi* this summer 
but for the war. His next volume will treat of the 
United States. Last week, Mr. Thayer, our excellent, 
consul-general here, entertained Air. Buckle at din- 
ner. The company included two ladies well known 
111 the literary and social circles of England, besides 
several English and American gentlemen who hap- 
pened to bo in Cairo. Mr. Buckle, :is I hear, ex- 
pressed a strong feeling of gratification at tbe peace- 
ful solution of thi> Trent complication, and said that 

a war between the two kindred nations of England 
and the United States would ho a calamity to man- 
kind ; he had however anticipated from the begjn- 
■ 110 other than a pacific settlement. In his eon- 
ition, as in his writings, lie shows himself favor- 



A Modern Amazon. Wc copy from a private 
letter, from Clarksburg, Va., the following account 
of a recent capture there : — 

" About a dozen deserters from the rebel army 
came in yesterday, very much frightened, wanting 
transportation to Ohio. Wc also captured a very 
desporate woman, by the name of Jenny Green, and 
sent her under guard to Wheeling. She is only 
about 18 or 20 years of age, and not bad looking; 
she lived about 30 miles from here, and told Gen. 
Kellcy that she cut all his telegraph wires when he 

was up the Kanawha, and she'd ' be d d if she 

wouldn't do it again.' She has been in the habit of 
visiting the rebel camps, rides a fine horse, carries a 
pistol revolver and a handsome revolving rifle pre- 
sented to her by some rebel officers, and with which 

she boasts that she has killed a great many d d 

Yankees. She is said to be an unerring shot, and 
can put a bullet through the ace of clubs at tbe dis- 
tance of one hundred yard3, nine times out of ten. 
She has been pursued many times, but has made her 
escape by the fleetness of her horse, and when cor- 
nered, where escape seemed impossible, would cause 
her horse to leap the most horrible ravines and 
plunge over rocks where the soldiers dare not follow 
her. She was taken by strategy and sent to Wheel- 
ing once before and imprisoned, but by the interces- 
sion of some secession ladies there, Gen. Kosecrans 
released her on parole. When brought before the 
captain of the company who arrested her, the cap- 
tain said, * Well, Miss Jenny, you are come to visit 
us again ; ' to which she replied with a terrible oath, 
and snatched a rifle from one of the guards, discharg- 
ing it at the captain in an instant, but he saw the 
movement, and struck up the muzzle of the gun, and 
the ball passed through his cap, just grazing his 
head." 

A Blunder and a Joke. The New Orleans 

correspondent of the New York Herald says: — 

" Speaking of Dr. Smith, I am reminded of one 
of the best jokes of the season. A gentleman called 
on Gen. Butler to-day, and stated that he had a ne- 
gro who was hanging about the general hospital, 
and he wished to get him. The General's policy in 
such cases is to turn the negro out of our lines, un- 
less he has been employed by some officer. He 
therefore turned to one of his aids — Lieut. Clark— 
and told him to write to Dr. Smith to turn the man 
out of his hospital. Lieut. Clark wrote to Dr. Smith 
—"You will at once turn this man out of your hos- 
pital" — accidentally omitting to say anything about 
a colored man. The owner of the slave took the 
note to the hospital innocently enough, and handed 
it to Dr. Smith. The Dr. read the order, and, 
though rather astonished, supposed the General had 
good reason for such instructions; so he jumped, 
and told his visitor to leave the house quicker than 
he ever came into it. The gentleman was perfect- 
ly astounded, and attempted tp ask the reason of 
such treatment ; but the Doctor said he would not 
hear a word, and, taking him by the shoulder, push- 
ed him towards the door, and then ordered a corpo- 
ral to put him out, which he did, the gentleman 
brandishing his cane and cursing bitterly against 
such usage. He went back to the General, and an 
explanation ensued, and resulted in all hands en- 
joying a regular old-fashioned horse-laugh. The ne- 
gro was not in tbe hospital, and has not yet been 
found." 



The Negro in Demand. The Danish Govern- 
ment has made a singular proposition to the Adminis- 
tration at Washington. It is no less than to take all 
the contrabands off our hands, transport them to the 
Danish West Indies, there to be placed under appren- 
ticeship for three years, and after that time to receive 
wages and to become entirely free. The proposal 
shows on the part of Denmark a Yankee propensitx 
for driving a sharp trade. It shows, besides, that the 
negro is in demand in other quarters, although he has 
been the innocent cause of great difficulties among us. 

Our Government could do no more, were it disposed 
to cooperate with Denmark, than to extend facilities 
for such fugitives as might desire to migrate to St. 
Croix on the terms proposed. It could not transfer 
the contrabands bodily to tbe representatives of Den- 
mark, to be conveyed without their consent to a new 
though mitigated bondage. No one, we trust, would 
advocate that course. Nor will the plan of impli- 
cating our Government in the apprenticeship system 
find general favor. If individuals desire to seek new 
homes under Danish protection, the Government 
might withhold hindrance and interference. Beyond 
that, the efforts of the Danish diplomats will not be 
likely to be effectual. — Oneida Herald. 

A Well Kept Log. The Port Royal correspon- 
dent of the New York Tribune has procured a copy of 
the log of the steamer Planter, kept by Robert Small 
on that famous trip, when he so skillfully escaped 
from Charleston harbor to the blockading fleet. It is 
given as follows : — 

" List — Robt. Small, Pilot ; Alfred Gridiron, Engi- 
neer; Abram Jackson, Jebel Turner, W. C. Thomp- 
son, Sam Cbisholm, Abram AUerton, Hannah Small, 
Susan Small, Clara Jones, Anna White, Levina Wil- 
son, David MeCIoud, 3 small children. 

Log — We leave Charleston at J past 3 o'clock on 
Tuesday morning. 

AVe pass fort Sumter £ past 4 o'clock. We arrived 
at blockading squadron at Charleston Bar at £ to 6. 
We give three cheers for the Union flag wouce more. 

Articles of Sdndary — 4 larg c, not mounted ; 2 
mortars. We arrive at Port Royal, Hilton, on same 
night about S p. m." 

A Devoted Woman. It is stated that Mrs. Henry 
Baylis, the wife of a New York merchant, has left a 
home of affluence and ease, and is now devoting her 
whole time and energies to the relief of tbe sick and 
wounded soldiers at Yorktown. She has not only 
volunteered to endure the privations and discharge 
the disagreeable duties of hospital life, but she has 
studied the profession of surgeon and uurse so that 
she can care for a wounded limb equal to any of the 
surgeons of the army. 

$^ = ~ Billy Wilson occupies the splendid residence, 
at Pensacola, of the rebel Stephen R. Mallory. Billy, 
it is said, lives like a lord, in his new quarters, and 
walks about with a gold-headed charter oak cane, with 
Mallory's name engraved upon it, and which he con- 
fiscated when he took possession. 

^" Some moustrous jaw bones have been dug up 
Oregon, supposed to be human, but measuring 
seven inches across from point to point. They must 
have belonged to some huge human gorilla, whose 
race we are glad to know is extinct. Such jaws 
would be just the ones to "devour widows' houses." 

Six Rainbows at once. The editor of tho Marque 
News says that just as the force of a recent shower at 
that place was spent, the suu looked out from behind 
the clouds, when a brilliant rainbow spanned the heav- 
ens, then a second, then a third, a fourth, a fifth, and 
finally a sixth one; all of them in regular gradation 
from tbe inner, which" was a mere line, to the outer, 
which was of great breadth and magnitude. 

2®=* The Charleston Courier of the 22d ult. makes 
the annexed statement: — 

" We have been reliably informed, that men of 
high official position among us — men of good inten- 
tion, but of mistaken and misguided patriotism, arc 
sowing the seeds of discord broadcast in our midst, by 
preaching a crusade against President Davis, and call- 
ing for a General Convention of the slai\ liohliup Slates to 
depose him, and create a Military Dictator in /its place." 

$£^ The Secession Congressman. Yallandigham, 
has received a sharp rebuff from home. A petition 
has been forwarded to the House, from 688 loyal citi- 
zens of Cincinnati, asking for his expulsion from Con- 
gress as a traitor to his country and a disgrace to the 
State of Ohio. 

JiL^ 3 * Win. P. Goshorn, of slave Lucy notoriety, has 
been arrested in Wheeling for his Secession sympa- 
thies, as developed in his jubilation at the defeat of 
Hanks, and is to be taken to Camp Chase lor safe 
keeping, lie bad better be sent up here, and dike the 
place Lucy occupied. — Ctci-cland Jlerald. 

Suppose Lucy was in Cleveland now, and Old Gos- 
horn would come after her. Would she be delivered 

up as freely as she was >. 

$j?= At the battle of Pair Oaks, Oapt. Smart, of 
tbe 10th Massachusetts regiment, was wounded iii the 
leg, and asked the first rebel who approached to help 
liim ell' the field. The rebel replied • " I'll take care 
if you ! " and at once bayoneted him. IhlS Mas seen 

>y a wounded man who lay near by. Capt. Day, of 

he same regiment, was killed by the rebels, after be- 
ing wOOnded, having been shot in the presence of two 
el' Ins Company who were taking him 1mm the lichl. 

A St obsb ItuAUT, The Washington St ■■ , speak- 

Dg of several rebel women who took occasion to ex- 
press themselves on the arrival of prisoners in Wash- 
ington the other day. says that "Mrs. M agm re said 
Hint, her heart was choking her, so great was her 
hatred of Yankee rule." 



THE LIBERATOR 

— IS PUBLISHED 

EYEKY FEIDAY MOSSING, 

■ AT 

221 WASHINGTON 3TKEET, ROOM No. 6. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



0^~ TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 
in advance. 

E^~ Five copies will bo sent to ono address for ten dol- 
laus, if payment is made in advance. 

J3P* AH remittances aro to be made, and all letters 
relating to tiio pecuniary concerns of tho paper are to bo 
directed (POST PAIS) to tho General Agent. 

1SF" Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo centa 
per line. 

ES^~ Tlio Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Socioties are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

E3P" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Ctmmitteo, but are not responsible for any debts of tho 
[japer, via: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed- 
*ojjd Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr. 




" Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 

the inhabitants thereof,'" 

" I lay this down as tho law of nations. { flay that mil- 
itary authority takes, for the time, tho place of all munio- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST \ 
and that, under that stato of things, to far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive 
management of the subject, not only Uib President or 
the United States, but -the Commahder op the Abut, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES. ♦ . . From the instant 
that tho slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with tho institution of 
slavery, m evkiiv way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
Itroyed, to tho cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power, . . , It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it bo a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording to the laws op war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thh 
place op them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J. Q. Amwg , 



WM. LLOTD GAEEISON, Editor. 



©uv muitvxj U itt* WorM, our Countrymen m all gfattHnO. 



J. B. YEERINTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 28. 



BOSTON", FEIDAY, JULY 11, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1646. 



Itfnp of ®pptt$iri0tt* 



ANTI-AE0LITI0N MOVEMENT. 

Resolutions adopted at a semi- treason able, pro-sla- 
xery Democratic Mass Meeting, held nt Cooper Insti- 
tute, New York, on Tuesday evening, July 1st, 1862, 
under the auspices of Fernando Wood & Co. : — 

Resolved, 1. That m the present crisis, when our 
beloved country is involved in civil war and the 
foundations of our Constitution arc in danger of be- 
in" overthrown, it is the duty of every American 
citizen, laying aside all prejudices and attachments, 
whether of party or locality, to devote his energies, 
his fortune, and if need be, his life, to the preserva- 
tion, the defence, and the perpetuity of the Ameri- 
can Union. (Applause.) 

2. That in considering the dangers which imme- 
diately threaten the Union, we find two fallacies at- 
tempting to accomplish the work of destruction. 
The one being that of secession culminating in the 
rebellion of Southern citizens, who by force of arms 
have attacked the glorious fabric which our fathers 
erected; the other being that of Abolition, (loud 
hisses,) which has induced Northern disunionists to 
declare their enmity to the Constitution, that noble 
instrument which is the holy bond of brotherhood of 
Amcrieans. 

3. That while the Government is engaged in the 
work of suppressing the first-named class of foes to 
the Union, it is our duty as citizens to sustain our 
Goxernment, and defend it from all enemies at home 
and abroad ; and that in this national emergency, 
banishing all feelings of mere passion or resentment, 
we should recollect only our duty to the whole coun- 
try ; that this war should not be waged on our part 
in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of 
conquest or subjugation, or of overthrowing or inter- 
fering with the rights or established institutions of 
States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy 
of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with 
all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several 
States unimpaired ; and as soon as these objects are 
accomplished, the war ought to cease. (Cheers.) 

4. That, in dealing with the other class of foes to 
the Union, it becomes every citizen to bear in mind 
the advice of the fathers. Obeying the sage com- 
mands of Washington, they should remember that 
the Union is the main pillar of our real indepen- 
dence, the support of our tranquillity at home, our 
peace abroad, our safety, our prosperity, our liberty. 
(Applause), That as this is the point in our politi- 
cal fortress agamst which the batteries of internal 
and external enemies will be most constantly and ac- 
tively (often covertly and insidiously) directed, we 
should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable at- 
tachment to it, accustoming ourselves to think and 
speak of it as the palladium of our political safety 
and prosperity, watching for its preservation with 

jealous anxiety, discountenancing whatever may 
suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be 
abandoned, and frowning upon the first dawning of 
any attempt to alienate any portion of our country 
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which 
now link together the various parts. (Cheers.) 
That toward the preservation of our Government it 
is requisite not only that we discountenance irregu- 
lar opposition to its acknowledged authority, such 
as is now exhibited at the South, and has been ex- 
hibited at the North in personal liberty bills and 
other unconstitutional legislation, but also that we 
resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its 
principles, however specious the pretext. (Ap- 
plause.) That in the doctrine of leading Radical 
politicians, newspapers and orators, that Secession 
ordinances are operative to destroy the Union 
(great and prolonged applause), we recognize an 
innovation on those principles, which has been char- 
acterized by a member of the Cabinet as tending to 
aid and abet the Southern Confederates, and which 
is designed to be hostile to the Union. That in the 
plans of the Emancipation League, composed of cer- 
tain distinguished radical leaders of the Republican 
party, to exclude from the Union all States which do 
not abolish slavery, we see an attack upon the Ameri- 
can Union. That in the proposition to erect a war 
power above the Constitution, for the purpose of 
abolishing slavery by its means, we find another 
plan to take away the rights of American citizens. 
That in all the plans and schemes of radicalism we 
can see no patriotism, no loyalty, no honesty, but 
that they are clearly, though insidiously, designed 
equally with the plans of the Southern disunionists, 
to overthrow the Constitution and erect in its place 
a new government, on principles of tyranny over 
those who differ from majorities in views of right. 
(Cheers.) 

5. That to such measures of the Administration 
as may be consonant with the Constitution, we will 
at all times yield a hearty support; that the prompt 
action of the President in revoking the proclamations 
of certain abolition Generalsshould receive the appro- 
bation of all conservative, Union-loving citizens, 
from whom our government derives its chief support 
in men and means to carry on the war; and that 
the continual pressing of the negro question upon 
the attention of the country, and the constant at- 
tempts in Congress and elsewhere, to connect the 
abolition of slavery with the work of the army, is an 
insult to our brave and gallant brothers — (immense 
cheering) — in the field for the Union and the Con- 
stitution, and for no other cause. 

6. That the soldiers comprising the armies of the 
Union have merited the nation's thanks — (" That's 
s0 ") — an d will deserve a nation's care, and upou 
their victorious return we will meet them with re- 
joicing praises; and should they fall in the cause, we 
will build monuments to their memories, while their 
wives and children shall be a precious legacy to be 
tenderly cared for, as the objects of the nation' 
guardianship. That we tender our hearty thanks 
to the leaders of the two great armies of the East 
and of the West, to Gen. Geo. B. McCIellan — (great 
applause: three cheers. — Calls of " Abraham Lin- 
coln," Hisses, and " Put him out ") — for the skill and 
ability which planned the campaigns, and for that calm 
self-possession which he has exhibited under the base 
attacks of abolitionists, while he has himself bravely 
fought the enemy under great obstacles, and to Gen. 
Halleck for his brilliant successes; that our armies 
are not enlisted in any other cause than that of the 
Constitution and the Union; and that the allega- 
tion of the Abolitionists, that the soldiers of New 
York or of the country are fighting for negro free- 
dom or negro equality, dishonors as good and brave 
men as the sun ever shone upon. 

7. That this is a Government of white men (great 
applause), and was established exclusively for the 
white race ; that the negro race are not entitled to 
and ought not to be admitted (cheers) to political 
or social equality with the white race, but that it is 
our duty to treat them with kindness and considera- 
tion as an inferior and dependent race ; that the 
ri"ht of the several States to determine the position 
' and duties of the race is a sovereign right, and the 
pledges of the Constitution require us, as loyal citi- 
zens, not to interfere therewith. (Cheers.) 



8. That the wholesale extravagance, the plunder- 
ing by contractors ("good"), the waste of means, 
which is also indirectly a waste of blood and life 
(■'good"), which have so frequently appeared in 
the conduct of tho war, as exposed by Committees 
of Congress, Committees on claims, and in other 
ways, tending to national bankruptcy and individu- 
al impoverishment, demand our profound condemna- 
tion, and that the people, already burdened enor- 
mously, yet willing to bear alt necessary burdens 
for the Union's sake, do nevertheless demand in the 
loudest tones that their life-blood shall not be drain- 
ed in this manner, for the benefit of infamous rob- 
bers of the nation, who profess so loudly to be the 
defenders of the country, but whose attachment is 
as deadly as that of the vampire. (Great applause.) 

9. Resolved, (Laughter and .applause,) That the 
Union as it was, is the Union of Washington and of 
the Fathers; the Union which has made America il- 
lustrious among nations ; the Union which was 
the most beneficent Government known to man. 
(Cheers.) That the Constitution as it is, is the 
hope of the nation, adhering to and protected by 
which, we shall be again free, happy and glorious ; 
departing from and destroying which, we shall be 
left with only the ruins of a great nation around us, 
out of which no man can prophesy any new Union, 
or construct any better Constitution. That, believ- 
ing in these principles, and praying for the guidance 
and blessing of God on our efforts, we, the represen- 
tatives of various political parties, and of all classes 
and employments and professions, do solemnly reaf- 
firm our allegiance to the Constitution as it is, and 
pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our honors to the 
cause of the Union as it was. (Loud and long con- 
tinued applause.) 



OHAELES SUMNER. 

New York, July 2. 
To the Editor of the Boston Courier; 

There is a tide in politics, as well as in all the 
other affairs of men. That of abolition has had its 
flood, its very spring-tide, overflowing everything in 
its rush, and now, thank heaven, is on its ebb. The 
land it has damaged will suffer from its overflow, but 
will ere long spring to life again. This fair country 
will not be ruined even by its poisonous waters. 
The great Union meeting of Tuesday has opened 
the flood-gate for them to recede — the Empire city 
has spoken, and her voice will be heard throughout 
the North. To say the meeting at the Cooper In- 
stitute was enthusiastic would not describe the earn- 
estness and patriotism that pervaded it. The phi- 
losophers of the Tribune and Post may sneer at it, 
as it was expected that they would ; but they will in 
vain try to stay its moral effects. With them, every 
one who is not an abolitionist is a secessionist. For- 
tunately for those they thus insult, one name is now 
no worse than the other. They hang alike in the 
balance of the public mind — together those who 
claim them will be annihilated, or together in one 
pack the base jackalls will revel on the remains of 
the country. There are now two war cries in New 
York, and the great Union mastiff is as ready to 

? ounce upon one of the brutes as upon the other, 
f there are two parties outside of the doomed radi- 
cals, they are those, the most violent of them, who 
would hang Jeff. Davis and Sumner together, and 
those who would hang Davis first, and Sumner after- 
wards. 

If Sumner is re-elected to the Senate, he may not 
find it convenient to pass through this city. That his 
name is odious, infamous, is not all — it is cursed and 
abominable ! The blood of thousands sacrificed to his 
ambition and personal revenge cries to heaven against 
him; and if a Massachusetts Legislature can still 
support him by its vote, those who do so will deserve 
to lose their children at the altar of this Moloch. 
Are 300,000 more men to be called upon for such a 
sacrifice as this, or are they, despite of what fanati- 
cal legislation has already done, to make one last ef- 
fort to restore the Constitution and the Union as 
they were. These are now the watchwords of the 
war— the only watchwords that can fill the ranks. 
Men are determined that they will fight battles for abo- 
lition no longer. They look at the mangled forms of 
their brethren as they return here, and ask — for what 
have these suffered ? And the speeches and enact- 
ments at Washington — the negro institutions at Hil- 
ton Head — the every word and thing that can be 
said or done to repel an advance of the South to re- 
turn to its loyalty— answer this! Rely upon it, 
there is another revolution at hand, and the ballot- 
boxes are soon to decide if it be a bloodless one or 
not! 

At the great gathering on Tuesday evening, Mr. 
Crittenden was unable to be present, but the vener- 
able Charles Wickliffe came in his stead, bearing the 
olive branch which his colleague has so long held out 
to his distracted country. " Who is the speaker ? " 
cried some one from the gallery. " An old man from 
Kentucky, named Wickliffe," said the speaker him- 
self, with a voice tremulous by age. It was a touch- 
ing scene, and midst the thunder of applause there 
fell the soft rain of tears. He who, like Crittenden, 
was above and beyond ambition, had journeyed here 
under a sultry sun, weary and infirm, but strong and 
young in heart, that he might spend all power that 
was left him for his country. And well did he vin- 
dicate the fair fame of his State as he told how she 
had stood for a time alone — not through fear, but 
that there might be one green spot in the land, 
where brothers thirsting for each other's blood might 
meet and be reconciled 1 

And when her "sacred soil" was invaded — such 
soil is sacred — how she rushed to the defence of the 
Union, he left her deeds to attest. You will have 
reports from the newspapers of this and the other 
speeches. They were all of the same spirit, and if 
that of Mr. Brooks was somewhat severe upon Puri- 
tan New England and the tendency of our people 
to agitate upon some one ism or another, we must 
forgive him, because — well, because — it was all pret- 
ty true. RINGBOLT. 



THE NEW ENGLAND 0LEEGY. 

The following communication from a clergyman 
will give great satisfaction to many minds. Upon 
such a statement as is furnished by our correspon- 
dent, we may reckon confidently for a vast religious, 
moral and political improvement in New England: 

" Certain criticisms from your correspondents, and 
some editorials of your own during and since Anni- 
versary week, upon the spoil Lings of abolition minis- 
ters, Haven, Manning, Nealc and others, have seemed 
to me timely and just; but I think there is an error 
in supposing that ministers of all denominations in 
New England, except the Roman Catholic and Epis- 
copalian, are like the above-named gentlemen of 
the Methodist, Orthodox and Baptist orders. " Pa- 
cificus " remarks upon the truly heathen spirit which 
seems to animate the great body of the New En- 
gland Congregational clergy, but he evidently 
judges the whole by a few. Various denominations 
aro congregational in their church government, and 
may therefore be included in your correspondent's 



designation ; certainly, thertj are as rabid fan'itics 
on the slavery question among the ministers of some 
of them as any one could reasonably desire. 

I have the satisfaction of stating from extensive 
personal knowledge, that the Congregational clergy 
of New England at the present time, among those 
who are called Orthodox, are in general quietly 
pursuing their pastoral and pulpit duties without 
meddling with political affairs, save an occasional al- 
lusion to the war, which, in common with all loyal 
citizens, they wish prosecuted with tho utmost vigor 
until the rebellion is effectually put down. Mr. 
Manning, in his remarks at the Grimes meeting and" 
that of the Church Anti-Slavery society, merely 
represented his own narrow and bigoted views, 
seemingly discharging a great deal of bile upon the 
New York National Tract Society, the New York 
Observer and the Boston Courier. His remarks may 
well be characterized by your correspondent as 
heathenish, and could only come from a man with a 
heart in a very diseased condition. Let him bear 
his own sins, but don't inflict a chastisement on the 
whole denomination to which he belongs. I was 
surprised to notice the radical sentiments of Rev. 
Mr. Haven, of the Methodist church, who is in pri- 
vate life so calm and gentlemanly in deportment. 
Dr. Neale, although more guarded than the other 
speakers at the Grimes meeting, showed a great 
leakage in sound doctrine. 

My observation tells me that a very great moder- 
ation has come over ministers since the war com- 
menced, and that you will find the great body of 
them sound on Constitutional obligation ; and I be- 
lieve, that by the faithful performance of their cler- 
ical duties, they are doing much to edify the people 
and preserve the institutions of the country. I 
would that more of them took the Boston Courier, 
for I think your very able, sound and patriotic 
course, during this horrible civil war, would com- 
mend itself to their virtue and love of country. The 
Tribune and the Independent could very well be 
dispensed with, in order to secure the weekly Bos- 
ton Courier for their perusal. 

A MINISTER/ 
—Boston Courier. 



j£cl*f Hand 



GENEEAL HUNTEE'S LETTER. 

If Gen. Hunter had not shown himself, before, 
entirely unsuited to take active part in a contest, 
the honest purpose of which was merely the suppres- 
sion of rebellion, in order to open the way for the 
return of the revolted States to their allegiance, his 
impertinent and wrong-headed letter, published yester- 
day, will convince all unprejudiced minds of the fact. 

Perhaps, if his letter had been written before the 
late repulse of our troops on James Island, the tone of 
it would have been considerably modified, nor would 
the officer who now writes so confidently of organizing 
forty or fifty regiments of blacks, " by the end of next 
fall," in a region where as yet he has raised but one, 
have felt so very sure of the success of his ridiculous, 
shameful^ and degrading experiment. Long before 
even the beginning of next fall, in our opinion, the 
project which this conceited and arrogant officer, — 
the tool of others, who have already had ample oc- 
casion to discover their mistake, — has attempted, will 
have been utterly exploded. If the free white -citi- 
zens of this country cannot, by their own force and 
energies, recover their imperilled institutions, — God 
forbid that they should be so besotted as to imagine 
that anything worth recovering, upholding or main- 
taining, in the guise of civil and religious liberty, 
can result from calling such legions as Gen. Hunter 
proposes to their aid ! 

But, upon reading the letter of this officer to the 
Secretary of War, the tone and manner of it are con- 
vincing to the fact, that he thinks himself addressing 
a willing mind. Gen. Hunter writes as if he felt 
fully confident that all he sees fit to say was expect- 
ed of him, and that he would be fully sustained in 
the position he has undertaken to occupy. How 
this may prove, we have yet to be informed. So 
far, he has apparently acted upon a policy which, it 
is well known, has had a couple of sympathizers and 
collateral aiders among Mr. Lincoln's Secretaries. 
While Mr. Stanton has furnished to the negro re- 
cruits guns, " braided jackets and baggy red trou- 
sers," Mr. Chase has sent primers, horn-books, 
strong-minded women, and weak-minded men, — all in 
the expectation of making something out of the ne- 
groes which Providence never intended, or, at least, 
through this philanthropic instrumentality, of work- 
ing out a political problem for their own individual 
benefit. But politicians, misled by selfish views, are 
proverbially short-sighted ; and these gentlemen, 
like others, were not sagacious enough to see that as 
soon as the negro-game was turned into earnest, it 
was practically played out — a fact which will be 
forced upon the convictions of Messrs. Chase, Stan- 
ton and Hunter. — Boston Courier. 



TEAIT0ES' MEETING AT EEAMINGHAM. 

We intended to give some of the proceedings at 
the usual traitors' meeting at Framingham, in order to 
show that none of the old and vile spirit is extinct, 
though the burning of the Constitution was this year 
omitted. This, we infer, was for the same reason 
(besides the fact that it might not have been en- 
dured) which induces Wendell Phillips to call him- 
self a " Union man." The " old Union " he thinks 
is dissolved, and a new anti-slavery one established; 
and in the same way, the traitors who annually gath- 
er at Framingham consider the Constitution, which 
is shortly to rise up in vengeance against them, is ab- 
rogated and gone. l 

But we omit these proceedings, though our re- 
porter has furnished them, because, although the trea- 
son was there, it spoke with a somewhat slender note 
— Mr. Phillips being absent, Mr. Garrison as good as 
" played out," and the other performers being of no 
account. 

For precisely the same reason, we decline to re- 
cord the ridiculous, and shameful as ridiculous, speech- 
es of Judge Washburn and some others at the civic 
dinner at Faneuil Hall. They were of the same tenor 
with the speeches of the small traitors at Framingham. 
But to think that men should be willing to make 
such inconceivable spectacles of themselves is mar- 
vellous and pitiable. Of Garrison and his crazy 
crew, we expect nothing better. They live in a lit- 
tle, narrow world of their own, in which they have 

— "Fed on poisoriH, till thoy have no power, 
But are a kind of nutriment." 

Of men like Judge Washburn, connected with the 
liberal pursuits of a University, and himself an in- 
structor of youth, better things might at least have 
been hoped, than to be just as foolish and just as trai- 
torous as the silly fanatics at Framingham. And 
there were others of less general account, who took 
up the same strain, and made out of a national cele- 
bration, as well as they could, something no better 
than what they will find before long was a very ttn- 
timely abolition orgle. And this, too, in the very 
agony of a civil war We may well ask whether 
such men have either heads or hearts. — Boston Cour- 



LETTER FROM GENERAL HUNTER. 

Washington, July 2. The Secretary of War 
sent the following to the House to-day : — 

Port Royal, June 28, 1862. 

To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War: 

Sir, — I have the honor to acknowledge the re- 
ceipt of a communication from the Adjutant Gen- 
eral of the Army, dated June 13, 1862, requesting 
me to furnish you with the information necessary to 
answer certain resolutions introduced in the House 
of Representatives, June 9th, on motion of Hon. 
Mr. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, their substance being 
to inquire, 1st, whether I had organized or was or- 
ganizing a regiment of fugitive slaves in this De- 
partment; 2d, whether any authority had been given 
to me from the War Department for such organiza- 
tion ; 3d, whether I had been furnished by o'i'der of 
the War Department with clothing, uniforms, arms, 
equipments, &c, for such a force. 

Only having received the letter covering these in- 
quiries at a late hour Saturday night, and being 
obliged to urge forward my answer in time for the 
steamer sailing to-day, (Monday,) this haste prevents 
me from entering as minutely as I could wish, upon 
many points of detail, such as the paramount im- 
portance of the subject calls for. But in view of the 
near termination of the present session of Congress, 
and the wide-spread interest which must have been 
awakened by Mr/ WicklifFe's resolution, I prefer 
sending even this imperfect answer to waiting the 
period necessary for the collection of fuller and more 
comprehensive data. 

To the first question, therefore, I reply that no 
regiment of fugitive slaves has been or is being or- 
ganized in this Department. There is, however, a 
fine regiment of persons whose late masters are fugi- 
tive rebels, — men who everywhere fly before the ap- 
pearance of the National flag, leaving their servants 
behind them to shift as best they can for themselves. 
So far, indeed, are the loyal persons composing this 
regiment from seeking to avoid the presence of their 
late owners, that they are now, one and all, working 
with remarkable industry to place themselves in a 
position to join in full and effective pursuit of their 
pugnacious and traitorous proprietors. 

To the second question I have the honor to an- 
swer, that the instructions given to Brig.-Gen. T. W. 
Sherman by Hon. Simon Cameron, late Secretary 
of^War, l^urned over to me by succession for my 
guidance, do distinctly authorize me to employ all 
loyal persons offering their services in defence of the 
Union and for the suppression of this rebellion in 
any manner I might see fit, or that the circumstances 
might call for. 

There is no restriction as to the character or color 
of the persons to be employed, or the nature of the 
employment, whether civil or military, in which their 
services shall be used. I conclude, therefore, that I 
have been authorized to enlist fugitive slaves as sol- 
diers, could any such be found in the Department. 
No such characters, however, have yet appeared 
within view of our most advanced pickets, the loyal 
slaves everywhere remaining on their plantations" to 
welcome us, aid us and supply us with food, labor 
and information. 

It is the masters who have in many instances been 
the fugitives, running away from loyal slaves as well 
as loyal soldiers, and whom we have only partially 
been able to see with their heads over ramparts, or 
rifle in hand dodging behind trees in the extreme 
distance. ■ 

In the absence of any fugitive master law the de- 
serted slaves would be wholly without remedy, had 
not their time of treason given the right to pursue, 
capture and bring back these persons, of whose pro- 
tection they have been thus suddenly bereft. 

To the third interrogatory, it is my painful duty to 
reply that I never have received any specific author- 
ity for issues of clothing, uniforms, arms, equipments, 
etc., to the troops in question, my general instruc- 
tions from Mr. Cameron to employ them in any man- 
ner I might find it necessary in the military exigen- 
cies of the Department, and the country, being my 
only, but, in my judgment, sufficient justification. 

Neither have I had any specific authority for sup- 
plying those persons with shovels, spades and pick- 
axes when employing them as laborers, nor with 
boats and oars when using them as lightermen. But 
these are not the points indicated in Mr. Wickliffe's 
resolution. To me it seemed that liberty to employ 
men in any particular capacity implied with it liber- 
ty also to supply them with the necessary tools, and 
acting upon this fact I have clothed, equipped and 
armed the only loyal regiment yet raised in South 
Carolinia. 

I must say, in vindication of my own conduct, 
that had it not been for the many other diversified 
and imperative claims on my time and attention, a 
much more satisfactory result might have been hoped 
for, and that in place of only one, as at present, at 
least five or six well-drilled, brave and thoroughly 
acclimated regiments should by this time have been 
added to the loyal forces of the Union. 

The experiment of arming the blacks, so far as I 
have made it, has been a complete and even marvel- 
lous success. They arc sober, docile, attentive and 
enthusiastic, displaying great natural capacity for 
acquiring the duties of the soldier. They arc eager, 
beyond all things, to take the field and be led into 
action, and it is the unanimous opinion of the officers 
wlro have had charge of them, that in the peculiari- 
ties of this climate and country they will prove in- 
valuable auxiliaries,* fully equal to the similar regi- 
ments so long and successfully used by the British 
authorities in the West India Islands. 

In conclusion I would say that it is my hope, there 
appearing no possibility of other reinforcements, ow- 
ing to the exigencies of the campaign on the Penin- 
sula, to have organized by tho end of next fall, and 
to be able to presentto the Government from 48,000 
to 50,000 of these hardy and devoted soldiers. 

Trusting this letter may form part of your answer 
to Mr. Wickliffe's resolution, I have the honor to be, 
most respectfully, your very obedient servant, 

D. HUNTER, Major General Commanding. 



CONTRABANDS AND THEIR SERVICES. 

To the Editor of the N. Y. Tribune. 

Silt — A great deal has been said lately of the in- 
telligence and usefulness of the "contrabands," and 
I wish to add my testimony to that of others on 
that score, and also say a word as to the return that is 
made them for their services. In Virginia and 
North Carolina, for the past year, I have had oppor- 
tunities of observing large numbers of "contraband " 
negroes, and my respect for the black race has been 
greatly increased thereby. As a stall' officer 1 have 
frequently had occasion to obtain information of va- 
rious kinds, relating to the roads, navigation, po- 
sition, defences of the enemy, &c, and I have inva- 
riably found that obtained from the netp-oes to be most 
trustworthy. Nor is the cause of this in their willing- 



ness 1 1 give information alone; mere is a react y wit 
and quickness of observation about them which 
many of their masters seem to lack. 

I cannot think that the negro is capable of imme- 
diate cultivation equal to that of the white race, but 
that they are capable of a much higher cultivation 
than is generally believed, I am convinced. They 
have a strong desire to learn, which will sometimes 
surmount the greatest obstacles. Thus, they keep 
eyes and ears open to all that is going on around 
them, and in this way often learn much that is not 
intended for them to know. 

I know several negro girls in Newbern, who have. 
taught themselves to read and write in spite of the 
law. Strange and improbable as the statement may 
seem, it is nevertheless true, and I shall, I think, be 
sustained by every man who has observed them, 
when I say that the slaves who have come into our 
camps here, are, to every appearance, far more in- 
telligent than the "poor whites." I can account 
for this in no other way, except it be true that the 
superior race, when degraded, sinks below the inferi- 
or, and no one who has not been among them can 
know how miserable is the mental condition of the 
poor white man of the South. When slavery shall 
have gone, it will not be the negro alone who has been 
emancipated. Much is said of the "white slaves" 
of the North, but their condition is so far superior to 
the white slaves of the South as' to be beyond com- 
parison. In the South, education is monopolized by 
the few, as capital is in the North. It is this, then, 
that makes the ignorant slave often appear superior 
in intelligence to his master. 

In the operations of the Union armies, the contra- 
bands have been of almost inestimable value. They 
have obtained important information when white 
men could not; they have acted as spies when 
white men could not be hired to risk their necks. 

During the operations against Fort Macon, it was 
found that the negroes were altogether the best and 
most trustworthy pilots about the harbor, and few 
harbors are more difficult of navigation than that of 
Beaufort, N. C. It was necessary to send a steamer 
into Bogue Sound to transport the guns and mortars 
across to our siege batteries. To get here then, it 
was necessary to run by the fort at night and at 
flood tide. This was a perilous undertaking, for the 
steamer once aground, she would have been lost ; the 
receding tide would have left her high on the shoal, 
and entirely at the mercy of the fort when daylight 
made her visible. No white man could be found 
willing to act as pilot; 36300 was offered to the man 
who should take her by the fort safely. The man 
who did take her through without an accident, ren- 
dering Government a service equal to thousands of 
dollars, has never received a cent for his service, 
nor did he expect anything but his freedom. 

AN OFFICER. 
Newbern, N. C, June 3, 1862. 



GENEEAL FREMONT'S DEPARTURE. 

Late Headquarters of Gen. Fremont, 
Camp near Middletown, June 28, 1862. 

Thursday evening came telegraphic news to Gen. 
Fremont, that Major General John Pope was as- 
signed by the President to command the Army of 
Virginia, whereof the forces under Gen. Fremont 
were to constitute the first corps. That is to say, 
the senior Major-General of the United States Army 
was reduced from the independent command of a 
Department to the command of an army corps, 
subordinate to a general of inferior grade, who had 
been an insubordinate commander under him in Mis- 
souri, and is to-day his bitter personal enemy. Tift 
order of President Lincoln was rudely transmitted 
by telegraph without a word of preparation or ex- 
planation, coming in duplicate from the Secretary of 
War, and from Maj.-Gen. Pope. It overtakes him 
not as the penalty of inaction or disaster, but in the 
progress of a brilliant and successful campaign. It 
requires him to resign aWonee his Department, the 
independent command of his army, his plan of cam- 
paign, and all possibility of useful service to his 
country. Astonished by the suddenness of the de- 
mand, and desiring time for reflection and consulta- 
tion, Gen. Fremont, without other reply, asked for 
ten days' leave of absence. It was peremptorily re- 
fused. Determined, if all else must be given up, to 
retain at least his honor and his own respect, he then 
sought to be relieved from his command, and that re- 
quest was promptly granted. The interests of the 
service, in the opinion of the President, did not per- 
mit him a brief leave of absence, but were not 
deemed to be compromised by his entire withdrawal 
from duty. In accordance with the President's di- 
rections, he at once turned over the command to 
Brig.-Gen. Schenck, next in rank under him, and 
this morning started for New York. 

It is not easy to realize a change of circumstances 
so sudden, nor to consider them with patience. 
Nothing in the history of the Missouri campaign was 
so unjust, so causeless, so utterly inexcusable as this 
last blow. It has been my fortune to know some- 
thing of the interior history of this campaign, and 
the relations between General Fremont and the mili- 
tary authorities at Washington. This is no hour to 
publish that record, or declare its character. It is 
enough to say that the discouragement, want of sup- 
port, capricious interference, and active hostility at 
Washington were greater hindrances to success than 
the ingenuity and the despair of the enemy could in- 
terpose. The energy and capacity which triumphed 
over both are rewarded by disgrace. The public 
confidence, which pointed to Fremont as the one 
General entitled by his rank, his services, and his 
skill to command the United States forces in North- 
ern and Eastern Virginia, was only evidence of a 
too dangerous popularity, and supplied the motive to 
attempt its destruction. The attempt was skillfully 
made. If he retains Ins command under Pope, he 
may be kept inactive, or hurried into disaster. If 
he resigns, it is easy to say that his personal ambition 
was superior to his patriotism, and the nation is ex- 
pected to forget that it has been made impossible for 
him to serve his country by remaining in the field; 
that in such circumstances, both patriotism and self- 
respect compel him to retire. 

Information of the order was withheld until an 
answer had been received to the request to be re- 
lieved. It then became necessary to issue orders to 
arious officers, and the news became publicly known 
at headquarters on Friday afternoon.- Needless to 
say that among the members of his staff, the injustice 
to their loved and trusted General excited sorrow 
anil indignation. Throughout the camp, it was not 
generally known till next morning. Desiring to 
avoid ali demonstrations, the General arranged to 
leave at an early hour on Saturday. The stall' went 
down to his quarters at seven ; the cavalry escort, 
under Cant. Mathini, was drawn up in front of the 
house, and, after a brief conversation with a few of- 
ficers, the General mounted, and with staff and es- 
cort rode across the fields' away from the camps to 
the road, and on through the town. He hated for 
a few niiiint.es at (Jen. Sigel'a headquarters, and 

agniu at Gen. Banks's, which are in the edge of the 
woods some distance beyond the village. (Jen. 
Banks came out to meet him, and the two Generals 



stood a little while talking together under the trees, 
meeting and parting with evident cordiality. Then 
Gen. Fremont remounted, rode back to the road, and 
stopping again as he entered it, dismissed and said 
good bye to those of his staff who were not to ac- 
company him. One after another his officers rode 
up to their General, saluted, received his kindly and 
cordial farewell, and turned sadly away. With the 
General went Col. Albert, Chief of Staff; Lieut.- 
Col. Pilsen. Chief of Artillery; Lieut.-Col. Savage, 
Major Haskell and Capt. Raymond, Aides-de-Camp. 
Col. Zagonyi and Capt. Howard are in Washington. 
The rest of the staff remain temporarily for duty. 

Headquarters have worn a gloomy look since 
morning. A few officers are gravely discussing the 
events of the day or the history of the campaign. 
Most of them are quietly finishing what business re- 
mains to be done, and will leave to-morrow. The 
active life and friendly intercourse and cordial spirit 
which yesterday made the camp so pleasant are op- 
pressed by a calamity which leaves no one unaffected. 
With the retirement of the General the staff is scat- 
tered, and the hopes and prospects of the Summer 
are ended. 

Since tho General left, I have seen and talked . 
with many officers of his command. All denounce 
the injustice of the removal, and deplore its influence 
on the troops. These officers are not all friends of 
Gen. Fremont, but all agree in this feeling and opin- 
ion. " A change of commanders in such circum- 
stances," said one General, "demoralizes and dis- 
heartens troops." The inspiration of his successes, 
of their confidence in him, and the effect of his ef- 
forts for a more thorough discipline, are completely 
lost. I have had no time nor disposition to go 
through the camps for inquiry. The testimony of 
such a number of officers is sufficient. — Correspon- 
dence of the New York Tribune. 



WHAT SECESSION MEANS. 

The Louisville Courier, once the organ of the 
Breckinridge Democracy of Kentucky, removed 
first to Bowling Green, thee to Nashville, seems 
to have "gone up" when the traitors evacuated the 
latter city. It was there that it put forth the follow- 
ing philosophy of the rebellion:— 

" This has been called a fratricidal war by some, 
by others an irrepressible conflict between freedom 
and slavery. We respectfully take issue with the 
authors of both these ideas. We are not the broth- 
ers of the Yankees, and the slavery question is mere- 
ly a pretext, not the cause of the war. The true ir- 
repressible conflict lies fundamentally in the heredi- 
tary hostility, the sacred animosity, the eternal an- 
tagonism, between the two races engaged. 

" The Norman cavalier cannot brook the vulgar 
familiarity of the Saxon Yankee, while the latter is 
continually devising some plan to bringdown his ar- 
istocratic neighbor to his own detested level. Thus 
was the contest waged in the old United States. So 
long as Dickinson doughfaces were to be bought, 
and Cochrane cowards to be frightened, so long was 
the Union tolerable to Southern men ; but when, ow- 
ing to divisions in our ranks, the Yankee hirelings 
placed one of their own spawn over us, political con- 
nection became unendurable, and separation neces- 
sary to preserve our self respect. 

" As our Norman kinsmen in England, always a 
minority, have ruled their Saxon countrymen in 
political vassalage up to the present day, so have we, 
the 'slave oligarchs,' governed the Yankees till 
within a twelvemonth. We framed the Constitu- 
tion, for seventy years moulded the policy of the 
Government, and placed our own men, or ' Northern 
men with Southern principles,' in power. 

"On the (ith of November, 1860, the Puritans eman- 
cipated themselves, and are now in violent insurrec- 
tion against their former owners. This insane holi- 
day freak will not last long, however; for, dastards 
in fight, and incapable of self government, they will 
inevitably again fall under the control of the superior 
race. A few more Bull Run thrashings will bring 
them once more under the yoke as docile as the most 
loyal of our Ethiopian ' chattels.' " 



THE CONSERVATIVE CAUCUS. 

The Conservative Caucus at Washington, on Satur- 
day, was attended by about thirty-five members 
of Congress. We are assured that " various rea- 
sons were given for the absence of the other gentle- 
men." When the " other gentlemen " read the 
resolutions passed by the caucus; these "various rea- 
sons" will doubtless appear more satisfactory to 
themselves than when they were first offered to ex- 
cuse their absence. Vallandigham, the political fox 
whose tail has been cut off, has succeeded in getting 
only thirty-five other political foxes to submit to a 
similar mutilation. 

We have neither space nor inclination to speak at 
any length of the resolutions. An apparent zeal 
for the Constitution but thinly conceals the evident 
purpose of their framers, which is to use the Con- 
stitution to protect the rebels from punishment in 
case they fail, and to remove every obstacle which 
may interfere with their success. The palpable in- 
tention is to give " aid and comfort to the enemy," 
by attempting to show that the Government is dis- 
qualified, by the Constitution, from prosecuting the 
war as other nations prosecute war. " The rights 
of the South" are so sacred that they should pre- 
vent the Government of the United States from ex- 
ercising " the rights of war." 

But if the United States cannot exercise the 
rights of war, the reason must be found in the theo- 
ry, that the United States do not constitute a nation ; 
for all nations have these rights. As a necessary in- 
ference, the secession theory of the Constitution is 
the true one. The " Conservative Caucus," there- 
fore, has simply justified the rebellion. The rights 
of war are necessary incidents of sovereignty. Sov- 
ereignty must reside somewhere; if not in the Unit- 
ed States, then it must be in the separate States, 
and if in the separate States, we have the comforta- 
ble conclusion that the Con federate States have the 
rights of war, while the United States have, them not ! 

The resolutions speak of the " unexampled atroci- 
ties" of the rebels in conducting the war, and also 
declare that the guilty leaders should be punished. 
These statements sound well, and we are curious to 
know especially how the leaders are to be punished. 
Perhaps light is thrown on the mutter by the asser- 
tion " that Congress has no force to deprive any 
f AtSOfl of his property for any criming] offence, nn- 
ess that person has been duly convicted by tin ver- 
diet of a jury." As the jury must be taken from 
the district, in which the crime was commuted, we 
may well suppose that, under this process, even the 
property nt' Jefferson Pa vis would he sate from con- 
fiscation. If his propt'rty would be thus secure, 
would not his lifr be still more secure? hub" d, we 
cannot suppose that the Solons who attended the 
Conservative Cam us will say that a mini's hie can 
Dfi taken from him without tho verdict of a jury, 
while a man's property cannot. 

When the Scotch incinU'is of the House of Com, 
mons voted against one of the measures of Adding 



no 



THE L I B E PI A. T O R 



JULY 11 



ton's Administration, Sheridan cried out, "Doctor, 
'the. Thanes By from thee," — in pleasant allusion both 
to Macbeth ami Addition's former profession. The 
Bcoteh members in Addington's time occupied to him 
about the same business relation which the New York 
Herald occupies to the pro-slavery conservatives.^ 
Yet we find in the Washington correspondence of 
the Herald that " the Caucus of Conservatives" was 
" less successful than was expected." _ This means 
that, even in the opinion of its friends, it was a mis- 
erable failure.— Boston Transcript. 



llenable rights, among which arc life, liberty, and the 

pursuit of happiness." Richard Bustexd. 

No. 237 Broadway, New York, July 3, 1862. 



"THE UNION, THE CONSTITUTION, AND 
THE ENFOEOEMENT OP THE LAWS." 
In the Boston Courier of yesterday morning, we 
find a communication, dated New York, addressed 
to the editor, and signed " Ringbolt. " It is devoted 
to an animated account of the spirit and objects 
of "the great Union meeting" in New York, held 
on Tuesday evening last, a meeting seemingly 
called for a double purpose,— first, to assure the 
rebels that they had influential friends in this city ; 
and second, to assure foreign States that the North 
was divided, and thus to invite intervention. Its 
occurrence at the time of the retreat of McClellan's 
army admirably served both objects. 

As the meeting, however, was ostensibly called for 
the purpose of sustaining " the Constitution as it is, 
and the Union as it was," against the designs of the 
abolitionists, our curiosity is especially excited to 
learn what, in the opinion of the meeting, the Con- 
stitution really is. Mr. Wickliffe of Kentucky an- 
nounced that his State long desired to preserve an 
armed neutrality between the two belligerents, and 
•Sid not act until Kentucky was invaded. We have 
ttherefore this important constitutional principle es- 
tablished: Whenever any of the slave States of the 
Onion resist by force of arms the authority of the 
fifjnited States, any single slave State has the right 
to establish itself as an armed umpire, or "green 
•spot," between the two sections. 

Fernando Wood also suggested a great constitu- 
tional principle, heretofore overlooked by such men 
as Marshall, Story, Kent and Webster. It is this: 
Whenever Congress attempts to pass any mea- 
sures which arc offensive to such men as Fernando 
Wood, it is the right of'sueh men as Fernando Wood 
to head an " irregular " assemblage of patriotic eiti- 
zens, and forcibly disperse the members of Congress : 
and the precedent to be followed in such a case shall 
be that furnished by Cromwell's conduct to the Rump 
Parliament. 

We are indebted to " Ringbolt," the New York 
correspondent of the Boston Courier, for two mon 
great Constitutional principles. They are implied 
in the following paragraph of his letter:— 

" If Sumner is re-elected to the Senate, he may not 
find it convenient to pass through this^ city. That his 
name is odious, infamous, is not all — it is cursed and 
abominable ! The blood oftlwusands sacrificed to his 
ambition and personal revenge cries to heaven against 
him; and if a Massachusetts Legislature can still 
support him by its vote, those who do so will deserve 
to lose their children at the altar of this Moloch. 
Are 300,000 more men to be called upon lor such s 
sacrifice as this, or are they, despite of what fanati- 
cal legislation has already done, to make one last ef- 
fort to restore the Constitution and the Union as 
they were. These are now the watchwords of the 
war — the only watchwords that can fill the ranks. 
Men are determined that they will fight battles for abo- 
lition no longer. They look at the mangled forms of 
* their brethren as they return here, and ask— for what 
have these suffered? And the speeches and enact- 
ments at Washington — the negro institutions at Hil- 
ton Head — the every word and thing that can be 
said or done to repel an advance of the South to re- 
turn to its loyalty — answer this ! Rely upon it, 
there is another revolution at hand, and the ballot- 
boxes are soon to decide if it be a bloodless one or 
not ! " 

The first sentence of this extract contains a threat, 
that if the State of Massachusetts presumes to re- 
elect Charles Sumner to the Senate, he shall be as- 
sassinated as he passes through the city of New York. 
We do not, of course, see any impropriety in the 
fact that a Boston newspaper sees fit to publish, 
even in a communication, an assurance that. New 
York will kill a Massachusetts senator, if he has the 
impertinence to come within her limits ; for the 
Courier probably does it for the excellent purpose of 
saving Mr. Sumner's life, by warning the State_ Leg- 
islature beforehand of what will be the fate of its fa- 
vorite, in case it insists in forcing honors upon him. 

Still, we hold it to be one of the reserved rights of 
the States, that each State has the exclusive privi- 
lege of assassinating its own Senators, and that no 
other State can perform this act without violating, to 
say the least, those rules of comity and good breeding 
which should exist among communities associated like 
the United States. But as that eminent, jurist, the 
Hon. W. A. Duer, expressed at the meeting, in the 
course of a long legal argument, his desire to hang 
Charles Sumner immediately after Jeff. Davis, and 
.as he could hardly do it in Massachusetts, we pre- 
sume that " Ringbolt" is right, and we are wrong 

In the last sentence of his letter, "Ringbolt" 
states distinctly that " another revolution is at hand, 
and the ballot-boxes are to decide if it be a bloodless 
one or not." This seems to us to accord both with 
the opinions and acts of the Confederates. The 
idea is, that " if the friends of the Constitution " and 
of Fernando Wood are out-voted in the free States. 
they will rebel. Jeff. Davis would be delighted to 
endorse such a luminous principle. 

We have, therefore, in addition to the two inter- 
pretations of the Constitution furnished by Messrs. 
Wickliffeand Wood,thetwofollowingby "Ringbolt :" 
It is perfectly proper for one State to hang in a 
regular, or assassinate in an " irregular " manner, a 
Senator of another State who is personally obnox- 
ious to any citizens of the State through which he 
passes to take his seat in the Senate. 

All persons who vote at elections have the right 
to get up an armed opposition to the Government 
they have failed to defeat at the polls. 

We now comprehend, for the first time, what an 
abolitionist is. He is a person who is unable to un- 
derstand the Constitution as Wickliffe, Duer, Wood, 
" Ringbolt," and their friends and supporters, under- 
stand it. — Boston Transcript. 

A EEETJKE TO TRAITOROUS DEMOCRACY. 

The Tribune publishes the following letter from 
Mr. Richard Busteed, a well-known lawyer of New 
York, (who has always ranked himself with the 
Democratic party,) declining to have his name con- 
nected with the Fernando Wood sedition movement : 
To the Editor of the New York Tribune: In the 
report of the New York Express of a meeting held 
rat the Cooper Institute, on the evening of July 1st, 
instant, in pursuance of a call to the " citizens of New 
York and vicinity, opposed to the further agitation 
.of the negro question, and in favor of the restoration 
^ofthe Union as it was, and the maintenance of the 
Constitution as it is," I find my name is printed 
among the list of Vice Presidents. 

Ordinarily, I would not deem such a matter of 
^enoush importance to require correction ; but in times 
like these, the opiuious and conduct of the humblest 
anay have weight in giving direction to the sentiment 
.and action of others. 

'For this reason, I beg to say that while I am im- 
pressed with a sense of the honor intended, I did 
not and do not sympathize with the object set forth 
in the call, and if I had been consulted, should not 
'have sanctioned the use that was made of my name. 
& am opposed to the further agitation of the negro 
iCpiestion. 

In conducting this war for the nation's life, I 
woul'd act upon the advice of La Pucclla to Burgun- 
dy, " Strike those that hurt, and hurt not those that 
help." 

1 am in favor of the restoration of the Union as it 
was with this qualification : it, shall be a Union in 
which the citizens of each State shall not only be 
entitled to have, but actually have, " all privileges 
and immunities of citizens in the several States." 
and in which a New Yorker shall not be in peril 
of an application of tar and feathers or hanging 
Georgia or Alabama, if he intimates that slavery is not 
a divine institution. 

I am not in favor of maintaining " the ConstitU' 
tien as it is," any longer than is requisite to amend 
it inthe manner provided by law. I want a Consti' 
tution in which there shall be no saving clause or 
ambiguo«s provision in favor of slavery, but which 
shall be founded upon the principles of God's eter- 
nal justice, and square with His golden rule. 

These sentiment*, you perceive, disqualify me 
from fraternizing with the so-called " Anti-Abolition, 
anti-secession" gathering at the Cooper Institute. 
They rather place me within the anathema and death 
sentence pronounced by that distinguished orator, 
Fernando Wood, against those who believe that " all 
jnun arc endowed by their Creator with certain ina- 



NORTHERN SYMPATHY WITH THE SLAVE- 
HOLDERS' REBELLION. 

There is strong evidence that the slaveholding 
conspirators against the liberties of the American 
people had expected essential aid from a certain 
class at the North ; but the overwhelming uprising 
of freemen around the ensign of the republic drove 
the northern accomplices of the Southern despots 
into hiding-places, to escape the wrath of an indig- 
nant people. Whether the meeting got up in New 
York, on Tuesday evening, was composed mainly of 
such traitors, in disguise, we cannot say ; but it is 
pretty evident that the doings of that meeting were 
such as men of secession tendencies would naturally 
engage in. The bloody rebellion at the South was 
set on foot in order to uphold slavery and despotism ; 
therefore all who sympathized with that movement 
would exhibit the characteristics of Southern haters 
of popular freedom. Those characteristics, we all 
know, are a desire to trample anti-slavery men un- 
der foot; suppress freedom of speech; uphold the 
system of compelling men to work without wages, 
and protect " slave property " in every possible way. 
At the North, such men must of course profess to be 
Union men ; hut by their fruits shall ye know them. 
In the meeting referred to, it was proposed to hang 
Charles Sumner! as well as Jeff. Davis. So Brooks 
of South Carolina thought when he made his brutal 
assault on the beloved Massachusetts Senator on 
the floor of the Capitol. Fernando Wood is report- 
ed to have proposed the characteristic slaveholding 
measure, of breaking up Congress by force I and 
that too, of course, because of its abolition legislation ; 
such as enacting that the rebels' property shall be 
used towards paying the expenses of this war. But 
enough said ; the people understand such men, and 
will mark them. — Northampton Free Press 



M>\it lEihtftatfl*. 



No Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 11, 18o2 



ADDRESS OF WENDELL PHILLIPS, 
Delivered before the Twenty-Eighth Congre- 
gational Society, at Music Hall. July 6. 



[phonographic report by 



M. W. YERRIKTON-] 



We opened this house last fall in a season of great 
doubt, when the prospects of the nation lowered; we 
close it now for the summer, witb a cloud resting on 
the future of the nation's effort. I propose to use the 
hour that you give me, to-day, in trying to find the 
reasons of this delay in what seems to me efficient 
action on the part of the Government. 

When Fremont crossed the desert to San Francisco, 
to open the pathway of empire to the golden State, 
he selected winter, in order that he might know the 
utmost difficulties that the emigrant would encounter. 
When Fulton's steamboat first trod the waters of the 
Hudson, he selected the moment of utter difficulty, 
when the spectators doubted whether the wheel could 
move, to go below, rearrange the machinery, and 
make that efficient which at the moment promised to 
defeat the experiment. Our institutions now are un- 
dergoing their first great radical trial. Hitherto, De- 
mocracy here has floated on a summer sea ; no enemy 
near us ; no internal difficulty that could stop even for 
a moment the onward march of the Government. 
Now, for the first time, the experiment of the peo- 
ple's rule meets within its own bosom the great obsta- 
cle which threatens to discredit Democracy in Europe, 
which threatens to break asunder the territory of the 
nation, which threatens to discredit the method by 
which men are selected to guide the nation's action. 
I take this opportunity, therefore, to look into the 
machinery, to see where the obstacle is, what the 
weak point seems to be, where the difficulty exists. 

Let us begin at the beginning. Every man has a 
right to a certain influence. Every man who thinks 
is bound to have an influence. I think he should not 
only attempt to influence those about him somewhat, 
but he should remember the rule of Wilberforce, that 
a man is bound to exert all the influence that he can. 
He is not innocent if he leaves any single channel 
untouched. He is bound not only to accept what 
comes to him, but to plan thoughtfully how he shall 
best influence those about him. You and I are con- 
tented, sometimes, with the influence which this pul- 
pit has had in the nation — with the amount of im- 
pression it has made upon the public mind ; but at the 
same time, it seems to me that we have not had— we 
whom this effort represents — all the influence, all the 
direct power, upon the nation's character and course 
that belonged to us, that we ought to have attained. 
I propose, therefore, to look for a moment into the 
machinery, and endeavor to define where the defect 
lies. I do not mean to belittle the religious and the 
intellectual influence of such an effort as this. The 
diocese of Theodore Parker extended to the,Pacific_ 
There are two kinds of influence : one, Chinese — a 
man makes his imitator exactly what he is, as the 
Chinese artist, taking- a cracked plate for his model, 
reproduces the whole set wUh a crack. That is one 
kind of influence — the least valuable. The other is 
the influence of methods, ideas. A man creates those 
who follow, not his exact stops, but his method; who 
accepts not his results, but his principles of investiga- 
tion, his fearlessness of examination, his boldness of 
attitude. In a far city on our Western prairie, I found 
a leading member of a Western bar, a man of culti. 
vated intellect, wide influence, decisive character, who, 
when he was married, bought all the writings of Theo- 
dore Parker. On Sunday, the leisure day from his 
profession, he either read one of the discourses which 
you have heard from this desk, or he went eclect- 
ivcly through the pulpits of the city, seeing whether 
he and his wife could set up their public altar of wor- 
ship in any hall. He went through every church of 
the city, and, judging by what he read at home, 
found none that gave him a resting-place. At last, 
in a small hall, holding a hundred, he found a self- 
educated, energetic man, talking to fifty hearers, im- 
pelled by the inspiration of his own great heart. He 
did not agree with the doctrines of this desk, but he 
agreed with the purpose of this desk; and there, in 
that mighty floating population, the young lawyer, 
with his wealth, social position, professional standing, 
wide intellectual influence, placed himself by the side 
of the struggling talker, and over both the great hand 
of the Bishop of Music Hall was lifted, to create on 
the prairies of the West disciples who did not adopt 
his shibboleth, but who answered to the great spirit of 
individual independence, fearless investigation, utter 
protest against popular iniquities, and conventional 
religion. That is the best influence which a man can 
wield ; and that lonely grave at Florence still wields 
it, far West to the prairies of Illinois and the golden 
regions of California. 

But still, there are four kinds of influence. There 
is the social, the intellectual, the religious, and the po- 
litical. The social influence is this : a man of fascin- 
ating, keen, brilliant intellect, and fair position, gath- 
ers the suffrages that make him potent from every 
source, from every quarter. His acquaintances value 
him by the reputation that the broad surface of socie- 
ty renders to him. He is not potent because he is 
admired in Boston Bolely; the reflection of his Now 
York, of his London, of his Philadelphia, of his Chi- 
cago acquaintance, adds to the weight of his social po- 
sition. The compliment which conies to a great 
speaker or to an independent man a thousand miles off, 
adds to the weight of his home hand. So there is an 
intellectual influence. This pulpit is not potent mere- 
ly because it collects two thousand men within these 
walls of a Sunday; it is because Music Hall, to the 
farthest WeBt, is recognized as the spot where unpopu- 
lar truth gets an utterance, where hunted freedom 
finds an altar. The South dreads it as the vanguard 
of New England fanaticism. Its influence is not local. 
Every one of you leels stronger to-day because you 
know that the eyes of twenty States are on you. So, 
jake the Tribune, The Tribune ie strong, not because 



of its corps of editors, not for its ten or fifteen thou- 
sand New York subscribers, but because it moulds 
opinions in Minnesota; because, when Wade speaks, 
he speaks with a constituency which the New York 
Tribune has moulded to stand behind him. When 
Lovejoy enters Congress, the constituency that sends 
him there wfts created by the Evening Post and the 
New York Tribune. There is no locality, there is no 
Hemming-in of geographical boundaries, there is no 
close corporation, in these things. Why do we listen 
to Horace Greeley ? We know that when he speaks, 
a hundred thousand men listen, and that on at least.a 
hundred thousand hearts his words fall with the power 
of a leader. The majority do not love to lead ; they 
love to follow. There are very few men who love the 
labor and responsibility of thought. The majority 
love to have their thinking done for them. In a mo- 
ment of leisure, in the mere play conflict of society, 
they maintain an opinion ; but in the critical moment, 
when action is to rest on intellect, when a step is to be 
taken as the result of logic, when a great nation's fate 
hangs on his raising the right hand, every man shrinks 
from the responsibility. He says, " You lead — I fol- 
low." The majority love to follow. When such fi 
as Greeley speaks, why does the President go tt 
hear him in Washington 1 Why does the Cabinet 
crowd the Smithsonian platform when he lectures, and 
leave Cheever and me unattended 1 Because, when he 
speaks, the great West listens, and on their hot hearts < 
the trusted leader of the Republican sentiment pours 
the mature, the ripe conclusions which are to imme- 
diately result, or very soon to result, in national ac- 
tion. Such are the social, religious, and intellectual 
chiefs among us. 

Now we come to politics — the close, direct influence 
on the nation's affairs. The political chief represents 
a geographical district. He is chosen solely by the 
votes of those who live, one may say, in sight of his 
house. Unlike the social, religious and intellectual 
chiefs I have named, the political chiefs, by our pres- 
ent system of election, represents a cut and squared 
surface of population. Let me explain. Mr. Lin- 
coln stands hesitating to-day. Why 1 He is " Hon- 
est Abe"; he means to do his duty. I believe he 
honestly wishes that this convulsion shall result in the 
destruction of the slave Bystem. (Applause.) But 
Mr. Lincoln is not a genius ; he is not a leader. It is 
quite doubtful whether, under Democratic institutions 
a leader ever can be President. It is quite doubtful 
under Democratic institutions, whether leading minds 
ever can fill the great offices of State They certain- 
ly never can under the present system. Mr. Lincoln 
is not a leader ; he is a second-rate man ; he rejoices 
in being a second-rate man. His theory of Democra- 
cy is, that be is the servant of the people, not the 
leader. Like the Indian trapper on the prairie, his 
keen car listens to know what twenty million of peo- 
ple want him to do: what their conscious, matured, 
recognized principles to-day demand of him to do. He 
stands asking, "What do you mean I shall do?" 
Ericsson is a genius ; and if the Union is saved, we 
owe it to John Ericsson, not to Abraham Lincoln 
(applause) ; for, without listening to anything but the 
inspiration of his own genius, he sees the want, mea- 
sures the void, and fills it. He is a leader, not a fol- 
lower. Lincoln, selected by the present method of 
Democratic election, as I am going to proceed to 
show you, cannot be anything but a servant. What 
does he want to-day ? I am going to take it for granted 
that he is honest; I am going to take it for granted 
that the Cabinet which starfds behind him, according 
to popular report, is more than that; it actually leans, 
the bulk of it, toward the purpose of letting this 
convulsion preserve the Union by the method of mak- 
ing it homogeneous — basing it on freedom. (Ap- 
plause.) But of course the Cabinet, and the Presi- 
dent too, are only the servants of the people; they 
listen to Congress ; they heed the official voice of the 
people. Let me go into that a moment. What is, at 
present, the official voice of America? Democracy 
means this — the government of the people. Democ- 
racy, in its noblest and highest sense, is the govern- 
ment by the present mind of all the people. We 
arc at present pluming ourselves on an experiment of 
Democracy. Lord Brougham criticises us as demon- 
strating "the failure of Democracy " ; but he knows 
nothing of that he is talking about, for we have never 
had a Democracy yet. Ncjt only has the great South- 
ern Oligarchy hitherto smothered the tendency toward 
Democracy in the Northern States, which it now 
threatens to annihilate, but we have never had a De- 
mocracy even here. Let me show you what I mean. 
I am going to speak to you of the rights of minorities. 
I am about to try to unfold to you, in half an hour, 
what Stuart Mill has been urging in England for 
twenty years — the rights of minorities; and to show 
you that, I think, here lies the obstacle to the success 
of the North in this struggle. 

We say in Massachusetts that the people govern, 
What do we mean? When you resolve it into the 
fact, " the majority govern" is what the politician 
will tell you. We go to the polls, and out of a mil- 
lion of men, if there are 700,000 who think one way, 
and 300,000 who think another, the 300,000 must 
yield to the 700,000 rule. That is the theory. Now 
look at the result. We will take 15,000 voters in 
a district; 7000 of them are Democrats, 8000 are 
Republicans. Many a district in this' State is as 
closely contested as that. November approaches; 
the question is, "Whom shall we nominate?" Of 
those 8000 Republicans, 3000 are Abolitionists, we will 
suppose; men "who agree with Fremont, with Hun- 
ter, that the path out of this war is emancipation. The 
question comes, " Whom shall we nominate ? " They 
say to themselves, "If we nominate such a man, 
there are 5000 of our own party who are not ready for 
that problem; he never can be elected. Whom must 
we nominate 1 We must nominate a man on a level 
with the lowest tier of our own party. We must 
nominate a man whose decisive opinions'have never 
made an enemy. We must nominate a man whose 
radicalism hue never been feared. We must nomi- 
nate a man who believes the Lord Almighty owns the 
earth, but the Devil must not he deprived of his half 
of it just yet. (Laughter.) We must not go too fust 
nor too far." And perhaps in that district there are 
2000 liquor sellers. They say, " You must nominate 
a man, one or the other of you, who agrees with us; 
if you don't, we, the small minority of 2000, hold our 
votes irrespective of all opinions, pledged to this one 
interest." The consequence is, they nominate an 
eel ; they nominate an artful dodger ; they nominate a 
man who lives by whispering at Washington what it 
is death to him to have known at home ; who is polit- 
ically dead about the time he is equally well known 
in both places. He is elected. The 3000 radicals vote 
for him — he is the best they can get; the 5000 un- 
pledged, neutral, non-committal, timid, cautious, hide- 
and-seek Republicans vote for him. Whom does he rep- 
resent? He does not represent 7000 Democrats; he 
does not represent 3000 radicals. He represents 5000 
men who were never guilty of an opinion. Five 
thousand men, then, out of the 15,000 in that district, 
are really represented. That is not a very near ap- 
proach to the government of the "majority." One 
hundred such men go up to the Legislature. Now, I 
am not exaggerating matters ; you know it is true. 
(Applause.) One hundred such men go up to the 
Legislature. Then comes up a test question — astern, 
.close, decisive measure. Sixty men vote for it ; forty 
vote against it; it is carried. Now, how many men 
put that law on the Statute-hook ? Sixty voters, each 
ono representing JtOOO men. The whole hundred, ac- 
cording to my estimate, represent a million and a half; 
those sixty represent 300,000 men, and they govern. 
To-day, the grog-shops of Boston, that are open from 
Chelsea ferry to Roxbury line, choose your Mayor. 
To-day, the border States, the most selfish and the 
most timid in the country, govern the country, because 
this Administration fears opposition more than it 
values support. We are not under the government 
of the majority, on our method; wo are under the 
government of the minority, necessarily; and, more 
than that, by the working of our machinery, we are 
under the government of a minority of doughfaces; 
a minority of men who do not offend anybody, whose 



intellects are of the lowest type, whose moral convic- 
tions are at low tide. These are the men who elect 
Congressmen. Five Massachusetts members, elected 
by this method, voted down one of the best Emanci- 
pation measures of the present Congress. Sumner 
and Wade and Lovejoy and Julian are but exception- 
al cases — " happy accidents," as Alexander the First 
was on the throne of Russia. " Happy accidents"; 
but the great majority of Congress represent each 5000 
men without an opinion. President Lincoln to-day, 
when every hour is big with the fate of an empire, 
when every hour is risking the permanence of the 
Union, knows no other official representation of the 
popular sentiment of America than the Halls of Con- 
gress afford. The Halls of Congress, taking out 
those happy exceptions, by the very machinery of our 
Government, represent the doughfaces of the North — 
the men without an opinion. Does any man here 
wonder that President Lincoln does not lead ? He 
has actually gone ahead of the official expression of 
the public sentiment of the North. His Border-State 
proclamation is an arrow's flight ahead of any official 
intimation to him of the public opinion of the North. 
Now, dwelling a moment on our machinery, what 
is the remedy ? Why, on Stuart Mill's plan, the rem- 
edy is in the minority being represented. That is, 
Boston is not to be obliged to choose, from its own 
citizens, a representative to" Congress; Worcester is 
not to be confined, in choosing a representative, to her 
own inhabitants; but if 15,000 men in Massachusetts 
agree with Theodore Parker, in his lifetime, in 
opinion, they choose him, and send him to Congress. 
This is the plan, intended to furnish a Legislature 
that represents not a majority of the people as now, 
but the whole people. Then the majority of such rep- 
resentatives, who will really represent a majority of 
the whole people, speak for the nation and enact its 
laws. The plan is this. Having first settled who 
shall vote, suppose in any State there are two hun- 
dred thousand such voters, and the Legislature is to 
consist of fifty representatives. Each representative 
should stand for four thousand voters. Names should 
be announcedj and then, all over the State, each man 
should vote according to a system whose details I 
witl not here trouble you with; but whose result is, 
that no man enters the Legislature who has not re- 
ceived four thousand votes ; and every voter would 
see in the Legislature a man he voted for. Four thou- 
sand voting Abolitionists, scattered over such a State, 
could have thus sent Parker or Garrison to the Leg- 
islature twenty years ago; and such voters, for years 
unrepresented,. because in a hopeless minority, would 
have had a voice for the last twenty years in the 
Legislature. No limit of locality, any more than in 
the Tribune, any more than in the social influence. If 
Massachusetts does not like Charles Sumner, a 
lion of men the Union over may send him into the 
Senate. It is no matter where the representative 
lives, it is no matter where the voter lives. Every 
man who goes into the House of Representa- 
tives, must represent the same number of votes. 
Whether he gets them from Boston or - Chicago, 
whether he gets them from Worcester or Syracuse, it 
is no matter. You and I might vote for Gerrit Smith. 
If there was any danger that Wade would not be re- 
elected, we might vote for him. If Caleb Cushing can 
get his number, he goes into Congress ; if a radical re- 
former can get them, he goes into Congress. If there 
are thirty thousand men to-day who agree with Fre- 
mont, they send him to Congress; and if there are a 
million such, they send thirty representatives to Con- 
gress. 

Common men often change a political idol ; edu- 
cated men rarely change an intellectual one. Sena- 
tors and Representatives, elected for sake of their 
opinions by thoughtful, decided men all over the coun- 
try, would certainly have the weight, and probably 
have the fixedness and independence, of members of a 
House of Lords; and thus, while approaching closer 
to the theory of Democracy, we should also secure one 
of the few benefits of a monarchy. Such a body of 
members would form, inside the Legislature, that base 
of resistance, that point d'appui, which- is always need- 
ed in a Democracy to sustain an unpopular reform; 
which, witb us, the Anti-Slavery cause has found for 
twenty years, in a body of men banished by their 
opinions and their conscientious scruples from the bal- 
lot-box ; which the Temperance enterprise has been so 
often obliged to find only in hopeless minorities ban- 
ished from all office. 

As things now stand, outside pressure is the only 
method of reform. The Anti-Slavery enterprise began 
in 1831. What did we do ? We confined ourselves to 
the trenches; we made our public opinion. The 
menf we got strong enough, we went to the doors of 
the Legislature. For fifteen years, we stood there. 
,1 remember it well. Not a voice inside those doors 
agreed with us. We appeared before committees, we 
circulated pamphlets, we laid a tract on the seat of 
every member ; but no man inside ever spoke for us. 
We waited fifteen, seventeen, twenty years, before we 
got so superfluously strong that we could send a repre- 
sentative inside. Now, suppose Stuart Mill's method 
had governed here, — that every man who entered 
Congress must represent thirty thousand r 
agreed with him ; that any man, up to the number of 
three hundred, who could get thirty thousand men to 
agree with him, could go to Congress. Long ago, 
Theodore Parker could have got, over the broad sur- 
face of the Union, 30,000 voters to agree with him ; and 
those great orations that were spoken from this desk 
from 1846 up to 1858 would have been spoken in 
Washington, with the whole nation for an audience. 
The sight of one such man, accepted by the people, 
would have changed the opinions of those "waiters 
on Providence," who always go with the strongest 
and instead of standing to-day with a North unready 
for the conflict, we should have had the deliberations 
of the House of Representatives and the Senate, 
from 1845 to '61, educating the people to be ready for 
just such a crisis as this. Instead of an outside pres- 
sure, instead of a Congress to-day that represents the 
men of no opinion, we should have a Congress that 
represents the utter and outside*Democracy, and the 
utter and outside Garrisomanism, face to face on the 
floor of the Senate and the House. (Applause.) We 
need not say with DeTocqueville, " Every Govern- 
ment is always just as rascally as the people will al- 
low," but we may ask what sort of a Government 
have we a right to expect when the authoritative 
voice of the people reaches it only through such chan- 
nels as I have described. 

What does Mr. Lincoln need to-day ? Mr. Davis of 
Kentucky, Mr. Holt of Kentucky, Mr. Wickliffe of 
Kentucky, get up and say to him, "Advance one 
step in the direction of Hunter, and the Border States 
leave you." The Administration trembles, and holds 
back. A Republican rises. He remembers his con- 
stituency at home. Who sent him there 1 Why, 
men who are just saved from voting for Benjamin 
Thomas; men Who are just saved from being de- 
luded by the Boston Courier; men who arc just saved 
from being carried away by the declamation of Mr. 
George T. Curtis. He says to himself, " I dare not 
put my foot down; I shall not be reelected." What 
is it necessary for Republicanism to say to a Cabinet 
that fears opposition more than it values support? It 
is necessary that it should say to them, "Gentle- 
men, you have had fourteen months' trial; you want 
800,000 men to-day; you want ¥150,000,000; you 
shall not have a man nor n dollar until you proclaim a 
policy." (Applause.) The Border State men s;iy, 
"Put your foot there, and we desert you"; and the 
1,000,000 voters that put you into oflice say, "Forbear 
to put your foot there, and wo desert you," (Ap- 
plause.) The moment that word is uttered, the scr- 
vnnts of the people, the Cabinet and the President, 
will have light let in upon their minds as to the proper 
course to be pursued in this national emergency ; but 
until then, the great mass of the national intellect 
which has been educated by this war, which has been 
educated by the twenty years previous, is not ofli- 
cially heard by the Government, 

T nai<l, we have no genius in the Government. I do 
not know a man, either in the army or in civil life, 
that can properly be considered a leader. They are 



all servants of popular opinion. Perfectly proper: I 
am not here to find fault with them, lifted as they arc 
to their places by the method whieh has prevailed 
hitherto. Democracy in Athens meant a vt-ry dif- 
ferent thing. The people voted. You could not keep 
Demosthenes from the sight of the people. Any man 
might ascend the platform, which was called the 
Bema, and make his speech. If he could carry the 
convictions of the multitude with him, the mass 
voted, and it was war with Philip or peace, as the 
crowning genius of the hour could mould the people 
to the purpose. But when on the prairies of Mis- 
souri Fremont speaks the magic word which is strat- 
egy and statesmanship combined, red-tape snufl's him 
out, and sends him home to do nothing. Jealousy 
and timidity block his way, and the only mind which 
seems to have the flaming energy necessary for the 
crisis is put into the back rank, is overswayed and 
balanced by the representatives of the middle class 
that crowd official houses. Fremont's name is almost 
the only one of romantic interest in our annals. Most 
of our statesmen have only a working-day fame — hard 
and cold. His life speaks to the heart. Fatherless 
and poor, he springs even in youth to world-wide 
scientific renown ; amid hair-breadth escapes and dan- 
gers more terrific than battle, his reckless daring opens 
to us a path over the continent — his soldierly skill 
and prompt decision give to the Union the golden 
State of the Pacific — always doing exactly the right 
thing, as if by inspiration, and always suscessful ; a 
love match ; untold wealth showered on him by happy 
accident; and then, born amid slavery, bis name be- 
comes to 1,200,000 sovereign ballots the representative 
of liberty and equality — a successful General on the 
outmost and most dangerous post, he speaks the talis- 
manic word that would bring everything into order; 
then, as always, never finding a foe who dares look 
him in the face. Europe admires Democracy led by 
genius — all is sunshine till that hour. The ancients, 
when too happy, threw some prized jewel into the 
sea to propitiate the envious gods. A discrowned 
monarch lives twice as long in history as his success- 
ful rival. Charles II. in exile, Francis I. in captivity, 
are the most romantic names in their history. St. 
Helena does more to keep Napoleon in memory than 
Austerlitz. It needed the gross injustice in Missouri, 
the studied insult in Western Virginia, to plant Fre- 
mont's name forever in the people's hearts. Let us 
hope that, like Charles and Francis, he may yet mount 
bis rightful throne. (Applause.) 

It seems to me that what we need to-day, if we can 
compass it, is to approach the servants of the people 
with some intimation of the real sentiments of the 
masses. I do not believe that the majority of the 
North are ready at this moment to demand emancipa- 
tion as the policy which is to guide the nation out of 
this war; but I believe Abraham Lincoln has secured 
that amount of confidence and admiration, that if he 
were to announce anything, the millions of the North 
would say, "Amen!" (Applause.) They have 
formed no conscious purpose, they have elaborated no 
exact method, they stand ready to follow. What they 
demand is a leader. We are to encourage the Admin- 
istration up to taking the responsibility. Voltaire says, 
All saints are cowards." The Whig party went to 
the ground because it had just so much virtue as to 
make it cowardly. The Democratic party was always- 
bold. In the Mexican war, the Administration took 
Webster with one hand, and Winthrop with the other, 
and said, " Vote against this war for slavery if you 
dare ! Remember the Federal party, that opposed the 
war of 1812; stand on its grave, and vote against the 
Mexican raid ! " And they wilted. (Laughter.) 
To-day, Republicanism in the saddle could say to the 
Border States and the Democratic party, " The sceptre 
of war is in our right hand ; it is to be wielded by the 
blacks in favor of emancipation ; vote against it if you 
dare!" (Loud applause.) Bad men have always 
used that logic of events. That is what the "logic of 
events" means. " The logic of events," what is it? 
It is circumstances eailing into action the irresistible 
sentiments and passions of the human heart. To-day, 
the logic of events is, that possibly we may save the 
nation from English and French interference, because 
Illinois is full of wheat, and English harvests are 
very barren ; because France starves, and the valley of 
the Mississippi is loaded with grain, and she dare not 
interfere. The logic of events is, that if England 
crosses the channel and then the Atlantic, side by side 
with France, the Irishman, who has hated England 
for twg centuries will love the negro, provided he 
can fight England at his side. (Applause.) The logic 
of events is, that the moment Palmerston says Butler 
is infamous, the old Democrat, who hated Garrison, 
loves him, if, side by side with the "fanatic," he can 
only strike at England, whom he hates more. The 
logic of events is, Republicanism in the saddle saying 
to the halting Border States and the Daily Advertiser, 
"The war means Hunter and Fremont; vote against 
it if you dare!" (Applause.) But Republicanism 
dares make no use of the logic of events. It stands 
halting, timid, before the representatives of the minori- 
ty. It believes neither in God nor in man. God, 
who hears the sighing of the prisoner, who is listening 
to the plaintive wails of the Port Royal song upon the 
Sea Islands, heard for the first time by Yankee ears, 
does not mean to tantalize those twenty thousand 
slaves with the sight of a freedom He does not mean 
to give them in reality, — God it believes not, nor man, 
who stauds at the North ready to obey God in this 
order of his Providence, and go down to give his right 
hand to the victim. Republicanism at Washington, 
that believes in neither, is carrying us onward, whi)e 
time is the only element of success. Let us wait until 
November, until January, and England and France 
are anchored in New Orleans and Charleston to say, 
" These States are independent." Then the North is 
not to yield at once ; oh no; she will pour out her 
millions of money and her thousands of men to recov- 
er, possibly, her territory to the Gulf. But that is a 
doubtful problem. To-day, Jefferson Davis is doing 
less to break this Union by his armies at Richmond, 
than Lincoln by his Cabinet policy and delay in the 
city of Washington. (Applause.) The Administra- 
tion evidently is very ready to do any thing, to go any 
where the people demand; not ready to lead where 
the people are evidently ready to follow. Fremont 
and Hunter in the field, Sumner, Wade, and their com- 
rades in the Senate, are the only ones ready to inter- 
pret the people's instincts into action ; that is what 
constitutes a leader. 

We are paying to-day the enormous penalty of mil- 
lions of dollars and thousands of lives for that 
had system of government, miscalled "democracy," 
which necessarily gives us second rate, non-committal 
men for Presidents and Senators. We pay dear to- 
day for having, as President, a man so cautious as 
to be timid — and so ignorant as to fear the little near 
danger more than great danger further ofi". But the 
people's instincts arc right. They grope their way 
toward some one whose quick and bold genius will 
interpret for them their now dumb wishes. They 
fed that Emancipation is the only thunderbolt which 
can crush rebellion and save the Union. In vain the 
mongrel curs who have mobbed us for years bark, out 
of their still unbroken collars, " Save the Union and 
crush the rebellion ; then settle these minor ouestions " — 
the silent millions see the transparent cheat. 

This war really began when the disastrous compro- 
mise was made in 1787. Then, Slavery began to bind 
Samson with green withes. What cripples McCtcllan 
to-day is, thnt his fathers, in 1787, bound one of his 
bunds, and left him only one to fight with. What 
shows Fremont's courage ;md stalosnmnshipat once is, 
that the first use ho made of his sword whs to cut his 
own hands loose for the conflict. Thieves break in ami 
bind the muster of the house, hand and foot, then go 
down to pack up the plate. Some One proposes to 
find means to cut the bonds : — " Don't trouble me 
with minor jUWttWW/ 1 cries the struggling man, "let 
me get those thieves out first, and then I'll intend in 
Cutting myself louse " ! 

The Great Eastern lies rudderless on tin- sea. 
Towle proposed to rig a helm. " Don't worry about 
minor matters/' cry the stupid passengers, "only get 
us ashore, and then you may repair the ship." A 



frigate, gaping in all her quarters, is filling rapidly — 
the captain proposes to set to work, and Btop the _ 
leaks. "Oh, no fusB about 'these little things' 
now ; get us Bafe into harbor, and then you may car- 
ry your ship into dock, and make her tight." Such 
stuff cheats no Yankee — seems plausible only to those 
who go about asking to be deceived. The only 
doubt is, will the people's willingness to be led in 
the right path find leaders before it is too late to 
save the Union 1 What we want is to impress 
the Administration with the belief that the North 
is ready to have her Government mean Liberty. 
I have no doubt of the result for the negro. His lib- 
erty is written in the book of fate ; the leaf that re- 
cords it is already turned over — I know it. (Ap- 
plause.) Why, Mr. Curtis might as well declaim 
against the East wind, so dangerous to weakened 
lungs, or Indian corn, so fatal to fevered systems, as 
against New England character and purpose, out of 
which has grown the Abolition enterprise. When 
our fathers planted free schools, they planted opposi- 
tion to slavery. Thought never rests while there is 
anything wrong in front of it. A Yankee is never 
satisfied while there is any thing clumsy in mechanics 
or erroneous in morals within his reach ; and the man 
who planted free schools and pulpits, and made us 
ivhat we are, made New England as irresistibly and 
nevitably Abolition, as now and forever fatal to wick- 
ed systems, as East wind and Indian corn must be to 
fever and consumption. Our questioning brains, im- 
patient that their ideal perfection is not reached, toss 
and fret tili the evil is probed, opened, and cured. 
Like our salt sea, it eats and eats into opposing rocks 
till it finds no opposite to consume. Xerxes' chains 
on the sea were exact types of parchment contracts 
laid over such blood — reasoning with such a tenden- 
cy. Now, there will be no danger from this. When 
the angels scaled Heaven, Milton tells us the ethereal 
substance threw off the stain. New England, for two 
hundred years, has lived under the dominion of ideas ; 
she has been elaborating thoughts, she has been weigh- 
ing morals, she has been dividing ethics. The slave 
system crossed her path; she weighed it, marked it 
infamous, and nailed it to the counter. Now this war 
attacks her for having done it. The angels might as 
well scale heaven. War is only the tempest, the 
thunder storm. This pulpit, this boob, [the Bible,] 
the press, are morning and evening, sunrise and sun- 
set, seed time and harvest, sunshine and soil. We 
must conquer here at the North. No barbarous and 
brutal South can permanently hurt or affect such a 
New England: — 

!■ could she break her way 

By force, and at her heels all hell should rise, 
With blackest insurrection, to confound 
Heaven's purest light ; yet New England, 
All incorruptible, would on her throne 
Sit unpolluted, aod the ethereal mould, 
Incapable of stain, would soon expel 
The mischief, and purge oif the baser fire 
Victorious." 

This is sure : it must be so. It is written in the 
philosophy, in the natural and essential character of 
twenty million of brains, that we of New York and 
New England and Illinois must give character to this 
continent. I do not doubt that. Give me time, and I 
know the brain of New England will inform the whole 
iluggish system of Carolina and Mississippi. -.But the 
question to-day is, whether, in order to hold on to that 
territory, we shall do justice to the negro ; and Lin- 
coln's pause of an hour makes it perilous and doubt- 
ful. Napoleon failed in Russia, because he would not 
accept the serfs who offered to fight for him if he 
would free them. -Too friendly to Alexander to ac- 
cept, he was beaten. I was a Unionist sixteen years. 
The Abolition enterprise started in 1831. We said, 
until 1846, "It is possible to save the Church and the 
Union, and still emancipate the slave." We labored 
— maligned, calumniated, misrepresented, ostracised 
from society and the ballot-box, — for sixteen years. 
We then said, " It is vain ; over the ruins of the 
American Church and the ruins of the American 
Union is the only exodus for the slave." From 1846 
to '61 we preached that lesson. 

We said, there is not virtue and intelligence enough 
in the North to save this government from the Oligar- 
chy that is eating it up. 1861 came, and in April, the 
gun resounded from Sumpter, and the whole North 
started to its feet. We said, " We were wrong. The 
North is not cankered and dead, it is alive. Bound 
with the withes of sectarianism, confused by the pet- 
ty issues of politics, we mistook the time ; the heart 
of the people is still right for Liberty and for Union " ; 
and we said, " All hail the government that leads it to 
Freedom ! " .(Applause.) United Government, once, 
was the bulwark of slavery — now, Union can only 
save itself by Freedom : supporting it, we do our 
duty to the negro. Fourteen months, until to-day, 
we have given that government our confidence. We 
have supported it with every moral influence that 
was within our reach. We have said, " We wait for 
you to wake up to the lesson of the honr." To-day, 
Europe watches us with her aristocratic anxiety to 
break the Republic in pieces. To-day, France, with 
one foot planted in Mexico, plots for a weak neighbor 
that cannot hem in her aggressive designs. To-day, 
the news goes to England, floating midway, that we 
received such atlefcat at Richmond that the Govern- 
ment dared not trust the people with the news. On 
the basis of that impression, the-i next steamer is to 
carry to England the call of the Government for 
300,000 more men. What is the impression made 
upon Europe % The North is standing at bay. She 
finds herself unequal to the contest. The President 
finds no moral strength. He dare not mingle in the 
conflict of bullets the stronger element of the morale. 
He dare not let loose liberty for the victim race, and 
the gratification of the longing of the Northern con- 
science to be consistent with its own principles. He 
dare not put an idea behind bis rifles. With that con- 
clusion, bow soon will Europe interfere ? And if die 
does, the long vista of a seven years' war is before lis. 
The South, that held us at bay alone, is to have the 
eagles and the lilies united to its bars, and where is 
the Union "? If it is saved, John Ericsson has saved 
it. When Hunter gathered the blacks into one room 
at Port Royal, and said, " Every man that wishes to 
fight, hold up his hand," a forest of hands went up, 
and he said, "Some of you would hold up four hands, 
if you had them ? " " Ten, massa, if we had them." 
(Applause.) If the Union is to be saved, it will be by 
our holding up both hands, using every channel of in- 
fluence, every method of impression. Why, even 
Wade and Sumner, as politicians, cannot dare to take 
the place which Davis and Holt occupy to-day ; with 
Massachusetts behind them, cannot say to the govern- 
ment, "Do so, or you have not a dollar." There 
must be a power at the North that shall say it. If 
madmen in New York, and jaundiced editors here, can 
say, " The Congress that looks at the negro needs only 
a Cromwell to turn it into the streets," we know it is 
the voice of men who love and serve slavery in their 
hearts. Let us always, believe that "Liberty is possi- 
ble,': remembering that poorly planned republican in- 
stitutions nre better than the despotism of the sword, 
since they at least have vigor enough to cure their 
own defects. 

Doubtless, if the Long Parliament had done its whole 
duty. Cromwell had never interfered. Possibly, if 
our Government neglect its duty, sonic of our impa- 
tient successors, looking back on a lost Onion, will la- 
ment that no Cromwell interfered. What wonder if 
a Union, planned by fathers who dared not trust God 
that to do justice was sate, should be lost h> sons 
crippled by ihc s:unc infidelity ' Vet it. in the provj- 

deuce of God, this t inton is to be broken in pieces, 
let us remember that even such a failure in the exper- 
iment of self-government will be a beacon to light the 

people on in their path to Liberty and Equality. Hut 
the record is still open. If wo do our duty promptlv, 
fearlessly, the struggling wish of the people may yet 
find a voice in the Halls of Congress, and an arm in 
the Executive, bold Mid decisive enough to s.we the 
Union. May this sublime uprising not lie too Inte and 
in vuin I M;iy that lalismanii- word, proclaimed at the 
head of our victorious arms m Missouri, and echoed 
from I'ort Koyal. sound Inmi the I 'apili'l, lo avert for- 
eign Interference and crush rebeUioa > 



JULY 11. 



THE LIBEKA.TOH 



111 



FOURTH OF JULY. 

The previous two days' continuous rain was nn ex- 
cellent preparation for n brilliant day on the Fourth of 
July, which was observed with the usual variety of 
demonstrations in this city, and in all parts of the coun- 
try, excepting the rebellious South, where any refer- 
ence to the Declaration of Independence, except to 
curse it and to trample it under foot, would have in- 
sured a halter for its unfortunate admirer. Of course, 
in view of the defeat and retreat of Gen. McOlellan's 
army, — of twenty-five thousand of that army killed, 
■wounded and missing,— only a few days before, noth- 
ing could have been in worse taste than exultation or 
vain-glorying; and we presume there was very little 
of this in any quarter. 

The usual Anti-Slavery Celebration in the beauti- 
ful Grove at Framingham brought together the larg- 
est and most imposing assemblage, perhaps, of the 
tried, and unfaltering friends of universal emancipation 
ever convened at that consecrated place. The num- 
ber was estimated at not less than three thousand — 
the special trains from Boston, Worcester, Milford, 
Marlboro', &c, all bringing more than ever before ; 
and for general intelligence, high moral worth, and 
sobriety and earnestness of character, not to be sur- 
passed. They all came to spend the day in a manner 
to advance the cause of freedom, justice and human- 
ity, and thus to save and bless the whole land. A full 
report of the highly interesting proceedings is deferred 
to give place to the able and luminous speech delivered 
at Music Hall on Sunday last by Wendell Phillips. 
Suffice it to say, this week, that excellent speeches 
were made by E. H. Hey wood, J. Miller McKim, of 
Philadelphia, (giving a very interesting account of his 
recent visit to Port Royal,) Susan B. Anthony, of 
Rochester, N. Y., John S. Rock, Wm. Wells Brown, 
Rev. Daniel Foster, A. T. Foss, Henry C. Wright, 
Charles C. Burleigh, Rev. William C. Tenney, &c. 
These were listened to with unbroken interest and 
warm. approval. It was a day most profitably spent. 

As a matter of symmetry, and to illustrate her mor- 
al and patriotic deterioration, Boston — having so con- 
temptible a mayor as Joseph M. Wightman — had the 
notorious Slave Commissioner, George T. Curtis, as 
orator of the day, (who made, of course, an essentially 
traitorous address,) with the equally notorious Rev. 
South-Side Adams as chaplain. The occasion was 
considerably redeemed by the truly patriotic speech 
delivered at the Faneuil civic dinner, by Judge Wash- 
burn, of Harvard College, of which the following is 
a sample : — 

"Our country has been a source of pride and glory. 
It has been the hope of the world in past years, and 
it shall be the hope of the world in future years. 
(Cheers.) But let me ask you whether, while we 
were thus growing in wealth, there were not growing 
up sources of local difficulties, local jealousies, causes 
of weakness instead of power, operating sectionally to 
divide this great nation, and instead of making us a 
united, strong, happy and prosperous people, laying 
the seed of dissolution in the government'? Is it not 
so? In the disagreement and discord on the one side 
and the other, between the North and the South, is it 
not true that we were losing our nationality ? I put 
it to you, gentlemen, were we not losing our national- 
ity, which was being swallowed up in the local State 
association, State pride — a local association as dis- 
tinguished from that pride of country, that nationality 
without which we can never be a proud and indepen- 
dent and successful nation "? I need not allude to the 
cause ; we all know the sectional cause of difficulty ; 
we know there were causes at work, and until we get 
rid of those causes, God knows we never shall be 
strong as we shall be when they are removed. (Loud 
cheering.) 

If there ever was a man who would stand by the 
Constitution to the last drop of his blood, I certainly 
would rank myself with him. The causes that de- 
tracted from the entire independence of this country 
are being rooted out to-day. I believe, as I believe 
my own existence — as I believe in the existence of 
God himself — our country is to work out its indepen- 
dence, We wanted something to create a nationality ; 
we wanted something like the attack on Fort Sumter 
— when we saw our flag put down by the hands of na- 
ked rebellion. There was not a man to ask whether 
he was from the East or. West', Massachusetts or New 
York, Michigan or California — it was a national feel- 
ing that rose up in the breasts of 600,000 men — rose 
up to maintain our nationality then and there. ■ (Loud 
cheers.) 

Nationality is one of the results of this infernal re- 
bellion. The speaker enlarged somewhat on this 
topic, and said : Slavery has got to fall before free 
labor. (Prolonged cheermg.) When it shall come 
about I cannot tell, but I believe it will be accomplish- 
ed ; and if we do not see it, our children will see this 
country a free nation, as much as I believe they will 
see the nation live at all. 

The speaker closed by saying: We have had the 
war of -our birth, we have had the war of our man- 
hood, I believe we have now the war of our indepen- 
dence, and I will give you as a sentiment : That war 
— God grant, as a speedy result, the overthrow of the 
rebellion, the everlasting destruction of the cause of 
the want of nationality, the establishment of an entire 
nationality of spirit, and the establishment of absolute 
independence of our nation as a nation." 

What the ribaldrous Courier says of this excellent 
speech and its author, sec " Refuge of Oppression." 

The following brief but suggestive letter from Hon. 
Charles Sumner was read at the dinner : — 

Senate Chamber, 2d July, '62. 
Dear Sir: I have been honored by your invitation 
to be present at the approaching celebration of the 4th 
of July by the City Government of Boston. Pleased 
as I should be to enjoy again this well remembered 
festivity, my public duties here will not allow me. It 
is not my habit to leave my post. 

In celebrating the 4th of July in this crisis of our 
history, let us not forget the principles which render 
the day sacred. Mr. Calhoun in the Senate audacious- 
ly denied these principles, and this denial was an ear- 
nest utterance of the rebellion which wicked men, for 
the sake of a wicked purpose, at last organized. The 
Declaration of Independence nobly proclaims " that all 
men are created equal." In seeking to make this 
unquestionable, with a practical reality everywhere 
throughout the land, we devote ourselves to a duty of 
patriotism and piety which will God bless. Let us all 
join in the good work, and thus save our country. 
Believe me, Sir, with much respect, 
Your faithful servant, 

' Charles Sumner. 



PLAIN TALE, AND THE TIME E0E IT. 

In the U. S. Senate, on Monday last, Senator Chan- 
dler of Michigan, in the course of a speech referring 
to the inglorious retreat before the rebel forces of the 
army under Gen. McClellan, came " right to the 
point" in the following telling manner : — 

"The Senator from Pennsylvania wanted to know 
where the army was, or who placed it there. The 
army of the Potomac, when it marched on Manassas, 
numbered 230,000 men, and the enemy less than 
30,000. They marched on Manassas, and found 32 
wooden guns, and 1,100 dead horses. That army 
could have marched to Richmond in 30 days, and not 
lost 1,000 men, and there was no impediment to its 
marching to Charleston or New Orleans. But the 
Senator from Pennsylvania wants to know who placed 
the army where it is. The press, politicians, and 
traitors of the country declare that E. M. Stanton put 
them there; but Stanton had nothing to do with put- 
ting the army in the marshes of the Chickahoniiny. 
This is a matter of criminality — of gross criminality — 
which should consign the criminal to eternal detesta- 
tion and condemnation. The country demands sacri- 
fice for this crime, and the press of the country are 
demanding the sacrifice of the mere clerk Stanton — 
the mere clerk to obey the orders of the President. 
He (Chandler) introduced a resolution which, if an- 
swered, would show the true criminal. The crimi- 
nality was reduced so as to be between two persons. 
The great crime consisted in sacrificing and dividing 
this great Army of the Potomac, and the criminal is 
either Abraham Lincoln or Geo. B. McClellan. There 
is no third man at all. The criminal, in his judg- 
ment, should not only be deprived of office, but suffer 
the extreme penalty of the law. The nation has been 
disgraced by this division of the Army of the Po- 
tomac, and E. M. Stanton always opposed it. If that 
great army had been commanded by the arch traitor 
Jeff. Davis, there has not been a movement which he 
would not have ordered since December. He called 
on the press and traitors of the country to stop de- 
nouncing a mere clerk, and to denounce Abraham 
Lincoln or George B. McClellan. Who led the army 
into the marshes of the Chickahominy, where they 
died like sheep, and where the left wing was left to 
maintain a savage fight when a reinforcement of 
20,000 men from the right or centre would have sent 
the rebels back into Richmond defeated '? lie had an 
extract read from the Detroit Free Press, charging (he 
blame on Stanton, Wade, Chandler, &c, &c. This, 
he Baid, was a paper which was obliged to show a 
Onion flag bv a mob. He claimed that Michigan 
soldiers had been in every fight, yet no notice had 
been taken of them by the Commander-in-Chief." 



"THE GREAT DUTY." 

Under this bead, last week's Independent represents 
the paramount duty of the hour to be a maintenance 
of Union and concert among all the loyal States, slave 
and free ; and it represents one of the manifestations 
of tins duty to be n prompt response to the President's 
last demand, for three hundred thousand more men 
for the army. 

Speaking of the duty of preserving Union before all 
things, it says that " States must not allow themselves 
to make conditions with the Government." And it re- 
fers to Gov. Andrew of this State as having perhaps 
gone too far in hinting what conditions are desirable 
on the part of the Government to call out enthusiastic 
and energetic support from the people of Massachusetts. 
It seems to me that our experience, during the past 
year, teaches a different lesson. The abolitionists, at 
whom it has been customary to sneer as stiff, perverse, 
impracticable people, have been making trial, for a 
year past, of the very course still recommended by 
the Independent. The conditions preceding this new 
experiment were plausible. It seemed a good thing to 
make the trial. It seemed reasonable and not unwise 
to take something for granted, to meet the other par- 
ty half-way, to relax, under the new circumstances, 
from the old stiffness, to show that we could be gene- 
rous as well as just. It was a fair experiment to make. 
I know not that any one regrets having made it. But 
it has not been a successful experiment. 

When our Government— a set of men nominated 
and chosen to suit merely the average of Republican 
ideas — began this war, the question for abolitionists 
was, Will you help or hinder? Having always been 
severely just in pointing out the short-comings of the 
Republican party, will you still confine yourselves to 
this course, and utterly refuse to them all moral and 
personal support until they shall have reached precise- 
ly the right position, or will you — in consideration of 
the fact that their interest now points in the same 
line with their duty, in view of the probability that 
they must see more and more, as the war advances, 
the necessity of overthrowing slavery as a means of 
quelling the rebellion — will you generously offer 
them in advance the benefits of fraternal co-operation, 
and encourage the hoped-for change on their part, by 
yourselves taking the iuitiative ? This was the ques- 
tion - 

The abolitionists made the experiment of a trustful, 
a liberal, a magnanimous reply. Not sparing to point 
out still the duty that yet remained to be done, they 
promptly declared that, in the point of opposition be- 
tween the rebels and the Government, the latter was 
right and the former were wrong ; the latter was to be 
supported and the former opposed ; their good word, 
in their speeches, and writings, and conversation, was 
heartily given to the Government, and the enlistment 
of many an active abolitionist in the war proved that 
their hands were ready to maintain what their tongues 
had uttered. 

The trial, I have said, promised well. It was right 
to make the experiment. And if the Government 
had taken the course it seemed likely to take, not only 
would it have been mightily aided by the offered al- 
liance, but the conquest would ere now have been com- 
plete, the rebellion utterly crushed, and our position 
far advanced towards permanent peace under a regen- 
erated political system. 

Instead of this, several adverse things happened. 
The President commenced by letting slavery alone, 
and showing, in the intimations of his course of policy 
that from time to time appeared, that he meant, if 
possible, to conquer the rebellion without interference 
with its cause; and though, as time passed, and the 
extent and persistency of the rebellion became more 
and more manifest, occasional and partial movements 
against slavery were made, they were only occasional 
and partial, they seemed extorted rather than willing, 
and they were counterbalanced by alternating moves 
of indulgence to slavery. 

The military and naval commanders, being left to 
their own choice in the matter, in the absence of ex- 
plicit command and a uniform policy on the part of 
the President, helped or hindered slavery, each ac- 
cording to 1 his inclination. Most of them favored sla- 
very, and the President offered no interference except 
when, in a few cases, some external influence urged 
him to do so. A few of them took active measures 
against slavery, and every one of these movements 
was promptly and spontaneously countermanded by 
the President. 

Those abolitionists who had joined the army, trust- 
ing that the war must soon become, if it was not al- 
ready, an instrument for the overthrow of slavery, 
were of course limited in their action by the ideas and 
the orders of their respective officers. But, since the 
great majority of these officers were disposed either 
to help slavery or to avoid all interference with it, 
these abolitionist soldiers, to their amazement and in- 
dignation, found themselves forbidden, by military 
law., to help the persons they most wished to help; 
nay, found themselves occasionally required, by mili- 
tary law, to do the meanest and basest work possible, 
to hand over the loyal fugitive slave to the enraged 
rebel who claimed him as his property. The in- 
stances were not few in which enlistment, under the 
generous impulse of confidence in "Honest Abe," led 
to this damnable result. 

We have made our experiment, and found it abor- 
tive. We have made fair trial of it for more than a 
year, sustaining therefor the rebukes of some of the 
slave's truest friends. We find the Government no 
more inclined to the abolition of slavery than when 
the struggle began. And after the expenditure of so 
much time and treasure, after the death of so many 
tens of thousands on the battle-field and in the hos- 
pitals, after the disastrous check lately experienced 
before Richmond, (a check directly flowing from that pol- 
icy of the Government of which I have been complaining,) 
and after various plain indications of the approach of 
European intervention, now comes a demand for three 
hundred thousand more men, and the money requisite 
for their outfit, transportation, sacrifice and burial ! Is 
not this a fit place to stop, and declare our experi- 
ment finished 1 Is not this a fit time to say to Abra- 
ham Lincoln — " Not another man, not another dollar, 
until some policy is declared which shall tend, at least, 
in the direction of 'uprooting rebellion. We have made 
sufficient trial of the attempt to cut it down, leaving 
the root to spring up again, and bring forth more fruit 
after its kind. This experiment has not succeeded, 
and Beems less and less likely to succeed. Here we 
stop. It is now your part to meet us half way. 
Whenever you shall decide and begin to turn the war 
against slavery, count upon our renewed cooperation." 
— C. K. W. 



GEN. HUNTER'S LETTER. 

I have just read Gen. Hunter's response to the order 
of inquiry offered by Hon. Mr. Wickliffe, of Ken- 
tucky, in the House of Representatives sometime last 
month, and am much concerned in mind as to what 
will be the result, it being very plain that not only the 
welfare of South Carolina, as a representative South- 
ern State, but the interests of the whole country, if not 
the salvation of the Government itself, demands his 
instant removal, and his incarceration in Fort La- 
fayette, Warren, or some oilier misnamed National 
Hotel. 

The preposterous notion, that Gen. Hunter should 
call in the willing aid of that class of persons, who 
have most at stake in this contest, is not to be tolera- 
ted ; because it is evident, if this course be persisted 
in, those heretofore held as slaves will become free- 
men — a procedure that would endanger the Constitu- 
tion at least, if not absolutely ruin the policy of cer- 
tain politicians and sympathizers with our system of 
slavery. He ought to have known that, to employ 
loyal slaves in the service of his country, to help sus- 
tain its laws and to maintain the Government, is not 
to he permitted ; but that the rebels may use them as 
spies or in the van of battle against us, and it is per- 
fectly legitimate. He had no business to send forth 
to the country such an incendiary document, no right 
to furnish such unanswerable reasons to the Border 
States for employing the slaves of the South to assist 
in crushing out this unholy rebellion. 

That the Major General, commanding the Southern 
Department, should have the audacity to write so per- 
tinent, significant and satisfactory an account of slaves 
voluntarily seeking his employ is never to be over- 
looked or forgiven. Only 'think of a letter to be read 
for the special instruction of the members of the House 
of Representatives, containing words like these : — 

[The telling extracts here made from Gen. Hunter's Let- 
ter, by our correspondent, it is needless to republish, as the 
entire Letter may be found on our first page, to which wo 
ask special attention.] — Ed. Lib. 

Who ever saw such presumption and rashness as 
this? Such effrontery was never before exhibited to- 
wards that august body, and this conduct from such a 
quarter cannot be permitted to stand as a precedent. 
That Congress should allow intelligence of so danger- 
ous a character to be thus set before it — should permit 
such a plain violation of the policy of the Administra- 
tion as laid down by certain pro-slavery advisers ; such 
ilful perversion of clearly written orders ; such an . 
overstepping of his own and an interfering with the 
established rights of rebels — without summary punish- 
ment, is not to be seriously thought of for a moment. 
The Cabinet is expected to immediately disavow the 
meddlesome officiousness of Gen. Hunter. For con- 
sistency sake, it must disclaim all connection with his 
folly, and sympathy with bis fanaticism — the one be- 
ing palpably absurd as the other is certainly destruc- 
tive. Our Generals in the army must be made to un- 
derstand at any cost, that they are not authorized to 
disturb the equanimity, or wound the feelings of those 
quasi Unionists, who have such particular regard for 
their brethren of the South, notwithstanding their 
violated oath, their repudiated constitutional obliga- 
tions, and their rebellious attempt to destroy the Gov- 
ernment. 

To allay the terribly excited fears of those small 
but influential supporters of the Courier and Post, — 
caused by the deeply suggestive communication of 
this fanatical Major General, — the President must be 
urged to issue another of his Proclamations. Mean- 
while, steps should be taken to have public meetings 
called to neutralize and paralyze the mischief which 
this information of Gen. Hunter will inevitably pro- 
duce when circulated among the people. For has not 
our war policy, with reference to the subject of slavery, 
been ,sueh that clearly indicated we cannot afford to 
tolerate in place and power, commanders who exercise 
their usual common sense, and treat this question like 
every other, in a rational and practical manner "? 

Concerning slavery, the luxury is too expensive for 
us to allow our superior officers in the discharge of 
their duties, and in the absence of special instructions, 
to display even ordinary human sagacity ; to act in 
accordance with the voice of enlightened reason ; to 
be influenced by all past experience ; to obey the sim- 
ple dictates of common prudence, or yield to the in- 
stincts of humanity — the divine assertions of our com- 
mon nature. For judiciously and righteously using a 
portion of the reserved force, the saving power of our 
country, in this its most solemn trial-hour, General 
Hunter must certainly be deprived of his important 
command; and one who has scruples about touching 
the enemy where he is universally known to be most 
weak — who is too considerate to take advantage of 
his only vulnerable point — must be appointed in his 
place. Careful pains must be taken that this suc- 
cessor is one whose foregone conclusions are, that 
with respect to slavery, he imperils the safety of the 
nation should he act like a man clothed in his right 
mind — the natural consequence of which will be, a 
succession of blunders each " worse than a crime ! " 
We expectantly await Gen. Hunter's decapitation, 

Melrose, July 4, 1862. G. A. B. 

V. DANIEL 



LETTER FROM REV, 



TEL POSTER. 



ry up to the high school or college, which should give 
to all who come among us the advantages of a thorough 
education. 

3d. The four past years of our efforts in Home 
Town have been as unfavorable as possible for a suc- 
cessful development of our plan. The first year we 
could oidy make a beginning, the second was the fam- 
ine year, the other two, the war and the prostration of 
business have crippled us on every hand. 

3d. And yet we have gone steadily forward. We 
have completed a college building, two stories in 
height, cajiable of accommodating fifty pupils. We 
have had a most successful commencement of our 
college, with an attendance of over sixty pupils. We 
have made a beginning of a library. We have a fund 
of§i7000. We have already on the ground men who 
prize good schools and good society so highly, that 
they are not willing to live without them, and we have 
improvements already made which give to Home 
Town a character and an influence throughout our 
State which has been gained by no other settlement in 
Kansas in the same length of time. 

4th. We need an accession to our community of a 
portion of the people who are coining or emigrating 
to Kansas, and who would be glad to join in our 
plan. They will help us, and make the success of our 
work immediate and entire by joining us. And we 
can help them as much as they can us. To reach 
them and secure their presence and help with us, we 
have sent Daniel Foster, the Principal of our college, 
to act in the East as our agent this summer. He will 
explain in detail all that concerns us and our work to 
those who may wish to know what we are doing. We 
heartily commend him to all as a true and trustworthy 
man. 

F. P. Baker, 

A. W, Osborne, 

J. N. Cline, 

L. Lohmuller, 

D. P. Acker, 

Geo. L. Squier, 

T. X Kcll, 

Wm. H. Histed, 

A. W. Slater, 

Joshua Taylor, 

Seth B. Hough, 

John Hodgins, 



J. Jacobs, 
A. McCutcheon, 
Abijah Wells, - 
J. J. Sheldon, 
H. Hamilton, 
Stephen Barnard, 
G. D. Baker, 
Jerry Barnes, 
. J. N. Peckham, 
Joseph C. nebbard, 
Charles G. Scraffbd. 



FOURTH OF JULY AT FRAMINGHAM. 

Glorious, and, I trust, pregnant with good, was our 
annual meeting at "Harmony Grove," on the 4th. 
The genial sunshine, clear atmosphere, and unusual 
concourse of people, gave an inspiration and joyous- 
nesB to the day. It was, indeed, "good to be there." 
We missed the eloquent voice of Phillips, and that 
of other veterans in the cause. Yet there was no 
lack of speakers. The only difficulty experienced was 
the want of time to listen to earnest words that were 
of necessity suppressed. 

I tried to get the platform for a moment, to accom- 
plish what I now desire to do, through this week's 
Liberator. While in the grove, and late in the day, I 
received a letter from our ever faithful laborer, Parker 
Pillsbury, announcing, I regret to say, his disability 
to speak much, from an increasing hoarseness, and 
begging me to curtail his expected services in Mil- 
ford next Sunday. We, of course, shall make his 
labors as light as possible ; and yet our expectations 
are raised for an effective meeting. [See notice in 
another column.] The following extract, which I 
failed to read at Framingham, utters convictions 
which dwell in many hearts: — 

"As I write, the sun is just rising, and the ground 
almost shudders (and so do I) at peal of bells, thun- 
der of musketry, and roar of cannon, — all in honor of 
this eighty-sixth anniversary of the nation's birth. 
But did ever rising sun witness such madness before, 
as this people to-day exhibit 1 As to-day's Liberator 
truly says, 'four millions of slaves are yet to be 
emancipated ' ; or as it, perhaps, had better said, get 
unemancipated, and likely to remain so till God's right 
arm and their own bring them deliverance. 

For jnore than eighty years, we have sought to 
drown the weeping and wailing of our myriads of 
slaves with hollow pretensions to republicanism, and 
hypocritical, heartless professions of religion, all 
swelled into grand chorus on the Fourth of July, with 
blazing fire works, bands of music, rattling musketry, 
and thunder of cannon. To-day we have other and 
not less terrible voices to drown. No wonder there 
was 'sensation in Congress,' as the papers yesterday 
say, when Mr. Olin, of New York, declared, ' Twenty 
thousand of our dead and dying to-day strew the 
battle-field in front of Richmond' ! And are twenty 
thousand all? Who believes it? 

And all those thousands, more or less, have moth- 
ers, wives, sisters, or perhaps even dearer ones, to 
echo their every sigh and groan. Limbs, torn and 
mangled, bleed on the field, — hearts, broken and 
lacerated, bleed at home. And thus, to-day, we cele- 
brate our Independence. It is indeed our Independ- 
ence. Let us thank God it is only ours. 

Well, let the cannon roar! Peal out your joyous 
notes, ye .bells ! Swell loud your empty voices, ye 
orators, poets and ministers of music and song! Four 
millions still shriek in slaver)'; and other millions 
groan on the field of bloody death, or weep and wail 
over their loved and lost at home ! What an oratorio 
of woes, to-day, ye have to smother and drown I 

I am glad there is one place where madness does 
not wholly rule the hour. I hope, at Framingham, it 
will be declared that our Government is deliberately 
murdering its young men in behalf of slavery! I 
pronounce every death before Richmond deliberate, 
downright murder; and while slavery lives and lasts, 
our Government is the bloodiest murderer on His- 
tory's blackest page. 

Very hastily, but very truly, yours, 

Parker Pillsbory." 

Earnest words — too true, alas! May they sink 
deep into our hearts, and urge on to faithful work ! 
Milford. Mass. G. W. S. 



The Hattian John Brown Fund. This fund, 
which has been so long held back, is to be distributed 
forthwith. It amounts to something over $3,000, of 
which Mrs. Brown is to receive one-half, and the rest 
is to be distributed among the survivors or relatives 
of those who were engaged in the raid on Harper's 
Ferry. Mrs. Lcary and Osborne Anderson are re- 
quested to send their addresses forthwith to James 
Redpath, Boston, and all relatives of John Brown's 
men are also desired to do likewise. Messrs. B. C. 
Clarke, Haytian Consul for Boston; William Lloyd 
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Senator Sumner and 
James Redpath, arc appointed by the Ilaytians as a 
Committee to disburse this fund. 



Dodge's Concert. Ossian E. Dodge & Co. will 
give a concert at the Tremont Temple, on Monday 
evening next, which, late as it is in the season, will 
undoubtedly secure a full house. Dodge is unique 
and Inimitable in Ins personation of characters, old 
and young, male and female, Irish, French, Dutch, 
English, and Yankee; while Mr. William Haywood, 
an associate, is admitted to be one of the best ballad - 
ists in America. 



Boston, July 4, 18G2. 
Friend Garrison — I presume it is in order for 
me to say a word in reply to the noted seventeen ac- 
cusers, which is published in your paper of this date. ' 
I repeat, then, that Dr. Hidden, the author of this ar- 
ticle, has hated and sought to injure me ever since my 
return to Kansas, in the spring of 1861, because I then 
thstood and thwarted him in his wicked designs 
against his neighbors. In this, he has shown him- 
self utterly regardless of truth and honor. He is 
the leader of the opposition to me in Centralia, and 
spite, inspired by my frank denunciation of his at- 
tempted wrong, is the motive of his opposition. 

To meet some horrible application of Scripture 
by the Methodist clergyman of Centralia, I denied the 
infallibility of the Bible, and affirmed that, whenever 
reason and the Bible were in conflict, the latter must 
give way. From that time, sectarian bigotry has been 
mounding me at every step. Of the noted seventeen, 
my accusers, eleven denounce me as an "infidel" 
for holding that we are to use our reason in judging 
of the Bible, just as we do in judging of any other 
book. The readers of the Liberator are not ignorant of 
the intense hatred inspired by sectarian bigotry. 

The hatred of all pro-slavery men in Nemaha coun- 
ty has been turned against me, because I preached the 
Brotherhood of Mankind, and practised as I preached. 
I recoguized the colored man as my brother, entitled to 
all the rights and privileges of humanity. TheBe 
three, then, are the forces that have fought against 
me in Centralia — to wit, malignant spite, sectarian 
bigotry, and pro-slavery wrath. 

The statement, that these men make about my 
school dwindling away, is untrue. So also is the 
statement that I broke into the Seminary, and drew a 
weapon before I was threatened with expulsion from 
the house. 

But, instead of taking up your space with further 
specifications, I will close this communication oy sub- 
mitting a testimonial, given me by my neighbors, when 
I left Centralia, last May, who are, one and all, of an 
earnest and noble aim in life — men with whom our best 
New England reformers would delight to associate and 
work in any field of moral effort. As soon as I can 
earn the money to discharge my debts, I expect to re- 
turn, and once more work with theso men, and others 
equally true, whom I trust a good Providence will 
plant with us, for the impartial justice, truth and love 
by which alone our fatherland can he saved. 

I thank Dr. Hidden and Co. for giving me the op- 
portunity of saying this word. 

Yours, truly and gratefully, 

DANIEL FOSTER. 



S^ 3 Our readers will have a treat in a careful pe- 
rusal of the admirable speeches delivered at Music 
Hall by Gerrit Smith and Wendell Phillips, which wo 
give in full in our present number. [The Courier will 
please copy both !] 



GEN. MoCLELLAN'S ADDRESS TO HIS SOL- 
DIERS. 

IlEAOfiUARTEItS OS THE TOTOMAC, } 

Camp near Harrison's Landing, July 4, 1862. J 
Soldiers of the Army of the Potomac : 

Your achievements of the last ten days have illumin- 
ed the valor and endurance of the American soldier. 
Attacked by superior forces, and without the hope of 
reinforcements, you have succeeded in changing your 
base of operations by a flank movement, always re- 
garded as the most hazardous of military expedients. 

You have saved all your material, all your trains, 
and all your guns, except a few lost in battle, taking 
in return guns and colors from the enemy. Upon 
your march, you have been assailed day after day with 
desperate fury by men of the same race and nation, 
skilfully massed and led. Under every disadvantage 
of number, and necessarily of position also, you have 
in every conflict beaten back your foes with enormous 
slaughter. Your conduct makes you among the cel- 
ebrated armies of history. No one will now question 
that each of you may always with pride say, " I be- 
longed to the army of the Potomac." You have 
reached the new base, complete in organization and 
unimpaired in spirit. The enemy may at any time 
attack you ; we are prepared to meet them. 

I have personally established your lines ; let them 
come, and we will convert their repulse into a final de- 
feat. Your Government is strengthening you with 
the resources of a great people. 

On this, our nation's birthday, we declare to our 
foes, who are rebels against the best interests of man- 
kind, that this army shall enter the capital of the so- 
called Confederacy ; that our National Constitution 
shall prevail, and that the Union,* which can alone in- 
sure internal peace and external security to each State, 
must and shall be preserved, cost what it may in time, 
treasure and blood. 

(Signed) Geo. B. McClellan. 



A FEDERAL VICTORY IN MISSISSIPPI. 
Corinth, Miss., July 6. 
To the Secretary of War : — On the 1st inst., Col. Sher- 
idan's 2nd Michigan Cavalry, with two regiments of 
728 men, was attacked at Booneville, Miss., by parts 
of eight rebel regiments numbering 4700, which he de- 
feated and drove back, after 7 hours' hard fighting. 
Our loss was 41 killed, wounded and missing. The 
rebel loss must have been very great. They left 65 
dead on the field. I respectfully recommend Col. 
Sheridan for gallant conduct in battle. 

(Signed) H. W. Halleck, 

Major General. 

The entire Federal loss in killed, wounded and miss- 
ing, 16 to 25,000 ; Rebel loss, 50 to 75,000. 



New York, July 6. The Tribune's special dispatch 
from Memphis, dated July 5th, states that Richmond 
dispatches to July 1st and 2d still claim that the rebels 
captured 12,000 prisoners, 8 Generals, all of General 
McClellan's siege guns, and supplies enough for the 
rebel army for three months. They represent the bat- 
tie of July 1st as the most fearful and desperate of the 
entire war. Prisoners were arriving in Richmond all 
day on the 2d. It is claimed that Hooker and Sum- 
ner were wounded, and that the latter was captured. 
The latest reports are less exultant. 

Important from the Massachusetts First. A 
letter from the Massachusetts 1st, says the Transcript, 
written since the last battle on James river, states that 
the regiment has been reduced to about 175 men. 
Major Chandler is missing, Col. Cowdin is sick, and 
Capt. Baldwin is acting in command. Co. A has 
about 14 men. Major Chandler was last .seen as 
Hooker's Division was making the celebrated charge 
which it is believed saved our army. 

Fortress Monroe, July 5. Fresh troops from 
Washington passed up James River yesterday ; also 
artillery, horses, &c. There was a skirmish yester- 
day morning near our left wing, resulting in the de- 
feat of the rebels. We took 1000 prisoners and three 
small batteries. Our cavalry then followed the rebels 
until they passed beyond White Oak Swamp. 

jj^p 3 The Richmond Examiner, of July 2, acknowl- 
edges that the battle of Monday was very destructive 
to the rebels. It also states that of the 14,000 troops 
sent into the battle of Friday, not more than 6000 men 
were fit for duty on the Tuesday following. 

g^ = Senator Sumner's amendment to the bill ad- 
mitting Western Virginia is not rightly stated in the 
report of Congressional proceedings published in the 
Boston papers. He acquiesces in extending the time 
for the emancipation of the slaves to July, 1863. 
What he objects to is the provision, in the bill which 
only emancipates those born after that time, and con- 
tinues those already slaves in that condition for life. 



An Army Officer on Abolitionism. The fol- 
lowing is an extract from a private letter written by 
officer of the regular armv, holding a high position 
on the staff of General McClellan, dated June 17, 1862 : 

I have been told that confessions are good for the 
soul. I am going to make one to you. I am at last 
an abolitionist ! Not that I love the negro, or am pre- 
pared to say, " Art thou not a man and a brother 1 " 
but I do love my country and the white race. My 
old prejudices and political feelings have been wiped 
out one by one, slowly but surely. I could not pass 
through all that I have witnessed during the last 
year, and not see what every honest and candid man 
should, that an institution that can so change a whole 
people in their feelings and actions toward their fellow- 
countrymen and their country must be wrong, and 
the sooner it is done away with the better. 

You, like myself, have no doubt in times past had a 
high idea of Southern chivalry. Like many other 
tilings down South, I find even that boasted institution 
a humbug. Among all the Southern officers whom I 
have met and been brought in contact with, I have 
found scarcely one that was even the peer of a North- 
ern mechanic. I could tell yon of deeds of barbarism 
perpetrated by these knights of the South that would 
make you shudder. A day or two since, I was told by 
an aid of General Keyes that one of our officers was 
found dead witli both of bis ears cut off. This is one 
of a hundred cases of their cruelty. Yesterday two 
sutlers were found in the woods hanging by the neck, 
and some teamsters with their throats cut. 

Yours truly, 

The writer of the above, says the New York Even- 
ing Post, has always been an uncompromising Hunker 
Democrat. 



To all who may be interested In our work, we 
would state the following facts — to wit: 

1st. We began the settlement of Home Town in the 
autumn of 1858, to secure cheap and beautiful farms 
in an Intelligent and prosperous community, anil to 
establish a system of graded schools from the prima- 



Names of the Recent Battles. The follow- 
ing are the names which it seems have been assigned 
to the recent battles in front of Richmond : 

Thursday, June 26 — Battle of Mechanics ville. 

Friday, June 27— Battle of Gaines's Mill. 

Saturday, June 28 — Battle of the Chickahominy. 

Sunday, June 29 — Battle of Peach Orchard; battle 
of Savage's Station. 

Monday, June 30 — Battle of White Oak Swamp; 
battle of White Oak Creek; battle of Charles City 
Cross Roads. 

Tuesday, July 1 — Battle of Turkey Bend. 



James Jackson Lowell. Among the killed 
the recent battles near Richmond was Capt. James 
Jackson Lowell of the 20th regiment. When that 
regiment was organized, he was commissioned as 1st 
Lieutenant, in Co. E, Captain Schmidt. He v 
wounded in the battle at Ball's Bluff on the 21st 
October last, where his cousin, Lieutenant William 
Lowell Putnam, of the same company, was killed. 
Captain Schmidt was also so severely wounded in the 
battle that he resigned his commission, and Lieut. 
Lowell was appointed Captain in his place. 

Captain Lowell was son of Charles Russell Lowell, 
Esq., of Cambridge, and grandson of the late Rev. 
Charles Lowell, D. D., pastor of the West Church in 
this city. He graduated at Harvard College in 1868 
with the highest honors of his class. 



THE HOUR OF PBRIL'! 

" Eternal Vigilance in Ike price of Liberty ! " 
PARKER PILLSBURY, of Concord, N. IL, will speak 

at Lyceum Hall, Milford, Mass., on Sunday next, July 13. 

Subject : " The Country and the Times." 
Services will commence precisely at 2 1-2 and 5 1-2, P.M. 



HT E. B, HEVWOOD will speak in Milford, N. H., 

Sunday, July 13, at 1 and 5 o'clock, P. M. 



W REMOVAL, — DISEASES OF WOMEN AND 
CIIILD REN. — Margaret B. Brown, M. D., and W*. 
Symington Brown, M. D., have removed to No. 23, 
Chauncy Street, Boston, where they may be consulted on 
the above diseases. Ofhoe hours, from 10, A. M., to 4 
o'clock, P. M. 3m March 28. 



EP" MERCY B. JACKSON", M. D-, has removed on 

695 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

Reference*.— Luther Clark, M.D.; David Thayer, M. D. 

Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 



ET SUMMER RESORT— Round Hill Hotel, North- 
ampton, Mass, — Terms — $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per 
week. 

" No summer resort surpasses it in loveliness, and in all 
the resources calculated to gratify the tastes and promote 
the comfort of visitors." — St. Louis Republican. 



OBITUARY. 

Rachel Sthatton Addams, wife of Geo. W. Addams, 
of Perrysville, Carroll Co., (0.) departed from earth on the 
24th of June, of consumption, aged 33 years. 

She suffered greatly during her long sickness, but bore 
her afflictions patiently. She was a true woman, the 
earnest friend of the oppressed and outcast; and if re- 
proached, sometimes, by Orthodoxy, for liberal ideas, she 
proved " Garrisonian infidelity " (as they call it) to be a 
sure support through a faithful and devoted life, and a suf- 
ficient solace in the hour of separation from earth. 

She was an admirer of, and sympathizer With John 
Brown, and with all who, like him, have labored, at what- 
ever cost and sacrifice, faithfully for the bondman's re- 
demption. She would have rejoiced to see the stain of sla- 
very wiped from the national escutcheon ; but those in 
power have prevented this. May their influence in that 
direction cease, and the slave be ushered into the liberty 
of God's people ! G. w. A. 



New York, July 9. Just at the close of the ses- 
sion of the Senate yesterday, a bill was introduced 
giving the President power to call out the militia of 
the country wherever it was deemed necessary, and 
When such call was made, none are to be exempt on 
account of color, caste or nationality. The President 
la in organize them into regiments and other divisions, 
as ho sees fit. 



WOMAN AND THE PKESS. 

On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held in 
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new 
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While 
none questioned the value and the need of such an instru- 
ment in the Woman's Bights cause, the difficulties that 
would endanger or even defeat the enterprise were fully 
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should 
be made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable 
an object, we insert and call attention to the following 

PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL : 
When we consider that there is scarcely a party, sect, 
business organization or reform which is not represented 
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting 
one half of humanity, should h%ve no organ, in America, 
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par- 
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread 
attention in this country than in any other, while in no 
other country can the double power of free speech and a 
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap- 
pears stranger from the fact that conservative England has 
successfully supported a journal of this sort for years with 
acknowledged utility. 

America needs such a journal to centralize and give im- 
petus to the efforts which are boing made in various direc- 
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs it most 
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the 
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both as act- 
ors and sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to 
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na- 
tion, while so many others are forced by the loss ot hus- 
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup- 
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, arc 
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which 
ill leave to that of woman the most prominent place 
henceforth . 

To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish 
a Woman's Journal, based ou the motto, "Equal Rights 
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all 
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur- 
nish an impartial platform for tho free discussion of theso 
interests in their various phases. It will aim tu collect and 
compare tho divers theories promulgated on the subject, 
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made in behalf of 
in this country and elsewhere, and to render all 
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time 
.11 neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro- 
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com- 
prise reviews of current social and political events, arti- 
cles ou literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton, 
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature — 
in short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful 
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will bo open, 
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers ou the sub- 
jects of which it treats, under tho usual editorial discretion, 
only requiring that they shall accept, a priori, the motto of 
tho paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion. 
Among tho contributors already scoured to tho Journal 
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Mai ia 
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Sovoranoe, Mrs. Elizabeth Cady 
Stanton, Mrs. Francos D. Gago, Miss Elizabeth Palmer 
Peabody, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell J'hillips, 
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higgiuson, Monouro P. Oteiway, 
Theodore- Tilton, and William II. Channing ; and other 
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains 
will bo spared to enlist the best talent in tho country, and 
to make tho paper one of literary morit as well as practical' 
utility. 

Tho Journal will bo issued semi-monthly, in octavo form, 
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars por annum, tho first number 
appoariug on the 1st of Octobor next, and will be publish * 
od in Boston. 

Subscriptions will bo roooivod from this date by agents od 
tho Journal, or by tho Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2/ 
to be paid ou tho receipt of the first number of tho Journal.* 
In this connection, wo would earnestly solicit the ei> -op oration! 
of friends of woman throughout tho country, iu extending 
tho subscription list of tho Journal, aud thus placing it on 
that pormanont basis which will insure its continued util- 
ity and sucooss. Those interested iu tho entorprisa are re. 
spootftilly requested to communicate with tho editors at tho 
above addross. 

A discount of twonty-fivo porcout. will bo imulo toagonts. 
Agonts wilt ploiiso roturu all prospectuses with name | 
before the 15th of July. 

MARY L. BOOTH, 
M \ I! i B B, ZAK R/.EWSKA, M. D. 
Boston, May 15, 1862. 



"WE KNOW NOT WHERE ELSE SO" MUCH AUTHEN- 
TIC INTELLIGENCE OF THE REBELLION CAN BE OB- 
TAINED." 

"NO OTHER WORK POSSESSES THE VALUE AS A 

WORK OF REFERENCE. " 

"IT IS RELIABLE, COMPLETE, AND DESIRABLE." 



Rebellion Record, 

Edited by FRANK MOORE, 

Is the only publication which gives the HISTORY OF 
THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR FREE GOV- 
ERNMENT NOW GOING ON. 



Full, Impartial and Reliable. 

A RECORD WHICH THE COURTS, THE DEPART- 
MENTS AND THE PRESS quote as tho 

HIST0EY OF THE TIMES. 

It appeals to the intelligence of every citizen. By re- 
ference to it, every person can be fairly and truthfully 
posted up in relation to this 

GREAT REBELLION. 

IT CONTAINS, — I., 

The Causes of the Great Struggle and the Great Issues 
before the Country, 
BT EDWARD EVERETT. 
II. 

A DIARY OF VERIFIED EVENTS : 

Commencing with the meeting of the South Carolina Con- 
vention, Dec. 17th, 1860— giving, in the form of a Dia - 
ry, a concise, succinct, and truthful history of every 
event as it occurs. 

nn 

Documents, Speeches, Extended Narratives, etc., 

CONSISTING OP ALL THE 

OFFICIAL REPORTS OF BATTLES, SKIRMISHES, 

&c, MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS 

of the President of the United States, 

SPECIAL ORDERS, Ac. Ac. 

GRAPHIC ACCOUNTS of the Movements of Troops, 

IMPORTANT SPEECHES AND LETTERS, from leading 

Men, North and South, 
PICTURESQUE NARRATIVES, (from eye-witnesses) 
of the GREAT BATTLES, SECESSION ORDI- 
NANCES, MESSAGES, PROCLA- 
MATIONS, &o. 
IV. 

Eumors, Incidents, Patriotic Songs and Ballads. 

Illustrated with correct Portraits, engraved on steel, of the 

NOTABLE WEN OF THE TIME, AND WITH MAPS AND 
DIAGRAMS OF THE PLANS OF BATTLES. 



The Rebellion Record 

Is publishing in PARTS, each Part Illustrated with 
TWO FINE PORTRAITS, 50 cents eaoh. - 
ALSO, IN VOLUMES. 
Six Parts, with Copious Index, comprise a Volume. 

NOW READT, 

VOLUMES ONE, TWO AND THREE. 

Bound iu cloth, $3,75 each ; sheep, $4.00 ; half morscoo, 

or half calf antique, $5.00 each. 

A NEW EDITION, 

Sold exclusively by Canvassers and Agents, is now pub- 
lishing in Nos. at 25 cents each. Each number illus- 
trated with a Portrait on steel. 
*#* Agents wanted, to whom liberal commissions will 

be given. 

J^" Copies of the REBELLION RECORD, in Parts or 
in Volumes, will be sent, free of expense, on receipt of price. 

Sent in registered letters, the publisher will bo responsible 
for all remittances. 

H^ 1 " Clubs will bo supplied at tho following rateS : 
Five Cones of eaoh volume, in semi-monthly Nos., or 
monthly Parts, to one address, or separately, $12.00 
Ten Copies, 22.50 

Remittances must bo sent in registered letters, otherwise 
the Publishor will not bo responsible, and in current funds. 

G. P. PUTNAM, Publisher, 
532 Broadway, New York. 

C. T. EVANS, Gen. Auent. 
Now York, July 9. 



Representative Women. 

Lncretia Mott. Maria Weston Chapman, 

Abby Kelley Foster, Lydia Maria Child, 
Harriet Beecber Stowe, Lucy Stone, 
Antoinette L. Brown. 



THOSE friends who have so long been desiring oopios of 
tin- alinvo group. — executed in Urosolier's best style.— 
oan now bo supplied, by sending (heir orders, MH& 
dollar Ibi eftoh oopy, wntoh will enapn theii being prompt- 
ly mailed, and In perfect condition. 

An early application is necessary, as tho odition is Tory 
limited. 

ALSO, 0> H.lMi, 

A few copies of tho original Groielier lithograph of 
William Lloyd Gwrrison. Price, including mailing, $1. 
WILLIAM a NKLL, 
Anti-Slavery Rooms, 221 Washington St., Iloalon. 
Juno 6. 

JOHN S. ROCK, ESQ., 
ATTORXKY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW 
No. 6, TrkmontSthkrt. : : BOSTON. 



ll£ 



THE LIBERATOR 



JULY 11 



1 1 X g . 



gy The two following original pieces wero written for 
and Bung at the Anti-Slavery Celebration at Framingham, 
(Mass.* J«ly 4th, 1862. 

OUR NATIONAL VISITATION. 



AiR.— -John. Brown Song. 
I. 
For the sighing of tho needy, to deliver the oppressed, 
Now the Lord our God arises, and proclaims his high be 

host ; 
Through tho Red Sea of bis justice lies tho Canaan of rest: 
Our cause is marching on ! 

Chords. — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
Our cause is marching on ! 

n. 
Bark ! the tumult of the battle, as it rages through tho 

land ! 
There is weeping, there is wailing, there is death on every 

band ! 
Before His fiery judgments what tyrant-force shall stand? 
Our cause is marching on ! 
Chords. — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! Ac. 
Our cause is marching on ! 

in. 
For her manifold transgressions is our nation scourged and 

torn ; 
She has forged tho galling fetter— doomed a helpless race 

to mourn ; 
And now she writhes in anguish, of her pride and glory 
shorn — 

For God is marching on ! 

Chorus. — Glory, glory, hallelujah, <to. 
For God is marching on ! 

rv. 
No longer let her safety seek in refuges of lies ! 
No longer with oppression make a sinful compromise ! 
Let the trump of jubilee echo through the vaulted skies, 
As she goes marching on ! 

Chorus. — Glory, glory, hallelujah, Ac. 
For Truth is marching on ! 



Then blood shall Sow no longer, and all dissensions cease ; 
For ruin, high prosperity — for horrid war, sweet peace ; 
And Heaven shall smile upon us, and give us large in- 
crease, 

As wo go marching on I 

Chorus. — Glory, glory, hallelujah, Ac. 

As we go marching on ! 

ORIGINAL HYMN. 

BY CAROLINE A. MASON. 

AlB.— " Old Hundred." 
Our fathers worshipped Thee, God, 

Of old, in forests green and dim : 
And here, where erst their footsteps trod, 

We raise to Thee our trembling hymn. 

Oh, how their grand old anthems rung 
In praise to Thee, for freedom given ! 

Their quivering notes, to gladness strung, 
Made music that was heard in heaven. 

Alas ! a sadder strain we raise, — 

Their children, heirs of liberty : 
"We dare not take their cup of praise, 

And shout, " Thank God, the land is free ! " 

For fierce-eyed War and bitter feuds 

Make red the sacred soil we love, 
And the dark curse of Slaverv broods, 

Like thickest clouds, the land above. 

And fettered hands lift up to heaven 
Dumb cries for justice ! — shall it stay T 

Shall tho dark cloud be never riven, 
That broods above our land to-day T 

Sword of Truth, swift answer make ! 

Say to dead Freedom, " Up, arise ! " 
Then shall our lips glad anthems wake, 

And shout them to the farthest skies. 



LIBERTY'S BUGLE. 

Words by James B. Cait, late of staff of Second C V. 
Infantry, U. S. A. Music by Bernard Cobest. 

i. 
Hark ! from the mountain-top, valley and plain, 
Liberty's Bugle is sounding again : 
Hear its grand tidings — clarion and clear ; — 
Rejoice, ye enslaved ! God's freedom is near : 
Sons of America ! bear ye its call ! 
Liberty soundeth her bugle for all : 
Liberty's Bugle, clarion and clear, 
Chants its glad anthem — God's freedom is near. 

n. 

Hark ! o'er an empire, — from Utah to Maine, — ■ 

Nature re-echoes the bugle's refrain : 

Rise, patriot sons of patriot sires ! 

See the bright burning of Liberty's fires ! — 

Liberty's Bugle is calling to thee : 

Freemen, resolve, and forever be free ! 
Liberty's Bugle, clarion and clear, 
Chants its glad anthem — God's freedom ia near. 

Liberty's Bugle sounds over the wave : 
£ome ye oppress'd to tho land of the brave ! 
Under our banner-folds' radiant light, 
Liberty's Bugle leads on to the fight ; — 
Glorious tidings ! — Awake ! — 'tis the call 
Of Liberty's Bugle — sounding/or alt .- 
Liberty's Bugle — clarion and clear — 
Chants its glad anthem — God's freedom is near. 



From the Continental Monthly. 

EN AVANT! 

Oh God ! let us not live these days in vain, 

This variegated life of doubt and hope ; 
And though, as day leads night, so joy loads pain, 

Let it be symbol of a broader scope. 
God ! make us serve the monitor within ; 

Cast off the trammels that bow manhood down, 
Of form or custom, appetite or sin, 

T lly's smile, or Envy's frown. 

Oh ! that true nobleness that rises up, 

And teaches man his kindredsbip to Thee ; 

Which wakes the slaveling from tho poison cup 
Of passion, bdding him be grandly free : 

May it be ours, in these the evil days, 

Tbat fall upon our nation like a pall ; 
May we have power each one himself to raise, 

And place God's signet on the brow of all ! 

Not race nor color is the badge of slaves ; 

'Tis manhood, after all, tbat makes men free ; 
Weakness is slavery : 'tis but mind that saves 

God's glorious image as ho willed it bo. 
Out of the shadows thick will coming day 

Send Peace and Plenty smiling o'er our land ; 
And the events that fill us with dismay 

Are but the implements in God's right hand. 

Where patriot blood is poured as cheap as rain, 
A newer freedom, phocnix-liko, will spring ; 

Our Father never asks for us in vain: 
From noble seed comes noble harvesting. 

Then let, to-day, true nobleness be onrs ; 

That we bB worthy of the day of bliss, 
When truth's, and love's, and freedom's allied powers 

Shall bind all nations with fraternal kiss. 

Would we might see, as did the saint of old, 
The heavens opening, and tho starry throng 

Listening to have our talo of peace be told, 
Tbat they may hymn man'3 resurrection song ! 



THOUGHT AND PEELING. 

Thought is deeper than all speech ; 

Feeling deeper than all thought ; 
Souls to souls can never teach 

What unto themselves was taught. 



SPEECH OF HON. GERRIT SMITH ON THE 
COUNTRY. 

Delivered hefore the Twenty-Eighth Congre- 
gational Society, at Music Hall, June 15. 

My themo is a ruined country, and that country 
our own, I say not that it is ruined beyond recovery. 
Perhaps it is not: though perhaps it is. My theme 
is n conquered country — our own country conquered. 
Time will prove whether it is or is not to be recon- 
quered. I should be sure of its reconquest were it 
not self-conquered, and self-conquered, too, not by 
means of economic, military, or other blunders, but 
by deliberate crimes. It is not alone "0 Israel!" 
but O America, also, " thou hast fallen by thine iniqui- 
ty." Far more hope for our country would there be 
had she been conquered by another country ; for 
then she might be still undebased ; for then she might 
be still inwardly strong, though for a season outwardly 
weak. 

I said that our country was conquered by her crimes. 
I had better said that slavery was her conqueror. It 
was in the service of slavery that these crimes were 
perpetrated. Very soon after our nation began her 
existence, slavery began to conquer her. Her com- 
merce, and then her manufactures, and not long after 
her literature, all felt the mighty influence of slavery. 
Her politics, which, in the end, came to be controlled 
by that influence, felt it early and extensively. I 
scarcely need add that the ecclesiastical religion of the 
country was no less quick to feel it, and no less easy 
to be corrupted by it. For that religion, especially in 
a country of popular institutions, goes with the politics. 
The religion which does not lift up the politics to its 
own level never fails to descend to the level of the 
politics. The State goes with a pure Church. The 
Church goes with a corrupt State. A pro-slavery 
religion always accompanies pro-slavery politics. Let 
wickednesB abound among the civil rulers, and it 
abounds among the ecclesiastical also. 

I referred to the early and rapidly increasing influ- 
ence of slavery. It has now taken up arms to com- 
plete its conquests. For this rebellion is neither more 
nor less than slavery in arms. 

Until slavery broke out in this rebellion, this nation 
had never been frightened by it. Pity it had not 
been ! For the harm that it did us before the rebel- 
lion is greater than the harm it can do us in the rebel- 
lion. It can but kill us now. It corrupted us before. 
And however great an evil it is to be killed, it is an 
infinitely greater one to be corrupted — and especially 
bo corrupted as they are, who do the work and guard 
the work of slavery. By an obvious law of our being, 
the greater the crime to which we addict ourselves, 
the more thorough is our corruption. But no other 
crime, not even the murderer's, is so great as the 
slaveholder's. Even the slaveholder will confess that 
he had rather his child were murdered than enslaved. 
And no other crime is bo mean as theirs who "rob 
the poor because they are poor," and outrage the 
helpless because they are helpless. However much 
he may have deserved it at other hands, it was cer- 
tainly a very unfitting and unseemly act in the Ameri- 
can people to hang Gordon the-slave-trader; for his 
pro-slavery work and theirs were substantially one — 
though pursued in different ways. He was a com- 
paratively honorable man, because he carried into the 
common work a daring and a danger-defying spirit. 
They, like other cowards, keep themselves at a safe 
distance from danger, and perform their part of the 
wickedness because they can perform it with impu- 
nity. Compare Gordon with the pro-slavery men of 
the South and of the North, and if he is not as " Hy- 
perion to a Satyr," he is nevertheless very far from 
being as low in the scale of Satyrs as are the South- 
ern slaveholders or their Northern pimps. 

The Abolitionists think their country will be saved, 
because they think slavery will be abolished. I do 
myself think it will be abolished, and very soon, too. 
That it received its deatli wound in the bombarding 
of Sumter I have never doubted. Never have I be- 
lieved that slavery could survive this war for slavery. 
Its prestige is lost. Its weakness is revealed. It is 
now laughed at and detested by vast numbers who 
had hitherto respected it. The war has stripped the 
great lie of its disguises, and cast it out all naked to 
the derision, and scorn, and abhorrence of the world. 
Nevertheless, slavery may die, and yet the nation not 
live ; for it may so die that the nation will die with it. 
The exorcised "spirit of the unclean devil" of sla- 
very is rending us fearfully as he leaves us, and all 
the more fearfully, because in our unprecedented in- 
fatuation we cling to him, and refuse to let him go. 
Our nation is broken up. It is only through penitence 
that it can be made whole, if indeed God will let so 
guilty a nation be made whole. And yet, notwith- 
standing this, and notwithstanding all our sufferings, 
we remain impenitent. 

I do not forget that the nation's excuse for being so 
corrupt as to protect slavery is, that the Constitution 
requires its protection. But whether it does require it 
as some hold, or does not as others hold, the excuse 
is entirely groundless. This pleading of the require- 
ment of the Constitution is hypocritical. It would 
have mattered not what interpretation on the subject 
of slavery the Constitution is capable of; the nation 
would have still gone for slavery. However strong 
against slavery the Constitution might have been, 
nevertheless such a nation as this is, and was — so full 
of Yankee eagerness for gain, and so much more en- 
terprising than principled — would have been carried 
by Whitney's cotton-gin to the side of slavery. In 
short, any people who are wicked and base enough to 
go for slavery, along with a pro-slavery Constitution, 
are wicked and base enough to go for it against a how- 
ever strongly anti-slavery Constitution. That it is not 
owing to reverence for the Constitution that the na- 
tion has been pro-slavery, is manifest from the fact 
that it has not shrunk from kicking anti-slavery Con- 
stitutional impediments out of its pro-slavery way. 
And that it is not owing to such reverence that the 
nation spares slavery, is manifest from the fact that it 
spares it even now, when the Constitution confessedly 
presents no obstacle in the way of its abolition by 
either the civil or the military power. 

Oh no ! let not the nation seek to hide her Bhame 
behind the Constitution. She has corrupted the Con- 
stitution far more than the Constitution has corrupted 
her. In other words, far more of the pro-slavery 
spirit has the nation infused into the Constitution 
than the Constitution has infused into the nation. 

It is true, that slaveholders and demagogues in 
the interest of slaveholders juggle with the Constitu- 
tion, as do the priests of this, that and the other re- 
ligion, with their sacred books. But I do not believe 
that the people are very much deceived by these 
Constitution jugglers. I admit that a very deep and 
tendejrregard for the Constitution is claimed to be 
general. But for other Constitutions— and even for 
those on which framers of the Federal Constitution 
wrought — there has been but little manifestation of 
such regard. Even those have been readily thrown 
aside to make room for their successors. And when 
the slaveholders could no longer serve their selfish 
purposes by glorifying and worshipping the Federal 
Constitution, how quickly and contemptuously did 
they dismiss it! The simple and disgraceful truth is, 
that the people, being willing to uphold slavery, were 
willing to accept the most extravagant pro-slavery in- 
terpretations of the Constitution. It was this which 
encouraged slaveholders and pro-slavery demagogues 
to shout for the Constitution. I was myself accus- 
tomed to speak and write much for the Constitution. 
But since tho breaking out of the rebellion, my ab- 
sorbing concern for the country has made me care- 
leas of everything in the Constitution, save only 
those moBt precious parts of it which accord to the 
Government unlimited discretion and power in put- 
ting down the rebellion. And not one groat would any 
Constitution be worth that did not accord such dis- 
cretion and power. I would not overrate the im- 
portance of these Constitutional grants. A right- 



minded nation makes little account in time of war of 
Constitutional refusals and restrictions. Of all na- 
tions, ours is the only one which, when its life was 
struck at, stopped to calculate anxiously how it could 
bring its defence within the specific provisions of a 
paper. The reply to this may be, that few nations 
have had a written Constitution. And better is it, I 
hold, for none to have such a one, than to be tram- 
meled by it in time of war. The truth is, that war 
must ever be its own law. The spirit of war cannot 
be toned and tamed down to the spirit of peace. No 
paper made in time of peace can provide specifically 
for all the possible necessities and demands of war. 
It may, in its spirit and in its general and compre- 
hensive terms, provide for them. And happily our 
Constitution does this. 

That those demagogues who seek to get up a popu- 
lar worship of the Constitution do so but to serve 
slavery, was never so manifest as in the present war. 
They quote the Constitution abundantly. But they 
do this not to put obstacles in the way of slavery, only 
in the way of liberty; not to save the country, but to 
destroy it. They quoted it against the President's 
call for seventy-five thousand troops; and they have 
quoted it against every measure essential to the salva- 
tion of the country. Some of these demagogues are 
now in Congress, working to block its wheels by quo- 
tations from the Constitution. I admit that here and 
there an honest man goes with them. For, all over 
the country, there is here and there an honest man 
who is not yet freed from the so industriously incul- 
cated delusion that the Constitution lays the people 
under moral obligation to uphold slavery. As. an in- 
stance of the tricks by which the lying pro-slavery 
press attempts to magnify the importance of the Con- 
stitution beyond even, the salvation of the country, it 
is continually publishing that in this, that, and the 
other battle, our soldiers fought bravely for the Con- 
stitution. The inspirations of the battle-field can no 
more come from the dry rules of paper than from 
the dead leaves of the forest. 

Will this ruined nation be restored 1 Will this lost 
nation be found f Will this dead nation live again? 
Is there, notwithstanding all she has done to make her 
ruin utter and hopeless, salvation still in store for her ? 
The answer to these questions turns on her future 
treatment of the black man. By her past treatment 
of him, she has destroyed herself. For this was it 
that God came forth in His present bloody and terri- 
ble controversy with her. An undelayed righteous 
treatment of the black man — a treatment prompted 
by pity and love for him — would save her, and noth- 
ing else can. But I must confess that the prospect of 
his being so treated is to my mind quite faint. It is 
true that the army does no longer in form return fugi- 
tive slaves. But it is also true that this comes not 
always, if indeed generally, of pity and love for them. 
It is true, too, that the President is bearing himself 
quite as well on the subject of slavery as could be 
expected, considering that he was born and bred where 
sensibility to its murderous wrongs is uncultivated, 
unfelt, and ridiculed. It is true, too, that he is multi- 
plying the proofs of his honest patriotism, and of his 
sincere desire to save the country even though at the 
necessity of overthrowing the whole system of Ameri- 
can slavery. But it is also true that, as yet, he mani- 
fests no pity and no love for the black man. It is true 
that Congress has, in one and another of its meas- 
ures, shown that it would rather let slavery than the 
country go. But it is also true that Congress, like 
the President, lacks not only the deep and absorbing 
earnestness, which both would feel did they both see, 
as it is so strange they do not, the well-nigh desperate 
condition of the country, but that, like him, it also 
fails to show pity and love for the black mau. I do not 
forget that Congress voted to abolish slavery in the 
District of Columbia. But that it did not this from 
pity and love for the black man is proved by its suf- 
fering the District to become, far more than ever, a 
hunting-ground for human prey. Its excuse is, that 
the District has become such under the operation of 
the Fugitive Slave Act. Then why does it not repeal 
that act? Because, says Congress, the Constitution 
requires such an act. But in virtue of no statute and 
no Constitution, is Congress at liberty to tolerate sla- 
very ? There can be no law for slavery any more 
than for murder. Nay, slavery is the worst form of 
murder. It is the murder of both body an,d soul. 
Law is for the protection of rights, and not for the 
deepest possible outrage upon them. The man who 
believes that there can be law — real, obligatory law — 
for slavery is lost. The nation that believes it is lost. 
That man and that nation lie in the lowest depths of 
inhumanity and atheism. The existence of the Fugi- 
tive Slave Act is of itself ample proof that this nation 
is ruined. 

Were it, however, so that the Constitution can and 
does require the returning of any fugitive slaves, it 
certainly does not require the returning of them from 
the District of Columbia, any more than from Canada 
or Mexico. Again, if slavery ever had any rights 
under the Constitution, it has clearly forfeited them 
all by this its war upon the Constitution and the 
country. And again, since it is a necessity of the 
war that Congress should be left to legislate on sla- 
very free in spirit and secure in person, it is, there- 
fore, a necessity of the war, overriding every other 
authority that Congress should be delivered from the 
presence of slavery — a presence ever demoralizing and 
ever controlling. It is vain to look to Washington for 
brave and just and vitally -needed legislation on the 
subject of slavery, so long as the hounds of slavery 
are allowed to run riot and rampant there. Oh, no! 
Congress has not been moved by pity and love for the 
black man. Had it been, it would not have grossly 
insulted him, and pierced him with bitter disappoint- 
ment, by refusing him a part in the humble work of 
carrying the mail. Had it been, it would not have 
refused to emancipate the slaves of whoever had 
taken up arms against the country. Had it been, it 
would not have left the poor blacks of the South, 
bond and free, to be compelled to toil and suffer in 
the service of the rebels— but it would have taken 
them promptly into the joyful service of freedom. 

I impeached the earnestness of Congress. Its im- 
pertinent and unseasonable employments prove how 
justly I do so. It would certainly be time enough for 
Congress to concern itself with confiscation, compen- 
sation and colonization, after 1 it had put down the re- 
bellion, or at least after it had resolved unconditionally 
to put it down — to put it down by putting, if need be, 
arms into the hands of all men, white, red, or black, 
capable of bearing them. To be concerning itself at 
this stage of affairs with confiscation, compensation 
and colonization is emphatically to be "counting the 
chickens before they are hatched." It is assuming 
that the rebels, if not already conquered, are surely 
to be conquered. But through the folly and madness 
of Congress, the rebellion may end in such a way as 
shall leave us no occasion for confiscation, compensa- 
tion or colonization. Instead of the question, What 
shall the North do with the South f the question may 
still possibly be, as it has been for thirty or forty 
years, What shall the South do with the North'? 

Had Congress been unqualifiedly earnest to save 
the country, it would in the very outset have occu- 
pied itself with matters essential to the salvation ot 
the country, and the war would consequently have 
been ended long ago. Its first step would have been 
to accept the fact that the seceded States have re- 
duced themselves to Territories. But instead of tak- 
ing this decisive step, it has embarrassed itself all the 
way with the nonsensical idea that a State cannot 
cease to be a State, and cannot forfeit any of its rights 
as a State — an idea quite as nonsensical as that he 
who by his crimes has sunk the citizen, in the culprit, 
cannot lose his citizenship. It is by means of this 
absurd notion that the rights of a State cannot by 
any possibility be lost, that the pro-slavery politicians 
have been enabled to awaken and maintain, all over 
the North, a lively regard for the rights of tho rebels. 
It is by means of it that a bill is before Congress to 
empower the provisional governments in the seceded 
States virtually to recunct the old State laws for sla- 
very ; or, in other words, to reestablish slavery in 
those StateB by the national authority. And if it is 



so that a State cannot lose any of her State rights, 
why should Gov. Stanly be censured for his desire to 
see all the laws of North Carolina enforced? How 
lonstrous is the doctrine that a State, after having 
seceded, still preserves its rights in the Constitution ! 
The Constitution was not made for the advantage of 
its enemies, but solely for the advantage of its friends. 
It was made to help those who honor it, and not those 
who trample upon it — those who cling to it, and not 
those who throw it away. In using the Constitution, 
especially in time of war, the only question should 
be — how can it be used most effectively for its friends, 
and most effectively against its foes? The Constitu- 
tion, like Fort Sumter, was made by and for the na- 
tion. And no more absurd would it have been to 
consent that the fort should be used for the benefit of 
the enemies of the nation than it is to consent that 
the Constitution shall be. 

From the breaking out of the rebellion until the 
present time, nothing has contributed so much to ren- 
der the salvation of our country hopeless as this huge 
fallacy that State rights cannot be forfeited. I admit 
that the people of Georgia cannot take her land and 
water out of the nation. But they can annihilate her 
State relations, and they have annihilated them. Any 
State whose officers refuse to take the qualifying oath 
to support the Federal Constitution is no longer en- 
titled to the rights of a State, but has thereby become 
a Territory. More emphatically true is this where 
the refusal is with the positive approbation of her peo- 
ple. Suppose Colorado to apply for admittance into 
our union of States, and to be admitted ; and suppose 
that immediately afterward she regrets the step, and 
refuses to perfect her State organization. Is she a 
State after such refusal? Certainly not. She has re- 
lapsed into a Territory. And what else could Bhe 
have been had she completed her organization, and 
then flung it up ? Georgia flung up hers. It is true 
that she afterward organized herself into a State ; but 
not into a State of this Union any more than if she had 
expressly organized herself into a constituent State of 
Mexico. Moreover, the seceded States being now but 
Territories of the nation, and her Territories being 
under her exclusive jurisdiction, and Freedom instead 
of Slavery being the law of that jurisdiction, it follows 
that if there ever was any legal slavery in those 
States, there is none there now. The recognition of 
these obvious truths, and the stern refusal of Congress 
to re-admit any of the seceded States until all probabil- 
ity of their reestablishing slavery has passed away, 
will quickly end both the war and slavery. And, by 
the way, the delay in re-admitting them need not be 
long. A very brief taste of liberty will suffice to 
cure the people of those States of all desire to recall 
slavery. Reason teaches and history proves that no 
people, who have tried the better workings of liberty, 
are disposed to reestablish slavery. 

That members of Congress can be putting Constitu- 
tional obstacles in the way of the most effective pro- 
secution of the war, is proof of their lack of earnestness 
in prosecuting it. But that they can torture the Con- 
stitutional prohibition of Attainder into oue of these 
obstacles, is proof not only of this lack of earnestness, 
but of great disingenuousness or great folly. How 
amazing that this prohibition should be construed into 
a prohibition to take away from an armed enemy of 
his country all his rights of property ! It is true that 
Congress has not the power to attaint or corrupt the 
blood of his children, and to incapacitate for inheriting 
or transmitting; and this, by the way, is substantially 
the only restriction which the Constitution imposes at 
this point on Congress. But to say that the rights of 
his children, or of any other persons, stand Constitution- 
ally in the way of stripping him of all his property 
within the limits of the country, including, of course, 
the absolute and unending right to the lands of which 
he is seized in fee simple, is to pour contempt upon 
the Constitution, its framers and adopters. What an 
absurd ity,that you may take from this armed enemy his 
life, but not all his property, and rights of property! 
I say nothing here of the power of the courts in cases 
of treason. It is the power of Congress of which we 
are treating; or, if you please, of the President also. 
It is the war-power — to be exercised summarily and 
sweepingly. It will be time enough to look into the 
slow and restricted processes of the courts when the 
war shall be over. The belligerent or war-power is 
the power to be.wielded now : the municipal or peace 
power when peace shall have come. 

Ere leaving this question of attainder, we must not 
forget that the same Constitution which forbids the 
nation's passing a bill of attainder forbids a State's 
doing so. Hence, for a State to doom offspring to sla- 
very is to violate the Constitution. For this is to pass 
the most abominable bill of attainder, and to attaint 
and corrupt the blood most emphatically as well as 
most cruelly. How much truer, then, to the Consti- 
tution, as well as to God and man, had Congress been, 
had it, instead of pleading the prohibition of attainder 
in behalf of the slaveholder, plead it in behalf of the 
slave ! — and then followed up the plea with a Resolu- 
tion advising the federal courts to recognize no bill of 
attainder, and consequently to recognize no law for 
slavery ! 

Congress professes a strong desire to save the coun- 
try — but complains that its way is hedged up by the 
Constitution. "Where there's a will, there's away." 
Congress lacks not a way to save the country, but a 
will. The will to save it at alt hazards would quickly 
clear the way of all Constitutional obstructions and 
scruples, and of all questions of right. 

I spoke of Compensation, Colonization, and Confis- 
cation. I do not object to Compensation, provided it 
means nothing more than the North's sharing with the 
South in the present loss from emancipation. I have 
always held that the maxim, " Honor among thieves," 
requires such sharing, the North being clearly particeps 
criminis in the case. And I have never held that the 
slaveholder is entitled to compensation, if compensa- 
tion it can be properly called, on any other ground 
than this. I said that I do not object to compensa- 
tion. But as Government confessedly in time of war 
has power to emancipate, it should concern itself with 
emancipation before it concerns itself with compensa- 
tion. Let not justice to the slave hinge upon any 
money or economic question. Let neither his wrong* 
nor our guilt be allowed to accumulate a moment longer. 
The claim of the oppressor must not be as much as 
entertained ere that of the oppressed is satisfied ; and 
this we would all readily acknowledge, had we all 
repented of our crimes against the oppressed. 

Nor do I object to all Colonization ; certainly not to 
that in which the subjects are free, and the promoters 
inspired by benevolence. But a colonization in which 
the subjects are not free, and which is promoted in the 
spirit of prejudice against race, my soul abhors. I 
addj that to condition emancipation on colonization, or 
on anything else, is a very great crime. 

And now to Confiscation. I expect no great amount 
of good from the present or from any future laws of 
confiscation. I do not deny that there arc wise men, 
who in the spirit of moderation call for confiscating 
laws. But I have no more sympathy with the vindic- 
tive spirit which calls for such laws, than I have with 
that srjirit in its call for hanging the chief rebels. As 
no hanging will be necessary, so there should be no 
hanging. Nor, should we finally conquer, will an ex- 
tensive confiscation be necessary. The large landed 
estates of the rebels should certainly be broken up. 
The remedy for our national ruin is no more in con- 
fiscation than in compensation or colonization. It is 
alone in repentance and " fruits meet for repentance." 
First among those fruits, both in the order of time and 
importance, is the duty of recognizing the seceded 
States no longer as States, but only as Territories. 
The Government is not to reduce them to Territories. 
It is simply to recognize their suicide, and their boII- 
reduetion to the territorial condition. Along with this 
recognition will be that of their having with their own 
hands put an end to nil possible legal slavery within 
their limits. The abolition of slavery in the Bonier 
States would of course bo a speedy and certain conse- 
quence. 

Shivery having passed away, the evil dispositions 
which it generated at the South will also pass 
away — not rapidly, however — until the South shall 



see the Northern people repenting of their part in up- 
holding slavery, and of their part (by means of such 
upholding) in bringing on the rebellion. I repeat, 
that it is by repentance only that the ruined nation 
can be restored. By that, and that only, can the 
North and the South be brought together in our day 
into a homogeneous and happy people. The magna- 
nimity and the love in our bearing toward the South, 
which will come of our repentance, will win the South 
to us as surely as would the harsh measures of an im- 
penitent and vindictive spirit repel her from us. I 
said that our nation may get rid of slavery, and yet be 
unsaved, because yet impenitent. Thus far, if we ex- 
cept the Old School Presbyterian Assembly, which 
does so strikingly verify the words, " the last shall 
be first," there are scarcely any signs of her repen- 
tance. With this exception, no ecclesiastical party, 
and, without exception, no political party is heard to 
exclaim, " We are verily guilty concerning our 
brother." And even now, when the necessities and 
laws of war have put slavery at the unqualified and 
entire disposal of the Government, the Government 
hesitates, and the people hesitate, and guiltless millions 
are left to pine in their prison-house. 

I would not underrate the criminality of the South. 
It is exceedingly great. But so is ours. She rebelled 
against a Government which had always been very 
indulgent toward her. We, however, as well as she, 
are responsible for the rebellion, because we as well 
aB she are tesponsible for slavery. And this infernal 
rebellion, like the infernal crimes against Kansas a 
few years ago, is but another outbreaking of infernal 
slavery. I admit that the South carries on the war 
with great barbarity. But it is slavery which made 
her so barbarous, and hence it is not for us, her fel- 
low-upholders of slavery, to taunt her with it, or make 
any complaint of it. For us, who stiil sanction the traf- 
fic in living human boneB, to make such ado about 
her converting dead human bones into trinkets, is ri- 
diculous affectation and disgusting hypocrisy. Do 
with my dead bones what you will, only treat them 
well while there is life in them. 

It is in the light of our common responsibility with 
the South for this rebellion, and the causes of it, that 
I cannot respond to the whole of the popular war-cry, 
" Indemnity for the past, and security for the 
future." Security for the future I would insist on ; 
and that, as I have said, can be gained through our 
repentance. But as to indemnity for the past, I deny 
that the North is more entitled to it at the hands of 
the South than the South is at the hands of the North. 
The simple truth is, that for half a century the North 
and the South have been wronging and ruining 
each other by countenancing and encouraging each 
other In their common crime against humanity ; and 
hence all claim of the one upon the other for indemni- 
ty for the past is impudent and absurd. 

I repeat it, that nothing short of repentance can 
save the nation. No wonder that the Prophets and 
the Baptist and Jesus preached repentance as the great 
remedy. Profoundly wise were they in doing so. Its 
power is not exhausted on those who are exercised by 
it. Besides that, it lifts them up into a nobler charac- 
ter, and into the region of a better and nobler life, it 
begets forgiveness in the offended ; and they are hard- 
ly less profited by their forgiveness than the offenders 
are by their repentance. Moreover, repentance begets 
repentance. The repentance of others calls loudly and 
persuasively on us to repent. Let the South see us 
sorrowing penitentially over the oppression of the 
black man, and she will not only forgive us, but she 
will sorrow penitently with ua. 

It may be true that the North will be able to pro- 
tect herself by means of victories over the South. 
It may be true that the nation will again become nom- 
inally one nation. It has been only such for the last 
thirty or forty years. But the nation can be saved 
and become really one only by conquering the South 
through the heart of theSouth. It is true that slavery 
will soon cease. But unless it shall cease through 
penitence, and through pity and love for the black 
man, the nation will continue to be two nationB in 
spirit. Moreover, Southern fanaticism, hatred and 
desperation, and the diseases of the Southern climate, 
and various other causes, including possibly European 
intervention, will but too probably have the effect to 
keep the nation, for a long time, torn asunder outward- 
ly as well as inwardly. And in this connection we are 
to remember how mightily the Democratic party at 
the North is contributing to this effect. That party — 
its patriotic members having left it, and identified 
themselves with the cause of their country — is as des- 
perate and dangerous a party as the world has ever 
seen. It knows it can have no power when slavery 
is gone ; and hence it is at work not to save the coun- 
try, but to save slavery. It knows that its own life is 
the life of slavery ; and hence it dreads the death of 
slavery as it dreads its own death. And we are not 
to forget that the North has been so long and so exten- 
sively debauched by slavery as to make it but too 
probable that very many, who had never been enspll- 
ed in that party, will now welcome its pro-slavery pol- 
icy, and become its members. 

Perhaps it is too late for even our penitent delive- 
rance of the slave to restore the ruined nation. Per- 
haps the American people may repent, and be blessed 
in their repentance, and yet not be able to re-establish 
their nation. Perhaps the Divine justice — the justice 
of Him in whose name and by whose authority Pres- 
ident and Congress and People should long ago have 
insisted on the immediate and unconditional abolition 
of slavery ; perhaps, I say, this justice cannot now' be 
satisfied by even the penitent deliverance of the slave. 
Perhaps, in addition to this, the nation must remain 
broken up — aye, and remain so forever. If it must, 
let the penalty for the enormous transgression be ac- 
cepted unmnrmuringly. And let there be this con- 
solation — that the permanent sundering of the super- 
latively guilty nation will sound out to all nations, 
present and to come, the loudest warning ever sound- 
ed out against oppressing the poor. "For the op- 
pression of the poor " God wilt arise. Sooner or 
later, he will avenge them. Rivers of human blood, 
and thousands of millions of wasted treasure, are now 
proving that he does avenge them. 



tenancc by American religion ; and since the existence 
and toleration of this sin are the true cause of the judg- 
ments now abroad in the land, the source and centre 
from which flow the darkening floods of calamity, sor- 
row, bitterness, and civil war, — the abolition of sla- 
very in the District of Columbia, viewed simply as a 
feeble expression of national repentance, and an im- 
plied disposition to cease to do evil and learn to do 
well, to break the bands of wickedness and lo let the 
oppressed go free, and to place the nation in harmony 
with the spirit of eternal justice, is an act immeasura- 
bly more important and more sublime than all the 
victories yet won on hind or sea by the loyal forces. 

Resolved, That the work initiated by the Aet of 
Emancipation for the DistricI of Columbia will not be 
complete, and the peace of the country will find no 
permanent foundation, until the whole land shall be, 
like the District of Columbia, free alike from slave- 
holders and slaves, tyrants and vassals, and shall be- 
come in reality, as well as in profession, a free coun- 
try, where all men, of whatever color or clime, shall 
be secure in his title to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness. 

Resolved, That the statesman of to-day, who shall 
undertake to reconstruct the Union on the basis of 
compromise with the slaveholding traitors, or upon 
any basis short of the natural one of freedom, will 
undertake to do what Washington, Jefferson, Adams 
and Hamilton attempted in vain, and what Webster, 
Clay and Benton in vain endeavored to perpetuate. 

Resolved, That as no good word or work is ever 
lost; as all truth is related, and can never be sepa 
rated; as revolutions never go backward; as the per- 
formance of any high and noble deed prepares the in- 
dividual or the nation for the performance of deeds 
more high and noble; we may wisely value the 
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, not 
merely as a single measure standing alone, but as a 
link in the golden chain of events, whereof itself is 
the least. It is not the end of the beginning, but the 
beginning of the end. During the last twenty years, 
slavery, to be safe anywhere, required to be safe 
everywhere, — and to destroy it anywhere is in a 
measure to destroy it everywhere. A single leak 
sends the ship to the bottom. 

Resolved, That white acknowledging our obliga- 
tions to all members of the Senate and the House of 
Representatives, who voted for the freedom of our 
brothers and sisters in the District, and to President 
Lincoln, who signed the Act of Emancipation, we 
would especially remember most gratefully Hons. 
Henry Wilson and CharleB Sumner. The first aB in- 
augurating the abolition measure, and the last for 
giving the death-blow to the opposition. 

Resolved, That, notwithstanding we have cause to, 
and do eulogize men, and applaud their acts, in re- 
spect to the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia and elsewhere, still we see and acknowledge 
God to be all in all, to whom be praise and honor, for- 
ever and ever — Amen ! 



EMANCIPATION IN THE DISTRICT OF 
COLUMBIA. 

A large and enthusiastic meeting of the colored 
citizens of Rochester was recently held in Zion's 
Church, to give expression to their views and feelings 
in regard lo the recent act of the Federal Govern- 
ment in abolishing slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia. 

Mr. James Sharp was called to the Chair, and Mr. 
Lewis II. Douglass was chosen Secretary. 

The following comprehensive and spirited resolu- 
tions were offered, and after animated discussion, in 
which Messrs. Taylor, Perry, and Frederick Douglass 
participated, they were unanimously adopted as the 
sense of the meeting : — 

Resolved, That in common with the long enslaved 
and deeply injured colored people of the District of 
Columbia, now happily liberated from their cruel and 
unjust bondage, and rejoicing in their newly acquired 
liberty, the birthright of every human being; and in 
common with the friends of justice and liberty the 
world over, we who are now assembled in Zion Meth- 
odist Church, Rochester, duly recognize and appre- 
ciate the importance and significance of the recent 
Act of Emancipation by Congress, and hail with un- 
affected and irrepressible joy, gratitude and praise, the 
great and glorious fact, that the National Capital, the 
seat of Government of the United States, no longer 
gives tho lie to the Declaration of American Inde- 
pendence, and has at last ceased to be the foul and 
loathsome habitation of the dealers in slaves and the 
souls of men, and that, the Boil of the District of 
Columbia has been purified and consecrated forever 
to free labor, free speech nnd free men. 

Resolved, That since greater is he who rulolh his 
own spirit than he that takelh ;i cily ; since righteous- 
ness alone can exalt a nation, and transgression is a 

reproach to any people; since, beyond all question, 

slavery is the great characteristic sin of America, 
sustained by the Government, and kept in coun- 



Gen. Rosseau on Slavery. At a banquet given 
to Gen. Lovell H. Rosseau, of Kentucky, at Louisville, 
a few days since, the General declared that if the war 
continued a year longer, there would not be a slave on 
this continent. He said that the rebels were bringing 
about thiB result by persisting in falsely representing 
that the war is carried on for the abolition of slavery, 
and allowing the negro to biind their eyes to all the 
blessings of our government. The General did not 
hesitate to say that when it came to be a question be- 
tween the preservation of slavery and the preserva- 
tion of the government, he would strike down slavery, 
remarking : — 

" Slavery is not worth our government. Slavery is 
not worth our liberty. It is not worth all the preciouB 
blood now being poured out for freedom. It is not 
worth the free navigation of the Mississippi river. 

" I am for the government of our fathers against all 
things and everybody. While the liberties of the peo- 
ple are secure under it, as they ever have been, I would 
allow nothing but death to prevent my upholding it. 
I am ready for the responsibility. A Southern man 
as I am, born and brought up in the South, with all 
my sympathies with the South, I could not hesitate 
one moment when the issue is presented between the 
negro and the government of our fathers. I am for 
the government of the United States against all its 



2^= Extract from a letter of a gentleman who for 
thirty years has done business in the South, and was 
one of the most zealous in his convictions concerning 
slavery. Hear him : — 

" I cannot close without expressing to you my deep 
and earnest approval of your wish that the war should 
not end until slavery be completely annihilated. If 
there is a single person in my native North who is 
more ultra pro-slavery than I have been for the last 
thirty years, he would be a curiosity to look at; and 
yet, will you believe it, the only fault that I have been 
at all disposed to find with Northern treatment of sla- 
very, — the cause of this atrocious rebellion, — is that you 
have been and are too mild and lenient in your oppo- 
sition to this national wickedness. I pity from the 
bottom of my heart the man who has not been cured 
of all sympathy with negro slavery, by the national 
calamities it has brought upon us. I am an earnest 
advocate of the most stringent measures in relation to 
the cause of our present troubles. We may (and shall) 
conquer the South ; but we shall never conquer a 
peace, until the cause of this war is completely removed. 
It is of no use to cut off a few of the leaves of the 
deadly Upas tree. It must be plucked up by the 
roots." 

ANec.ro Patriot. The shores of the James river, 
from Drury's Bluff to City Point, are lined with rifle- 
pits, which the rebels are rilling with marksmen as fast 
as completed, so fatal to their cause do they deem the 
landing of troops under cover of our gunboats on the 
south bank of the James river. On Saturday last, the 
rebels all along the line of pits opened for target prac- 
tice on our gunboats, firiug volley after volley with all 
the success they could hope for, the balls rolling off the 
iron sides of our vessels like hail against window panes. 
A brave colored man, who had often requested permis- 
sion to go into the maintop lookout to make observa- 
tions, discovered a position occupied hy the enemy in 
considerable force, and reported the fact to the Cap- 
tain of his vessel, the United States sloop-of-war YVa- 
chusett. Tlie fleet moved up, and shelled the place 
where the rebels were encamped, scattering them in 
every direction. The man in the maintop lookout, the 
colored seaman above alluded to, made no further re- 
port, and upon another man going aloft, he was found 
dead at his post, pierced by a score of rifle-bullets. 

"Them 'Pesky Niggers." Surgeons and others 
returning from White House (on the line of march of 
the Army of the Potomac) report that the negroes all 
along the route have been of the greatest assistance to 
our helpless wounded men. They constantly bring in 
supplies from their huts ; they aid the surgeons in at- 
tending upon them ; and by their unceasing readiness 
and kindness, do a great deal to ameliorate the suffer- 
ings of our soldiers. 

i33^ = "Very truthfully remarks the New York Tri- 
bune: — "If our troops escape an ambuscade or sur- 
prise, it is almost uniformly through the timely warn- 
ing of a 'contraband.' If they surprise the enemy, 
or take him at a disadvantage, the cause of their suc- 
cess is the same. Our brave soldiers have irradiated 
this whole contest with prodigies of valor, yet the 
two most desperate and gallant achievements of the 
war are those of the negro who recaptured a vessel 
taken by a confederate cruiser, killing the prize crew ; 
and the running of the steamboat Planter out of 
Charleston harbor by the negro, Robert Small." 

JKJf" Tho Adjutant General of the Confederate 
States publishes a general order from the rebel War 
Department directing recruiting officers, duly accredi- 
ted, to draft every white or mulatto male found 
throughout the South who is able to bear arms, and 
who is between the ages of 20 and 66 years, whether 
such persons may have obtained substitutes for them- 
selves or not. and wilful evasion of this order is to be 
severely punished. 

'I'm: Confiscation Bill. — Manassas, Friday, >Tim 
20, 18u2. The Confiscation act. passed by the House 
of Representatives, meets with the hearty approval of 
the OmOers and soldiers concentrated at this point. 
Democrats, as well as Republicans, are in favor of the 
most radical moans, and nil they fear is, thai Congress 
will treat the Rebel BOOUndreta too leniently, instead 
of being behind, as it lias been charged, they are in 
advance of the average sentiment in Washington. 
The Shenandoah campaign lias converted the most 
conservative into the most radical. Indeed, :\ few 
more such marches would make Gurrisonian Aholi- 
tionists of the army of the Rappahannock. — C'orre- 
sptmilence. t>f the New York Tribune. 

BltOH NSON'B Kkvikw. The Roman Catholic Itish- 

op of Virginia has issued an ukase Ratios! O, A. 
llrowuson's Heview. declaring that it is no reliable 
exponent Of Catholic doctrines and principles; and 
he also directs that no article from the Review ha DC 

tiecd hereafter by the HemUi and WstTh ■■, [tin official 

organ of the Bishop.) — /'.'iwiyWisf, 



THE LIBERATOH 

— IS PUBLISHED — 

EVERY ERIDAY MORNING. 



321 -WASHINGTON STREET, BOOM No. 0. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Gkniusal Ageht. 



(E^* TEEMS — Two dollars and fifty cents jicr annum, 
in advanoo. 

j£g?" Five copies will bo sent to one address for ten dol- 
lars, if payment is made in advance. 

§5P Alt remittances a-ro to lie made, and all letters 
relating to the pecuniary concerns of tlio paper are to bo 
directed (cost PAID) to the General Agent. 

Q5F" Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents 
f er line. 

E^~ The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Sooieties are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

E3?~ Tlio following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of tho 
{japer, viz: — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed- 
*ir/ND Jackson, and William L. Garrison, Jr. 




WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the laud, to all 
the inhabitants thereof." 

"Hay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil- 
' itary authority takes, for the time, tho place of all munio- 
( ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST;' 
and that, under that stato of things, so far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have tho exclusive 
management of the subject, not only the President or 
the United States, but tho Commander of the Armt, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES. * . . From the instant 
that tho glaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant tho war powers 
of Congress extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, in kverv way in which it can bb interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign powor. , . . It is a war power. I say it is a war 
' power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
; it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
, has power to carry on the war, and must carry jt on, ac- 
[ cording: to the laws of war ; and by tho laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes thbj 
place op them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies hare power to cms*- 
: cipate all tho slaves in tbe invaded territory."— J. Q. A dam. 



&m (&tm\\tv% U tft* WmU, «w ^mmtrymett m »M Pitttfehtfl. 



J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 39. 



BOSTON, FHID^Y, JULY 18, 1862. 



WHOLE ]STO. 1641. 



itfnp «f 9|f*t&i*& 



GOV. STANLEY'S SPEECH. 

On the 17th itlt, Governor Stanley spoke at 
Washington, N. C, at a Union meeting, in which 
seventeen counties were represented. The speech 
was also heard by a large number of soldiers, and 
the Newbern Progress says that by the army and by 
North Carolinians it was received with great satis- 
faction. In the course of it, Gov. Stanley said : — 

"You say your slaves are all to be emancipated. 
What course has the Federal Government pursued 
thus far in regard to your slaves ? When Fremont, 
Hunter and Phelps issued their proclamations of 
emancipation, did not the President revoke them 
all ? Has he not adhered strictly to the Constitu- 
tion and laws of the country ? Does he not insist 
that all the States shall be protected in all their 
rights ? Much is said about the slaves coming into 
the Federal lines, and many complaints are made 
because they are not promptly given up. Are they 
not in the Confederate lines, and are they not used 
to build fortifications, and do tbe work of rebels, and 
in many instances used to man rebel guns, and fight 
against" the Union ? The Federal army can't make 
a business of catching negroes, and delivering them 
up. They have come here to put down treason, and 
a war which the rebels inaugurated. If this war 
continues, look at the consequences ! see what has al- 
ready taken place ! see what must follow I In New- 
bern there are nearly 5,000 slaves: they are here, 
more continue to come. Should the war continue, 
and the Federal army be obliged to advance into the 
interior, then will the consequences be upon your 
own heads. Then youT institutions, and everything 
you have and own, will necessarily be in peril. Give 
back the forts, arsenals, navy yards, and all the prop- 
erty you have seized from the government, lay down 
your arms, send your commissioners to Washington, 
and in thirty days you can be back into the Union. 
The Union must be preserved, though all the institu- 
tions in the South should be perilled, and all her 
property of every kind devastated. This Union and 
government is worth more than all the property of 
the South, and the lives of all the rebels. Much has 
been said about the negro schools in Newbern. 
When I came, I found them there established by Mr. 
Colyer. *He came to me, and asked my opinion. _ I 
gave it to him, and told him that I thought it was in- 
judicious at this time, that it would look as though I 
intended to disregard the laws of the State, which 
would destroy all my influence, and make me a very 
unwelcome visitor to the people of North Carolina. 
I treated the gentleman kindly, made no threats to 
him, nor did I'give him any advice or instructions. 
I have been misrepresented in this whole matter, 
which has unnecessarily engendered a bad feeling. 
I come with the olive-branch, and stand, for the time 
being, between you and the powerful armies of the 
Republic, whose onward march will sweep you u 
der, and necessarily destroy your institutions when 
brought in contact with the opposing forces. Soon 
it will be too late for you to accept of my honorable 
terms. Then events must be left to the harsh ; 
cruel necessities of the justice which is vindicated 
.by the sword. After Hunter's proclamation, I called 
on President Lincoln, and told him that if a sweep- 
ing emancipation was the policy of the Administra- 
tion, I could not go to North Carolina. He assured 
me that it was not, and that the Administration had 
no such power. I believe he is sincere in all he says, 
and that it is not his desire to distress unnecessarily 
any State, or deprive her of any of her Constitu- 
tional rights. Such is Mr. Lincoln, whom you have 
regarded with so much terror, and denounced so bit- 
terly. He stands by the Constitution, unmoved, and 
I do not believe it is in the power of any human be- 
ing or party to turn him either to the right or left." 



Sumter to the 4th of July, 1862, a period of fif- , rect interest in, or association with, the institution of 

slavery. All humane persons— all who believe in 
the Declaration of Independence — all who believe in 
pure Christianity— are, in their hearts, Abolition- 
ists. That is, they wish there were some safe and 
proper way for freedom to come to every human be- 
ing. We'all go as far as this, but those who are 
technically known as Abolitionists go further. They 
believe it to be their duty to agitate for the imme- 
diate abolition of slavery. They have, in limited 
numbers, cursed the Constitution. Some of them 
have been willing to see the country divided, rather 
than see the free States saddled with any responsi- 
bility for slavery. But these men have been few 
and powerless. Their zeal has outrun their discre- 
tion, and their indiscretion has destroyed their in- 
fluence; but their original impulses were good, and 
they have only loved the nigger " not wisely but too 
well." But where are the Abolitionists to-day ? 
Almost all of them are supporting the government, 
while Secession, torn of slaverv, is demonstrating 
the devilish spirit cf that institution to be precisely 
what they have always represented it to be. 

The Abolitionists will bear us witness that we 
have been far enough from sympathizing in their pe- 
culiar schemes, or their mode of speech and opera- 
tion ; but we beg leave to say, that we can hear no 
coupling of the names of Secessionists and Abolition^ 
ists, as men who are equally guilty in the eye of na- 
tional justice, and equally responsible for the evils of 
the present war, without anger. Such an associa- 
tion of names, which are intended to be disgraceful 
epithets, is a mean and cowardly act, no matter who 
performs it. The attempt to shift the responsibility 
of this war, with all its burden of blood and crime 
and misery upon Abolitionists, is an outrage upon 
the plainest historical truth, established by the volun- 
tary boasts and confessions of the Secessionists them- 
selves. The army which is engaged in lighting the 
battles of the country, and pouring out its blood like 
water, is more than half abolitionized to-day, by 
what it has learned of slavery during the war. Are 
these brave and self-sacrificing soldiers to be classed 
with Secessionists? President Lincoln and his en- 
tire Cabinet would rejoice in the emancipation 
of the slaves, and propose it. Are they to be 
classed with Secessionists ? Out upon such non- 
sense ! The only real enemies of the govern- 
ment are Secessionists, and there are none, North 
or South, who deserve classification with them, ex- 
cept those who try to lift the responsibility of the 
war from their shoulders, or those who, finding it un 
safe to be indecent, take their revenge by abusin- 
decent people. — Springfield Repmblican. 



teen or sixteen months. What are they to be 
now ? They say that they have lost confidence 
in the President. One man, speaking in a Boston 
meeting the other day, said he always .discouraged 
enlistments, and he would fight for Jeff. Davis 
if he would emancipate the slaves. He was 
approved by his fellows in this remark. Another 
curses the Administration with the most bitter de- 
nunciation. The New York and Western radical 
papers begin to denounce Mr. Lincoln as weak, and 
declare that they have lost confidence in' him. 
Governor Andrew remains cold on the subject of 
recruits, and Massachusetts is held back by the 
recent repressing influences of the radicals. Sena- 
tor Dixon, of Connecticut, rushes home to encour- 
age enlistments, and call his constituents to the 
field. Charles Sumner sits in Congress, watch- 
ing lest a bill pass relating to some subject 
without a negro in it, and moving negro amend- 
ments to everything malapropos or otherwise, with- 
out reason or common sense. Senator Chandler 
boldly thrusts himself forward, and demands that the 
nation shall make an issue between the President 
and General McClellan, and turn out of office one 
or the other. 

In short, the entire force of radicalism, from the 
lowest grades of Massachusetts abolitionism to the 
most dangerous, because office-holding, ranks of the 
leaders at Washington, now holds itself aloof from 
the cause of the Union, and unless the President 
joins their ranks, will demand, what they have long 
striven for, "the ruin of the American Church and 
Union." — N. Y. Journal of Commerce. 



DOWN WITH ABOLITIONISM. 

Down with Abolitionism ! Let this be the motto 
of the truly loyal and conservative men of the North 
and West, until the monster is not only crushed, but 
killed. It was scotched at the spring elections — let 
us finish the job in the fall. 

Down with the abolitionists, and down with the 
men and presses who directly or indirectly endorse 
and sustain them 1 

They must go down, or the country will go down. 

Tbey must go down, or the Constitution will go 
down. 

They must go down, or the rights and liberties of 
the people will go down. 

They must go down, or the interests of the work- 
ing men will go down. 

They must go down, or the wltile race will go 
down. 

There is no longer use in temporizing on the part 
of conservative men. The radicals — led by Sumner, 
Wade, Wilson, et al. — have been and are as bitter 
enemies of the Union as the Secessionists in the 
South. They prosecute the war solely that aboli- 
tionism may be successful. Every day but furnishes 
additional evidence of their designs. 

Voters, if you desire the restoration of the Union, 
the maintenance of the Constitution, and the pre- 
servation of your own liberties — if you love your 
race better than you do the negro— if you have any 
regard for the interest of the laboring classes in 
your midst — if you believe that this government was 
framed by white men for the benefit of the white 
race — strike as one man to drive from place and 
power the arch-abolition agitators who have labored 
to bring the country to its present perilous position 
—who have for years scorned the Union, trampled 
upon the Constitution, and violated the laws of the 
land. Let your watchword be, " Down with aboli- 
tionism ! " — Dayton Empire. 



$t\tti\ttu%* 



THE FAILURE OF RADICALISM, AND THE 
DUTY OF THE PATRIOT. 
A glance over the radical forces, as they now 
show themselves, is eminently instructive. We 
publish elsewhere the remarks of Wendell Phillips, 
who is the recognized organ of the faction, of which 
the New York radical newspapers, to whom he al- 
ludes, are distinguished adherents. Since the re- 
ception of Mr. Phillips with such distinguished at- 
tention on the floor of the Senate Chamber, by the 
Vice-President, and in view of the perfect accord 
which exists between him and such politicians as 
Governor Andrew, and of the further fact, that the 
highest commendations are bestowed on him by the 
New York radical press, and that he is never found 
to have given occasion to them for criticism or re- 
buke, however treasonable in tone may be his re- 
marks, the country is fully justified in regarding him 
as the recognized exponent of the radical party. 

If in the disloyal and disgraceful sentiments which 
pervade this sermon, delivered last week in a Bos- 
ton mosque, or meeting-house, or public hall, (it 
surely was not in a Christian church,) we found the 
abolitionist orator uttering sentiments which are not 
consonant with those elsewhere expressed by his po- 
litical associates, we might doubt their importance 
•and give them to the winds, as unworthy of serious 
attention. But, alas ! we have had too long experi- 
ence in this matter. When, in former years, con- 
servative men exposed the plans of Boston abolition- 
ists, and corabatted their attacks on Union and Con- 
stitution, they were told that the game was too small ; 
that they were only a noisy set of fanatics, of little 
influence, of no account, whom it was useless to no- 
tice. But, to the shame of American character be 
it spoken, that set of noisy enemies of the Union be- 
came worth purchasing, at their own price, by a po- 
litical party who wanted their votes, and they sold 
themselves at the price demanded, and the nation 
is paying the price to-day. Had those men been 
transported from the shores of the nation they dis- 
graced and helped to ruin, wc might have had 
peace. We cannot ignore them now, nor shut our 
eyes to their threats. Besides all this, what Wen- 
dell Phillips and his Boston abolition party may do 
and say, will be approved by Governor Andrew, 
will be commended by Senator Sumner, will be " 
dorsed by the New York and other radical news- 
papers, and will be pressed on the country with rad- 
ical vehemence, Then the wreck of the Republi- 
can party, now in alliance with the Albany octago- 
nal Union party in this State, will be compelled to 
purchase the abolition vote again at whatever price 
is demanded, and there will be demagogues and of- 
fice-seekers to go for paying the price, which as be- 
fore will be paid at the expense of the country. 

What price will the abolitionists demand for their 
votes this fall ? The question is important. The 
speech of Phillips gives a fair idea of it. The price 
demanded will be the dissolution of the Union. Let 
no one be startled. The abolilionisls are no Union 
lovers. They have professed to be Unionist*, be- 
cause they saw-in the war a possibility tint they 
might wreak a long-cherished desire of vengeance on 
tli.-. slaveholding citizen. They were conditional 
Unionists, as Phillips tells us, from the fall of 



"ABOLITIONISTS AND SECESSIONISTS." 

There is a sort of one-horse loyalty which at- 
tempts to sweeten the bitter task of condemning 
treason, by classifying Secessionists with Abolition- 
ists, as equally enemies of the government. There 
is a class of politicians who have been cniraged for 
years in abusing Abolitionists as the enemies of the 
Union. All at once, they find their old associates 
turned traitors, and learn that they have been made 
the tools of the only men in the country who had 
any designs against the government. What to do? 
How to get out of their most uncomfortable and 
mortifying predicament ? They cannot give up 
their pet notion, that the Abolitionists are very black 
traitors, for they learned that of the Southern trai- 
tors, who were the only truly "national men," only 
a year or two ago. It is not safe for them any long- 
er to uphold the Southern traitors. It might put 
them behind grated windows, or bring them to a con- 
sciousness of living in, a very dangerous neighbor- 
hood. So they insist that if they are obliged to 
abuse their good friends, the rebels, the Abolitionists 
shall be yoked with them, and go to infamy in their 
company. 

There are others, however, who take up the cry 
less intelligently and less malignantly. They are 
men who are very honestly and very reasonably 
afraid of extremists of every class. A Secessionist 
is an extremist. An Abolitionist is an extremist. 
They therefore see no special injustice in bringing 
both into the same classification, and join in the cry 
of tbe sympathizers with treason against Secession- 
ists and Abolitionists together. Are they either wise 
or fair ? We think not. 

What is a Secessionist? He is a man who be- 
lieves that the United States government has no 
rights which a single State is bound to respect — one 
who believes that Stato rights override United States 
rights — who believes that at any moment when she 
chooses, any State can secede from and break up 
the United States government. lie not only be- 
lieves it, but he practices according to his belief. 
He is, moreover, an advocate of human slavery, 
and a holder of slaves, and he secedes from the 
Union for the simple purpose of benefitting his pet 
institution, lie is a man who not only hates the 
Union, but he hates all who love it; and not only 
hates them, but approves of, or engages in, schemes 
for robbing and murdering them. The genuine Se- 
cessionist is an enemy to his country, an oppressor of 
the poor and the helpless, and a foe to every thing 
which we hold most sacred in our free American 
civilization. He it is who has taken the responsibil- 
ity of this war. He knew his interests were in no 
danger. He knew the government never had op- 
pressed him. He knew that the present Administra- 
tion had no intention to injure him or his favorite 
institution. He struck wantonly for power, and the 
murder of a hundred thousand men, the bereave- 
ment of a million others, the impoverishment of half 
a nation, and the utter ruin of the other half, lie at 
his door. 

Now, what is an Abolitionist ? Literally and 
briefly, he is a man who advocates, and labors for, 
the aooKtidn of human slavery in this country. In 
one sense, every decent man is an Abolitionist, pro* 
vided he lias been bred in a region where his judg- 
ment and conscience have not been corrupted by tli- 



IS NEGRO-HATE AN ANGLO-SAXON IN- 
STINCT ? 

BY nORACE GREELEY. 

The .people of Illinois have recently voted on a 
new Constitution framed for them by a Convention 
largely Democratic, which was held at Springfield 
last winter. The Constitution itself was voted 
down by a considerable majority ; so was a special 
provision' stringently interdicting future Banks of 
Issue ; so was a proposed Apportionment of the 
State for the choice of Members of Congress under 
the new apportionment ; while two provisions, like- 
wise separately submitted, 1. inhibiting negroes 
from voting or holding office,' 2. forbidding their fu- 
ture migration into the State, were ratified by large 
majorities. These proscriptions arc substantially such 
as were already a part of the public law of Illinois 
but that which forbids colored immigration has nev- 
er been much regarded, whether by Blacks or 
Whites. Blacks have from time to time quietly en- 
tered the State, and settled there in large numbers, 
and are living there to-day unmolested, as the bet- 
ter portion of them, with many more recent immi- 
grants, probably will be twenty years hence. As 
many good people regard Liquor Prohibition by 
statute as an excellent thing, though no one regards 
who would prefer to defy it, so many like to evince 
and fortify their Democracy by voting a proscription 
of negroes, who would never think of descendinj 
the practical wickedness and cruelty of hunting 
poor Black out of the home of his choice, and into an 
exile from which his soul revolted. Still, the fact 
that a large majority of the people of Illinois — 
whether impelled by genuine negro-bate, or by po- 
litical calculation, or by simple cowardice and want 
ofhumanity and principle-— vote thus to proscribe and 
repel this most oppressed and down-trodden race, is 
a very sad one. The World, semi-Republican in its 
tone rather than its professions, while often inclined 
to regard political questions from a religious stand- 
point, thus dilates upon it : 

why is itI 
" It is worthy of note that, in the recent vote on Ne- 
gro Suffrage in Illinois, the majorities are heaviest 
against equal rights in those counties where most of 
them (?) reside. Thus, in the central and lower parts 
of the State, the vote is all but unanimous against Suf- 
frage, while in the Northern counties, where a negro 
is rarely seen, a number of townships voted for negro 
Suffrage. Winnebago county, on the Wisconsin line, 
gave nearly 3,000 majority for Universal Suffrage, 
without distinction of color. The same fact may be 
noticed all over the North ; Abolitionism flourishes 
only where negroes are scarce and their peculiarities 
arc unknown. It may be an unpleasant fact for hu- 
manitarians to realize, hut nevertheless it is a fact, 
that the recent popular demonstration against shivery 
political power is not prompted by any kindly 
feeling for the African, or sympathy for his woes. On 
the contrary, while the popular current has set stead- 
ily in favor of Tree Soil and Free Labor, the prejudice 
against and dislike of the negro race have grown with 
the growth of the Nation. This stale of feeling may be, 
and doubtless is, inhuman and unchristian ; but it ex- 
ists, and must be considered and allowed by the states- 
men who are hereafter to rule this nation. The An- 
glo-Saxon race to which wc belong, in no quarter of 
the world tolerates any of the inferior races. They 
must submit to be enslaved or perish. Witness the 
American Indian, tho negro the aborigines of Austra- 
lia and Van Die man's Land, the New Zeahuidcr, and 
the Kaffir. The Hindoo alone, of the inferior races that 
have come under the domination of an Anglo-Saxon 
power has been preserved from extermination or slav- 
ery ; hut the reason for this exception is to be found in 
tbe fact that Englishmen were not encouraged to settle 
in Ilindostan, or own hind during the continuance of 
the power of the East India Company. 

" This pride of race has preserved its purity, as the 
Anglo-Saxon never tolerates the half-breed or the mu- 
latto. Hence, too, the superior value of this groat 
people to colonize, The Latin races readily mixed 
with the Indian and the negro, and the result has been 
what we see in Mexico and South America. 

" While this unfortunate colored race occupies tbe 
country with us, there will doubtless always be parties 
who will sympathize with it, and insist upon equal 
rights being accorded to Blacks and Whites alike; 
but, as in Illinois*, they wdll be few in number, and 
flourish only in those parts of the North where ne- 
groes are scarcely known." 

Before discussing the above, let us carefully sepa- 
rate iis truths from its palpable errors, or bold, base- 
less assumptions : 

That, whatever votes were cast for Equal Suffrage 
should be mainly cast in tho Northern Counties, is 
no wise remarkable. Those Counties arc strongly 



Republican in politics, while the South is intensely 
Democratic. Northern Illinois is almost wholly set- 
tled from New England, or by men of New England 
stock from New York, Ohio, etc. ; while the South- 
ern Counties are largely peopled from Slave States 
— Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, etc. But no evi- 
dence is given, and I am confident that none exists, 
restricting the negro population of Illinois mainly 
to her Southern Counties. On the contrary, the 
last census shows that many more of them reside in 
Cook county (including Chicago) than : ,n any five 
Southern or Democratic counties. 

Still, there is a partial — only partial— truth in 
the statement, that Equal Rights to negroes have 
most champions where negroes are least known. 
Massachusetts and Rhode Island have many more 
Blackinhabitants than Connecticut and New Hamp- 
shire; in the former States, negroes are allowed to 
vote on the same conditions as Whites; in the lat-. 
ter, they are not. New Bedford and Worcester are 
widely known as conspicuously Anti-Slavery among 
the cities of Massachusetts, and these have more 
Black inhabitants proportionally, than almost any 
.other cities of the Free States. 

The truth which underlies The World's statement 
is this: In Northern Illinois, the great majority 
vote for a cherished principle- — Equal Justice and 
Equal Rights for all ; in the Southern Counties, 
they vote against a despised and degraded caste, 
which they have known for the most part in a 
servile condition. The Poor Whites of the Slave 
States have little to be proud of ; and by so much 
the greater is their exultation over the fact that 
they are not negroes. The baser and more degrad- 
ed the White anywhere, the greater is his pride of 
caste — his anxiety to have some one else to look 
down upon. If he is neither honest, nor sober, nor 
intelligent, nor thrifty, nor respected, he is the more 
proud of his (technically) white.skin, and tbe more 
tenacious of the patent of nobility into which he 
construes it. Hence the overwhelming Democracy 
and negro-hate of Southern Illinois, and of many 
other sections. No intelligent politician need be 
told the fact that the most overwhelming votes in 
this State in 1860 against Negro Suffrage were 
cast at the Five Points, Corlaer's Hook, and other 
notorious denS of debauchery, squalor, and crime. 

It is partially— only partially true — that " the re- 
cent popular demonstration against slavery as a po- 
litical power is not prompted by any kindly feeling 
toward the African, or sympathy for his woes." 
The whole truth imports that this, like all other 
great popular movements, is impelled by a variety 
of influences and motives; that one man is a Repub- 
lican because heroes cherish a kindly feeling for the 
Black rylan, and does sympathize with him m view 
of his manifold oppressions; while others vote the 
same ticket mainly* to keep the wild West uncursed 
by servile labor, therefore substantially free from 
negroes Others may be impelled to vote the same 
ticket by still different considerations; but to deny 
that "any kindly feeling toward the African" un- 
derlies the Republican movement, is to defy facts 
within the range of every one's observation. 

But the broad proposition of The World, that this 
confessedly inhuman and unchristian " negro-hate," 
which we have found by no means universal here, 
is an antipathy that "runs in the blood," is too fla- 
grant. " The Anglo-Saxon race," says our con- 
temporary, " in no quarter of the world tolerates any 
of the inferior races." The writer need look no 
further than the British West Indies to be convinc- 
ed of his enormous mistake. In Antigua, the Chief- 
Justice is (or lately was) a full-blooded negro, who 
was a slave less than thirty years ago; he may be 
seen holding courts with whites, whom he has known 
as slaveholders, on cither hand. The Speaker of 
tbe Legislative Assembly of Jamaica is (or recently 
was) a man of color. The Mayor of Kingston ditto. 
Journalism is not in a palmy state in the British 
West Indies; but of such journals as they have, the 
best are edited by colored men. And nowhere un- 
der the British flag does color work political disa- 
bility, or subject to involuntary expatriation. 

The Hindoo is but one of many races inhabiting 
the great Anglo-Indian Empire, and none of them has 
been enslaved or has perished under British rule. 
In Canada, negroes and aborigines abound, and are 
neither enslaved, exiled, nor even proscribed. And 
the anti-negro prejudice, which was very rank in 
the West Indies under slavery, appears to have 
been greatly modified by a generation of freedom. 

It would be a truth worthy of congratulation if 
the Anglo-Saxon " pride of race" had indeed pre- 
served the purity of that race ; but the copper-color- 
ed faces to be met in the thoroughfares of all our 
cities, but eraphaticalty in those of the slave States, 
dispels the fond illusion The concubinage of the 
plantations in our slave States is grosser and more 
general than that of any other rural Anglo-Saxon 
community, while the fact that young quadroon and 
octoroon female slaves are habitually and notorious- 
ly sold throughout the South at double to quadruple 
the prices they would command for any other than 
infamous purposes, is one of the most revolting fea- 
tures of the shareholding system. 

It is hardly probable that, Equal Rights will be 
generally accorded to Blacks in our day ; it will be 
well if we can secure to this unhappy race a legal 
and assured recognition ofany rights at all. But it 
is no less the duty of humane and of Christian men 
to bear up against the flood-tide of prejudice, hypoc- 
risy, mob-courting, and genuine slaveholding hate, 
which is perpetually playing upon and stimulating 
the spirit of proscription and caste whereof this Illi- 
nois vote is a fair exemplification. Years may yet 
be required to educate the mass of our people into 
that spirit of enlightened humanity and rectitude 
which perceives in a wrong done to the humblest, an 
injury and a peril to the entire community. Mean- 
while, let every true man count it a privilege to bo. 
permitted to labor and suffer reproach for that full 
and hearty recognition of the Rights of Man as Man, 
which shall yet efface the memory of centuries of 
oppression and wrong in the full triumph of Repub- 
lican justice and Christian love. 



State heretofore with their slaves — they will not 
come because it won't pay — but we have got to de- 
pend on another class, who have prejudices against 
the institution of slavery, and who will not come be- 
cause it is here. It leaves us standing without any 
immigration at all. The institution is nothing but 
a shadow. It has been virtually killed by the lead- 
ers of the rebellion, and I say it is proper for the 
people of the State to devise some plan by which the 
immigration of the non-slaveholders can be secured. 
1 think it is time that the people of the State should 
calmly and deliberately think over the question, and 
look at it in a financial and moral point of view, 
with reference to their own interests and the inter- 
ests of the State. It is with this view that I offer 
my substitute. 

It not only embodies my views, but I believe the 
views of a majority of the people of the State. I 
believe it is morally necessary that the slaveholders 
should consider the matter at once, because, if this 
rebellion is carried on much longer, a blow will be 
struck by the general government that will take the 
negroes anyhow, I am opposed to that, and I am 
opposed to this prejudice which has governed iis for 
so many years to such an extent that no man could 
speak upon the negro at all without being called an 
Abolitionist or a Yankee. 



THE COST OE SLAVERY. 

If ever we hated slavery, it has been within the 
past two days. As we think of the ten or fifteen 
thousand men, the flower of the North, all in the 
prime of youthful manhood, — killed and wounded, — 
lying in acony or death, disabled by every form of 
wound the most vivid imagination can conceive, 
crowding all the swamps of the Chickahominy, and 
turning their festering wounds to the feverish heat 
of a July sun in Virginia — as we think of the suffer- 
ings of these men, we hate slavery and its abomina- 
tions more than ever. 

But the half is not told ; no, nor the tenth. The 
loss by disease is alwaj^s greater than the loss by 
battle. Within the last ten days, six days have 
seen as many battles. But when we think of the 
last fifteen months, of Fort Ilenrv, Fort Donelson, 
Island No. Ten, Bull's Run, Ball's" Bluff, Yorktown : 
when we remember that no division of our army has 
ever been without its hospital, no regiment without 
its surgeon and assistant surgeon, we believe it will 
be found that the list of killed, and of those whom 
sickness or wounds will permanently affect, numbers 
already over an hundred thousand of northern men, 
and that a six months' more conflict, carried through 
the hot weather, will add more than another hun- 
dred thousand to the list. And all these are from 
the North. 

An equal number from the South have fallen, if 
they have not saved themselves by running away. 
Slavery has already barbarized the South, and cost 
the nation a quarter of million of men. It has cre- 
ated a national debt.of five hundred millions of dol- 
lars. It is adding to that amount a million and a 
half of dollars every twenty-four hours. It has taken 
six hundred thousand men out of the productive 
ranks of the North — not less than a million on both 
sides — and made them consumers instead of producers. 
It has changed a pacific nation into a warlike one. It 
has diverted every channel of trade throughout the 
country, and put a tax on labor for the next half cen- 
tury. It has done all this, and would do more. If sla- 
very could blot the Northern States out of existence, 
and kill off every Yankee, it would do it tomorrow, 

Now what the North have a right (o ask is, that 
this Institution shall never have the power to do 
this a second time. We demand that the slavehold- 
ers of 1900 shall never cost our grand-children what 
the slaveholders of 1SG0 have made us pay. The 
rebellion must be put down, and it will be. The 
South must once more become a component part of 
national existence. But it must not be a dis- 
turbing element. The South must not claim to rule 
the North. Freedom must become national, slavery 
sectional. And the only redeeming element of our 
present difficulties lies in the thought, that every 
battle by which slavery prolongs the war is only an 
added nail to its own coffin. — Worcester Transcript. 



worse. He was perfectly isolated from Pope's army 
and from Burnside's, while the Rebels, with superior 
tactics, had made masterly combinations of their 
forces at a common centre. Worst of all, he sepa- 
rated himself from his gunboats, the cooperation of 
which was the argument that sent him to the Penin- 
sula. One would suppose, that the military mind 
which could, after the reflection of a fortnight, de- 
tect the fatal error of this inland isolation, might 
have seen its absurdity at the outset, and by occupy- 
ing the river bank at the first available point below 
Fort Darling, moved forward with the gunboats act- 
ing as a left wing, and, in themselves, representing 
a strength equal to 30,000 men. He might have 
taken this position at Turkey Bend or Harrison's 
Landing before the battle of Fair Oaks, or on any 
day for a week after it ; and it is most unfortunate 
that he did not think of a base of operations on the 
James River, until the enemy were prepared to 
make it cost us 20,000 lives. 

It is proper that the people should think these 
things well over ; and, while they give due credit to 
the wondrous valor of our troops, and the skill of those 
great captains, Heintzelman, Sumner, Kearney, and 
Franklin, who extricated them from their dreadful 
situation, administer condemnation wherever it may 
be due. Our seven days' struggle was one continu- 
ous retreat, conducted under a general order to that 
effect by the Commander-in-Chief; but its triumphs 
were reaped in a series of separated battles, the 
varying fortunes of which, the above-named able 
marshals were separately obliged to steer and gov- 
ern for themselves. All that we have to add on the 
subject of this week of fighting is, that the Rebels 
suffered equally with ourselves; but, nevertheless, 
they have earned a great moral advantage, and the 
Union army has received a check which will retard 
its progress for six months." 



GOV. STEWART ON EMANCIPATION. 

In the Missouri Convention on the 13th ult., Ex- 
Gov. R. M. Stewart said : — 

I believe tho people of Missouri should extinguish 
slavery, and I believe further that the rebels have 
put it in a speedy course of extinction. In the un- 
holy war which has been brought upon us by the 
leading conspirators of the State, they have them- 
selves torn down their own pet institution, so that 
at this day it is utterly worthless. No slaveholder 
will come" here with his slaves hereafter. On the 
border, to-day, I know slaveholders who are giving 
their slaves passes to go to Kansas, and anywhere 
else, because they know they will run away anyhow. 
I say that the besom of destruction and war has des- 
olaled (Mir fields, burned our houses, stolen our pro- 
perly, bankrupted the State, and ruined the institu- 
tion of slavery ; and in order to regain our former 



THE RETREAT 0E GEN. McOLELLAN. 

Wilkes's Spirit of the Times has the following 
vigorous criticism on the recent movements in the 
Peninsula: — 

" Shocked and dejected at the unforeseen result, 
the loyal public have anxiously endeavored to ascer- 
tain the cause ; while, taking advantage of the gen- 
eral perturbation, eveiy traitor in our midst has 
sought to locate the blame against the Government. 
It is also a feature of this vicious clamor, nay, it is 
its leading feature, that all these denunciations of 
the Government are invariably accompanied by the 
most fulsome eulogies of Gen. McClellan, and a 
schism is thus attempted to be set on foot, the object 
of which is either to open a Presidential campaign 
in his favor, or to distract the public mind on the 
subject of the prosecution of the war. 

This game has been going on now for a consider- 
able time; and it appears to us a little singular that 
Gen. McClellan suffers it to proceed, without a word 
calculated to rebuke the treason, and sustain the Ad- 
ministration from such injurious slanders. He can- 
not fail to see that he is put forward virtually as the 
leader of this factious opposition, and that his pre- 
tended wrongs are the redoubts behind which these 
sneaking traitors level their shafts against the bosom 
of the country. A warfare of this sort, being made 
apparently in his interest, should receive a share of 
his attention ; and if he bo not able to drive, back 
the. armed insurgents, he can at least rebuke their 
slanderous allies who are cooperating with them in 
the midst of our society. 

In looking back upon the battles of the week, and 
reviewing the fruitless valor of our soldiers in connec- 
tion with tbe sad result, it is not difficult to arrive at 
the conclusion that the whole campaign of the Pen- 
insula has been a blunder. The true road to Rich- 
mond was due south from Washington, by which 
course an army of 250.000 men, covering the capi- 
tal as it advanced, might many a time during the 
last nine months have been driven in one compact 
mass upon the then debilitated Rebel stronghold. 
The division of it into parts, so that one-half might 
make the strategic circuit round Robin Hood's barn, 
with the door open and the road clear (ride Jackson) 
toward the North, was tho most fatal error that 
could have been committed; and the commanding 
general wdio consented to perform the leading part 
is truly responsible for the weakness of the scheme. 
If he did not approve of it, he should not have con- 
sented to it; if he thought his forces insufficient, his 
resignation would have been a more honorable and 
soldierly alternative than the sacrifice of the army. 
Being deficient in strength, he should not have loca- 
ted his Ibives amid swamps, and extended his Lines 
for thirty miles in the face of a compact and supe- 
rior enemy, nor for a long period of days assumed 
the attitude of giving battle. The position in which 



position, wc have got lo depend upon iiuiuigni.tiun- 

not that class of immigrants who have come lo this I he hail placed himself could hardly have been chosen 



RIPENING FOR REVOLUTION. 

Nothing but judicial blindness can prevent tbe ru- 
lers of this nation from perceiving that we are on 
the eve of revolution. The enemies of the Republic, 
North and South, have determined it ; and without 
more prompt and vigorous resistince than this gov- 
ernment has yet put forth or is likely to put forth, 
they will be able to carry it into execution. It is 
madness to shut our eyes to the fact that there is a 
grand conspiracy, all over the country, to put down 
by force of arms all ideas of justice, all regard for 
human rights, all equality among men, the suprema- 
cy of God's authority and God's law, and to substi- 
tute, instead, a dominion of brute force, a govern- 
ment of supreme selfishness, and having its founda- 
tion in principles utterly diabolical. The actors in 
this grand warfare upon right are now scattering 
death and desolation over the South, and watching 
the first opportunity to seize the helm of govern- 
ment at the North. There is not the slightest dif- 
ference between the Southern rebel now in arms, 
and the northern advocate of slavery, who is seek- 
ing the same end, but who dares not at present use 
the same means. 

The pro-slavery spirit of this city found expres- 
sion at the great conservative meeting in tbe Coop- 
er Institute on Tuesday last. The Express says 
that twenty thousand signatures were appended to 
the call. The speakers scarcely attempted to dis- 
guise their treasonable intents. Ex-governor Wick- 
liffe, of Kentucky, said that unless the abolitionists 
lay down their pens, there might be another revolu- 
tion. Win. A. Duer, of this State, said that if every 
traitor in this country were to be hung in the order 
of their guilt, the next man who marched upon the 
scaffold after Jefferson Davis would be Charles 
Sumner ; and this was greeted *by the loudest ap- 
plause of the evening. Mr. Duer said the Emanci- 
pation and Confiscation bills were monstrous viola- 
tions of the Constitution which would justify resist- 
ance. 

But the ruling spirit of the meeting was ex-mayor 
Wood. His speech was enthusiastically cheered by 
the audience. The peroration, as reported in the 
Tribune, was as follows : 

" In my opinion, the time will soon come when, if 
the rebellion be not suppressed, the people will rise up 
and demand either a change of measures or a change 
of men. (Applause.) The Constitution is to be pre- 
served, in my judgment, only by a change of the pres- 
ent Congress, and by a change of tbe administration 
to succeed it. (Great applause.) Mr. Wood, after 
some further remarks in relation to tbe pernicious 
character of the abolition legislation of Congress, and 
tbe necessity of getting rid of such a Congress, conclud- 
ed by saying: It is to be done as Oliver Cromwell 
sent home the Rump Parliament, by walking into 
Parliament, and scattering it to the winds. ("Love- 
joy ! " — Great applause.) Let your voices be heard 
in the capitol of the country, ami if your armies are 
not successful at once, I for one raise the standard — 
a change of measures or a change of men " ! (Loud 
and long-continued applause.) 

We do not quote this because it is anything more 
than has been often said before, and may be heard ev- 
ery day in the streets and saloons of this city. But it 
is here put forth deliberately, seriously, earnestly,- by 
one of the prominent leaders of a large party, one 
who is well known as a sasacious. sober, cautious, 
and generally successful leader. Mayor Wood does 
not utter sentiments at random. When he says 
that our generals are to walk into Congress, and 
scatter the representatives of the people as Cromwell 
scattered the Rump Parliament, he means it. The 
people who cheered him meant it. They mean 
civil war at the North ; the shooting, hanging, and 
imprisonment of radical Republicans and abolition- 
ists. How are their threats to be met? Shall we 
look to President Lincoln ? He is doing all in his * 
power to conciliate these insolent threaten ers. He 
fears a disruption of the North as much as President 
Buchanan did. We can look for no essential help 
from him, or from the pro-slavery generals into 
whose hands he has put the army. Are we, then, 
to remain idle, and allow ourselves to be bound hand 
and foot'? Shall we tolerate this spirit of anarchy 
until it seizes on some opportunity afforded by a re- 
verse of our arms, or by foreign intervention, to 
carry its threat into execution, and break up the 
government? It is time the people were aware of 
tbe precipice on which wc are standing. We pro- 
test against, allowing the enemies o\' abolition to pro- 
seettte their scheme's for the destruction o( liberty, 
while wc take no precautions against them. When 
the hour for revolution comes, if come it must, let, 
the friends of freedom be prepared to deal with pm- 
slaverv lawlessness as it deserves. The plotters of 
rebellion South are not half as guilty as ihe plotters 
of rebellion North. 

The question with us must be, If revolution comes, 
how shall we be able lo shape it in favor of freedom 
instead of despotism? Hon. It. B. Stanton, in his 
able Fourth of July oration at Brooklyn, said we 

were in the midst of a revolution now. " Startle 
not at the word. Deny not the assertion. A phi- 
losopher has said, a nation may be in the throes of 

a revolution, and yel aol know it. li was long ere 
the masses of the French people would admit that 
the earthquake that toppled down the throne of 
Louis Sixteenth was a revolution." Just so wc may 



114 



THE LIBERA.TOE 



JULY 3 8 



bo deceived until our government is completely 
revolutionised to slavery, under republican forms. 
Wo see that none of the pro-slavery orators attack 
Mr. Lincoln. They all appear satisfied with him. 
'Cou.oress is the enemy that must bo dispersed at the 
Voint of the bayonet. Then, again, the army must 
hi wielded by pro-slavery officers. It must be still 
further weeded of abolitionists. Hunter must follow 
Fremont : Democratic Butler, even, cannot bo trust- 
ed ; and Secretary Stanton, though of the same po- 
litical -school, is assailed with every epithet of abuse, 
because he is supposed to wink at the employment 
of blacks in the army. 

Mr. Mallory, on Saturday, declared in Congress 
that Mr. Stanton showed him a letter from an officer, 
asking permission to raise a regiment of blacks, to 
which he had not only returned a prompt refusal, 
but had ordered the officer's arrest. Still, our pro- 
slavery revolutionists are not satisfied of the Secre- 
tary's loyalty to their favorite institution. He will 
not improbably be sacrificed as a peacc-offeri] 
Verily, the bands of another kind of government 
than our fathers gave us are being fastened around 
our limbs. If our President listens to the advice of 
these bad counsellors, he will ere long find the Re- 
public crumbling beneath his feet, and his own au 
thority swept away with the ruins. We speak not 
idle fancies, but sober probabilities. 

Since the above was written, we find two numbers 
of the Herald filled with editorials designed to get 
up a civil war in the North. In his yesterday's is- 
sue, the editor gi-ows so bold in his treason as to 
threaten the President himself, in the following sig- 
nificant and unmistakable language : 

■" Wo must state in advance that it will not do For 
President Lincoln to attempt to father Stanton's blun- 
■Acrs, as lie endorsed Cameron's extravagance. The 
people will allow such self-devotion for once ; but if it 
be too often renewed, the people may take the Presi- 
dent at his icord. It is better to change a Cabinet officer 
than a President." [American Baptist. 



'm the hitO march to Riclmiond.- 
Watchmaii and 1 



-Coir, of Boston 



DEFEAT ET DELAY. 



"STRATEGIC SKILL." 

The strategic skill of General McClellan, in chang- 
ing his base of operations, is highly extolled by his 
eulogists; but, it he deserves credit for this, where- 
in did he display "strategic skill" in deliberately 
selecting, and persistently occupying, a base of ope- 
rations that — as the event proved — needed to be 
changed ; one that — according to the representations 
of his friends — was, in every respect and so demon- 
strably disadvantageous, and, of course, an ill chosen 
one ? Was it Secretary Stanton, or was it The 
Tribune, or the " radical abolitionists," that selected 
that position for him, and forced it upou him ? The 
readers of the New York Herald are led to suppose 
that this must have been the case ! How absurd ! 
With Senator Chandler, we demand — " Who was it 
that led the army into the marshes of the Clncka- 
hominy, where they died like sheep?" Was it the 
abolitionists? Was it Generals Hunter and Fre- 
mont, whom the Herald and other secession sympa- 
thizers are now demanding to have ostracized? 
General McClellan's reputation is falling into bad 
hands! Secretary Stanton is fortunate in having 
earned the hatred of men known to have been in 
sympathy with the rebels from the beginning, and 
evidently operating in their interest now. — Principia. 



i h t x a t x . 

BOSTON, MIDAY, JULY 18, 18H. 



It is often said that an ingenious advocate can 
support any theory by examples from history, and 
itime has at length brought its revenges to those who 
bave suffered ridicule and odium for their too eager 
haste in urging a march to Richmond a year ago. 
They were held responsible for the disastrous defeat 
at Bull Run in July last. Their impatience, it was 
said, precipitated a conflict for which wo were not 
prepared. Their zeal without knowledge compelled 
military men to march against their better judgment, 
and involved the nation in shame and sorrow. The 
♦culprits, it must be said, bowed submissively to the 
ipublie censure. Some of them acknowledged their 
rrashness, and others, without confession, changed 
■their course. 

A wonde^ul change followed In the public mind. 
Delay was declared to be the only salvation of the 
■ country, and the country acquiesced in the decision, 
GFor eight mouths an immense army, greater than 
that with which Napoleon won Marengo, or Auster- 
Hitz, or Jena, lay inactive on the Potomac. Their 
■monotonous life of sleeping, drilling and eating 
an expense of near half a million per day, was i 
to be essential to their perfection as an army, and 
rthe country believed it, and paid the bills without 
■murmuring. All offensive movements were forbid- 
den, to save the possibility of defeat. Gen. Lander 
feit certain that he could capture Gen. Jackson and 
his entire force by a bold and rapid march, and 
begged permission to make the experiment, but the 
acquest was denied at headquarters, with a sharp 
■reproof for his temerity. Jackson was spared to do 
untold mischief in the future. Gen. Wool was con- 
vinced that a sudden attack would take Norfolk, 
and destroy the Merrimao on the stocks. He begged 
the privilege of acting on his own responsibility, and 
was denied, lest haste should bring defeat. Norfolk 
■escaped, and the Merrimac was spared to destroy 
imillions of property, to paralyze our movements on 
the peninsula, and occasion alarm at every seaport 
in the country. Yet the delay was called prudent, 
and who could venture to question it ? 

At length, the grand army marched from the Po- 
.tomac, drilled to perfect movements, and furnished 
•with every equipment essential to complete success. 
Gen. McClellan assured them that the long and 
wearisome delay was ended, and the war was to be 
short and decisive. -He intended to lead them face 
to face with their enemies, and to sharp fighting. 
The army was transported to the peninsula, instead 
of moving by land, and it was called wise strategy, 
though it occupied two or three weeks, a longer 
time than a slow march from Manassas. The ene- 
my had intrenchments at Yorktown, and it was 
thought prudent to carry them by a regular siege, 
■with successive parallels. By this prudent strategy, 
the whole army of the enemy had time to gather at 
Yorktown, and a month was consumed in siege works. 
But the strategy was extolled on all hands, because 
the enemy abandoned their worka without defence, 
and the way to Richmond was open from Yorktown 
as it had been from Manassas. It was true that the 
enemy retreated from Yorktown as from Manassas, 
without serious loss of men, or field guns, or equip- 
ments, but still they retreated, and great was strate- 
fy. There was sharp fighting, too, on the way to 
Richmond, but generally" in resistance of attacks by 
the enemy, never by an offensive movement along 
our whole line. 

While the country was hoping to hear that Rich- 
mond had been assaulted and taken, the news came 
that strategy was again to rule, and that the same 
process of a siege by successive para lels, which had 
been so effectual at Yorktown was to be pursued at 
the rebel capital. Some doubted if the malaria 
of the Chickahominy swamps would not be more 
iatal than the balls of the enemy, but again the 
country acquiesced in the wisdom of delay, and the 
prudence of winning victories by strategy instead of 
hard fighting. 

On the 30th ult. the public mind was startled by 
the announcement of'Mr. Fulton, of the Baltimore 
American, that Gen. McClellan had just executed 
the most masterly military movement of the century, 
whieh would precipitate the fall of Richmond, but 
he was forbidden by the government to reveal it. 
Again the advocates of strategy were eloquent in its 
praise, and all waited eagerly to hear of the fall of 
^Richmond. Expectation gradually turned to anxie- 
,ty, and hope to fear, as it was told that this grand 
strategical movement had been executed with con- 
stant fighting, with serious losses, with the abandon- 
ment of most of the siege guns, and of the siek and 
wounded in hospital, and with the loss of thirty or 
forty field guns. It .began to be whispered that 
strategy might be a convenient term to cloak defeat ; 
and when at last the public agony was relieved after 
a week's suspense, by the news that McClellan, with 
his army, was on the James river, twenty-seven 
miles from Richmond, it must be confessed that 
strategy was a less popular word than it had been 
/or a year previous, After a week's delay, our 
grand army is beaten, with a serious loss of men, and 
guns, and camp equipage, and we are grateful that 
matters are no worse, that the defeat did not become 
a rout. 

There is a little doubt at present in the public 
mind if delays are always wise. It may have been 
rash to fight at Manassas, last July, but it was the 
delay of attack from Thursday until Sunday, that 
gave time for Johnson to march from Winchester, 
.and cost ua a defeat. It may have been wise to 
. .throw up parallels for a siege at Yorktown and 
Richmond, but the delay of weeks has given time 
,for Jacksou to bring in his whole army, and perhaps, 
for a large share of Beau regard's, army to join them 
,and has subjected us to losses quite as great, proba- 
bly, as would have followed the storming of Rich- 
mond, four weeks ago. It is a little curious that 
Gen. McClellan, in his very able review of the Cri- 
mean War, criticises the allied commanders for their 
jlow and cautious movements, A little more bold- 
ness, or rashness, even, he intimates, would have 
jtaken Sebastopol months earlier. Other critics, in 
future days, will probably commend the chalice to 
his own lips, and assert that his extreme caution and 
wish to avoid bloodshed prolonged the life of the 
bellion for many months. Strategy is good, but it 
has allowed unobstructed retreats to the rebel army 
from Corinth, and Manassas, and Yorktown, while 
it ha»beeu hard fighting with troops little disciplined. 
that wou the signal victories at Forts Henry and 
Donelson, at Roauoko Island and Newbern. 

We would not intimate any doubt of Gen, Mo 
Chilian's eminent ability, or of the wisdom of a cau- 
tious policy, where such vast interests are involved. 
There have doubtless been formidable obstructions 
at Richmond, whieh he could appreciate better than 
any critics. The army has an unbounded confidence 
in his wisdom and skill, and the enemy fear him 
more than any of our military leader*. But it_ ii 
only fair that those who have ridiculed the temerity 
of meu who precipitated the disaster at Bull Run, 
should confess that the caution and delay which they 
have applauded have not won very brilliant laurels 



WHY McOLELLAN WAS NOT REINFORCED, 

Unstinted abuse has been heaped upon the Presi- 
dent, through Secretary Stanton, for not sending 
further troops to Gen. McClellan. The obvious an- 
swer to this is, that the Government did- send him 
every soldier who could with safety be spared. No 
man with common comprehension can fail to see 
that, if the column of McDowell had been sent to 
Yorktown as it is said McClellan requested, Jackson 
would have inevitably captured Washington. Since 
that time, his force has been poised midway between 
Washington and Richmond, ready to swoop down 
our armies at either place, as their weakness invited. 
Surely, under such circumstances, it would have 
been the last degree of folly to have uncovered 
Washington to his force. 

The fact is, Gen. McClellan, when he decided to 
move on Richmond by way of Yorktown, made it a 
necessity that the army should be divided. This 
undoubtedly entered into his calculations, as it is ob- 
vious to any one, at a glance. The only way to 
keep it one column was to advance by way of Ma- 
nassas, thus interposing the entire army always be- 
tween Washington and the rebels. There is no 
proof that, after he left Yorktown, he did not have 
the force that he deemed necessary. An officer 
under his command, now in this city, states that ra- 
tious for 150,000 men were issued a few days be- 
fore his retreat commenced. And it is now scml-of- 
ficially announced that McClellan wrote to the 
President, after McCalPs division reached him, that 
" lie had more than troops enough to enter Richmond." 

It is by no means so plain that our army was out- 
numbered in its whole force, as that its troops were 
overpowered at the point of contact with" the enemy. 
Our right wing appears to have encountered the en- 
emy's full force, for they scarcely made a show in 
any other quarter. And it is owing to the fact that 
this was not supported, that constant and disastrous 
retreat was made a necessity. — Roxbury Journal. 



CELEBRATION OF THE FIRST OF AUGUST. 

Tho Anniversary of British West India Emancipa- 
tion will he celebrated in the usual manner at Island 
Grove, ABINGTON, on Friday, August 1st, in 
Mass Meeting, under the direction of the Managers 
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. 

No event in history is more deserving of special 
commemoration than this — transforming, as it did, 
nearly a million of chattel slaves into free British sub- 
jects, by act of Parliament, in obedience to a regener- 
ated public sentiment, through long years of Anti- 
Slavery agitation — and demonstrating, as it has done, 
the safety and beneficence of immediate emancipation 
on the largest scale, even under the most adverse cir- 
cumstances, — to the confusion and ignominious expo- 
sure of all the propbesiers of evil consequences, and 
to the triumphant vindication of the atrociously ca- 
lumniated negro race. 

Tho friends of liberty, who desire to witness a still 
nobler jubilee in our own Slavery-cursed land, will, 
we doubt not, make their arrangements to be present, 
as far as practicable, in order to make the occasion in- 
strumental to the furtherance of the sacred cause of 
human rights, without regard to the accidental distinc- 
tions arising from complexion or race. 

The Old Colony Railroad Company will convey pas- 
sengers, on that day, to and from the Abington Grove, 
at the following rates, being the same as upon former 
years : — 

Boston, Savin Hill, Dorchester, Neponset, and 
Quincy, — to the Grove and back,— -for adults, 50 cents; 
children, 25 cents. 

Plymouth and all way stations not already mention- 
ed to the Grove and back; half the usual rates. 
Excursion tickets good on other trains. 
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, 1 
SAMUEL MAY, JR., „ ... , 

ELBRIDGE SPRAGUE, } i,"_/c 
BRIGGS ARNOLD, (Arrangements. 

SAMUEL DYER, 



THURL0W "WEED ON "CONTRABANDS." 

" To the Editors of the Commercial Advertiser :- 
I want to ' strike while the iron is hot,' and as your 
anvil is nearer than my own, will you allow me the 
use of it? The public mind is now taking the right 
direction with regard to ' contrabands.' Our army 
needs the 4 aid and comfort' which can be obtained 
from ' contrabands,' and in accepting it, we deprive 
the enemy of an element of strength. 

I was with Gen. Butler at Annapolis when he in- 
augurated a policy in reference to escaped slaves. 
I felt then, as I do now, that lie ' hit the nail on the 
head. 1 I went directly to Washington, and urged 
the government to instruct all the officers of the 
army to receive, and not repel fugitives, proclaiming 
simultaneously that the slaves of loyal owners would 
be paid for, and those of traitors confiscated ; and 
that all should be employed as unarmed auxiliaries 
of the army. At least two-thirds of the officers of 
the army, from education and habit, left to them- 
selves, turned the fugitives back, thus making their 
condition worse than it was. and disheartening others 
who were eager to escape. Had Gen. Butler's poli- 
cy been adopted a year ago, at least half a million 
of slaves, who have been at work in the rebel armies, 
would have been relieving our own-worn out troops 
from exhausting drudgery — -thus weakening the ene- 
my, and strengthening ourselves in a corresponding 



And this line of policy would have raised no em- 
barrassing issues. It was simple, and so just both to 
loyal men and traitors, that all would have ac- 
quiesced. While it protected loyal citizens, it gave 
us the advantage we are entitled to in war over our 
enemy. 

But, for reasons which were deemed sufficient, the 
question of 'contrabands' has been left to drift 
along, until public sentiment demands a policy. In 
that demand I perceive the dawning of a brighter 
day. Proclaim, at once, compensation to loyal men, 
in the order which directs commanding officers to 
receive and employ ' contrabands,' and the war will 
assume new and more encouraging aspects. With- 
out the services of slaves, in relieving their troops 
from manual and menial labor, the rebellion would 
collapse iri a month. 

Respectfully yours, T. W." 



THE "MASTER RAGE." 

The rebels still adhere to the insulting assump- 
tion that they are the " master race," and must con- 
quer in the present contest through the superiority 
of their "blood." The Richmond Whig of June 25 
thus rides this favorite hobby of the slaveholders : — 

" Since the great battle of Shiloh, and including 
it, we have had an almost uninterrupted series of 
victories. We have encountered the enemy gene- 
rally with heavy odds against us, and frequently be- 
hind intrenchments, but in no single instance, un- 
less it be the unexplained affair at Lcwisburg, 
have Southern troops failed to exhibit superior man- 
hood to the mongrel and many-tongued enemy. 

Indeed, the whole experience of the war is an at- 
testation of the truth long since discovered by im- 
partial observers, that the master race of this conti- 
nent is found in tho Southern States. Of a better 
stock originally, and habituated to manlier pursuits 
and exercises, they have ruled in affairs of State by 
force of the stronger will and larger wisdom that 
pertain to and distinguish superior races of men, 
while on the field of battle they have in every eon- 
test held apriority of place conceded to them by 
their present adversaries. 

This natural dominancy of the Southern people 
has bad much to do in bringing on the war. The 
inferior race, grown strong in numbers and ambi- 
tious from prosperity, have revolted against and now 
seek to overthrow and destroy those whose superior- 
ity was a constant source of envy and self-reproach. 
There is no fiercer malevolence than that of caste, 
and it is this which has so long stirred the Yankee 
bile. Always in the presence of the Southern gen- 
tleman, he has felt a strong and painfully repressed 
impulse to take off his hat- This conscious inferior- 
ity has galled the jealous and malignant creature 
until he has broken out in servile insurrection. He 
has vainly concluded that his numbers can over- 
whelm and exterminate the objects of his envy, and 
that he, succeeding to the broad acres and liberal 
habitudes of the Southern gentry, will come to bo 
looked upon as a gentleman too! 

With us the contest is one for hereditary rights, 
for the sacred things of home, for the old repute of 
the. better blood : — with the Yankee it is a rebellious 
and infatuated struggle for a place he is unworthy 
of, for privileges he would degrade, for property he 
would barter, and for institutions he could neither 
comprehend nor enjoy. It is tho old and never- 
ending strife between patrician and proletarian, be- 
tween gentle and vile. It is the offer of battle on a 
new field of muscle against spirit — numbers against 
courage. It is not upon Southern soil and among 
the descendants of Cavaliers and Huguenots that 
this battle will go in favor of brute force. 

It may be that the armies in front of this city are 
about to rush into mortal wrestle. When they meet, 
it will not, perhaps, be upon such unequal terms as 
we have generally encountered. But should there 
be as great inequality of numbers as on other fields, 
it may and will be neutralised here, as it ever has 
been, by the superior courage and constancy of our 
troops." 



GEORGE B. McOLELLAN. 

In August, 1861, Gen. McClellan succeeded Gen. 
Scott as commander-in-chief of the army. Though 
but little was known of the latter by the country, his 
appointment somehow raised in every quarter "great 
expectations," and among all parties there was a gen- 
erous disposition to rely, almost to an unbounded ex- 
tent, upon bis patriotic integrity and military ability. 
Addressing his army at that time, he confidently said : 

" Soldiers ! We have had our last retreat. We have 
seen our last defeat. You stand by me, and I will stand 
by you, and henceforth victory will crown our efforts." 

Month after month passed away, and no advance 
was made by Gen. McClellan upon the enemy, Still, 
there was great readiness to find excuses for him, and a 
forbearance of criticism was shown toward him as to- 
ward no other commander. Well, the fall and win- 
ter passed away, and nothing was done or attempt- 
ed, though he had an army numbering hundreds of 
thousands, well disciplined and thoroughly equipped. 
Surprise, doubt, suspicion, indignation, began to be 
extensively expressed, — the air was full of mutter- 
ings, — till at length the President felt himself impera- 
tively called upon to give directions for an onward 
movement of the army. Before starting, Gen. Mc- 
Clellan issued a sounding proclamation to his soldiers, 

vbich he admitted that he had "kept them 'for a 
long time inactive," (!) but gave, among his reasons 
for so doing, tins — " I have held you back that you 
might give the death-blow to the rebellion" — a very 
queer mode of procedure indeed, with such an ob- 
ject in view ! After boasting of their strength and 
condition, he added — " The period of inaction has 

sed. I will now bring you face to face with the 
rebels. I shall demand of you great heroic exer- 
tions, rapid and long marches, desperate combats and 
privations, perhaps." That was in March : from that 
day to this, he has not fired the first gun at the reb- 
els, but has been acting all this time as fearing an 
assault, rather than as seeking a victory ! He did 
nothing at Manassas, except to allow the enemy to 
retreat without molestation, and was greatly surprised 
to find them among the missing, having left behind 
them a superfluous number of wooden guns " to fright 
the souls of fearful adversaries " 1 He then took his 
army down to Yorktown, and there, after several te- 
dious weeks, the old game of Manassas was played 
over again. The enemy were not to be found. Next 
came Norfolk, with similar results. At length, the 
Chickahominy is reached, and crossed — the region of 
swamps and malaria ! All this was " masterly strat- 
egy"! After considerable detention, and just as it 
was announced and expected that Richmond would be 
captured in the course of a few days, — behold ! Mc- 
Clellan's grand army, vigorously assailed by the ene- 
my, is seen making a desperate retreat to the James 
River, back twenty-five miles, with great loss of sup- 
plies and ammunition, and fifteen to twenty thousand 
killed, wounded and missing ! Great is " strategy " ! 
Keenly does the New York Independent say : — 

" Rolled up and driven back for seven days, that he- 
roic army, invincible in retreat, fought with grandeur 
of courage ; and only by such an exhibition of heroic 
spirit in officers, and pluck in men, as was never 
known on this continent, was it saved from utter de- 
struction. Did the government frankly say to this na- 
tion, We are defeated? To this hour it has not trust- 
ed the people. It held back the news for days. Nor 
was the truth honestly told, when outside informa- 
tion compelled it to say Something, It is even to this 
hour permitting McClellan's disaster to be represents 
ed as.a piece of skillfully planned strategy. After the 
labor of two months, the horrible sickness of thousands 
of men poisoned in the swamps of the Chickahominy, 
the loss of probably more than ten thousand as noble 
fellows as ever lifted a hand to defend their country, 
McClellan, who was four miles from Richmond, finds 
himself twenty-five miles from the city, wagons burn- 
ed, ammunition trains blown up, parks of artillery 
captured, no intrenchments, and with an army so 
small that it is nut pretended that he can reach Rich- 
mond. The public arc infatuated. The papers that 
regaled us two weeks ago with visions of a Fourth of 
July in Richmond, are now asking us to rejoice and 
acclaim — not at victory — but that we have just saved 
the army ! McClellan is safe, and Richmond too ! " 



SIGNIFICANT. 

Among the little things which show a continued 
rising of the tide, even in Boston, in opposition to sla- 
very, are the following. 

At the great meeting held in Eaneuil Hall last Satur- 
day to stimulate the raising of recruits under the last 
call of President Lincoln, the preliminary prayer was 
not made by Dr. South-side Adams, nor by his com- 
peer in pro-slavery labors, Dr. Blagden. Dr. Lothrop, 
who was requested to open the meeting with prayer, 
is as little favorable to slavery as to agitation against 
slavery. 

The unfavorable reflections cast upon Congress, in 
the introductory remarks of Mayor Wightman, were 
as heartily hissed by one portion of the audience as 
they were applauded by another. 

The eloquent speech of Edward Everett contained 
but one slight reference to slavery, and that implying 
opposition rather than favor to it. 

The repeated allusions to slavery which necessarily 
found place in that part of Charles G. Loring's able 
address which sketched the origin and growth of our 
present troubles, referred to that institution as a fact 
existing, but not as in any way allowable or defensi- 
ble. And no sentiment uttered during the whole 
meeting met with Biich enthusiastic and prolonged ap- 
plause as the declaration of Mr. Loring that, if the con- 
tinued existence of slavery should be found incompati- 
ble with the continuance of our Union, he would go 
for the utter extirpation of slavery from the land. 
The emphasis with which this was uttered showed the 
importance attached to it by the speaker; and the ve- 
hement cheers wbich followed were iinmingled with a 
single sound of dissent. These things, occurring in a 
Boston " Union Meeting," seem to me to be not with- 
out significance.— c. K. w. 



ANTI-SLAVERY CELEBRATION AT FRAM- 
INGHAM, JULY 4, 1862. 

(Concluded from our fourth page.) 

Afternoon Session. 

After a very pleasant recess, spent in social inter- 
course and in numerous pic-nic groupings, the meet- 
ing was called to order by the President at half-past 
2 o'clock, P. M. 

Mrs. Rand, of Milford, read with dramatic skill 
the touching poem of the Runaway Slave, by Eliza- 
beth Barrett Browning, and was loudly applauded. 

The first speaker was Miss Susan B. Anthony, of 
Rochester, N. Y., who made a very earnest and im- 
pressive speech, designed to stimulate Abolitionists to 
fresh zeal and vigilance in the Anti-Slavery cause, 
and to warn against concluding that their work is 
done. [As the speech was written, no report was 
made of it; and not having tho manuscript, we are 
unable to publish it in this connection.] 

SPEECH OF JOHN S. ROCK, ESQ. 

Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen : It is with plea- 
sure that I mingle my voice with yours in this celebra- 
tion of tho anniversary of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. The Abolitionists believe in the Declaration of 
Independence. It is our great charter; and we hope 
that, ere this war closes, the whole nation will believe 
in it, and accept the great truths that it teaches. What 
a glorious day of jubilee we shall have when the Ameri- 
can nation is converted to believe what it professes 
when it shall be no longer a nation of hypocrites, but 
of humane and Christian men, who recognize the 
Bible, and believe in that religion which declares and 
teaches that "God is no respecter of persons," and 
that he "hath made of one blood all nations of men 
for to dwell on all the face of the earth." {Applause.) 
The Abolitionists, who have been for more than 
thirty years thundering this anti-slavery gospel into 
the ears of this nation, almost in the sleep of death, 
have finally aroused it, but hardly in time to save it. 
Had Wm. Lloyd Garrison been born a quarter of a 
century later than he was, our country would have 
been destroyed by the demon slavery. As it was, the 
alarm came so late, and the people were so befuddled, 
and their ears so tightly stopped with cotton, that 
South Carolina had actually surrounded us before we 
knew where we were, and we were obliged to put our 
wits together to deceive her so as to gain time in or- 
der to save ourselves. (Applause.) 

If this nation is saved, it will be through the warn- 
ings of the Abolitionists, who have been constantly 
preaching to you the immortal truths in" the Declara- 
tion of Independence, which arc so plain that way- 
faring men, though fools, need not bave erred therein. 
It is true, all did not see the tragic end so near. Many 
advocated emancipation as a matter of duty and of 
justice; but all saw and recognized slavery as a n i&- 
strous wrong, and .knew that as the nation sowed, sc it 
must reap. Men do not gather grapes from thorns, 
nor figs from thistles. The present rebellion, with its 
barbarities, is the natural fruit of slavery. The abo- 
lition trumpet has been heard around the world, and" 
yet there are legions in our midst who will not hear. 
The Americans are, I fear, a case-hardened people, 
and will go to their last final account without the 
saving influence of anti-slavery grace. (Applause 
and laughter.) 

There are some among us who regard the Anti- 
Slavery movement as a success, and think it of but 
little consequence whether or no we keep up our or- 
ganization. This is a mistake. As to the final tri- 
umph of our principles, there is not the shadow of a 
doubt; but for a general to give up in the heat of a 
great battle, because he believes the enemy cannot 
stand before his forces, is worse than folly, — it is mad- 
ness, and the best way in the world to lose his cause 
Give up! No; never give up or compromise while 
the enemy holds one foot of soil, nor until every 
slave is free. (Applause.) We were never more in 
need of assistance, friends and counsel than we 
now. This is the time when we look for every : 
to be at his post, and do his duty. The work has but 
commenced. We cannot spare a laborer, and we are 
but illy prepared to sustain the losses which have 
come upon us through the ordinary course of nature. 
During the last three or four years, we have lost some 
of our ablest and best men. Among these were Charles 
F. Hovey and Theodore Parker, — friends who used 
always to assemble with us, and give their time, their 
means, and their influence, to arouse this guilty na- 
tion. Though resigned to this our loss, which we 
know is their gain, we have felt it heavily, but never 
more than we do now. Mr. Hovey, out of his large 
wealth, did what he could to repair the loss of his 
presence, and unborn generations will bless him for 
it. Mr. Parker has left a record which even a saint 
might envy. A man so pure, so humane, so patri- 
otic, so noble, and so impartial, is not the growth of 
every age. He was one of the noblest of Freedom's 
champions, — one who believed what he said, and prac- 
tised what he preached. If he was with us now, 
would he not make our hearts burn while he exposed, 
in his inimitable way, the duty of this nation 1 It 
cannot be denied that he saw this day a little clearer 
than we saw it, and repeatedly warned us that either 
slavery or this nation itself must go down in blood. 
He is a loss that cannot be repaired. You knew him 
only to love him — no one could despise him ; and 
many hated him only because they could not answer 
him. He was not only a philanthropist, but a scholar, 
a theologian, and a philosopher. He was a great pil- 
lar of reason : will be the study of learned men for 
ages, and the practical Christian world will be in- 
debted to him forever. Indeed, he was far above tlie 
decoration of words. We have spared him because 
we could not help it; but we hope that it may so 
happen that the lives of those who have labored so 
long in this good cause may be spared to see the tri- 
umph of justice and humanity. (Applause.) 

At our last celebration of this day, many of us 
hoped that, ere the next National Anniversary, we 
should all have occasion to meet to celebrate another 
day, which should inaugurate a new era, when the 
living truths laid down in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence should be realized in our national life. But 
it seems as though we were too sanguine. We calcu- 
lated without our host. God has not permitted this, 
the most guilty of nations to get oft' so easy. It must 
suffer still longer. The people are not penitent. The 
millions who have lived upon the hard earnings of the 
slave are unwilling to relinquish their unjust claims 
upon him. They had rather a thousand times that 
the country should go to ruin, than that the founda- 
tion of slavery should be shaken. On this account, 
the day of jubilee has been postponed, and the future 
of the country jeopardized. This is done because 
Northern men have mortgages on the slave property 
of the South, arc dealers in slave produce, and eman- 
cipation will take from them the legal right to plun- 
der the poor slaves who have sacrificed all that is dear 
in life to maintain them in idleness and luxury. 
Northern pro-slavery men, and the slaveholders in the 
States of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, 
have done more to protract the war than all other 
causes combined. To save these four States, we risk 
the whole, like the miserly merchant who loses bis 
entire cargo in a tempest, sooner than throw a part of 
it overboard. To lose a part to save the whole is a 
policy that but few men will comprehend. As they 
are, what arc these States worth to the Union ? What 
have they been but a clog in the machinery of the 
government? These four States that you are sacri- 
ficing the country to save are not worth the charcoal 
and saltpetre, the fire and brimstone, to destroy them. 
(Applause.) Must this nation be totally destroyed 
because those Northern men and Southern States con- 
sent to be kept in subjection by the federal army ? 
The country would have been far better off to-day if 
these States had gone with South Carolina and Geor- 
gia, and we had been obliged to cut our way through 
them. (Applause.) They never have bad any sym- 
pathy with the Union cause. They go for the Union 
because they cannot help themselves. They would 
rise up against the government to-morrow if they be- 



lieved they could succeed. They are only playing 
the hypocrite. They are by the South as the ancient 
Egyptians were by the ichneumon— they adored it 
because it was supposed to destroy crocodiles, and 
they worshipped crocodiles lest they should destroy 
them. They are, at heart, with the South, because 
they sympathize with her in her efforts to destroy 
freedom and free institutions, but they unite with the 
North for fear it will destroy them. I repeat it, they 
never have had any sympathy with the North. Go 
into Maryland to-day, and you will find the railroads, 
bridges, and even the machinery on the ferry-boats, 
guarded by Federal soldiers ! What is true of Mary- 
land is true of all the loyal (?) slave States. Ever 
since the commencement of this rebellion, the Na- 
tional Capital has been in danger of assault from trai- 
tors in these so-called loyal slave States. The people 
of these States are no more loyal, and can be trusted 
no farther, than the people of South Carolina. Open 
enemies are always to be preferred to treacherous 
friends. To keep these four States loyal, we will not 
interfere with the cause, — will not strike at the heart 
of the rebellion. What are we doing? What are we 
fighting for? What means this wholesale sacrifice of 
blood and treasure at Richmond? Can it be true that 
it is generally believed that this rebellion can be 
crushed, and the Union restored, without carrying the 
war into Africa? Suppose this could be done, where 
would it leave us ? Just where we were before, with 
a fair opportunity at an early day to have this farce 
re-acted on a much larger scale. The South must 
either conquer or be crushed. Neither a compromise 
nor a recognition of the Southern confederacy will 
answer. It is not probable that two nations, with a 
civilization so opposite, could remain long at peace in 
the same country. We would be like the Romans 
and Carthagenians, "between whom at all times," 
says Paterculus, "there existed either a war, prepara- 
tions for a war, or a deceitful peace." 

The South, unprincipled as she is, has a policy 
which she has the courage to state to the world, and 
this fact alone has won for her a respect that she oth- 
would not have had. No one is in doubt as to 
her motives. She means to establish a separate inde- 
pendence, — a slaveholding government. She vindi- 
cates the right and duty of capital to own its labor. 
To accomplish her objects, she is mean and wicked 
enough to do anything. 

The North is fighting for the Union as it was — a 
slaveholding Union. The difference between the 
North and South may be plain enough to us, and we 
may justly say and believe that the cause of the North 
is the cause of liberty, of free speech, of freemen — in 
a word, the cause of civilization ; but without an 
avowed policy, save that to restore the Union as it was, 
we cannot expect civilized States to judge us as libe- 
rally as we may wish them to judge us. Our Nation- 
al Executive, a pure man as is to be found on this con- 
tinent, is beset on every side by traitors in the shape 
of Northern capitalists, who have loaned their wealth 
to prosecute this war with the vain hope of perpetua- 
ting slavery. They seem to think, as they advanced 
the original expenses, they ought to have every thing 
their own way. They remind me of one of the many 
poor whites at the South who cannot read. One of 
them, being among a number of gentlemen in Balti- 
more who bought the New York Tribune on its arri- 
val in that city, thinking that he must do like the rest, 
bought one too. A gentleman standing nearby, ob- 
serving him looking intently at the paper, said 
to him in a low tone, " I beg your pardon, friend, but 
you have got that paper wrong side up " He replied, 
indignantly, " That's none of your business ; my money 
paid for it, and I will read it which way I please.'' 
(Laughter and applause.) This is the way in which 
some men insis^ on carrying on the war ; they have 
a'dvanced a portion of the expenses, which must finally 
be paid by the people ; therefore the war must be con- 
ducted to suit them. If the country is to be sold out 
to Wall Street and State Street, the sooner the people 
know it, the better will it be for all. The most sim- 
ple-minded have long since perceived that much of 
the patriotism that we have seen manifested has been 
a scandalous game, played ,"iy these pretended public 
benefactors tfor private ends. Some think that the 
people are so enthusiastic and so patriotic that they 
fight forever without an object : and some would- 
be Governor says that Massachusetts will not stop to 
see whether or no. she is right, but will do as she is 
bid, and ask no questions. Perhaps so. This may 
be the sentiment of the cotton brokers and secession 
sympathizers of Boston, but the people of Massachu- 
setts will do their own thinking. The Governor whom 
we have chosen understands this, and his reply to 
the President found a hearty response in every loyal 
man of this State. And no man who is not up to the 
sentiment of the people is likely to be chosen to rep- 
resent them. The Governor is a true man — true to 
humanity, true to this Commonwealth, and true to 
the nation ; and Massachusetts will be honored if he 
consents to occupy the gubernatorial chair another 
year. For the respectability of my color and the credit 
of my race, I am proud to know that the Mayor of Bos- 
ton is a white-man [Wightman]. (Laughter and ap- 
plause.) 

I suppose that next autumn all the hunkerism of the 
State will be rallied for the purpose of electing a con- 
servative Legislature, to defeat the favorite Senator of 
this Commonwealth. It is, I understand, the deter- 
mination of the pro-slavery element here, if possible, 
to prevent the reelection of Mr. Sumner. It is much 
easier to defeat than to elect- a man ; and I would ask 
the friends of Mr. Sumner to look well to it, and see 
that no man is nominated as a Republican representative 
who will not give him his entire support. Mr. Sumnel*" 
is without doubt our ablest advocate in the Senate — a 
man always true and entirely fearless. We eannot 
spare him for many years yet. There is much work 
to be done, and we have no one so able and so wil- 
ling to do it. When his work is finished, then we 
hope to have him President of the United States, 
with such a man as Owen Lovejoy for Vice President. 
(Applause.) 

I do not wish to assail any que, but it seems to mo 
the friends of the Union make a mistake in attempting 
to crush out free speech, even among secessionists. 
There are secessionists among us, and we all know it, 
but we know but little of them because they arc afraid 
to speak : we only know that they exist. If they were 
allowed to express their sentiments, we should know 
the most of them, and would be put upon our guard. 
As it is, we know only the imprudent ones. When 
men are not allowed to express their sentiments, but 
are expected to utter those that they cannot approve 
of, we see secret societies springing up as in France, 
and, before we arc aware, tho revolution is transferred 
to our own doors, and in our efforts to exteud, we crush 
out the vitality of our institutions. It is strange that 
our people do not see this. The stopping a man's 
mouth neither converts nor prevents him from act- 
ing — the freedom of speech is often a great safety- 
valve. I have learned that there are many secret or- 
ganizations already established throughout the North 
who are ready to do their best to overthrow ibis gov- 
ernment, and who hold constant correspondence with 
the rebels. A clerk in one of the Departments at 
Washington told me, only a few days ago, that ho 
could count a hundred secession clerks in the De- 
partment, some of them slaveholders. Another gen- 
tleman informs me that there is but one loyal white 
church in Washington, and that is Rev. Mr. Chan- 
ning's. We are completely surrounded by enemies, 
and yet we do not know them when we see them. 
Let them show themselves, and if they do nothing but 
talk, this will break no bones. 

No one can doubt the presence of secessionists, else 
who would there be to defend the South ? Who would 
there be to support such vile sheets as the Washing- 
ton Star, the Philadelphia Inquirer, the New York llr,-. 
aid, tho New York Express, and those in Boston too 
familiar to be mentioned 1 The secession sympathy as 
seen in tho Northern journals is formidable. Indeed, 
we have but lew out-spoken papers, evept. the Nation- 
al liqnihlinin, liostmi '/'ni»srri/>/. and Ibe greatest Of all 
American newspapers, the New York Trit>unr. They 
have fearlessly opposed any concession to those 



ho have tried to prostrate this government at 
the feet of the Slave Power. Let the true friends of 
the Union rally around them. 

I have no doubt but that emancipation will bo the 
end of this war, not that it will be decreed as a matter 
of juhtiee to the slave, but because the nation cannot 
help herself. It must be done, and you may as well 
do it first as last. There is no use in going around 
Robin Hood's barn — emancipate the slaveB, and let 
them help you fight the rebels. There is not much 
consistency in fighting the rebels, and finally confisca- 
ting their property. Confiscate their property first, 
and use it to help subdue them. The means you take 
to subdue the rebellion remind me of Barrett and his 
cat and her kittens. A friend seeing two holes in the 
bottom of bis door, asked him for what purpose he 
made them. Barrett said they were for his eats to go 
in and out. Why, replied his friend, would not one 
do for both? You silly man, answered the doctor, 
how could the big cat get in the little hole ? But, said 
his friend, could not the little cat get through the big 
hole ? Egad, said Barrett, and so she could, but I 
never thought of that. Now attempting to crush the 
rebellion without crushing slavery, is like attempting 
to put the big cat through the little hole, when the 
great door of emancipation is rusting on its hinges, and 
needs only to be thrown open to give peace and lasting 
tranquillity to our unhappy country. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OF WM. WELLS BROWN. 

Mr. President and Fellow- Citizens: The few words 
that I shall offer on this occasion will be concerning 
the black man's future in this country. The question 
is now asked everywhere, and by almost every one, 
"What shall be done with the negroes?" and the 
idea of expatriation has been coupled with emancipa- 
tion, by the Government, in freeing the slaves of the 
District of Columbia and other sections. This is a 
sad calamity. It seems as if the people of the United 
States had not the slightest idea of what really consti- 
tutes the nation's wealth. The labor of the four mil- 
lion slaves in the Southern States is more valuable to 
this country than twenty millions of such persons as 
slaveholders have proved themselves to be ; and Bince 
this idea of expatriating the colored people from the 
country has been mooted, and urged upon Congress, 
the governments of states io the tropical islands are 
astir, trying to get this class of labor into their own 
islands. England is moving. Jamaica to-day is will- 
ing to take out of this country any number of the 
slaves, if they are emancipated, and willing to go. 
English capital will be used for the purpose of carry- 
ing them out of the country without any expense to the 
United States. Hayti is doing all she can. The King 
of Denmark has made a proposition to carry off all 
who see fit to go. Why J, Because they know very 
well that those who have produced the cotton, sugar 
and rice in the Southern States, and have made this 
country so wealthy, will make the West Indies more 
productive and valuable in the future, if they can get 
possession of them. Now, the people of this country 
ought to be alive to this fact. This spirit of expatria- 
tion ought to be met in every community, by the pul- 
pit, the press, and every one who regards the future 
of this country. Let slavery be abolished and the 
spirit of expatriation carried out, and it will produce 
an effect in the Southern States which it will take 
generations to overcome. 

The negro's capability of taking care of himself has 
been already demonstrated. The report of Mr. Pierce, 
the report of General Hunter, the reports coming 
from the Southern States in every direction, prove 
that the black man is capable of taking care of him- 
self. And not only that, but he is the element of 
wealth in the Slave States of this nation. - 1 know 
the idea is prevalent all over the land that the negro, 
when freed, is to be forced upon the country. Last 
week, the Boston Courier had a long article upon this 
very point — that negro equality is to be forced upon 
the people. They have no objection whatever to the 
black man as a slave, but they are horrified at the 
thought of regarding the black man as an equal. 
Now this talk about forcing the black man upon soci- 
ety, upon the educated people of this country, is all 
nonsense. No one ever advocated anything more 
than that the slave should have his liberty ; and this 
talk about forcing the negro into society is only for 
the purpose of working on the feelings of some over- 
fastidious people upon the point of negro equality. 
I remember an exemplification of this very point that 
I saw last winter. I was stopping with a very good 
family in the State of New York, and there was a 
gentleman in the company who had been talking 
about forcing the negro into society. He said he 
could get along very well with educated colored people, 
but he objected to forcing the ignorant and degraded 
black man upon a white community. That evening, 
we happened to be in company, and a gentleman of 
the house had a very good-looking white servant, and 
his wife said to him, "Jimmy must fix himself up, 
and go into the company." I was very glad of it, for 
I wanted to see how Jimmy, ignorant, degraded, 
would act among educated people. He came in, was 
introduced — about as fine a looking man as I ever 
saw, and very fashionably dressed — and did very well 
as long as he kept his mouth shut. I went to my fas- 
tidious friend, and asked him, " What do you say to 
forcing ignorant people upon society ? " The conver- 
sation went on, and Jimmy said nothing except 
"yes" or "no" in reply to questions that were put 
to him. By and by I missed him, and I went into 
the kitchen, and there was Jimmy smoking his pipe. 
He was the greatest sufferer in the company that 
night; he was where he did not belong, and could not 
get used to that society. I went after my friend, took 
him to the kitchen, and pointed out Jimmy. " There," 
said I, "is the ignorant, degraded white man. We 
colored men have just as much objection to hav- 
ing ignorant white men forced into intelligent colored 
society as you have to having ignorant black people 
forced into white society." It is all nonsense. You 
cannot force the ignorant black man into educated 
white society, any more than you can force the igno- 
rant white man into educated black society. All that I 
ask for my enslaved countrymen is that they may have 
their freedom, and be allowed to carve out their own 
destiny. I remember, when I was escaping from the 
South, the very first family I stayed with, nfter get- 
ting into anything like civilization, was a good Quaker 
family. I never shall forget them. That good Quaker 
lady had more benevolence stowed away in the third 
story of her cap than is to be found in one-half the 
towns of New England. (Laughter.) I was asked 
at once to come in and sit down to the table. I 
went in and sat down, but I had no appetite. She 
insisted I was sick; and I insisted I was not sick. 
She went out and got a bottle of something, put some 
into a glass, poured a little water in it, and told me to 
drink it. I asked her what it was, and she said it was 
number six. I drank it, and it tasted like number 
twenty. (Laughter.) I could not eat anything. When 
dinner time came, she said she hoped I would bave an 
appetite. Said I, " Madam, if you will give me some- 
thing on a plate, and let me go into the kitchen, I 
think I can eat it." She did so, and my appetite came. 
Like poor Jimmy, I was where I belonged. Color 
don't make any difference. I ate my dinner, and sent 
for more, and made up for what I had lost at break- 
fast time. I was then just coming out of slavery, 
and was afraid of white men and women ; 1 bad never 
been recognized as a man by white persons. Three 
years ago, 1 was invited (o lecture before a county 
lyceum in that same community, and 1 sal at the 
table of some of that lady's family, and found that I 
had an appetite ; 1 had gone through the mill. Well, 
the white man has got lo go through this mill as well 
as the black man. I don't ask any community to 
help the black man into sueiely. When the black 
man shall educate himself up to that point of culture 
where he shall deserve respect, 1 believe any dv- 
itizeil and Christian community will regard him ac- 
cordingly (applause); and whether » nmu be black 
or while, if he is intelligent mid titled In occupy a 
high position, morally, socially and intellectually, he 
will demand il, and gel what is due to him. This 
talk about degradation is not all on one side. Wo 



204 



THE LIBER^TO E 



DECEMBER 19. 



*t«g. 



THY WILL BE DONE. 

BY JOHN G. VHITTIER. 

We seo not, know not, nil our way 
Is night— with Thee alone is day : 
From out the torrent's troubled drift, 
Above the storm our prayers we lift, 

Thy will be done ! 
The flesh may fail, the heart may faint, 
But who are wo to make complaint, 
Or dare to plead in times like these 
The weakness of our love of ease ? 

Thy will be done ! 
We take with solemn thankfulness 
Our burthen up, nor ask it less, 
And count it joy that even we 
May suffer, serve, or wait for Thee, 

Whose will be done ! 
Though dim as yet in tint and line, 
We trace Thy picture's wiso design, 
And thank Thee that our age supplies 
The dark relief of sacrifice. 

Thy will be done ! 
And if, in our unworthiness, 
Thy sacrificial wine we press, 
If from Thy ordsal's heated bars 
Our feet are seamed with crimson scars, 

Thy will be done ! 
If, for the age to come, this hour 
Of trial hath vicarious power, 
And, bless'd by Thee, our present pain 
Be Liberty's eternal gain, 
Thy will be done ! 
Strike, Thou, the Master, we Thy keys, 
The anthem of the destinies ! 
The minor of Thy loftier strain, 
Our hearts shall breathe the old refrain. 
Thy will be done ! 

From, the Salem Observer. 

"THE LOKD IS OUE KING." 

God of the Nations ! o'er our land 

Shed thy protecting power ; 
Let Freedom's voice at thy command 

Kule sovereign of the hour. 
When dark Rebellion's lowering mien 

Sends forth her tempest frown, 
The Star of Peace o'ershadowing 

To hurl her altars down ; — 
To rend the sacred chain which holds 

Our land united, free — 
And plant, 'mid its dissevered folds, 

The rod of Tyranny ;— 

Thou, who the stormy winds canst break. 

Where lashing surges roar, 
Chain every heart that dares to wake 

Contention on our shore. 
So hallowed by the kindred breath 

Of those who nobly trod 
The road to famine, fear and death, 

For Freedom and their God. 

The glory of their sleeping dust 

Lies hidden in the tie 
That hinds a nation to its trust 

In fadeless purity. 
Bright monuments of Faith and Hope, 

Forever may they stand 
Entwined amid the stars that float 

Above the sea-beat strand. 

God of our strength, our Country bless, 
To thee her cause we bring — ^ 

With Sword and Crown of righteousness 
Be thou the Conqueror, King. 



GOD SAVE OTJE PRESIDENT! 

BY E. S. BABCOOK. 

~ God save our President ! 
'Mid perils imminent, 

Guide thou his hand ; 
Oh ! while the storm-clouds lower, 
Of Treason's threatening power, 
In this her darkest hour, 
God save our land ! 

God save our President ! 
May grace omnipotent 

Direct his life ; 
May he enforce our laws ; 
Nor, in this fearful pause, 
Yield Freedom's sacred cause 

To party strife. 

God save our President t 

Trustful and confident, 
Thy time we wait ; 

When he with Right shall stand, 
And, with uplifted hand. 
Proclaim through all the land, 
Emancipate ! 

God save our President ! 
Soon will the night be spent, 

Light sheds its rays ; 
Freedom shall be the dawn 
To Union's glorious morn ; 
Then, when sweet peace is born. 

Thine be the praise ! 
Southampton, III. 



HOMELESS. 

BY ADELAIDE A. PROCTOB. 

It is cold, dark midnight, yet listen 

To that patter of tiny feet ! 
Is it one of your dogs, fair lady, 

Who whines in the bleak, cold street? — 
Is it one of your silken spaniels 
Shut out in the snow and the sleet 7 
My dogs sleep warm in their baskets. 

Safe from the darkness and snow ; 
All the beasts in our Christian England 

Find pity wherever they go — 
{Those are only the- homeless children 

Who aro wandering to and fro.) 

Look out in the gusty darkness — 

I have seen it again and again, 
That shadow, that flits so slowly 

Up and down past the window pane : 
It is surely some criminal lurking 

Out there in the frozen rain ! 

Nay, our criminals are all sheltered, 
They are pitied and taught and fed ; 

That is only a sister woman 

Who has got neither food nor bed — 

And the Night cries " sin to be living," 
And the River cries "sin to ba dead." 

Look out nt that farthest oorner 
Where the walls stand blank and bare ; 

Can that be a pack which a pedlar 
Has left and forgotten there ? 

His goods lying out unsheltered 
Will he spoilt by the damp night air. 

Nay : — goods in our thrifty England 
Are not left to lie and grow rotten, 

For each man knows the market value 
Of silk or woollen or cotton — 

But in counting the riches of England, 
I think our Poor are forgotten. 

Our Beasts and our Thieves and our Chattels 
Have weight for good or for ill ; 

But the Poor are only His image, 
His presence, His word, His will — 

And ho La/.arns lies at our door-stop, 
And Dives ncgleots him still. 



SPIEIT-FEIENDS. 

could we all the world forget, 
And bear the truth without disguise, 

Our hearts might hear the love-toneB yet 
Of Spirit-friends in Paradise. 



GEORGE THOMPSON, ESQ. AND ME. BUX- 
TON, M. P. 

On the 13th ultimo, George Thompson, Esq., late 
M. P. for the Tower Hamlets, delivered, in the hall of 
the Corn Exchange, Maidstone, an address on the 
civil war in America, with special reference to the 
speech recently made by Mr. Buxton, M. P., at the 
dinner of the Maidstone Agricultural Association. The 
Rev. R. E. E. M'Clellan presided, and on the plat- 
form were Mr. G. Edmett, Mayor; Mr. F. Dougal, 
Mr. G. Kemp, Mr. Swinfin, Mr. T. Wells, Mr. Rook, 
Mr. Ball, &c. The hall was densely crowded. 
The Chairman briefly introduced Mr. Thompson. 
Mr. Thompson then came forward, and was received 
with loud and prolonged cheering. When the ap- 
plause had subsided — 

Mr. Thompson said he had come to Maidstone to 
offer some remarks at variance with the sentiments 
which Mr. Buxton had recently delivered. Mr. Bux- 
ton was a gentleman justly respected, and he (Mr. 
Thompson) had known and respected him long before 
he had become acquainted with the borough. Mr. 
Thompson then proceeded to say that, for thirty years, 
he had been engaged in the discussion of the slavery 
question, and that he had been throughout the States 
of America, and had seen the working of slavery 
there. These, he submitted, were his qualifications for 
presuming to rectify the opinions which had been ex- 
pressed by one of their members. (Cheers.) With 
regard to the speech that had been referred to, he had 
this to say, that if it was a correct view of the present 
state of the question, then his thirty years' study had 
been in vain, and if the Hon. gentleman was right, 
then he ("Mr. Thompson) was entirely wrong. (In- 
terruption.) Let those who interrupted attend to 
what he said, If Mr. Buxton, he repeated, had stated 
that which was true, then he (Mr. Thompson) knew 
nothing of the subject; but if that which he was 
about to state was the truth, then Mr. Buxton was 
wholly ignorant of the subject he had discussed. (Ap- 
plause.) The present state of things in America was, 
he contended, the fruit of the accursed system of sla- 
very — that vile inslittition which we had abolished in 
our own dependencies. (Cheers.) Mr. Buxton had 
informed them that " he was unable to discover that 
the war had anything to do with slavery." What 
was the history of the origin and cause of the present 
struggle 1 When the Declaration of Independence 
had been promulgated, slavery existed more or less 
throughout ; the thirteen States; but, before the Con- 
stitution was adopted, it was abolished, either imme- 
diately or gradually, in all the States North of Mary- 
land. At the time of the Constitution, there had been 
seven free States and six slave States — the latter being 
Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Maryland, and Del- 
aware. As soon as the Union had been formed, the 
Southern States, well knowing that an increase of ter- 
ritory and of States would add to their political pow- 
er, proceeded to divide the existing Slates, and to form 
new ones. Thus Kentucky had been formed out of 
Virginia, and Alabama and Mississippi out of Georgia 
and North Carolina. These new States had then 
been brought into the Union, and the Slave Power 
was therefore greatly increased. But, not satisfied 
with this, they obtained the purchase, by the Fede- 
ral Government, of Louisiana, a vast territory stretch- 
ing from the mouths of the Mississippi, along the 
whole valley of that mighty river, to the very base 
of the Rocky Mountains. Out of this territory, the 
State of Louisiana proper had been formed, and a 
new slave State brought into the Union. The next 
step had been the purchase of Florida from Spain 
adding another slave State to the Union. Thus slave- 
ry had pursued its career of aggrandizement, but it 
waff from no love of slavery on the part of the North; 
^TWhen he had been first in America, the 
rfeeling of the North had been stronger than 
former time; but, even then, their concessions to the 
South had arisen from the fnot, not that they b 
slavery less, but that they had loved the Union more. 
The Union had ever been the god of their political 
idolatry. 

Now, a word as to the right of a State to secede 
from the Union. There was no such right. (Some 
expressions of dissent.) There was no one profound- 
ly acquainted with the history of the American Re- 
public, either in America or England, who contended 
for that right. Let those who wanted information on 
this point read the two masterly essays published by 
Mr. Motley in the columns of the Times, when the 
secession first broke out, and the opinions which had 
issued from the pen of Mr. John Stuart Mill, one of 
the greatest thinkers of the age, or the speeches of 
Daniel Webster, the greatest constitutional jurist 
America had produced. Constitutional secession was 
an absurdity. (Cheers.) Before the Constitution had 
be_en adopted, each State was sovereign, but the 
,'Union called upon each State to merge its individual 
sovereignty in a common nationality, and from that 
time the people of the several States became one peo- 
ple under a Constitution which provided that those 
who sought its overthrow should be punished as guilty 
of treason. No Constitution in the world had ever 
been framed with a view to its own dissolution. 
(Cheers.) There was always a revolutionary right to 
secede, and a corresponding obligation resting on the 
servants of the Constitution to repress such a revolu- 
tion, and to punish its abettors. 

Mr. Thompson then resumed his narrative of the 
growth of the Slave Power in America, especially re- 
ferring to the Missouri compromise, the Mexican war, 
and the annexation of Texas, and the resistance offer- 
ed to the admission of California into the Union as a 
free State. He also referred to the monopoly of the 
government of the country by the election of slave- 
holding Presidents, during sixty-eight years of the 
Union, to the exclusion of men of Northern birth, who, 
in the instances in which they were elevated to the 
chair, were compelled to pledge thefhselves beforehand 
to be the servile instruments of their Southern sup- 
porters. After particularly alluding to Gen. Pierce 
and Mr. Buchanan, he traced the rise and growth of 
the ami-slavery political party in the North. That 
party were able to give only 156,000 votes in 1842, 
when they nominated Mr. Hale, but the same party, 
in 1856, cast 1,300,000 votes in favor of Colonel Fre- 
mont. The causes which led to this extraordinary 
augmentation of the anti-slavery party were the 
measures which the South had carried in the inter- 
val — such as the infamous Fugitive Slave Law, the 
horrors of which the speaker vividly depicted; thepay- 
^mi rJf*^^000;000-tD-Tc^ni-rtB^eMiiJjii.i!se^lT!fflSR?^ 
/ for its spoliation of the territory of Mexico; the re- 
/ peat of the Missouri Compromise, by which the bar- 
/ ricr to the extension of slavery was destroyed ; the 
brutal assaults upon Mr. Sumner and other members 
of Congress at Washington, and the decision obtained 
from the Judges of the Supreme Court, (a majority of 
whom were slaveholders,) that slavery was constitu- 
tional in every part of the Union, whether in the 
States or Territories. The election of Mr. Buchanan 
had placed the pro-slavery party in power for four 
years, but the strength displayed by the Northern par- 
ty convinced the South the period of their domination 
was drawing to a close. The South determined, 
therefore, to make preparations for a dissolution of the 
Union and the establishment of a separate Confede- 
racy. The traitors in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet resolved 
'that if the Republicans should elect their candidate 
iin 1860, he should not have the means of resisting 
jiuccessfully the rebel movement of the South. They 
■orruptcd the United States army ; they scattered to 
i listant plaeeB the United States navy; they robbed 
Vhe national treasury ; they emptied the arsenals and 
.-trmamenta of the North, and transferred their con* 
it'iits to the South ; they withdrew the garrisons from 
she forts in the South, in order that the defences of 
ihe country might more easily fall into the hands of 
he rebelB. As soon as they had struck their medi- 
ated blow, they seized upon every sub -treasury, every 
oint, custom-house, revenue cutter, arsenal, dock- 



yard, ship and Government storehouse, together with 
very fort and all other descriptions of national pro- 
perty. (Applause.) They then organized a Govern- 
ment for the express purpose of maintaining the invio- 
lability of negro slavery, which they made the chief 
corner-stone of their new republic. 

After some further remarks, explaining the action 
of the South, Mr. Thompson said he would direct his 
attention to that portion of Mr. Buxton's speech in 
which he said the North haled the South. Mr. Bux- 
ton said that "every traveller for many years past who 
ever went into the North toid us how they (theNorth) 
abhorred the South." (Hear.) He would observe, in 
passing, that this assertion was scarcely consistent with 
what Mr. Buxton had said in the same speech — j 
ly, that " the North was eager with both hands to 
throw overboard the negroes, if the South would but 
hold to the Union " ; and again, that the North " sug- 
gested compromise after compromise on the question 
of the extinction of slavery to induce them to stay." 
Now, as to the North hating the South, he (Mr.Thomp- 
son) had twice visited and travelled through the North- 
ern States, and he had besides read, he believed, the 
works of every distinguished traveller in America 
during the last thirty years, and upon their authority, 
as well as upon that of his own experience, he would 
offer a flat contradiction to Mr. Buxton's statement. 
His (the speaker's) charge against the North had al- 
ways been, that it had been too anxious to conciliate by 
compromise and concession the good opinion and 
friendship of the South. (Cheers.) He might chal- 
lenge Mr. Buxton to show that any Southern man 
had ever been insulted at the North. He challenged 
him to quote from the work of any traveller of au- 
thority any proof of the hatred he had alleged. Noth- 
ing was more notorious than that the men of the 
South going to the North were invariably treated with 
kindness, respect, and hospitality. (Cheers.) South- 
ern ministers of religion were permitted to preach in 
all the Northern pulpits, and while a Northern man 
suspected of anti-slavery principles could not go into 
the South but at the risk of outrage or death, no tvav- 
eller from the South to the North had ever in a sin- 
gle instance received ill-treatment at the hands of the 
people. (Cheers.) He (the speaker) would ask wheth- 
er the election of slaveholding Presidents during sixty- 
eight years of the Union was not a fact most amply 
demonstrating that the North cherished no hatred of 
the South. (Cheers.) 

He would now notice Mr. Buxton's criticism on 
Mr. Lincoln's proclamation. The honorable member 
had said, " Mr. Lincoln's proclamation was not the 
abolition of slavery." This was a most extraordinary 
assertion, and entirely in opposition to the facts which 
had come to his (Mr. Thompson's) knowledge. 

The speaker alluded to several circumstances, which 
he contended proved that, in the opinion of the Ameri- 
can people, the proclamation meant the abolition of 
slavery. He would not, however, rest his demand 
that the sympathy of England should be given to the 
North solely on the ground of Mr. Lincoln's procla- 
mation. He would call attention to what had been 
done during the short period Mr. Lincoln had been in 
power. (Cheers.) Slavery and the slave trade had 
been driven out of the District of Columbia, which 
was the seat of Government. (Loud applause.) The 
black republics of Hayti and Liberia had been recog- 
nized, and now the colored ministers from those 
States could appear at Washington upon a footing oi 
equality with the ambassadors from Russia, France, 
and England, (Cheers, and a voice, "They won't 
let a black man sit in the house of God.") He did 
not think it was generous, when he was makin; 
reference to the noble conduct of President Lincoln in 
recognizing two negro republics, to reproach the peo- 
ple of America, with their prejudice against color. No 
man had rebuked that prejudice with greater severity 
than he had done, but justice demanded that he should 
say that the worst persecutors of the negro at the 
present time, and for many years, had not been the 
i-born citizens of America, hut those who had 
'wi subjects of the British Crown, and had emigrated 
She United States. The colored man at this mo- 
ment was at least treated with respect, if not with 
equality. Jim Crow ears had been abolished — district 
schools had been thrown open for colored children — 
and he knew Governors of States who would feel 
more pleasure in sitting down and conversing with 
the blackest negro whom God had created, than with 
the most polished and kid-gloved apologist of South- 
ern rebellion. (Much cheering.) Let those who de- 
sired to see this prejudice removed assist every mea- 
sure tending to elevate the negro to the condition of a 
free man, for never, until color ceased to be the badge 
of slavery, could the negro rise to a level of equality 
with the white man. (Cheers.) Many, however, 
were above this prejudice ; and he had heard Fred- 
erick Douglass, a negro, relate how, on entering a 
railway car in Massachusetts, Governor Briggs of that 
State rose and brought him to his seat, and conversed 
with him to the end of the journey. (Applause.) He 
then went on to remark that, by an Act of Congress, 
slavery had been declared forever illegal throughout 
all the national territories, thus preserving the vast 
regions of the far Southwest sacred to freedom and 
free labor. (Cheers.) 

Another most important measure was the treaty be- 
tween the Federal Government and England, conced- 
ing the mutual right of search, so that now the slave 
trade was no longer protected by the American flag, 
and a British cruiser could seize the ship of an Ameri- 
can who prostituted that flag, and could procure its 
condemnation in any port where there was a mixed 
commission. (Loud cheers.) 

Let them take another fact. So early as last 
March, as would be in the remembrance of many, 
Mr. Lincoln addressed a solemn and earnest message 
to Congress, directing their attention to the expedi- 
ency of giving a pledge to indemnify the Slave States 
generally — but more particularly alluding to the bor- 
der and loyal States, to indemnify them in the event 
of their passing acts in their own Legislatures for the 
immediate or gradual abolition of slavery. (Cheers.) 
The Congress adopted a resolution in conformity with 
the President's proposal, and towards the close of the 
session, Mr. Lincoln convened a meeting at his resi- 
dence of the Representatives of the loyal Slave States, 
and conjured them to recommend the adoption, by 
their constituents, of the measure proposed. This 
surely was an indication of a desire to abolish, in a 
peaceful and constitutional manner, the institution of 
slavery. (Cheers.) 



16 ^ oWl \ present tin 
"■slavery >T , ivi ,. b(lr , 

""'""^ b%ns»l.je. 



Where, above all, should England he in the present 
struggle, with a proclamation of freedom on the one 
side, and n decree of eternal slavery on the other — 
where, if not by the side of those who are marching 
to the enfranchisement of lour millions of men, wait- 
ing with trembling anxiety for the hour of their re- 
demption 1 (Loud cheers.) 

As a reason why the English people should ex- 
hibit greater toleration towards the Northern States, 
with regard to their shortcomings on the slavery 
question, Mr. Thompson alluded to the experience of 
this country in the anti slavery contest. Shall we, 
who so lately washed our own gHiuients from blood ; — 
shall we, who carried on the slave trade for centuries, 
and supplied America herself with slaves — who saw 
our bishops, our peers, and princes of the blood stead- 
ily resist, for a quarter of a century, the humane 
efforts of Mr. Wilberforcc to bring the slave trade to 
an end; — shall we, whose Glasgow, and Bristol, and 
Liverpool were built up by the slave-trade, reproach 
America for not having done the great work before '! 
Above all, shall we choose the present time to hurl 
our taunts at her, when she is showing a disposition 
to make reparation for her past misdeeds, and gather- 
ing up her energies for the utter overthrow of that 
system which the South is now fighting to render 
perpetual? (Loud cheers.) Let us remember that, 
for many years, the anti-slavery associations of this 
country asked for nothing more than the mitigation of 
the evils of slavery, with a view to its gradual aboli- 
tion, and would have been thankful for any measure 
that tended to ameliorate the horrors of the system. 
Well did he remember the 14th of May, 1833, when 
Mr. Stanley (now Lord Derby) introduced the Gov- 
ernment measure for the abolition of colonial slavery. 
At the end of the debate which ensued, he (the 
speaker) met Mr. Buxton, the distinguished lather of 
their member, in the lobby of the House, who, taking 
him by the hand, exclaimed, " What think you of the 
resolutions? " He (Mr. Thompson) thought they 
should be rejected on account of the apprenticeship 
and compensation clauses, when Mr. Buxton rejoined, 
'"Oh, let us not throw them out, but thank God that 
we have lived to see the day when a Minister of the 
Crown should propose to the Legislature a bill for the 
abolition of the system we have so long desired to see 
abolished." (Loud cheers.) And was it not equally 
a matter of the highest congratulation to see a procla- 
mation issuing from the hand of the President of the 
United States, decreeing that on the 1st of January, 
1863, every slave in every rebel Stale should be 
thenceforth and forever free? (Prolonged applause.} 

After a powerful appeal to the audience to stand by 
the side of truth and justice, Mr. Thompson said he 
would take the liberty of submitting a resolution to 
the meeting. He had not asked any gentleman on 
the platform to propose it, because he did not, in the 
slightest degree, Wish any one around him should be 
compromised with him in his opinions. The resolu- 
tion was in the following terms: — "That this meet- 
ing, having heard the exposition given by Mr. Thomp- 
son of the questions involved in the present civil 
war in America, desires to express its opinion that the 
emancipation policy of President Lincoln and his 
Cabinet is deserving of the moral support and sym- 
pathy of Englishmen." 

Mr. Thompson concluded, amid great applause, a 
very eloquent and forcible speech, which occupied 
about two hours in the delivery. 

Mr. Swinfin said he would, with great pleasure, 
second the resolution. 

Mr. Cook proposed an amendment, " That the meet- 
ing expressed its detestation of slavery all over the 
world." (Some applause.) 

Mr. Wickham seconded the amendment. 
After some further discussion, during which Mr. 
Thompson answered, to the satisfaction of the audi- 
ence, several points that had been raised, the vote was 
taken, and from forty to fifty hands were held up for 
the amendment. The original resolution was then 
put, and carried by an overwhelming majority. The 
announcement by the chairman of the decision of the 
meeting was hailed with great applause. 

A vote of thanks was then tendered to Mr. Thomp- 
son, who proposed that a similar compliment should 
be paid to the chairman. This motion was cordially 
complied with, and the proceedings terminated. 



Ope of the laws passed by the late Congress was 
intended to give liberty to every fugitive slave escap- 
ing to the lines of the Federal army — (cheers) — and 
another, more sweeping still, was for the absolute con- 
fiscation of the slave property of the rebels whereso- 
ever they might be found. This law came into ope- 
ration on the day preceding that on which the procla- 
mation waB published, so that in fact there had been no 
legal slavery in the rebel States since the 21st of Sep- 
tember. 

Having noticed these measures, every one of which 
exhibited alike the anti-slavery feeling of the Gov- 
ernment, and the determination of the people at large 
to support an anti-slavery policy, he asked on which 
side should the sympathies of England he manifested ? 
(Cries of " The North.") England, with her glorious 
history, full of the records of struggles for freedom 
and the right; England, with her marble monuments 
to Fox and Wilberforcc, Granville Sharp and Sturge, 
Romilly and Buxton ; England, that toiled for thirty 
years for the abolition of the slave trade — that toiled 
for thirty more for the abolition of slavery — that paid 
twenty millions to ransom her sablo bondmen. (Loud 
cries of " With the North.") Yes, certainly, wilh 
the North; for how could they be given to the South 
— to the South that had hated England always, most 
of all for having liberated her slaves— -the South that 
had incarcerated England's free colored seamen and 
sold them into slavery when they were unable to pay 
their prison fees — the South that had always obstructed 
England In her noble efforts to suppress the infernal 
Blave trade — the South whose slave codes inflicted the 
penaity of death for the offence, when twice commit- 
ted, of teaching a slave child to read? (SenBation.) 



view of this fact, I have the strongest confidence in 
the present triumph of right. The confiscation act 
and the proclamation must of an inevitable neces- 
sity be carried out. The work begun will continue 
to its completion. 

ABRIDGED HEMAHKS OF DIt. KNOX. 

Mr. President and Friends— We have met to 

commemorate the martyrdom of a prophet, puritan, 
hero, and practical Abolitionist; one who gave his life 
freely, feeling in his noble soul that to die for the 
down-trodden slave without a murmur was the gain 
of the helpless slave. 

Three years ago to-day, in Charlestown, Virginia, 
there was more enduring, transcending glory reflected 
from the Bcaffold of John Brown, than there has been 
Bince in the whole State by the military display of 
both slaveholding armies. In view of this, friends, 
can we forget to keep this day to the end? As for 
me and my house, we will. 

lam aware that terrible events are upon us; still, 
the earth remains. How was it three years ago to day 
in all the North ? All was mourning and tears. Why 
this indifference, this falling by the way-side? A 
spasmodic condition, I suppose; therefore requiring 
an anti spasmodic remedy, intense hatred to slavery 
and all its relations. 

John Brown was put to death hy the moat infa- 
mous statute and bloody hands that ever disgraced a 
semi-harbarous State, and yet that State is courted by 
the Government! 

I cannot refrain from speaking of those young 
heroes of Harper's Ferry, the disciples of Brown. 
How nobly they suffered and died that the slave might 
go free ! From John tluss the martyr to the day of 
their execution, we look in vain for young martyrs 
more glorious. 

If we are a divided nation, whose fault is it ? I 
am not so stupid as to believe that England will not 
accomplish her work, when I remember that she 
sent John Henry here on a secret mission to under- 
mine this Union when we had given her no vantage 
ground. Since this war was levied by the South, we 
have given her all the means by an armed servility 
to the rebels, rather than conquest; by protecting pro- 
perty, the sinews of war, rather than confiscation ; by 
holding slaves for them, rather than liberating them. 
Who can conquer an enemy under these circum. 
stances? In this way England and the South will 
succeed. I am aware that there is a North in Eng- 
land as well as a South, represented by that able and 
eloquent champion of British and American emanci- 
pation, George Thompson, and on the other hand by 
that small specimen of a man, G. W. P. Bentiuck, 
M. P. 

Had our Government struck for liberty even 
during the first six months of the war, the mouths 
of all lories and oppressors would have been closed, 
long ere this, both in England and America. 

At the conclusion of these remarks, the meeting 
adjourned to meet Dec. 2d, 1863. 



MEADYILLE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL. 

On the sacred evening of December 2d, a meeting 
was held in this institution, commemorative of John 
Brown. The gathering was originated by some half 
dozen of the students. There was considerable oppo- 
sition; but the martyr truly said, "Time and the 
honest verdict of posterity will approve of every act 
of mine." The meeting was held in the chapel of 
Divinily Hall, and many friends from the (own were 
present. We give some extracts from the letter of a 
friend in Meadville. 

* * * The proceedings were very solemn. First 
was sung the martyr's favorite hymn, " Blow ye the 
trumpet, blow." His spirit seemed to stand there, 
and blow a blast louder than all. Then Prot. Carey 
read some of those passages which the Messiah, in his 
second coming, deemed worthy to present, as em- 
bodying his doctrine — words that had so often fallen 
from heroic lips. They came home with new mean- 
ing and force. Then we boys rose, one after another, 
and tried to utter the feelings which welled up in our 
hearts. Of course we made short, perhaps boyish 
speeches, but our friends will not charge us with any 
false feeling, or sham endeavor to immortalize the 
already immortal memory of good John Brown. 
Finally, the Rev. Dr. Stearns (the President of the 
school) rose from his chair, and, for three quarters of 
an hour, electrified all with the eloquence of his ear- 
nest soul. I wish you could have heard him ! Three 
years ago, I listened to brave Christian words in Tre- 
mont Temple. The fire of liberty burned brighter, 
as noble thoughts fell from the lips of Martin, Griffin, 
Pierpont, Garrison, Clarke ; but I never, never heard 
such earnest, living, burning words spoken for John 
Brown, as Father Stearns uttered on this occasion. 
He spoke of those who essayed to measure John 
Brown's character, and charge him with foul crime. 
After marshaling before his mind those Christians (?) 
who sat in judgment on the noble nature of this new 
messiah of the Blave, he passed judgmenton them thus : 
" They are not fit, they are not fit to measure the life and 
character of John Brown." 

After singing "Am I a Soldier of the Cross," our 
friends went home, saying, " We were doubly paid for 
coming." We did have a good meeting. Some of 
our brothers who opposed us came in and listened, 

The longer I study the life of John Brown, the 
brighter his great soul shines. His tabernacle is the 
emancipation of the slave. May all true lovers of 
liberty and the law of God how before it, and do 
homage I 

In commemoration of the martyrdom of John 
Brown, a public meeting was held at the residence of 
Dr, Knox, 59 Anderson street, in Boston, Dec. 2d. 

The President (J. H. Fowler) being absent, J. B. 
Smith was chosen pro tern. 

The meeting was opened by prayer by Rev. Mr. 
Grimes, and the singing of an emancipation song. 

The President remarked that he was happy that 
another opportunity was afforded for meeting together 
for the purpose of commemorating the life and acts 
of one of the greatest Christian heroes of this or any 
other age. May the race for whom he offered up his 
noble life such a sublime sacrifice never forgot that 
day on which he consummated his glorious devotion 
to those principles to which he had given the best en- 
ergies of his noble nature and his life I We cannot 
appreciate loo highly Hint beatifnl life, and the sacri- 
fices which it involved. To the martyrdom of John 
Brown wc are indebted for the convulsions now 
shaking this great country, and the bright prospects of 
freedom Hint have been produced by it. His death 
was the precursor, ordained hy the great God, to open 
the glorious way of the slave's redemption. Appoint- 
ed and directed by the will and power of God, neither 
his life nor death can possibly be called a failure. In 



MEM0EIAL 0E A HUMPBACK, 

Our little friend came to us out of the shadow. 
He was fatherless and motherless; more than an 
orphan, for not only were his father and mother 
dead, but none knew who or what they had been. 
He scarcely knew himself who or what they had 
been. His childhood, his home, his early youth, 
lay in deep, dark shade. He had but spectral and 
fleeting memories of the past. A bit of drift- 
wood, a piece of sea-weed, torn from the ooze, he 
lay floating on the surface of life in this vast city, 
which, seeing the poor boy struggling helplessly 
with the tide, put out its strong, kind arm, and bore 
him to that stern shore so thickly strewn with ship- 
wrecks — Randall's Island. There, for no fault, but 
that grievous one of being poor, small, lonely, and 
forsaken, the lad lay several years ; breathing such 
moral atmosphere as they breathe who live there. 
One by one his companions, bright, able-bodied, 
hopeful boys, were taken away by pitying citizens, 
to work on farms, in shops, in factories, at domestic 
service ; but the little deformed boy was useless for 
such purposes, and was left behind. There was 
none to take him. Visitors came and went, and left 
him there alone. 

At last he was seen and noticed by those kind 
eyes which have thrown their light and love into so 
many dark places, and have found so much good- 
ness where others have found vileness only. He 
was brought away to a Christian home. 

Our friends took him in for pity's sake, being 
unwilling that the poor unfortunate should perish 
thus early and sadly, if they could help it. For 
humanity's sake, for Christ's sake, for God's sake, 
they took him in, and gave him a home in their 
home. Delicacy forbids my saying all I might of 
their kindness in so doing. But I must not say less 
than this : that they gave him a home as good as 
their own, they gave him freely all the comforts and 
privileges they enjoyed themselves, they treated 
him in every respect as their own son. 

# # * # * 

Our little friend was not beautiful. There was 
no comeliness in him that he should be desired. 
He was cruelly delbrmed, a withered, stunted little 
creature ; every line of his shape was crooked ; 
every organ in his body seemed out of place. His 
face was pinched and brown, with wrinkles in it as 
of untimely suffering and sorrow. It was the face 
of an old man; but there was that within which 
did not correspond with this disagreeable and re- 
pulsive outside. The angels love to sing in stables. 
God is not careful or choice in selecting caskets for his 
jewels, and in this casket, so rude and unshapely, in 
this casket of lead he placed one of his sweetest 
spirits; a spirit very true and gentle, thoroughly 
self-respecting, and sensitive, far beyond the com- 
mon. The little humpback had the bearing of a 
natural gentleman; he possessed an unaffected dig- 
nity of character, a sense of what was due from 
himself to others, and from others to himself, which 
is rare, in any class. I knew him much less than 
some others did, who may be present, outside of this 
household. But I can testify, from my personal ob- 
servation, to his remarkable hunger for knowledge, 
to his great desire for an education, to his truly high 
ambition to become h s own master, to his proud de- 
sire to acquire an independent position, and perform 
an independent service for the world. His sympa- 
thies were as true as they were quick. He was re- 
sponsive to large and fine thoughts. He was drawn 
to the best people. I have seen him in his class at Sun- 
day-school, the most earnest listener there, when the 
teaeher touched any of the great principles of noble 
living or told a story of self-sacrifice. His eye flashed 
in an instant at the deed of wrong, and as instantly 
filled with tears at the tale of sorrow. He had a 
genuine fellow-feeling with the unfortunate; never 
forgetting amid his "privileges that lie was one of 
them, never being ashamed that he was one. In 
his comfortable and happy home, he remembered 
always most affectionately his companions at the 
Island. To one in particular whom he had been 
drawn to by the fellowship of suffering, he would 
write letters and send pocket-money, and when the 
little fellow came to see him in the city, his jov 
was as real as if his visitor had been a gentleman's 
son. His morals were singularly pure, his tastes 
singularly refined, his manners delicate, his beha- 
vior simple and unobtrusive, his habits neat and de- 
corous. There was a grace in him, such as we com- 
monly associate with gentle blood. 

# * * * # 

I try to think of him as a man of twenty-five, 
twenty, even eighteen years old, and the thought 
of him thus is all made up of sadness. I think" of 
lii in as coining to a man's sense of his delbrmitv. 
and of the trial to whicli it would subject him. "l 
think of liim with a man's heart, but without a 
man's opportunity, or a man's career. I think of 
him as eager to learn, yet meeting, on the very 
threshold of knowledge, with physical and social 
disabilities which he could not remove; ambitious 
to excel, but condemned to fall behind the young, 
and strong, and beautiful; resolute to maintain his 
independence, but not allowed to stand in the B&OTO 
group with the favored of society ; generous, loyal, 
confiding, but meeting no welcome from the world 
which worships grace anil loveliness. We know 
how men and women regard the crooked, the dis- 
torted, the humpbacked.' Imagine what the sensi- 
tive hoy musl have suffered from the cold looks and 

cold words, from Ihe repugnance, (he disgust, the 

derision that would have mat him on all sides. 
Imagine the cruol disappointments, the bitter grids. 
the biting humiliations, the glooms that would' have 

come down on his soul. Think of him with his 



Unfolding affections drawn out to objects which they 
could never hope to attain. Who would have given 
the humpback love for love? Answer that ques- 
tion; and think how minli desolation and heart- 
break are in the answer. It was a tender hand 
that led him away before he could know all this 
depth of suffering. 

We will not say, then, that his death waB un- 
timely. No death, perhaps, is untimely, if we 
knew all. Some lives are longer, seme shorter, but 
all lives end at the hour, not before. Sr.me f pirita 
light upon the planet only to tpring away again. 
Some stay a few months, tome a few years — come 
wait to learn the earliest lessons in the alphabet of 
Providence — others must go into ihe high mysteries 
of Experience, and spend a generation or two in 
care, duty, toil, and sorrow. 

***** 
For the rest, we believe in Immortality. Indeed, 
we believe in Life, and only in Life. We do not 
believe in Death. Death but opens the door into 
another chamber of the Father's mansion which 
Jesus spoke of — that mansion, which is wide as the 
infinite-care — bright with the infinite Wisdom — 
homelike and happy with the infinite Love. This 
is but one of the lower and darker rooms of that 
heavenly home; how low and dark for the most 
part to him, we know. Our little brother has 
passed on to a higher being. There is nothing in 
ihe angels that was not folded up in this childlike 
heart. Now it is free to show what it was. The 
veil is taken from his face ; the burden is lifted from 
his spirit. 

He lives here, too, in association and memory. 
His form will be in these rooms yet for many a 
day — I aro sure that, for many a day, it will be in 
these hearts; he will make a part of the household; 
he will bear a share in domestic thoughts and feel- 
ings — in family joys and sorrow?. Going away, he 
carries his friends with bun, and leaves himself be- 
hind. 

Let ns believe that he leaves behind his pain and 
weakness and infirmity, an he leaves the unhand- 
some flesh of his mortal body to moulder in the dust 
from which it came. Let us be thankful that we 
knew him; let us be grateful for the good he 
manifested and did: let us rejoice that the earthly 
tabernacle is dissolved in which he groaned, being 
burdened, and the Spirit, whose child he was, has 
taken away his vile body, and clothed him with a 
glorious body, such as befits the mind he revealed. 
— Rev. O. B. Fr at kin (/ham, N. Y., at the Funeral of 
Robert F. Dsnyer, adopted son of John and Rosa 
Hopper, Oct. 19th, 18C2. 



To the Honorable, the Justices of the Supreme Judicial 
Court, next to be holden at Dcdham, within and for the 
County of Norfolk, on the third Tuesday of Febrnary, 
A. D. eighteen hundred and sixty-three. 

EESPECTFULLY represents Cornelia JameF, of Wren- 
thara, in said County of Norfolk, that she married 
Tiioums K. James, at Providence, in the State of Rhode 
Island arid Providence Plantations, on the twenty-eighth 
day of July, A. I). eighteen hundred and forty-nine ; that 
her maiden name was Cornelia Taylor ; that she and ber 
said husband, from mid twenty-eighth day of July, A. D. 
eighteen and forty-nine, afterwards, lived together as hus- 
band and wife, at Wrenthain aforesaid, until the eighth day 
of November, A. D. eighteen hundred and fifty-live ; that 
on said eighth day of November, A. D. eighteen hundred 
and fifty-five, said Thomas X. James separated himself from 
her, his said wife, and has not since lived with her - that 
has at all times been faithful to her marriage obliga- 
tions ; that on, or about, the first day of February, A. D. 
ghteen hundred and fifty-six, said Thomas K. James wil- 
fully and utterly deserted her, bis eaid wife, without her 
consent ; that said desertion has continued uninterrupted- 
ly from that time until the time of the filing of this libel. 
And your libellant further represents that said Thomas K. 
James now resides in or near Rochester, in the State of 
jw York. 

Wherefore your libellant prays a divorce from the bonds 
matrimony between her and her said husband be decreed 
her by this Court ; that suitable alimony may be decreed 
to be paid her by her said husband, at such times as to this 
Court shall seem proper ; that she may be allowed to re- 
sume her maiden name ; and that such other and further 
order and decree may be passed by this Court, as justice 
.ay require. CORNELIA JAMES. 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
Dffolk, ss. Supreme Judicial Court, ) 

At Chambers in Boston, Dec. 6, 18G2. > 

On the foregoing libel, it is ordered, that the libellant 
give a notice to the said Thomas IC. James, to appear be- 
the Justices of this Court next to be bolden at lledbam, 
iin and for the County of Norfolk, on the third Tues- 
day of February next, by publishing an attested copy of 
said libel and of this order thereon once a week, Ihree 
weeks successively, in the Boston Liberator, a newspaper 
printed in said Boston, the last publication to be thirty 
days, at least, before said third Tuesday of February next ; 
also by depositing in the Post Office, postage prepaid, a 
copy of said libel and order, enclosed, directed to the said 
Thomas K. James at Rochester, in the State of New York, 
thirty days, at least, before said third Tuesday of February 
next, and making affidavit that this part of the order has 
been complied with ; that the said Thomas K. James may 
then and there shew cause why the prayer of said libel 
should not be granted. 

By the order of George T. Bigelow, Esq., Chief Justice 
of said Court, GEO. C. WILDE, Clerk. 

A true copy of said libel, and of the order thereon, 

Attest, Geo. C. Wilde, Clerk. 

dee!2-3w 



A GOOD CHANCE TO MAKE 
$50 to $100 

PER MONTH, AND EXPENSES. 

AGENTS WANTED, immediately, to sell /. T. Lloyd's 
cheap and degant Naps in M:iiuc and New Hampshire. 
J. T. Lloyd's Maps of the United States, Map of Vir- 
ginia, and Map of Southern States. Sent to pedlars and 
others, without delay, to any part of Maine or New Hamp- 
shire, by express. 

Address H. J. L. STANWOOD & CO., Brunswick, Maine, 
with stamp inclosed. decJtf 



W E I S 



ZOEBISCH. 




European and Fancy Furs, 

308 Washington Street, 308 

OPPOSITE BOSTON THEATRE, BOSTON. 

S^" Particular attention is paid to altering ami repair 
ing Old Furs. 

1£^" Furs preserved during the sum rat 



novTtf 




154 Washington St., 5 doors South of Milk St. 

Otober '24. Cm 



D'i 



1313 TNTT I S THT. 

DANIEL MANN has removed his offioo to 146 
Harrison Avenue. Ho has, for the past five years, in- 
serted artificial teeth on the vulcanite base, in the use of 

which holms made some improvements. It is better than 
gold, when well made, being lighter, stronger, and more 
durable, and is also much cheaper. 

Dr. M. also uses a somewhat, similar proparaton for fil 
ling teeth too tender or too far decayed for filling with sold. 
His pi ices at* M moderate, at least, as those of any re- 
sponsible dentist. 

Boston, Soptembw 20 186S. 



ICII X3IE3XT. 

GLOBE HOTEL 

WILLIAM P. POWELL, Pnonm ros, 

2 DoTXS STOUT, (near Franklin Square, 
NEW YORK. 



THE LIB E 11 A T O K 

— IS I'l in.!SUi:ll 

EVERT FRIDAY MORNING, 

321 "WASHINGTON STREET, ROOM No. 6. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Generai; Agent. 



J^" TERMS — Two dollars ami fifty cents per annum, 
in advance. 

qftpfrj! will lie sent to one address for ten hol- 
la us, iT i^iyiiiont is mniU» in advance, 

Jg^" All remittances are to bo made, and all letters 
relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper aro to be 
directed (i-ost paid) to the General Agent. 

IFjjp* Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents 
per line. 

^5r" The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

[5f Tlio following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, .but are riot responsible for any debts of tho 
paper, viz : — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, Ed- 
mund Jackson, and William L. Garkison, Jr. 



WM, LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 




"Proclaim Liberty throughout oil the land, to all 
tlio inhabitants thereof;" 

"I lay thin down « ■ tho law of nations. I way that mil- 
itary authority lakes, for the time, tho place of all munic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE KEST; 
and that, under) that state of things, ho far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have tho exclusive 
management of the Subject, not only tho President of 
this 1;.niti:u States, but the Commander of the Army, 
HAS POU'Elt TO ORDER Till' UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OK TKB SLAVED * . . From the instant 
that tho slavehnlding States become tho theatre of a war, 
civil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of CoNfjituss extend to interference with the institution of 
slavery, in BTERV way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to tin; oussiou of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is s, war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power. to carry on the war, and must cAitur it on, ac- 
cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes tub 
place of them. When two hostile armies arc set in martial 
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."— J. Q. Adam*. 



mix tiotttttrg U tU WevlA, mv <&m\\tx\jm\x m att Utettltfofl. 



J. B, YERRINTON & BON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. NO. 52. 



BOSTON, FEIDAY, DECEMBER 36, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1664. 



af ®p]we$$f0tt. 



WAR AND "REFORMS." 

Those people who advocate what they call new 
ideas in human progress, (as if most of them had 
not been repeatedly tried and rejected in the his- 
tory of the race,) seem to have received a quietus 
from this stunning, practical, fact of war. It has 
always been recorded as an incidental benefit of 
this scourge of mankind, that it puts an end to the 
whole brood of absurd fantasies which are hatched 
out by the very prosperity of nations in time of 
peace. People must think, and when they have 
no war on hand, to task their thinking powers to 
the utmost, they cast about for the first subject that 
is new, (or appears so to limited readers of history,) 
and set to thinking about that. In this country, the 
number of these uneasy thinkers, both men and 
women, always on the lookout for intellectual prob- 
lems, is large. They take a pride in encouraging 
so-called new ideas, 'i'hey subscribe to newspapers 
which are addicted to the support of all notions 
claiming to be reform?, no matter how chimerical 
and absurd. They also furnish audiences for stroll- 
ing lecturers who profess to own patent plans for 
the regeneration of the human family. They do not 
— -at least all of them do not — fully believe in every 
preposterous antiquity, revamped and labeled " nov- 
elty," which is brought upon them; but they give it 
a hearing, or an examination, (always paying for it 
in some shape,) which is ail that the professors of 
the old-fashioned reforms desire. This generous 
patronage, which our people — more than any other 
in the world — give to all ideas which are set up as 
new, seems to have been almost entirely cut off by 
the war. We have no means of judging of the 
pecuniary receipts of reform organs or reform pro- 
fessors; but we observe that none of them are mak- 
ing any stir in the community, and it is a well-known 
fact that when reform ceases to make a stir, it is 
dying. Agitation, discussion and continual fuss are 
the very conditions of its existence. When the ail 
no longer reverberates with the fierce declamations 
of its advocates, reform may be safely regarded as 
in a moribund state. Judged by this law of expe- 
rience, Woman's Rights, as they used to be ex- 
pounded in the New York conventions, must be 
pretty nigh extinct. The public have not heard 
"Woman's Rights" mentioned for over a year. 
Spiritualism has been dropped out of the public 
mind for at least the same period. The spasmodic 
attempt recently made to lift it into notice in con- 
nection with " spiritual photographs," proved a total 
failure. People no longer feel any interest in its 
pretensions. They have quite forgotten (so rapid 
is the American mind in its reception and rejection 
of professedly new ideas) that there ever was such 
a thing. After this form oi' spiritualism has been 
dead four or five years, it can be brought out under 
a new name as a bran new philosophy, and, if the 
country is at peace, will have another good run. 
Let the professors, now bereft of* their subsistence, 
wait till then ! Other reforms might be enumerated 
which have been hastily tossed overboard by the 
public in the tempest of this war; but the notorious 
fate of the two above mentioned, illustrates the law 
which applies to the whole of them. — New York 
Journal of Commerce. 



and anti-slavery agitators to see to it, that they 
carry their" favorite topics not much further in their 
chosen direction, lest its opposite movement land 
them, with all their pet schemes, in a fathomless 
abvss. 

Pray, gentlemen, keep this ball in motion, and 
oblige not your subscriber and friends only, but 
benefit mankind. J-. 

— N. Y. Journal oj Commerce. 



POLITICAL OLERGT, &c. 



Hartford, (Conn.,) Dec. 11, 1862. 
Gentlemex, — I have just read your article on 
the late political movement of our clergy at the 
Cooper Institute, and regard it as eminently ap- 
propriate and timely. 

Just so certain as they attempt in an organized 
capacity to influence political legislation, so certain, 
and to a like degree, will they damage the cause of 
their professed Master, and bring both themselves 
and the religion which He came to establish on 
earth into contempt. This radical error of the 
clergy, however, is attributed not solely to their own 
disposition to " mix in," pugnacious as too many of 
them are, with the prevailing political agitation, but 
in a measure to the stimulus and encouragement 
which they unfortunately receive at the hands of 
numbers of their adherents and supporters, who be- 
lieve that both the Gospel and the party are to be 
best sustained by setting and keeping the people 
" by the ears." 

As illustrative of this, we witness, in this goodly 
city of ours, the disgraceful spectacle of certain 
leading men, in one of our heretofore most prosper- 
ous churches, systematically and very actively ope- 
rating to drive their minister — a man whose excel- 
lence's and good works are known and cheerfully 
acknowledged throughout our entire community — 
out of his pulpit, which he has occupied for the last 
ten or twelve years, because, forsooth, they cannot 
compel him to preach the Gospel according to Abo- 
litionism on Sunday. He prays for his and oui 
enemies, and that peace may again return in God's 
good time to a distracted country, and hence is a 
traitor and secessionist, and must be driven forth 
from the flock which he has so long watched over 
and led in the paths of peace and righteousne 

It has been the unhallowed ambition of men of 
this stamp among us, to bring not the pOttrit only 
but, so far as possible, their secular and religious 
press, our schools and library societies, under their 
control, that they may make them fountains for the 
dissemination of the pestilent doctrines of aboli- 
tionism. They are incessantly at work in their mis- 
chievous vocation; bold and outspoken, when this 
course promises success, but still and wily as ser- 
pents whenever this kind of strategy promises the 
best results. 

Into our Young Men's Institute, a literary society, 
have they presumed to set their cloven foot, to the 
discredit of our city and the serious impairment of 
its former happy influence. 

We arc to be treated, the coming winter, to a 
course of lectures before this society, supported 
thou"h it is by all classes of our citizens, in which 
Mr. Horace Greeley figures in the programme, 
and others of the same stripe, though beyond a 
doubt the enemies of its direction. Further, while 
newspapers constitute a feature of the reading mat- 
ter to be found on its tables, not a single Demo- 
cratic paper, outside of our city press, appears 
there, excepting only a single weekly, and this, I 
learn, is a gift to the society; while all the leading 
New York papers and others of the Republican 
school are spread out in lavish profusion before the 
young men who spend their evenings at these rooms. 
The end of all this will be a revolution; and if 
we do not sooner or later go to the extreme of hear- 
ing Democratic politics in our pulpits— which find 
forbid, for partizan politics never ought to find ut- 
terance there— and getting nothing bat democracy 
in our schools and institutions for the moral and in- 
tellectual improvement of the young, it will bo a 

piece of good fortune for which we shall not be 
indebted to our abolition friends. The pendulum 
still swings; and it behooves our political par-sous 



CLERGYMEN AS CLERGYMEN, IN THE 
POLITICAL ARENA. 
Messrs. Editors,— I send you an extract from 
a letter from one of the roost intelligent Christian 
ladies in a neighboring State, noted wherever she is 
known for her faith and charity, and the fruits of 
her Christian faith. Similar proofs might be in- 
definitely multiplied of the deep grief of Chris- 
tians at the degrading spectacle of distinguished 
men, whom the Church and the community gen- 
erally have held in respect, so long as they kept 
within the legitimate bounds of their high duties, 
stepping down from their elevated position to play 
the partizan in the political strife of the day. She 
says :— 

"Mr. has just called my attention to an article 

in the Journal of Commerce which has made him quite 
indignant. It is a meeting of clergymen of the dif- 
ferent denominations at the Cooper Institute to pro- 
pose an address to President Lincoln, expressive of 
their approval of his Emancipation Proclamation, 
mentioning the venerable Drs. Spring, Ferris, Tyng, 
&c. It is to be regretted that men who have attained 
such eminence as divines should stoop so low as to 
sully their clerical fame by advocating Mr. Lincoln's 
wild projects, which are only adding fuel to the flame 
and sharpening the sword of vengeance. Would it 
not be advisable for each church pertaining to these 
pastors to call a meeting for special, prayer, that the 
spirit man he poartd out > aml tllpSD deluded men re- 
ceive a fresh baptism, a reconversion, — that their at- 
tention may be turned from political strife to preach- 
ing the gospel and laboring for precious souls ? Surely 
God's people should sigh for tile abominations that are 
rife in our land, especially for our ministers, who, in- 
stead of wielding the sword of the spirit, and fighting 
tiie fight of faith, are brandishing the sword of con- 
tention, and advocating the cause of- abolition heresy 
which is to flood our country with beggary and crime. 
It seems as if they were given over to strong delusion 
to believe a lie. "Oh that God would arise, and have 
mercy on our Zion, and bring our ministers into the 
dust, and keep them there till they disrobe themselves 
of their defiled garments, and come forth clothed in 
humility," &c. 

These are the sentiments of a devout and pious 
mind, with which thousands in the Church most 
cordially sympathize. No move could be more ' 
opportune than these clergymen have proposed, 
none more calculated to bring religion, as repre- 
sented in these persons, into disrepute. I must sup- 
pose them men of common sense, and then let me 
ask them in what capacity do they address the 
President of the United States, in behalf of a po- 
litical measure ? Will it be said that we are citi- 
zens, and have our rights as citizens, and therefore 
we may give our opinions on any political measure ? 
Granted : no one will dispute that position so long 
as you give it as citizens; but when you leave that 
position and make use of your position as clergymen,^ 
intending, as you must intend, that the influence of 
your ecclesiastical position shall be brought to bear 
in the support of a political measure, then I think I 
am safe in saying you have exceeded your rights. 
I will not insult your understandings, by supposing 
you do not comprehend the difference between your 
official and individual position. Mr. Spring, Mr. 
Ferris, Mr. Tyng, may undoubtedly support any 
political measure they please, and their opinions 
will go for what they are worth, more or less valua- 
ble than Mr. Jones, the barber, Mr. Smith, the car- 
man, or Mr. Brown, the tailor; but the Rev. Dr. 
Spring, the Rev. Chancellor Ferris, and the Rev. 
Dr. Tyng, have no right to give a factitious impor- 
tance to their address, as citizens, by clothing them- 
selves in a garb unacknowledged in the legitimate 
political costume of the country. Milton. 

— Journal of Commerce. 



clergymen ; that tho minutes about being read were 
a private affair ; they contained that which belong- 
ed exclusively to the clergymen who were present 
at the other meeting ; it never was intended to be a 
public affair; it was in no sense a public matter; 
that paper gave information which belonged entire- 
ly to the gentlemen who had met previously; he 
would submit the question to the chair. 

Rev. Dr. Ferris stated that such publicity as had 
been given to their proceedings at the other meet- 
ing was entirely unauthorized, and the brethren at 
that time present were not in any sense responsible 
for the notice given of the present meeting ; who 
were the parties giving the notice, he knew not. 

Rev. Dr. Hitchcock. — The Committee caused no 
advertisement to be made, and the many represen- 
tations made in the public, prints were entirely in- 
consistent with the spirit and aims of the gentlemen 
who met the other evening. 

Rev. Dr. Spear referred to the gross misrepre- 
sentations of the press, and he regarded it as grossly 
indelicate that the reporters should remain after 
what he had said — he was amazed that no hint was 
taken. He then moved that the reporters be re- 
quested to leave the room. 

The chair, instead of putting the motion, referred 
to the large number of persons present other than 
the clergymen at the other meeting, and stated that, 
if it was thought proper that they should remain, 
he must vacate the chair, and decline to participate 
in the proceedings. Rev. Drs. Canfield, Smith, and 
others, spoke to the same effect. 

Rev. Dr. Vermilye. — As chairman of the commit- 
tee appointed to present a report to this meeting, 
I would say that we have no report this evening 
to make. On the contrary, advices from Washing- 
ton, just received, intimate distinctly that there'will 
be no necessity, and in fact no propriety whatever in 
our taking action in this matter. I therefore move 
that the meeting adjourn. 

The motion was carried, only the fifty or so cler- 
gymen present at the other meeting being requested 
to vote. As these were leaving the room, a clergy- 
man not of this number requested that those not at 
the other meeting remain, and organize for the con- 
sideration of their duty in the present crisis of the 
courtry. After some consultation, another clergy- 
man announced that as they had made no arrange- 
ment for the use of the room, and therefore could 
not properly hold a meeting there, he thought they 
had better adjourn with the rest. (Laughter.) 

The remaining clergvmen then dispersed. — New 
York World. 




THE CLERGY AND THE EMANCIPATION 
PROCLAMATION. 
Some two or three hundred of the clergy of New 
York and the adjacent cities assembled last evening, 
at the Cooper Institute, for the purpose of consider- 
in"' the duty of the Church and ministry, in the 
present state of the country, in reference to the 
proclamation of emancipation. Among those pres- 
ent were Chancellor Ferris, Rev. Drs. Vermilye, 
Tyng, Hodge, Burchard, Cheever, Spear, and Hitch- 
cock? and Rev. Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Cuyler, Dun- 
bar, Canfield, Matteson, and Rev. Mr. Conway, 
chaplain of the Ninth New York Regiment. 

At the commencement of the meeting, there were 
several ladies and laymen also present. The ma- 
jority of the clergy seemed to be of the exaggerated 
radical class. 

Rev. Dr. Tyng called the meeting to order, and 
nominated Rev. Dr. Burchard for chairman, Rev. 
Dr. Ferris, the chairman of the previous meeting, 
not being then present. Rev. Dr. Burchard, on 
taking the chair, said their object in coming togeth- 
er had been very clearly stated at the last meeting; 
it was to take into consideration what is the duty 
on the part of the clergy of this city and the neigh- 
boring cities. 

Rev. Dr. Tyng here raised the point that there 
were many lay and many female friends present, 
whose society would be agreeable for him when the 
occasion was suitable. This was a meeting exclu- 
sively for clergymen, and the report to be presented 
to them was of a nature so delicate and important, 
that it could not properly be presented to any other 
than an adjourned meeting of the clergymen pres- 
ent, when the committee who were to present the 
report were appointed. 

The ladies and several gentlemen now left the 
room, and at the same time the clergymen who call- 
ed the first meeting were requested to step out of 
the room for conference. 

These gentlemen havingre-eutered, Rev. Dr. Fe; 
ris, who had now arrived, assumed the chair, and 
Rev. Dr. Burchard offered prayer. 

A clergyman wanted to know if the meeting was 
meant for the Protestant clergy, or were Roman 
Catholics included? 

Rev. Dr. Burchard.— It is for the clergy— the 
term is generic. 

Clergyman, (going toward the door.)— The fifct 
duty of the clergy is to come out from the rest, and 
be separate in that case. (Hisses and laughter.) 

The Secretary having been called nppn to read 
the minutes, proceeded to do so, but hail read but a 
few lines, when 

Rev. Dr. Vermilye, rising rather excitedly, stated 
that Hi'' meeting was intended to be one purely of 



FRENCH BRANCH OF THE EVANGELICAL 
ALLIANCE AND THE AMERICAN WAR. 
The following is a copy of an Address from the 

French-speaking branch of the Evangelical Alliance 

to Christians in America:— 

TO THE MEMBERS .OF THE DIFFERENT EVANGEL- 
ICAL DENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES. 

Paris, October 25, 
Beloved Brethren, — " When one member suf- 
fers, all the members suffer with it." This is what 
we feel regarding you, since the calamities which 
have fallen- on your nation. Though the Universal 
Conferenee of Geneva sent you last year an address 
of sympathy, wc feel constrained to reiterate that 
expression of our fraternal love. In fact, the year 
which has elapsed has seen your sacrifices multi- 
plied in a fearful proportion. United to you by the 
bond of common faith, to which must now be added 
that of a civilization based on human liberty, we 
feel that what touches you, touches us. It is true the 
Evangelical Alliance is bound to raise itself above 
all differences which separate religious or political 
parties. But here it is not a question of one of 
those accessory points of doctrine, of discipline, or 
of organization, which may divide Evangelical 
Christians. It is a question of those great notions 
of justice and injustice, and of the supreme law of 
charity in the name of which our Alliance was 
formed. It would be a lie, if it interdicted itself 
from protesting against those great social iniquities 
which dishonor the Gospel under which it is at- 
tempted to shelter them, 

It eannot remain indifferent while, in an age 
when the conscience of the world condemns slavery, 
and all the countries of Europe, except Spain, have 
abolished it at the cost of great sacrifices, and when 
Russia has just emancipated, by an admirable effort, 
thirty-five million of serfs, Protestant theologians 
are seen attempting to justify that institution by 
the Bible, and men inspired with their doctrines 
excite an atrocious war to maintain the enslavement 
of an unfortunate race. The Alliance feels itself 
directly wounded in the faith which it professes, 
when it assists at so monstrous a spectacle as that of 
a Confederation which boasts of being Evangelical, 
(Evangelique,) yet at the same time is founded (as 
one of its principal magistrates has said) on slavery, 
as " the stone refused by the builders," but which is 
precious in the sight of God, 



THE PRESIDENT'S EMANCIPATION PROC- 
LAMATION. 
To the Christian Public, Clergymen and Laymen 
throughout the Union : 

Being desirous to sustain the President of the 
UnitedlStates in his responsible and critical duti 
in upholding the Government and overthrowing the 
Rebellion, and having given the subject our careful 
deliberation, we submit to you the following memo- 
rial :— 

While we, clergymen and laymen of various Chris- 
tian denominations, acknowledge our present nation- 
al humiliation as a just chastisement from God for 
our national sins, we believe that his paternal hand 

directing the sore calamities in the interest of hu- 
man freedom, as well as for the moral and civil ed- 
ucation of the American people. 

Though we regard slavery as the original and im- 
mediate cause of the rebellion, we would not excul- 
pate ourselves from guilt. We have permitted this 
flagitious system to grow up under our Government 
to its present fearful proportions. But we believe 
that God is turning the war which slaveholders have 
waged for the extension and perpetuity of slavery, 
to work its prospective and final destruction. 

We regard the confiscation of the property of the 
rebels, as we do the proclamation of prospective 
emancipation, as just, and necessary to bring this 
wicked war to a close, and to secure a righteous 
and permanent peace. And for all the loyal citizens 
of the land, and in the name of humanity and out- 
holy religion', we thank the President for the pru- 
dent and ^well-considered manner in which he has 
accepted and met the responsibility thrust upon him 
by the terrible crisis. 

We are profoundly impressed with the conviction 
that in the Providence of God, and under ourCon- 
stitution, sustained by a loyal people, he holds in his 
hands the destinies of our free Government audthe 
precious interests depending on it for generations 
yet unborn: and we pledge him, in support of these 
measures for the restoration of the nation, our sym- 
pathy, our prayers, and, if need be, our lives; for 
when our free Government is overthrown, then also 
is the free exercise of our religion, and with it every 
thing which renders life desirable. 

We therefore urgently request Pastors of Churches 
of all denominations, (with all other Clergymen,) 
throughout the Union, and members of their con- 
gregations, immediately and without further notice, 
to join us in signing the following petition, addressed 
and to be forwarded, through their several Senators 
and Representatives, to the President of the United 
States. We also request Clergymen, after forward- 
ing the petition as suggested above, to return then- 
names, titles, denominations, and the number of 
signatures to tho petition, to Benjamin H. West, 
M. D., Secretary, Boston, Mass., that wemay obtain 
complete lists of clerical names, and the number of 
the petitioners. 

Religious and loyal papers, by inserting tins arti- 
cle, will advance the cause. 

To Abraham Lincoln, 

President of the United States : 
We, the undersigned, hereby express to you our 
cordial approval of your late Proclamation of Pros- 
pective Emancipation, as a measure intrinsically 
right, and necessary to secure for the country a 
righteous and permanent peace; and we earnestly 
hope that it may be carried into full effect. In so 
doing, be assured that you have our entire support 
anil most hearty prayers. 
Boston, Dec. 5, 18(i2. 

Rev. L. D. Barrows, D. D.,~| 

Hon. Simon Brown, 

John G. Webster, 

Rev. J. N. Murdock, D. D., 

Edwin Lamsmi, 

Rev. Edward E. Hale, 

Otis Clapp, 

John M. Forbes, Mauhrrs 

Rev. E. (). Haven, D. D., of the 

Charles W. Slack, r Christian 

Julius A. Palmer, Emancipation 

Rev. Edward Edmunds, ( 'ommiltm 

Warren Sawyer, 

Rev. J. G. Bartholomew, 

Samuel G. ISowdlcar, 

Edward G. 'Bleston, 
Benjamin H. West, M. D., 

Secretary. 
[Signed by Kuv. Drfli Htmv, Nualo, Kirk, dleaveland, 
Hugiio, Wiirron, Purkur, Uunuan, and two hundred mul 
twonty-two others, uluryyinoii and laymen.] 



The Evangelical 
Alliance would no longer be the great association of 
fraternal love that it is, if it forgets those hundreds 
of thousands of brethren in Jesus Christ, who are 
now sold in the South like wretched cattle, marked 
with red-hot iron, and who often perish under the 
lash of pitiless drivers. Nor should we be less want- 
ing in our duty towards those of our brethren in the 
South, who have voluntarily associated themselves 
with a colossal enterprise formed to perpetuate and 
to extend slavery, if we did not declare to them the 
profound sorrow which we feel at that- spectacle, 
the fearful scandal which results from it, and the 
immense damage which they are causing to the in- 
terests of our Divine Master. 

Suffice it for us to say to you, Evangelical Chris- 
tians of the United States, that without wishing to 
enter into questions of nationality, of country, and 
of constitution, which are not within our domain, we 
can assure you that you have our most lively sym- 
pathies. If you have to suffer, it is for a grand and 
glorious cause. That which has let loose on your 
people all the miseries of war is a first step taken in 
resistance to tho extension of slavery. We have 
heard with thankfulness of the measures which have 
been already taken to destroy this odious institu- 
tion, and of the many symptoms which make us fore- 
see the speedy disappearance of the prejudice 
against color, that grievous corollary of slavery. 
We pray God soon to blot out the last traces of it ; 
and we can assure you that nothing will be so well 
calculated to counteract those prepossessions in 
Europe, which are grounded chiefly on the manner 
in which the black race is still treated in the North. 
We entreat the Lord to keep you in this path. 
Each step made in this direction will bring you 
nearer to the close of your sufferings. Since God 
permits this horrible carnage, it is doubtless in order 
to deliver America from an evil which is even more 
awful than war, because it is more lasting, and be- 
cause it poisons more completely the springs of a 
nation's life. When your country shall have done 
everything which lies in its power to restore liberty 
to the captives, it will be able to take to itself that 
promise of the Lord: "Is not this the fast that I 
have chosen, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let 
the oppressed go free, and that ye break every 
yoke? Then shall thy light break forth as the 
morning, and thine health shall spring forth speed- 
ily." Then, also, whatever the extirpation of this 
scourge may have cost you, you will feel that such 
a benefit could not be too dearly bought. 

In the name of the Committee of the Evangelical 
Alliance of Paris, 

The President — Guillaume Monod. 
The Secretary— Georges Eisch. 
The representatives of the French-speaking branch 
of the Evangelical Alliance, assembled at Geneva 
on the 29th of October, 18G2, have taken the above 
address into consideration, and given it their hearty 
approbation. 

In the name of the general conference, 

The President— Charles Barde, (Pasteur.) 
The Secretary— David Tissot. 



day. We think that no one will claim that twelve 
per cent, is too high a rate of interest on perishable 
property like slaves, who are sure to become value- 
less in a few years; or that any of these estimates 
are too high. If, then, the negligent, slothful man- 
agement of a Southern planter, with the rude, in- 
convenient, ill-conditioned tools and machinery used 
on most of the plantations, could pay sixty-three 
cents per day for slave labor, and grow cotton at a 
profit when it sold for ten cents per pound, what 
per cent, of profit would a Northern man make in 
the same business, with improved Northern tools, 
when the same labor could be obtained at one dol- 
lar per day, and cotton selling, as at present, at 
sixty cents per pound ? Certainly five hundred 
percent.; and there is little prospect of its selling 
below thirty cents per pound for some time, as only 
a small amount has been grown this season, or is 
likely to be next, and the profit of employing these 
laborers, at reasonable wages, could not fail to be 
be extremely large. It would also add very much 
to the effect of the Proclamation, if the slaves could 
be assured constant employment for themselves and 
families, with wages at one dollar per day for the 
labor of an able hand. 

This being true, what greater mistake can oe 
made than for the Government to add to the present 
enormous expenses, the burden of supporting tens 
of thousands of liberated slaves brought into our 
lines by the President's Proclamation, after the first 
of January, who are living in idleness and learning 
vicious habits, while large tracts of the best, cotton 
lands in the world are in our possession and remain 
uncultivated, and our people suffer for the want of 
cotton that might be grown on them ? How shall 
this be avoided ? 

Capital should be raised at once — a large num- 
ber of confiscated plantations purchased from the 
Government — arrangements made for tools, teams, 
supplies, transportation and superintendents. No 
time should be lost : the planting season will soon 
arrive. When it has passed, it will be impossible to 
furnish profitable employment to liberated slaves, if 
no crop has been planted. 

The amount of capital required to commence an 
enterprise like this successfully, in the outset, must 
necessarily be large; as those who engage in it at 
first must furnish their own transportation for sup- 
plies from New York to the plantations cultivated, 
and for the crop grown, to market, as no freight 
lines are running to the South now. After a care- 
ful investigation of the subject, we estimate that 
about two hundred dollars of capital will be re- 
quired for each hand employed. How shall this 
capital be raised ? As there is danger of being 
driven off by the rebels before the crop is gathered, 
and the whole investment lost, no one will be willing 
to invest a large amount in it; but many will risk a 
small amount for the purpose of seeing this experi- 
ment tried, and the fact demonstrated that cotton 
can be grown cheaper with free labor than with 
slaves, and a movement initiated, which will be the 
means of inducing other parties to engage in many 
similar enterprises before the season is past, and 
thus furnish employment to a large number of eman- 
cipated slaves. 

The amount of capital required being greater 
than private parties would be willing to risk, there 
is clearly no method of raising it but by means of 
a stock company with a comparatively large capital, 
whose stock is divided into small shares. 

We are willing and anxious to engage in this en- 
terprise, and will invest three thousand dollars in its 
stock, provided others will join us and make up an 
amount of capital sufficient to go on with it suc- 
cessfully. Who will join us? Any one willing to 
take stock in such an enterprise to the amount of 
ten dollars or more, is invited to advise us of the fact 
by mail. Friends of the cause, let us hear from you. 
Ellis, Britton & Eaton. 

Springfield, (Vt.,) Nov. 15, 1862. 



period of the war, mass the slaves in one jormidabl 
body, and thus render them immeasurably more power' 
ful In inflict injury ? This is precisely what the 
rebels are doing. But we have heard nobodv object 
to their doing so. It' they can stand it, we guess 
that we can endure it, not only patiently but com- 
fortably- In fact, we confess we rather like the 
movement. The rebels are kindly putting their 
heads so close together, that we can soon sever them 
at one blow, as if they had but dne neck. Nor 
does it require the gift of prophecy to foretell what 
will follow in this State. 

These splendid plantations, whose area is vast, 
wdiose fertility is unsurpassed, and whose climate is 
delightful, will not be allowed to lie idle. An army 
of hardy, enterprising immigrants from the north- 
west will soon pour in to fill the places left vacant 
by the slaves; and, in the place of half-savage, 
wooliy-headed, coal-black ragged Africans, as un- 
educated as the mules they drive, there will be a 
multitude of industrious, thinking, well-clad, edu- 
cated, newspaper-reading, church and school-going, 
white farmers, able and wilting to serve the State 
in peace and in war. The exchange will not be a 
bad one: it will soon double our wealth. — Nashville 
Union. 



EMPLOYMENT FOR LIBERATED NEGROES. 

We believe it to be of vital importance to the 
complete success of the Proclamation of Emancipa- 
tion, that its friends immediately take measures to 
furnish profitable employment to those slaves who 
shall come within tho Union lines, and claim their 
liberty under it. Unless this is done, only a few of 
the able-bodied, middle-aged men, who can be em- 
ployed for military purposes, will be able to find 
employment, or the means of support ; the remain- 
der will become an immense burden to tho Gov- 
ernment, and remain in idleness. 

Every day's labor which the people will be able 
to do, during the coming year, in tho cotton-field, 
can be made worth two dollars at least, and will 
leave an immense margin of profit on the capital 
required to employ them, at that, price, wiih any- 
thing like, respectable management; for the same 
labor that was required to grow one dollar's worth 
of cotton in 1860, when ii sold for ten cents per 
pound, will grow six dollars' worth to-day, when it 
sells for BlXty cents per pound. The labor of a 
good field hand cost the master si\ly-lhree cents 
per day in 1$60. This cost consisted of the follow- 
ing items, viz. : — Twelve per cent, interest on the 
cost of a good hand, say twelve hundred dollars, 
which amounts to forty-eight CCDta per da.v ; fifteen 
dollars per annum for clothing, equal to live eenls 
pei- flay i twenty-four dollars per annum for pro- 
visions' furnished, equal to eight cents per day; 

time lost during sickness, expenses for medicine and 
negro quarters, equal to I wo eenls per day, ■ mak- 
ing the total cost per hand sixty-three eenls per 



THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION IN 
TENNESSEE. 

THE NEGRO EXODUS — THE WAT OF THE TRANS- 
GRESSOR IS HARD. 

The rebel slaveholders of Middle Tennessee — and 
they comprise, perhaps, five-sixths of the slavehold- 
ers — are filled with alarm at the approaching evil 
which menaces them with ruin. It is evident that 
they do not regard the President's Emancipation 
Proclamation as brutum falmen — -mere thunder and 
no lightning— as some newspapers regard it. On 
the contrary, they look upon it as the most terrible 
wound yet inflicted upon the peculiar institution, 
which, as it is the chief corner-stone of the Butter- 
nut Confederacy, so it is tho chief corner-stone o* 
the rebellion, whose death involves the death of the 
Southern rebellion. The slaves have heard of the 
proclamation, and are following the example of re- 
bellion set them by their masters. Whoever else 
may affect to doubt that the proclamation is a live 
document, the rebels of Middle Tennessee do not 
doubt it, and they quake in the extremity of their 
terror as the day draws near when it shall take 
effect in Wilson, in Williamson, in Maury, in Ruth- 
erford, and in Davidson counties. The rebel masters 
have, for. two weeks past, been gathering up their 
slaves, and running them olf as expeditiously as 
possible. Whole plantations, which once counted 
their scores of bondsmen — coal-black, chestnut- 
brown, saddle-colored, olive-tinted and Saxou-hued 
— are now depopulated. Their former inhabitant 
have 

"Laid down tho shovel and tho hoe, 
And hung up tho fiddle and tho bow ; * 

and have been driven off to Dixie — to the land c 
cotton, cotton-mouth snakes, and cotton-headed poli 
ticians. 

We have our doubts whether these fugitive mas- 
ters will find the change for the better. It looks t< 
US like leaping out of the frying pan into the fire. 
What will they do with their slaves when they ge: 
them South ? There is no work for them to do, no 
cotton or tobacco to raise, and nothing for them to 
cat. It does not seem to us that to collect hun- 
dreds of thousands of restless, excited negroes to- 
gether, is exactly tho best method of securing and 
strengthening the divine institution of slavery, which 
is sanctioned by the .Lord's prayer and the Sermon 
on the Mount! To use a plain term, these rebel 
slaveholders are a set of asses ; they never were 
troubled with much brains, and they have improved 
very much, oi late — the wrong way. If we wanted 
to stir up mischief, insubordination, and the devil 
generally, in the cotton States, we would advise 
these slave-owners of Middle Tennessee to do just 
as they are doing, dust let them pile up their ne- 
groes four deep, over Mississippi and Alabama, until 
those Slates look like the deck of a slaver, and be- 
yond all doubt, we shall speedily witness an irre- 
pressible conflict, compared with which all other 
conflicts will appQftT lame and spiritless! Who 
would have believed, twelve months ago, that dur- 
ing a bloody civil war, the rebel slave-owners, who 

have always dreaded insurrections among their slaves, 

even when they were separated Ironi eaeh other On 
isolated plantations, would) at- the most dangerous 



PE00LAMATI0N, POE A DAT OF PUBLIC 
THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE. 

I hereby appoint and set apart Thursday, the 
Twenty- Seventh Dat op November, as a day 
of public thanksgiving and praise; and I earnestly 
recommend to the Superintendents of Plantations, 
Teachers and Freedmen in this Department, to ab- 
stain on that day from their ordinary business, and 
assemble in their respective places of worship, and 
render praise and thanksgiving to Almighty God 
for the manifold blessings and mercies he has be- 
stowed upon us during the past year; and more 
especially for the signal success which has attended 
the great experiment for freedom and the rights of 
oppressed humanity, inaugurated in the Depart- 
ment of the South. Our work has been crowned 
with a glorious success. The hand of God has been 
in it, and we have faith to believe the recording an- 
gel has placed the record of it in the Book of Life. 

You, freedmen and women, have never before 
had such cause for thankfulness. Your simple faith 
has been vindicated. "The Lord has come" to 
you, and has answered your prayers. Your chains 
are broken. Your days of bondage and mourning 
are ended, and you are forever free. If you can- 
not yet see your way clearly in the future, fear not ; 
put your trust in the Lord, and He will vouchsafe, 
as He did to the Israelites of old, the cloud by- day - 
and the pillar of fire by night, to guide your foot- 
steps " through the wilderness," to the promised land. 

I therefore advise you all to meet and offer up 
fitting songs of thanksgiving for all these great mer- 
cies which you have received, and with them, forget 
not to breathe an earnest prayer for your brethren 
who are still in bondage. 

Given at Beaufort, S. C, this ninth day of No- 
vember, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
hundred and sixty-two. R. SAXTON, 

Brig. -General, and Military Governor. 



A NEW ENTERTAINMENT. 

A COLORED WOMAN READING THE AMERICAN 

POETS. 

The little semi-circular hall of the Stuyvesant 
Institute was opened last night to such of the pub- 
lic as knew of the fact, and chose to attend. The 
attraction announced was a poetical reading by a 
" Mrs. Louise DeMortie, a colored lady of Boston," 
and as the affair had not been advertised, except 
among our colored citizens, there were only about 
half a dozen white persons present. The rest of 
the audience, which half filled the room, included 
negroes of every hue, from the deep brown and 
dark black to the pale olive. There were several 
splendid-looking women, as elegant in dress and 
feature as the rich Creoles of Louisiana. There 
were one or two colored preachers, of raven com- 
plexion and garb, and not a few of the more elegant 
and dandyish " colored gemmen " who may be seen 
in fashionable hotels and hair-dressing rooms. One 
man, bald on the top of his head and magnificent 
as to whiskers, was the very bust in chocolate of 
General Burnside. There were several men and 
women so white that they could scarcely be dis- 
tinguished from those of the Caucasian race who 
were present. While waiting for the reader, two 
men — a harpist and a violinist — played upon their 
instruments very indifferently. 

At a little after eight o'clock, Mrs. De Mortie ap- 
peared, and sat down before a small pine table, on 
Which were placed a few books and a pitcher of wa- 
ter. A splendid-looking woman she was — complex- 
ion of a flushed creamy tint, hair dark and wavy, 
eyes large and lustrous, and features oval and al- 
most classic. She was dressed in black silk, and 
wore white kid gloves. She could not be consider- 
ed a type of the African race, for, though the Afri- 
can blood evidently tinged her skin, she might easi- 
ly have passed for a Creole. Yet she at once iden- 
tified herself with the negro race, of which there 
were so many undoubted members in the audience, 
and opened her readings with some passionate stan- 
zas by Whittier, on "The Slave and Slavery." 

The voice was superb — rich, deep and musical — 
the pronunciation admirable, without the slightest 
touch of negro accent, while the gestures were al- 
ways easy and graceful. Whittier's exquisite pas- 
toral, " Maud Muller," followed, read with the qniot 
ease and half-hidden pathos the piece requires. Ex- 
tracts from " The Honeymoon " exhibited in the 
reader considerable sprightliness and humor. A se- 
lection from the " Hero and the Slave," written by 
J. Sella Martin, a black man. again called forth her 
fire and energy, but, though well written, and con- 
taining many passages of genuine poetic fervor, the 
Eiecc was too long to interest the audience. Iu 
■onglellow's "Skeleton in Armor" there was a 
marked deficiency ; several lines were so carelessly 
read that some words were entirely omitted, and 
Others inserted, thus quite destroying the rhylhm. 
Nor was the " Pied Piper " rendered uracil bettor; 
but in the next piece, an anonymous little gem. 
entitled » Magdalena," Mrs, He Mortie fully equal- 
led in pathos and effect any lady reader who has 
ever attempted to read to a New York audience; 
nothing in this style could be better. 

The listeners were attentive, quiet and decorous, 
but Btranjgely lacking in applause or enthusiasm. 

In fact, ihe programme was, with a few exceptions, 

adapted to a more scholarly audience, and it was 
hardly to be expected (hat it would be fully appreci- 
ated try all of those present. 

This " colored lady " will probably read here aeain 
Boon. There are many families in (his eily who, 
without being at all prominent in the work, sympa- 
thise, al least in talk, with the colored race, and are 
not even afraid of the dreadful word " Abolition- 
ist." These families ean enjoy an agreeable evening 
listen to reading Rllly up to the average, and en- 
courage, by their presence, a colored woman of u« 



206 



THE L I B E H J± T O E 



DECEMBER 26. 



doubted talent. They will hear or sec nothing to 
offend the most delicate susceptibilities, and we trust 
hit som« of them will attend the next reading of 
Mrs. De Mortid, whose talents as a reader have only 
been developed during the past year, and will im- 
prove with experience. — New York Eve. Post. 



WASHINGTON UNIONISM. 

In this city of Washington, I can proclaim myself 
a Union man, and remain in good standing with 
such facile politicians as George D. Prentice, George 
B. McClellan, Gov. Seymour, James Gordon Ben- 
nett, John Van Buren, Fernando Wood, Ben, his 
brother, and that renegade puritan, Misther Brooks, 
as well as with Abe Lincoln, Horace Greeley, the 
Cabinet, the citizens of Washington, and all the 
aiders and abetters of Treason, from Richmond to 
New Orleans. To be a Union man is to be a map 
popular everywhere and with everybody. This is 
desirable. Just see how the thing looks ! 

As a Union politician, I can be opposed to Aboli- 
tionism and Black Republicanism, (which lattw is 
only a modification of the former,) to the abolition 
of slavery in the District of Columbia, and to the 
emancipation policy of President Lincoln. I can fa- 
vor compromise with Rebellion tor the sake of Union^ 
and sympathize with the most damnable treason cf 
our ""Southern brethren," while they unsympatluz- 
ingly eut the throats of loyal Northern brethren. 1 
can regret Northern outrages on Southern and " sa- 
cred soil," and denounce the cruelty that keeps the 
chivalry barefoot for want of leather, and their teeth 
chattering for want of quinine. As a Union man, 1 
can feed at the public crib, and cajole the Adminis- 
tration that gave me place, while I am secretly pray- 
ing, if not working, for its overthrow. As a Union 
partizan, I can blatantly denounce as Abolitionists 
the honest fools who thought this Administration in- 
tended to stand by the men who fought its battles. 
and on the stump and at the ballot-box, won the 
victory that placed them in power. The motto of 
all Union men is, " The Constitution as it is, and the 
Union as it was." Not only is this Unionism, but it 
is also Democratic. It is the war-cry of Seymour, 
of Prentice, and .of Brooks, of Fernando, of Ben. 
aud of Prince John. It is the principle for which 
hundreds of thousands of our brethren have died 
in the camp, on the field, and in the hospital. It i 
the principle which, triumphant, secures to oui 
country its past greatness, the white man his suprem- 
acy, and the black man his inevitable servitude. 

There never was, since I can remember, such a 
convenient political formula presented to any peo- 
ple for their adoption. It is for the reason that I 
am at this hour a Union man, watching carefully 
the moment when to call my political bias by 
some other name. 

Don't you think your four friends in Iowa had 
better abandon the name of Republicans, and here- 
after call themselves Unionists? The Democracy 
North and the traitors South will then have some 
hope of redeeming the State from Abolition rule! 
If Union men are flattered and fawned upon a little 
while longer in the Border States, and Abolition- 
ism, and its counterpart, Black Republicanism, 
(which seek to continue this war until Southern 
aristocracy and slavery are " squelched out,") are 
repudiated, this rebellion will soon be terminated by 
friendly compromise with traitors, reestablishing the 
" Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is." 
In the mean time, the army must be freed from the, 
presence of Generals disposed to pursue a policy 
differing from the one I have just indicated. — Wash- 
ington corr. of Iowa State Register. 



THE AMERICAN EMANCIPATION MOVE- 
MENT. 

On Friday evening, a meeting was held at the 
hall of the Metropolitan Institution, Cleveland street, 
to protest against recent expressions of opinion in 
flavor of the South, and to promote the success of 
the American emancipation movement. Mr. J. A. 
Nicholay presided, and on the platform were Pro- 
fessor Newman, Mr. Washington Wilks, Mr. James 
Beal. Mr. H. J. Slack, Mr. R. Moore, Mr. Elt, Mr. 
Chamerovzow, Mr. P. Sinclair, Mr. Evans, Mr. 
Malleson, &c. The room was crowded. 

The Chairman briefly opened the proceedings. 
The war they now saw raging in America was 
lamentable, and he might say unparalleled; but 
amid the horrors which prevailed, he thought he 
could see that the slave was to have an opportunity 
of gaining his freedom. They knew what the 
great and good Garibaldi had said with respect to 
the American struggle. (Cheers.) His sympathies 
were with the Federal cause, on account of the dis- 
position which its adherents manifested to free the 
slaves. (Loud cheers.) He (the speaker) had al- 
ways been on the side of liberty ; he had often 
fought the battle of the working classes; and he 
would have considered himself disgraced, if he had 
not come forward to assist the slaves in freeing 
themselves from bondage. (Applause.) 

Professsor Newman then rose, and proposed the 
following resolution: — "That this meeting, looking 
with pride and sympathy on the great free Repub- 
lic which draws its blood and its principles of con- 
stitutional liberty from England, most earnestly 
desires that in the future England and the free 
American Union may be found united in brotherly 
friendship." The question, he said, had sometimes 
been asked, What had England most reason to be 
most proud of? Some would reply, that England 
had preserved her freedom when despotism had 
covered Europe. Others might say that England 
had produced a free literature and a sound morality : 
while others might reply that England had spread 
freedom and a free literature over the world. 
Where, he asked, was the truth of this most readily 
to be seen? In the United States of America. 
(Applause.) That Union was England's greatest 
progeny — that of which Englishmen had the great- 
est reason to be proud. Certainly, any cause of 
hostility between the two peoples was deeply to be 
regretted. What was the test of a true civilization ? 
It was the condition of the masses; and that test 
was answered in America. Three millions of Eng- 
lishmen had gone to the United States, and, there- 
fore, it was true that they had drawn a large por- 
tion of their blood from among ourselves. They 
had gone to the United States in preference to 
Canada. Perhaps he might mortify their national 
pride when he said that England, which in former 
times solved various important, problems, had now 
somewhat got into a tangle. That difficulty was in 
many respects solved in the United States. Here we 
had a hierarchy which impeded education, whereas 
in the United States there were great educational 
advantages. (Cheers.) The people had a motive to 
educate their children, for there was no hereditary 
aristocracy to stop their rise in society. The people 
in America had also the advantage of being rid of 
secret diplomacy, and the result was that a few per- 
sons could not get up a war. (Applause.) Still, 
nobody would say that the diplomacy of America 
was worse conducted than that of Russia, or of other 
countries. He hoped the best feeling would always 
continue between England and America — that Eng- 
land would readily forgive the offences America had 
committed against us, which he thought had been 
small, and that America would forgive the offences 
committed against her by England, which he feared 
bad been great. (Applause.) 

Mr. Sinclair seconded the resolution. He had, he 
said, travelled a great deal in America, and he 
could, from his own experience, assert that the peo- 
ple of the Northern States were not actuated by 
any feeling of hostility against us. He knew that 
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward cherished the most 
friendly feeling towards England. He then dis- 
cussed, at some length and with much eloquence, 
various questions connected with the war, which he 
argued was carried on by the South in behalf of 
slavery. (Applause.) 

Mr. Evans supported the resolution. He had also 
travelled extensively in America, and he confirmed 
the statement of the preceding speaker in regard to 
the feelings with which England was generally re- 
garded in the Northern States. 
- Mr. Ball here asked the Chairman if it was open 
to any one to move an amendment. 

The Chairman answered in the affirmative, and 
invited his questioner at once to move an amend- 
ment, if he desired to do so. 

Mr. Ball then ascended the platform, but his re- 
marks being irrelevant, the meeting refused to hear 
him- 

Mr. Lerapriere, barrister, next moved an amend- 
ment, to the effect that the meeting deprecated the 
continuance of the war, and desired that it should 
bo stopped by mediation. (Noise, and cries of 
" That is no amendment.") 

The audience being indisposed to hear Mr. Lnm- 
priere, the Chairman and Mr. Wilks made an ap- 
peal on hia behalf) It was the desire of the pr i- 
moters of the meeting that any advocate of the 
South should have a fair and impartial hearing. 



Mr. Lempriere then proceeded with his address, 
amid much interruption. He read copiously from 
the speech recently delivered by Mr. Buxton, M. P., 
and was understood to endorse the opinions Mr. 
Buxton had enunciated. These opinions were re- 
ceived with vigorous expressions of dissent, and 
Mr. Lempriere was somewhat peremptorily re- 
quested by several persons in front of the platform 
to state his own arguments, and not to take up the 
time of the meeting by reading a speech which they 
had all seen in the newspapers. 

After some further irregular discussion, the amend- 
ment was put, and it secured a few supporters. 

The resolution was next put, and it was carried 
by an overwhelming majority. 

Mi'. Slack then proposed — " That this meeting, 
adhering to the principle of non-intervention, is 
gratified to learn that the Government has declined 
the mediation proposed by the French Emperor in 
the affairs of the United States, which was obvi- 
ously calculated to obstruct the measures of Presi- 
dent Lincoln for the emancipation of the slaves." 

Mr. Slack supported the resolution in a speech 
containing numerous pertinent arguments and illus- 
trations. He examined the arguments by which 
the advocates of the South had justified secession, 
maintaining that they were false and unfounded. 
The North had waged a modified war against sla- 
very, while the South was waging an unmodified 
war in support of slavery. (Applause.) 

Mr. Wilks, in seconding (he resolution, expressed 
his satisfaction that the Government had declined 
the French Emperor's proposal of mediation. He 
then, amid great cheering, read Earl Russell's reply 
to the despatch of M. Drouyn de I'Huys. He pro- 
ceeded to contend that President Lincoln's Procla- 
mation had prevented a servile* war, and having 
stated that a society had been formed for the ex- 
press purpose of heiping the American emancipa- 
tion movement, fervently appealed to the meeting 
to give the society cordial support. He concluded 
a speech which was much applauded by drawing 
vivid picture of the different, aspect America would 
present to the world after effect had been given to 
Mr. Lincoln's Proclamation. 

The resolution, on being put, was carried almost 
unanimously, there being only three or four disse: 
tients. 

The meeting, which had been protracted to twenty 
minutes past eleven o'clock, terminated with a vote 
of thanks (o the Chairman. — London Morning Star. 



SYMPATHY WITH THE OONPEDEEATE 
STATES. 

A correspondent writes as follows: — You are 
probably not aware of the existence of the London 
Confederate States Aid Association. Let me, there- 
fore, inform you of a fact which is fraught with so 
much significance. It begs in the most piteous 
terms for money, and I fear on false political pre- 
tences. I have just got a printed address of this 
association, and the document must be the source of 
much amusement to all who have the perseverance 
to read it through. Towards the conclusion of this 
wonderful production, the ladies of Britain — flatter- 
ingly described as the "fairest and best of earth"— 
are earnestly implored to eomo down with their 
subscriptions for the sake of " violated innocence " 
and "insulted virtue." But, sir, not only has tins 
association issued an address— it has commenced a 
lecture crusade. Yesterday evening, Dr. Lempriere 
appeared as the champion of " violated innocence" 
and '• insulted virtue," the arena of the display be- 
ing the drawing-room of a house in Devonshire- 
street, Portland-place. The company was not par- 
ticularly numerous. The doctor commenced by 
some very general observations, and then went on 
to condemn the North for cruelty to his proteges. 
At this juncture, Mr. James Beal mildly interposed 
an observation to the effect that the South had been 
duly represented in the councils of the nation, 
whereupon Dr. Lempriere waxed awfully indignant 
at the interruption. Mr. Beal then asked if there 
was to be no discussion, and Dr. Lempriere answered 
in the neeative. The doctor then said he could not 
go on with his lecture until Mr. Beal had retired; 
and he requested Mr. Beal would leave the room. 
Mr. Beal in turn objected, and reminded Dr. Lam- 
priere that he had been heard in favor of the South 
at the meeting convened by the friends of the North. 
Dr. Lempriere rejoined [hat discussion was not to 
be allowed, and that Mr. Beal must go out. Mr. 
Beal said he had come at Dr. Lempriere^ invita- 
tion, that he had not disturbed the meeting, and 
that those who turned him out would do so at their 
responsibility. A policeman was then sent for, Mr. 
Beal meanwhile maintaining his position with per- 
fect coolness. After some further altercation, Mr. 
Beal said he would retire, if, on a show of hands, it 
was decided he should do so. The show was then 
taken, and the meeting, which numbered between 
forty and fifty, pronounced by a decided majority 
for Mr. Beals retirement. Mr. Beal then asked 
Dr. Lempriere to declare the numbers of the voting, 
but the doctor declined, and requested Mr. Beal to 
leave. Mr. Beal asked him again to state the num- 
bers, adding that if they were declared against him 
he would retire. The doctor paid no attention to 
the request, and, seizing Mr. Beal, ejected him, with 
the aid of a policeman. The doctor then went on 
with his lecture, which was rambling and illogical 
in the last degree. — London Morning Star. 



No Union with Slaveholders! 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 26,1862. 



CONCERNING THE LIBERATOR 

The war has not only crippled the circulation of the 
newspaper press generally, but it has produced such a 
scarcity in the materials for making printing paper, — 
owing chiefly to the failure of the cotton crop, — that 
the price per ream is now more than doubled, with a 
strong probability of a further upward tendency for 
some time to come. The consequence must be, uni- 
versally, either a diminution in the size of the sheet 
or in the quantity of reading matter, or else a propor- 
tionate increase in the subscription price. Another 
alternative is, speedy extinction. In numerous cases, 
a stern necessity will doubtless compel the acceptance 
of the last, especially by weekly newspapers, as com- 
paratively few of these have, hitherto, been able to 
preserve more than a precarious existence. It was 
the extra ounce that broke the camel's back ; in this 
case, it is a ton's weight, instead of an ounce. 

In common with all other publishers, we find our- 
selves in a very tight place. Our subscription list has 
been seriously reduced, by various causes, during the 
last year; and this, alone, is a source of pecuniary 
embarrassment. To attempt to go on at the same 
rates, with this loss, witli the enormous advance in the 
price of printing paper, and with no immediate pros- 
pect of extending our circulation, would inevilably 
terminate the publication of the Liberator at an early 
day. On the other hand, to increase the terms to 
§3.00 per annum, — which, supposing our present list 
of subscribers should remain firm, would barely cover 
the additional cost of the white paper, — may cause 
such a further diminution in the number of our pa- 
trons as to hasten the same fatal result. The first 
course, if pursued, is certain suppression ; the second 
furnishes the only chance of continuance. In these 
trying circumstances, we cannot hesitate which to 
adopt. The price of the Liberator, therefore, at the 
commencement of the new year, will be enhanced fifty 
cents per annum, until the market value of printing 
paper he restored to its normal condition. Other 
weekly papers throughout the country have been 
obliged to make a similar advance in their own case. 

This is a simple statement of our situation, and our 
readers can easily cipher out the absolute necessity 
for this change in our terms. 

Death has made serious ravages among our earliest 
subscribers, especially within the last two or three 
years ; but we still retain on our subscription list the 
names of a number of cherished friends, in different 
parts of the country, whose untiring cooperation and 
unwavering confidence call for the warmest expression 
of our gratitude. Such will continue to stand by us, 
while we remain faithful to the cause of the enslaved 
as in the past. 

Of course, we shall reduce the altered subscription 
price to its former state, at the earliest practicable pe- 
riod. 



THE EVENTFUL DAY. 

On the 22d of September last, President Lincoln 
made to the country and the world the following 
Proclamation : — 

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United 
States, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and 
Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare, that 
hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for 
the object of practically restoring the Constitutional 
relation between the United States and the people 
thereof, in which States that relation is or may be 
suspended or disturbed ; that it is my purpose at the 
next meeting of Congress to again recommend the 
adoption of a practical measure, tendering pecuniary 
aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all the slave 
States, so called, the people whereof may not then be 
in rebellion against the United States, and which 
States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereaf- 
ter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abol- 
ishment of slavery within their respective limits, and 
that the effort to colonize persona of African descent, 
with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, 
with the previously obtained consent of the govern- 
ments existing there, will be continued; that on the 
first day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons 
held as slaves within any State, or any designated 
part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in 
rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
thenceforward and forever, free; and the Executive 
Government of the United States, including the mili- 
tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of such persons, or any of them, 
in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom ; 
that the Executive will, on the 1st day of January 
aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, or 
parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof 
respectively shall then be in rebellion against the 
United States ; and the fact that any State or peo- 
ple thereof shall on that day he in good faith repre- 
sented in the Congress of the United States by mem- 
bers chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of 
the qualified voters of such State shall have partici 
patcri, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing 
testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such 
State and the people thereof are not then in rebel- 
lion against the United States ; that attention is here- 
by called to an Act of Congress, entitled, ' An Act to 
make an additional Article of War,'- approved March 
13th, 1S6"2, and which act is in the words and figures 
following : — 

" Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the United States of America in Congress assem- 
bled, that hertafter the following shall be promulgated a; 
an additional article of war, for the government of the 
army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and ob- 
served as such: — 

" Article — . All officers or persons in the military or 
naval service of the United States are prohibited from em- 
ploying any of the forces under their respective commands 
for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor 
who may have escaped from any persons to whom such ser- 
vice or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall 
be found guilty by court martial of violating this article 
shall be dismissed from the servicer. 

"Section 2. And be it further enacted, That this Act 
shall take effect from and after its passage." 

Also the 9th and 10th sections of an Act entitled 
"An Act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason 
and rebellion, to seize and confiscate propertv of reb- 
els, and for other purposes," approved July "17, 1862, 
and which sections are in the words and figures fol- 
lowing: — 

" Section 9. And he it further enacted, That all slaves 
of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion 
against the Government of the United States, or who shall 
in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such 
persons, and taking refuge within the lines of the army, and 
all slaves captured from such persons, or deserted by them, 
and coming under the control of the Government of the 
Unittd States, and all slaves of such persons found on or 
being within any place occupied by rebel forces, and after- 
wards occupied by the forces of the United Slates, shall be 
deemed captures of war, and shall be forever free of their 
servitude, and not again held as slaves. 

"Section 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave, 
escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Co- 
lumbia, from any of the States, shall be delivered up, or 
any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for 
crime, or some o lie nee agsi-inst the laws, unless the person 
claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person 
to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to 
be due is his lawful owner, and has not been in arms 
against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in 
any way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person 
engaged in the military or naval service of the United 
States shall, under any pretence -whatever, assume to de- 
cide on the validity of the claim of any person to the ser- 
vice or labor of any other person, or surrender up any 
such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed 
from the service." 

And I do hereby enjoin and order all persons en- 
gaged in the military and naval service of the United 
States lo observe, obey and enforce within their re- 
spective spheres of service the Acts and sections 
above recited; and the Executive will in due time 
recommend that all citizens of the United States, who 
shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the re- 
bellion, shall, upon the restoration of the Constitu- 
tional relations between the United States and their 
respective States and people, if the relations shall 
have been suspended or disturbed, be compensated 
for all losses by acts of the United States, including 
the loss of slaves. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, 
and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the City of Washington, this 22d day of 
September, in the year of our Lord 1862, and of the 
independence of the United States the 87th. 
By the President, 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. 

The eventful day indicated in this Proclamation is 
at hand, and, as it draws near, the hearts of all true 
friends of freedom are palpitating with hope and fear 
as to its enforcement or possible modification. No 
doubt, a tremendous pressure has been, and up to the 
last hour will be, brought to bear upon the President, 
by those who desire his downfall and the success of 
the Southern traitors, to induce him to postpone in- 
definitely the operation of his Emancipation Act. 
That he will stand by it seems to be the general con- 
viction, though we shall not be greatly surprised if he 
substitute some other project for it. A man so mani- 
festly without moral vision, so unsettled in his policy, 
so incompetent to lead, so destitute of hearty abhor- 
rence of slavery, cannot be safely relied upon in any 
emergency. But having solemnly committed himself 
to the recognition of the freedom of every slave in the 
Rebel States, January 1, 1863, both in his Proclama- 
tion and Message, to retract at this late period would 
subject him to the opprobrium of mankind, and lead 
to the most fearful convulsions. The slaves are every 
where, throughout the designated rebellious regions, 
patiently waiting for the day of their deliverance ; but 
should they be disappointed, by any infidelity on the 
part of the President, their hope will give way to de- 
spair, and bloody slave insurrections speedily follow. 

It will be seen, by notices in another column, that 
the day is to be celebrated by a Grand Jubilee Con- 
cert at Music Hall, on the afternoon of January 1st, 
and also by meetings in the Tremont Temple, fore- 
noon, afternoon and evening, by the colored citizens 
of Boston and their friends, under the direction of the 
Union Progressive Association. These, no doubt, will 
be largely attended. 

The colored citizens of New York intend celebra- 
ting the event by a Grand Emancipation Soiree, and 
also a Mammoth Demonstration in the Cooper Insti- 
tute, on the evening of January 6th, on which occa- 
sion addresses, interspersed with music by a full band, 
will be made by Rev. Dr. Cheever, Rev. H. H. Gar- 
ret, Professor William J. Wilson, Lewis Tappan, Esq., 
Rev. R. H. Cain, John Peterson, Esq., and William 
Wells Brown. 

The colored people of Hampton, Virginia, propose 
celebrating the 1st prox. as a holiday. 

May there be no drawback upon the anticipated joy 
of these celebrations, by any act of the President to 
modify or suspend his Proclamation I 



Aid fou the Liberator. Hon. Gerrit Smith, of 
Peterboro', N. Y., has kindly sent us 820, and the 
Hon. Edward Harris, of Woonaocket, R. I., $25, to 

enable us to meet the pressure arising from the un- 
paralleled increase in the price of printing paper. 



T£gF~ We would call attention to the Circular, head- 
ed " Employment for Emancipated Negroes," printed 
on our first page. With regard to the responsibility 
and good faith of Messrs. Ellis, Burton anil Eaton, the 
public are referred to the Exchange Bank, Springfield, 
or Connecticut River Bank, Charleston, N. H. It is 
manifest that, in the liberation of so large a body of 
the slave population, some extensive plans, similar to 
this, conducted in good faith by Northern associated 
skill and enterprise, will be needed to turn the labor 
of the emancipated to the beat advantage for all con- 
cerned. 



00NGEESS. 

Congress, as yet, has done nothing of special im- 
portance, excepting the passage in the House of Rep- 
resentatives of a resolution, approving of the Presi- 
dent's Emancipation Proclamation. The vote stood — 
dyes, 78; noes, 51. A strict party vote, we pre- 
sume — the Democratic party still continuing, as from 
the beginning, the natural ally of slavery. 

The following is a copy of a bill introduced by 
Mr. Hickman, of Pennsylvania : — 

A Bill for the suppression of rebellion, treason, and insur- 
rection, and for other purposes. 
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives of the United States of America in Con- 
gress assembled, That the President be, and is hereby 
authorized to raise as many regiments, not exceeding 
one hundred of Africans, or colored persons of the 
United States, as, in his discretion, he may consider 
necessary ; to be uniformed in some marked or special 
manner, and armed and equipped as he may direct; 
their term of service to be lor seven years, unless 
sooner discharged ; the pay of the private soldiers and 
musicians to be six dollars and fifty cents per month, 
one half of which is to be retained till the end of their 
period of enlistment ; the pay of the non commissioned 
officers to be the same as that of like grades in the re- 
spective corps of the regular army ; the commissioned 
officers of these regiments to be men of collegiate edu- 
cation, either white or colored, and to receive twice 
the pay and emoluments of officers of corresponding 
grades in the infantry arm of the regular service ; the 
non-commissioned officers to be either white or colored, 
as the commanding officers of regiments may see fit; 
each company to have one teacher or chaplain's clerk, 
with the pay and allowances of orderly sergeant, and 
the whole to receive the same allowances of clothing, 
rations, quarters, fuel, et cetera, as are now provided 
by law for the other troops of the United States. 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That a line of 
seuii-inonthly steamers, of not less than fifteen hun- 
dred tons burden each, be established by contract or 
otherwise, between New York and one or more ports 
in Liberia, Africa, to touch on the outward passage at 
Norfolk, Virginia, and at Port Royal, South Carolina, 
for the purposes of carrying mails, passengers, articles 
of commerce, and such persons as the various coloniza- 
tion societies of the United States may desire to send ; 
and that for the purposes of superintending the said 
line of steamers and the emigration of Africans from 
the United States, three commissioners shall be ap- 
pointed, whose term of office shall continue during 
good behavior, with the pay of three thousand dollars 
a year each, and whose duty it shall be to send to Li- 
beria such freed men of the African race as are or may- 
become dependent upon the United States for support; 
to furnish them with suitable agricultural implements, 
and with clothing, provisions, and medical attendance 
for the period of one year, rendering an annual ac- 
count of the same to the Secretary of the Navy, for 
the information of Congress. 

Sec 3. And be it further enacted, That all the sums 
accruing to the United States, through the confiscation 
of the property of persons in rebellion against the 
Government of the United States, by the act entitled 
"An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason 
and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property of 
rebels, and for other purposes," approved July seven- 
teen, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, be, and hereby 
are, appropriated for the purposes of education in the 
respective States wherein the confiscated property lies, 
to be paid over to, and expended by, the legitimate 
authorities of those States, when reestablished in the 
full and complete exercise of their appropriate power 
under the United States : Provided, That the said ed- 
ucation shall tench that liberty is the fundamental prin 
eiple of the Government of the United States, nn<' 
shall be extended equally to all persons, without dis 
tinction of race, sect, or color. 

We are sorry to see so anti-slavery and intelligent 
a man as Mr. Hickman giving any countenance to for- 
eign colonization ; and we trust it will be voted down 
as needless, injurious, and disgraceful to the country. 

Mr. Clark, of New Hampshire, has introduced the 
following resolution into the U. S, Senate : — 

Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives, That they cordially approve the policy of the 
President of the United States, in setting free slaves 
in the insurrectionary districts, as indicated in his 
proclamation, dated September 22, 1862, and recom- 
mend to him the employment of that and every other 
means known to civilized warfare to terminate the 
present rebellion, and assert the supremacy of the 
government of the United States over its entire terri- 
tory and people. 

The following resolutions have been introduced in 
the U. S. House of Representatives by Hon. Thaddeus 
Stevens, of Pennsylvania : — 

Resolved, That this Union must be and remain om 
and indivisible forever. 

Resolved, That if any person in the employment of 
the United States, in either the legislative or execu- 
tive branch, should propose to make peace, or should 
accept, or advise the acceptance of any such propos" 
tion, on any other basis than the integrity and entir 
unity of the United States and their territories as they 
existed at the breaking out of the rebellion, he will be 
guilty of a high crime. 

Resolved, That this government can never accept 
the mediation or permit the intervention of any for- 
eign nation in this rebellion, or in our domestic affairs. 

Resolved, That no two governments can ever be 
permitted to exist within the territory now belonging 
to the United States, and which acknowledged their 
jurisdiction at the time of the insurrection. 

Mr. Vallandighara of Ohio offered the following, 
which he proposed to debate : — 

Resolved, That the House earnestly desire that the 
most speedy and effectual measures be taken for the 
restoration of peace in America, and that no time be 
lost in proposing an immediate cessation of hostilities 
in order for a speedy and final settlement of the un- 
happy eontroversy which brought about this unneces- 
sary and injurious civil war, by just and adequate se- 
curity against the return of like calamities in times tt 
come ; and this House desire to offer most earnest as- 
surances to the. country that they -will in due time 
cheerfully cooperate with the Executive and States for 
the restoration of the Union, to make such explicit 
and most solemn amendments and provisions of the 
Constitution as may be found necessary for securing 
the rights of the several States and sections within 
the Union under the Constitution. 

This Vnllandigham is as much a traitor at heart 
Jeff. Davis or any of his rebel associates, giving the 
"aid and comfort" in every possible way. He should 
be promptly expelled from the House. 



The American Cause in England. We are 
favored with another interesting letter from our clear- 
sighted, untiring English coadjutor, George Thomp- 
son, Esq., in which a modest reference is made to his 
truly valuable and indefatigable efforts to remove the 
strange prejudices and correct the wide-spread mis- 
apprehensions of his countrymen in regard to the 
true nature of the portentous struggle going or 
America. Whatever may be the incongruities, para- 
doxes and weaknesses attending the action of th> 
American Government in dealing with the rebellion 
and slavery, Mr. Thompson instinctively and intel- 
ligently perceives that the conflict is essentially be- 
tween the elements of freedom on the one hand, and 
the powers of despotism on the other; and, as he has 
ever nobly done, in the face of popular opinion, he 
adheres to the right, trampling all the temptations of a 
selfish expediency beneath his feet. America has no 
truer friend in the world than George Thompson ; yet 
how base has been her requital of Ins self-sacrificin 
efforts to bless and save her! But the day is comin, 
when his name shall be honored from one end of the 
land to the other. 

It will be seen that a new Emancipation Society has 
been formed in London, having for its special object 
the enlightenment of the public mind as tothe course 
which justice, honor, humanity and liberty demand 
should be pursued by the British people and govern- 
ment towards the contending parties in this country. 
May it obtain liberal support, and its efforts be vigor- 
ously prosecuted! 



A Just Rebuke. Garibaldi writes to a friend, 
in reference to our war, that he "is at a loss to un- 
derstand why a nation like the American Republic 
with such absolute and soul-inspiring declarations of 
freedom engrafted in her Constitution and laws, 
should be so regardless of the dictates of humanity, 
and the enlightened civilization of the nineteenth 
century, as not to have shivery, the barbarous relic of 
ii barbarous age, at once and forever abolished." 

35^"" To the poetical effusion on our last page, en- 
titled " ThB Champion," should have been appended 
the following 

Mural. — Strike whou you speak. VWAj, moro than 
wtirdx, your perill'd uniuitry needs, 
The sword should be t.liu .soldier's pen — his proclamations 
deeds. 



LETTEE EE0M GE0BGE THOMPSON, ESQ. 

London, Dee. 6, 1862. 
My Dear Garrison, — I am so worn down by much 
lecturing upon the American question, that I am not 
fit for writing, and can do no more than give you a 
general idea of what is doing. 

Our London Emancipation Committee has merged 
in a Society, the objects of which you will learn from 
a circular and an address which I enclose. We have 
an active Executive Committee, and a general Com- 
mittee, which already numbers about two hundred; 
composed of good men and true in all parts of the 
kingdom. We are making daily additions to it. We 
have commenced holding meetings in the metropolis, 
and shall multiply them as rapidly as possible. I ad- 
dress one this evening. On the 8th, 9th and 10th, I 
lecture in Staffordshire, on "Preedom or Slavery? 
That is the Question 1 The Slaveholders Rebellion : 
Lincoln's Proclamation, and the Duty of Englishmen 
in relation thereto." I return to London for a great 
meeting in Spa Eield's Chapel on the 11th, and on the 
12th give a lecture at Stratford, near London. 

Here you have a specimen of my labors to bring my 
countrymen to take an interest in the awfully mo- 
ntous crisis of your country. I try to furnish some 
antidote to the poison diffused by our public men in 
their addresses. I send you a reply, recently made to 
a speech delivered by Charles Buxton, M. P. (1) 
Next week I shall be refuting the falsehoods and 
calumnies of an ex-M. P., Bcresford Hope. You will 
not have forgotton my campaign on the " Send back 
the Money Question ; " nor the one on the conduct of 
the Evangelical Alliance. The present is like unto 
those; but my strength is not as great now as then. 
Nevertheless, I am doing all I can, and, with God's 
blessing on the efforts of myself, and other and better 
men, England shall be saved from her delusion. 

William A. Jackson [Jeff. Davis's ex-coachman] 
will be able to do a good work here. He is still my 
guest. My wife and daughter give him elementary 
instruction. He has been to several meetings, and has 
acquitted himself well. He attends one this evening. 
If he is not called away to America soon, we will send 
him to school, so that he may return better qualified 
to serve his brethren than he is at present. 

I have just become aware of the existence of a So- 
ciety in London, calling itself "The London Confed- 
erate States Aid Society." It professes to be origina- 
ted by Englishmen, and has issued an address "To 
the British Public, and all Sympathizers in Europe." 
I have procured a copy of this document. The night 
before last, the association held a meeting at its office, 
No. 3 Devonshire Street, Portland Place, near the 
American Embassy. Having a meeting of my own 
at the same hour, I sent William A. Jackson, who 
brought me back an account of the proceedings. 
There also appeared, in the Star of yesterday morn- 
ing, an account of what took place. This I send you 
for insertion in the Liberator. (2) Jackson's account 
confirms what is there stated. Mr. Confederate Com- 
missioner Mason, of Fugitive Slave Law notoriety, 
was present. On the retirement of that person from 
the meeting, he was confronted at the door by men 
exhibiting a placard, three feet long by two wide, in 
which was represented a negro in tattered garments, 
with an iron collar round his neck. Beneath the figure 
were the words, — 

"Dudley Weils, of Montgomery County, Missouri, as 
he appeared when, after two months hiding in the woods, he 
was rescued by a party of Federal, soldiers " — .£ c, $c. 

And then, the following : — 

"Fellow countrymen! Remember that the 'Southern 
chivalry,' which asks your sympathy and admiration, is 
composed of the wretches who perpetrate these atrocities on 
the weak and defenceless. Will you not, then, with a spirit 
worthy of the sons of Freedom, rather give your moral sup- 
port to the men who are shedding their blood (as thirty years 
ago you gave .£20,000,000 of money) to purge this" nation 
from the foul shame and guilt of complicity with slavery ? " 

The Fugitive Slave Law ex-Senator, and now Rebel 
Commissioner, on beholding this placard, 

" Grinned horribly a ghastly smile," 
and, as soon as he was able, got beyond sight of the 
apparition of Dudley Wells ! 

The Address of the Confederate States Aid Associa- 
tion is a virtual appeal for pecuniary contributions, to 
enable the rebels to " continue their war against their 
unscrupulous enemies." It begins by charging the 
North with having "insulted, imprisoned, flogged, vio- 
lated and outraged the women of the South in the 
most inhuman and savage manner." Further, " The 
North, in executing their fiendish and demoniacal pur- 
pose, are bent on mischief, robbery, murder, arson, 
and crimes of the most revolting nature; glutting 
their hellish rage by inflicting every kind of torture, 
spreading wild ruin, devastation, destruction and uni- 
versal desolation, for the purpose of revenge and 
hatred. In their fury, madness and malice, the atroci- 
ties, cruelities, crimes and outrages committed against 
the South are without a parallel in the history of the 
world." After much more of the same sort, English- 
men are invoked, in the names of " Civilization, jus- 
tice, peace, liberty, (!) humanity and Christianity, to 
rouse themselves to arrest the horrors of the blood- 
stained march of tyranny, and to rush to the aid of the 
South with — their pence, shillings and pounds." 

This anti-climax is followed by an appeal to the wo- 
men of our country. Here are the words : — 

"Fairest and best of Earth ! For the sake of vio- 
lated innocence and the honor of your sex, come in 
woman's majesty and omnipotence, and give strength 
to a cause that has for its object the highest aims — the 
amelioration and exaltation of humanity." 

This address is followed by a statement of the case 
of the North against the South, which is thus put: — 
The non-execution of the Fugitive Slave Law was a 
virtual dissolution of the Union, and absolved the 
South from their allegiance to the national compact. 
The Republican party is a political conspiracy, and 
Mr. Lincoln "the head of vigilant committeeism, un- 
der a higher law than the laws of the land." The 
South " is invaded by hordes of mercenaries, collected 
from the scum of almost every nation." "The South 
has no rival, either in commerce or in glory." Eng- 
land's neutrality has starved the South, while it has 
replenished the North. The conduct of the South 
should extort the admiration of all lovers of law and 
order; and, finally, the South implores England, with 
tears, to help her own children. 

I shall, to-night, notice this new society, and com- 
pare the spirit of the North with the spirit of the South. 
I have a choice selection of elegant extracts from Rich- 
mond Examiners, and Whigs, and Enquirers, and Dis- 
patches; with some Memphis Avalanches and Appeals, 
New Orleans Deltas and Crescents, Petersburg Express- 
es, Mobile Registers, Charleston Mercuries, South Caro- 
lina Presbyterians, Scalping Letters, &c, &c. 
Ever, most truly yours, 

GEORGE THOMPSON. 

|1] This reply we printed in last week's Liberator. 

[2] For the article here referred to, see a preceding 
column. 



LOHD0H EMANCIPATION SOCIETY. 

This Society has been formed for the purpose of 
giving practical expression to the convictions of the 
British people on the question of Negro Slavery, and 
to protest against the degrading assumption that the 
countryman of Granville Sharpe, Clarkson and Wil- 
herforce can sanction the proceedings of any com- 
munity thai contravenes the fundamental principles of 
religion and morals, by blasphemously declaring that 
Man can be the property of his fellow Man. 

It offers no opinion upon the purely political aspects 
of the American Civil War. That terrible contest has 
palpably had its origin in the existence of the un-Chris- 
tian and inhuman institution of Slavery in the South- 
ern States, and in the culpable toleration of the iniqui- 
ty so long shown by n large portion of the people of 
the North. The question of union or separation chief- 
ly concerns the Americans themselves; but the whole 
civilized world is interested in the purification of their 
community from the shame and guilt which Slavery 
entails. The Emancipation Society, therefore, calls 
tor an earnest expression of public sympathy with 



every movement tending to the liberation of the slave, 
and for the strongest reprobation of every pretence to 
prolong his bondage. 

In such measures as the recognition of Liberia and 
Hayti; the concession to England of a Right of 
Search ; the Abolition of Slavery in the District of 
Columbia and the Territories ; the offer of compensa- 
tion to the Slave States; and the Emancipation Proc- 
lamation of President Lincoln, the United States Gov- 
ernment has displayed a wise and humane feeling. 

No effort should be spared in England to do justice 
to the noble endeavors of the most enlightened Ameri- 
can citizens, and to give them moral aid in their ar- 
duous efforts to arouse their countrymen to the duty 
of treating the African with the same political justice 
which they demand for themselves. 

The Emancipation Society will act in conjunction 
with other Anti-Slavery Associations in England and 
the United States, and it appeals to every friend of 
Libekty and Human Rights for subscriptions or per- 
sonal aid. 

Office : 65, Fleet Street, London, E. C. 



ADDEESS OP THE LONDON EMANCIPATION 
SOCIETY. 
Fellow-Countrymen — The abolition of Negro 
Slavery — always an object of earnest desire to the 
philanthropist — has become now an object of urgent 
political necessity. Thirty years ago, England found 
it impossible any longer to tolerate the existence in 
her colonies of 800,000 bondmen. Since that time, 
France, Holland and Portugal have decreed the abo- 
lition of slavery in their colonial possessions. Slavery 
in the United States of America has at length pro- 
duced a crisis as much more terrible than that which 
threatened us, as the strength of the system is greater 
and the strength of the slave-owner more formidable. 
If, in our own country, slavery had occupied half the 
soil, had counted as votaries or victims a third of the 
population, had for many years controlled the govern- 
ment, and had diffused the poison of its influence 
through all our religious and social institutions, we 
hould not have got rid of it by so easy a process as 
the payment of .£20, 000,000 sterling. It would proba- 
bly have provoked a civil war, and have threatened 
to destroy the commonwealth it could no longer rule- 
Thus has slavery in America armed in its defence the 
States that proclaim themselves an independent Con- 
federacy, and demand European recognition in that 
capacity. 

The Government of the United States has tardily 
but decisively advanced from the principle of Free 
Soil Territory to that of Free Labor throughout the 
Union. It has proposed and earnestly recommended 
voluntary emancipation, offering partial or entire in- 
demnity from the Federal exchequer. To the States 
and slave-owners in arms against its authority, it an- 
nounces the cessation of their legal title to property 
in human beings; and appoints the first day of the 
next year as the epoch of emancipation through all 
the States then in rebellion. 

The Southern slaveholders respond by the denun- 
ciation of this measure as a violation of the laws of 
war, and threaten acts of retaliation that imply a root- 
ed resolve to hold the negro race in the deepest deg- 
radation as well as the hardest bondage. 

To such a struggle, England cannot be indifferent. 
Neutrality must be to the end, as it has been from the 
beginning, the rule of our governmental policy. But 
our people cannot regard with unconcern a conflict the 
origin and issues of which are so closely allied to the 
question of personal slavery or freedom to four mil- 
lions of human beings. 

To make more plain this connection — to make it 
everywhere perceived and confessed, by the force of 
indisputable testimony, that the South is fighting for 
slavery, whilst the North is fully committed to the destruc- 
tion of slavery — is the principal object for which this 
Society is organized.* Its promoters do not believe 
that English anti-slavery sentiment is dead, or even 
enfeebled. They are confident that when the de- 
mands and designs of the South are made clear, there 
will be no danger of your being enticed into complic- 
ity therewith. They trust that an unequivocal ex- 
pression of English feeling in favor of the Republican 
North — of its Free Soil platform aud its Free Labor 
proclamation — will powerfully encourage the friends 
of negro freedom in America; and so hasten the sat- 
isfactory termination of the war that now devastates 
the New World and afflicts the Old. 
By order of the Committee, 

WILLIAM EVANS, Chairman. 
F. W. CHESSON, Eon. Sec. 
Office, 65 Fleet Street, London, E. C. 



Meetings at Abington. It will be seen by notice 
in the appropriate column, that our estimable friend, 
Theodore D. Weld, will lecture next Sunday, at 
Hatherly Hall, in Abington. We bespeak for him a 
crowded audience, assuring all who attend that they 
will enjoy even an intellectual treat not often pre- 
sented from any platform or pulpit; while they will 
also witness a presentation and defence of the highest 
political, moral and spiritual truths, that never fail of 
producing a marked effect upon his hearers. Much 
and most excellent speaking as we have heard from 
the Anti-Slavery platform, for upwards of a quarter of 
a century, we have seldom, if ever, been privileged to 
listen to a speaker who more entirely satisfied and de- 
lighted us, than Mr. Weld. Having had large experi- 
ence in the Anti-Slavery cause, when it perilled every 
prospect in life, and life itself, to be known as its ad- 
vocate, and having watched with a most vigilant eye 
every change and movement of the cause since, no 
man living is better qualified to instruct his hearers, 
or wisely interpret the signs of the times. We hope 
that Abington will do itself the justice to throng his 
meetings. 

Mr. Weld, we are glad to hear, will also speak in 
East Abington and Randolph early in thfc week. 



3^~ The Atlantic Monthly, for January, 1863, 
commences the new year under brilliant auspices, and 
offers the following attractive table of contents : — 

1. Happiest Days; 2. The Promise of the Dawn; 
S. In the Half-Way House ; 4. Mr. Buckle as a 
Thinker; 5. Recollections of a Gifted Woman; 6. 
Axial, (conclusion) ; 7. The Legend of Rabbi Ben Le- 
vi; 8. My Friend the Watch; 9. Benjamin Banne- 
kcr, the Negro Astronomer ; 10. The Sleeping Senti- 
nel ; 11. Iron-Clad Ships aud Heavy Ordnance; 12. 
Andrew Rykman's Prayer ; 13. The Strathsays ; 14. 
Lyrics of the Street; 15. A Reply; 16. The Sol- 
dier's Rally; 12. Overtures from Richmond. Re- 
views and Literary Notices. 



2^=" The Continental Monthly, for January, 
1853, presents the following variety of papers : — 

1. Huguenots of New Rochelle. Hon. G. P. Disos- 
way. 2. Macearoniand Canvas. No. 10. 3. Thought. 
4. Consequences of the Rebellion Hon. F. P. Stan- 
ton. 5. "I"; or Sunimar in the City. 6, The Ivy. 
Charles Godfrey Lelnnd. 7. The Mishaps of Miss 
Uobbs. William L. Williams. 8. The Union. No. 4. 
New York and Virginia Compared, Ac. Hon. Robert 
J. Walker. 9, Promise. Edward S. Hand, Jr. 10. 
American Destiny. John Stahl Patterson. 11, Wsb 
He Successful! Richard B, Kimball. 12. The Phys- 
ical Survey of New York Harbor and its Approaches. 
Henry Mitchell, Assistant U. S. Coast Survey. 
18. An Englishman in Carolina. (Concluded.) 14. 
Pen, Pallet, and Piano. Literary Notices. Editor's 
Table. 

John F. Trow, 50 Greene St., New York. Publisher. 



1 



PitELiMiN.wiv RBFORT ox riii- Eighth Census — 
I860, We are indebted lo lion. T. 1>. Eliot for a 
copy of this valuable Report, which makes a volume 
Df 800 pages, crowded with valuable statistics relative- 
bo the agricultural and manufacturing interests of the 
country, and also numerous tables, giving the popu- 
lation of the several State* and counties in the United 

Slates,— the whole indicating a vast amount of pa- 
tient research and elaborate preparation, mid furnish- 
ing a great variety 0-1 useful information. 



DECEMBEE 26. 



THE LIBERATOR 



207 



TEE SLAVES OF REBELS PROTECTED BY 
THE AMERICAN ELAG. 

INTERESTING NARRATIVE. 

We have been kindly permitted to publish the fol- 
lowing highly interesting narrative, copied from the 
log-book of the U- S. barque Kingfisher, Joseph P. 
Couthout, A. V. Lieut. Commanding, U. S. N-, and 
transmitted in letters to a friend in Boston. This hu- 
mane, energetic and accomplished officer has just been 
called to take command of the U. S. steamer Colom- 
bia. No one better understands the nature and cause 
of the rebellion than himself, and the true govern- 
mental method to quell it. Wherever he is called to 
act, the cause of freedom and emancipation will find a 
whole-souled, brave, uncompromising defender. 

[Written at St. Marks, Florida.] 
Tuesday, 15th April. We have given shelter, this 
evening, to not less than six escaped slaves from Geor- 
gia. Five of them are pure Africans — the sixth, a 
light mulatto— and their ages range from 20 to 60. 
It happened in this way : About quarter past 4, a sail- 
boat was discovered under the land to the westward, 
apparently heading toward tiie ship ; and in the course 
of half an hour we could, with the glass, make out 
that it was a very small craft, with a very rude sail, 
fejv' and something meant for a white flag at the mast- 
El head — partly paddled, partly rowed, by half a dozen 
£ sitters. It at once occurred to us that they might be 
jS "contrabands," and if they should be descried from 
i8the shore, their escape might be cut off; so at 5, the 
Bp fourth cutter was despatched with an armed crew to 
W *he rescue, with orders, in case of their being fugitive 
^ slaves, and any attempt made at their recapture, to 
defend them to the death. Our flag was hoisted as we 
pulled toward them, to let them know we were friends ; 
ami in half an hour we bad them in tow, and by a lit- 
tle past 6, they were safe on board. They were sent 
aft, to tell their story. One look at them was a bet- 
ter refutation of the arguments of the " South-side 
Adams" theorists than any that even Wendell Pbil- 
jgft lips, with all his fiery eloquence, could present :— six 
B bundles of rags and tatters, with a human body and 
B soul inside of each. Their story lias the material fnr 
B half a dozen " Dreds " or " Uncle Toms " in it. One 
H of them — the old man — escaped from the plantation 
B^seven months ago, and has been hiding in the bush 
P eve"f\since; living— God, who feeds the young ravens 
when Khey cry, alone can tell how. He was picked up 
by theVothers, on their way down from Georgia. 
They started ten in number, but five were retaken, 
(one aVier being shot seven times before he fell,) 
«' cotched by dc nigger dogs dey set on 'em." Early 
this morning, following the Wacutla river to its 
mouth, they found a little skifT with a couple of 
oars ; and with these and four stakes for paddles, 
a ragged blanket for sail, and the remnant of an old 
frock for a flag of truce, they started on a pull of some 
twenty miles for their floating "city of refuge." 
They were very much exhausted, and it was touch- 
ing to hear their replies to some few questions that 
were asked them. 

After hearing where they came from, and how they 
got away, the Captain asked them, " Well, why do 
you come to me ? Do you suppose I am going to 
keep you? What can you do here? What can I 
do with you, better than to send you back? " " What 
we is gwine to do, sir? Why, we is come to stay 
'long wid you, and do anything you tells us, sir." 
" Weil, suppose I tell you to go ashore at once, where 
you belong?" " No, no, mass' cap'n, we isn't 'feared 
fo' dat, bless de Lord ! We knows yon never send us 
back to de rebels — and we is gwine to stay 'long wid 
you." He asked if they heard our guns at noon ? 
" For sure, mass' cap'n, but it don't bin skear us — 
toe's bin chase by de nigger dogs, and we only pull 
de harder — cas we thought, who knows, please de 
Lord, but we monght git dere, an' help a bit? " 

One of them brought on board what we took to be 
a leg of venison ; but, in reply to a question what it 
was, and where they got it, he said it was wild hog, 
""and they ran it down last evening. The captain made 
them all take a good wash, threw their rags over- 
board, and rigged them out in a suit of new flannel 
clothes, just like the men's; and they are a dappy set 
of A$e men, this night! I look upon this as the 
greatest day's work of our cruise. 

April 16th. I must tell you something more of the 
poor creatures who came to us yesterday, more than 
half naked, and wholly bewildered between the perils 
they had escaped, and their joy at deliverance, but 
who are now "sitting clothed, and in their right 
mind," or cheerfully employed in little jobs about the 
deck. It was not the old man " Bot," as you will see, 
but one of the younger, who had been so many 
months " in de bush.'-' They are named Dick White, 
Dick Rowse, Frank Lynes, Bob, John, and Isaac — 
the last three having no surnames. Frank was the 
" farm thrall " of one Joseph Lynes, who has a cotton 
and tobacco plantation five miles south of Quiucy, 
Gadsden Co., Florida, and owns ten working "hands," 
and as many more women and children. Frank made 
his escape early last May, taking with him two suits 
of old clothes, and about a peck of corn, tied up in a 
bundle. He has been, like the rest, wandering about 
in the woods and "hummucks" ever since, living 
" on whatever de good Lord please to give dis poor 
nigger," trying to get down to the coast, but without 
success, till last Thursday, when they fell in with 
Isaac, who knew the way, and "tookdem to de mouf 
of ' Slopshoddy Creek,' to Mr. Farrall's landing, on 
de Wakulia river, whar dey foun' de skiff; and last 
night but one dey start fo' to pull along de coas', to 
whar dey seen de mast of de Yankee ship. Dey 
know'd she was a man o' war, and dey would be all 
right once dey f'otch to her ; and so dey is, mass' 
cap't, bless de Lord ! " 

Dick White, who is ebony black, cannot tell how 
old he is — looks 18 to 20 — heavy featured and stolid — 
was a " chattel " of Dr. Robert White, and a field hand 
on his cotton and tobacco plantation near Quincy, ad- 
joining that of Mr. Lynes. He got away "a day befo'e 
de big storm dey had long heah jes befo'e Christ- 
mas "—has been living in the bush ever since, most 
of the time, together with all the others, except Bob. 
He says, "De nigger dogs ran dis chile once in de 
swamp in de night ; but he ran into a bayou, up to his 
_c I ! :u in de water, and trow'd 'emoffde track." "Sup- 
pose they had caught you," said I, " what would they 
have done ? " " Don' know, sir — 'spose dey 'd a wor- 
ried me — dey 's lamed to do dat — 'spec' I never come 
out o' dat swamp, 'cep in pieces." 

Dick Rowse, dusky jet, quite intelligent, 23 years 
old last May — " held to service" by Kennedy Rowse — 
worked on corn plantation, (cotton till last year — signifi- 
tant i) on Lake Jackson, ten miles above Tallahassee ; 
got away five days before Christmas, and has been 
with the rest since about the middle of January, liv- 
ing in the woods and hummucks on corn and roots — 
now and then a few sweet potatoes, gathered in the 
fields at risk of recapture — and pork, when they had 
the good luck to run down a pig. 

Isaac — pure African — 22 years old. Ran away last 
Thursday night from the cotton and com plantation of 
John I. S. Mauran, on the Wakulla river, about three 
leagues from the coast. There were eighteen work- 
ing hands, and about thirty women and children, on 
the plantation. He ran away because a white gentle- 
man, Mr. John Murrell, told him Mr, Mauran was go- 
ing to lake him up to Faulkner's (a Floridian Legree, 
no doubt) and have him whipped, to get more work 
out of hini ; and would bring the nigger dogs to set 
on him, so he could not get clear on the way. Thus 
advised, ho determined to escape that night, if possi- 
ble. The next day, striking for the coast, he met 
the other five, and showed them the way. Monday 
night they started with the skiff— as related by the 
others — and pnlled all night and the next day, till 
they saw our boat's flag, and then gave out, "but 
dey knowed dey was safe den." 

John is a tolerably intelligent mulatto — doesn't 
kilOw his age — guesses he must be between 30 and 36. 
Like most of the lower orders of the " patriarchal in- 
stitution, " as soon as a good chance opened, he ran 



from the master to whom he was " devotedly attach- 
ed "—a Mr. Edmund Hawley, whose plantation is in 
Gadsden county, eight or ten miles west of Tallahas- 
see. This was early in January, and he has been with 
the crowd ever since a few days nfter he got clear. 
There were ten of them at one time; hut the planters 
came down on them (after the benevolent Southern 
patriarchal fashion in such cases) with " nigger dogs," 
and caught five, one of whom must have died soon 
after, as he had seven balls put into him before he 
could be brought to listen to the affectionate entrea- 
ties of his pursuers to return ! The dogs chased the 
others into the swamp, where they turned, and with 
clubs killed two and maimed the other three, and so 
escaped. 

Last conies Bob, between 60 and 60 years old, a 
field hand of Dr. Robert Butler, on his corn and to- 
bacco plantation on Flint river, near Bainbridge ;— 
got away early in March — met, on Ids way to the 
coast, with the rest of the party, a fortnight ago. Bob 
is the gentleman of the lot— looks like Touissaint— 
converses fluently, and expresses himself more cor- 
rectly than half the officers on board this ship. * * 

If you see Wendell Phillips, recall me to his mem- 
ory, and say I thought of him as we received these 
hunted fugitives under the protection of that banner 
which he stood under, for the first time, when it was 
our good fortune to hear him speak after the shot 
fired against Sumter had pealed the death-knell of sla- 
very; and tell him that there will be a North, even 
in this region, before long. Every slave in the South 
knows to what this war is tending — better at this mo- 
ment than the North, as a people, or its rulers— and 
God sits watchful between the cherubim ever. 

April nth. * * I am more and more impressed 
with the general intelligence and correctness of lan- 
guage of Bob, the old man of whom I was telling you. 
There is no attempt at fine speaking, using long 
words and the like, but a singular clearness and terse- 
ness of expression that reminds me of John Brown, 
of whom, by the by, I must ask him if he ever heard. 
He says that this rebellion was discussed, and all 
arranged, in case of a Northern man being made 
President, for more than a twelvemonth before it 
broke out; that the common people — the poor white 
folks — were made to believe that they could take 
Washington at once, and whip the North " all to 
pieces" in less than six months; and that even now, 
the general belief was, that the Yankees would have 
to give in soon — that they could not live without the 
cotton and corn (1) of the South — were starving al- 
ready, their last dollar gone, — and they had now 
to depend for money entirely on the sale, in Cuba, of 
the slaves they stole and sent to that market — and 
that pretty soon England and France were going to 
raise the blockade, and then all the cotton would 
be shipped, and they would have free trade with 
all the world, and the South would be stronger and 
richer than ever, while the North would die out, 
starved to death ! 

Did he believe all this? I asked. "Well, mass 1 , 
to tell you the living truth, at first the slaves thought 
it must be so, else their masters would not have made 
the war; hut pretty soon they saw that there was too 
much talk about whipping the Yankees, and they was 
all the time getting whipped themselves, and a call- 
ing for more soldiers — more soldiers — and then the 
black people was of opinion that the North was the 
one that was agoing to whip, after all, and then they 
would all be free to work for themselves." 

"But," said I, "do you suppose if the slaves were 
all free to-morrow, that they mould work for them- 
selves? Don't you suppose the cotton would all be 
lost, and the planters ruined for want of labor?" 
" No, sir ; no, sir I I tell you the truth — there is not 
a slave in the South that would not do twice the work, 
and raise twice the cotton and tobacco he does now, 
if he was paid for it. The planters, sir, would be a 
great deal richer; but they don't want, to see it, be- 
cause they like to own slaves, and whip them when 
they takes a fancy, or sell them if they are pushed; 
but if we was free, they could not do this, you see, 
sir. And then, I think sometimes, sir, the Lord He 
shuts their eyes, so they can't see what is best for 
them." 

* * * To day, passing by Bob, who was refresh- 
ing himself by drinking in the full sunshine, as he 
lay stretched his length on the forecastle, I asked him 
if he ever heard of such a man as John Brown. " O, 
yes, I have heard tell a great deal of him, sir. He 
came down to Virginia to free the slaves. He was a 
very brave soldier, sir; but the South was too strong 
for him there, and so they conquered him ; and then 
they was skeered he might get away, and come down 
again with an army, and so they hung him, sir ! But 
I 'spect the army is come, fo' all that, sir, and plenty 
of John Browns that the South keant conquer, along 
with it, please the Lord ! " 

Who can doubt, with such facts before them, whether 
"John Brown's soul is marching on"? Bob says 
that he was too fast — that every slave in the South 
would have risen then, if they could only have had a 
certainty of any one to back them, or finding arms 
to defend themselves; "but they was all watched too 
close to get a start then." 

I have tried to give you his very words, as nearly 
as possible. Don't you think this poor unlettered 
African, who can neither read nor write, capable of 
reading a lesson in wisdom, or teaching political econ- 
omy, to many of his late masters, and the South-Side 
Adams school among ourselves? 

[Written at St. Joseph's Bay, Florida.] 
Sunday, Aug. 2ith. We have had quite a break in 
the monotony of our blockading work, (or want of 
work,) this forenoon; and I enjoy the satisfaction of 
having impoverished George Walker, of Albany, the 
comity town of Dougherty County, Georgia, by the 
equivalent, according to the arithmetic of chivalry, of 
§1000 and upwards, in the form of an able-bodied, in- 
telligent contraband named Henry, whose surname is 
Walker, after his late master and pretended owner. 
Just before 9, a small boat was descried through the 
mist off the eastern shore, paddled by one man, and 
heading directly for the ship. We had the 4th cut- 
ter down, and after him, in a twinkling, and in half 
an hour, Henry, erst the bondman of Walker, the 
Georgian, stood on the deck of the Kingfisher, a free 
man ! He reports the salt works as being on quite 
an extensive scale, having steam ebgines, and eight 
large boilers, capable of manufacturing more tb; 
200 bushels a day ; and that there are several smaller 
establishments, higher up the bay. Also, that there 
is a company of mounted " gorillas " at a place a little 
way back, called the " Cross Roads." In reply to the 
question, how many persons there were at the steam 
saltworks, he said, " Dere is about twenty head of ne- 
groes, leastwise, dere was las' night, but now I is got 
clear, dere is only nineteen head left, and six white 
men" — having been, as you perceive, trained to re- 
gard himself and fellows like "dumb, driven cattle," 
whose only estimated value is that of so much per 
head. It pleased me to find that, in speaking of the 
two, he gave the black "stock" precedence of their 
white owners. Learning from him, that when he 
started at daybreak, in his frail cockle-shell of a punt, 
(which looked more like a shell coffin than like a boat, 
being only two rough boards a foot wide for sides, and 
another for bottom, with a slake for paddle,) seven 
others set out through the woods for a point about 
three miles abreast of us, and ought to reach it by 
ten, we sent at once armed boats to bring them off, 
should they reach the point. When the boats had got 
about a third of the way to the shore, we saw the 
seven come out of the woods and down to the beach. 
But while our boats were yet a mile from shore, the 
party was joined by an eighth person, conspicuous in 
a white shirt, and presently the seven "head of ne- 
groes" withdrew to the woods again, followed by 
him of the shirt, who, no doubt, was an overseer — as, 
an hour later, we saw them all on the beach again, 
some distance higher up, making directly for the salt- 
works, of which we intend making short work very 
soon. We will have the whole "nineteen head" of 
human fctock transformed into free men yet, if they 
arc not driven inland. * * * * * 



Later. The day has been more fortunate than I 
had ventured to hope. Let me tell you what lias hap- 
pened since the last page was written. About 3, 
we discovered another party of five persons on the 
beach, near where we saw the "seven head of ne- 
groes" this morning. We Bent in our boats as be- 
fore, and by the time they had got within musket shot, 
three others came down ; and as soon as wo were 
near enough, the whole eight waded out to the boats, 
each scrambling for the nearest, and in half an hour 
were on board of us, the happiest crowd we have seen 
since their fellows escaped to us at St. Marks. They 
all belong (or did) to parties living on Flint river, near 
Albany, and, with the exception of two old men who 
are past service, and were sent down here to be 
"worked out," are able-bodied men — four of them 
quite intelligent. They were divided equally be- 
tween the U. S. barque "Pursuit," lying near us, and 
this vessel; and it was explained to them that they 
were now as free as any of the ship's company, but 
that they must not expect to be fed and clothed for 
nothing; that they would have to work while they 
remained on board, like the rest of the crew — would 
be paid §10 per month, and only the value of the cloth- 
ing supplied them deducted from it; and if any pre- 
ferred returning, to remaining on these conditions, 
they should be landed to-morrow. But they all de- 
clared they were willing to work, and would be glad 
to only for their food, so they were allowed to stay on 
board. They tell a pitiful story of the destitution 
that prevails in all this section of the country — noth- 
ing in the way of food or clothing to be had, save at 
exorbitant prices, and little even at these. 

It would be idle to attempt giving any idea of their 
dress. Such remnants of nondescript hats, tatters of 
clothing that was once a coarse shirt and pants, and 
fragmentary shoes, I never beheld before! Better 
might be picked from any dust heap at th* North. 
About 5, a sail-boat was seen standing out to us from 
the saltworks, and one of the cutters was sent after 
her. She was manned by three whites, in the seediest 
kind of apparel, yet evidently their Sunday's best. 
They were asked what they meant by running their 
heads this way into the lion's mouth, and said that 
they were the owners of the saltworks — good Union 
len, &c. (of course — none other would be here, mak- 
ig salt for the rebels!) — and had reason to believe 
that several of their men had got on board of us, and 
so came off to see if they could not make some ar- 
rangement to have them returned 1 Was not that 
coo.l — for the season and latitude ? They were very 
anxious to know if we intended to break up their 
ks. We had not quite determined yet in regard 
to that. If we did, would they have notice and time 
to remove their engines, &c. — The notice? Yes, to 
get out of harm's way ; but if they were molested at 
all, their machinery would be demolished, every par- 
ticle of it, the first thing. They thought this would 
be rather hard upon them — good Union men as they 
were! Perhaps so; but they must remember they 
e in very bad company, and, moreover, doing their 
best to furnish the enemies of the Union with an 
article, to prevent the introduction of which from 
abroad was one of the objects for which we were 
tationed here. They hoped, too, that we would not 
attempt to take any more of their workmen, as, being 
hired hands, they would have to pay for them in case 
they escaped. 

In reply to this, I repeated my declaration that, till 
my men who were, in the most cowardly manner, fired 
upon, when peacefully filling water — and twelve of 
them carried prisoners to Tallahassee — were returned, 
and the two murdered ones restored to life, I would 
shelter every slave that came within my reach — bring 
them within it, whenever and by every means I 
could — and work their so-calied owners evil and in- 
jury to the utmost of my ability, till this infernal re- 
bellion was crushed, beyond possibility of rising again, 
or my own life ended; — with which understanding I 
sent them on their way. These men fully confirm 
the statements of the contrabands, in regard to the 
scarcity of food in all this section. Corn is $4 a 
bushel, flour §24 a barrel in all the interior, salt §10 
a bushel, pork §40 a barrel, tea and coffee — myths. 
Slaves' allowance of 3 1-2 lbs. bacon and peck of meal 
weekly, reduced everywhere in Georgia, Florida, and 
the adjoining Gulf States, to one half these quantities. 
Has not rebellion been a profitable and pleasant busi- 
ness for the South, so far? And "the end is not 
yet"! _^___^__ a _^___^^__ 



THE SEWARD EMBROGLIO. 

The New York Times contains a circumstantial ac- 
count of the events which preceded the resignation 
of Secretary Seward. The writer says that the first 
motion adverse to Mr. Seward, in the Senatorial cau- 
cus, was made by Mr. Grimes of Iowa, and was sup- 
ported in speeches by Mr. Fessendeu, Mr. Trumbull, 
Mr. Wade, Mr. Field, the new Senator from New 
Jersey, and several others. The burden of their re- 
marks was that Mr. Seward was largely resposible for 
the tardy and ineffectual prosecution of the war. The 
more conservative Senators, taken by surprise, en- 
deavored to delay action, and Mr. King of New York, 
in particular, exe'rted himself against the motion. At 
the second caucus, Mr. Harris of New York offered a 
substitute resolution, calling for a " reconstruction of 
the Cabinet," in order to take away the appearance of 
a personal aim at Mr. Seward. Mr. Fessenden moved 
to amend by inserting "partial" before "reconstruc- 
tion," which Mr. Harris accepted, and then the reso- 
lution was adopted by 28 votes, Mr. King declining to 
vote at all. A committee was then chosen to report 
the matter to the President, consisting of Messrs, Col- 
lamer, Fessenden, Sumner, Wade, Trumbull, Grimes, 
Pomeroy, Harris and Howard. Their interview with 
the President began with a brief paper read by Mr. 
Collamer, expressing the general desire for a recon- 
struction of the Cabinet. Then each member of the 
committee gave his individual views. The reported 
reply of the President is so pithy that we copy it as 
follows : — 

"President Lincoln listened with attention to all 
that was said. He then expressed the profound solici- 
tude which he felt on the subject they had brought 
before him, and the overwhelming anxiety which op- 
pressed him concerning the condition of the country 
and the progress of the war. What the country wanted, 
he said, was military success. Without that, nothing 
could go right; with that, nothing could go wrong. 
He did not see how the measure proposed by the com- 
mittee would furnish the remedy required. If he 
had a Cabinet of angels, they could not give the coifn- 
try military successes, and that was what was wanted 
and what must be had. But he promised bis most 
careful attention to the subject, and another interview 
was appointed for the next evening, in presence of 
the Cabinet." 

A second interview was bad on Friday, when the 
President proposed the question whether more harm 
or good would result from the acceptance of Mr. 
Seward's resignation. Mr. Fessenden and Mr. Grimes 
declined to discuss the matter; Messrs. Wade, Sum- 
ner and Trumbull advocated the acceptance ; and 
Messrs. Collamer, Harris and one or two others were 
against it. It was reported that each member of the 
caucus pledged himself not to accept any Cabinet 
office if a new organization was made. The Times, 
as if speaking by authority, says of Mr. Seward :— 

He did not oppose the issuing of the Pproclama- 
tion. He did not resist the removal of McClellan. 
He did not originate, direct, or in any way interfere 
wit!) the Banks expedition. He had nothing whatever 
to do, directly or indirectly, with the movement of 
General Burnside. He has attended exclusively to 
the affairs of his own department, and has sustained, 
with cheerful and hearty loyalty, whatever measures 
the President has deemed essential to the public 
good." 

The Battle of Prairie-Grove. This severe en- 
gagement, near Fayetteville, Arkansas, between our 
forces under Generals Blunt and Herron, and the 
rebels under Gen. Hindman, which occurred on the 
7th inst., resulted in a Federal victory. Our loss in 
killed and wounded was 1000, and that of the enemy 
2000. Four caissons filled with ammunition and a 
large quantity of small arms were taken. The enemy 
lost five Colonels killed and wounded. Col. McFar- 
land, of the 19th Iowa, was killed. 



THE TWENTY-NINTH 

NATIONAL ANTI-SLAVERY SUBSCRIP- 
TION ANNIVERSARY. 

In view of the colossal magnitude of the Southern 
rebellion, on the one hand, and of the corresponding 
efforts for its suppression by the American Govern- 
ment, on the other, the Managers of the National 
Anti-Slavery Subscription Anniversary have 
deemed it expedient to defer their ANNUAL AP- 
PEAL to this late period — not knowing what events 
might occur, in the mean lime, to render a modifica- 
tion or suspension of their established plan of action 
desirable, and wishing to be guided by the highest 
wisdom in such a momentous crisis. 

Reverently recognizing in this awful visitation the 
hand of God in righteous judgment for our great na- 
tioftal transgression, and trusting it may mercifully 
end in the total extinction of chattel slavery throughout 
the land ; believing that the Proclamation of President 
Lincoln, emancipating forever all slaves held in States 
found in rebellion on the first day of January, 1863, 
will, if energetically and uncompromisingly enforced, 
inflict a staggering blow upon that fearfully oppressive 
system; they, nevertheless, feel that the uncertain- 
ties of civil war are too great, and the expedients of 
governmental and political organizations too unreliable, 
to justify, for one moment, any abatement of vigilance, 
activity, zeal, liberality, and determination, on the 
part of those who have so long and so disinterestedly 
consecrated themselves to the godlike work of imme- 
diate and universal emancipation, joyfully " bearing 
the cross and despising the shame." With no person- 
al or sectional feelings to indulge, no selfish ends to 
promote, no party or sectarian objects to attain, — ani- 
mated by the deepest religious sentiment and the 
purest patriotism, — it is not for such to commit their 
sacred cause to other hands, to be lulled into inaction 
even by the most cheering signs of the times, to re- 
gard their special mission as accomplished, or to aban- 
don their organized efforts and efficient instrumentali- 
ties which have hitherto been crowned with such ani- 
mating results. Their work is, by Divine help, the 
extermination of slavery, root and branch; and so 
long as one slave remains in his fetters, and they are 
able to plead his cause, that work will not have been 
accomplished. They must continue to be " the forlorn 
hope" to the end, leading the way, and taking upon 
themselves the brunt of the conflict, until the victory 
be won, the captives set free, and liberty the birth- 
right and possession of every inhabitant of our land, 
from sea to sea. 

Granted, that the Anti-Slavery cause has grown 
from infantile weakness to manly strength — from uni- 
versal proscription to respectful public consideration — 
from an apostolic number of adherents to a multi- 
tudinous host. Granted, that it is Slavery which is the 
sole cause of the Rebellion, and that the suppression 
of the one may necessitate the forcible overthrow of 
the other. Granted, that the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion of President Lincoln, if it can be enforced, will 
include nearly three fourths of the entire slave popu- 
lation. Granted, that the rebels themselves, despair- 
ing of achieving their independence in any other way, 
may proclaim freedom to their bondmen, and thus se- 
cure their loyal cooperation. Still, we have to deal 
with stern realities, and must not allow ourselves to 
be deluded by mere possibilities which may never be 
fulfilled. Still, it must be remembered that no blow 
will be struck at the slave system, as such, by the 
Proclamation; for slavery will continue to be recog- 
nized and protected, under the old constitutional guar- 
anties, in all the so-called loyal slave States, and possi- 
bly reinstated in every rebel State, under the shield of 
State sovereignty, after its subjugation and the with- 
drawal of the Federal armies. Still, it is manifest 
that a powerful pro-slavery sentiment exists through- 
out the North, deadly hostile to every scheme of eman- 
cipation, defiantly claiming a strong reaction of public 
sentiment on its side, intent on persecuting and ostra- 
cising all who are obtaining their freedom by flight 
and the chances of war, and leaving nothing undone to 
get the control of the government, so as to make the 
most humiliating concessions to the South, and recon- 
struct the Union on a permanent slaveholding basis. 

Under these perilous circumstances, therefore, there 
must be no indulgence given to the pleasing illusions 
of fancy, or to an undue exaltation of mind. The 
struggle for the abolition of slavery may yet be pro- 
tracted for years ; and, unquestionably, it will be fierce- 
ly contested to the end by all that is hostile to impar- 
tial liberty, North as well as South. We must gird up 
our loins anew, make a fresh consecration of our means 
and powers, labor with increasing devotedness, and 
ask for a discharge from this warfare only with the 
termination of our mortal life, or the liberation of all 
in bondage. 

The Managers of the National Anti-Slavery 
Subscription Anniversary give notice, therefore, 
that it will be held, as usual, in Boston, the last 
week in January, 1863 ; and to that annual gathering 
they cordially and urgently invite all who abhor trea- 
son, love liberty, desire peace and reconciliation on an 
enduring basis, and seek the unity, happiness and 
prosperity of our now distracted, fearfully guilty, but 
we trust to be regenerated country — bringing with 
them {or sending, if they are not able to give their 
personal attendance} as generous contributions and 
donations as their means will allow, causing " the 
riches of their liberality to abound" even in "the 
abundance of their poverty," — assured that the pro- 
ceeds thus obtained will be sacredly used, under the 
auspices of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
as hitherto, to disseminate light and knowledge on the 
subject of slavery by voice and pen, through the press 
and by the lecturing agent — to quicken the religious 
sentiment, inform the understanding, stimulate the 
conscience, soften the heart, and so effect that mighty 
moral change in public opinion which is essential to 
the banishment of all complexional hatred and oppres- 
sion, and, consequently, to the reign of universal jus- 
tice and good will. It should be remembered that the 
pecuniary resource of the Society is largely depend- 
ant upon this instrumentality ; and as its treasury is 
now empty, it is vitally important for its continued 
operations that prompt and liberal aid should be ren- 
dered in the manner already indicated. 

To those every where who have so long and so gen- 
erously aided us, we present our annual appeal, trust- 
ing it may be so ordered by the God of the oppressed 
that no renewal of it will be needed, by reason of the 
speedy and complete consummation of our labors and 
aspirations. 



EMANCIPATION DAY. 

A mooting in honor of President Lincoln's li! mancipation 
Proclamation wilt be held at Trumont Temple, January lut, 
18(13, under the auspices of the Union Progressive Associa- 
tion. Sessions will be held forenoon, afternoon, and even- 
ing — during which, speeches may be expected from the fol- 
lowing gentlemen :— Rev. Wm. K. Alger, Wendell Phillips, 
Charles Lenox Reinond, William Wells Brown, Rev. James 
Freeman Clarke, Rev. John T. Sargent, Jobn S. Rook, Esq., 
Hon. Nathaniel H. Whiting, Dr. J. B. Smith, Rev. R. C. 
Wnterston, Charles W. Slack, Esq., John C. Cluer, Esq., 
and others, to be hereafter announoed. 

Speaking to be interspersed with appropriate music by a 
select choir, and reading of the President's Proclamation. 

Admittance during the day free. A collection will be 
taken in the afternoon, in aid of the National Frecdmcn. 
Admission in the evening by tickets, 10 cents each, to do- 
fray expenaeB. 

The public are cordially invited. 



William C. Nell, 
J. Harrison Shaw, 
Albert Jackson, 
Mark R. DeMortie, 
Charles P. Taylor, 

ioston, Deo. 24, 1863. 



George W. Potter, 
John S. Rock, 
Edward M. Bannister, 
John A. Newly, 
George Teamoh, 
Committee of Arrangements. 



fl^P ABINGTON.— There will be a mooting at Hather- 
LY Hall, in Abington, on Sonbay next, 28th insfc., at the 
usual hours, morning, afternoon and evening. 

Addresses will be delivered by Theodore D. Weld, Esq., 
and Parker Pillsbuey. 



^- ANNA E. DICKINSON, of Philadelphia, will speak 
a FITCHBURG, on Sunday evening next, Dec. 28th, on 
[ The Nation's Peril." 



f" ANDREW T. FOSS, an Agent of the American 
and Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Societies, will lecture as 
follows : — 



Cornville, J 

Athens, 
Palmyra, 
East Pittsfield, 



Sunday, Dee. 28. 

Monday, " 29. 

Tuesday, " 30. 

Wednesday, " 31. 



P"B. H. HBYWOOD will speak on "The Rebellioi 
and Emancipation," in 

Rock Bottom, Saturday evening, Dec. 27. 

Marlboro', Sunday afternoon and evening, " 28. 



f MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D., has removed on 
695 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

References.^ LutherCIark, M. D. ; David Thayer, M. D. 

Office hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 



jp" Members and friends of the Massachusetts Anti-Sla- 
very Society, who are indebted for Pledges made to tho 
Society in January last, or previously to that time, are re- 
quested to pay the same as early as practicable, either to 
the Treasurer, Edmund Jackson, or at the Society's office, 
221 Washington Street. 



-^- 



MARRIED— At Annapolis, (Md.) Dec. 11, Mr. George 
G. Drake, of Leominster, (Mass.) and Miss Mary Eliza- 
beth Parrish, of Annapolis. 



Our Heroes at Fredericksburg. Tho rebel 
officers who witnessed the efforts of our volunteers on 
that fatal field of Fredericksburg are enthusiastic in 
their commendation of the daring wherewith they 
scaled the slippery steeps, charging bayonet .against 
long lines of defences, held by deadly marksmen, un- 
der the murderous fire of enfilading batteries, vomit- 
ing grape and shell. Never was death more nobly 
laughed to scorn — never did patriots shed their blood 
more lavishly in defence of their country's integrity 
and perpetuity. 



L. Maria Child, 
Mary May, 
Lydia D. Parker, 
Louisa Loring, 
Henrietta Sargent, 
Sarah Russell May, 
Helen E. Garrison, 
Anna Shaw Greene, 
Sarah Blake Shaw, 
Caroline C. Thayer, 
Mattie Griffith, 
Mary Jackson, 
Evelina A. Smith, 
Caroline M. Severance, 
Elizabeth Gay, 
Ann Rebecca Branihall, 



Sarah H. Southioick, 
Sarah P. Remond, 
Mary Willey, 
Abby H. Stephenson, 
Sarah J. Nowell, 
Elizabeth von Arnim, 
Eliza Apthorp, 
Sarah Cowing, 
Abby Kelley Foster, 
Mary E. Stearns, 
Mary Elizabeth Sargent, 
Sarah C. Atkinson, 
Abby Francis, 
Mary Jane Parkman, 
Georgina Otis, 
Katherine Earlc Farnum. 



2^= At a meeting of the ministers of the various 
tlenominiitions in New York, held on Monday evening 
in Dr. Cheever's church, a committee, consisting of 
Rev. Dr. Cheever, Rev. Nathan Brown, and Rev, 
William Goodell, who were appointed to consider the 
duty of the church and the ministry in the present 
state of our country, reported a memorial to the Presi- 
dent and Congress now in session, begging that they 
would, in the name of God, Justice and Humanity, 
immediately enact and execute, the decree of uni- 
versal freedom, as the memorialists believed the whole 
cause of our disasters to bo our own continued com- 
plicity with Hint crime of human slavery which is the 
foundation and the inspiring demon of the rebellion. 



BOSTON MUSIC HALL. 

GRAND JUBILEE CONCERT, 

THURSDAY AFTERNOON, JAN. 1, 1863, 

IN HONOR OF 

THE DAY ! 
THE PROCLAMATION I 
THE EMANCIPATION OF THE SLAVE ! 
THE SPIRIT OF THE FATHERS AND THE CON- 
STITUTION ! 

The exigencies of tho war have made necessary, in the 
judgment of tho President, and as an exercise of tho mili- 
tary power of the Government, the issue of a Proclamation, 
emancipating all persons held as slaves in such States ae 
shall be in rebellion against the Federal Government on the 
first of January, 1863, 

Confident in the belief that this first day of the new 
year will prove the complement of the 4th of July, 1776, 
and a new era in the history of the Republic, when the soil 
of America, hallowed anew by the sacrifice of so much 
heroic blood, shall no longer be trodden by the foot of a 
slave, we propose to celebrate the occasion by a Musical 
Festival, at the Boston Music Hall, on THURSDAY* 
AFTERNOON, January 1, 1863, the proceeds of the sale 
of tickets to be appropriated to the benefit of the freed 
slaves, under the auspices of the Educational Commission. 

Leading musical artists, orchestra and chorus, heartily 
consent to lend their aid, and the programme of music pre- 
sented will, it is hoped, bo worthy to give voice to tbe feel- 
ings of tho hour. 



Henry W. Longfellow, 
Josiah Quincy, Jr., 
Edward Atkinson, 
Martin Brimmer, 
R. W. Hooper, 
James M. Barnard, 
Edward E. Hale, 
Francis Parkman, 
James T. Fields, 
Wm. Endicott, Jr., 
Geo. S. Hale, 
James Sturgis, 
James T. Fisher, 



R. W. Emerson, 
J. M. Forbes, 
O. W. Holmes, 
Henry Lee, Jr., 
B. Seblesinger, 
Charles E. Norton, 
JobnG. Whittier, 
John P. Putnam, 
Otto Dresel, - 

E. P. Whipple, 

F. II. Underwood, 
John S. Dwigbt, 
R. E. Apthorp, 



Joseph P. Couthouy, U.S.N. J, C. Haynes. 

Full particulars of Programme hereafter. Meanwhile 
the Committee are happy to be able to promise the Phil- 
harmonic Orchestra, largely augmented, under CARL 
ZERRAHN, who will perform the glorious Fifth Sympho- 
ny of Beethoven, and patriotic overtures ; a grand chorus, 
to be conducted by Mr. B. J. LANG, with appropriate 
choruses from Oratorios of Handel and of Mendelssohn ; a 
Beethoven Concerto, for Piano and Orchestra, to be played 
by Mr. OTTO DRESEL, &c, &e. 



The Concert will commence 
Doors open at 2. 



at 3 P. M. punctually. 



obituary:, 
death of darius p. lawton. 

Frieni> Garrison, — The duty falls to my lot of mak- 
ing honorable mention of another of our veteran fellow- 
laborers in the cause of Freedom, who has lately been called 
to his rest. At East Providence, R. I., on the 19th of last 
October, Darius P. Lawton came to the end of his earth- 
ly labors, after completing a little more than half of tho 
75th year of his active and useful life. Though occupying 
no prominent or conspicuous position in our ranks, and lit- 
tle known beyond the circle of the several neighborhoods 
in which he has at different times resided, he has been, 
from the first, among the most earnest in purpose, the most 
devoted and uncompromising in spirit, and the most dili- 
gent and faithful in service to the good cause, never omit- 
ting an opportunity to bear his testimony to its principles, 
at whatever risk to his social standing or pecuniary inter- 
ests ; and always ready to give its public advocates a wel- 
come, (of the warmth and heartiness of which I can speak 
from repeated experience,) and to do his utmost to aid the 
purpose of their mission. 

He began his anti-slavery work before the appearance of 
Liberator, of which he gladly hailed the advent, sub- 
scribed for it previous to the issue of the first number, and 
continued taking it to the day of his death. So much had 
he the cause at heart, that, not content with working for it 
while he lived, he wished to make his death also furnish 
ion for promoting it, and, as it were, from his very 
coffin, to plead on its behalf. To this end, when ho sup- 
posed his last hour was near, he requested that some one of 
anti-slavery speakers should be invited to officiate at 
funeral ; hoping, he said, that some would listen to 
truths spoken over his lifeless form, which they were un- 
willing to hear from his living lips. It was my privilege 
to use tbe occasion in accordance with his wish. 

In the Temperance cause, also, ho was no less decided 
than in that of anti-slavery, upholding it in word and prac- 
tice with the samo constancy and firmness. Nor was his 
sympathy wanting to other enterprises aiming at tbe ad- 
vancement of truth and right, the redress of wrong, and 
the promotion of human welfare. Ho was honest and up- 
right in his dealings, and in a marked degree frank and 
open-hearted, " without concealment and without compro- 
mise," simple in manners, cordial and kindly in feeling, 
plain, earnest and direct in speech, strong and distinct in 
his moral convictions, fearless and emphatic in uttering 
them. He seemed to be constitutionally incapable of neu- 
trality or indifferenco where he believed tbat right and 
wrong were in conflict, however a selfish " prudence " might 
dissuade from mingling in the oontest. In the words of 
one who knew him well, " he maintained his principles with 
a degree of moral courage rare among men." His attach- 
ment to tho religious organization of which he was a mem- 
ber — the Society of Friends — gave way to his conviction 
that it failed to maintain, with the energy and efficiency 
demanded by tho exigences of the times, its traditional tes- 
timonies against prevailing wrongs, slavery in particular ; 
and, during his last few years, he was connected with no re- 
ligious sect, but left his life alone to testify whether or not 
his was tbat "puro religion and undefilcd before God and 
the Father," of which an apostle speaks. C. C. B. 

DIED — In Newbury, Ohio, on the 20th of October, 
Herman Ober, aged 56 years. In the same place, on the 
25th October, his father, Zachariah Ober, aged 87 years. 
Thus, within tbe brief period of six days, both son Sbd 
father wero translated to a higher and brighter state of 
existence,— meeting their change with Christian serenity, 
and feeling assured that, having "kept the faith," they 
should enter into rest eternal. 

The venerable and much respoctod father removed from 
Washington, N. II., in 1S33, to Newbury, Ohio. He lived 
to see forty of his descendants settled within six miles of 
him, and a wonderful ohango in tho State of his adoption. 
Deeply religious, and strong to the last in his evangelical 
intiments, he was neither pharisce nor bigot, but nobly 
ue to his oonvietious, upright and just in his actions, 
deeming good fruits a surer test of character than assent to 
any creed, and true piety that which delights in progress, 
and is over concerned for tho welfaro of suffering humanity. 
Consequently, he early espoused tho despised Anti-Slavery 
causo, and was ono of tho first to plead for the doivn-trod- 
den slavo in tho church of which ho was a prominent mem- 
ber. Of oourso, ho had to onoounter muoh opposition at 
that time, but his integrity and moral courage woro equal 
to any trial. What was thon branded as secular, bo re- 
garded as an essential part of " puro and uudofilod religion 
before God," in accordance with tbo toaching of tho apos- 
tle James. But he lived to see a radical ohango in tho 
views of many who were among his opponents, and died re- 
joicing in the prospect of a coming jubiloc at no distant day. 
Tho passage of tho barbarous Fugitive Slavo Law especial- 
ly shocked his sympathetic nature, and kindled his moral 
indignation to a flame. Ho promptly recorded his protest 
against it in tho Liberator, which paper ho road with warm 
approval and delight to the close of life. Truly, "tho 
memory of tho just is blessed." 

HXBIUM Oueu, Ins son, was of tbo samo religions faith, 
a lover of impartial freedom, a good, upright, benevolent 
man, whoso doors woro ever open to the weary and outcast, 
without rogard to complexion or clime. His departure is 
heavily folt and deeply lamented by a largo family, and 
loving friends, 



The Sale of Tickets will commence on Friday, Decem- 
ber 2Gth, at the Music Store of Messrs. OLIVER DITS0N 
& CO. Every ticket will bear a number corresponding 
with a certain seat ; price $1 or 50 cents, according to lo- 
cation. 

MISS H. M. PARKHURST 

Will commence the Second Term of her Boarding 
and Day School for Young Ladies, 

AT 92 GRAND STREET, NEWBL'EGH, N. T., 

ON MONDAY, JANUARY 5th, 1863. 

MISS H. M. PARKHURST, Teacher of Music and Moral 
Science, Rhetoric, &o. 

MISS H. L. BOWEN, Teacher of Mathematics and Natural 
Sciences. 

MISS L. E. SHEPARD, Teacher of Languages. 

MISS F. E. NEWLAND, Teacher of Drawing, Painting 
and Penmanship. 

PROF. T. F. PERKINS, Teacher of Vocal and Instrumen- 
tal Music. 



M 



ISS PARKHURST has had seven years of successful 

._-, experience in the care of a Boarding School ia- fh l s ■■■ 
State, besides several years of teaching in tho best schools 

Massachusetts. 

She designs and promises, tbat all branches of study un- 
dertaken in her School shall be thoroughly and efficiently 
pursued. 

Especial attention will be given to tho health of the 
pupils. 

Daily religious exercises will be held in the family and 
in the School. 

The School Year will be divided into three terms : two 
of thirteen weeks each, and one of twelve weeks. 

Board and Tuition in English Branches, per term, $60 ; 
per year, $165. 

References. — Rev. T. J. Sawyer, D. D-, Clinton, N. T. ; 
Rev. S. W. Fisher, D. D., President of Hamilton College, 
Clinton, N. Y. ; De Witt C. Grove, Mayor of Utiea, N. Y. ; 
Rev. A. D. Mayo, Albany, N. Y. ; Henry Bigclow, M. D-, 
Newton, Mass.; Dio Lewis, M. D., Boston, Mass.; Prof. 
H. B. Pierce, Principal of Model School, Trenton, N. J.; 
Rev. E. H. Chapin, D. D., New York ; Rev. Austin Craig, 
D. D., Blooming-Grove, N. Y. deol9-3w 



THE PROBLEM SOLVED. 

THE RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION. 

BY M. AUGUSTUS COCHIN. 

Translated by Miss Mary L. Booth, translator of M. 
Gasparin's Works on America. 

M COCHIN is an ex-maire and municipal councillor of 
, the city of Paris. He has had great advantages 
for research among both public and private documents ; 
and has devoted bis life to tho subject on which his forth- 
coming volume treats. He recently received the order of 
knighthood from the Pope, in acknowledgment of tho abil- 
ity displayed in this book ; to which also was recently 
awarded tho first prize of three thousand francs by the 
French Academy. 

So little is positively known of the economical and social 
results of Emancipation in those countries where it has 
taken place, that the importance of this volume to the peo- 
ple of the United States, in the present crisis, can hardly 
bo overestimated. 

; was written at the suggestion of the learned Count 
Montalembert ; is based entirely on official reports ; and 
its statements, which comprehend every form of the ques- 
tion, are fully reliable. 

OF the style and attractiveness of the book, the follow- 
g extract from a notice of the French edition, in the Chris- 
m Examiner, may testify. It is pronounced, "among 
io most remarkabfc, fascinating, and timely books of the 
year. It is, at once, cautious and eloquent, candid and en- 
thusiastic ; as sagacious as De Toequeville's work on Ameri- 
ca ; and as ardent as Viotor Hugo's Legend of the Ages. 
It is scientific in its arrangement, accurate in its display of 
faots, logical in its reasoning, and clear in its conclusions." 
12mo. Sent free by wail, on receipt of the price, — $1.50. 



Tub Rejecteo Stone ; or, Insurrection vs. Resurrection in 
America. By a Native of Virginia. 12mo. Cloth, 50 

cents. 

"This remarkable book," says the Christian Examiner, 
"discusses the question of Emancipation as the result of 
tho war, with a depth of conviction, a boldness of utter- 
ance, cogency of argument, wealth of illustration, and 
withal a keenness of satire and a fervid eloquence, which 
insure readers for the book." 

Another critio remarks : " This eloquent, argumentative, 
electric work is instinct with the passion of the South and 
the reason of tho North." 

Tho Independent opens its criticism with the significant 
query : " Have wo an American Carlyle ? " 

ALSO, 

Tub True Story of the Barons of the South ; or, The 

Bationalo of tho American Conflict. By Rev. E. W. 

Rkynolhs, author of "Roaords of Bubbleton Parish." 

With Introduction by Rev. S. J. May. 12uio. 75 ots. 

WALKER, WISE & CO., 
decl2-3t.is 245 Washington Street, Boston. 



HOPEDALE HOME SCHOOL. 



Till; next Term of this Institution will commence on 
^Yc<^nr.■.■day, January 7. 1863, and continuo Fifteen 
weeks. For particulars, please address 

WM. S. HEYWOOD, > p r{ „ rinn , 
A. B, MEYWOOD, l^"">!'^- 

Hopednlo, Milford, Mass., Dee. 21, 1802. dcc26-2t 



A. J. GR0VER, 
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW, 
KARL.VIIJI.E, La Salle Co., 111. 
■ Especial attention given to securing and collecting 



Clai 



s for Eastern Morohnnts. 



August S 



tf. 



JOHN S . ROCK. I' s Q , . 
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW, 
No. 6, TnitMONT Street, : * BOSTON 



SOS 



T H E LIB E K A. T O M 



DECEMBER 26. 



f 1 1 1 « . 

Kr the Kberator, 

EE OHAMPIOH. 

■ 

prodt .■■■■■ i ■.:!<:ptii<pi. 

BY DANtKL MASH, K. ". 

„ioae tables wedtsoern 
Botae truth i thai wiser moderns are too unapt I 

When ger.orn-iBbc.m.'1'y valiant deeds fchelrtaugl 
proVe.--.-i 

i ■■ ■' . 

-,.-■ | Q fj ■■ 

The swords benWs emblem fcbefi, and pi 

0- ■!>■]■ 'I:, 

A-.-l lion-vatet ItofB its offliae with lamfrJika uinweoea j 
aensed wrong the wootty pawon 

gave, 

er ' toensiave. 
for right— 
And fie that lost'was bravest in the 

ftgllt : 
The eye to pltj most inclined isonH pot be availed by fear, 
softened by a 
Sar s 
No sunuoons motlied by chill delay the nation'* hope de- 
fined} 
Nor laggard cnief a seeend 1 Low to h.(»iojte post preferred 
Then victory's PATflPlSCER found Favor in the State. 
And greatness then in power and place was for the truly 

great. 
That age of gold by poets told was not like this — alas ! 
An age of proclamations, and postage stamps, and brass 

en, gentles, to my tale ! In days of old romance, 
A youthful knight went forth in light to prove his maiden 

lanoe ; 
TTpon a desert mountain's side a cavern he surveyed, 

■ ng for n Buiart young knight just setting up his 

trade) 

"With stern resolve our knight advane'd, drawn by myste- 

Lsaving, without, horse, lance and squire, the diro event to 

wait ; 
When, lo ! within the gloomy depth a hall of wondrons 

space, 
■Whoso hollow donio .ascending far tho eye could scarcely 

trace ; 
On either side withouten bound, the solemn scene he viewed 
Of gloomy grandeur, silent space, and murky solitude. 
Then seemed a strange, sepulchral tongue, with unknown 

accent, spoke — 
And, hark ! a deep and sullen bell the awful silence broke ; 
And, lo ! a rising curtain brought a wondrous scene to fight, 
thoas ■ iteeds array'd in armour 

Eaoh vrith elos'd helmet, spear in rest, and arm'a>froui bead 




bo h 



bio pirn 



, and mail of triplo 



With golden spurs, and 

steel. 
In silence stern and rigid state, it seem'd some wizard hand 
Prom quarried marble, steel and gold, had wrought the 

sculptured band : 
One horse alone stood riderless of all that knightly train, 
A sheathed sword and bugle-horn hung by his bridle rein ; 
And by an altar stood a shield, with this inscription 

wrought, — 
"Knight, whosoe'er thou art whom chance or late hath 

hither brought, 
This is tliy hour of destiny, if to thy knighthood true ; 
Henceforth thy praise to latest days the ages shall renew. 
'- the paynim yoke, thy conquered eoun 

And prostrate priest with prayer and mass for her deliver- 
ance pleads : 

Five hundred years, transformed to stone, await these war- 
riors bold, 

The hour, the man, the bugle-blast, by ancient seer foretold, 

Who in f*-is holy cause shall throw tho gage of battle down 

Fearless to pluck tho victor's wreath, or claim the martyr') 
erown, 

ost of the sons of men the bards of earth shall 
praise, 

Him to the loftiest seats above the virgin mother raise. 

If thou, prepared and self-possessed, shall dare the desper- 
ate fight, 

Mount ! draw the sword, and blow tho horn, and God j>e- 

FBKB THE BIGHT !* 

Forthwith our knight, disdaining fear, with high heroic 
teorn, 

Athwart the vacant saddle lcap'd, and blew the bugle-horn ; 

At ones, with hurried clang of arms, the hosts of war ad- 
vance, 

The earthquake tramp of myriad steeds, the crash of shiv- 
ered lance ! 

A moment, and the strife is o'er, the fated crisis past, 

And on the floor in weltering gore our hapless knight is 
cast. 

Tho fast receding dim of arms dies in the depths away, 

And gloomy silence supersedes the storm of desperate fray ; 

And from the grouud in angry sound of pity and disdain, 

This scornful sentence smote the knight_with still severer 



"Wo, wo, tnsro ma 
Who did sot dra 

BirGtE-HORH ' 



onn BEFOHE 



FKOOLAMATIOH SONG. 

The first of January nest, Eighteen si s ty- three,— - 

So says the Proclamation, — the slaves will all be free ! 

To every kindly heart 'twill bo the day of jubilee, 
For the bond shall all go free ! 

John Brown, the dauntless hero, with joy is looking on, 

home among tho angels he aces the coming dawn ; 
ith Freedom's banner, and bail the glorious morn 
When tho slaves shall all go free ! 

We've made a strike for Liberty — the Lord is on our side, 
And Christ the friend of bondmen shall ever be out guide ; 
And soon the cry will ring, throughout this glorious land 
so wide, 

" Let tho bondmen all go free ! " 

;io crushed and bleeding hearts we'll hear the 
broken sigh, 
No more from brothers hound in chains we'll hear the 

pleading cry ; 
For the happy day, the glorious day is coming by-and-hy, 
When the slaves shall all go free ! 

We're bound to make onr glorious Hag the banner of the 

free, 

it of January next, Eighteen sixty-three ; 
0/ every loyal Northern heart the glad cry then shall bo, 
" Let tho bondmen all go free ! " 

" No coxphomise with tsLAVEitv ! " — we hoar the cheering 

sound ; 
Tbo road to peace and happiness "Old Abe" at last has 

prilling hands to sto 
we're bound, 

While ho Bets the boudmen free i 

The morning light \a breaking, we see its cheering ray,— 
of Ti nU; and Justice that cau never fade away ; 
;bten to a great and glorious 
fl*y, 

shall all go free ' 

"other sidi lo all toget 

■iiy hand ; 
brothers in that brighter, better 'and, 
Where the bond snail all be free ! 
17, 1862. J. M. FarjSND. 



THE BEAUTY OF WINTER. 

Even winter to sno hath a thousand : 

short gloomy days, and its long starry nights i 
And I love to the dawn to inhale 

Tho health-breathing freshness thiti. !:■ 

■-■'■(■ the crest of the lull. 
Hand are hoary and still ; 
When the motion and Mind of the streamlets are lost 
In the i«j frost ; 

'■. ■ . hotter] 

■ .'■ spirit of natnri hath rings, 

eed of all glorious th 

-■ n . 
■ Ilness of beauty and .. 

■ ■ ■ 



BRUTAL TREATMENT OP SLAVES BY GEN. 
CORCORAN. 

I have just returned from Yurlttown. Suffolk, Fort 
Norfolk, Peat-House and Craney Island. The last 
three fjjaoes ajfl in the neighborhood of Norfolk, and 
I sat my foot on tho wharf at Newport News only to 
find the colored people in a state of consternation ;m<l 
confusion, Four weeks ago, vs wen- all foil of hope ; 
id t building ".granted to am for a school-house, 
and we were gettlag ready to receive 600 or 600 
more of the fYeetlroea and v.-nmeij, who had been in 
tents nil summer at HaniptOB-, to iBake B|r*parto1 
the 1000 or 6001) that Were to ho provided with win- 
ter charters litre. On the 9th inst,, J00 women, chil- 
dren and decrepit men were landed at night, many ot 
them sick and helpless. Their ghastly and shadowy 
.forms will ever haunt ranf roory. They were put 

into lar-e barracks for the remai r of the night, 

where they slept upon a little hay, with a eold snow 
storm raging outside. Not. 10th, myseh 

and such others .is I could rally were busy, by times, 
building fires lo boil a little coffee which was given tc 
them, but without sugar, as it was not eonvcnieul 
tor the commissary to draw a iiltle for them. 

At 5 o'clock, we gave them some pork and bear, 
soup and hard bread, and another night all slept agair 
upon the hay, — mothers shivering all night, drawing 
if possible, their little mies closer to them, that thej 
might impart the warmth of their person to them. 
AH this time, a day and two nighM, their blankets 
and s few other things had been locked up in 
another barrack, their new superintendent not deem- 
ing it necessary to give them out. On the 11th, before 
they had had their morning meal, the steamer Mystic 
came in with the intelligence that Gen. Corcoran had 
anchored with his legions before Fortress Munroe, and 
that Newport Jsows must be cleared of all colored peo- 
!•:■■ to make room for his troops. Here, again, was 
confusion, for none of the people had had a good sound 
meal, and had not full time to bury their dead, which 
was fifteen in two days. By request of Dr. O.Brown, 
who is superintendent of the freedmen, I went to Cra- 
ney Island, to see the condition of the place and the 
quarters. This was a rebel fortification, and is sit- 
uated on the right bank of the Elizabeth river as you 
enter it going to Norfolk. There I found three bar- 
racks, containing thirteen rooms, in which we had 
600 peopie, over 46 to each room. They were homed 
over, and remained in this condition until tents could 
be drawn from the Quartermaster, and put up; in 
the mean lime, the suffering for want of food was ex- 
treme, especially among the children. 

On the 2'Jlh, Gen. Corcoran arrived here, and, hav- 
ing got control of Newport News, he has seen nothing 
but these colored people. They are before him, like 
the mysterious cat in the fable which lifted her hack 
to the- moon. He sees, -them a hundred years hence 
on this Peninsula, wiilTthe implements of a new civil- 
ization in their hands, the plow and the Bible ef which 
Wickliffe told the .priests that the plow boys should 
soon know more than they did. He threw out his 
guards, and 300 more of these people, who have work- 
ed al! summer in the hospitals — a few receiving only 
five dollars, while many of them nothing — he had 
forced together upon the beach and other available 
places. The steamer John A. Warner took a part of 
them to Craney Island, and those who were found 
after she left were driven, by his order, to the end 
of the wharf over the water. One woman was com- 
pelled to take her sick daughter, of thirteen years, in 
her arms, and carry her half a mile to the place where 
the rest were. At the same time, every house was 
robbed by these Irishmen, of both clothing and money, 
where it could be found. One man, whom I know- 
well, told me that he had a little money, and they 
forcibly took it from him. 

The same night was one of the stormiest of the sea- 
son. It rained incessantly, and these poor people 
were forced to remain in this exposed condition on 
the lower end of the wharf all night, and until next 
day late in the afternoon. In the morning, tho mother 
oi the sick girl informed me* that she had died in the 
night, and thatshe had neither light nor water lo give 
when she asked for them, ; and that the other child 
must soon go too. Here she hid her face in her hands, 
and asked me what .they were going to do with the 
folks. I had no answer for her question, not even a 
word of consolation ; for whatever was her state of 
mind, I knew that she was a better Christian than I. 
My only recourse was to go to the fortress, lo Gen. 
John A. Dix, before any thing could be done, as no 
one dared even to move the body from the wharf. 
He quickly sent a steamboat to take tiie peopie to 
Craney island, and an order to have- the child buried. 
All day, Gen. Corcoran's men had been stepping over 
the corpse, while it lay there in a drenching rain. 

There arc still remaining some of these people, 
who work in the Quartermaster's department, but 
who are without houses, and must remain so, until 
Lieut. Alfred Gage, to whom any one interested car. 
write, can provide (hem places. 

Gen. Corcoran may win a great many hard-fought 
battles; he may lead his Regions as a successful Gen- 
eral ; but he will never be able to erase from his his- 
tory the record which he has so early made at New- 
port News. The memory of the death of that little 
girl, and two or three others who will soon follow, 
from criminal exposure on the wharf at Newport 
News, "Virginia, on the night of the 26th of Novem- 
ber, 1S62, his own act, must he his companion for life ; 
and ■■ ben dead; will make one of the darkest pagea of 
his history. A General without pity is a barbarian; 
and the military man who would so barbarously treat 
these docile people, who are never found with a mur- 
mur upon their lips, no matter what their sufferings, 
only merits a place by the side of the heartless Quarter- 
mastcrTahnadgc.who both starved, and beat them with 
wagon whips. A man who is not able to work a re- 
form in his own heart, God has no use or mission for 
him on the earth. 

it seems to me that everything which is despicable 
and oppressive is used to make these colored people 
hate freedom. Between forty and fifty of them left 
here on Sunday night. 22d inst., when they heard 
what was going to take place, saying that the Union 
woa&l never see them again. And what man, seeing 
the condition of things, can blame them '? Most of 
these freedmen, if let alone, would work their way 
into a good living, and would save a little money. 

The Superintendent at Craney Island has sent tugs 
along the shore, and taken from all the fishermen the 
boat 1 ? winch they own, saying that he wants them un- 
der his control. They can now fish and oyster at his 
dictation. That colored men shall not think for 
themselves is of Southern tyranny, and is practised 
by any under- official who can get a little authority over 
is the way, if free, we can't take care of 
ourselves I 

Gnraey Island, too, is to he the place to which all 
opposition . : tXDH procla- 

mation wiii turn its ■ '.< this winter, with the view of 
....-.■'. ..■ together of these people to 

be fed by Government, who would otherwise support 
res, will retard its progress. The New Yofk 
11 riot forget this place. It is a grave injury 
to these people to put them on this island, fortius rea- 

... ■ ■■■ . .■ ■ 

Government for support, Secondly, it ex-cludes them 
from active life and the tree use of their limbs, which 
..-y to their own health, us evidenced in the 
fact that they now die from twelve a day. 

Thirdly;, H affords bad ojen 

asufOS of eompr ■: 
■ .-.iijli, the North La full. 

iHW OLIVER. 
portBfewB, Va.. Wo 

Mr. Oliver's tettel ,l,,:i1 t: -" Now 
He African. Thi ' 
band ■ .:■;.■■ 

he hun ■ ■ ■ ran, v ■ i i 

beet! the " :: " CHIJBi 



THE MANHOOD OP THE NEGK0. 

Mk. pDi tl disturbed and dis- 

turbing times, the gnat question is, how shall we in- 
o -i':ill we Wlito our page of 

history so flint we may not Wash to lesve the record 
to those who are to come after ' What shall be the 
Koran, the thing to be read, from which to draw our 
inspiration ? 

To the hundred thousand wh.i have ftchtewd their 
liberty, how much depends on our answer! How 
ill to the four millions wbOBfl chnins yet 
be car of slavery ! How- much to the 1 



i N D E X 




M. 


TO 




■ ; ; ■ [Al '. ! .'■ Ball, ;:-!-:: i-51 


■ gy, 121 


THE LIKEnATOrt, 




■ ■ ting ia Coopeir 

4] 


Mr. Uowiaud'fl Keply to 
Mi'- May, 


VOLUME XXXII. 




■ ■ nai | Dishonesty, 44 


McClellai 






Metayow, 44-4M8-T6 


ermaent, 148-149 






School at Chat- 


Mi .Dicey- ' ipiuion, 162 


A. 




ham, 59-62 


Marriage ol an Ex. 




ightman 


.' of ;l Sump- 


. ..li'lp Prophecy, R A Voic6"irQul B$1 


80 


wta iv, 101-103-118 


book, 204 


Aodraw, Bov., Address of, 6 AHtUAb»litianMorem't,109 


Maine Jiujuwrjioy, I cj ;j 


It 


.'■ ' hangs ! 'l Position, not Abolition 




il the President 


. . ■'...... 


a Change of Principle, C eionists, 


113 


on COBipenflatiOB, i Ifi 


'.r 1.:;. 


rrable Memorial, inti-Slavery Celebration 








Arming ot staves by the at r'ni-riiinghn.ni. 


n-s 


N. 


■j Address of F. M McKin 
Attack on oar Soldiers by on Pnrt RoyaJ Centra 




Negroes fox Bohliera, 13 


■ ■ lorne, 102 




National Sobeci ipfcion An- 


N. v. Journal of Com- 


A Thank: trii i, 13 Army of the Potomac, 




niversary Report, 28 

New Northern Constitu- 


12'^ 
Negro Regiment at Port 


Abolition License, 17 A Coloi A 






Wi. 



■ry O'ffici 



)rder of MoCJellati on 
President's Proclama- 
tion, 1(13 

3rtlur of Peovost Mar- 

109 



. mO.K«t, 
P. 

■ ■ . . 
si Colomzali 
Port Royal M 



J U2 



71 
i, 73 

0-103-123 



I long— In 



And the practical s 



s not without- its 
:k man been cat 



THE JJKBT WOliK 
AGEI 

Hai'jjer'o Koto 

OF 

The Great Rebellion 

THE TTTSTXIVESX} JST-a-TEiS. 

M- .. 

SHE GREAT 

.-..■,: 

Llun, by&**i 

': I i . ■ : i 

of the foi mat 
mation and 

■ ■ . . meal ; 
doctrines of 
^--ion, uutl Hip various phs 
they assumed antU tbelt Bnal oolmiuation in the Great 
;,■,/.■ in ..■ 
The llis'ionY compriees ■■<■ fi ■■■ from tho 

■ ■ ■ '■■■ , ol all . ■ ■ ' ■ . 

intrigues of the Southern leaders at home and abroad ; the 

feotion of one section ; thegreat'Cpri 
People for the nraintenanco of the National Life and Exiefc- 
: v- Army ko& Navy ; 

The ItLCSTRATu ss eomprlH) Portraits of all those who 
bavebori ..■'- part ia tlie stroggle i .Maps of the 

■ ■ ' ;-.s ; Views 
of every, scene ■ 
ties. Tbeai mostly from drawings taken 

-:■■: iv iis-ri-t..; ■■'!(.-} juf..trd for that purpose to aeeom- 
pftny i^verv division of nur 4r!ny and -' 

ijity^at thf; command of the Publishers hae been 
employed in the preparatiOEi and execution of the work ; 
and they eooSdently believe that it ttill form 
trustworthy and raruuble liHstery which can ■■■■ 
of THE QEBAT ■•-yin^.-'^LE FOH THE A ■■ 



Mode and Terms of Publication. 

■-■ i- ■ ■, :. Numbers, each eonsi 
of Lhe .-!"■ of " Harpers WtiMy" minted from 
on ■ ,-■■ paper, oiid frill probably in 

issued, at intervals, if ;.■ ■ ■ 



,,-y Nc- 



.■on ti'i-'si.i: us as yon treat others." "Protect us in oui 
■ights, and if wc cannot- sustain ourselves. let us gt 



BSY, ME. PEEK0H AT TEE CAPITAL. 

Washln-ctOs, {D. C.) Dec. 15, IS62. 



C. M. Clay on tho War, 134 



Democratic Treason, 33-73 Dr. HmMen and Daniel 
Discourse of fiav. Mr. Al- Dr. Edson B. Olds, i 



S8 Dei 
trial- Des 

sible, 154 Do; 



rebellion, until we were w 
the slaves : that for his part he 
take his place by the side of the 
with him, and to die and go U 
But he said he believed tlmt in nt 
be continued long. It was flie m 
slaves that their deliverance is 
claimed to have learned this fact 
that they knew that the Proclaim 
long before it actually came out 
instanct-s illustrating the confidin 
and religious trust of the negrot 
scarcely seen a drunken colored n 
profane language, during his expi 
He also contradicted the oft-repea 
negroes will not fight for their li 
have an opportunity. He knew 
and willing to fight. The meetin 
:i splendid success. It marks a n 
of Washington Sunday meetings, 
could not this meeting he folio-wed 
not some of the 
day, with 
gafeed, if) 



lling to do full justice, to 



i P bj. 



the old p 


oneers be heard here on Sun- 










>pcn doors 


3 It would he a great point 


T\u 


* .To 


n ":: 




urself, Mr 


Phillips and Parker Fillsburv 




is Ga 


pital, 




rd here by 


the masii-s. There are many, 


Ho 





ni th 


w 


Northcn, 


men here now, among them 
id 1 have no doubt that Anti- 


Ho 








e go cou 


d be safely and profitably held 
A. J. GKOVEII. 


Hi 




1 idi 





^= It is perfectly notorious here, that three-quar- 
ters of the Massachusetts men in the field were op- 
posed altogether to the late Republican party. — Bos- 
ton Courier. 

The Courier knows "aa much of the sentuneuls of 
tire soldiers, as it does of the people, of Massachusetts, 
which is just nothing at all- The feet is jusl the re- 
verse of what the Courier states, as every our knows 
who has mingled with the Boldiers. — Boston Journal. 

g^r^ 1 The day after the late election, a Democrat- 
ic newspaper in New York covered its bulletin board 
with the following announcement: "See Indiana! 
see Ohio 1 see Pennsylvania! see Seymour! A friend 
1 ■ tep . up to the bulletin, wrote underneath, 

■ - -'..>' Independent. 

■■I (jL Death. The Dubuque JSeratd closed 
its existence yesterday morning, lis hist number wan 
chiefly devoted to the vindication of the administra- 
tion of James Buchanan, written by himself. This 
is entitled — "His Administration nobly vil 
his policy the true pul'ey " ; and so tin- Herald Sled 
praising James lJucliaiian \ It was an awt'td death s 
■ : i Times, 

.'■■ man and his wife, with six childi 
within a short time, from North Carolina. They 
forded streams, and swam one river, each carrying 
- ;t time OB their backs, until all had passed 

i.. er. Bol though thus eager for freedom, they 
dread the North— its climate and its ways. Give 
them freedom, and there is no danger of their leaving 
the sunny ! 

PAiu;r: 1'iio.M Coi:n' llu^ii'-. The London Median 
ica' Magazine stateB that "excellent paper is now 
in Ku rope from the leaves of Indian corn fh re is 
one miii in operation in Switzerland, and one in Aus- 
tria, in which paper is made from BUCh loaves OXfitu 

sively. Tli . envelop the ears of corn 

make 'in- best quality." 

Gen. Busl oi .■ iw S oi k, Ija? hi ■ 

o Gen Dix at ifortrest Munroe, where an 
. . ■ "il command will be arranged for him, 

. . ;■ , ■ ..■;.•■ ■ ; ........ 

Ill ;, ,■::, IjOll 111 

Iforl a'nd mi ■' Irmi a prvs ■ ifit. 

. ■ ■ ■ ■ ■■.' ■ . on Sal 

:■ of George tV. tis, In I 

■ ' ■ 
. ■ 







si 


Ul-i 




Democracy, 

of Dlacks 






313 


lute 




awwith thi 


rithBorile 


Prosi 

Stat 


J 


tin 




of Chioago Chris- 

Delegation, 


Jehu Brewn-ism, 
JoSbraoa Dai b 1 


onoh 


53 


JefF. 

(,i 


D 


tvis to Abraham 
In. 


man, 81 
Jell". Davis to his Army, 


IStl 
118 


J. 1 
tic 




Itesolu- 
:il Worcester* 



Kansas Eman. League, 47 Kansas NegMj Itcs'taont, 186 



Loyalty of Colored Ameri- 
cans in the Revolution- 
ary War, 2 

Lecture by li. 11. Heywood, 3 

Letter from Htm. llalleck 
to Frank BUIt, 7 

rom U.il.Croclter, 24 

Let tor from Elisabeth 
Gady Stanton, 20 

im English Abo- 
litionists, 82 

Letters to George Thomp- 
son, 30 :.i 38 

!/ hit from Mrs, Pranoet 
D, (Jage 

Letter Irum Montgomery 
Blair, 45 

9.B.SI ' 

■ ate Ifix- 
■ ■ ■ ■ 19 

r fl om And row Pa- 



imi. 



60 



hotter to Bon. William H. 
Beward, .M 

. ,;. . 
■ ■ vn Iter, Daniel 

Foster, 60-11] i 

159 ti ■ .1 ! 190 LO ■ 
>; ■ Diokii 
.-■., 

i A. 1 

iiia -195 

I . m J. Miller Mo- 

I 
[,.mii l*rce tiohool, 

>!..!. f18 
i i i tor IVod 

■ 

li ■ 



Letter from . Rev. Mr. 

Quint, ST 

Letter to lion. J. Colla- 

more, 94 

Letter from Dr. B 
Lei.u-r from Bern 

Wright, iov-M'j- LOO- L5I 

18T^17*-176-178 I ■ 

203 ■->■■ 
Letter frqm ffen. Banhs, 1 15 
Letter from Sen. Butl 
Letter ffom Gen. B«n- 

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T. Bigelow, Esq.. Chief Justice 
GEO. C, WHdJE, CUrk. 

Gi;o. C. VviuhL, Cicrf;. 



Speech of Eon. Dai 
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A GOOD CHANCE TO MAKE 

$50 to $100 

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;. Di I ' .. -, Map of Vir- 

:itrn States, frerii to pedbsrs and 
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T]:, ---.., : . iios, 12-16 
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Bcipa'rj League, lo 
Tennessee LegisiaMoi 
Trnstea Traitors. 24 

The British idoii, 2i"> 

The Ahiditiun Traitors, 'Si 
ons Of the South, 31 
L'Jie President'i ilea 

■' \ow. 18 

Thy Naval fight inliajnp- 

tou Roads, 48 

The M.-ik-rn Jonah, -1G 

Tl.o President's Pn 

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The State of tbeOoonlry, B8 
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The Master Eaoe, J 14 
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DharlM 

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The Union as it Was, H I 

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Parker, 173 

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Theodore R Weld, 178 

The Verdioi 

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Voioo of Dnion Esilos, 136 \ lews of an Entelligent 
Vermont Anti-lfngitivo Negro, ', 

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European and Fancy Furs, 

308 WasliiugtoL Street, 308 

OPPOSITE BOSTOM THKATBE, B08T O X . 

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|js5?" Purs preserved during the summer. :;ov7tf 




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ICH X>X3S!3Sr. 

GLOBE HOTEL, 

■';'■■. 






JULY 18. 



THE LIBERATOR 



115 



colored people are just as fastidious upon this point as 
white people. We have our aristocratic feeling. I 
have my neighbors all around ine— most of them 
white — some of whom my family arc glad to have 
come in and cliat with us ; there are others we don't 
associate with at all. I have no particular ohjeclion 
to their hair because it is a little red, or to their eyes 
because they are a little grey; my objection to them 
rests on other grounds. When my white neighbors 
shall arrive at a proper point of Intellectual culture 
and moral development, I shall not object to their com- 
ing in and taking their position. (Laughter and ap- 
plause.) 

Now, one or two words in another direction. We 
often hear the remark made, "We don't want the 
negroes liberated ; if they are liberated and come here, 
they will take work away from us, and we shall have 
nothing to do." That is the objection I heard made 
in Lawrence, in East Boston, and in almost every 
place where I have spoken upon this subject. Now 
that objection is a very foolish one. The slave's labor 
is more valuable In the {southern States, where he is 
to-day, than it ever could be hi' the Northern States. 
It is more valuable in raising cotton, sugar and rice 
than anything else, and when slavery is abolished, the 
demand for labor in the Southern States will be even 
greater than it is to-day. And they can till the soil, 
they can work out in the hot sun, and being acclima- 
ted will be far superior as laborers to any class of per- 
sons who can he introduced there. Look at the 
British West Indies. The attempt has been made to 
introduce white laborers there, into Jamaica, but they 
never could compete with the black man. And there 
is another thing to be considered. Let slavery he 
abolished, and it will be better for the country in 
every respect. Think of 4,000,000 consumers who 
will spring into existence in the Southern States! 
People seem to forget that. These slaves, who are 
now living upon Indian corn, bacon, and hickory 
nuts, will at once wish for something better. Your 
cheese, your butter, your flour, and all such things, 
would at once be demanded in the Southern States, 
and those 4,000,000 of slaves would become the con- 
sumers of the fabrics that are made here in the North- 
ern States. These are things that the people of the 
North, as I think, ought to take into consideration 
when asking the question, " What shall be done with 
the slaves, if they are liberated 1 " {Applause.) 

SPEECH OF CHARLES C- BURLEIGH. 
The short time which it is possible for me to take, 
in justice to other speakers, will not permit a speech ; 
and therefore I shall only give you a fragment, torn out 
of the middle of one, with neither beginning nor end. 
We have been reminded in the course of the day of 
the method, or rather, perhaps I should say, the want 
of method, in which the military operations of the 
North are carried on against the rebellion. If the anti- 
slavery movement which has been agitating the country 
for the last thirty years still stood in need of any justi- 
fication to the minds of candid and sensible men, it 
would be found in this very attitude of the North to- 
day towards the rebellion, acknowledged on almost all 
hands to have sprung from slavery, and nothing else. 
Here stands the North, cowering before the very 
power which has stirred up that rebellion, and talking 
about putting down the rebellion without going behind 
it, and putting down its admitted cause; as if you 
should try to put down diabolism in the world, and re- 
spect the vested rights of Satan. Why is it so 1 Be- 
cause slavery has blinded the minds of the people, and 
stupified their understandings; and all the way from 
Abraham Lincoln in the chair of State, down to his 
lowest follower in the halls of Congress, you find the 
same evidence of a want of clearness of vision — not 
only of moral, hut even of intellectual vision. We 
suppose that men in conspienmis public stations ought 
to know something; and these men do know some- 
thing about every thing except slavery, and what sla- 
very teaches; but going there, they seem to know 
nothing, or, at least, they dh not know every thing 
which it is important they should know at this time. 
We are told that Abraham Lincoln is a very good, well- 
meaning man; I hope he is. All the stronger, if so, 
is the proof of what I have said ; for your well-mean- 
ing man, if he understood his business, would never 
go about the work of putting down a pro-slavery re- 
bellion after the fashion in which he has gone about it. 
But men say he is waiting to see if the people will 
support him ; he is going to drift upon the tide. I tell 
you the man who understands his business never waits 
for his followers to drift him in the right direction. 
He is resolute to go forward, and his very resolution 
serves to bring his followers after him. If Abraham 
Lincoln had spoken the right word at the right time, 
he would have been supported by the whole country; 
not only by those who are marking out a policy, but 
by multitudes who would have thanked him from the 
bottom of their hearts for saving them the trouble of 
seeking one for him ; and not only they, but those 
who stand waiting for an opportunity, and mean to go 
with the strongest party, and when they see one party 
in deadly earnest and the other shivering in the wind, 
by instinct, they recognize the deadly earnest men as 
the strongest party ; and still others, those who were 
opposed, would have been swept into the current, if 
Abraham Lincoln had shot forward with energy 
enough to make a wake behind him that would draw 
men in. 

Men say the Constitution stood in his path. But 
why is not the constitutional right of everybody else 
as sacred as that of so-called loyal slaveholders — the 
" black swans " of this age — to hold men as chattels, 
when we know that the very root of disloyalty is the 
practice of holding men as chattels ? I think I have 
some rights, I think you have some rights ; but this 
government of yours stretches its long arms to the 
North and the South, and sweeps you all up together, 
your property, your lives, your liberty, and crushes 
' them into one mass, which is to he hurled against the 
rebellion. You strew the battle-field with slaughter, 
— nobody's constitutional rights meddled with there; 
you crowd your prisons with captives, put there with- 
out warrant of law, save martial law — nobody's con- 
stitutional rights meddled with there ; and you destroy 
the property of the nation until you burthen the land 
with a thousand millions of dollars of debt — and no- 
body's constitutional rights are meddled with there. 
There is but just one thing sacred in this land, and 
that is, not your person, not your freedom, not your 
life or your property, but the slaveholder's claim to 
make a beast of his brother man. (Applause.) 

Now, I answer all that in a great many ways, 
but I only make one answer this afternoon. In the 
first place, I say that if you want Constitution, you 
shall have Constitution, to the very end of it — as much 
of it as Portia in the play would give of his bond to 
the Jew; you shall have all that the law awards, and 
nothing more ; and then I say, that by the Constitu- 
tion of your country, and by the law of your land, 
Abraham Lincoln is a perjured man if he allows sla- 
very to be recognized as a legal institution in this 
country another hour. I tell you that slavery died in 
every rebellious State of this Union the instant it 
raised the flag of rebellion. I prove it to you in a few 
short Words. What is the legal basis of slavery, if it 
has any ? Positive law. Lord Mansfield said, in Eng- 
land, years ago, that slavery is of so odious a nature, 
that it cannot be suffered to exist upon any other 
ground than that of positive Law. The courts of Geor- 
gia, Mississippi, and almost every one of your States, 
slave and free, have recognized that same principle in 
by-gone times; and alt the North — Abraham Lincoln 
and all the rest— recognize it to-day. Slavery is the 
creature of positive law, so far as it has any legality at 
all. Positive, not natural law. It has no prescriptive 
rights, no rights based upon nature ; it has nothing to 
uphold it as a legal system but judicial precedents and 
statute enactments. Well, what holds up judicial 
precedents and statute enactments 1 The government 
from which they proceed— nothing else. If I have a 
natural right to anything, you may annihilate all the 
governments this side of God's, and my natural right 
remains unharmed ; but if I have a right created by 
government, when the government sinks, my right 
goes to the bottom with it. Is not that plain common 



sense ? The Creator dying, his creation perishes with 
him. All your theologians will tell you that. Now, 
the rebellion has annihilated the law-making power in 
the slavcholding States. Is there any government in 
South Carolina, is there any government in Georgia 
or Virginia, or any other rebellious State, which any 
loyal citizen of the North has a right to recognize as a 
government? Hoes Abraham Lincoln recognize any 
government there except his own ? He sends a Gov- 
ernor down — more's the pity — to North Carolina, who 
goes there to enforce the laws of Nortli Carolina! 
Poor fool ! Not knowing that if he does, he is like 
the man who stood out upon the branch of a tree, and 
sawed it off close to the trunk— the instant he attempts 
to enforce the laws of North Carolina, he cuts oil' his 
gubernatorial existence. He ought to know that. But 
in sending a Governor to Tennessee, North Carolina, 
and elsewhere, President Lincoln recognizes the fact, 
that there is no government except his own in any re- 
bellious State ; and whether he recognizes it or not, 
you know it, as a matter of plain common sense. No 
man can owe allegiance to two governments, at war 
with each other. The rebellion, therefore, by annihi- 
lating every law which the slave States have enacted, 
has left those States with no other law but the natural 
law, which does not support slavery, and the laws of 
the Federal Government, which neither do support 
nor have any constitutional or legal power to support 
it. (Applause.) You see, therefore, that there is no 
legal slavery in any one of those States. 

Abraham Lincoln said in his inaugural address, 
speaking to his "dissatisfied fellow-countrymen" — a 
very pleasant phrase to apply to men in armed rebel- 
lion against the government, trying to pull down the 
very pillars of the commonwealth upon their heads 
and his own — addressing his '"flissatistied fellow-coun- 
trymen," lie says — "You have no oath registered in 
Heaven to pull down this government ; I have an oath, 
a solemn one, to uphold, and defend, and protect it." 
He is sworn to protect the Constitution. By the Con- 
stitution of the country, every man in every rebellious 
State is a free man this day, and therefore Abraham 
Lincoln has sworn that he will recognize the freedom 
of every man in those States. What right has he, 
then, when General Hunter, as hi3 subordinate, does 
his part of the work by issuing an order freeing every 
man within his jurisdiction, to send out and counter- 
mand that order? There have been but few men in 
conspicuous places earnestly engaged in putting down 
this rebellion — I think there have been a great many 
more down lower; but the few who have shown good 
sense in their action have been thrust back by the 
well-meaning President, and the well-meaning govern- 
ment of which he is the executive officer. I should 
like to know, if he has such a very earnest desire to" 
go the right way, and such a sincere hatred of slavery, 
if there is a chance to show it, why he allows General 
Halleck's order Number 3 to remain in force, which 
thrusts slaves back into their chains; thus indirectly 
violating a plain act of Congress, which declares that 
no officer or soldier of the United States shall return a 
fugitive slave 1 What is the difference, pray, whether 
you give him up by not allowing him to come into 
your lines, or letting him come in, and then pushing 
him back "i It is only pushing him back a little soon- 
er in the one case than in the other. Why did not 
President Lincoln put an extinguisher upon Governor 
Stanley's order the moment his nonsense was pub- 
lished 1 I see he is beginning to crawl back from his 
position, and has even found Mr. Colyer so good- 
natured as to be his medium, and say there was a mis- 
take. I think the "mistake" was in his thinking 
that he should get more support than he did. 

The rebels have gone on gaining victories and win- 
ning advantages because they have had a purpose, and 
knew what it was to drive right at it. If a man gath- 
ers all his strength up into the muscles of his right 
arm, and strikes one manly blow right forward from 
the shoulder, it is felt by the man he strikes. But if 
a man does not know what he will strike, and spreads 
his fingers all abroad, and flourishes his arms this way 
and the other, he will hurt nobody. Beauregard will 
laugh in your face at such kind of strategy ; and the 
people who have not made up their minds whether 
this war has a meaning or not, ought to be defeated, 
and will be defeated ; and it is but a vindication of the 
ways of Providence, the natural working out of the 
principles of common senso, when they are defeated. 
I say all this is the natural result of the stupifying in- 
fluence of slavery upon the minds and hearts of the 
people. They have lived under the shadow of this 
evil institution so long, that they do not know how to 
behave themselves when the shadow begins to grow 
less, and so they keep crawling after it and getting un- 
der it, because they are afraid of the fresh air and clear 
sunlight of freedom. (Applause.) 

SPEECH OP REV. DANIEL FOSTER. 

This gathering to-day shows us that there is no 
need of exhorting the Abolitionists to keep up their 
interest. The fourth of July, 1862, is celebrated only 
by those who meet to demand, in the name of the Fa- 
thers, and of the ideas under the inspiration of 
which they fought through the Revolutionary strug- 
gle, the abolition of slavery as the termination of this 
contest or revolution in which we are engaged to-day. 
What do we see, just on the eve of this celebration? 
After a whole year of wonderful military strategy, the 
mustering of the finest army ever gathered on the face 
of the earth — an army with which Napoleon Bonaparte 
would, in a single year, have conquered Europe — 
with all the resources at his command that have ever 
been placed at the command of any General, McCIellan 
has fought no battle that he has not been compelled to 
by being attacked, he has encamped upon the swamps 
of the Chickahominy, where his men have died by 
thousands, and now he is driven away, and has es- 
caped with little more than half his army ; and all the 
pro-slavery journals are lauding him aB a wonderful 
General, because he has not lost every man and every 
siege gun. If the people submit any longer to the 
charletanism of being commanded by men of abso- 
lutely pro-slavery character, like McCIellan, Sturgis, 
Denver, and some others, then the judgments of God 
will continue to fall upon them. It is true, as our 
friend Dr. Rock said in his speech, that we want an 
idea to fight for. That idea is freedom. The fathers 
fought for freedom, and they pledged themselves and 
their children after them to maintain the grand and 
glorious idea that liberty is the birth-right given by 
Almighty God to every man — a birth-right that no 
combination of men can ever take away from him ; 
and as our friend who has just taken his seat has 
clearly shown, whatever interpretation may be placed 
upon the Constitution, the moment South Carolina 
disowns that Constitution, she throws away all her 
laws ; and slavery, if it be created by positive law, and 
if >it be recognized in the Constitution, falls to the 
ground that moment. In the name of God, in the 
name of the fathers, in the name of freedom and hu- 
manity everywhere, I call upon our government to 
take this position, I call upon you to demand it of the 
government. Wc have had the finest army that has 
ever been gathered ; a-.i army drawn from our school- 
houses, our work-shops ; an army of intelligent men 
who love freedom, who went into the war to fight 
against slavery, to make a free as well as a united fa- 
ther-land; and throughout this whole war, our Gene- 
rals have been fettered with red tape ; have been fol- 
lowing the strategy of Europe before the days of Na- 
poleon Bonaparte; while Beauregard, and Johnston, 
and Stonewall Jackson, have been exhibiting the 
energy, dash, and the strategy of Napoleon, concen- 
trating their forces where they could strike an effec- 
tive blow — and with limited men, with neither money 
nor credit, they have won nearly all the victories that 
have been won in this war so far. Our army fought 
nobly at Pittsburg Landing, at Fair Oaks, at Wil- 
liamsburgh, at Winchester ; and now, after five days 
fighting on the banks of the Chickahominy, they have 
maintained themselves against overwhelming odds, 
and have saved the army, in spite of incompetent and 
traitorous Generals, by their indomitable pluck. 
(Loud applause.) Let President Lincoln turn Gen- 
eral McCIellan out, and put General Hunter or Mitch- 
ell in. (Applause.) That man has proved himself 



incompetent; and I see that the editor of the,New 
York Evening Post now demands, in the name of com- 
mon decency and humanity, that General McCIellan 
shall retire, and give this war into the hands of some 
body who knows how to carry it on. (Applause.) 
Give the command to General Mitchell, with his dash, 
with his live ideas, with his sympathy for freedom, 
or to General Hunter, with the ideas ho has put forth 
iu South Carolina, and the war will be closed before 
another Fourth of July conies round, and we may 
meet in this grove to thank God that we have a free 
and united father-land. (Loud applause.) 

SPEECH OP ANDREW T. FOSS. 

I fully agree, Mr. President, with the criticisms that 
have been made upon our President and our Gene- 
rals to-day ; and yet, with all the fault I have to find 
with the conduct of this war, I am in favor of it, and 
believe it will work out a beneficent end. In saying 
this, I do not say that I am in favor of returning fugi- 
tive slaves, as was done by the army for a long time, 
but which, happily, they can do no longer; I 
do not mean to say that I am in favor of any of 
those pro-slavery policies that have controlled the 
President and his Generals; but I know, Mr. Presi- 
dent, as you said this morning, that this war has been 
occasioned by the rebellion of the slaveholders, and 
that they have made that rebellion in favor of the eter- 
nization of slavery; and when I sec the North and 
the South arrayed against each other, and know that 
the question at issue is nothing else, I cannot but re- 
joice that there is life enough in the people to produce 
this degree of inflammation. 

Now, Mr. President, when I say I am in favor of 
this war, I agree with every slave in this land. They 
are in favor of this war. I believe very much in in- 
stinct, and very much in the instinct of the slaves. 
After all that has been done by the Government to 
drive them over to the other side, after they have been 
outraged in everyway, they yet entertain the idea 
that this war is to eventuate in their deliverance. I 
think it will. I do not thank Abraham Lincoln, I do 
not thank the Generals, but I thank God, for this war. 
I know that war is horrible, but I know that there is 
something more horrible than war, and that is slave- 
ry ; and we must have slavery all over this land, and 
that eternally, or we must have war. There" is but 
one path to freedom, and that is through the red sea 
of blood, and therefore I am glad of the issue ; I ac- 
cept it with joy. 

Now, Mr. President, with regard to the conduct of 
this war. Those who have heard me speak upon this 
question know that no man has denounced the conduct 
of the war more freely or more earnestly than I have. 
I have believed and do believe that Mr. Lincoln has 
been utterly wanting in statesmanship, utterly want- 
ing in fidelity to freedom ; I believe our Generals 
have been ; and yet, after all, I believe that a great 
deal has been done and is now being done in the way 
of freedom, and in itl rejoice and will rejoice. But, 
Mr. President, there are people so stupid that they 
cannot understand how you and I can be in sympathy 

1th the result of the war, and yet not fully and en- 
tirely endorse all the proceedings and actions of the 
government in carrying it on. I can understand how 
we may be in favor of one course of action on the part 
of some man, and opposed to another course of ac- 
tion on his part. Abraham Lincoln, returning fugitive 
slaves, I condemn ; but Abraham Lincoln, signing the 
bill giving freedom forever to the slaves of the Terri- 
tories, and establishing freedom in the District of 
Columbia, I commend. While I condemn Abraham 
Lincoln for all his pro-slavery acts, Lrejoiee to see him 
signing the treaty, recognizing the independence of 
Hayti and Liberia. I agree with Mr. Burleigh, that 
the President having the power to free all the slaves, 
is the greatest slaveholder in the' land to-day, and as 
such I denounce him ; but I will not denounce him 
for a right act because I denounce him for a wrong 
act. I desire to he discriminating. I rejoice in the 
good that I see, while I condemn the evil. 

Mr. President, I have great hope in regard to this 
war. I believe it will issue in the disenthral ment of 
the slaves of this land, and because I so believe, I 
herein do rejoice and will rejoice. I suppose that we 
are all saddened— I am sure I am — by hearing of the 
defeat of our arms ; but I expected it. I agree with 
Mr. Poster, that General McCIellan is utterly wanting 
in the qualities of a great leader of a free people. 
In the first place, he has been, from the beginning, in 
sympathy with the slaveholders ; and no man in sym- 
pathy with slaveholders is fit to be a military leader 
in this war. But, Mr. President, although I lament 
the reverse to our arms, and mourn, deeply mourn, 
that fifteen thousand of our countrymen, brave and 
noble young men, have been sacrificed, yet, after all, 
I do not know but it will do good. This nation must 
endure still more chastisement at the hand of God, 
before they will let the people go ; and for aught I 
know, there may be, as in Egypt, one dead in every 
house; but this work is begun, and will go on, until 
God by his hand shall sweep slavery from this land; 
or it may be that he will sweep us all away ; but sla- 
very is sure to die in this land, and I rejoice in that 
belief. 

I do not want to be misunderstood, Mr. President. 
I am in favor of this war, I am glad of it, I rejoice in 
it, but I criticise and condemn all the pro-slavery ac- 
tion in regard to it. I cannot conceal from myself, 
you cannot conceal it from your eyes, that during the 
last fifteen months, the cause that has been advocated 
on this platform has gone forward; its prospects have 
brightened, and we are allowed to cherish a clearer 
hope in regard to the triumph of our principles than 
ever before. The day of redemption draws near. 
As I have said before, so I say now, I believe no 
society that was ever organized for a moral purpose 
has ever seen its work carried so far forward, so near 
its consummation, in so short a time, as this. 

SPEECH OF HENRY C. WRIGHT. 

I think that our friend, Mr. Burleigh, ha3 demon- 
strated to the entire satisfaction of this audience, that 
there is not, at this moment, a slave legally held in 
slavery in the Rebel States. They were made free by 
the act of the slaveholders themselves, and now the 
question is, — Are we fighting to reenslave those whom 
the slaveholders have freed 1 

Mrs. Postek. Yes. 

Mr. Wright. Our friend, Abby Kelley Poster, 
says " Yes." That is the question. Are we now con- 
tending for the reiinslavcmentof those whom, by their 
own act, the slaveholders have set free? I believe 
that a great portion of those who are now sustaining 
this war, especially the officers in the army, and the 
great mass of the politicians of the country, are really 
and actually fighting to reenslave those who have been 
made free by the act of rebellion ; and it is my most 
earnest prayer that the nation may forever be defeated 
in that object. They never will succeed in such a 
diabolical scheme. For myself, I believe that from 
the moment Charles Sumner introduced into the Sen- 
ate of the United States, early last winter, his resolu- 
tion, proclaiming that by the act of rebellion, the State 
governments, through which the slaves were held in 
slavery, were annihilated, — from that hour, the slaves 
were free, and the Constitution of the United States 
recognized their freedom, because it ceased to recog- 
nize the rebellious States as States; they are Territo- 
ries, and no longer have any State government. Now, 
every man who is fighting to restore this Union to its 
original basis, or where it stood two years ago, is fight- 
ing to reenslave some four million of men, women 
and children whom the rebels have set free. 

Mr. Mat read a letter from Wendell Phillips, 
stating that he was prevented by a cold and hoarseness 
from attending and addressing the meeting, as he had 
intended, f Of course, the absence of the eloquent or- 
ator was greatly missed by the immense gathering.] 

A brief but lively, pertinent and witty speech was 
then made by Rev. Mr. Tennby, of Marlboro', who 
was followed by Mr. Garrison with some appropriate 
concluding remarks. An Anti-Slavery song was sung, 
and the exercises of the day terminated. 



THE CONFISCATION BILL. 

The rebel Confiscation Bill agreed upon by the Joint 
Committee of Congress, and which was adopted by 
the House of Representatives on Friday by a vote of 
82 to 44, was agreed to on Monday, 27 to 18, by the 
Senate. The bill, therefore, only requires the signa- 
ture of the President to be the law of the land, anil 
from the heavy vote cast in its favor in each house, 

e presume it will be approved, whatever may be the 
President's objections to this or that particular feiitnre 
of the measure. The bill provides : — 

First — That the President, by proclamation, shall 
give sixty days' grace to the rebels to return to their 
allegiance, and that the properly of every rebel fail- 
ing to do so within this interval of sixty days shall he 
forfeited. 

Second— Death is declared the penalty of treason, 

id the liberation of the traitor's slaves, if possessed 
of any; or he shall be fined §10,000, imprisoned five 
years, and his estate, except his slaves, shall be seized, 
the slaves to go free. The pains and penalties of the 
bill apply with particular force to the office-holders, 
civil and military, attached to the rebellion ; and 
rebels are disqualified from holding office under the 
government of the United States. 

Third — The President is authorized to seize the 
property of traitors of every kind whatsoever, staves 
excepted, and turn over the proceeds thereof to the 
government. 

Fourth — Slaves of rebels and of those giving aid 
and comfort to the rebellion, when such slaves shall 
seek the refuge of our lines, are to be forever free; 
also slaves abandoned by their owners, and coming 
under the control of the government; as also the 
slaves found at places falling under our military occu- 
pation. 

Fifth — Fugitive slaves, escaping from one State 
_nto another, except in cases of crime against the 
United States, &c, shall not be delivered up until the 
claimant shall have sworn that he is and has been 
loyal to the Union. 

Sixth — No person employed in the army or navy 
shall decide on the validity of any claim to a slave, or 
surrender him back to his owner, on pain of dismissal 
from the public service. 

Seve?ith — The President is authorized to employ as 
many persons of African descent for the suppression 
of the rebellion as he may think proper, and may use 
them in such manner as ho may deem best for the 
public welfare. 

Eighth — He is also empowered to make provisions 
for the colonization of our negro population beyond 
the limits of the United States. 

Ninth — The President is invested with full discre- 
tion in the matter of pardon and amnesty to rebels 
held as prisoners. 

This bill, literally enforced in its sweeping opera- 
tion, ranks with the "Domesday Boke" of William 
the Conqueror, the English confiscation acts from time 
to time in Ireland, and the confiscations of the first 
French revolution against the revolutionary Poles. 
There is something, however, of charity in the sixty 
days' grace granted by this bill to our Southern 
rebels, and something of conciliation in the large dis- 
cretion given to the President in regard to amnesties 
and pardons. 

What will be the effect of the bill in regard to 
the war will depend upon various contingencies. If, 
rithin the sixty days' grace allowed, we gain a great 
ictory over the rebels in the field, there may be a 
powerful Southern popular reaction for the Union ; 
otherwise we are very likely in for a longer war, 
which will completely change the whole existing face 
of things in the South, as our armies advance — insti- 
tutions, political and social, and population, white and 
black. 

If in the judgment of the President the act is sea- 
sonable and expedient, and he shall sign it, we must 
bow to it as to a law of the land, and rely upon the 
sagacity and humanity of Mr. Lincoln to make it as 
easy as possible against the innocent and helpless, 
while pursuing the guilty connected with this rebel- 
lion.— N. Y. Herald, July 13. 

S^= This Bill received the votes of every Massa- 
chusetts member of Congress except Messrs. Delano, 
Thomas, and Train — Delano and Train being absent, 
and Judge Thomas voting against it. Of the forty-two 
votes which were cast against it, the name of only one 
representative appears who was elected as a republi- 
can — Mr. Granger, of Michigan. The democrats and 
border State men, with the exception of Messrs. Blair 
of Virginia, Casey of Kentucky, Fisher of Delaware, 
and Maynard of Tennessee, voted against the bill. 
Senator Wright of Indiana, a member of the confer- 
ence committee, and a democrat, was a staunch friend 

id advocate of the bill. 

[^= The bill has been signed by the President.] 

MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 

Washington, Monday, July 14, 1862. 

The following Message from the President was de- 
livered to Congress to-day : — 
Pclloui-Citizcns of the Senate and House of Representatives: 

Herewith is the draft of the bill to compensate any 
State which may abolish slavery within its limits, the 
passage of which, substantially as presented, I respect- 
fully and earnestly recommend. 

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 

Be it enacted, by the Senate and House of Representa- 
tives of the United States of America in Congress assem- 
bled, That whenever the President of the United 
States shall be satisfied that any State shall have law- 
fully abolished slavery within and throughout such 
State, either immediately or gradually, it shall be the 
duty of the President, assisted by the Secretary of 
the Treasury, to prepare and deliver to each State an 
amount of six per cent, interest bearing bonds of the 

United States equal to the aggregate value at 

dollars per head of all the slaves within such State as 
reported by the census of 1860, the whole amount for 
any one State to be delivered at once, if the abolish- 
ment be immediate, or in equal annual installments if 
it be gradual, interest to begin running on each bond 
at the time of delivery, and not before. 

And be it further enacted, That if any State having 
so received any such bonds shall at any time after- 
ward, by law, reintroduce or tolerate slavery within 
its limits, contrary to the act of abolishment upon 
'Inch such bonds shall have been received, said bonds 
so received by said State shall at once be null and 
void in whose soever hands they may be, and such 
State shall refund to the States all interest which may 
have been paid on such bonds. 

The bill was referred in the Senate to the Finance 
Committee, and in the House to the Select Commit- 
tee, especially charged with the consideration of the 
Border State question. 

A correspondent of the Baltimore Sun reports the 
President's remarks, in an interview with the Border 
State Representatives, as follows : — 

He said to them in effect, that the friction of war 
■ wearing away, or seriously damaging the slave 
interest in the border States, and that it was best for 
t people to at once inaugurate measures for eman- 
cipation, when the government has the will and the 
ability to pay, and when the former have slaves to 
dispose of. The President also expressed it as his 
opinion that the Confederates hold out in rebellion by 
reason of the expectation of future armed co-operation 
by the border States." 

Washington, July 15. The border State repre- 
sentatives to-day finally agreed upon their reply to the 
President's emancipation proposition. It is represent- 
ed as temperate and respectful. They cannot, for rea- 
sons stated, indorse his policy, and differ from him in 
the belief that the declination of those States to act 
upon and adopt it may or will prolong the war. 

They join in the recommendation that those States 
give a respectful consideration, but in no way commit 
themselves to its support. Probably twenty members 
of Congress have been in consultation upon the sub- 
ject. Some of those from the border States were not 
present at the meetings, while othei-B have left the 
city. Several will prepare a reply of their own, the 
tenor of which has not transpired. 

ADDRESS OF MAJOR GENERAL POPE. 
Washington, Monday, July 14, 1862. 
To tlie Officers and Soldiers of the Army of Virginia: 

By special assignment of the President of the Unit- 
ed States, I have assumed command of this army. 

I have spent two weeks in learning your where- 
abouts, your condition, and your wants; in preparing 
you for active operations, and in placing you in posi- 
tions from which you can act promptly and to the pur- 
pose. 

I have come to you from the West, where we have 
always seen the backs of our enemies — from an army 
whose business it has been to seek the adversary, and 
to beat him when found — whose policy has been attack, 
and not defence. 

In but one instance has the enemy been able to 
place our Western armies in a defensive attitude. 

I presume I have been called here to pursue the 
same system, and to lead war against the enemy. It 
is my purpose to do so, and that speedily. I am sure 
you long for an opportunity to wiin distinction you 
are capable of achieving ; that opportunity I shall en- 
deavor to give you, 

In the meantime, I desire yon to dismiss certain 
phrases I am sorry to find much fn vogue amongst 
you. I hear constantly of taking strong positions and 
holding them — lines of retreat and of bases of supplies. 
Let us discard such ideas. The strongest position a 
soldier should desire to occupy is one from which he 
can most easily advance against the enemy. 

Lot us study the probable lines of retreat of our op- 
ponents, and leave our own to take care of itself. Let 
us look before us, and not behind. Success and glory 
are in the advance. Disaster and shame lurk in 
rear. Let us act on this understanding, and it is safe 
to predict that your banners shall be inscribed with 
many a glorious deed, and that your names will be 
dear to your countrymen forever. (Signed) 

John Porn, Major Qmtral Commanding, 



LETTER FROM GEN. BUTLER. 

The following characteristic letter from Gen. Butler, 
explaining his reasons for issuing the celebrated order 
'n regard to the women of New Orleans, has been re- 
ceived by a gentleman of Boston : — 

Headquarters Department of the Gulf, \ 
New Orleans, July 2, 1862. J 

My Dear Sir — I am as jealous of the good opin- 
ion of my friends as I am careless of the slanders of my 
enemies, and your kind expressions in regard to Order 
No. 28 lead me to say a word to you on the subject. 

That it ever could have been so misconceived as it 
has been by some portions of the Northern press is 
wonderful, and would lead one to exclaim with the 
Jew, " O, Father Abraham, what these Christians 
arc, whose own hard dealings teach them to suspect 
the very thoughts of others ! " 

What was the state of things to which the Woman 
Order applied'? 

We were two thousand five hundred men in a city 
seven miles by two ,to four wide, of a hundred and 
fifty thousand inhabitants, all hostile, bitter, defiant, 
explosive, standing literally on a magazine — a spark 
only needed for destruction. The Devil had entered 
the hearts of the women of this town, (you know seven 
of them chose Mary Magdalen for a residence,) to stir 
up strifes in every possible way. 

Every opproprious epithet, every insulting gesture 
was made by these bejewelled, bcerinolined and laced 
creatures, calling themselves ladies, toward my sol- 
diers and officers, from the windows and houses, and 
the streets. How long do you suppose our flesh 
and blood could have stood this without retort ! That 
would lead to disturbances and riot, from which we 
must clear the streets with artillery — and then a howl 
that we had murdered these fine women. 

I had arrested the men who hurrahed for Beaure- 
gard. Could I arrest the women 1 No. What was 
to be done f No order could be made, save one that 
would execute itself. With anxious, careful thought, 
I hit upon this : " Women who insult my Boldiers are 
to be regarded and treated as common women plying 
their vocation." 

Pray, how do you treat a common woman plying 
her vocation in the streets 1 You pass her by unheed- 
ed. She cannot insult you. As a gentleman, you 
can and will take no notice of her. If she speaks, her 
words are not opprobrious. It is only when she be- 
comes a continuous and positive nuisance, that you 
call a watchman, and give her in charge to him. 

But some of the Northern editors seem to think 
that, whenever one meets such a woman, one must 
stop her, talk with her, insult her, or hold dalliance 
with her, and so from their own conduct they con- 
strued my order. 

The editor of the Boston Courier may so deal with 
common women, and out of the abundance of his heart 
his mouth may speak — but so not I. 

Why, these she adders of New Orleans themselves 
were at once shamed into propriety of conduct by the 
order, and from that day no woman has either insult- 
ed or annoyed any live soldier or officer, and of a cer- 
tainty no soldier has insulted any woman. 

When I passed through Baltimore, on the 23d of 
February last, members of my staff were insulted by 
the gestures of the ladies (?) there. Not so in New 
Orleans. 

One of the worst possible of all these women show- 
ed disrespect to the remains of gallant young De 
Kay, and you will see her punishment. A copy of the 
order which I enclose is at onco a vindication and a 
construction of my order. 

I can only say that I would issue it again under like 
circumstances. Again thanking you for your kind in- 
terest, I am, truly, your friend, 

BENJ. F. BUTLER, 
Major General Commanding. 

Two men named Fidell Keller and John W. An- 
drews had been sent to Ship Island for confinement 
with hard labor, for exhibiting bones alleged to be 
ie of Yankee soldiers, fashioned into personal orna- 
ments. 

A Mrs. Phillips, for laughing and mocking at the 
remains of Lieut. De Kay during the passage of his 
funeral procession, had also been imprisoned at Ship 
Island. The Delta says : 

Mrs. Philip Phillips, the lady who is about to spend 
the hot season at Ship Island, is a Jewess. She is a 
vain woman, with a large hankering for notoriety. 
She used to be a leader in flash society at Washing- 
ton, and on the occasion of the battle of Bull Run illu- 
minated her house in honor of that Southern victory. 
She was finally driven out of Washington, and came 
to this city about a year ago. She has repeatedly of- 
fered insult to the Union troops here; but it was not 
until Monday morning that Gen. Butler condescended 
to ta"ke notice of her conduct." 



JEFF. DAVIS'S ADDRESS TO THE CON- 
FEDERATE ARMY. 

The Richmond Despatch of the 8th publishes the fol- 
lowing Address, issued by Jeff. Davis to the officers 
and men who participated in the late series of san- 
guinary battles on the Peninsula : — 

Richmond, July 5th, 1862, 
To the Army in Eastern Virginia : 

Soldiers, — I congratulate you on the series of bril- 
liant victories which, under the favor of Divine Provi- 
dence, you have lately won, and as the President of 
the Confederate States, do heartily tender to you the 
thanks of the country, whose just cause you have so 
skilfully and heroically served. 

Ten days ago an invading army, vastly superior to 
you in numbers and in the material of war, closely be- 
leagured your Capital, and vauntingly proclaimed its 
speedy conquest. You inarched to attack the enemy 
in his entrenchments ; with well directed movements 
and death -de tying valor you charged upon him in his 
strong positions, drove him from field to field over a 
distance of thirty-five miles, and, despite his reinforce- 
ments, compelled him to seek safety under cover of 
his gunboats, where he now lies cowering before the 
army so lately derided and threatened with entire sub- 
jugation. 

The fortitude with which you have borne toil and 
privation, the gallantry with which you have entered 
into each successive battle, must have been witnessed 
to be fully appreciated; but a grateful people will not 
fail to recognize you, and bear you iu loved remem- 
brance. Well may it be said of you, that you have 
" done enough for glory;" but duty to a suffering 
country and the cause of constitutional liberty claims 
for you yet further effort. 

Let it be your pride to relax in nothing which can 
promote your future efficiency ; your own great object 
being to drive the invader from your soil, and, carry- 
ing your standards beyond the outer boundaries of the 
Confederacy, to wring from an unscrupulous foe the 
recognition of your birthright, community, indepen- 
dence. (Signed) JEFFERSON DAVIS. 



THE IMPUTATION ON GEN. BANKS. 

The following is the letter of Major- General Banks 
to Mr. Gooch of the U. S. House of Representatives, 
relative to the resolution of June 10, offered by Mr. 
Voorhees of Indiana, directing the Committee on the 
Conduct of the War to inquire whether persons of 
color were allowed Government transportation on Gen. 
Banks's retreat from Strasburg, while white people, 
including sick and wounded soldiers, were compelled 
to walk : — 

Winchester, June 19, 1862. 

Hon. D. W. Gooch: Dear Sir, — In answer to your 
inquiry, I have the honor to say there is no foundation 
of fact for the statement contained in the resolution 
inclosed to me- No person, not belonging to the army, 
white or black, was allowed to occupy or use Govern- 
ment transportation of any kind on the march of my 
command from Strasburg. 

If any instance occurred it was, with one exception, 
not only without authority, but against orders, and 
has not yet come to my knowledge. Citizens, traders, 
refugees and fugitives were protected iu the occupancy 
of their own wagons, and allowed to move with the 
Government train in order, and no further. 

The rear guard, infantry and artillery, halted in the 
rear of Martiusburg from two o'clock till evening. 
When at a considerable distance on our march, we 
overtook a small party on foot. My attention was at- 
tracted by a little girl, about eight years of age, who 
was toddling over the stones by the wayside, and I 
asked her how far she had traveled. "From Win- 
chester," she said. 

We were then about 27 miles on our march. I re- 
quested the cannoneers to give her a lift, and the gal- 
lant men who had hung upon the rear of the column 
for its defence the greater part of the distance, an- 
swered with alacrity. 

No successful efforts were made to ascertain her 
complexion, but it is not impossible that she belonged 
to the class referred to in the resolution, and that her 
little limbs had been strengthened by some vague 
dream of liberty, to be lost or won in that hurried 
night march. 

I have the honor to be, with much respect, 
Your obedient servant, 

N. P. BANKS, Maj. Gen. Commanding. 



jI^T 8- The correspondent of the Anti-Slavery Stand- 
ard remarks on the singular fact that our disasters 
commenced with the decision of the President to re- 
voke Hunter's emancipation order. Still more strik- 
ing is the Providence that caused the culmination of 
these disasters in the most stunning blow of the whole 
war, to commence on Thursday, tho twenty-sixth of 
June, the same day that Fremont was superseded fn 
command by the appointment over Mm of his subor- 
dinate, Gen. Pope I 



SJ^" The guerrillas near Memphis are becoming 
more hold, burning cotton almost in sight of tho city, 
nisguising themselves as cotton buyers, they find 
where It is Beorettd, and then come iu force and burn 
it. Even the safety of Memphis is in peril. 



COLLECTIONS 

By the Finance Committee, at FramingKdm Grove, July 
14, 1862: 



Geo. W. HimondB 


$7.00 


W. W. Dutcher, 


1.00 


Edward B. Perkins 


6.00 


W. Browfi 


0,26 


Timothy Davis 


8.00 


B. Snow, Jr. 


1,00 


Wm. V. Parker 


2.00 


Margaret P. Snow 


1.00 


.Sarah K. Wall 


1.00 


Rufus Pond 


1.110 


ft V. Pond 


1.00 


Johnson 


0.30 


John Midgley 


1.00 


Louisa Bumphey 


0.25 


I. Stimpson 


0.35 


H. G. O. Blake 


1.00 


P. B. Southwick 


1.00 


E. Wight 


1.00 


A. H. Tilhon 


0.25 


A. M. Chase 


2.00 


Richard Clapp 


1.00 


Mrs. L. R. Draper 


0.26 


Thos. U. Rice 


1.00 


Jonathan Buffiim 


1.00 


J. Mitchell 


0.2.5 


Alden Sampjfon 


1.00 


D. Russell 


0.35 


James Curry 


0,10 


A. A. Giflonl 


0.25 


John Wesby 


0.15 


O. S. Brigham, 


1.00 


J. Wilmarth 


1.00 


John Wenzell 


1.00 


Wm. Sparrell 


1.00 


Mr. Hoyt 


0.25 


E. Lyon 


0.25 


Chas. Rreck 


100 


Caswell 


0.20 


T. Hazard 


0.25 


Henry O. Stone 


1.00 


Wm. B. Harrington 


0.50 


Do. (for Society) 


2.00 


Wm. ft Howe 


0.25 


Mr. Grout 


0.26 


Thos. P. Knox 


0.50 


A. Wyman 


1.00 


Daniel Foster 


0.25 


L. Jewett 


(1.26 


L. Stratton, Jr. 


1.00 


S. H. 


1.00 


S. M. Whipple 


0.25 


A. E. Foster 


0.60 


A. ft Harlow 


1.00 


W. E. Budd 


0.30 


H. Swasey 


0.25 


I. W. Forbush 


1.00 


N. Swasey 


0.25 


A. L. Babcock 


0.50 


E. B. Underwood 


0.25 


J. H. Bingham 


1.00 


H. W. Carter 


0.25 


Samuel Barrett 


1.00 


Susan H. Remond 


1.00 


D. B. & A. B. Morey 1.00 


Mrs. Wm. lyes 


1.00 


S. S. Jones, 


1.00 


E. D.& Anna T. Dra- 


S. ft Southwick 


1.00 


per 


2.00 


Joseph Treat 


0.25 


Oliver Johnson 


1.00 


M. C. Mason 


0.25 


Samuel May, Jr. 


1.00 


L. D. Gray 


0.60 


J. Miller McKim 


1.00 


Cash and friends, in 


W. L. Garrison 


1.00 


various Bums, 


18.43 



E. Bailey 



1.00 Oron W. Adams 



0.25 



WOMAN AUD THE PBESS. 

On Friday afternoon, May 30, a meeting was held in 
Studio Building, Boston, for conference in regard to a new 
periodical to be devoted to the interests of Woman. While 
none questioned the value and the need of snch an instru- 
ment in the Woman's Eights cause, the difficulties that 
would endanger or even defeat the enterprise were fully 
discussed, but with this issue — that the experiment should 
ie made. For the furtherance, therefore, of so desirable 
an object, we insert and call attention to the following 

PROSPECTUS OF THE WOMAN'S JOURNAL : 

When we consider that there is scarcely a party, sect, 
business organization or reform whieh is not represented 
in the press, it appears strange that women, constituting 
half of humanity, should have no organ, in America, 
especially devoted to the promotion of their interests, par- 
ticularly as these interests have excited more wide-spread 
attention in this couutry than in any other, while in no 
other country can the double power of free speech and a 
free press be made so effective in their behalf. This ap- 
pears stranger from the fact that conservative England ha3 
successfally supported a journal of this sort for years with 
acknowledged utility. 

America needs such a journal to centralize and give im- 
petus to the efforts which are being made in various direc- 
tions to advance the interests of woman. It needs itmost 
of all at this time, when the civil war is calling forth the 
capabilities of woman in an unwonted degree, both as act- 
ors and sufferers — when so many on both sides are seen to 
exert a most potent influence over the destinies of the na- 
tion, while so many others are foreed by the loss of hus- 
bands, sons and brothers, to seek employment for the sup- 
port of themselves and families. Social problems, too, are 
gradually becoming solved by the progress of events, which 
will leave to that of woman the most prominent place 
henceforth. 

To meet this want of the times, we propose to establish 
a Woman's Journal, based on the motto, " Equal Rights 
for all Mankind," and designed especially to treat of all 
questions pertaining to the interests of women, and to fur- 
nish an impartial platform for the free discussion -of these 
interests in their various phases. It will aim to collect and 
compare the divers theories promulgated on the subject, 
to chronicle and centralize the efforts made hi behalf of 
women, in this country and elsewhere, and to render all 
possible aid to such undertakings, while at the same time 
it will neglect no field of intellectual effort or human pro- 
gress of general interest to men of culture. It will com- 
prise reviews of current social and political events, arti- 
cles on literature, education, hygiene, etc., a feuilleton, 
composed chiefly of translations from foreign literature — 
in short, whatever may contribute to make it a useful 
and entertaining family paper. Its columns will be open' 
and respectful attention insured, to all thinkers on the sub- 
jects of which it treats, under the usual editorial discretion, 
only requiring that they shall accept, a priori, the motto of 
the paper, and shall abstain from all personal discussion. 

Among the contributors already secured to the Journal . 
whom we are permitted to name, are Mrs. Lydia Maria 
Child, Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, Mr3. Elizabeth Cady 
Stanton, Mrs. Frances D. Gage, Miss Elizabeth Palmer 
Pea body, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, 
George Wm. Curtis, T. W. Higginson, Moncure D. Conway, 
Theodore Tilton, and William F£. Channing ; and other 
distinguished writers have promised us their aid. No pains 
will be spared to enlist the best talent in the country, and 
to make the paper one of literary merit as well as practical 
utility. 

The Journal will be issued semi-monthly, in octavo form, 
sixteen pages, at Two Dollars per annum, the first number 
appearing on the 1st of October next, and will be publish- 
ed in Boston. 

Subscriptions will be received froni this date by agents of 
the Journal, or by the Editors, Roxbury, Mass., lockbox 2, 
to he paid on the receipt of tho first number of the Journal. 
In this connection, we would earnestly solicit the co-operation 
of friends of woman throughout the country, in extending 
the subscription list of the Journal, and thus placing it on 
that permanent basis which will insure its continued util- 
ity and success. Those interested in the enterprise are re- 
spectfully requested to communicate with the editors at tho 
above address. 

A discount of twenty-five per cont. will be made to agents. 

Agents will please return all prospectuses with names 
before the 15th of July. 

MARY L. BOOTH, 

MARIE E. ZAKRZEWSKA, M.D. 

Boston, May 15, 1862. 



§^ HENRY C. WRIGHT wilt hold meetings in 
Union Hall, Harwich, Sunday, July 20, all day and eve- 
ning. Subject: "Man and his Destiny." 



$^=* GO AND HEAR HIM I— Rev. Samuel Greek, 
the colored Methodist preacher, who was sentenced in Ma- 
ryland, in 1857, to ten years' imprisonment for having in 
his possession a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin, will narrate a 
history of his sufferings on Sunday next, July 20, as fol- 
lows : — 

Zion Church, West Centre Street, 10 1-2 o'clock, A. M. 

Twelfth Baptist Church, Southac Street, 3, P. M. 

Joy Street Church, (Mr. Martin's,) quarter to 8, P. M, 

The case is a very remarkable one. 

Rev. JAS. N. Gloucester, of Brooklyn, N. Y., will ac- 
company Mr. Green, and speak upon the demands of the 
hour. 



|jgf SUMMER RESORT— Round Hill Hotel, North- 
ampton, Mass. — Terms — $1.50 per day, or 7 to $10 per 
week. 

" We freely commend it as a delightful place of sojourn. 
The scenery is of unriralled beauty ; valley, hill, aud river 
give it inexhaustible variety. There are numerous delight- 
ful drives in the vicinity, aud tho hotel is well kept, con- 
taining every accommodation for guests, as well for their 
comfort as amusement." — A r . O. Picayune. 



J^~ MERCY B. JACKSON, M. D,, has removed on 
605 Washington street, 2d door North of Warren. Par- 
ticular attention paid to Diseases of Women and Children. 

References.— Luther Clark, M.D. ; David Tbayen M. D. 

Office hours from 2 to i, P. M. 



OBITU A.R, Y.. 
Captain Partridge. Capt. Willjam T. Partridge, of 
tho 5th Regiment N. Y. S. V., commonly called Duryea's 
Zouaves, was killed in the battle at Gaines's Hill, on Fri- 
day, Juno 27. This announcement brings sincere grief to 
many hearts. One of God's noblest' works — an honest, a 
true, and a bravo man, has failen. All whose privilege 
it was to know him felt a profound regard and a warm at- 
tachment for him. Men who woro far beyond him in years 
willingly confessed his superiority in soul. His character 
was transparent as crystal. There was no guile, no treach- 
ery, no low cunning iu it. He spoke and acted bis real 
thought with a frankness that astonished the worshippers 
of polioy and expediency. Ho know not how to wear any 
disguise, or stoop to any stratagem. His abhorrence of 
whatevor is mean, base, or dishonorable, was instant and 
spontaneous, tho very instinct of his nature. Sttfittod 
oppression, tyranny, slavery, and ovwy' form of injustice, 
with an intensity that was almost divine. He oould not 
ooneeivo how ono could love God without loving man ; or 
how ono could bo a Christian without, being generous and 
solf-sacrificing. Tested by the pure word and life of Jma, 
ho was a truo disciple, an inheritor of the kingdom of 
heaven. Of his death, in tho sorvico of freedom and hu- 
manity, of his I'oiinti'v nml his God. mny fitly bo spoken 
that saying of Cluisi, " He licit losoth his life for my sake 
I stiull find it." »■ R. B, 



116 






§ otfHg-. 



THE LIBERATOR 



JULY 18. 



For tlio Liberator. 

WANTED — A POLICY. 

Adapted fkom Freii.igrath. 
Our lirnd is Hamlet !— Grave and dumb, 

Thoro witlks eaoh night his oasfcle-ywrd 
A ghost from buried Freedom's tomb, 

And beckons to the men on guard. 
She halts, in glittering steel arrayed ; 

Cries, as ho shrinks through doubt and fear : 
" Bo my avenger ! draw thy blade ! 

They have poured poison in mine ear ! " 

He hears with trembling limbs, till she 
The awful truth as dawn makes clear ; 

From that hour would avenger be — 
Could he at last but really dare ! 

He thinks, and dreams ; yet sees the goal 
Of firm resolve alway recede ; — 
Ah, for a strong, courageous deed 

He lacks a strong, courageous soul ! Wl I 



For the Liberator. 

SONG POE THE TIMES. 

Air — Bruce's Address. 
From the lowly cabin, hear! 
Sounds like these salute the ear : 
"Bless the Lord, the time is near,. 

"When we shall bo free ! " 

Shall this aspiration fail? 
Shall the captive still bewail? 
Shall the tyrant's power prevail 

O'er this fated land ? 

Powers of darkness ! hence, away ! 
Ye that lead the mind astray, 
Ye whoso teachings will betray, 
And in ruin end. 

"Will no sense of justice dawn ? 
"Will no powers of light transform 
Those who seemin error born, 

By thoir senseless cry? 

He who~marks the sparrow's fall, 
Judge supreme of great and small, 
Hath ordained, alike for all, 

Freedom's glorious boon. 

Can we thwart His high decree, 
"Which would set the captives free, 
When tbey humbly betid the knee, 
To implore bis aid? 

How much longer shall wo dare 
To defy the Father's care? 
He hath said, of this beware, 

"Vengeance is mine own." 

He hath said, "But for a span 

Shall my spirit strive with man ; 
Yield in mercy while ye oaD, 

Or in judgment bow." 

Long has been Ins mercy shown, 
Long, too long, the captive's moan 
Hath ascended to his throne, 

For his power to save. 

Let the people then arouse, 

And the bondman's cause espouse ; 

And sincerely plight their vows, 

That all shall be free. H 

THE MILLS OP GOD. 

" Die MucHen Gottes maklen sckrfein." 

Those mills of God ! those tireless mills ! 
I hear their ceaseless throbs and thrills : 
I see their dreadful stones go round, 
And all the realms beneath them ground ; 
And lives of men, and souls of States, 
Flung out, like chaff, beyond their gates. 

And we, Lord ! with impious will, 
Have made these Negroes turn Thy mill ! 
Their human limbs with chains we bound, 
And bade them whirl Thy mill-stones round : 
With branded brow and fettered wrist, 
We bade them grind this Nation's grist ! 

And so, like Samson — blind and bound — 
Our Nation's grist this Negro ground ; 
And all the strength of Freedom's toil, 
And all the fruits of Freedom's soil, 
And all her hopes, and all her trust, 
From Slavery's gates were flung like dust ! 

With servile souls this mill we fed, 
That ground the grain for Slavery's bread : 
With cringing men, and grovelling deeds, 
We dwarfed our land to Slavery's needs ; 
Till all the scornful nations hiss'd, 
To see us ground with Slavery's grist. 

The mill grinds on ! From Slavery's plain 
We r p great crops of blood-red grain ; 
And still the Negro's strength we urge, 
With Slavery's gyve and Slavery's scourge ; 
And still wo crave — on Freedom's sod — 
That slaves shall turn the mills of God ! 

The mill grinds on ! — God lets it grind ! 
We sow the seed — the sheaves we hind : 
The mill-stones whirl as we ordain : 
Our children's bread shall test the grain ! 
While Samson still in chains we bind, 
The mill grinds on !— God lets it grind ! 
— JV. Y. Tribune. A. J. H. Dugakn: 



From the New York Independent. 

MEN OB DE NOEF! 

Men OB de Norf ! why don't you come along? 
Dat is now de burden ob de brack roan's. song. 
We's bin a waitin' dese many years, 
Wid patient hearts, but bitter tears ; 
We's bin a waitin' in griefs and pains, 
For de break ob day an' de break ob chains ; 
An' now, tank God, dere's a light in de sky, 
An' de brack man's heart jumps up to his mouf ; 
An' now, tank God, dere's a stong arm nigh, 
An' a blast ob a trumpet troo de Souf ! 

Men ob he Norf ! oh ! oh ! come along, 
Come along, come along, oh, come along ! 



We don't belieb in murder, an' we don't belieb in crime, 
For dere's bin enuiFo' dat ting in all past time ; 
But we's bin a keepin' quiet, an' a waitin' on de Lord, 
For we knowed dat our bondage was accordin' to His word; 
An' we knowed dat de day ob dcliberance would come 
In de fulness ob de time, jes' as sure as de sun, 

An' now dere's a Voice wid a mighty soun' — 
"Let the servants go free, and never more he 

SLAVES." 

De massas stare at one anuddcr all aroun', 

But do hearts of de brack folks leap like de waves ! 

Men ob *de Norf ! oh, come right along, 

Come along, come along, come right along ! 

Oh, de juberloo is comin' to de brack man's soul, 
An' de clouds ob his trouble all away shall roll ; 

An' de sua shall shine on a happy race, 

An' de Souf shall wear a smiling face ; 
An' we'll work for de white folks do same as before, 
But dey sha'n't sell our ehil'ren and our wives any more ! 

An' we'll work wid a song an' a cheerful word, 
A raisin' ob de cotton, an' do rice, and de corn, 

An' de land* shall look like de garden ob do Lord, 
An' we'll all get rich jes' as sure as you are horn ! 

Men on de Norf ! oh, quick ! come along, 

Come along, come along, quick, come along ! 

Dcre was massa Hunter, he write a little note, 
An' set a million niggas jes' as free as a shoat ; 

But old massa Linkum, he modify, 
An' say wait a bit, till we see by-an' by. 

Now massa Linkum is a bery fine man, 
An' he's a gwine to do all de good dat he can ; 

But men ob de NoitF ! jes' yon come on, 
An' bring all your powder an' your guns for de fight, 

Den you jes' "pitch in," while de niggas "toat along,' 
An' ole massa Linkum soon'll eome around right ! 

Men ob de Norf ! yah ! ho ! corno along, 

Come along, come along, ho ! come along ! 
Lafayette, Ind., June, 18C2. 



ANTI-SLAVERY CELEBRATION AT FRAM" 

IWGHAM, JULY 4, 1862. 

In accordance with its long established usage, the 

Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society celebrated the 
National Anniversary in mass meeting at the beautiful 
Grove in Framingham. From Boston, Worcester, 
Milford and Northboro', the trains came crowded with 
as choice a gathering of the friends of universal lib- 
erty as ever assembled on any occasion — very many 
of them representative men and women in their va- 
rious localities, distinguished for rare moral worth and 
intellectual vigor — all inspired by the noblest senti- 
ments, and with full purpose to redeem the day from 
its general perversion by " remembering those in bonds 
as bound with them," and earnestly striving to deliver 
them from the house of bondage. So large a gather- 
ing was probably not held in any other place in the 
Commonwealth. (1) 

At a quarter to 11 o'clock, A. M., the meeting was 
called to order by E. II. Ileywood, who submitted, in 
behalf of the Committee of Arrangements, the follow- 
ing list of officers for the occasion : — 
President — William Lloyd Garrison. 
Vice Presidents — E. D. Draper, Hopedale ; George 
W. Stacy, Milford; Alfred Wyman, Worcester; 
William II. Fish, New York ; Daniel Foster, Kansas ; 
John S. Rock, Boston ; Benjamin Snow, Jr., Fitch- 
burg ; Oliver Johnson, New York ; John Bailey, 
Lynn; Chas. L. Remond, Salem; J. Miller McKim, 
Philadelphia; William F. Parker, Cleveland, Ohio. 

Secretaries— Samuel May, Jr., J. M. W. Yerrinton, 
Wendell P. Garrison. 

Finance Committee — Jerome Wilmarth, Mary Willey, 
David B. Morey, Sarah E. Wall, Caroline R. Put- 
nam, Frances H. Drake. 

These nominations were unanimously adopted. 
The President (Mr. Garrison) said he would com- 
mence the proceedings by reading some appropriate 
selections from the book of the prophet Jeremiah. 
Having done so, prayer was then offered by Rev. 
Daniel Foster, of Kansas — followed by the singing of 
an original hymn, commencing — 

For the sighing of the needy, to deliver the oppressed, 
Now the Lord our God arises, and proclaims his high bi 

Through the Red Sea of his justice lies the Canaan of rest : 
Our cause is marching ou ! 

Mr. Garrison then said : — Friends of Freedom ! 
the ground on which we are assembled is consecrated 
ground — consecrated by precious memories, by high 
aspirations, by the iningling of hearts and hands in a 
common effort for the deliverance of our country from 
its shame, its crime, its all-abounding iniquity, and for 
the carrying out of the Declaration of American In- 
dependence, and the Golden Rule of our Saviour. 
Turning away, as we have hitherto done, from the 
thoughtless frivolities, the base hypocrisies, and the 
hollow mockeries which characterize the general ob- 
servance of this anniversary, we meet once more to 
bear our testimony in regard to the oneness and 
brotherhood of the human race, in behalf of the 
rights of all men, without distinction of race or com- 
plexion, and to vindicate. the law of eternal justice 
and right. 

There has been no time since the organization of 
our Government when it was not a mockery, on the 
part of the people, to pretend to celebrate this day in 
the spirit of impartial and universal liberty. While 
men are held in bondage, and clanking their galling 
fetters, the people who can enslave them are not in a 
condition to sing the praises of Freedom. At the 
present time, especially, any attempt to treat this day 
as though it were properly a day of rejoicing, on 
the part of the nation, would indicate great hardness 
of heart and blindness of mind. The nation is reel 
ing and staggering to-day like a drunken man; the 
nation is divided and torn asunder by civil war; the 
nation is bleeding at every pore ; and the cries of en- 
slaved millions are still fresh in the ear of the Lord of 
Sabaoth. It is a day for sackcloth and humiliation, 
rather than for exultation of spirit on the part of the 
nation. And yet, amid this terrible tumult and clash 
of arms, are there no signs of the times which indi- 
cate progress, and a hopeful future for the cause so 
dear to our hearts ? Yes, the very conflict itself is 
hopeful. It is because, at last, there is so much of 
conscience here in the North, in opposition to slavery, 
that the South can no longer possibly tolerate com- 
■panionship with us, even upon the old conditions. I 
might recapitulate many events, all going to show 
that, with whatever of darkness there may be still re- 
maining around us, we have much to rejoice over. 
Think of the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia, our national capital! Think of a treaty 
between Great Britain and our own country for the 
effectual suppression of the foreign slave trade ! Think 
of the passage of a bill by Congress, consecrating all 
present and future Territory forever to freedom ! 
Think of the recognition of those two hitherto de- 
spised and rejected republics, Hayti and Liberia, 
recognized now as independent nations by our own! 
Think, finally, of the passage of the Homestead Bill, 
whereby in the great opening West, forever and for- 
ever, slavery shall find no heritage, nor be able to 
acquire those vast landed possessions which are essen- 
tial to its vigorous existence. (Applause.) These are 
some of the cheering signs of the times; and though 
there are some discouraging incidents — incidents 
which sadden the heart, and exert a dispiriting influ- 
ence for the moment — yet, on the whole, our great 
and glorious cause is advancing with irresistible power. 
Happily, its triumph docs not depend upon the result 
of any battle, whether upon the Potomac or at the 
West : that triumph is ultimately pledged by the word 
of God, and by the rights and necessities of human 
nature itself. I will not, however, extend these prefa- 
tory remarks, but will reserve what I have to say, in 
regard to the state of the country, to a later period in 
the proceedings of the meeting, should an opportunity 
be found. 

The first speaker announced was Mr. E. II. Hey- 
wood, of Boston, who was warmly applauded. 
SPEECH OF E. H. HEYWOOD. 
Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: 

This is the Fourth of July — a day that smacks of 
earthquake and revolution; a day remindful of events 
which appealed from expediency and tradition to tin; 
inner facts of nature, from governments to justice. 
from men to man. Granting all that is claimed for 
the birth-hour of a great people, that the Declaration 
of Independence might be the programme of the mil- 
lenium even, the Abolitionists long ago leapt into this 
pulpit to preacli repentance to Democratic oppressors 
and deliverance to their enslaved victim. This negro 
question is no ephemera of fanaticism, no mushroom 
of a night; its roots widen to all races and deepen 
through the strata of centuries. What we see to- 
day — commerce ruined, manufactures unmade, indus- 
try beggared, churches sundered, parties in frag- 
ments, the Union "lying loose around," and millions 
of Americans in the death-grapple — all this has been 
a great while preparing. Water trickling behind 
Alpine rocks is unobserved, until the thunder of the 
avalanche announces the work of years, perhaps of 
centuries. 

The strife of politics is merely a strife between the 
ins and the outs. One party climbs on the people to 
power, and kicks away the ladder, which is again 
picked up by a second, ascending to pull down the 
first. There is so much downwardness in human 
nature, so dishonestly and effectually did the fathers, 
who demanded impartial liberty, confer slavery, that 



the chief task of the abolition movement — as indeed 
of all moral reform, the root of its rare patriotism and 
profound religious significance — lias been not so much 
to unify this nation as to break it up ; not so much to 
organize men into bodies as to unorganize them into 
individuals, as Jesus did ; to drag these States out of 
the by-paths of cowardice and hypocrisy, and relaunch 
them on the high road of truth and instinct; to har- 
monize society with natural law, and enable the body 
politic to move under the impulsion of the Divine 
Heart. Hence its power; hence the South flying 
from the Northern conscience ; hell seceding from 
heaven; or, as the Carolina negro expressed it, when 
lie was asked why he expected deliverance from the 
North — "Because," said he, "in a dream, the Lord 
appeared to me in the form of a Yankee." (Laughter 
and applause.) 

No government, however powerful, no institution, 
however deeply rooted in present emolument or tradi- 
tional favor, has been able to withstand the application 
of this moral force method. A few strong men, ap- 
pealing to the common sense of the. English mind, un- 
frocked bishops, disbanded parliaments, sent one mon- 
arch to the block, and turned another like Nebuchad- 
nezzar out to pasture upon the continent. An inso- 
lent sovereign could afford to flout the great religious 
poet and reformer of that period as "a blind adder 
spitting his venom upon the king's person," but who 
now does not love to rise, from the cricket chirp of 
Charles Stuart, to the sphere harmony of Milton and 
impartial liberty 1 "I am the State," was the proud 
boast of Louis XIV. in the seat of Charlemagne, with 
the church kneeling at his feet and the army wailing 



I am aware, sir, also, that our Government compares 
favorably, in respect of justice and efficiency, with 
any of which history brings us the account. If the 
hot violence which bound Indian Sepoys (English 
rebels) to the muzzle of English guns, to be blown to 
fragments, had inflamed our people, Mason and Sli- 
dell, instead of crossing the Atlantic from Fort War- 
ren, would have been invited to a hasty cup of that 
British tea at the bottom of Boston harbor. The last 
question asked in Parliament of West India emanci- 
pation was, " Will it be safe for the master longer to 
retain his slaves'?" The only gospel light which 
Louis Napoleon respects from Italy is the gleam of 
Orsini's dagger and Garabaldi's sword ; while the ulti- 
mate argument ior emancipation with Alexander of 
Russia is the thin film separating his feet from the 
fiery gulf of insurrection. But let not these halle- 
lujahs take you off your feet. We are not yet out of 
the woods. Neither an efficient government, nor 
late successes, nor good intentions of the President, 
can redeem an impenitent pro-slavery people. Good 
intentions! "Hell is paved with good intentions." 
We have passed the "slough of despond," but not 
Apollyon or the valley of humiliation. Grave in vic- 
tory, cheerful in defeat, you will " think nothing done 
while anything remains undone." When Illinois 
flares a new code of atrocious black laws in the face 
of the age, — when manacled fugitives from the marble 
steps of the Capitol are handed back to bondage, — 
when millions are in chains yet recognized as legal by 
a Republican Administration, — when slavery is strong 
enough, holding one race under its feet, and keeping 
20JOOO,000 of another race at bay, to decimate the 



at his gates, as he plotted the subjugation of empires ; j finest army raised in modern times,— it is no time for 
but in the quiet chamber of some modest thinker— ol ! Abolitionists to resign. So long as the best President 
Pascal, or Charon, or Rosseau — you may find the ! can merely represent an unregenerate people, so long 



(1) Notwithstanding this fact, none of the daily papers 
in Boston had the fairness or courtesy to make the slight- 
est reference to the meeting, exoeptlag the Courier, which, 
with characteristic mendacity, said of it — "Wo intended 
to give some of the proceedings at the usual traitors' meet- 
ing at Framing!) am, in order to show that none of the old 

and vilo spirit is extinct Mr. Phillips was absent, 

Mr. Garrison as good as 'played out,' and the other per- 
formers of no account." Slang like this calls for no reply. 
The proceedings, as reported by Mr. Yerrinton, and given 
in our present number, speak for themselves. — [Ed. Lib. 



drop of democratic truth, whose electric forces shat- : 
tered that throne to the four quarters of Europe.- 
With this free platform for a pulpit, with the broad 
acres of democracy for a diocese, we will yet make 
an Eden of this bare garden of the West, and lift 
America to the level of Calvary. The highest office 
is not to be president or king, but to be right. If 
servant girls, plough-boys and gravel-tossers are with 
us in a moral issue, Wall street and Washington 
must come round. They called you a fanatic, sir, but 
in asserting fair play for black men, you stood behind 
the Declaration of Independence and Plymouth Rock, 
behind Hampden and Magna Charta, behind Luther 
and Jesus, behind human nature and the throne of 
Infinite Truth. 

A German play makes Adam cross the stage, going 
to be created. (Laughter.) Democracy here is just in 
that state — in embryo ; has not taken to feet and life ; 
has not uttered itself in organic forms, cut its wisdom 
teeth. Young, athletic, dreamy, feeling within stir- 
rings of a great future, hearing distant voices calling 
it to high destinies, yet the gristle of democratic sen- 
timent has not hardened into the bone of manly pur- 
pose. Nature is a stern schoolmistress, and still holds 
the race to the primary benches. Massachusetts 
even, the best State in history, has not yet graduated 
from the infant school of human rights. The same 
men who brought Magna Charta to Bunker Hill, the 
same hands that smoked with the blood of British 
tyrants, spread the shield of Federal law over the 
slave pens of the South. Within the same year, the 
first slave ship cursed the soil of Virginia, and the 
free feet of the Pilgrims consecrated Plymouth Rock. 
FYom those two opposite points have arisen two hos- 
tile, belligerent, defiant types of society; or rather, a 
society and a chaos : the one rising and broadening 
into the freest, purest, most energetic and beneficent 
civilization known to history, the other treading under 
its impious feet all the guaranties of human rights 
which the toil and agony of ages have erected, would 
make the Republic itself a stepping-stone whence to 
vault into the throne of a universal slave empire. 

This conflict now raging through the Republic is 
simply, then, the old battle between despotism and 
the people — feudalism against the free cities, Cavaliers 
against Roundheads, old Sarum against Manchester. 
What the Tarquins were to Rome, what the Haps- 
burghs are to Hungary, what the Stuarts were to 
England, what George the Third was to the Colonies, 
that slaveholders are to the States. As a portion 
of the. people, I do you the honor to suppose that 
you do not intend to be abolished. Well, then, abol- 
ish slaveholders ! — for one of you must go under. (Ap- 
plause.) 

As you said, sir, in the opening, this is the progress 
in national affairs since the war. Happily, Southern 
interests among us are at somewhat of a discount. 
The explanation otitis this. The democratic masses 
of the North have been made to face the music; have 
been brought in collision with their natural, despotic 
enemies of the South. But it is not so much a change 
of sentiment and principles as a -change of relations. 
Slavery has not changed. When Jefferson Davis 
spoke in Faueuil Hall, and waltzed with the beauty of 
New England, he was as really a pirate as now ; for 
every thread of his garments was the stolen earnings 
of the slave. The war — it is only a thunder-clap in 
dog-days to clear the atmosphere; it is an earthquake 
coming up under our feet, jostling apart States built 
on an unnatural basis. It unmasks slavery, and 
makes it sit for its portrait; reveals the foot of clay in 
the silver slipper. " When rogues fall out, honest 
men come to their own." Herein is the hope of the 
slave. That is why you have thought that this roll of 
Federal drums, crossing the continent with the morn- 
ing light, will yet end in the grand chorus of the ne- 
gro's redemption. 

An impression has got abroad, that the negro's 
freedom, if not guarantied, is at least pledged; that 
this moral force agitation, passing from words to 
blows, is superseded by the conflict at arms ; thought 
unplumed by the 3word, and "Othello's occupation 
gone," this Society may adjourn to heaven on the 
wings of jubilee. True, the negro's freedom was 
always assured. Launching a great principle, aboli- 
tion, from the first, was only a question of time — how 
long these children of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence could resist self-evident truth, could defy the 
laws of nature, stem the tide of events, and fight up 
against the frowning wrath of God's retribution. 
Here a refluent ripple, there a wave breaks and rolls 
back, but the great flood steadily advances. The 
cause, which has gone through England, which In 
gone through F'rance, Holland, Turkey, Russia; the 
cause which has scaled and captured every throne of 
Europe, will not be strangled here by a fibre of seces- 
sion cotton. When this gigantic system trembled 
under the single blow of Harper's Ferry, Mr. Vir- 
ginia Hunter, in the Senate, said, "If slavery ever 
stands on bayonets, it will fall." It is there, Mr. Hun- 
ter ; stand from under I (Applause.) Moreover, the 
late rapid and determined strides of this cause, com- 
pared with its early halting progress, bespeak the 
goal. 

" A stumbler stumbles least in rugged way." 
Our country never walked so erect as in the present 
calamity. The suppression of the foreign slave trade, 
abolition in the District, the consecration of the Ter- 
ritories to freedom, and the spirit of the age, electric 
with free ideas, floating through every crevice and 
fissure of its shattered system, reveal the beginning 
of the end of slavery. 

Then we have a President who at least tries to 
represent the people. This confidence in his execu- 
tive ability and good intentions, this general ap- 
plause of all parties, is unexampled in our poli- 
tics ; and though not born like Alexander upon the 
steps of a throne, or like Caesar in the folds of impe- 
rial purple, if the President but carry emancipation, 
all the nations shall greet him wilh royal thanks, and 
history crown him with a nobler laurel than has 
graced the Father of his Country (applause); for 
while George Washington, in putting his hand, red 
with the life of tyrants, to the slave clauses of the 
Constitution of '89, wittingly or unwittingly, con- 
signed the weaker race to chains, may it be the good 
fortune of Abraham Lincoln, by tearing out that 
"stripe of blood," to redeem the pood old pledge, and 
make the "cause of America the cause of human 
nature." (Applause.) 



as that capillary column of water in the White House 
can only balance the ocean without, I prefer to be- 
lieve in God rather than in Abraham Lincoln, — to ap- 
peal to the eternal moral sense of the people, which 
was before governments, and will survive them. 

But a little while ago, you recoiled with horror from 
Federal officers. They would apologize for slavery, 
hunt fugitives, raise mobs, and all because they ac- 
cepted the Government as a fixed fact, with all its re- 
spectable crimes. Well, stripping the Democrats of 
their official robes, the Republicans have crept into the 
same poisoned shirt. May we not fear lest they lose 
their souls also % In Boston, it is yet to be proved 
whether or no there is a path from the Custom House 
to Heaven. I allow the Republican party has done 
well. It attempted all that could be done inside of our 
Government, and girdling slavery with the fire of non- 
extension until the scorpion should sting itself to death, 
it was an earnest and heroic effort on the part of the 
people to do the best thing with the institutions on 
hand. The reason Massachusetts reaches over Beacon 
street and Harvard College, and lifts Henry Wilson 
into the Senate of the United States, is not from any 
young America recklessness or want of respect for 
cultured dignity, as the heartless scholarship of the 
Courier affirms, but because there has been more ef- 
ficient politics, more practical statesmanship hammered 
out on that cobbler's lapstone than the classic brain 
of Everett, with his world -em bracing learning, ever 
knew. (Applause.) But the Republican party did as 
little as possible. They only struck at a twig of the 
system, not at the tree itself. You Abolitionists were so 
"rash," so "radical"! — But they found a tiger while 
beating the jungle for a deer ; and quailing before him, 
after having fought their way to the Capitol on the 
doctrine of non-gxtension, they at first organized the 
Territories without the guarantee of freedom; so that 
Mr. Wilmot entered one door of Congress just in sea- 
son to see his proviso flying from the other. 

I refer to these things to show you that we cannot 
depend, in a moral struggle, even upon the best of par- 
ties. Politicians, statesmen, scholars, theologians, — 
why, they are only passengers scolding on the deck, 
whom the ocean, the people, heaving below, sail or 
sink at pleasure. The muttering wrath which broke 
out in Governor Andrew's late tetter to Secretary 
Stanton shows the volcanic indignation which under- 
gulfs and will overwhelm this Administration, unless 
it speaks for liberty. I was going to take Mayor 
Wightman for a target, but if he were not too dirty to 
touch, he is not worth the powder. (Laughter and ap- 
plause.) Bet the people of Massachusetts repeat and 
emphasize that protest by reelecting Mr. Andrew as 
Governor (applause); and if you would have your 
trumpet at Washington give no uncertain sound, see 
to it that Charles Sumner next winter is returned to 
the leadership of the Senate. (Prolonged applause.) 
But outside and above politics is the party of justice — 
of justice, under whose serene, firm eye alone these 
trembling States can find refuge, their only interest in 
this conflict for truth and liberty. Having appealed to 
the world against the sin of their own government; 
flinging out " No Union with Slaveholders," as a signal 
of distress to the nations ; holding up a fat, impenitent, 
recreant church to the indignation of Christendom; 
outcast and execrated as "radicals," "fanatics," "in- 
fidels," " traitors ; " cursed by the Church, lampooned 
by the Press, hunted by the Government; for thirty 
years treading alone the wine-press of national wrath, 
the party of justice will make their way over every 
obstacle, against every foe, by the Constitution or in 
spite of the Constitution, through the Union or over 
the Union, to break the last fetter upon the continent. 
(Applause.) 

If this war is to be fought with Northern treasure 
and Northern blood, ought it not to be fought with 
Northern ideas'? ("Aye, aye!") Granting war to 
be right, until that Yankee sword, which now lightens 
on the black front of the South, means liberty, it is 
murderous, the disgrace of the nation and the age. 
(Applause.) I would have Massachusetts put her foot 
down; say to the President, "Not another dollar or 
another man until you decree emancipation." (Ap- 
plause.) God in his mercy will send defeat and dis- 
aster, even to the slaying of the first born of all your 
households, unless this nation lets His people go. 
Gen. Hunter understands this question, and responds 
to the impudent resolution of Wickliffe by promising, 
before November, to cram 60,000 black troops down the 
throat of Kentucky. (Loud applause.) 

These appeals to expediency and interest, this fol- 
lowing the lead of slavery, assuring posterity that we 
will never be guilty of a disinterested motive, this 
tendency to forget the negro, even among Abolition- 
ists, to merge everything in Union, to make Human 
Rights a mere bob to the kite of political success, 
betrays an alarming distrust of justice and human na- 
ture — more faith in Diabolism than in Divinity. It is 
a feeling that God is not quite strong enough to take us 
through this crisis ; we must lean on the Devil a Utile. 
(Laughter.) I distrust this cry of "Union." It is a 
Union under which families are sundered at the auc- 
tion-block, and women sold for prostitution ; a Union 
under which tottering, fainting ago, and lender, beau- 
tiful youth, are hunted with bloodhounds; a Union 
under which men are burned alive for their love of 
liberty, and which for two generations has been a 
dcathVhcad and cross-hones erected above the grave 
of Freedom. This nation has fort/otten God. The ty- 
rannic dogma of the Stuarts, dug up from thj asphal- 
tic contempt of two centuries, and robed in Republi- 
can ermine, is abroad here. We say, not " the king 
can do no wrong " — he is out of fashion ; hut the ma- 
jority can do no wrong — the Union can do no wrong — 
the army can do no wrong. In Mr. Dickens's phrase, 
we "dignify all our favorite vices as institutions." 
Any respectable rascality may be " voted up or down." 
I would not attack the President; from my baby level 
I could not fling a spear so high. I know his policy ; 
it is to go to heaven backwards ; to drift with the tide 
of events ; " to float, and let the current find the 
way "— 

"To blow the villains all sky high, 
But do it with economy." 

(Laughter.) Yet from anything uttered by the Com- 
mander-in-Chief so far, the Federal army to-day is light- 
ing for aa really a selfish object as the Corrftderate 
army. I know it is an unpleasant thing to Bay, ohief- 
ly unpleasant because it is true. Many an officer 
has been cusliiered lor his love of liberty ; where is the 



officer cashiered for his love of slavery ? Fremont's and 
Hunter's orders to free men are annulled ; Halleck's or- 
ders to enslave men are approved. No sane man doubts 
the war power of the President to abolish slavery. One 
stroke of his pen would annihilate the system. Indeed, 
the rebellion of a State is in itself a decree of emancipa- 
tion to every slave in that State. These slaves are not 
held, then, by the laws of God, or the laws of man, 
but by Abraham Lincoln, the greatest slaveholder 
in hislory. I have no confidence in this death-bed 
conversion, this "military necessity " — I scout it. 
The nation that will abolish slavery merely to save it- 
self, will establish slavery to save itBelf. It is idle, it is 
wicked, it is atheistic, for the President to make terms 
with men in armed defiance not only against all Fed- 
eral authority, hut against the laws of nations and the 
laws of God. Ah, Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Lincoln, above this 
war of words, above these hurtling epithets, more po- 
tently than political expediency or military necessity, 
louder than the shock of battle, speaks Eternal Justice 
— " Break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free." 

Mr. George Draper. I would like to ask the 
speaker why he wants us to send back Charles Sum- 
ner, who speaks so highly of President Lincoln, when 
he can use such language against him? 

Mr. Hetwood. In order that Mr. Sumner, by his 
Territorial doctrine, may annihilate the slaveholding 
South (Applause.) 

Emancipation is the method of peace and civiliza- 
tion — the only name under heaven by which we can 
live, it kills the slaveholder, and saves the man. I 
would have let the South go out ; or, rather, repudi- 
ated her on moral grounds. The policy of the Anti- 
Slavery Society, for seventeen years, to dissolve the 
Union in behalf of liberty, to cast out slaveholders 
as other criminals, is the most honest, direct, practi- 
cal and statesmanlike method of solving this question 
yet proposed. The North wants to marry the South. 
Well, she won't have you, and what are you going to 
do about it 3 We are two nations, and the sword, 
which never heals the wounds it makes, which is 
never wreathed in myrtle — the sword can never make 
us one nation. The war is no cure ; it only announces 
the disease, that the physician may appear. You can- 
riot illuminate men's minds by letting daylight through 
their bodies. As religious reformers, the sword, ex- 
cept to be execrated, is beneath your notice. The 
time will come when to wear a sword will be a greater 
disgrace than to hold slaves. You may think that fa- 
natical, but I bring truth, not apology. Conquest 
confers no right. If my fist is bigger than yours, is 
that any proof that my heart is larger or my brain 
dearer "i Wc must rule the South, not by the weight 
of our fist, but by superior ideas, larger philanthropy, 
more beneficent civilization ; for if this nation cannot 
comeback to the basis of justice, God grant that it 
may sink forever from the sight of men ! (Applause.) 
But to hold the South on the basis of force, even, you 
must innoculate her with a new principle — freedom 
to the blacks. This oyster must be opened with the 
not the sword. Teamsters say, that when you 
have failed to catechise a baulking horse into motion 
with a cudgel, a handful of mud, scooped from the 
gutter and pressed against his nose, will start him, 
because it gives him an idea. (Laughter.) Nothing 
but this mud of Democracy, of abolitionism, will ever 
put the South on the road to progress. The Demo- 
cratic party, leaping from its grave, spurs into the 
conflict to break another lance against justice, to bring 
back the Union as it was; and Mr. Lincoln says we 
cannot allow this struggle to degenerate to revo- 
lution. But the revolution is upon us, and we 
must go up to it, not down. The old Union! it's a 
last year's Almanac; a Union of red tape; a Union 
of diplomacy — it never was a Union of ideas. This 
Union sentiment at the South is a fiction. The Bor- 
der States would have gone long ago, if they had not 
been pinned to their loyalty with federal bayonets- 
Norfolk is defiant, Nashville is defiant, New Orleans 
is defiant. Slavery and Rebellion, one in life and love, 
in death cannot be divided. Hang the leaders ! 
Hang the leaf, and leave the tree! Hang the inci- 
dent, and leave the cause ! - Rather pluck up the thing 
by the roots, and brandish it in triumph over the ene- 
my. If, as Mr. Vice President Stephens says, slavery 
is the foundation of the rebellion, then one simple 
airy word — Emancipation — dropped in, knocks the 
bottom out of secession. 

Put down this agitation I Let owls and bats put 
down sunshine I They tried Texas, they tried Fugi- 
tive Slave bills, they tried Nebraska swindles,theDr^d 
Scott decision, bludgeoning Senators, secession ; and, 
in Boston, the mobocratic waves clapping their hands 
above the City Hall and the State House, said — 
" It is done ; Wendell Phillips is hushed up I " When, 
lo ! one morning the Courier waked to see that same 
irrepressible agitator go into the Capital of the Re- 
public, a conqueror I (loud applause) — while the 
same men who breathed threatening and slaughter to 
all who dared lisp the name of John Brown, by the 
unseen omnipotence of this idea, in embattled le- 
gions were hurled against, slaveholders in the tune 
of " Glory, Hallelujah ! " This is the Lord's doings, 
and marvellous in the eyes of the Courier. (Laugh- 
ter.) Oh no; to "keep step to the music of the 
Union," you must keep step to the music of the' 
negro. In all your pride of arts and arms, the 
sheen of victory, the heroism of defeat, the black shine 
of the negro's countenance alone reflects the smile of 
Heaven. " Pharaoh sits upon the throne, but Joseph 
is governor over all Egypt." Colonize the slaves! 
Colonize the Rocky mountains ! It cannot be done. 
We do not want to do it, for we must have the ne- 
groes as a metropolitan police to hold the South. We 
shall yet have those cotton States represented at 
Washington by black faces instead of black hearts. 
(Applause.) 

In Conway's vigorous phrase, "The war will never 
he over till slavery is over." [Mr. Burleigh — Until 
slavery is under.] This slaveholding oligarchy must 
go for guano. By eight generations of outrage to 
a trampled and bleeding race, by Sumpter and Corco- 
ran, by Baker and Lyon, by our brothers scalped, and 
desecrated in their hallowed graves, slaveholders are 
outlaws I I would not stir your blood or- wake re- 
venge. 

" Though by their high wrongs I am struck to the quick, 
Yet with your nobler reason 'gainst your fury 
Do I take part." 

These men were not natural friends ; the spirit they 
incarnate, which bound twelve gigantic States to the 
chariot wheels of Rebellion, which sends death and 
desolation to thousands of Northern and Southern 
homes, and drives its murderous steel to the heart of 
free institutions, is Slavery. Then, in the name of 
government periled, of families beggared, of wives 
Widowed and children orphaned, of unborn generations 
to inherit the poverty and woes of this, of the black 
race for centuries trodden into the burning marl of op- 
pression, hurl this fiend to the pit whence it rose I 

There are, Mr. President, but two methods of hand- 
ling this thing. One is, to forget the negro ; the other 
is, to acknowledge his rights. Long and fairly tried, 
the former is a failure. Entrenched In all the strong- 
holds that command the public mind, the pulpit, the 
press, the Senate, the seats of learning, mounting on 
iis flying car all the machinery of our civilization, for 
seventy years Slavery was victorious on every field. 
Your public men, for ability, for learning, for virtue— 
notwithstanding the excellent curses launched upon 
thorn from this platform — would not sutler in compari- 
son with those who have administered political oll'airs 
in England or France during the same period. Where, 
then, was the hitch '< They essayed to reconcile free- 
dom with slavery, an impossibility; for where the In- 
tellect of Webster, the eloquence of Clay, the scholar- 
ship of Everett, the statesmanship of Seward, and the 
oonselenoe of Sumner could not succeed, the gods 
ilu inches must fail. The other horn of the dilem- 
ma, Which is the lesson of this day, is fair pbiy to 
black men. Some mornings ago, as n nosegay of the 
nursery floated under my window, and one tiny slip 

of womanhood put hot- jauoy foot, on a mutual right, 
the others scattered, BOrwmlng, "I'll tell mother, 

1 '11 tell mother ! " It seemed girlish ; yet then was 



deep wisdom in the method of reco'icilialion. "An 
ounce of mother is worth a pound of clergy," says the 
old proverb. So in our trouble we must go back to 
first principles, back to justice, back to impartial liber- 
ty, back to the laws of God, until we can make better. 
(Loud applause.) 

The President said it gave him great pleasure to in- 
troduce, as the next speaker, one of the curliest ami 
most devoted advocates of the cause of the oppressed, 
James Miller McKim, of Philadelphia, so long iden- 
tified with the Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society as 
its Secretary and General Agent. 

Mr. McKim (who was warmly applauded) proceed- 
ed to give a very interesting and most encouraging 
sketch of his recent visit to Port Royal and Beaufort, 
with reference to the "contrabands," and the educa- 
tional and industrial eflbrts making in their behalf, 
f We defer its publication, at his request, until he shall 
be able to revise and complete it.] 

An original hymn, by Caroline A. Mason, of 
Fitchburg, was then sung; and it being 1 o'clock, the 
meeting adjourned for a social pic nic till half past 2, 
P.M. 

ft^T For the remainder of the proceedings, see the sec- 
ond and third pages, inside. 



THE BRUTALITY OF TEE REBELS AT THE 
MOUND CITY DISASTER. 
Colonel Fitch bears testimony, in his official re- 
port, to the brutality of the rebels at the Mound City 
disaster, and a correspondent of the Cincinnati Com- 
mercial says of the scene, after the explosion : — ■ 

"In the confusion of the moment, some 60 men, 
badly scalded, jumped overboard — thirty or more of 
whom we are sure were drowned or murdered — the 
enemy's sharp-shooters literally picking off our poor 
fellows while they were swimming and struggling in 
the water for life. 

When the accident occurred, Master Dominy was 
standing out forward on the starboard spar deck, 
(the only man then on the deck, Capt. Kelry being 
at his post in the pilot-house,) giving orders during 
the hail of cannon, rifle and musketry shot. Dis- 
covering the flow of steam, Dominy pulled off his 
coat, with which he covered his head, and begged his 
men, 'For God's sake not to jump overboard.' He 
next went to the stern, waved his handkerchief for 
the gunboats below to come up and tow the disabled 
Mound City out from under the rebel batteries — 32- 
poundcrs — which were playing on her very heavily 
at the time. "While signalling the gunboats to come 
up, tbe handkerchief was shot out of his hand. As 
fast as he pulled the men out of the water at the 
stern of the Mound City, the enemy's sharp-shooters 
shot them down." 

Of the terrible sufferings that were undergone by 
the victims he says: — 

"The agonizing scene cannot be described or 
imagined. Here lay the bodies of some twenty 
men, scalded to death, others with their mangled 
bodies severed asunder by the fatal shot. 

The gun deck was literally strewn with from 75 
to 80 others, who, being badly scalded and horribly 
disfigured, were tearing off their clothing, and long 
strings of bleeding flesh dangling from their finger- 
ends, hands, arms, and lacerated bodies, and with 
eyes burned out and closed, crying out for ' Help, 
help — water, give me water, water — save me.* * Ob, I 
God, save me, save me.' ' Oh I kill me, shoot me.* 
'Oh! do end my misery.' 'Doctor, will I live?* 
' Tell my wife how I died,' and numerous pitiful ex- 
clamations and pathetic appeals of this character. 
The features of all were wonderfully distorted. 
Many could not be recognized by their most inti- 
mate friends. We pray to God we may never have 
occasion to look on such a scene again." 



We know not where else so much authen- 
tic intelligence of the Rebellion can be ob- 
tained." 

No other wosk possesses the value as a 

■WORK OF REFERENCE?? 

■IT IS RELIABLE, COMPLETE, AND DESIRABLE." 



Rebellion Record, 

Edited by FRANK MOORE, 
Is the only publication which gives the HISTORY OF 
THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR FREE GOV- 
ERNMENT NOW GOING ON. 

IT IS 

Full, Impartial and Reliable. 

A RECORD "WHICH THE COURTS, THE DEPART- 
MENTS AND THE PRESS quote as the 

HISTORY OF THE TIMES. 

It appeals to the intelligence of every citizen. By re- 
ference to it, every person can be fairly and truthfully 
posted up in relation to this 

GREAT REBELLION. 

IT CONTAINS, — L, 

The Causes of the Great Struggle and the Great Issues 
before the Country, 

BY EDWARD EVESETT. 

II. 

A DIARY Or VERIFIED EVENTS : 

Commencing with the meeting of the South Carolina Con- 
vention, Dec. 17th, 18C0- giving, in the form of a Dia- 
ry, a concise, succinct, and truthful history of every 
event as it occurs. 

ITI. 

Documents, Speeches, Extended Narratives, etc., 

CONSISTING OF ALL THE 

OFFICIAL REPORTS OF BATTLES, SKIRMISHES, 

&o., MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS 

of the President of the United States, 

SPECIAL ORDERS, Ac. &a. 

GRAPHIC ACCOUNTS of tbe Movements of Troops, 

IMPORTANT SPEECHES AND LETTERS, from leading 

Men, North and South. 
PICTURESQUE NARRATIVES, (from eye-witnesses) 
of the GREAT BATTLES, SECESSION ORDI- 
NANCES, MESSAGES, PROCLA- 
MATIONS, &o. 
IV. 

Rumors, Incidents, Patriotic Songs and Ballads. 

Illustrated with correct Portraits, engraved on steel, of the 

NOTAliLE MEN OF THE TIME, AM> WITH MATS AND 
DIAGRAMS OF THE PLANS OF BATTLES. 



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IST TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 

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"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof." 

"Hay this down as tho law of nations! 1 nay that mil- 
itary authority takes, for tho time, tho place of all nninic- 
ipal institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST j 
■ and that, under that state of things, so far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive 
management of the subject, not only tbe President op 
the United States, but the Commander of the Army, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES, f. . . Prom the instant 
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
crviL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war poweri 
of Congress extend to interference with tho institution of 
slavery, in every way in which it can be interfered 
with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
cording to the laws of war ; and by tho laws of war, 
an invaded country has aU its laws and municipal institu- 
tions swept by the board, and martial power takes th* 
place op them. When two hostile armies areset in martial 
array, tho commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory."-J. Q. Adamm. 



WM. LLOYD GAKRISON, Editor. 



©Mr <£><nmtv\j U t\u WmM, jntv mmtixjmm m ixll ptmttuwfl. 



J. B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. ISTO. 30. 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, JULY 25, 1862. 



WHOLE ILSrO. 1642. 



idnp of ®\)\mmw. 



ABOLITIONISM OVERT TREASON. 

The best minds of tbe country have decided that 
the doctrine of State Sovereignty is not more pesti- 
ferous to the perpetuity of the Republic than Aboli- 
tionism. The former is the parent of secession ; the 
latter helped the growth of secession by its loud fa- 
naticism. It has openly taught that the " Constitu- 
tion is a league with hell," and at tbe present mo- 
ment it is actively engaged in the dissemination of 
principles which are eminently subversive of the na- 
tion. In point of ideas, Abolitionism is much worse 
than secession. The excess of guilt in the latter 
consists in its eruption into bloody rebellion. Had 
secession been met by armed force when it was in 
the first stages, the rebellion had ended long since: 
and it may well be apprehended that the negro-wor- 
shippers will yet merit having a similar observation 
made of them. They are fanatical enough for any 
violence. A John Brown or a John of Leyden 
could at once lead them into revolution against the 
Government for the emancipation of the black. If 
Fremont had not been promptly recalled, bis friends 
of the North would, probably, have gone to a most 
unfortunate excess. The conduct of Phelps and 
Lane filled the Abolitionists with the utmost intein- 
perateness of sentiment; and the late insensate pro- 
clamation of Hunter has made them act with a spirit 
of hatred to the Union that will not easily subside. 
Here are public facts. In presence of them, what 
should be done with the multitude they animate ? 
The case needs military legislation. It needed it a 
long period ago. If it come not, there will be an 
open abolition rebellion in the North. Fanaticism 
soon takes up arms. The Pilot has some inattentive 
readers, who interpret its articles against the Aboli- 
tionists as exceedingly severe. We acknowledge 
much of the imputation ; but our antagonism has its 
cause in respect for the Constitution of tbe United 
States ; and we have never said anything against 
tbe fanatics at issue that was not deserved, and that 
was not a duty. Enemies to the wholeness of the 
Republic are they. Traitors they undoubtedly are. 
If they be checked not, the country will smart under 
the consequence. There can be no real peace until 
they are silenced. What was Governor Andrew's 
response to the President but a refusal to give sol- 
diers to tbe Union — but an Abolition proclamation 
that Hunter should be maintained? The "Con- 
federacy " is a fiction. Abolitionism is not. It is 
every man's duty to oppose it. — Boston Pilot. 



junction** 



THE EMANCIPATION ELEMENT. - 

It Is unhappy for our country, that such an atro- 
cious course as that of the vulgar Chandler, of Michi- 
gan, or of tbe radicals in general, should be tolerated 
for a moment by any friend to President Lincoln. 
If they had the power, they, at this hour, would 
block the wheels of Government, unless the Presi- 
dent would yield to their infernal schemes. Do not 
the set publicly declare, here in Boston, that not a 
man more should be raised, and not a dollar more 
should be voted, until President Lincoln throws out 
a proclamation of universal emancipation ? Are 
not the mischief-making panderers to this traitorous 
element continually exciting expectations, through 
telegrams, that the President is on the eve of issuing 
such a proclamation ? 

The friends of President Lincoln will do service 
to the country, when they say to the whole set, " Get 
behind us, Satan." It is the gravest of political blun- 
ders to attempt to conciliate this element. It is as 
grave an error as it would be to attempt to meet 
and suppress this rebellion by sprinkling rose water : 
as nothing but the Union bayonet will answer at 
this time to meet Secession in arms, so nothing but 
political extermination will answer for abolition 
treason. Every effort of the friends of President 
Lincoln to meet the aims of the set who openly ex- 
press scorn of the Constitution of their country, and 
who really abhor the Union of the Fathers, is an ef- 
fort in the direction of the destruction of Constitu- 
tional Liberty. This is a solemn truth, and the 
sooner it is seen and acted upon, the better will it be 
for our country. 

We observe that journals nearest in sentiment to 
the party who hold now, and have held for years, 
that the Constitution is an agreement with hell, are 
making it out that the Union never was weaker, and 
that rebellion never was stronger, than it is now ! 
If the object of this sort of croaking was to aim for 
two confederacies, it is not easy to see how writers 
could more effectually promote this than they are 
doing. And so of other things. There cannot be 
pointed to a worse course than Charles Sumner's 
course about Western Virginia, so utterly does it 
override the Constitution by practically regarding it 
as a Territory wliich Congress is to govern. These 
fanatics, by insulting and browbeating the Border 
States on any and every occasion — by snubbing their 
Representatives and Senators — by exhibiting an ar- 
rogant and overbearing course unworthy tbe gigan- 
tic power of tho free States — seem to be bent on 
driving these Border States into rebellion. Their 
abominable course is inexplicable on any other 
theory. All honor to Collamer and Browning and 
Cowan and Divcn and Thomas, with a goodly band 
of other Republicans, for the manly rebukes they 
have administered to obviously unconstitutional 
schemes ! If there be the depression in the public 
mind, beyond a question this terrible course of the 
fanatics in Congress and out of Congress has created 
it. It is so gigantic a breach of public faith, that no 
wonder men begin to doubt whether there is mean- 
ing in language — whether there is such a thing as 
solemn public faith. — Boston Post. 



THE ABOLITION FANATICS. 

Every well directed stroke at this abolition party 
is a double blow, — a blow at Northern infidelity to 
the Constitution and at Southern treason, and con- 
tributes to infuse fresh life into the country. It will 
be hailed with the highest satisfaction by the army 
whose glorious eye ib upon the Flag, and by the 
loyal men who admire its bravery. The monster 
Union meeting at New York has given such a blow. 

The Constitution recognizes Slave States and 
Free States as co-equal in reserved rights ; that Ken- 
tucky, for instance, has as full power over the com- 
munity within its limits as New York has within its 
limits. Can a sane man doubt this who - knows 
anything of our polity ? Is this not a fundamental 
in our system ? Then let the good sense of the peo- 
ple rise up in terrible rebuke of the political hypoc- 
risy and partisanship which, even while professing 
devotion to the Union, is practically undermining its 
foundations. Bring men and things boldly, fearless- 
ly, righteously to this test. What accords with it, 
feeds the national life with sustaining influences; 
while the proposition to reduce a whole section of 
our country to a territorial condition is a Bohon 
Upas that can only bring the blight of death. — Bos- 
ton Post. 



GENERAL McOLELLAN, 

The campaign of Western Virginia in the summer 
of 1861 brought Gen. Geo. B. McClellan promi- 
nently before the people of the United States. His 
despatches were written in modest, terse English, 
commending their author as a master of chaste com- 
position. We have learned since that they were 
written probably by his Adjutant, and not by him- 
self, as is evident by their comparison with his re- 
cent ones, and especially that singular document, 
his address to the army in February, when about to 
march on Manassas. Besides, Gen. McClellan 's un- 
varying success in his first campaign, and his alleged 
disregard of all stiff formalities, (wearing an awk- 
ward slouched hat on the field of battle,) went far 
to lead all to the conclusion that he was the Moses, 
called'ofGod to lead us over the Red Sea, and 
through theWilderness of tbe Slaveholders' rebellion. 
At the time of his call to the chief command, our 
own estimate of the man was quite as high as that 
entertained for him by the rest of the people; and 
nothing but the wait-and-prepare policy, drawn out 
for months together, impelled us to adopt the opin- 
ion that George B. McClellan, while an accomplish- 
ed organizer of armies, a splendid engineer officer, 
and perhaps a good manceuvering commander, is but a 
poor fighting general. 

We apprehend that no campaign was ever plan- 
ned and finished in its details, according to the orig- 
inal draft. So many things depend upon contin- 
gencies that the thing is impossible. Hence, Gene- 
rals like Napoleon and Garibaldi fight in a style that 
sets the rules of war at defiance, showing plainly 
that tbe art of insuring success at arms cannot al- 
ways be learned in the schools, but is mainly a nat- 
ural gift. McClellan's slow sieging mode of advance 
is ostensibly safe and sure, (because slow,) but noth- 
ing is farther from the fact. For instance, his plan 
of advance upon Richmond, instead of marching rap- 
rapidly by way of the Rappahannock, seems to have 
contemplated a multitudinous army of operation 
that would.sweep the whole peninsula between the 
James and York rivers, exposing his line to be cut 
in two at any point, as has taken place. The very 
slowness of his advance gives the enemy tbe chance 
for reinforcement and concentration against him. 
There has been no time since last November that a 
rapid march upon Richmond would not have brought 
tbe rebels out of their advanced intrenchmente at 
Manassas and Yorktown, without the trouble of 
trenching. As soon as Columbus at the West was 
flanked by the battles of Somerset and Fort Donel- 
son, that place had to be abandoned. The same 
was true of Island No. 10 and Nashville. But Mc- 
Clellan seems to have invaded the South very much 
as Xerxes marched on Greece, relying on thegreatness 
of his army, and not as Garibaldi assailed Sicily with 
a handful of men, trusting to moral appliances and 
bold fighting. For nearly a year he has been at the 
head of the army of the East, and yet he has fought 
but one battle, where he made a sudden strategic as- 
sault upon the enemy — the battle of Hanover. In 
every other fight, he has been attacked by the ene- 
my, and fought— as all such must do — at disadvan 
tage. Now, why have Grant, Thomas, Pope, Rose- 
cranz, Burnside, Mitchell, and almost every other 
subordinate commander, been driving the rebels be- 
fore them, while he and Halleck have been digging 
and trenching against the wily enemy, who at his 
leisure perfects his schemes of rapid concentration 
to overwhelm them with disaster ? We have no ev- 
idence to believe that Gen. McClellan's forte is fight- 
ing ; or, perhaps it may be that Bull Run exists as 
a perpetual terror to him. We are free to confess, 
however, that finding himself in a swamp, where his 
men were falling by malaria faster than rebel balls 
could have destroyed them, and observing that he 
was outnumbered and about to be outflanked, he ex- 
tricated them with consummate skill. Waiving a 
discussion of the reasons that induced General Mc- 
Clellan to make White House, on the Pamunkey, his 
base of operations, and the Chickahominy swamps 
his sieging ground, and simply recognizing the fact 
that, owing to the delay of his movements, he had 
become greatly weakened, and the enemy vastly 
strengthened, fall of which ought to have been fore- 
seen and provided against) — we say, setting these 
things aside, and only looking at the bold and skill- 
ful field movements of the past two weeks, it must 
be admitted that Gen. McClellan's generalship was 
fully equal to the bravery of his army, and that nei- 
ther has been excelled by any military operations 
of the nineteenth century. But the practical ques- 
tion is, Why has Gen. McClellan been at tbe head 
of the vastest army of modern times for eleven 
months, and yet the rebel capital still in their pos- 
session ? Why was the Potomac blockaded all win- 
ter in tbe face of a host 250,000 strong ? And why 
did he finally start to Richmond, like Peter the Her- 
mit on a Crusade, leaving Norfolk, with all its dan- 
gerous capacity for mischief, unsubdued in his rear — 
a place which yielded to a small force under the 
brave' Wool ? It is not Gen. McClellan's capacity 
to organize armies, or ably direct them in the field, 
that is called in question ; but his earnestness and 
vigor in pressing his frequent opportunities to decisive 
victories. It was tbe opinion of many officers and 
soldiers in his army, that, if the General had permit 
ted it, our men would have chased the enemy pell- 
mell into Richmond during the route at Seven Pines 
on the 1st of June. The misfortune of McClellan's 
strategy seems to be to overlook fighting the rebels 
in detail; but leaving him time to recover from ev- 
ery blow, he strives to finish him at once by a coup 
de main. The rebels are wisely pursuing the tactics 
we employed against the British in the war of Inde- 
pendence, while McClellan, like the British, is rely- 
ing upon crushing blows, which somehow or other, as 
with them, never come. But the McClellan men 
have a cheap mode of defence against all complaint 
and criticism. " It is all," say they, " the Secretary's 
fault for taking away his men, or not reinforcing him." 
We reply, that it is the General's slow sieging strategy 
that makes so many men necessary. During last win- 
ter, the army of the Potomac was two to the enemy's 
one; and yet nothing was done, although at the 
very time our brave Western Generals, with forces 
not more than equal to those opposed, wero reduc- 
ing the whole Northwest. 

But the most momentous thought of all, at this 
time, is the possibility of foreign intervention, as a 
consequence of the delay and the late repulse. We 
confess to great fears of the result. We can imag- 
ine what Americans would think, if Lyons or Havre 
was a year in insurrection, and unconqtiered by the 
French Government at Paris — after that govern- 
ment had boasted an army of seven hundred thou- 
sand men to reduce them to obedience. We ought 
not to complain, under the circumstances, that for- 
eigners are incredulous. The President has called 
for three hundred thousand more northern white men, 
to pour out their blood in this quarrel about the ne- 
gro—who is counted out; and we should not be sur- 
prised if there are no active operations on the Poto- 
mac till fall, giving tho rebels just that much more 



time to recover tor another stubborn resistance to 
our advance. But the grand consolation to us, who 
have always been in favor of a war, "short, sharp 
and decisive," consists in this, that the longer the 
contest is protracted, the more effectually it makes 
an end of slavery, which is the cause of all the trou- 
ble. If we had taken Manassas in July, 1861, and 
if the rebellion had caved then, slavery would have 
been nearly as strongly entrenched in public favor 
as before; and if the war goes on another year, 
there will not be a slave in any rebellious State. 
McClellan's greatness as a general may consist in 
this: That he suffers the cauldron to boil until the 
charm shall be broken by emancipation, which our 
people are nearly as stupidly set against, as Pharaoh 
of old. So we are doubly armed, and await events 
with a calm trust in Divine Providence. — Norris- 
town Republican. 



THE ARMY OP THE P0T0MA0. 

It cannot be treasonable to repeat information 
given publicly by a United States Senator. Mr. 
Chandler has stated in his place in Congress, that 
one hundred and fifty-eight thousand men had been 
sent to the Peninsula before the recent battles. Of 
this number it is probable that twenty-three thou- 
sand were killed and wounded in battle and on pick- 
et duty, and disabled by sickness while lying in the 
swamps of the Chickahominy. This would leave 
one hundred and thirty-five thousand men; but to 
avoid any chance of over-estimation, we will call 
McClellan's effective force before the late battles 
one hundred and twenty-five thousand men. That 
army was acknowledged by everybody of military 
judgment to be as well equipped as any army in the 
world. The Government had lavished upon it its 
boundless resources. It lacked nothing that could 
make it formidable to the enemy. The soldiers 
went to the Peninsula in excellent condition. They 
were thoroughly disciplined, and had been tried for 
months on picket duty in frout of Washington. 
They bad the best arms, both large and small, man- 
ufactured in the world, and had become skillful in 
using them. They were emulous of the examples 
set them by their Western brothers on their success- 
ful battle-fields from Fort Donelson to Pittsburgh 
Landing. The rebels had lost that prestige of suc- 
cess which bad encouraged them after the battles of 
Bull Run and Ball's Bluff. We expected— the 
country expected — a grand victory in Virginia. 
Ample time had been taken to make it sure — so we 
were told by those who directed the movements of 
that army. The people were patient — almost to 
the verge of apathy — under vexatious restraints and 
unexplained delays. The cry " On to Richmond 1 " 
which had led tq_a disaster at Bull Run, was heard 
no more in the land. We all waited the motion of 
the President and his chosen Generals, pledging 
them ample support. Is it strange, then, that the 
people are surprised and mortified by a disastrous 
reverse of our arms ? Having given their confidence 
so freely, is it to be marvelled at that they are dis- 
appointed ? Shall we wonder if they hold somebody 
responsible for a terrible blunder ? * 

The resources of the country were more than suffi- 
cient to make victory sure on every field. They 
were all placed at the disposal of the President — 
and what is the result? Two causes of our defeat 
are so palpable as to be seen by civilians of ordina- 
ry common sense : the division of our army involved 
in the adoption of the Peninsula campaign, and the 
demoralization of the army of tbe Potomac by con- 
stant service in the trenches from Yorktown to the 
Chickahominy. We were not beaten by tbe arms 
of the enemy, but by the picks and spades in the 
hands of our own soldiers, with which they have 
wasted their vigor, to cover the whole surface of the 
Peninsula wiib earthworks that have done us no 
service, but which will remain forever as monuments 
of brave soldiers who died for their country, but in 
vain. Will not what has proved so disastrous in 
this campaign be discarded in tbe next ? The 
300,000 soldiers now called from the body of the 
people have an especial desire to be answered. — 
Boston Herald. 



fluence no better than savages ? Must not he be a 
fanatic abolitionist who makes so ridiculous an asser- 
tion ? 

But will the slaves fight? Why not? Blacks 
have fought well, — why should not those who have 
grown up among the chivalry be the most valiant ? 
If they had lived among trading, cowardly Yankees, 
they might have become equally timid. But where 
courage is reckoned the greatest of virtues, surely 
men ought to learn to be brave. 

Will it be said the war was not commenced for 
the purpose of overthrowing slavery, but simply to 
suppress therebellion ? Very true, but we are un- 
der no constitutional or other obligations which for- 
bid us to avail ourselves of the rights of war, and to 
deprive the enemy of their property, and employ it 
in putting down the rebellion. We should remem- 
ber that if we are not, in carrying on the war, to 
make the destruction of slavery our object, neither 
are we to make its maintenance our object. The 
fact that if we take a particular course we shall 
damage and perhaps destroy slavery, ought not to 
prevent us from pursuing it. If slavery were a 
most beneficent institution, we should be perfectly 
guiltless, though we overthrow it, when, by endan- 
gering it,_we can put down the rebellion. The most 
conservative of conservatives is guilty of no inconsist- 
ency in advocating arming the negro. We hope 
that while the people come up to the help of the 
Government, there will be a general demand that 
blacks as well as whites shall be permitted and in- 
vited to fight in the noblest of all wars. — Taunton 
Republican. 



CONSUMMATE POLLY. 



In the prosecution of the war, there have been, as 
we might have expected there would be, many mis- 
takes. But we question whether in the judgment 
of history there will be found one, approaching in 
magnitude that which the North has committed in 
waging the war at the expense of the lives of its 
best citizens, and persistently refusing to accept the 
services of a multitude of allies who were willing 
and anxious to be employed. The greatness of this 
folly particularly impresses us at the present time, 
when, owing to the rapid wasting away of the Fed- 
eral armies in numerous und most destructive battles, 
and by diseases, if not so sudden in their ravages, yet, 
on tbe whole, more potent in diminishing tbe effi- 
ciency of our forces; when, by the rapid increase of 
the rebel hordes, through a most despotic and mer- 
ciless conscription, it has become necessary to call to 
the help of the Government 300,000 additional 
troops. We cannot refrain from asking' and press- 
ing the inquiry, why do we not avail ourselves of 
the services of those black allies who are impatient- 
ly waiting the privilege of fighting for us, and who, 
if they are not employed on our side, will be used 
against us — will be compelled to work for the sup- 
port of those rebels against whom we are fighting. 

As if to exhibit this folly in the most glaring light, 
at this very juncture when the call for more men is 
made, one of our Generals writes to the Secretary 
of War that he has already a regiment of negroes*, 
and can soon enlist from 40,000 to 50,000 such 
troops, and speaks in the highest terms of their qual- 
ifications for soldiers. Why then, we ask, shall 
this nation refuse to employ blacks, when Washing- 
ton was glad to accept their services in the Revolu- 
tionary war, and Jackson in the War of 1812 ? When 
other nations, including the most highly civilized, 
willingly admit them into their armies, why should 
we refuse to accept them, and by that refusal virtu- 
ally make a gift of them to the enemy, if not to 
fight, yet to do what is equally indispensable to 
them, support by labor those who do fight? Said 
Mr. Stevens of Pennsylvania in the House of Rep- 
resentatives on the 4th inst. : " Tho employment of 
blacks is but carrying out the usage of all civilized 
nations. Nothing could be produced from history 
to show the contrary. The usage has been to lib- 
erate slaves, and take them into servico to defeat the 
enemy." What good reason can be given why we 
should not conform to this usage? Will any one 
say the negroes will fight like savages? They are 
not savages. Multitudes of them are humble, de- 
voted Christians. They have all spent their lives 

the most Christian country in tho world, and in 
what their masters claim is the most civilized por- 
tion of it, where the pure gospel is preached, and 
no isms arc allowed. Why should they be expected 
to act like heathen who have been reared amidsuch 
advantages, in tho very condition for which it is 
claimed they are made i Is the effect of God's own 
institution to make those who grow up under its in- 



0ALLING ALL HANDS. 

Unless we strangely misread the signs of the times, 
a great change in the manner of prosecuting the war 
for tbe Union is about to be inaugurated. We might 
say a radical change, but we waive the adjective in 
deference to the delicate sensibilities of our conser- 
vative friends. The Ameriean Republic, we gather 
from all we see and hear, has at length resolved to 
live and not die — at all events, not to die by suicide. 
The policy of fighting a demoniac rebellion with one 
hand only, is to be utterly given up, and in arming 
and fighting hereafter, our rulers and leaders are to 
consider solely what policy, justified by the laws of 
war, will most effectively weaken the Rebels, and se- 
cure the triumph of the National arms. How much 
the nation has sacrificed, and lost, and suffered, in 
default of such a policy hitherto— how a year, and 

Erecious blood, and Five Hundred Millions bave 
een almost wasted for want of it — wo do not care 
now to; consider. Suffice it that at last the loyal 
masses of our countrymen have been brought to 
realize that the life of the Union is at stake" and 
that it can only be saved by the most determined, 
vigorous and unsparing use of all the National re- 
sources. When a Breckinridge Democrat so emi- 
nent and so ultra as Senator Rice, of Minnesota, 
speaks as be did in the debates of Wednesday, we 
may be sure that whatever is heartily loyal in the 
Democratic party is ready for the decisive step 
which, even to their minds, has become indispensa- 
ble. Henceforward, we feel assured, the nation in 
her dire extremity will reject no proffered service, 
but will call all her loyal children to her rescue, even 
including the " servants born in her house," as did 
the patriarch Abraham. 

Up to this time, the Slave Power now in rebellion 
against the Union has bad the sole use of the four 
millions of our people held in bondage. A blind 
and senseless prejudice, born of slavery and its 
father the devil, has prohibited the use of blacks in 
the National service, unless as menials to a few offi- 
cers. General Orders have forbidden the reception 
into our camps of loyal blacks who had fled from 
their rebel masters on purpose to warn us of am- 
buscades, surprises and assaults in overwhelmingforee 
on our exposed positions. Negroes who had braved 
everything to render our arms the most important 
service have been surrendered to the traitors who 
claimed them as their chattels, and "by them beaten 
nearly or quite to death in punishment of their pa- 
triotism. Offers of military service by the despised 
race have been spurned as insolent and insulting 
presumption. Journals that pretend to be loyal 
have devoted far more talent, energy, and space to 
calumniating the blacks, who are almost necessarily 
friendly to the National cause, than to exposing and 
reprobating the treachery, cruelty, and villany of 
the traitors who are seeking our National ruin. To 
strengthen the Rebels and weaken the loyal by four 
millions of people would seem to have been the chief 
aim of the Democratic and Border State leaders and 
organs throughout the last eventful year. And the 
Administration, appalled by the menaces of a divided 
North, has hesitated and delayed until the Union is 
in its last extremity. We see enough to convince 
us that it can hesitate no longer. 

Let us hope that whateveris now done to under- 
mine the rebellion will be done in no haltiug, grudg- 
ing, niggard spirit. Let us have done with ambigu- 
ity and paltering. If we are henceforth to esteem 
a black Unionist as at least the equal of a white 
traitor, let us frankly say so. If we want tbe slaves 
of traitors to cease working for the support of the 
rebellion, and begin working generally and in earn- 
est on the side of the Union, let us tell them so in 
unmistakable terms. The pretence that they will 
never hear us is sheer absurdity. They have their 
expresses and their telegraphs, somewhat ruder than 
ours, but still effective. We are well assured that 
news has recently been received at Fortress Monroe 
from Florida by secret slave dispatch in eight days 
— the distance being not less than six hundred miles. 
The message probably made two^thirds of the jour- 
ney on foot, keeping clear of cities and highways. 
Let our Government to-morrow issue a decree or 
proclamation giving freedom to all slaves of rebels 
who will present themselves at any of our camps, 
and henceforth give their services to the National 
cause, and three-quarters of tbe slaves in rebeldom 
would know the fact within a week, and the residue 
before the close of the current month. Tho fact 
that famine now threatens the South, while food is 
plenty in the loyal States, would strengthen the 
natural impulse to seek for freedom. 

How much and what direct, positive service would 
thus be secured to the National cause, we do not de- 
cide; but we firmly believe a proclamation of free- 
dom as above would rapidly concentrato around the 
National standards one hundred thousand stalwart 
diggers, cooks, and teamsters, ready to bo converted 
into rank and file whenever our Generals shall say 
tho word. But wc do not count so much on what 
they would speedily do for us as on what they would 
coaso doing for our enemies, and on the diversion of 
half tho effective forco of the rebellion from shoot- 
ing Unionists into watching, hunting, and recaptur- 
ing fugitive slaves. From the hour that it was gen- 
erally understood that a slave escaping from the 
rebels to our lines would be a slave no longer, tho 
rebel pickets on a line at least three thousand mites 
long must keep at least as sharp a lookout for fugi- 
tives in their rear as for Unionists in their front. 
Their anxieties and labors would thus bo doubled, 
while their perils would bo largely increased. And 
every hour would witness a weakening of tho ma- 



terial base of the rebellion by the escape of enslaved 
workers for its willing upholders to be emancipated 
workers on the side of the Union.— iV. Y. Tribune. 



NATIONAL P0LI0Y, 

Mr. Editor,— Much is said about tbe Union and 
Constitution— to restore the one and establish the 
other is said to be the only object of the war. Now 
it seems to me that rebels who have renounced the 
Constitution, and are seeking to destroy the Union, 
are to be dealt with in a military way— they have 
no right^of citizenship until they cease to be rebels. 

The South does not wish to return to the Union. 
Confidence between tbe free States 
broken. No concessions to 



completely 
__very will satisfy the 
South ; nothing short of the extinction of slavery 
will satisfy the North. With this impassible gulf be- 
tween,_ reunion on the old basis seems to me to be an 
impossibility. Only one of the two alternatives re- 
mains — we must either acknowledge the indepen- 
dence of the South, or we must abolish slavery. The 
first is put of the question ; the second is a necessity 
which it seems impossible to avoid. 

To say that Abolitionists are the cause of this war 
is supreme folly. Slavery is the cause, and nothing 
else. Destroy the Abolitionists if you will ; no soon- 
er done than a new crop of larger growth and more 
frowning aspect will spring from tbe tree. Slavery 
has bad its day, and now comes its doom. The 
world is against it; God is against it; and it must 
fall. 

A little more than a year ago, about twenty plant- 
3_ assembled at a tavern in Alabama to discuss 
politics. Pro-slavery rose to intense heat : the Yan- 
kees were cursed, and the whole party, except one, 
clamored for secession and war. This exception 
was an old planter, a wise and thoughtful man, a 
slaveholder, and a man of influence. They demand- 
ed his opinion, for he was suspected of bein°- a Free 
State man. " If you enter upon this war,"°said the 
old man, "you will be beat— I tell you so." A 
shower of invectives came down upon him. Again 
they demanded his reason for saying they would be 
beaten. " Because," said the old man, " the North 
has twice as many men ; the Union is right, and 
they have all good men on their side: and again, 
more than all, they bave God on their side." " And 
who," they furiously demanded, " is on our side ? " 
" I'll tell ye plainly," said the old man ; " you've got 
them cursed Spaniards in Cuba, the Democratic 
party,- and the devil ! " The old man escaped for 
that time. This conversation was beard and related 
by a Northern man, who lodged for that night in the 
same tavern, and who then did not anticipate the 
war. 

The_ old planter did not see that the Democratic 
party in less than a year, after making every possi- 
ble concession to tbe South, would buckle on its ar- 
mor, and battle in the front ranks for the preserva- 
tion ofjhe Union and the crushing out of the rebel- 
lion ; but in regard to the other two allies of the 
South, he was quite right. 

My opinion, you know, has always been that Gen- 
eral Abolition would have led tbe war, and not bring 
up the rear. I have no contest with Gen. McClel- 
lan, whom I believe to be a brave and skilful officer ; 
but I think the aforesaid General, without rifled can- 
non or immense armies, would have done more to 
crush the rebellion, than all the military power we 
have employed : not that tbe military is not neces- 
sary and of vast importance to follow up the work ; 
but as a pioneer and preliminary tie would have pre- 
pared the way, by satisfying the world that the 
moral sentiment of America was true to freedom, 
and all pretence for intervention would have been 
put to rest forever. — Newburyport Herald. 



much opposed to slavery agitation, as any of you can 
be. Yet where he can be made available, let us 
make him so. Then what shall we do with him ? 
(A voice — " Place him in the rear." " No, put him 
to the front." [Applause.] A voice—" In tbe 
ditch.") Stop one moment, there is policy in war 
as well as in politics. One thing is very certain ; 
nothing is to be so carefully guarded against as the 
prejudices of the soldiers, andunless it was some des- 
perate occasion, some last resort, when even soldiers 
would be grateful for their assistance, I would 'not 
propose to put him in the line of battle to the front. 
(" That's the true doctrine," and applause.) But 
to every brigade I woultkhave a regiment of work- 
ing negroes — to every company I would bave a fair 
complement of cooks. (Applause.) I would feed 
them, I would organize them, and to each one who 
did good service, I would at the end of the war give 
him or her freedom. (Immense cheering.) Let me 
make one remark further. The common impression 
has been that this was a war in which we had all the 
advantages. Now, then, listen to my practical ex- 
perience. I tell you it has not been such a war of 
inequality in our favor as many suppose. I have 
visited plantations in the course of marches. I bave 
asked, Where is the man of the house ? He is in 
the army. I have looked around. I have seen his 
harvest field full of stalwart negroes. They reap 
his harvest, and they put it away as well and as 
carefully as if the man had been at home, and not 
in the army ; and what was the result ? He bad 
plenty to eat — a superabundance — some of which he 
was sure would come to the sustenance of that South- 
ern army. There are supposed to be 4,000,000 of 
negroes. Do you suppose that Jefferson Davis, if 
we went humbly to him beseeching such a thing, 
proposing to him : You have 4,000,000 of operatives 
belonging to your people in the South; under our 
policy we may not touch them — not molest them. 
We will leave them upon your farms to work, will 
you agree to leave us 4,000,000 of operatives home 
on our farms, in our shops, unmolested ? Do you 
suppose that Jefferson Davis would agree to that ? 
(" No ! ") Yet he would have to agree to it before 
equality of advantage was established between us. 
(Applause.) Jefferson Davis is a better manager, 
because be is a desperate man. (Applause.) 

We cannot forbear repeating the closing remark 
of tbe General: — 

" Oh, that I could get a little back bone into those 
who are governing us ; if I could but animate them 
to use the great powers at their command ; if I could 
induce them tojet us (the army) make war, it is all 
I ask." 



GEN. WALLACE ON THE NEGRO QUESTION. 

On Wednesday night, 8th inst., about 11 o'clock, 
a number of Indianians tendered Maj.-Gen. Lew. 
Wallace a serenade at his quarters at the National 
Hotel in Washington. An unusually large con- 
course was present on the occasion. After several 
national airs by the band, Gen. Wallace made his 
appearance upon the balcony, when he was greeted 
with most enthusiastic cheering. In the course of a 
very spirited and telling speech, which was warmly 
applauded, Gen. Wallace said : — 

I am no politician. (Cries of " Good for that, 
and " Don't want any now-a-days.) Probably for a 
regular speech, I had been much obliged to some of 
my political friends if they had made it for me. 
(" Keep them in the dark," and laughter.) If it is 
expected that I am to speak on subjects of a politi- 
cal character to-night, I know I should have been 
obliged for some of them to have performed the task 
for me. If I touch upon them, bear me witness that 
I speak of them not as a politician, but as a soldier. 
(Applause.) I was at the Senate Chamber to-day. 
They were discussing the policy of the war. The 
question in agitation was, or what at least seemed to 
be the paramount question, " Should the ne°To be 
used or not ? " (Cries of " Yes," " yes," and " No," 
' : no.") Well, I find my audience precisely as I 
found the Senate. (Laughter and applause.) Some 
said " ves." and some, said "nn" — ™*t no ■ann* ***, 



saying. (Laughter.) (A Voice—" Will you give 
us a soldier's opinion ?") Yes, let me speak about 
that as a soldier ("good"), not as a politician. 
(" Don't want any politicians.") He would be a 
poor soldier, in my opinion, who would fail to use 
every element of war which God Almighty gave 
him, if he could use it to his advantage. (Prolonged 
and enthusiastic cheering.) I think you concur with 
me in that at least. (Cries of " Certainly we do; " 
" Every sensible man will.") Now, then, if we find 
tho negro before us, or around us, as we advance, 
planted there by some accident — Providence may 
have had a great deal to do with it — and we can 
find his services available, would not that General 
be a crazy man who would refuse to use them ? 
("Most assuredly," and applause.) So it seems to 
mc, and my position may be plainly stated upon 
that. If by the services of a negro I can make my 
soldiers comfortable ; if, by the services of a baud of 
negroes, I can relieve them of onerous duties and 
hard work; if I can make them available to dig my 
trenches (" That's right "), shall I not do it ? (Cries 
of " Yes," " yes." Loud applause.) Yes, and I will 
do it. (Vociferous cheering. A voice — " Soldiers 
will follow you to the death for that." Another voice 
— " Put no arms in their hands." Several voices— 
" Oh yes, as many as they want.") Now, then, let 
me speak about that. (Cries of " All right now ; " 
" You are a mighty good boy.") If I accept of the 
services of a negro, and he works well and faithfully, 
Jed by us, clothed by us, and ho stands by my gal- 
lant regiment, relieving them of the hard duties I 
have mentioned, would it be human, would it not be 
cruel, to put him into tho army, in tho way of shot, 
and yet give him nothing with which to defend him- 
self? (Cries of "That's so," and loud and con- 
tinued cheering.) My fellow-citizens, I speak as a 
soldier all the time, recollect. I am not viewing this 
matter in its political aspect, for I have ns much 
prejudico against tho negro politically, and am u 



SLAVERY A CONTINUAL CONSPIRACY. 

The Atlantic Monthly, for June, contains a valua- 
ble historic paper on " Tbe Horrors of St. Domin- 
go," to be continued in successive numbers, which 
people who are nervous and. timid about emancipa- 
tion would do well to read. Here is a prefatory ex- 
tract in relation to the nature of slavery : — 

Slavery is a continual conspiracy. Its life de- 
pends upon intrigue, aggression, adroit combinations 
with other forms of human selfishness. The people 
at the North who at this moment hate to hear the 
word Emancipation mentioned, and who insist that 
the war shall merely restore things to their original 
position, are tbe people who always hated the phrase 
" An ti- Slavery," who will be ready to form a fresh 
coalition with Slavery for the sake of recovering or 
creating political advantages, and whom the South 
will know how to use again, by reviving ancient 
prejudices, and making its very wounds a cause for 
sympathy. Slavery will be the nucleus of political 
combinations so long as it can preserve its constitu- 
tional and commercial advantages, — while it can sell 
its cotton and recover its fugitives. Is the precious 
blood already spilled in this war to become, as it con- 
geals, nothing but cement to fugitive slave bills, and 
the basis of three-fifths, and the internal slave trade ? 
For this we spend three millions a day, and lives 
whose value cannot be expressed in dollars, — for this 
anguish will sit for years at thousands of desolate 
hearths, and be the only legacy of fatherless chil- 
dren. For what gjory will they inherit whose 
fathers fell to save still a chance or two for Slavery ? 
It is for this we are willing to incur the moral and 
financial hazards of a great struggle,— to furnish an 
Anti-Republican party of reconstructionists with a 
bridge for Slavery to reach a Northern platform, to 
frown at us again from the chair of State. The 
Federal picket who perchance fell last night upon 
some obscure outpost of our great line of Freedom 
has gone up to Heaven, protesting against such cruel 
expectations, wherever they exist; and they exist 
wherever apathy exists, and old hatred lingers, and 
wherever minds are cowed and demoralized by the 
difficulties of this question. In his body is a bullet 
run by Slavery, and sent by its unerring purpose ; 
his comrades will raise over him a little hillock upon 
which Slavery will creep to look out for future 
chances,— ruthlessly scanning the political horizon 
from the graves of our unnamed heroes. This, and 
eight dollars a month, will bis wife inherit ; and if 
she ever sees bis grave, she will see a redoubt which 
the breast of her husband raises for some future de- 
fence of Slavery. The people, who are waging this 
war, and who are actually getting at the foe through 
the bristling ranks of politicians and contractors, 
must have such a moral opinion upon this question 
as to defeat these dreadful possibilities. Let us be 
patient, because wc see some difficulties; but let us 
give up the war itself sooner than our resolution, 
that, either by this war, or after it, Slavery shall be 
stripped of its insignia, and turned out to cold and 
irretrievable disgrace, weaponless, faugless, and with 
no object in the world worthy of its cunning. We 
can be patient, but we must also bo instant and 
unanimous m insisting that the whole of Slavery- 
shall pay tbe whole of Freedom's bill. Then the 
dear names whose sound summons imperatively our 
tears shall be proudly banded in by us to History, as 
we bid her go with us from grave to grave to" see 
how the faith of a people watched them against the 
great American body-snatcher, aud kept them invio- 
late to be her memorials. We feel our hearts re- 
inforced by the precious blood which trickled from 
Ball's Bluff into tho Potomac, and was carried 
thence into the great sea of our conscience, tumul- 
tuous with pride, anger, and resolve. The drops 
feed the country's future, wherever they are caught. 
first by our free convictions ere they "sink into the 
beloved soil. Let us bo instant, be incisive with our 
resolution, that peace may not be the mother of 
(Mother war, and our own victory rout ourselves. 

Blow, North-wind, blow ! Keep that boarded field 
of bayonets levelled southward f Rustle, robes of 
Liberty, who art walking terribly over the land, 
with sombre countenance, and garments rolled in 
blood ! See, she advances with one hand armed 
with Justice, while tbe other points to that exquisite 
symmetry half revealed, as if beckoning thitherward, 
her children back again to the pure founts of life ! 
" Be not afraid," she cries, "of the noise of my gar- 
ments, and their blood-stains ; for this is the blood of 
a new eovenant of Freedom, shed to redeem and 
perpetuate a chosen land." 



118 



THE LIBERATOR 



JULY 25. 



SPEECH OF SENATOR OHAttDLER. 

In lils late able speech In the U. 8. Senate — 
Mr. Chandler referred to the fact that the Com- 
mittee on the Conduct of the War had been engaged 
in investigation, and had collected a deal of evidence. 
Heferring to the battle of Bull Run, ho said there, 
was a column of 20,000 under Patterson, ordered 
either to attack the enemy, or else keep him engaged 
so he could not reinforce at Manassas. Patterson 
telegraphed that Johnston had a superior force, and 
had received large reinforcements, when the fact 
was that Johnston received no reinforcements, and 
had less force than Patterson. The reason of the 
loss of the battle of Bull Run was the delay from 
Thursday till Sunday by reason of the q uartcr mas- 
ter's supplies not coming ; the delay of Sunday morn- 
ing in consequence of Keyes' brigade not getting in 
position; the arrival of 'Johnston's reinforcements ; 
the disaster in placing a battery a thousand yards in 
advance, and mistaking a rebel regiment for a bat- 
tery support, and the failure to bring up the reserve 
at the critical time. But the losses of Bull Bun 
were small, and the people rallied, till on the 10th 
of December the roll was 195,435 men, with thir- 
teen regiments not reported, and mostly intended 
for General Burnside, all under command of Gen- 
eral McCleltan. He then referred to the battle 
of Ball's Bluff, reading the orders to Devens and 
Colonel Baker, snowing that Baker supposed there 
were 40,000 men within twelve miles of him ; and 
there was no evidence of rashness on the part ot 
Colonel Baker, except exposing his own person. He 
quoted from the evidence of Major John Uix, who 
said that a very few men in reinforcement would 
have sufficed to drive off the enemy at Ball's Bluff, 
and this gallant officer offered to go if they would 
let him have a company of one hundred men. The 
enemy's batteries were in a wood, and it was diffi- 
cult to tell what'their force was. 

Mr. Chandler continued his remarks, and read 
from the testimony of the general officers concern- 
ing the battle ot Ball's Bluff to the effect, that rein- 
forcements could easily have been sent by the way 
of Edward's Ferry, but McCall and Smith were 
ordered to fall back at the very time Baker was sent 
across the river, ami no men were sent from Ed- 
ward's Ferry, though the distance was short. Gen- 
eral Stone "swears there were never any mounted 
guns between Edward's Ferry and Ball's Bluff. 
The man who issued the order must answer to 
God for the slaughter of the brave men in that fight. 
After this wholesale murder, the whole army of the 
Potomac retired, except frcjn in front of Washington. 
He then read further testimony, showing that the 
Navy Department applied to the War Department 
for 4000 men to hold Matthias Point, and keep 
open the Potomac, commencing such application 
as early as June, till in October it was agreed 
to send men, and vessels were gathered there by the 
Navy Department, but the troops here were not 
sent by the appointed time, and the Navy De- 
partment could not find out the reason. The evi- 
dence further stated that the President assisted the 
Navy Department, as much as he eould with this 
plan, but Gen. McClellan objected because he feared 
that the arrangements for landing could not be made. 
Thus, he said, the nation was disgraced for months 
by the blockade of the Potomac, and the Capital be- 
sieged by a force at no time half that of the United 
States. In December, the nation began to clamor 
for a movement, and the Committee on the Conduct 
of the War urged the necessity of some movement, 
and the President and Cabinet were in favor of 
some forward movement, and they were assured by 
Gen. McClellan that a move would be made very 
soon ; that he never intended to go into winter quar- 
ters, and he did not. Our brave men spent the win- 
ter in canvas tents. At last, in January, the Presi- 
dent gave an order to go forward, and that glorious 
event took place at Fort Donelson, Fort Henry, 
Newbern, &c., and do-nothing strategy seemed to 
give way to work, and the day of spades, pickaxes 
and shovels was over. On the 23d of February, the 
army of the Potomac was ordered to move, but it 
was not ready. At last on the Kith of March it did 
move under the protest of the commander. On the 
10th of March that army numbered 230,000 men by 
musket roll. They marched oji Manassas, and the 
wooden guns of Centreville, and the enemy less than 
40,000 quietly moved away. At a council of war, 
eight generals voted not to advance on Manassas, 
but leave the enemy there, and sneak around 
by Annapolis. Seven out of eight of these gene- 
rals were appointed by the advice of Gen. Mc- 
Clellan. But the Secretary of War overruled 
this, and made the army move on Manassas. Why 
the magnificent army of 230,000 did not march on 
Richmond, no one knows, but at last McClellan di- 
vided the army, and sailed for Fortress Monroe 
The Committee on the Conduct of the War sum- 
moned General Wadsworth, who swore that he had 
only 19,022 men left to defend Washington, and not 
a single gun mounted on wheels, and part of this 
force was new and undisciplined, and some nearly 
disorganized. He (Chandler) then read from the 
testimony of John Tucker, Assistant Secretary of 
War, who testified that prior to the 5th of April, 
120,000 men were sent down to McClellan, then 
Franklin's divisiou was sent, 12,000 more; the 1st 
of June, McCall's division, 10,000 more, and about 
that time 11,000 from Baltimore and Fortress Mon- 
roe ; and last June, Shield's division, about 5,000. 
were sent, making a total of 158,000 men, sent to 
Gen. McClellan prior to the engagements before 
Richmond. Mr. Tucker further testified that he 
did not know of any other force which could have 
been sent to Gen. McClellan. Thus, Mr. Chandler 
said it is shown that 158,000 of the best troops that 
ever stood on God's footstool have been sent to Gen. 
McClellan, and yet the treasonable press of the 
country have been howling against the Secretary of 
War because he had not sent reinforcements to Gen. 
McClellan. He read further from the testimony of 
Gen. Meigs, corroborating Mr. Tucker, and saying 
that he believed everything that Gen. McClellan had 
asked for had been promptly sent to him by the gov- 
ernment. .Mr Chandler continued, saying that Mc- 
Clellan lost more men in the trenches, five to one, 
than ever fell before the enemy since the army went 
to Torktown. At last, when a small fraction of the 
army whipped the enemy at Williamsburg, McClel- 
lan, at a long distance from the field of battle, 
wrote a dispatch to the Secretary of War, that they 
should try to hold the enemy in check, but they 
were too 'fast. The road to Richmond was open, 
and all he had to do was to march out of the swamps 
and into Richmond ; but he found the most swamps 
he could, and sat right down in the middle of them, 
and went to work digging trenches, and tens of thou- 
sands of brave men were lost there by sickness. 
Then, after waiting, the battle of Fair Oaks was 
fought, and, instead of following the enemy into 
Richmond, they found another swamp, and com- 
menced digging trenches, and waited till the enemy 
got all the. reinforcements they could raise by im- 
pressment, and for the army from Corinth to come. 
and then the rebels attacked us, throwing their 
whole force on our right wing; but Instead of rein- 
forcing there, they ordered a retreat, and that is 
strategy. We'lost ten thousand men there digging 
trenches, and then left those trenches without firing 
a gun, and the army was ordered to advance on the 
gunboats instead of Richmond. He said he knew 
he should be denounced for making these disclosures, 
but he thoi'ght the country ought to know the facts, 
and only traitors and fools would denounce him. 

LETTER FROM CHARLES SUMNER. 

The following letter from Charles Sumner was 
read at the great war meeting in New York city 
last week : 

" Washington, July 14. 

Deau Sir: — I welcome and honor your patriotic 
efforts to arouse the country to a generous, deter- 
mined, irresistible unity in support of our govern- 
ment ; but the Senate is still in session, and my pres- 
ent post of duty is here. A Senator cannot leave 
his post, more than a soldier. 

But absent or present, the cause in which the 
people arc to assemble has my God-speed, earnest, 
devoted, affectionate, from the heart. What I can 
do, let me do. There is no work which I will not 
undertake, there is nothing which I will not re- 
nounce, if so 1 may serve my country. 

There must be unity of hands and of hearts too, 
that the republic may be lifted to the sublime idea of a 
true commonwealth, which we are told " ought to be 
as one huge Christian personage, one mighty growth 
and stature of an honest man, as big and compact in 
virtue as in body," Oh I sir, if my feeble voice 
could reach roy fellow-countrymen, in their work- 
shops, in the streets, in the fields, anil wherever they 
meet together; if for one moment I could take to 
my lips the silver trumpet, whose tones should sound 
and reverberate throughout the land, X would sum- 
mon all, forgetting prejudice and turning away from 
error, to help unite, quicken and invigorate our com- 



mon country, — most beloved now that it is most im- 
perilled, — to a compactness and bigness of virtue in 
just proportion to its extended dominion, so that it 
should be as one huge Christian personage, one 
mighty growth and stature of an honest man, instinct 
-with all the singleness of unity. Thus inspired, the 
gates of hell cannot prevail against us. 

To this end, the cries of faction must be silenced, 
and the wickedness of sedition, whether In print or 
public speech, must bo suppressed. These are the 
Northern allies of the rebellion. An aroused and 
indignant poop e, with iron heel, ought to tread 
out the serpent, so that he can neither hiss nor sting. 

With such a concord, God will be pleased, and He 
will fight for us. He will give quickness to our 
armies, so that the hosts of the rebellion will be 
broken and scattered as by the thunderbolt, and He 
will give to our beneficent government that blessed 
inspiration, better than any newly raised levies, by 
which the rebellion shall be struck in its single vul- 
nerable part ; by which that colossal abomination 
which was its original mainspring, and is its present 
motive-power, shall be overthrown, and by which 
the cause of the Union shall bo linked with that di- 
vine justice whose weapons are of celestial temper. 

God bless our country! and God bless all who 
now serve it with singleness of heart I 

I have the honor to be, dear sir, 
Your faithful servant, 

Charles Sumner. 

Charles Gould, Esq., See'y of Select Committee. 




safeguards of liberty and the rights of human nature, 
n order to subserve their hellish ambition. All the 
principles of genuine democracy are shamelessly dis- 
carded by the party. It goes for the perpetual en- 
slavement of the four millions now in bondage in this 
country, and of their posterity, and brutally resists 
every effort even to meliorate their terrible condi- 
tion. Its language is uniformly that of blackguardism 
and ruffianism, whenever the cause of these millions 
is urged upon their compassionate consideration. It 
threatens violence — it demands silence — it froths at 
the mouth— it shrieks, " Nigger! nigger! Bobolidon ! 
bobolition ! " Its organs, while pretending to be pre- 
eminently loyal, are sedulously devoted to the success 
of the rebets, by fiercely denouncing every proposition 
for the confiscation of their slave property ; and where 
they publish one syllable against Southern treason, 
they print whole columns of lying abuse and mis- 
representation of Northern abolitionism. They shower 
their dirty compliments upon the President (to his 
discredit) as governed by a truly conservative spirit, 
and in all respects faithful to the Constitution ; and at 
the same time they boldly declare that no reconcilia- 
tion with the South can be effected until the Demo- 
cratic parly again holds the reins of government — 
when, of course, " order will reign in Warsaw," what- 
ever terms the traitors choose to dictate wilt be sub- 
missively acceded to, and the most stringent measures 
adopted, through penal legislation and mob violence, 
to give absolute supremacy to the Slave Power. 



CELEBRATION 0E THE EIRST OF AUGUST. 

The Anniversary of British West India Emancipa- 
tion will be celebrated in the usual manner at Island 
Grove, ABINGTON, on Friday, August 1st, in 

Mass Meeting, under the direction of the Managers 
of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. 

No event in history is more deserving of special 
commemoration than this — transforming, as it did, 
nearly a million of chattel slaves into free British sub- 
jects, by act of Parliament, in obedience to a regener- 
ated public sentiment, through long years of Anti- 
Slavery agitation — and demonstrating, as it has done, 
the safety and beneficence of immediate emancipation 
on the largest scale, even under the most adverse cir- 
cumstances, — to the confusion and ignominious expo- 
sure of all the prophesiers of evil consequences, and 
to the triumphant vindication of the atrociously ca- 
lumniated negro race. 

The friends of liberty, who desire to witness a still 
nobler jubilee in our own Slavery-cursed land, will, 
we doubt not, make their arrangements to be present, 
as far as practicable, in order to make the occasion in- 
strumental to the furtherance of the -sacred cause of 
human rights, without regard to the accidental distinc- 
tions arising from complexion or race. 

Among the speakers looked for ami confidently ex- 
pected on the occasion are the following : — 

Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, H. 
C. Wright, Wm. Wells Brown, John S. Rock, 
Andrew T. Foss, Rev-. Daniel Poster, and others. 

E^An Excursion Train on the Old Colony Rail- 
road will leave Boston at 9 o'clock, A. M. Leave 
Plymouth 9.20, A. M., stopping at usual way stations. 

RETURNING, leave the Grove at 5 1-4 P. M. 

The Old Cahny Railroad Company will convey pas- 
sengers, on that day, to and from the Abington Grove, 
at the following rates, being the same as upon former 
years :— 

Boston, Savin Hill, Dorchester, Neponset, Quincy, 
and Braintree, — to the Grove and back,— -for adults, 50 
cents; children, 25 cents. , 

Plymouth, and all way stations not already mention 
ed, — to the Grove and back, half the usual rates. 

Excursion tickets good on other trains. 

Should the day prove stormy, the meeting will he 
held in the Town Hall, adjacent to the Grove, so that 
there will be no interruption of the proceedings.. 
WM. LLOYD GARRISON, ) 
SAMUEL MAY, JR., j r ... , 

ELBRIDGE SPRAGUE, 1- ^""""""^ '■'/ 
BRIGGS ARNOLD, {Arrangements. 

SAMUEL DYER, J . 



A BETRAYED COUNTRY. 

Since the capture of Fort Sumter by tha^-Skmth 
em traitors in arms, and the subsequent call of the 
Government for seventy-five thousand volunteers to 
vindicate its lawful supremacy, there has been an ira- 
mense disparity between the contending parties on 
the score of numbers, resources, wealth and power. 
At first, a single Gulf State — South Carolina — boldly 
hoisted the flag of rebellion; then four, and finally 
six more States joined her, and organized themselves 
into an independent Confederacy — making elever 
slave States arrayed against nineteen free States, witl: 
Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri in a divided condi 
tion. At whatever disadvantage the Government was 
taken at the outset by the conspirators, its means of 
defence were boundless. Fifteen months have elap; 
ed, and though an army of nearly a million of men 
has been brought into the field, and a thousand million 
of dollars expended, to uphold the Union, no essential 
progress has been made in reducing the revolted States 
to obedience. On the contrary, the recognition of their 
independence by France and England is a matter of 
daily probability, and the Capital of the Nation is safe 
only because surrounded by almost impregnable forti- 
fications and a strong military force. The great army 
before Richmond, under General McClellan, has been 
compelled to make a disastrous retreat, with immen; 
loss of men and stores, some twenty-five miles' from 
the swamps of the Chickahominy to the banks of the 
James river, and finds safety temporarily only under 
the fire of the gun-boats. Of that army, seventy thou- 
sand, within ten months, have melted away — killed 
wounded, sick and missing — and the Government has 
signified to the loyal States the pressing necessity that 
exists for three hundred thousand additional troops. 
It now seems probable that, though tempting bountie 
are offered by the various local authorities to volun- 
teers, it will be necessary to resort to a general sys- 
tem of drafting. Every thing is at a standstill; en- 
thusiasm has nearly become extinguished; and the 
hitherto most hopeful are beginning to sink into a state 
of despondency. 

To what is this state of things owing? Not to any 
thing the rebels have done, or are capable of doing, by 
themselves. Before an efficient Government and a 
united North, — Generals who are equally competent 
and earnest, and an army inspired by the sentiments 
of impartial liberty, — they would he swept away like 
chaff before the whirlwind. But the Government is, 
practically, false to itself — blind as a bat to its true 
line of policy — stumbling, halting, prevaricating, ir- 
resolute, weak, besotted — disposed to trust the man. 
agement of its armies to the bitter and uncompro- 
mising enemies of the administration, and to keep in 
subordinate stations or promptly to ostracise its most 
energetic and reliable friends. The Northern house 
fearfully divided against itself, in spite of all surface 
unanimity; and "a house divided against itself can> 
not stand." A growing treasonable spirit is visible in 
every direction ; and traitors, under the guise of Ioy< 
alty, are every where in systematic and designed 
conspiracy to restore the reign of satanic democracy. 
in order to proffer the most humiliating terms of pence 
and union to the rebels, ami to place the destiny of the 
republic once more in their blood-stained hands, with 
despotic power surpassing all antecedent usurpation 
The democratic party at the North is essentially as 
treasonable a party in spirit and purpose as exists in 
any part of the revolted South, and incomparably 
more to be detested and feared by every true friend 
of his country. While simulating patriotism, it is 
rotten with treachery. Its rank and file, with few 
exceptions, are composed of the most ignorant, despe- 
rate and degraded portion of the population, and its 
leaders are as unprincipled demagogues aa ever 
cursed the earth — men capable of conniving at any 
villany, and of instigating to the perpetration of any 
outrage, however atrocious, to the overthrow of all the 



IS GOV. STANLEY ABETTING TREASON? 

So it would seem by the following startling letter, 
just received from a reliable correspondent at New- 
bern, N. C. Read, and be astounded, friends of your 
country and of free institutions I When is the rebel- 
lion to be put down, if such men as Halleck and Stan' 
ley are to be placed at the head of affairs ? 

"Newbern, (N. C.) July 11, 1862. 
From what I have seen and heard of Governor 
Stanley, I am well satisfied that his whole heart, if he 
has any, is with the rebels, and it is a burning dis- 
grace that he should be allowed to remain as Gover- 
nor of this State one moment longer. I will give you 
a few facts as to his course since I have been here. 
If such a course is continued, it will only tend to 
fasten closer the fetters of the poor slave, and make 
slavery supreme. Gov. Stanley allows the officers of 
the rebel army to come into Newbern under a flag 
of truce, with their families, whom they leave here, 
under the protection of the Governor, while they are 
absent leading the armies of the rebellion against us. 
These rebel officers are blindfolded when they cross 
our lines, but at the same time are taken to some of 
our Generals' quarters, and feasted with wines and 
food. And this same Governor Stanley has ordered 
that all the white families of Newbern within our 
lines shall be provided with the best of flour and 
food of all kinds, and the best of tea and coffee, at 
the expense of our Government, while their hus- 
bands and brothers remain in the rebel army. This 
is creating such a feeling here, that our Quarter- 
masters talk of handing in their resignations. He 
also allows these same rebels to cart their cotton, 
which they dig out of the ground, (where they had 
buried it previous to our arrival,) and ship it to mar- 
ket; and from Washington, N. C, he is protecting 
them in shipping lumber, shingles, &c, to the West 
Indies, And all this is done by Massachusetts men, 
under arms; and if we take a prisoner of war, no 
matter how mean he is, the Governor paroles him. 
Our soldiers are completely disgusted with the whole 
proceedings. 

" One of oux Massachusetts boys has been acting as 
postmaster at Newbern ever since our army reached 
the city, and he has got the recommendation of the 
Colonel of our Regiment, Gen. Foster's, and Major- 
General Burnside, and has furnished such bonds as are 
required. He has even gone further, and has offered 
to deposit the amount of bo^ds required, in cash, 
here in Newbern, to remain on deposit so long as he 
shall act as postmaster. But Governor Stanley even 
declines to accept of that, as I have learned frofti the 
postmaster this morning, his object being to get in 
some North Carolina sccesh, some miserable lickspit- 
tle of a tool to overhaul our letters and papers. 

"These are facts; and how long are we to live 
under such a milk-and-water rule? I thank God that 
we were whipped at Richmond; and my praye 
that we may be defeated in every engagement, till we 
are ready to do justice to the whole human family ; 
and if we must lose our capital (Washington) before 
justice can be done, I for one say, in God's name, let 
it come, and come quickly!" 



DUTY OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE ARMY. 

Three hundred thousand men are now assembling, 
at the call of the President, to place their lives in his 
hands, and to be sacrificed, if he shall think the good 
of the country requires it. What is to become of this 
vast number of men ? What are the probabilities in 
regard to their destiny during the coming year? 

They go with the understanding that many of their 
number are to perish miserably on the battle-field, 
many in the camp, many in the hospitals. They are 
aware of great privations and sufferings to be encoun- 
tered, in daily life; for the term of their enlistment, if 
their lives shall last so long; and they take the risk of 
the further (and probably greater) unanticipated pri- 
vations and sufferings which the war may have in 
Store for them. They leave their private affairs, their 
business, their families, and give themselves entirely 
up to the President, for the good of the country. 
Surely they do their part. Surely they have a right 
to expect that the President shall do his part, making 
some effort and some sacrifice for their sakes, using 
his legitimate power to protect them, helping them to 
victory (where that is possible) by the exercise of his 
high function, instead of by the exposure of their lives. 

If the President could, by an act of his will, dimin- 
ish the rebel army at Richmond to one half its pres- 
ent number, would it not be his duty to do it ? Would 
not this be imperatively his duty, alike to the besieg- 
ing army which has just received so disastrous a 
check, to the brave volunteers who are going to rein- 
force it, to their friends at home who yield them to 
his summons, and to the country which has put him 
in c*liarge of its defence and its welfare ? 

The President can, by a single word, and in a sin- 
gle week, reduce the rebel army to one half its pres- 
ent number. 

The force of the two sides, during that terrible week 
of battles which sacrificed tens of thousands of lives 
without material change in favor of either party, was 
nearly equally balanced. We had not men enough to 
accomplish the capture of Richmond ; so we proceed 
to raise more. They had not men enough to conquer 
or drive away the besieging army ; so they, of course, 
have proceeded to raise more. Are the two reinforced 
armies to engage again in another series of ineffective 
slaughters ? Arc dead men to continue to be piled up 
around Richmond as long as volunteers or conscripts 
can be raised from the spacious North and the spacious 
South to battle there ? 

This is a question to be decided absolutely by the 
will of Abraham Lincoln. He has power to decide 
whether the rebel army shall retain that equality of 
numbers with ours which it has hitherto retained; 
whether it shall beat us in the next battles ; whether 
it shall still be able to hold Richmond against us. 

The policy of the President has hitherto allofred, 
and still allows, a concentration of the rebel force at 
Richmond. The vast army in occupation there is 
made up of regiments from every Southern State; 
and the new volunteers or conscripts who are now 
gathering lo reinforce it, are gathering from every 
Southern State, and marching, with their utmost 
speed, in converging lines, towards Richmond. It is 
in the President's power, if he will, to keep all these 
forces in their respective rebel States, and to send 
half the Richmond army, post-haste, to reinforce 
them, leaving Virginia and its capital lo Immediate 
conquest by the Federal army. The question is, will 
he do it ? Will he make a sacrifice of personal feeling 



corresponding with that which the soldiers and the peo- 
ple have made ? Will he relinquish his pride of per- 
sistency in a course of policy which, tried for more than 
a year, has proved abortive? 

The course of Abraham Lincoln's administration, 
thus far, has shown two phases, each marked by a 
frightful expenditure of treasure and of blood. A 
third is urgently needed, and there is a third which 
promises thorough and (comparatively) speedy suc- 
cess The question is, shall this third one be tried 
fairly, and be tried now, when it will be so effective 
in saving the lives of our soldiers before Richmond ? 
During the first six months of his administration, 
the President tried the experiment of absolute non- 
interference with slavery. He wished to conciliate 
both the rebel States and the Border States. He sig- 
nally failed in both cases. 

Since then, he has so far yielded to (he necessities of 
the case, and the urgent requests that have been made 
him from many quarters, as to make a few moderate, 
intermittent and fragmentary movements, looking to- 
wards the discouragement of slavery. Moreover, 
these have not only been few and insufficient, hut they 
have alternated with occasional movements in the op- 
posite direction. And the last specimen of the 
President's action in regard to slavery has been 
an unworthy evasion of the just, and manly re- 
quest of Gen. Butler, that some uniform rule be dic- 
tated from head quarters, by which both he and Gen. 
Phelps may guide themselves, thus avoiding the folty 
and harm of two diverse courses of policy in the same 
department. 

The question is, will the President now try a third 
course, namely, active opposition to slavery, uniform- 
ly exercised wherever his civil or military power is 
operating, al! over the country, with the intent of ut- 
terly exterminating that accursed institution, as far as 
the United States are concerned '< 

The question is, will he use the power which clear- 
ly, in time of war, belongs to his function, both as 
President and as Commander-in-chief of the army and 
navy, to abolish slavery ? Will he make Proclama- 
tion, in either or both of these capacities, that Slave- 
ry is abolished throughout this nation? Will 
he send explicit direction to each station where his 
naval and military forces are now carrying on the war, 
announcing this Proclamation, directing that it be 
there- published as extensively as possible, and direct- 
ing also that the services of black as well as white loy- 
alists shall be accepted and used in every practicable 
manner towards overthrowing the rebellion? And 
wilt he publish in Washington, simultaneously with 
the Proclamation above-mentioned, the fact that such 
instructions have been sent, and will at once be act- 
ed on, wherever our army or navy are operating ? 

Action like this would be powerfully efficient in 
many ways ; but I suppose the following would be its 
first, its immediate operation : — 

As soon as the army in Richmond should hear of 
these two acts, the issuing of such a Proclamation by 
the President, and the order to employ blacks as well 
as whites in all the operations of the army and navy, 
both the rebel leaders and the rebel soldiers would see 
that the danger to their cause was far more threaten- 
ing at their respective homes than at Richmond. And 
the same thing would be seen by the authnritins of 
the rebel States on the Atlantic border, on the Gulf, 
and on the Mississippi, as soon as the intelligence reach- 
ed them. The Governors of these States would at 
once demand the return of all, or a large part, of the 
troops they had sent to Richmond ; and the regiments 
at Richmond would see that such an order must speed- 
ily he given, and that no time was to be lost in obey- 
ing it. The very first effect of the movement in 
question by President Lincoln would be a scattering of 
at least half the army that now defends Richmond, and 
the result must be our speedy possession of that place, 
either by capitulation or by a comparatively short and 
bloodless struggle. Does not the President's duty to 
the Three Hundred Thousand imperatively require 
this policy ? Without this, or something equivalent 
to this, are not these brave men marching to sacrifice, 
and to a sacrifice comparatively useless ? 

I am not now to speak of the many and great ad 
vantages of other kinds, and to both races, which 
would follow the abolition of slavery, but only of the 
manifold aid which such abolition would give in quel- 
ling the rebellion. The first result of such action 
(probably an immediate result) would be the scatter- 
ing of the Richmond army. 

The second result in order of time would be an or- 
ganization of negro regiments under our commanders 
at the various stations in the Southern country, not 
only strengthening these stations for all purposes of 
present action, but enabling us to hold them after the 
coming sickness shall have prostrated our Northern 
soldiers. It will be remembered that Gen. Hunter 
proposed to organize fifty such regiments in his mili- 
tary department, and that his success in this direction 
was perfectly satisfactory and encouraging, until the 
President interfered with him. However superior 
our soldiers may be to the negroes in other respects, 
the latter are superior in power of withstanding the 
climate. Why should not this superiority be enlisted 
on our side, and taken away from the enemy's side ? 

This brings us to a third very great service of the 
movement in question towards the overthrow of the 
rebellion. All the force, all the numbers, all the man- 
ifold capabilities drawn by the proposed method to our 
side would be so much abstracted from the strength of 
the enemy. While we refrain from making such a 
movement, no doubt their boast will remain true, that 
the slaves are an element of strength in their warfare, 
always available for the severe labors involved in for- 
tification and the movements of armies, and when 
these services are not required, always useful in the 
production of food and clothing. To withdraw these 
benefits from the Confederacy, and to acquire them 
for the Union, would make an immense change in the 
position and prospects of the war. 

Lastly, we should remember that, just as this policy 
must scatter the forces of the rebels now concentrated 
at Richmond, so it must prevent a future concentra- 
tion of their forces anywhere. As soon as the move- 
ment is begun of welcoming the negroes to the duties 
and the rewards of loyalty, from that moment no rebel 
State in which our armies are operating will have a 
single soldier to spare for the exigencies of any other 
State, or of the Confederate leaders. From that mo- 
ment they must fight in detail, and must be vanquish- 
ed in detail. 

Let me glance at the reasons commonly urged 
against a Proclamation, by the President, of the imme- 
diate abolition of slavery. 

1. It would be unconstitutional. 

Answer. — If common sense does not show you that 
war overrides Constitutions as well as other ordinary 
rules, look at reason ; look at the elaborate argument 
of John Quincy Adams, showing conclusively that 
the proposed action, in time of war, is within the pro- 
vince of the President, as well as within the province 
of Congress; then, as an exemplification of this, look 
at the facts of our present war, and observe that the 
President has done a dozen aefs entirely unconstitu- 
tional, under the exigencies of the case ; correctly as- 
suming that the right to make war includes the right 
to use all means needful for success in it. The Con- 
stitution itself, in providing for war, provides for its 
subjection to the necessities imposed hy war. 

2. The people in the North and West would not sus- 
tain the President in such action. 

Answer. — This objection is an inference from insuf- 
ficient premises. It is true that the people at present 
do not desire such action, and would not advise it. 
But they would immediately, and hy an overwhelm- 
ing majority, fall in with a decision of the President 
to that effect; just as they agreed to his decision, 
the very reverse of their expectations and wishes, in 
the case of Mason and Slidell. 

8. The army would not sustain such action. 

Answer. — The objection is absurd. Nine officers 
out of every ten are as ready to obey orders as Gen. 
Butler is, even when he dislikes the service in ques- 
tion. And ten will bo ready mid willing to take the 
place of every one who may resign. And the sol- 
diers are as ready to obey orders as the officers. 



There is neither reason nor plausibility in the objec- 
tion. 

4. It is idle to issue a formal Proclamation that the 
slaves are free, when such a document can reach but 
few of the slaves, Hnd can have little power to, lib- 
erate them. ^ 
Answer.— Granting this now, for the sake of argu- 
ient, (and I would grant it in no other manner,) such 
a Proclamation would reach, and would mightily influ- 
ence, the slavcholding rebels. Let it be remembered 
that I am urging this movement as powerfully auxili- 
ary to the action of our armies against the armies of 
the Confederacy. We know very well the superlative 
power and the contagious character of panic in a 
slavcholding community. We know that slavehold- 
ers are always fearful of a rising of their slaves, and 
that they especially dread interposition of any kind 
from without, in tavor of those slaves. We know 
that our present troubles have sprung from the deter- 
mination of the rebels that slavery shall grow and 
strengthen, instead of dwindling or even remaining 
stationary. Direct movement against this institution, 
especially movement proposing its entire eradication, 
would at once concentrate their energies upon its de- 
fence. And they can defend it only by sending their 
forces to occupy the many and widely separated points 
where it would be assailed. And this immediate recal 
of a large portion of the Richmond army, to defend 
every Southern point now occupied or threatened by 
our troops, is just what we need for the capture of 
Richmond. 

5. The negroes would be useless to us. They are 
lazy, and will not work ; they are cowardly, and will 
not fight. 

Answer. — These conclusions also are made from in- 
sufficient premises. In the particulars of disliking 
hard work when they are to have no pa& and dis- 
liking to fight when the odds are overwhelmingly 
against them, negroes are exactly like white men. 
My opinion is, that they would show a further resem- 
blance to white men, both in working and fighting, 
if sufficient inducements were offered them. This is 
the experiment yet to be tried. Let us try it. 

If a small proportion of the negroes at Port Royal 
and Fortress Monroe have shown some indisposition 
both for working and fighting, it is but fair to remem- 
ber that they have had very insufficient assurances 
of benefit from either. Even the very moderate 
promises made them of a small reward for their labor 
have been only partially fulfilled; and they really do 
not know, to this day, whether they are to be given up 
to their former masters, or to be held in some sort of 
bondage by the Government, or to have freedom and 
recognition as human beings, when the war is over. 
Until sufficient assurance can be given them, from 
some quarter, that they are no longer slaves, and no 
longer exposed to enslavement, they cannot be expect- 
ed to show any special zeal for the Government, or its 
army, or its flag. Let that Government issue its edict 
in their behalf, let that army welcome them as allies, 
and pledge itself to their deliverance, let that flag be 
the assurance of liberty to all beneath its folds, and we 
shall see a very different demeanor on their part. Let 
the experiment be tried. It is for the President to de- 
cide whether it shall or shall not be tried. 

6. Shall we excite the horrors of insurrection, of 
servile war, of wholesale massacre ? Shall we set the 
blacks to cutting the throats of white men, women 
and children, throughout the South f 

Answer. — The lies insinuated in this objection are 
like the slaveholding fathers who begat them, "gross 
as a mountain, open, palpable." The action proposed 
involves the very opposite of all these things, namely, 
a calling of such blacks as can escape from their rebel 
masters into our camps, to be placed under the orders 
of our officers, and used by them in conformity with 
the rules, and under the restrictions, of civilized war- 
fare. Just so much seizure of property and just so 
much destruction of life as our soldiers now practise, 
under the orders of their officers, will he practised by 
the black regiments, when they shall come under the 
orders of the same officers, and no more. 

As to revengeful retaliation on the part of the blacks 
at the moment of seizing their liberty, the facts that 
have been observed and recorded so far in the history 
of this struggle, the known experience of the tens of 
thousands who have thus far escaped from slavery 
to our army lines, and the new light that has been 
thrown by this crisis upon the peculiar traits of 
negro character, all show the falsehood and ground- 
lessness of the objection above stated. In the records 
of Port Royal experience there are ten well-authenti- 
cated instances of cruel and brutal acts committed by 
fugitive masters upon slaves who refused to follow 
them, for every one committed by the slave against 
the master. And it is safe to say that such interfer- 
ence with slavery as I have proposed would prevent 
ten outrages of white against black, for every one 
which it caused of black against white. 

Thus insufficient are the objections to such action 
against slavery by the President as would give direct 
and efficient aid towards the overthrow of tb.e rebel- 
lion. Thus strong are the reasons for commencing 
such action at the present moment. If the President 
shall still shrink from this duty, will not the people, 
by strong, importunate and repeated petitions, suggest 
it to him, and urge it upon him ? Will not, at least, 
every man and woman who has a friendin the present 
army, or among the throe hundred thousand recruits 
now to be raised, join in sending such petitions ? Join, 
at once, before more slaughters shall yet further re- 
duce their number. — c. k. w. 



tradiction criminates him. His pretext is too shallow. 
He insults the people. 

Who is so blind as not to see his insincerity and his 
unfaithfulness to bis own knowledge of the truth in 
the ease, when he would make the people believe he 
has no more power to enforce a decree of emancipa- 
tion than John Brown bail ? He would make the peo- 
ple believe what he knows to be the reverse of the 
truth. He knows that John Brown was hindered by 
the very power which he, as the Executive of the na- 
tion, possesses for the purpose in question. I say 
again, then, he insults the intelligence of the people, 
and shamefully degrades himself, and ignominiously 
degrades as many of the people as submit to the scan- 
dalous insult. 

If the same had been said by Abraham Lincoln at 
home in Illinois, it would have been of small compara- 
tive consequence. Coming from the President at 
Washington, it is a thousand fold more mischievous, 
and therefore a thousand fold more deserves rebuke. 
Or if the President had been settling small matters 
between rival petitioners for place, there would be less 
impropriety in our passing by unnoticed his trifling 
with truth and honesty, But he has in hand the 
gravest, the most momentous matter that can occupy 
a ruler standing in the highest place among the rulers 
of men, in a more vital and opportune crisis than haa 
fallen to the fortune of any predecessor of his among 
human rulers. Is the situation too high for him f Is 
his head giddy on that peerless eminence ? la it 
addled by the annoyance of place-hunters ? Then he 
is not qualified for his business— is not equal to the 
situation — is not fit for the place and the trust — and 
should retire. 

Stopping here, and reading over the report again in 
the Tribune, I find him reported as having said — pre- 
viously to saying what I have been commcntingtfm : — 
" It was a relief to be assured that the deputation 
were not applicants for office, for his chief trouble was 
from that class of persons. The next most trouble- 
some subject was slavery." 

Is this the key to his conduct? Has he not yet, 
during these fifteen months of internecine war, been 
above allowing himself to be " chiefly troubled " about 
gratifying and satisfying hungry politicians? Has 
"slavery" — the cause of all this convulsion of two 
continents — two hemispheres — involving bloodshed 
and starvation not yet computable — to say nothing of 
its own intrinsic atrociousness and matchless inhuman- 
ity — only found place in his attention "next," after he 
has occupied himself "chiefly " — at least allowed him- 
self to be "chiefly troubled" — with his hungry horde I 
Verily, President-making and making compensation 
for it are great matters ! For reasons then and there 
rendered, I have said, on another occasion, that our 
Commander-in-Chief is conducting our war politically 
— not patriotically — not righteously — not morally — not 
manfully. Here is additional evidence of it, out of his 
own mouth. 

The President not only insults the people — he be- 
trays them — he sacrifices their interests to the inter- 
ests of his personal flatterers — he perfidiously attends 
to the demands of the politicians first — the interest of 
the people, if they get any attention at ah", come in 
afterward. " How long ? " 

ORSON S. MURRAY. 

Foster's Crossings, Warren Co., O., June 27, 1862. 



THE PRESIDENT INSULTS THE PEOPLE. 

The Religious Society of Progressive Friends, in 
Chester County, Pa., having sent a delegation to 
Washington recently, praying the President to pro- 
claim emancipation, the President, in reply, is report- 
ed, by the New York Tribune, as having said ; — 

"If a decree of emancipation could abolish slavery, 
John Brown would have done the work effectually. 
Such a decree surely could not be more binding upon 
the South than the Constitution, and that cannot be 
enforced in that part of the country now. Would a 
proclamation of freedom be more effective ? " 

This reply from the President is an insult to an in- 
telligent people. In it he has not given the reason — 
while pretending to give it — for not decreeing emanci- 
pation. He is not sincere in the utterance. This is 
proved in previous words from his own pen, in his ex- 
tra Message, wherein be invites the South to sell — as 
Wendell Phillips says — and then, in connection, mani- 
festly designs to make himself understood by the 
friends of freedom, as threatening the conspirators 
that he will take their slaves from them if they don't 
cease their hostilities — thus acknowledging he has the 
power that he might long ago have put in force, if it 
had been his pleasure — and so giving himself the 
criminal contradiction in his present sham pretension 
of lacking the power to enforce emancipation. It is 
worthy a small lawyer — it is worthy a low, intriguing 
politician. It is not worthy a truthful, honest man. in 
his rectitude, presiding over and holding the destinies 
of a great people, in an hour of imminent peril. 

The very reason, the only reason, why he cannot, 
enforce the Constitution in the South, is (bo fact that.be 
does not proclaim emancipation. The proclamation of 
emancipation would make the double difference of tak- 
ing from one side and adding to the other, in numeri- 
cal force, equal to the number and efficiency of one 
half the Southern army now in the field ; and, what is 
more than all this besides, it would be taking away 
from the conspirators what, and alt, they are fighting 
for — their institution — thus destroying their motive, in 
addition to destroying their power. This he well 
knows. Why did he modify Fremont and Hunter, 
but to prevent emancipation— to prevent the proclama- 
tion Of emancipation going into effect ? With his own 
proclamation added to theirs, he has every reason to 
believe that before now the work could have been ac- 
complished. Will some one say lor him here that he 
made those modifications lest Kentucky should go into 
the conspiracy and treason? And why dues Ken- 
tucky hold that terrifying roil over his humiliated 
head, but to prevent his issuing such a proclamation, 
and thus effecting emancipation 1 His owO self eon- 



MAYOR WIG-HTMAN vs. GOV. ANDREW. 

Abdover, Mass., June 28th, 1862. 
Hon. Joseph M. Wigiitman, Mayor of the city of 

Boston : 

Silt, — I am induced to write you this from a 
sense of duty, for the purpose of repudiating in a 
most emphatic manner your gratuitous and uncalled- 
for advice to President Lincoln, that the Governor of 
Massachusetts is not authorized to speak for the loyal 
citizens of the State in proposing any conditions in 
regard to slavery as affecting a further requisition by 
him for volunteers. Now, sir, as one of those loyal 
citizens, I think the Governor of Massachusetts is as 
well qualified, and that it is quite as much his pre- 
rogative to speak for the loyal citizens of the State, aa 
is the Mayor of the city of Boston, which city does 
not, in my humble opinion, echo the sentiment of the 
State with regard to emancipation. Boston could, 
some fifteen months ago, roll up a petition with twen- 
ty thousand signatures, to support the notorious and 
contemptible Crittenden resolutions; and perhaps it 
may even now (if we are to credit your statements 
in your letter to the President) do the same against 
emancipation and humanity ; for I would ask if there 
is any humanity in sacrificing thousands, tens of thou- 
sands, scores of thousands, if not hundreds of thou- 
sands of our young men on the battle-field to crush 
this inhuman rebellion, and let the rebels retain their 
slaves to do their work, to build their forts, and thus 
continue to be the strong arm of their defence, or 
rather aggression ? Sir, I believe it is the avowal of 
sentiments such as yours, openly expressed or silently 
admitted, that gives essential aid to this rehellion. 
Let the watchword go forth, and be reiterated by 
every man, woman and child that can lisp the word 
Liberty throughout the free States, that we will not 
lay down our arms, or make peace on any terms but a 
reunion of all the Federal States on the principles of 
freedom and liberty for all the people, of all colors 
and conditions, (who by crime have not forfeited those 
privileges,) and 1 think, with Governor Andrew, that 
Massachusetts would respond at once to any reason- 
able call upon her for men or money. 

You say that you believe the mingling of questions 
in relation to slavery, with the crushing out of the 
present rebellion, is viewed with the strongest feelings 
of disapprobation. This is an opinion of yours which 
I think wants more confirmation than can be obtained. 
What, I would ask, but Slavery caused tins rebellion ? 
and what will subdue this rebellion but the death of 
Slavery? — not only negro chattel slavery, but white 
slavery ; for we of the North have been the willing 
servants of the Slave Power, and on us they depend- 
ed, in a great degree, for aid to carry their rebellion 
to a successful issue. What, I would ask, are we 
fighting for? Is it to establish slavery on the old 
basis, and to bring back the rebel States with their 
slaves, and all the evil influence and miseries, corrup- 
tion and wickedness, of the vilest system of oppres- 
sion and degradation, both to master and slave, and all 
others who advocate or apologize for its existence or 
continuance, as you appear to me to do? or are we 
fighting for equal rights, and liberty for all ? Let 
the Federal Government say, "Give us men to fight 
the battles of Freedom and Union," and not Union 
and Slavery, -and I believe the Government may 
soon have an army sufficiently strong and powerful to 
cut the bonds and break the cruel chains of shivery, 
by the strong arm of the war power, which 1 believe, 
in the present state of affairs, we have a constitutional 
right to do, If we are to ignore the question of sla- 
very, 1 believe a majority of the people of Massachu- 
setts have but little sympathy for furnishing more 
men for the prosecution of the war; for while the 
rebel States are fighting for slavery and unlimited 
rule out of the Union, the Federal Government is 
fighting for slavery in the Union. 

Sir, I think the Federal States of America, if united 
on the principles of freedom and justice, would stand 
among the nations of the earth like the lion among the 
beasts of the forest; but We, like the Hon in the fable, 
have been caught in a net, the subtile net of slavery, 
which has paralyzed our strength, and whose coinpli- 
Oated meshes cannot be QQtied, but must be cut with 
the sword of justice, wielded by the strong arm ot the 
war power. 

It is snid nothing but % military necessity will war- 
rant (he Government in doing it. If that necessity is 
not already upon us, as well as a moral necessity, I 
think it very soon will he, in all the magnitude ot its 
importance. DAVID OKAY. 

IS^ 1 The foregoing letter was sent to the Huston 
Journal for publication, but the editor returned it to 
the author, saying, " It is quite impossible for me to 
tlnd room for it." Of course, where there is no u-ill, 
there is no wiy. The Journal is looking in all the 
characteristics of I manly sheet. |— I'd. Lib. 



JULY 25. 



THE LIB ERA-TOR 



119 



ESSEX 00. ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION 

AND PI0-NI0. 

Ry invitation of Elam Buruharo, a meeting was held 

at his large ami com moil ions barn in Hamilton, July 

6th, commencing at 10 o'clock, A. M. 

The meeting was called to order by James N. Buf- 
fum, of Lynn, ami organized by choosing Thomas 
Haskell, of West Gloucester, President, and Margaret 
E. Bennett, Secretary. 

Parker Pillsbury made a few prefatory remarks. 
He said this was the first anti-slavery meeting in the 
town of Hamilton, and though the meetinghouses 
could not probably be obtained for such a purpose, he 
was happy to meet so good an audience in Ins native 
town, and in the native building of Jesus. 

H. C. Wright presented the following resolutions, 
■which were accepted for discussion: — 

Whereas, a Government or Church that cannot ex- 
ist without enslaving men should be destroyed ; and, 
whereas, it is the duty of all to seek the overthrow of 
such institutions ; therefore, 
- Resolved, That the American Union and Constitu- 
tion, if they cannot exist and be perpetuated without 
slavery, should be destroyed. 

Whereas, bullets may kill the tyrant, but an idea 
alone can kill tyranny ; therefore, 

Resolved, That, as Abolitionists, our war upon sla- 
very, to be effectual, must bo a war of ideas, and lib- 
erty can never be made sacred and safe by a war of 
bullets, and the only efficient weapons of our warfare 
arc those which appeal to the reason, the conscience 
and sympathy of men, rather than those whose object 
is to mutilate and kill their bodies. 

Resolved, That the great object at which we a 
i. e., the abolition of the spirit, principle and practice 
of slavery, can never be accomplished by a war of 
bullets and bayonets. 

Resolved, That, as Abolitionists, we have nothing 
to do with a war waged ostensibly to support a Gov- 
ernment and Constitution baaed on the practice of en- 
slaving men. 

The above resolutions having been hastily written, 
Parker Pillsbury proposed the reading of some which 
he had prepared previous to coming to the meeting, 
with more time for deliberation. By request of the 
meeting, he then read the following : — 

Resolved, That war ia always an evil, if not a 
crime, and can never be justified, unless for the re- 
moval of evils greater than itself; and, whereas, the 
American Union, with chattel slavery as an essential 
element, should never have been formed, therefore, 
any war waged merely for its restoration or continu- 
ance would be a war against justice, humanity and 
liberty. 

Resolved, That Southern barbarism, so fearfully 
manifest in the present war, is largely the result of 
Northern teaching. The Constitution has been cheer- 
fully made to extend, protect and perpetuate slavery. 
The North has furnished the school teachers for the 
clave States, has modified the school-book literature to 
suit their demand and taste, has educated their young 
men at its colleges, and the ministers for them at its 
theological seminaries, — thus supporting slavery as a 
State, and sanctifying it as a religious institution, 
basing it on both the Constitution and the Bible, wel- 
coming slaveholding Senators to Congress and slave- 
holding saints to the sacramental supper; praising 
the " chivalry " of Virginia, the " hospitality " of South 
Carolina, and "the general intelligence and virtue of 
our dear Southern brethren," until it can be truly said 
that the South, in its intellectual, moral and spiritual 
culture and character, is most alarmingly but the 
handiwork of the North. 

Resolved, therefore, That the sin and guilt of sla- 
very, the terrible cause of our present most terrible 
war, must rest heavily on the North as well as the 
South; and though the guilty parties may shed each 
other's blood on a thousand battle-fields, it can be no 
atonement to the God of justice, nor to the millions 
of slaves, whose wrongs His mighty arm is now 
stretched out to redress; and though peace should be 
restored by conciliation at last, instead of by repent- 
ance, and the Union restored by a compromise, instead 
of doing justice, still, while a slave is left to lift on 
high his manacled hands, he shall be a swift witness 
against us, and a sure precursor of our final if not 
sudden destruction as a nation. 

James N. Buffum replied to H. C. Wright's argu- 
ment against a war of bullets. This Government, he 
Baid, though now engaged in mortal conflict, is never- 
theless moving forward in ideas. Slavery is abol- 
ished in the District of Columbia, and Henry Clay 
once asserted that "the District of Columbia is the 
keystone of the arch of slavery, and to abolish slave- 
ry there would be the commencement of entire eman- 
cipation; and to effect this work would cost twelve 
hundred millions of dollars." Mr. B. said — " Let this 
work go forward, at whatever cost of money. I wel- 
come any bolt, whether from heaven or hell, that shall 
strike out this curse. I think the Indian's recipe for 
killing witch grass might furnish a suggestion to 
those who seek to destroy slavery. For certain con- 
siderations, the Indian gave this infallible method for 
its destruction: 'Take a hoe and dig up every vest- 
ige of root, then shake off every particle of soil or 
any thing that will afford it nourishment, and hang 
it in the sun till perfectly dry.' If every tyrant was 
killed, slavery would soon cease." 

John Cutler, of Danvers, followed with remarks 
which showed his approval of war. He maintained 
that every thing which had been done in this world 
had been done by brute force. 
Meeting adjourned for one hour. 

Afternoon. The meeting was called to order at 
1£ o'clock. H, C. Wright was the first speaker, who 
enforced the idea embodied in his resolutions, that 
bullets, although they may kill slaveholders, cannot 
kill slavery. The evil principle of slavery, he ar- 
gued, exists in the heart of man, and can only be ef- 
fectually removed by the introduction of the princi- 
ple of justice to take its place. 

Parker Pillsbury followed in an impressive speech. 
He said that politics had ripened into its legitimate 
fruit, war. No law of the nation was so insignificant 
but that, as a last resort, it must be settled by bullets. 
He thought war a less evil than slavery, but must 
insist that it be used to remove the greater evil. 
Abolitionists lost sight of their greatest means of 
power when they failed to adhere to their principles. 
Let us, said Mr. P,, weigh well our words and actions 
at all times. We cannot consistently vote for a man 
to do what we cannot do ourselves. Men seem to be 
possessed with the demon of war, and a Messiah is 
needed to cast it out. What do we see this Govern- 
ment doing? After the slaughter of one hundred 
thousand of our men, not one State is redeemed from 
secession. This is a purposeless war. Three hun- 
dred thousand men are not what Gen. McClellan 
wants, but a purpose, a determination to stand by the 
right at all hazards. 

The South deserves all she is receiving, but does 
she deserve it of us ? " He that is without sin among 
you, let him cast the first stone." Our mistake is in 
supposing that the South is the chief of sinners. How 
many vagrant slaveholders in the Carolinas would 
it take to make one Edward Everett or one South- 
side Adams t We should look at what caused slavery 
to be what it is. Gov. Stanley said to slaveholders, 
" Abraham Lincoln is your best friend. Your slaves 
formerly ran away, now your property is protected." 
Is our army much longer to receive this kind of 
praise ? Shall we not rather accept the issue, Liber- 
ty or Slavery 1 

The losses of this war ! In money, they are some- 
thing; in life, they are something; in the goodness 
and purity of those who remain, they are much more. 

James N. Buffum followed. He said the talk of 
restoring the old Union was about as sensible as it 
would be to try to restore the old potato that was 
planted after the top had blossomed. This war was 
inaugurated by the Mouth, and we must have cither 
liberty or slavery. The tendency was hopeful- Mr. 
Lincoln had done more than he promised, and that 
was doing well for a President. He told Wendell 



Phillips to go home, and manufacture all the anti-sla- 
very sentiment he could, for we should need it all 
soon. 

Mr. Pillsbury begged to correct the speaker. It was 
Tark Godwin and not Mr. Phillips to whom the Pres- 
ident had made that remark. And what was Park 
Godwin's anti-slavery? 

Charles L. Remond thought Mr. Lincoln's course 
had been against the black men. He had ignored 
their rights. In his policy, they are either contra- 
bands or vagrants. How did it happen that he could 
not put on the miserable United Slates uniform? If 
it should be proposed to strike off their heads to save 
their own, they would do it. This was United States 
anti-slavery ! 

Joseph Merrill said this war was a question of 
power; it was a contest between slaveholders and 
their friends — a house divided against itself. He 
hoped it would fall, and if it crushed slavery, God be 
praised, and not Republicans! 

II. C. Wright said the business of Abolitionists was 
to kill slavery. What relation had this war to the 
abolition of slavery ? The South was fighting for 
slavery; let those at the North who fight be as ear- 
nest for liberty. 
Adjourned till 5r} o'clock. 

Evening Sksssion. Parker Pillsbury spoke of 
the inaction of Congress, now the Senatorial elections 
are pending, as indicating that they fear to take that 
prompt and decided action which the crisis demands, 
lest it should influence those elections unfavorably to 
themselves. He should not endorse this war until it 
had a nobler object than preserving the old Union. 
Our work was with the people; Lincoln's hands 
were tied. Our army was dreadfully thinned, and 
now three hundred thousand more were called for, to 
be commanded by pro-slavery Generals. God, Mr. 
P. said, was not on the side of the strongest battalions, 
unless they were on the side of right. 

H. C. Wright said the Government had no right to 
rcenslave those once set free. By rebellion, State in- 
stitutions were swept away. By law, no slaves were 
held in a rebel State. Will you, asked Mr. W-, en- 
slave those who, by the act of their masters, are taken 
from under the Constitution of the United States and 
made free 1 Surely, rebels are not citizens, and are 
consequently deprived of all the rights which as citi- 
zens they formerly possessed. 

Mr. Pillsbury presented the following resolutions, 
which were adopted: — 

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are 
justly due, and are hereby heartily and unanimously 
tendered, to Mr. Burnham, for his very generous 
hospitality and kindness extended to us on this oc- 
casion. 

Resolved, That the proceedings of this Conven- 
tion be signed by the President and Secretary, and 
forwarded to the Liberator, with a respectful request 
for their publication. 

The resolutions offered by Mr. Pillsbury at the 
forenoon session were also adopted, and the meeting 
adjourned. 

THOMAS HASKELL, President. 
Margaret E. Bennett, Secretary. 



EMANCIPATION IN THE BORDER STATES. 



The Representatives and Senators of the Border 
slaveholding States having, says the National Intelli- 
gencer, by special invitation of the President, been con- 
vened at the Executive Mansion on Saturday, 12th in- 
stant, Mr. Lincoln addressed them as follows from a 
written paper held in his hands : — 

Gentlemen, — After the adjournment of Congress, 
now near, I shall have no opportunity of seeing you 
for several months. Believing that you of the Border 
States hold more power for good than any other equal 
number of members, I feel it a duty which I cannot 
justifiably waive to make this appeal to you. 

I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure 
you that, in my opinion, if you all had voted for the 
resolution in the gradual emancipation message of last 
March, the war would now be substantially ended. 
And the plan therein proposed is yet one of the most 
potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States 
which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that 
in no event will the States you represent ever join 
their proposed Confederacy, and they cannot much 
longer maintain the contest. But you cannot divest 
them of their hope to ultimately have you with them, 
so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the 
institution within your own States. Beat them at 
elections, as you have overwhelmingly done, and, 
nothing daunted, they still claim you as their own. 
You and I know what the lever of their power is. 
Break that lever before their faces, and they can shake 
you no more forever. 

Most of you have treated me with kindness and con- 
sideration, and I trust you will not now think I im- 
properly touch what is exclusively your own, when* 
for the sake of the whole country, I ask, " Qan you, 
for your States, do better than to take the course I 
urge ? " Discarding punctilio and maxims adapted to 
more manageable times, and looking only to the un- 
precedentedly stern facts of our case, can you do better 
in any possible event? You prefer that the constitu- 
tional relations of the States to the nation shall be 
practically restored without disturbance of the institu- 
tion ; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this 
respect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, 
would be performed. But it is not done, and we are 
trying to accomplish it by war. The incidents of the 
war cannot be avoided. If the war continues long, as 
it must if the object be not sooner attained, the institu- 
tion in your States will be extinguished by mere fric- 
tion and abrasion — by the mere incidents of the war. 
It will be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in 
lieu of it. Much of its value is gone already. How 
much better for you and for your people to take'the 
step which at once shortens the war, and secures sub- 
stantial compensation for that which is sure to be 
wholly lost in any other event ! How much better to 
thus save the money which else we sink forever in the 
war I How much better to do it while we can, lest the 
war ere long render us pecuniarily unahle to do it ! 
How much better for you, as seller? and the nation, as 
buyer, to sell out and buy out that without which the 
war could never have been, than to sink both the thing 
to be sold and the price of'it, in cutting one another's 
throats ! 

I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a de- 
cision at once to emancipate gradually. Room in 
South America for colonization can be obtained cheap- 
ly and in abundance ; and when numbers shall be large 
enough to be company and encouragement for one 
another, the freed people will not be so reluctant to go. 

I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — 
one which threatens division among those who, united, 
are none too strong. An instance of it is known to 
you. Gen. Hunter is an honest man. He was, and I 
hope still is, my friend. I valued him none the less 
for his agreeing with mc in the general wish that all 
men everywhere could be freed. He proclaimed all 
men free within certain States, and I repudiated the 
proclamation. He expected more good and less harm 
from the measure than I could believe would follow. 
Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not of- 
fence, to many whose support the country cannot afford 
to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure 
in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing. 
By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, 
much more, can relieve the country in tins important 
point. 

Upon these considerations I have again begged your 
attention to the Message of March last. Before leav- 
ing the Capitol, consider and discuss it among your- 
selves. You are patriots and statesmen, and as such I 
pray you consider tins proposition; and at the least 
commend it to the consideration of your States and 
people. As you would perpetuate popular govern- 
ment for the best people in the world, I beseech you 
that you do in no wise omit this. Our common coun- 
try is in great peril, demanding the loftiest views and 
boldest action to bring a speedy relief. Once relieved, 
its form of government is saved to the world ; its be- 
loved history and cherished memories are vindicated, 
and its happy future fully assured and rendered incon- 
ceivably grand. To you, more than to any others, the 
privilege is {riven to assure that happiness and swell 
that grandeur, and to link your own names therewith 
forever. 

At the conclusion of these remarks, some conversa- 
tion was had between the President and several mem- 
bers of the delegations from the Border States, in 
which it was represented that these States could not he 
expected to move in so great a matter as that brought 
to their notice in the foregoing address, while as yet 
,the Congress had taken no step beyond the passage of 
a resolution, expressive rather of a sentiment than 
presenting a substantial and reliable basis of action. 

The President acknowledged the force of this view, 
and admitted that the Border States were entitled to 
expect a subslantial pleiltfe of pecuniary aid as the 
condition of taking into consideration a proposition so 
important in its relations to their social system. 

It was further represented in the Conference, that 
Iho people of the Border States were interested in 



knowing the great importance which the President at- 
tached to the policy in question, while it was equally 
due to the country, to the President and to themselves, 
that the Representatives of the Border Slaveholding 
States should publicly announce the motives under 
which they were called to act, and the considerations 
of public policy urged upon them and their constitu- 
ents by the President. 

Willi a view to such a statement of their position, 
the members thus addressed met in council to deliber- 
ate on the reply they should make to the President, 
and, as the result of a comparison of opinions among 
themselves, they determined upon the adoption of a 
majority and a minority answer. 

THE REPLY OF THE MAJORITY. 

The following paper was sent to the President on 
Thursday, signed by the majority of the Representa- 
tives from the Border Slaveholding Stales : — 

Washington, July 14, 1862. 
To the President: 

The undersigned, representatives of Kentucky, Vir- 
ginia, Missouri and Maryland, in the two Houses of 
Congress, have listened to your address with the pro- 
found sensibility naturally inspired by the high source 
from which it emanates, the earnestness which marked 
its delivery, and the overwhelming importance of the 
subject of which it treats. We have given it a most 
respectful consideration, and now lay before you our 
response. We regret that want of time has not per- 
mitted us to make it more perfect. 

We have not been wanting, Mr. President, in re- 
spect to you, and in devotion to the Constitution and 
the Union. We have not been indifferent to the great 
difficulties surrounding you, compared with which all 
former national troubles have been but as the summer 
cloud; and we have freely given you our sympathy 
and support. Repudiating the dangerous heresies of 
the Secessionists, we believed, with you, that the war 
on their part is aggressive and wicked, and the objects 
for which it was to be prosecuted on ours, defined by 
your Message at the opening of the present Congress, 
to be such as all good men should approve, we have 
not hesitated to votc*ll supplies necessary to carry it 
on vigorously. We have voted all the men and 
money you have asked for ? and even more ; we have 
imposed onerous taxes on our people, and they are pay- 
ing them with cheerfulness and alacrity ; we have en- 
couraged enlistments, and sent to the field many of 
our best men ; and some Of our number have offered 
their persons to the enemy as pledges of their sinceri- 
ty and devotion to the country. We have done all this 
under the most discouraging circumstances, and in the 
face of measures most distasteful to us, and injurious 
to the interests we represent, and in the hearing of 
doctrines avowed by those who claim to be your 
friends, most abhorrent to us and our constituents. 
But, for all this, we have never faltered, nor shall we 
as long as we have a Constitution to defend and a gov- 
ernment which protects us. And we are ready for re- 
newed efforts, and even greater sacrifices, yea, any 
sacrifice, when we are satisfied it is required to pre- 
serve our admirable form of government and the price- 
less blessings of constitutional liberty. 

A few of our number voted for the resolution recom- 
mended by your Message of the 6th of March last, the 
greater portion of us did not, and we will briefly state 
the prominent reasons which influenced our action. 

In the first place, it proposed a radical change of our 
social system, and was hurried through both houses 
with undue haste, without reasonable time for consid- 
eration and debate, and with no time at all for con- 
sultation with our constituents, whose interests it 
deeply involved. It seemed like an interference by 
this Government with a question which peculiarly and 
exclusively belonged to our respective States, on 
which they had not sought advice or solicited aid. 
Many of us doubted the constitutional power of this 
Government to make appropriations of money for the 
object designated, and all of us thought our finances 
were in no condition to bear the immense outlay winch 
its adoption and faithful execution would impose upon 
the national Treasury. If we pause but a moment to 
think of the debt its acceptance would have entailed, 
we are appalled by its magnitude. The proposition 
was addressed to all the States, and embraced the 
whole number of slaves. According to the census of 
1860, there were nearly four millions slaves in the 
country; from natural increase they exceed that num- 
ber now. At even the low average of three hundred 
dollars, the price fixed by the emancipation act for the 
slaves of this District, and greatly below their real 
worth, their value runs up to the enormous sum of 
twelve hundred millions of dollars; and if to that we 
add the cost of deportation and colonization, at one 
hundred dollars each, which is but a fraction more 
than is actually paid by the Maryland Colonization 
Society, we have four hundred millions more ! We 
were not willing to impose a tax on our people suf- 
ficient to pay the interest on that sum, in addition to 
the vast and daily increasing debt already fixed upon 
them by the exigencies of the war; and, if we had 
been willing, the country could not bear it. Stated in 
this form, the proposition is nothing less than the de- 
portation from the country of sixteen hundred million 
dollars' worth of producing labor, and the substitution 
in its place of an interest- bearing debt of the same 
amount ! 

But, if we are told that it was expected that only 
the States we represent would accept the proposition, 
we respectfully submit that even then it involves a 
sum too great for the financial ability of this govern- 
ment at this time. According to the census of 1860 — 



Kentucky had 
Maryland, - 
Virginia, 
Delaware, - r 
Missouri, 
Tennessee, - 



87,188 
190,887 
1,798 
114,965 
275,784 



Making in the whole, - - 1,196,112 
At the same rate of valuation these would 

amount to £358,833,600 

Add for deportation and colonization $100 

each 119,244,533 



And we have the enormous s 



i of $478,078,133 



We did not feel that we should be justified in voting 
for a measure which, if carried out, would add this 
vast amount to our public debt at a moment when the 
Treasury was reeling unde» the enormous expendi- 
tures of the war. 

Again, it seemed to us that this resolution was but 
the annunciation oi a sentiment which could not or 
was not likely to be reduced to an actual, tangible 
proposition. No movement was then made to provide 
and appropriate the funds required to carry it into ef- 
fect; and we were not encouraged to believe that 
funds would be provided. And our belief has been 
fully justified by subsequent events. Not to mention 
other circumstances, it is quite sufficient for our pur- 
pose to bring to your notice the fact, that while this 
resolution was under consideration in the Senate, our 
colleague, the Senator from Kentucky, moved an 
amendment appropriating $500,000 to the object there- 
in designated, and it was voted down with great una- 
nimity. What confidence, then, could we reasonably 
feel that if we committed ourselves to the policy it 
proposed, our constituents would reap the fruits of the 
uise held out; and on what ground could we, as 
fair men, approach them and challenge their support? 
The right to hold slaves is a right appertaining to 
all the States of this Union. They have the right to 
cherish or abolish the institution as their tastes or their 
interest may prompt, and no one is authorized to ques- 
tion the right or limit its enjoyment. And no one has 
more clearly affirmed that right than you have. Your 
inaugural address docs you great honor in this respect, 
and inspired the country with confidence in your fair- 
i and respect for the law. Our States are in the 
enjoyment of that right. We do not feel called on to 
defend the institution, or to affirm that it is one which 

ugbtto be cherished; perhaps if we were to make 
the attempt, we might find that we differ even among 
ourselves. It is enough for our purpose to know that 

t is a right ; and so knowing, we did not see why we 

hould now be expected to yield it. We had con- 
tributed our full share to relieve the country at this 
terrible crisis, we had done as much as had been re- 
red of others, in like circumstances, and we did not 
why sacrifices should be expected of us from 
which others, no more loyal, were exempt. Nor could 
we see what good the nation would derive from it. 
Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would not have 
strengthened the arm of this government or weakened 
that of the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge 
of our loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a 
reasonable doubt, in every form and at every place 
nble. There was not the remotest probability that 
the States we represent would join in the rebellion, 
nor is there now j or of their electing to go with the 
Southern section in the event of a recognition of the 
independence of any part of the disaffected region. 
Our States arc fixed unalterably in their resolution to 
ndhere to and support the Union; they see no safety 
for themselves and no hope for constitutional liberty 
but by its preservation. They will, under no circum- 
stances, consent to its dissolution, and we do them no 
more than justice when we assure you that while the 
war is conducted to prevent that deplorable catastro- 
phe, they will sustain it as long as they can master a 
man or command a dollar. Nor will they ever con- 
sent, in any event, to unite with the Southern Con- 
federacy. The bitter fruits of the peculiar doctrines of 
that region will forever prevent them from placing 
their security and happiness in the custody of an as- 
sociation which has Incorporated in its organic law the 

eeds of its own destrnction. 
We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had 

otcd for the resolution in the Emancipation Message 
of March last, the war would now be substantially 
ended. We are unable to see how our action in this 
particular has given, or could give, encouragement to 
the rebellion. The resolution has passed ; and If there 
be virtue in it, it will be quite as efficacious as If we 
had voted for it. We have no power to bind oar 
States in this respect by our votes here, and whether 



we had voted the one way or the other, they are in 
the same condition of freedom to accept or reject its 
provisions. . No, sir, the war has not been prolonged 
or hindered by our action on this or any other measure. 
We must look for other causes for that lamented fact. 
We think there is not much difficulty, not much uncer- 
tainty, in pointing out others far more probable and 
potent in their agencies to that end. 

The rebellion derives its strength from the union of 
all classes in the insurgent Slates; and while that 
union lasts, the war will never end until they are utter- 
ly exhausted. We know that at the inception of these 
troubles Southern society was divided, and that a large 
portion, perhaps a majority, were opposed to secession. 
Now the great mass of Southern people are united. 
To discover why they are so, we must glance at South- 
ern society, and notice the classes into which it has 
been divided, and which still distinguish it. They are 
in arms, but not for the same objects; they are moved 
to a common end, but by different and inconsistent 
reasons. The leaders, which comprehends what w 
previously known as the State Rights party, and is 
much the lesser clnss, seek to break down national in- 
dependence and set up State domination. With them 
it is a war against nationality. The other class is 
fighting, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve its 
rights of property and domestic safety, which it has 
been made to believe are assailed by this government. 
This tatter class are not disunionists per se; they are 
so only because they have been made to believe that 
this administration is inimical to their rights, and is 
making war on their domestic institutions. As long 
these two classes act together, they will never as- 
sent to peace. The policy, then, to be pursued is ob- 
vious. The former class will never be reconciled, but 
the latter may be. Remove their apprehensions. 
Satisfy them that no harm is intended to them and 
their institutions ; that this government is not making 
war on their rights of property, hut is simply defend- 
ing its legitimate authority, and they will gladly re- 
turn to their allegiance as soon as the pressure of mili- 
tary dominion imposed by the Confederate authorities 
is removed from them. 

Twelve months ago both houses of Congress, adopt- 
ing the spirit of your message, then but recently sent in, 
lared with singular unanimity the objects of the war, 
and the country instantly bounded to your side to assist 
you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution 
had been adhered to, we are confident that we should 
before now have seen the end of this deplorable con- 
flict. But what have we seen ? In both houses of Con- 
gress we have heard doctrines subversive of the prin- 
ciples of the Constitution, and seen measure after mea- 
sure founded in substance on those doctrines proposed 
and carried through, which can have no other effect 
than to distract and divide loyal men, and exasperate 
and drive still further from us and their duty the peo- 
ple of the rebellious States. Military officers, follow- 
ing these bad examples, have stepped beyond the just 
limits of their authority in the same direction, until in 
several instances you have felt the necessity of inter- 
fering to arrest them. And even the passage of the 
resolution to which you refer has been ostentatiously 
proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the 
people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to 
them. The effect of these measures was foretold, and 
may now be seen in the indurated state of Southern 
feeling. 

To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omis- 
sion to vote for the resolution recommended by you, 
we solemnly believe we are to attribute the terrible 
earnestness of those in arms against the government, 
and the continuance of the war. Nor do we (permit 
us to say, Mr. President, wiih all respect for you,) 
agree that the institution of slavery is " the lever of 
their power," but we are of opinion that " the lever of 
their power" is the apprehension that the powers of a 
common government, created for common and equal 
protection to the interests of all, will be wielded against 
the institutions of the Southern States. 

There is one other idea in your address we feel 
called upon to notice. After stating the fact of your 
repudiation of General Hunter's proclamation, you 
add : — 

" Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not 
offence, to many whose support the country cannot af- 
ford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pres- 
sure in this direction is still upon me, and is increas- 
ing. By conceding what I now ask, you can relieve 
me, and, much more, can relieve the country in this 
important point." 

We have anxiously looked into this passage to dis- 
cover its true import, but we are yet in painful uncer- 
tainty. How can we, by conceding what you now 
ask, relieve you and the country from the increasing 
pressure to which you refer? We will not allow our- 
selves to think that the proposition is, that we consent 
to give up slavery, to the end that the Hunter procla- 
mation may be let loose on the Southern people, for it 
is too well known that we would not be parties to any 
such measure, and we have too much respect for you 
to imagine you would propose it. Can it mean that 
by sacrificing our interest in slavery, we appease the 
spirit that controls that pressure, cause it to be with- 
draw^, and rid the country of the pestilent agitation of 
the slavery question ? We are forbidden so to think, 
for that spirit would not be satisfied with the libera- 
tion of 700,000 slaves, and cease its agitation, while 
three millions remain in bondage. Can it mean 
that, by abandoning slavery in our States, we are 
removing the pressure from you and the country, 
by preparing for a separation on the line of the cotton 
States? We are forbidden so to think, because it is 
known that we are, and we believe that you are, unal- 
terably opposed to any division at all. We would 
prefer to think that you desire this concession as a 
pledge of our support, and thus enable you to with- 
stand a pressure which weighs heavily on you and the 
country. Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary 
to secure our support. Confine yourself to your con- 
stitutional authority; confine your subordinates with- 
in the same limits ; conduct this war solely for the 
purpose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate 
authority ; concede to each State and its loyal citizens 
their just rights, and we are wedded to you by indis- 
soluble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you touch 
the American heart and invigorate it with new hope. 
You will, as we sincerely believe, in due time restore 
peace to your country, lift it from despondency to a 
future of glory, and preserve to your countrymen, 
their posterity, and man, the inestimable treasure of 
a constitutional government. 

Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and 
candor the reasons on which we forbore to vote for 
the resolution you have mentioned; but you have 
again presented this proposition, and appealed to us 
with an earnestness and eloquence which have not 
failed to impress us, to "consider it, and at the least 
to commend it to the consideration of our States and 
people." Thus appealed to by the Chief Magistrate 
of our beloved .country in the hour of its greatest peril, 
we cannot wholly decline. We are willing to trust 
every question relating to their interest and happiness 
to the consideration and ultimate judgment of our own 
people. While differing from you as to the necessity of 
emancipating the staves of our States as a means of 
putting down the rebellion, and while protesting against 
the propriety of any extra territorial interference to 
'nduce the people of our States to adopt any particu- 
ar line of policy on a subject which peculiarly and ex- 
clusively belongs to them, yet when you and our 
brethren of the loyal States sincerely believe that the 
retention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace and 
nationat harmony, and are willing to contribute pecu- 
niary aid to compensate our States and people for the 
inconvenience produced by such a change of ^stem, 
are not unwilling that our people shall consider 
the propriety of putting it aside. 

But we have already said that we regarded this res- 
olution as the utterance of a sentiment, and we had 
no confidence that it would assume the shape of a 
tangible, practical proposition, which would yield the 
fruits of the sacrifice it required. Our people are in- 
fluenced by the same want of confidence, and will 
not consider the proposition in its present impalpable 
form. The interest they are asked to give up is to 
them of immense importance, and they ought not to 
be expected even to entertain the proposal until they 
are assured that when they accept it, their just expect- 
ations will not be frustrated. We regard your plan as 
a proposition from the nation to the States to exercise an 
admitted constitutional right in a particular manner, 
and yield up a valuable interest, Before they ought to 
consider the proposition, it should be presented in such 
a tangible, practical, efficient shape as to command 
their confidence that its fruits are contingent only 
upon their acceptance. We cannot trust anything to 
the contingencies of future legislation. If Congress, 
by proper and necessary legislation, shall provide suf- 
ficient funds, and place them at your disposal to be ap- 
plied by you to the payment of any of our States or 
the citizens thereof who shall adopt the abolishment 
of slavery, either gradual or immediate, as they may 
determine, and the expense of deportation and colo- 
nization of the liberated slaves, then will our States 
and people take this proposition into careful consider- 
ation, for such decision as in their judgment is de- 
manded by their interest, their honor, a their duty 
to the whole country. 

Wo have the honor to be, with great respect, 

C. A. Wickuffe, C/tuir'n. Chari.es B. Calvert, 



Gaurett Davis, 
R. Wilson, 
J. J. Crittknden, 
John S. Caklilk, 

J. W. CltISt'-lEI.I>, 

J. S. Jackson, 

H. GllIDKR, 

John S. Phelps, 
Ehancis Thomas, 



('. L. h. Leahy, 
Edwin II, Weuster, 
R. Mali.ohv, 
Aakon IIaudino, 
James S. Hollins, 
J. W. Mknzies, 
Thomas L. Price, 
G. W. DUNLAl', 

Wji, A. Hall. 



THE REPLY OP THE MINORITY. 

Washington, July 15, 1862. 
Mr. PKU8IDKNT, — The undersigned, members of 
Congress from (he Border States, in response to your 
address of Saturday last, hog leave to say that they 
attended a meeting on the same day the address was 
delivered, lor the purpose ol considering the same. 



The meeting appointed a committee to report a re- 
sponse to your address. That report was made on 
yesterday, and the action of the majority indicated 
clearly that the response reported, or one in substance 
the same, would be adopted, and presented to you. 

Inasmuch as we cannot, consistently with our own 
sense of duty to the country, under the existing perils 
which surround us, concur in that response, we feel 
it to be due to you and to ourselves to make to 
you a brief and candid answer over our own signa- 
tures. 

We believe that the whole power of the Govern- 
ment, upheld and sustained by all the influences and 
icans of all loyal men in all sections, and of all par- 
lies, is essentially necessary to put down the rebel- 
lion, and preserve the Union and the Constitution. 
We understand your appeal to us to have been made 
for the purpose of securing this result. A very large 
portion of the people in the Northern States believe 
that slavery is the " lever-power of the rebellion." It 
matters not whether this belief be well-founded or 
not. The belief does exist, and we have to deal with 
things as they are, and not as we would have them be. 
In consequence of the existence of this belief, we un- 
derstand that an immense pressure is brought to bear 
for the purpose of striking down tins institution through 
the exercise of military authority. The Government 
cannot maintain this great struggle, if the support and 
influence of the men who entertain these opinions be 
withdrawn. Neither can the Government hope for 
early success, if the support of that element called 
"conservative" be withdrawn. 

Such being the condition of things, the President 
appeals to the Border State men to step forward, and 
prove their patriotism by making the first sacrifice. 
No doubt, like appeals have been made toextremc men 
in the North to meet us half way, in order that the 
whole moral, political, pecuniary, and physical force 
of the nation may be firmly and earnestly united in 
one grand effort to save the Union and the Constitu- 
tion. 

Believing that such were the motives that prompted 
your address, and such the result to which it looked, 
we cannot reconcile it to our sense of duty, in this try- 
ing hour, to respond in a spirit of fault-finding or queru- 
lousness over the things that are past. We are not 
disposed to seek for the cause of present misfortunes 
in the errors and wrongs of others who now propose to 
unite with us in a common purpose. But, on the 
other hand, we meet your address in the spirit in 
which it was made, and, as loyal Americans, declare 
to you and to the world that there is no sacrifice that 
we are not ready to make to save the Government 
and institutions of our fathers. 

That we, few of us though there may be, will per- 
mit no men, from the North or from the South, to go 
further than we in the accomplishment of the great 
work before us. That, in order to carry out these 
iews, we will, so far as may be in our power, ask the 
people of the Border States, calmly, deliberately, and 
fairly, to consider your recommendations. We are 
the more emboldened to assume this position from 
the fact, now become history, that the leaders of the 
Southern rebellion have offered to abolish slavery 
among them as a condition to foreign intervention in 
favor of their independence as a nation. 

If they can give up slavery to destroy the Union, 
we can surely ask our people to consider the question 
of emancipation to save the Union. 
With great respect, your obedient servants, 



John W. Nowell 
Sam'l S. Casey, 
George P. Fisher, 
A. J. Clements, 



William G. Brows, 
Jacob B. Blair, 
W. P. Willey. 



REPLY OF MR, MAYNARD. 
House op Representatives, July 16, 1862. 

Sir, — The magnitude and gravity of the proposi- 
tion submitted by you to Representatives from the 
Slave States would naturally occasion diversity, if 
not contrariety, of opinion. You will not, therefore, 
be surprised that I have not been able to concur in 
view with the majority of them. This is attributable, 
possibly, to the fact that my State is not a Border 
State, properly so called, and that my immediate con- 
stituents are not yet disenthralled from the hostile 
arms of the Rebellion. This fact is a physical obsta- 
cle in the way of my now submitting to their consid- 
eration this or any other proposition looking to politi- 
cal action, especially such as, in this case, would re- 
quire a change in the organic law of the State. 

But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal. 
I am not. You are surrounded with difficulties far 
greater than have embarrassed any of your predeces- 
sors. You need the support of every American citi- 
zen, and you ought to have it, active, zealous and hon- 
est. The union of every Union man to aid you in 
preserving the Union is the duty of the time. Differ- 
ences as to policy and methods must be subordinated 
to the common purpose. 

In looking for the causes of this Rebellion, it is 
natural that each section and each party should as- 
cribe as little blame as possible to itself, and as much 
as possible to its opponent section and party. Possi- 
bly you and I might not agree on a comparison of 
our views. That there should be differences of opin- 
ion as to the best mode of conducting our military 
operations,. and the best men to lead our armies, is 
equally natural. Contests on such questions weaken 
ourselves and strengthen our enemies. 'J*hey are 
unprofitable, and possibly unpatriotic. Somebody 
must yield, or we waste our strength in a contempti- 
ble struggle among ourselves. 

You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to 
sacrifice something of feeling and a great deal of in- 
terest. The sacrifices they have already made and 
the sufferings they have endured give the best assur- 
ance that the appeal will not have been made in vain. 
He who is not ready to yield all his material inter- 
ests.and to forego his most cherished sentiments and 
opinions for the preservation of his country, although 
he may have perilled his life on the battle-field in 
her defence, is but half a patriot. Among the loyal 
people that I represent, there are no half patriots. 

Already the Rebellion has cost us much, even to 
our undoing; we are content, if need be, to give up 
the rest to suppress it. We have stood by you from 
the beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand 
by you, God willing, till the end of it. 

I did not vote for the resolution to which you al- 
lude, solely for the reason that at the time I was ab- 
sent at the capital of my own State. It is right. 

Should any of the Slave States think proper to ter- 
minate that institution, as several of them I under- 
stand, or at least some of their citizens propose, jus- 
tice and a generous comity require that the country 
should interpose to aid it in lessening the burden, 
public and private, occasioned by so radical a change 
in its social and industrial relations. 

I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home 
or abroad, of the adoption of your policy, nor inquire 
what action of the rebel leaders has rendered some- 
thing of the kind important. Your whole adminis- 
tration gives the highest assurance that you are 
moved, not so much from a desire to see all men every 
where made free, as from a far higher desire to pre- 
serve free institutions for the benefit of men already 
free ; not to make slaves freemen, but to prevent free- 
men from being made si ives ; not to destroy an insti- 
tution, which a portion of us only consider bad, but to 
save institutions which we all alike consider good. 
I am satisfied you would not ask from any of your 
fellow-citizens a sacrifice not, in your judgment, im- 
peratively required by the safety of the country. 

This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to 
t in the same spirit. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
HORACE MAYNARD. 

To the President. 



Florence, July 22, 1862. 

Dear Garrison— Considering bow rapidly I spoke at 
Franungham, it is not strange that, in our friend Yorrin- 
ton's generally excellent report of my remarks, I find a 
few mistakes ; the wonder being rather that they are so 
few. But I should liko to make the following corrections, 

th your leave : — 

In the sentence, about midway of the second paragraph 

These men do know something about everything except 
slavery, and what slavery toaches," for "teaches," read 

touches." 

In the last clause of that sentence, " they do not know 
everything which it is important they should know at this 
time," for "everything," read " the very thing." 

In the 10th lino from the end of the paragraph, iu the 
clause ending "seeking one for him," for "him," read 

themselves." 

In the samo lino, for " not only they," read " not only 
by them," and insert " by " after the following " but." 

In tho sixth lino from the end of the samo paragraph, 

they" should bo omitted beforo "reoognuo." 

Yours, truly, C. C. BURLEIGH. 



Correction. In the report of the Essex County 
annual meeting, it was stated that the resolutions of 
Mr. Pillsbury were accepted. It should read, they 
were unanimously adopted by the meeting. 



^=- We ask the special attention of every reader 
Of the I '.il'iratorto the very lucid and admirable speech 
of J. Miller McKim, on our last page, delivered in 
Sanson, Street Hall, Philadelphia, (and the substance 
of it given at the Framinghani Grove on the 4th of 
July,) concerning the condition, progress and pros- 
poets of the "contrabands " at. Port Royal and Beau- 
fort. All its statements are fully continued by a pub- 
lished letter from Gov. Saxlon, and they triumphant- 
ly vindtoftta th« ofcpiwtty ami chuaotsr <>r the colored 
raco from the foul aspersions of (heir enemies. 



A MANIFESTO FROM THE PRESIDENT. 
Executive Mansion, I 
Washington, July 11, 1862. J 
Ordered, That Major General Henry W. Halleck 
be assigned to the command of the' whole land forcefl 
of the United States, as General-in-Chief, and that ho 
repair to this capital an soon as lie can with safety to 
the positions and operations within the dffp£rtmcni 
now under his special charge. 

Abraham Lincoln: 

|ft^™ We fear that this appointment, for the gov- 
ernment, is "out of the frying-pan into the fire." It 
is our sober, deliberate, settled conviction, that if the 
four leading Generals — Halleck, McClellan, McDowell 
and Buell — were dismissed from the service, it would 
be a gain to the cause of freedom, and a heavy blow 
to the rebellion. We bblieve them to be equally un- 
trustworthy — more in sympathy with slavery than 
with liberty — more disposed to prolong the war than 
to end it, in order to effect some new compromise for 
the propitiation and restoration of the Slave Power in 
controllTng our national affairB. The President ia 
credulous, blind and infatuated, in committing euch 
high trusts and solemn responsibilities' into the hands 
of these political opponents, who are only too willing 
to see his administration overturned.) 



ORDER CONCERNING THE SEIZURE AND 
USE OF REBEL PROPERTY. 

War Department, July 22. 
Executive Order. 

First. Ordered that the Military Commanders with- 
in the States of Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, 
Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas and 
Arkansas, in an orderly manner, seize and use any 
property real or personal which may be necessary or 
convenient for their several commands, as supplies or 
for other military purposes, and that while property 
may be destroyed for proper military objects, none 
shall be destroyed in wantonness or malice. 

Second. That Military and Naval 'Commanders shall 
employ as laborers within and from said States so 
many persons of African descent as can be advanta- 
geously used for military or naval purposes, giving 
them reasonable wages for their labor. 

Third. That, ah to both property and persons of Af- 
rican descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accu- 
rate and in detail to show the quantities and amounts, 
and from whom both the property and such persons 
shall have come, as a basis upon which compensation 
can be made in proper cases, and the several depart- 
ments of this Government shall attend to and perform 
their appropriate parts toward the execution of these 
orders. 

By order of the President, 

(Signed) E. M. STANTON_-^ 



ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS. 

Congress, at the session just closed, has perfected 

ore good measures than any predecessor for the last 
half century. Among these we reckon 

The Free Homestead Act; 

The prohibition of Slavery, absolutely and forever, 

all the Territories of the Union ; 

The Abolition ot Slavery in tfie District of Colum- 
bia; 

The Pacific Railroad Act; 

The revision of the Supreme Court Judicial Dis- 
tricts ; 

The act appropriating Public Lands to the founda- 
tion and support of Agricultural and Mechanical Col- 
leges in the several States; 

The act retrenching Military Expenses and Allow- 
ances. 

And, finally, 

The act confiscating the property and emancipating 
the slaves of persistent Rebels. — N. Y. Tribune. 



An English Estimate of Wendell Phillips. — 
"An English Traveller " writes from Boston to the 
London Spectator : — 

"The re^l pillar of the abolitionist party is Wen- 
dell Phillip*^ Gifted with great talents, with untiring 
energy, and, above all, with an eloquence which in my 
experience I have never heard equalled, he might 
have risen to any height in public life ; and the career 
open to an ordinary American of talent is higher than 
we at home can well realize. But, for conscience' 
sake, Mr. Phillips refused to enter on a career which 
necessitated, to say the least, an outwaid acquiescence 
in the sin of slavery. He has labored for years past, 
amidst ridicule and abuse and obloquy, to awaken the 
nation to a sense of their duty. It is difficult for an 
Englishman to conceive the amount of moral courage 
required by an American who preaches the doctrine 
that the cherished Constitution of Washington and 
Hamilton was in itself a compact with sin — an evil 
to be abolished. Right or wrong, you cannot deny 
Wendell Phillips's courage. Pro-slavery or anti-sla- 
very, you cannot dispute the power of his eloquence. 
And his labor has not been in vain." 

The Rebel Irruptions in the Southwest. The 
sudden forays by bodies of rebel marauders in Ten- 
nessee, Kentucky and Missouri, — their capture of 
Murfreesboro' and menace of Nashville — their ravages 
in Kentucky and advance toward the capital of that 
State, and toward the Ohio River — their appearance in 
Northern Missouri, and their operations on the very 
border of Iowa — their demonstrations in the vicinity 
of Corinth and along our entire line in North Alabama 
— the bold front they assume in Northern Arkansas 
and along the Mississippi River — indicate that the em- 
bers of rebellion in the Southwest are still hot and 
smouldering. They prove that the rebels have taken 
new heart from their so-called successes on the Penin- 
sula, and that they yet look forward to a reeonquest of 
the Southwestern States; or rather, perhaps, they 
may indicate that, though Kentucky, Tennessee and 
Missouri are inevitably lost to the Confederacy, the 
expelled rebels are determined to carry into them fira 
and sword, destruction, confusion, rapine and blood- 
shed ; and thus, if they cannot rule, they will at leait 
do their best to ruin. 



The Total Loss at the Richmond Battles. — 
The following statement, which comes from an official 
source, may be relied upon as a correct enumeration 
of the Union losses during the six days' battles before 

Richmond : — 



Corps. 


Killed. 


Wounded. 


Missing. 


Total. 


Franklin, 


245 


1313 


1179 


2737 


Sumner, 


no 


1068 


848 


208? 


Keyes, 


69 


607 


201 


777 


Heintzelman, 


189 


1051 


833 


2078 


Porter, 


878 


3700 


2779 


7352 


Cavalry, 


19 


60 


97 


176 


Engineers, 


— 


2 


21 


23 












Totals, 


1565 


7701 


6958 


15,224 



Working Industriously. General Saxton write! 
to the Secretary of War that the contrabands in South 
Carolina are working industriously, that the system 
of voluntary labor is effective, and that the blacks are 
contented and happy in their new position. The 
General adds that, by adoptinq a judicious system of re- 
ward, almost any amount of labor can be obtained] and 
that the proceeds will pay expenses. Two advantages 
are hero indicated — first, the negroes will work faith- 
fully for day wages, and, secondly, their labor is suffi- 
ciently remunerative to free the Government of all 
expense on their account. 



Chicago, July 15. A special dispatch to the Tri- 
bune, dated Memphis, says that 200 of Col. Fitch's 
command had an engagement with the rebels, number- 
ing 450, on the morning of the 6th. The Federal loss 
was 22 killed and wounded, and the rebels had 8-i 
killed, wounding and missing. Another engagement 
took place on the night of the 7th. Col. Fitch cap- 
tured all the enemy's camp equipage and provisions. 
Both fights are said to have taken place within tea " 
miles of Duvall's Bluff, where a large force of rebels 
arc said to bo stationed. 



&J^ A free colored man, who escaped and arrived 
in Washington from Richmond, says the rebel loss in 
killed, wounded and missing in the seven davs' bat- 
tles was 32,000. 



The Atlantic Monthly. We give below the 
list of contributors to the Atlantic Monthly for August: 
The New Gymnastics, by Dio Lewis, M. D. : Mr. 
Axtell; My Daphne, by Mrs. A. D. T. Whiinev , 
Concerning Disagreeable People, by the " Country 
Parson"; The Sam Adams Regiments in the Town 
of Boston, by Richard Frothingham ; Life in the Open 
Air, by the late Theodore Winthrop ; To William 
Lowell Putnam; the Horrors of San Domingo, bv John 
Weiss; My Lost Art, by M. 1). Conwav ; In War 
Time, by John G. Whittier; Amy Vvontworth ; 
Thoreau, by Ralph Waldo Emerson ; A Summer- 
Day ; Reviews and Literary Notices. 



W ANDREW T. F03S, an Agont of the Massachusetts 
tf. Sooioty, will locturo upon Slavery, the W«r, and 
Emancipation, a« follows : — 

Reading, Sunday, July 27. 

Stonehain, «< Aug. 3. 

W E. 11. HEYWOOD will spoak at East Princeton, 
Sinulay, Aug. 3d, at 10 1-2, A. M., aud 1, P. M. 



OTW.M. WKU.S BROWN will speak as follows— on 

llu. IVuHiiuis of tho Present Hour, tit 



Westminster, flln: 
M iiu-lioiHlou, " 



Sniulny, July 2", 
Tu^Liy, " 29. 



ISO 



THE LIB ERA. TOR 



fltfttg 



TOR TEE GROVE MEETING AT PRAMING- 
HAM, " FOURTH OF JULY." 

Beautiful Summer is smiling around us, 

Earth is like Eden arrayed in its bloom ; 
On the fair face of Nature no shadow is resting, 

In the joy of her sunlight no sadness or gloom. 

Sura never a lovelier Summer smiled o'er us, 

Since first by the seashore fcho Puritan stood. 
And saw the. white snow-shroud wrap hill-side and valley, 

And the smoke of the wigwam rise through the lone 
wood ! 
And again we have met in this "Temple of Nature/' 

This grand old Cathedral, whose dome is the sky ; 
Whose gates open wide to the lonely and outcast, 

Where no tinsel-show glitters to dazzle the eye ! 

Our organ the air-barps — our minstrels the song-birds, 
Whose sweet anthems rise to our " Father in Heaven : " 

Ah ! would that we too might join in the chorus, 
And chant the blest words — Lo ! the fetters are riven ! 

Through the war-cloud blood-stained we have seen the faint 
dawning, 

And waited and watched for the coming of day ; 
And oft we have said, " Sure, the day-star is rising ! " 

But, alas ! we behold scarce its first beaming ray. 
Our loved and our treasured — bow many are lying 

'Neath the green turf of June, in their lone soldier's 
grave ! 
New England's brave martyrs are counted by thousands, 

From the storied Potomac to Mexico's wave ! 

By Albemarle's waters, in Koanoko's pine groves, 
Where Newbern looks out on the river so fair, 

Where the Oaks and the Pines* of Virginia are ohanting 
A dirge for our loved in the soft Summer air ! 

And still in our South-land the bondman is waiting, 
And vainly imploring our North-land to aid ; 

And praying that he, too, may battle for freedom, 
And join with the champions for contest arrayed. 

How earnest and loyal, how true and devoted, 

Have our slave brothers been, History's record will 
show ;— 
Through darkness and danger our armies they've guided, 

And never deceived or betrayed to the foe. 
...Ah ! would we but raise the white banner of freedom, 

And Eay to the tyrant, " Your vassals are free .' 
All blackened with treason, ye blood-thirsty traitors, 

Think not we longer shall cringe unto ye ! 
"We've left our dear homes on the green, sunny hill-sides — 

The homes which free labor makes peaceful and blest : 
We've severed each tie which so fondly hath bound us, 

At the call of our country left love, peace and rest ! 

*' We've come in our might, as the avalanche oometh, 

To bury forever all treason and wrong ! 
Ye have taunted and scorned, ye've defied and contemned 
us, 

And boasted that Slavery should ne'vo be o'erthrown ! 

" Lo ! Cotton is King, ye have said ! — we believed you, 

And in homage we bowed to the proud despot's sway ; 
But we worship no longer — our idol is broken — 

From our sight we have cast it forever away. 
" If our life-blood must crimson the soil of the South-land, 

No altar of slavery shall rise where we fall j 
From our graves shall spring up the fair tree of true free- 
dom, 

And grow till its branches give shelter to all ! " 

If thus we would speak, then the traitors would tremble, 
And feel that the dark hour of doom had drawn near ; 

And Oppression's death-knell, in thunder-tones sounding, 
The voice of the Northmen with trembling they'd hear ! 

But, alas for our country ! our rulers still heed not, 
Though to us God now speaks as to Pharaoh of old ; 

Still they falter and shrink, and heed not the mandate, 
" Let mine image no longer be bartered for gold ! 

*' Let my people go free ! — or the red sea of carnage 

Must engulf your fair land 'neath its blood-crimsoned 
tide ; 
For ne'er till ye heed the command I have given, 
Will the olive-branch wave, or the death-tide be stayed !" 

Then let us arouse to the duty before us, 

tly, fearlessly strive for the Eight ; 
And list to the voice that to-day is entreating — 

Press onward, still guided by Truth's beaming light ! 
Barre, Mass., 1862. Carrie. 

* Eeferring to the battle of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines. 



®k* 3Eifon'ttt0*. 



JULY 25 



From the New York Tribune. 

EMANCIPATE. 

Lo ! looms a morning long foretold ! 

It dawns in blood -bedabbled gold, 

'Mid awe, and shame, and prayer, and wonder, 

And fire, and rage, and death, and thunder ; 

The morn that ends a night more dread 

Than that whose break showed Misraim's dead. 

And twice ten thousand quenchless rays, 

In awful, unresisted blaze, 

Write broad above day's burning gate, 

Emancipate ! Emancipate ! ! 

The day is here ! The hour is high ! 
This, this must be our battle-cry ! 
None else avails, nor ought, nor can, 
While manhood is denied to man ! 
God wills it from eternal years, 
We learn it slow, through stripes and tears ; 
But learn at last, or learn we must, 
"Til deeper agony and dust, 
God's mandate to our guilty State, 
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! ! 

Deep from ten thousand thousand hearts 
The gathering echo swells and starts ! 
Hearts whose best life is wrung and riven ; 
Hearts whose best blood Hke rain is given j 
Hearts wise by all the woes they feel ; 
Hearts true as trebly- tempered steel ; 
They gave their bravest, day by day, 
To worse than Juggernaut a prey ; 
And now they cry, in holy hate, 
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! ! 

Down with the wretch who dares withstand 
This sole salvation of our land ! 
Who dares, what time her cannon roar, 
What time her veins their life-blood pour, 
To shield, through all her mortal strife, 
The Hydra that assaults her life ! 
Contemns the aid Heaven long since chose, 
And foils his country, not her foes ! 
Down with the wretch ! or small or great ! 
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! ! 
Dare to do right because 'tis right ! 
""Dare to be read by God's own sight ! 
Count not false friends, nor treacherous foes ! 
Who smites with God what powers oppose? 
Strike he who dare ! Strike he who can ! 
A blow with heaven ! A blow for man ! 
Strike grandly in this hour sublime 
A blow to ring through endless time t 
Strike ! for the listening ages wait 
Emancipate ! Emancipate ! 1 



G. L. T. 



From the Boston Christian Register. 

OUTWARD CONQUESTS NOT ENOUGH. 

'Tis not enough to overcome with arms, — 

These may the body, not the mind, subdue : 

A mightier foo within the spirit barms 

Than that the armed warrior ever knew. 

Here Ignorance and Error still prolong 

Their ancient rule, and dread the coming light ; 

And joined with them Ambition, Pride and Wrong 

Muster their hosts, and, leagued with" darkness, light. 

These not by carnal weapons are o'erthrown, 

But by the power of light and truth aud love, — 

Weapons the warrior's hands have never known, 

Sent from the armory of God above, — 

Boldness to speak the quick and powerful Word, 

That sharper is than his two-edged sword ! J. V. 



The gloomiest day bath gleams of light, 
The darkest wave hath bright foam near 

And twinkles through the cloudiest night 
Some solitary star to obeer it. 



THE FREED MEN OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

ADDRESS OF MR. J. M. McKIM, 

At Sansom Hall, Philadelphia, on Wednesday evening, 
the $th instant, to an audience invited by the Port Royal 
Relief Committee— Stephen Colwell, Esq., in the Chair. 

Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen : — I 
am here to-night at the request of my friends and co- 
adjutors of the Port Royal Relief Committee, to give 
some account of a recent visit which, at their in- 
stance, I have been paying to the Sea Islands of South 
Carolina. My mission was one of observation and 
inquiry, — its object being to obtain accurate informa- 
tion as to the condition and wants of (he liberated 
blacks, and the progress and promise of the free-labor 
experiment there being made. 

Before proceeding with my account, it may be 
proper for me to make a few preliminary statements, 
for the benefit of such — if such there be here — as may 
not have given this subject their particular attention. 
The successful bombardment by our fleet, under Com- 
modore Dupont, of the two rebel forts at Port Royal, 
put our forces in possession of all, or nearly all, that 
rich and fertile portion of the Palmetto State known 
as the Sea Islands. At the approach of our soldiers, 
the planters fled to the main, carrying with them all 
the property they coutd, including as many of their 
Blaves, especially their house servants, as they could 
induce or compel to accompany them. 

They left behind them, however, nearly 10,000 of 
their plantation slaves, a large proportion of whom 
were aged, infirm and children. They left, also, con- 
siderable stores of corn, and still more considerable 
quantities of cotton. Of the latter, most was un- 
gathered and on the stalk. The negroes showed 
themselves so loyal and friendly, and in all respects so 
well disposed, that our government concluded to em- 
ploy them, at wages, in harvesting the cotton, and 
baling it for market. The wages that were promised, 
though moderate, were nominally — that is, in the in- 
tentions of the government — all-sufficient; but when 
they were disbursed in store goods at exorbitant rates, 
by selfish and sordid agents, they amounted to but a 
meagre pittance. Some of these cotton agents were 
honorable and upright men; others were base and un- 
scrupulous. Nevertheless, the blacks worked indus- 
triously, and were content. As the result of their 
labor, upwards of 1,100,000 pounds of this valuable 
article was shipped to New York, there to be sold for 
the benefit of the national treasury. Its value in dol- 
lars and cents, and that of the labor which made it 
available, may be estimated when I state that a lot, 
some six weeks ago, brought seventy-two cents a 
pound at auction. Since that time, the price has 
greatly advanced. 

Encouraged by the success of this enterprise, the 
government — that is, Mr. Chase, by the advice of 
friends — resolved to try the experiment of planting a 
new crop. The undertaking was entrusted to Edward 
L. Pierce, Esq., at that time a private in the ranks of 
our volunteer army, at Portress Monroe; previously 
a rising young lawyer at the bar of Boston. Mr. 
Pierce waB a personal friend of Secretary Chase, and 
had been at one time his private secretary. He had 
proved his capacity for the work now confided to him 
by the skill and judgment with which, while at Port- 
resB Monroe, he had organized the "contrabands" 
there, and turned to account their industry and labor. 
Constituted Special Agent of the Treasury Depart- 
ment, with certain powers, one of which was to or- 
ganize a corps of assistants, and another to draw on a 
fund placed at his disposal for the purchase of seeds, 
implements, &c, necessary for the execution of his 
task, Mr. Pierce repaired to Boston, and proceeded to 
lay the facts of the case before his friends and the 
public. In a short time, assisted by a Freedmen's 
Association, which had been formed there, he organ- 
ized a body of about fifty men and women to go to 
Port Royal, there to labor as superintendents and 
teachers; the superintendents to oversee the planting 
of crops and the like, and the teachers to instruct the 
children, and, as far as convenient, the adults in the 
rudiments of learning; and both to inculcate upon all 
habits of self-respect and self-support, and the lessons 
of morality and religion. 

While Mr. Pierce was thus at work in Boston, Mr. 
Prench — Rev. Mansfield French — was similarly em- 
ployed in New York. Mr. French had been an old 
friend, also, of Mr. Chase. He was earnestly devoted 
to the cause of freedom, and had taken a lively and 
active interest in the blacks at Port Royal, from the 
time our forces first occupied those islands. With his 
aid, the association at New York selected upwards of 
forty men and women to act as laborers in this work. 
In a few weeks these ladies and gentlemen — for such 
the chief of them were, eminently and in all re- 
spects — were on the ground and at work. 

In the meantime, the attention of the people of 
Philadelphia was called to this subject. The state- 
ments published in the newspapers, and the appeals 
of General Sherman in behalf of the liberated blacks, 
and of Commodore Dupont also, had created a lively 
feeling in regard to the matter. A public meeting 
was called, and National Hall, as you will remember, 
was crowded to repletion. Bishop Potter presided, 
and Dr. Tyng and others addressed the meeting, set- 
ting forth in eloquent terms the pitiable condition of 
the liberated blacks, their destitution, moral and ma- 
terial, and the duty devolving on the people o# the 
North to come to their relief. A permanent com- 
mittee was appointed to raise funds, to procure food 
and clothes for these suffering people, and otherwise 
to carry out the purpose of the meeting. The com- 
mittee organized, and went to work. In a short time, 
they raised between five and six thousand dollars in 
money, and a very considerable quantity of clothes, 
new and second-hand. With part of the money they 
purchased provisions — bacon, fish, and molasses — 
which, with some twenty or thirty boxes of clothes, 
they sent South with as little delay as possible. They 
purchased and forwarded, also, considerable quantities 
of new material for men's and women's wear, and 
thread, needles, thimbles, and the like, with which to 
make it up. At the same time, they sent a lady from 
this city to superintend the distribution of these sup- 
plies. Or, rather, a lady of this city voluntarily, and 
from her own deep interest in the cause, went, and 
there, at Port Royal, assumed the onerous task of 
distributing, by gift and sale, these contributions of 
Philadelphia charity. Soon were received in return 
the most grateful acknowledgments from Mr. Pierce 
and his coadjutors. The supplies had been most 
timely, and had done great good. They had fed the 
hungry, clothed the naked, cheered the hearts of the 
blacks, and strengthened the hands of their white 
friends. 

The Committee, of course, were encouraged. They 
desired to continue and to increase their gifts, but 
they needed more accurate information. None of 
them had ever been at Port Royal, nor had any of 
them any personal knowledge in regard to what wbb 
most needed. The people of New York and Boston 
were better informed. Some from both of these cities 
had been on the ground. It was deemed important 
that one of our number should also go, and in person 
make himself thoroughly acquainted with the position 
of affairs. And because others more competent did 
not feel at liberty to leave their business or their du- 
ties at home, the lot fell upon me. Accompanied by 
my daughter, I left New York in the steamer that 
sailed for Port Royal on the 2d of June, and returned 
in the Ericsson, which arrived at that city on the 28th 
of the same month, having been gone about four 
weeks. I spent between two and three weeks of tins 
time in visiting the chief points of the principal 
islands. I visited and inspected plantations on St, 
Helena's and LadicB' Islands, and on the islands of 
Port Royal and Hilton Head. I also touched at Edisto 
and James Islands, where I had an opportunity of 
making some inquiries. James Island, it will be re- 
membered, was the scene of the lato disastrous en- 
gagement between the rebel troops and our forces 



under Gen. Benham. While gone, in pursuance of 
the purpose of my mission, I talked with people of 
all classes; with white and black, soldiers ahd sailors, 
officers and privates, abolitionists and anti-abolitionists. 
The result of my inquiries it is my business now to 
state. 
As to the experiment of working the negroes by 
iges, and cultivating the land by free labor, I have 

say that the enterprise has, thus far, in all respects, 
been entirely successful. This is a fact beyond the 
reach of cavil, and will not be denied by any honest 
man having information sufficient to justify an opinion. 
It does not rest on the testimony of any one man or 
set of men, but on figures — arithmetical figures and 
statistical tables — which have been submitted to the 
world, and which challenge scrutiny. I allude par- 
ticularly to Mr. Pierce's late report, which it is to be 
presumed most here have read. 

The success of the experiment is seen in the fact 
that 14,000 acres of cotton, corn, and other provisions, 
are now in an advanced and satisfactory state of culti- 
vation, needing little more than a few weeks of ordi- 
nary fair weather to ensure a liberal harvest. If our 
arms should encounter no disastrous reverses, and 
these crops should be favored with the customary al- 
ternations of sunshine and shower, Mr. Pierce will 
have furnished an argument- against slavery which 
merchants on 'Change and business men will find it 
impossible to resist. For, remember, that this experi- 
ment has been made under the most unfavorable cir- 
cumstances. It was not begun until full six weeks 
after the usual time of commencing to prepare for the 
new crop. The work, instead of beginning early in 
February, was not started till the last of March. 
Then the implements were altogether insufficient, 
both in number and character. There was a lack of 
hoes, plows, and horses to draw the plows. Then 
the people were reluctant to work on cotton. They 
were ready enough to go to work in raising corn, the 
value and need of which they understood, but cotton 
had been their old enemy; it had been the cause of 
all their woes. To them it meant slavery. In this 
reluctance they had been encouraged by our soldiers, 
who had advised them not to raise cotton, which they 
could not eat, but only corn, which would feed them, 
and which would be their friend in the coming winter. 
It required much effort to overcome this difficulty. 
Then the superintendents were strangers to the work. 
Few of them had ever seen a cotton plant outside of 
a green-house, and some of them knew nothing prac- 
tically of any kind of agriculture. They were stran- 
gers to the country, to the people, to the usages, to 
the climate, to everything, and all they had to depend 
upon was their own good sense and good will for the 
work, and the good sense and cooperative good will of 
the blacks. These were some of the difficulties that 
embarrassed the enterprise ; and yet, under all these 
discouragements, 14,000 acres of cotton, corn and po- 
tatoes have been put under successful culture. The 
actual work has been done by about 3800 laborers, 
that being the average number of able-bodied field 
hands out of the 10,000. 

The success of this experiment is further seen in 
the contentment and happiness of the people. That 
they are content is seen from their looks. Wherever 
you go, you meet cheerful and happy faces. Their 
words corroborate the language of their looks. " Oh 
yes, massa, dese is good times." "Neber saw sich 
good times afore." "Too good to last, massa; too 
good to last." These are samples of the expressions 
we heard wherever we went. And yet these peoplt 
have been and are still working for very scanty wages. 
Until this time, their pay has been almost wholly in 
promises. But they are content. They have their 
freedom. They have their food and clothes, and, 
what they value more than anything else, they have 
kind and sympathizing friends. There is but one 
alloy to their happiness, that is, their fear of 
sesesh." They cannot divest themselves of a dread 
of their old masters' return. But for this, these black 
people would be, what their former owners falsely 
declared them to be, "the happiest peasantry in the 
world." 

To get a proper idea of these people's present con- 
dition and feelings, it is only necessary to go on a 
Sunday to one of their churches. I availed myself 
of the earliest opportunity after my arrival to enjoy 
this privilege. On the first day of the week there all 
go to church, or rather to Sunday school, which is 
generally held in the church. During the week, chil- 
dren are taught (and to the number, in all the islands 
of about 2500); but on Sunday people of all ages as 
semble, and the superintendents and others act in the 
capacity of teachers. On St. Helena's Island, the 
Baptist church, a large brick building, was the place 
of meeting. When I entered, though not late, the 
house was well filled, and the exercises had begun, 

The teachers were scattered throughout the congre 
gation, and with elementary books and large cards 
containing simple words were busy at work. These 
cards comprised such sentences as, " God is love, 
"Thou shalt not steal," "Fear God — walk in his 
ways," &c, &c. In this manner they instructed the 
minds of these eager and docile people in the ele- 
ments of our language, while at the same time they 
impressed upon their -hearts the lesson of morality 
and religion. It was a pleasing sight. The people 
were decorous in their behavior and tidy in their ap- 
pearance. They were comfortably and even becom 
ingly dressed, many of them wearing the clothes- 
frocks and jackets, &c. — that had been sent to them 
from Philadelphia. 

Here were men and women who at home belonged 
to diverse and often conflicting sects, all enga 
heartily and fraternally in inculcating upon their 
hearers the fundamental doctrines of a common re- 
ligion. There stood, card in hand, with the up- 
turned faces of a large class before him, young Mr. 
Parke, son of Professor Parke, of Andover; next to 
him, similarly occupied, stood Mr. Gannett, son 
Rev. Dr. Gannett, successor to Dr. Channing. Not 
far off" was the Rev. Mr. French, of the Methodist 
church ; further on was Mr. Buggies, a graduate of 
Yale ; and near him Mr. Hooper, an alumnus of 
Harvard — the former a Presbyterian, the latter a Uni- 
tarian. Near by stood the two ladies who have gone 
out under the auspices of the Port Royal Relief Com- 
mittee of Philadelphia, the one an earnest Baptist and 
the other a conscientious and consistent member of 
the 'church under the care of the Rev. Dr. Fum 
Near them stood a young lady who was a member of 
no religious denomination, but who had been tenderly 
and conscientiously reared outside of sectarian pales, 
on the outskirts of liberal Quakerism. Nevertheless, 
her heart was as deeply interested in the work as that 
of any of the rest, and she as well qualified for the 
duty in hand. I thus specify, not to gratify curiosity, 
but to describe practically the character and mode of 
operation of the people engaged in this movement. 

When the school was about to close, it was an- 
nounced that there was a gentleman present from 
Philadelphia, who would make some remarks. " Phil- 
adelphia," it was added, " is the place from which were 
sent that good bacon and that nice molasses." At 
this the people's faces lit up with an expression of 
pleasure and recognition. I was glad of the opportu- 
nity to give utterance to my feelingB. I told the peo- 
ple who I was, and what I had como for; that the 
people of Philadelphia were much interested in their 
condition; that we had heard different reports about 
them ; that some said that the black people of South 
Carolina were industrioiiB and well-disposed; willing 
to work if well treated, and not needing the whip. 
Others, that these blacks were lazy, and good for 
nothing, spoiled by kind treatment, and unmanageable 
without a master. That I had come to see what the 
truth was on this and other subjects, and that I was 
happy to say that I had a good report to carry back; 
one that would delight the hearts of the many friends 
who would be wanting to hear what I should have to 
say. I had been pleased to have their assurances that 
they thanked heartily their distant benefactors; but 
that there might be no mistake on this head, I wiBhed 
them now to tell inc, in their own words, just what to 
say when I should get home. "Shall I repeat what 
I have heard you say, that you thank them, and pray 



God to bless them?" "Yes sa, yes massa," came 
from different parts of the house. " Stand up," said 
one, "and speak out for yourselves." Upon this they 
all rose, and then followed a shower of expression. 
"Tell em, tank em; tell em, tank em, massa. Tell 
em, tank em too much. Tell em, God bless em; tell 
em, God Almighty bless em." "I will," Baid I. 
" The very first opportunity I get I shall deliver your 
message." And now, my friends — you that have con- 
tributed to this holy charity — I have only to add, that 
the blessings of the poor, and of them that have been 
ready to perish, have come upon you. 

As I was leaving the house, I was met at the door 
by a group whose hearts had not been sufficiently re- 
lieved, and who needed further expression. Said one 
woman : " Tell de Philadelphy people we tank em too 
much, massa, too much." This, by the way, is a 
common phrase with these people when they want to 
express themselves strongly. It is a sort of fourth 
degree of comparison, as it were — "much, more, very 
much, and too much." We heard it frequently used 
when they would be speaking of their contentment 
and gratitude. One man in the group took my hand, 
and said: "Tell em, tank em; tell em, God bless 
em;" and, as if straining for a climax, he added, in 
very fair English, " Give 'em my compliments." 

The success of this enterprise is further proved by 
the industry, sobriety and susceptibility to control of 
these people. Every day of the week, except Sun- 
day, they were to be seen busily engaged at work. 
Idlers and loafers there may have been, and doubtless 
were, but they never fell under my observation. Mr. 
Wickliffe said at the anti-emancipation meeting, lately 
held in New York, that at Port Royal he had under- 
stood the negroes would hot work, and that for every 
man was needed a special drive*. If Mr. Wickliffe 
had said that black was white, or that two and two 
did not make four, his assertion would not have been 
more directly contrary to tire' truth. 

These plantations are worked by purely voluntary 
labor; the driver, now called leader, having no power 
to force, and the superintendents having an average 
each of five or six plantations to oversee, which, being 
often miles distant, they can only attend to by occa- 
sional visits. The blacks are very tractable. A threat 
of the law operates like magic. A superintendent 
told me that a driver on one of his plantations was 
unruly. He reasoned with him, but the driver was 
obstinate. At last he said, " If you don't go to work, 
I will speak to the Provost Marshal, and have you 
arrested." The effect was instant. The man was 
both overawed and flattered — flattered because he had 
now risen to the dignity of being subject to law. He 
was not to be handed to the overseer for a hundred 
lashes, but he was to be arrested! The law, potent 
witli all ignorant people, is trebly powerful with these, 
They are especially tractable under the management 
of Northern people. There is a universal feeling of 
admiration for and gratitude to the Northerners, 

Though badly treated by some of our soldiers, 
officers and privates, they are discriminating, and give 
the " Yankees" due credit and more for all that can 
be claimed for ub. They are especially grateful and at- 
tached to the teachers and superintendents. They 
think Northern "gentle people" "purtier and purtier 
behaved " than " secesh gentle people." For they 
see in these Northern gentlemen and ladies not only 
all the external grace of their old masters and mis- 
tresses, but superadded a genial courtesy — an easy 
and sympathetic condescension — which they had not 
dreamed of before in white people. These young 
scholars from Cambridge and Yale, and young mer- 
chants from Boston and New York, come into their 
huts, take off their hats, sit down on their benches, 
listen with interest to their talk, and shed tears at the 
recital of their wrongs. I speak literally. No man 
with flesh in his heart can listen without emotion to 
the stories they tell. These ladies visit their Bick ; 
put their soft white hands into the rough hands of the 
women field laborers ; dress their sores, and otherwii 
minister to their daily wants. Such kindness, such 
tender and beautiful attentions, they had never before 
thought possible ; as a consequence, the teachers and 
superintendents thus acting can do with these simple 
people just what they please. 

The contrast drawn by the blacks between North- 
ern and Southern manners is not an unjust one. Slave- 
holders are, as a class, essentially vulgar and ill-bred. 
They may be familiar with the forms of politeness, 
but they are without its spirit. "Vulgarians may pass 
for a time, with their equals or superiors, for ladies and 
gentlemen, &at when they get among those whom 
they regard as below them, they are sure to betray 
themselves. "Be pitiful, be courteous, condescend 
to men of low estate," are maxims of Christianity, the 
justice of which is acknowledged by the highest civil- 
ization. A man's behavior to his inferiors is the best 
test of his breeding. Tried by this, slaveholders, as 
a class, are essentially vulgar. 

I have many facts in my note-book on this head, 
which, if there were time, would illustrate this point. 
I have scraps of the private history of leading ladies 
and gentlemen in Beaufort and round about, with 
names and circumstances, which show that the airs 
of superiority assumed by these people are utterly un- 
supported by character, *iid indicate that their pre- 
tensions from beginning to end are a lie and a sham. 

That the present condition of there people is in fa- 
vorable contrast with that under their masters is evi- 
dent from their songs, which constitute a striking fea- 
ture in their manifestations of character. They are a 
musical people. When they work in concert, as in 
rowing or grinding at the mill, their hands keep time 
to music. Their boat songs are the ones most fre- 
quently heard. The islands are made and permeated 
by rivers and 'creeks, and the boat furnishes the most 
common mode of locomotion. 

When the negroes begin to row, they at the same 
time begin to sing. All their songs are in the minor 
key. If one chances to begin on the major, it quick- 
ly saddens, and passes into the minor. Their songs 
are all religious, barcaroles and all. I speak without 
exception. So far as I heard or was told of their 
singing, it was all religious. None of their songs ex- 
press mirth or present joy. The only joy expressed 
or implied is that of hope. " Rest at last " was their 
general burthen. " Heaven is my home ; " " Have a 
little patience;" "God will deliver" — these and the 
like were the refrains of all their ballads. 

There was one which on shore we heard more than 
any other, and which was irresistibly touching. It 
was a sort of ballad, known as " Poor Rosy, Poor 
Gal." It is almost impossible to give an idea of the 
effect of this or any of their songs by a mere recital 
or description. They are all exceedingly simple, both 
in sentiment and music. Each stanza contains but a 
single thought, set in perhaps two or three bars of mu- 
sic; and yet as they sing it, in alternate recitative 
and chorus, with varying inflections and dramatic ef- 
fect, this simple aud otherwise monotonous melody 
will, to a musical ear and a heart susceptible of im- 
pression, have all the charm of variety. Take, for 
instance, a few stanzas from the dirge of " Poor Rosy." 
Fancy the first line sung in the major key, and the 
two following changed by an easy transition, and with 
varying inflections, into the minor, and you will have 
some idea of the effect : — 

Poor Rosy, poor gal ! 
Poor — Rosy — poor — gal ! 
P-o-o-r R-o-s-y, p-o-o-r g-a-1 I 

Heaven shall bo my home. 

Hard trial on my way ! 
Hard — trial — on — my — way ! 
II-a-r-d t-r-i-a-1 o-n m-y w-a-y ! 

Hoaven shall bo my homo. 

Wonder what de peoplo want of me t 
Wonder — what — de people — want — of me? 
W-o-n-d-o-r w-h-a-t d-o p-e-o-p-l-e w-a-n-t o-f- me ? 
Heavon shall be my home. 

When I talk, I talk with God I 
When— I— talk— I— talk— with— God ! 
W-h-c-n I t-a-I-k, I t-a-l-k w-i-t-h G-o-d ! 
Heaven shall bo my home. 

I asked one of these blacks — one of the most intel- 
ligent I had met — where they got these songs. " Dey 
make em, sar." "How do they make them?" Af- 
ter a pause, evidently casting about for an explana- 
tion, he said, " I'll tell you ; it's dis way : My master 



call me up, and order me a short peck of corn and a 
hundred lash. My friends see it, and is sorry for me. 
When dry come to de praise meeting dat night, dey 
sing about it. Some's very good singers, and know 
how ; and dey work it in, work it in, you know, till 
dey get it right; and dat's de way." A very satisfac- 
tory explanation. 

I said these songs were all in the minor key. This 
was a mistake. They have one that has a cheerful, 

id, bb it sounded when I first heard it, a hilarious 
ring. It is a new one, made, as they said, "since 
Becesh times." It runs thus: — 

No more driver call for me, 

No more driver call ; 
No more driver call for me — 

Many a thousand die. 

No more peck of corn for me, 

No more peck of corn ; 
No more peek of corn for me — 

Many a thousand die. 

No more hundred lash for me, 

No more hundred lash ; 
No more hundred Jasb for me — 

Many a thousand die. 

And so on, recounting all the incidents of slave life. 

When I first heard this song, I was going up from 
Hilton Head to Beaufort in a boat rowed by a half- 
dozen men detailed from the first regiment of South 
Carolina volunteers. They were in fine voice and 
spirits, and the echoes came back from the inletB of 
Ladies and St. Helena with fine effect. As we passed 
along, we encountered a boat-load of black people row- 
ing in the opposite direction. They were acquaint- 
ances of our oarsmen, and after the first salutation, 
asked what those clothes meant. Our crew were 
dressed in the blue blouse and pants and felt hat which 
constitute the uniform of the regiment. They ex- 
plained — one of them adding, in a tone of laughing 
triumph, " We'se Uncle Sam's chil'n now, we'se Un- 
cle Sam's chil'n ; we're none of yourfiel' han's." The 
others looked envious, and passed on. The fact that 
these people are thought worthy to be enlisted as sol- 
diers adds to their self-respect. 

I dwell on these songs, not as a matter of entertain- 
ment, but of instruction. They tell the whole Btory 
of these people's life and character. There is no 
need, after hearing them, to inquire into the history of 
the slave's treatment. Recitals of this kind one will 
hear enough of, whether he desires it or not ; for these 
people, having now, for the first time in their lives, 
sympathetic listeners, pour out their hearts in narra- 
tions which nothing but flint can resist. 

I ought to add, before leaving this subject, that their 
songs, like their talk, are couched in a barbarous, Af- 
ricanized sort of English, and are sometimes quite un- 
intelligible. In the specimens I have here given, I 
have not followed their pronunciation. 

The success of a judicious system of free labor at 
the South is insured by the large development on the 
part of the blacks of the religious sentiment. As per- 
sons deprived of one sense acquire greatersusceptibil- 
ity in those that remain, so it would seem that these 
people, degraded in body, stunted in intellect, scarred 
and twisted out of shape ia their muscular and mental 
forms of existence, have acquired additional strength 
in their spiritual life. Religion is universal among 
them. To be sure, in most cases it is a mere senti- 
ment or habit, and not sufficient to preserve them 
against temptation ; but in many cases it is a living 
and active operative principle. Their convictions are 
strong and their experiences vivid. They speak of 
" seeing God " and " hearing God " with a simplicity 
of faith which sounds fanatical, but which to the phi- 
losophic mind is quite consistent with reason. Their 
spiritual conceptions are like sight or sound ; and thus 
it is that they are supported in their trials. God is a 
present refuge to them in every time of trouble. 
"Francis," said I to an old gray-haired man who was 
conning over his spelling-book, "why do you take the 
trouble to learn to read 1 You say it is hard work, and 
very discouraging; why do you try ? " "Because, 
massa, I want to be satisfied ; I want to read de Word 
of God." "But can't you know the word of God 
without reading it in a book ? " " Yes, massa, I do 
know it, I know it here.'" striking himself On the 
breast; "but I want to read it for myself." I had 
asked the same question of an elderly woman, on the 
Sunday previous, at Sunday school. She was one of 
those spiritual-faced ones whom you will sometimes 
find among the most illiterate. Her countenance told 
a story of suffering and of triumph. " Tamar," said I, 
" why, at your age, do you take so much trouble to 
learn to read?" "Because I want to read de Word 
of de Lord." " But can't you know the word of the 
Lord without reading it ? " " Yes, massa, I car hear it, 
but I want to read it." "How can you hear it?" 
" I hear de voice here," laying her hand on her 
breast. " I have hearn it, massa." " When, Tamar, 
did you ever hear it?" Turning upon me her full 
and deep eyes, she said : "One morning, sa; one 
morning I went out to de woods before daylight to 
pray. My heart was full of sorrow : and when I was 
praying, de Lord spoke to me." "And what did he 
say, Tamar? " He said, " Tamar ! all you'se sins is 
forgiven ; you're my chile." " Well," said I, waiting 
for her to go on. " Den I was filled with lub and joy ; 
my heart was full of lub for everybody." "Not for 
your old master too, Tamar?" "Yes, sir, for my 
master and eberybody." Now, who will say that 
this old woman had not heard the voice of God? And 
whose religious faith will bear a stronger test than 
hers ? 

Religion has afforded these people their only re- 
source ; they have no amusements, no diversions, no 
social visiting. Their children have no plays — no 
games whatever. The " praise-house" (prayers- 
house, as the hut in which they hold their meetings is 
called) is their only* recreation. Here, as one of their 
songs goes, they 



Tin 



and pray 
r souls away 



in sweet forgetfulness of their wrongs, 

The night after the bacon arrived from Philadel- 
phia, the people on Pope's plantation gathered in the 
"praise-house," and sung and prayed till broad day- 
light. In the camp of the black regiment there is, 
I was told, a prayer-meeting in one or the other of 
the tents every night. I may add, in passing, that 
there is no better behaved set of men on Hilton 
Head than this same "First Regiment of South 
Carolina Volunteers." Their appearance, in their 
dark blue uniform and felt hat, is picturesque. They 
handle the musket with as much dexterity as other 
new recruits, and their proficiency in marching is 
more rapid. Their camp is kept neat and tidy, and 
they compare well in all respects with others of more 
favored complexion. As for their military capacity 
and the wisdom of General Hunter in enrolling them 
as soldiers, I say nothing here ; not for want of well- 
settled convictions on these points, but because these 
points arc not embraced in the range of inquiry, the 
results of which it is my business here to report. 

But I must hasten on. I should be glad to speak 
here of the relation which this movement sustains to 
military people and affairs in South Carolina,and of the 
deep interest in its success which has been taken by 
distinguished officers of the army and navy. I refer 
more particularly to General Hunter and Commodore 
Dupont. Both of these gentlemen — and they are in 
all respects gentlemen — more than can be said of many 
others high in military and naval command — have 
shown themselves philanthropists, as well as patriots, 

ith a just sense of the honor of the country, by the 
care they have taken, to protect and provide for the 
unhappy people who have been thrown upon the na- 
tion's charity. 

The Port Royal Relief Committee, more deeply im- 
pressed than ever with the importance of their work, 
desire now to prosecute it with increased efficiency. 
They will be calling for funds and clothes, and super- 
intendents for the plantations, and teachers. There 
will be no need hereafter to send provisions; the Gov- 
ernment will see to that. But clothes for the aged, 
for the infirm, and for children, will have to come for 
a while yet from the charities of the people. 

The able-bodied can support themselves, hut they 
must be protected from imposition. It is contem- 



plated by the Committee to establish a store on one 
of the islands, at which goods can be bought at rates 
covering first cost and transportation. This is deemed 
necessary to save these poor people from the exac- 
tions to which they are subject from the traders and 
utlers, who rob them of their money, and then slan- 
der their character. 

Thirty new superintendents are needed at this mo- 
ment on plantations. Of these Boston will furninh 
ten, New York ten, and Philadelphia ought to send 
the other ten. General Saxton, on the part of the 
government, will pay these superintendents fifty dol- 
lars a month. Teachers are also wanted. These will 
derive their support from the Relief Committee ; their 
pay will not be such as to make the appointment an 
object, as it will not exceed twenty-five dollars a 
month. 

The qualifications needed by both superintendents 
and teachers are good health, good sense, and a hearty 
good will for the work. Of the ninety odd who went 
out last spring, quite a number proved incompetent. 
They had not gone from the right motive, nor were 
they of the right spirit. Some went hoping the cli- 
mate would be good for their health, or from a spirit 
of romance, or to see a semi-tropical country with its 
peculiar productions, or in a spirit of sectarian re- 
ligious zeal, or from some other motive not essentially 
unselfish, and in harmony with an all-pervading de- 
sire to be useful. Such people soon get tired ; or 
their coadjutors get tired of them. There was a great 
deal of work to be done; and to them the life was 
one of dull and monotonous drudgery. They have 
consequently come home. Those that remain have a 
heart for the work. It is their delight. The good 
they do is palpable, and they have the reward in their 
own bosoms. More of such are needed, especially as 
superintendents. For this field it is not the pushing, 
driving, and rough-and-tumble kind of people, that 
are sometimes called " practical," that are most 
needed. The forces of chief avail here are spiritual 
forces, such as proceed from a heart devoted to the 
work, and from manners and character that inspire 
respect. The best educated and best bred people, 
other things being equal, are the best qualified for 
usefulness in this enterprise. The blacks have quick 
intuitions in these matters ; and a man of coarse na- 
ture is sure to be detected. Experience at Port Royal 
has proved that refinement in a superintendent is all- 
important, both in order to commend the man to the 
confidence of the blacks, and the enterprise to the re- 
spect of white cavillers around, who are ever on the 
look-out for grounds of objections. But I will add 
nothing more on this point — broad as is the subject — 
nor on any other, at this time. The night is hot, and 
I have trespassed already too long on your forbear- 
ance. Thanking you for your patience, I here ab- 
ruptly close my remarks. 

[Mr. McKim spoke for an hour and three-quarters. 
He was listened to with the closest attention, aDd was 
frequently interrupted by applause. His allusions to 
the black regiment, and to the handsome behavior of 
General Hunter and Commodore Dupont toward the 
free labor experiment, elicited especial marks of ap- 
probation.] 



"We know not where else so much autbkn- 
tic intelligence of the rebellion can be ob- 
TAINED." 

" No OTHER WORK POSSESSES THE VALDE AS A 
WORK OP REFERENCE," 

" IT IS RELIABLE, COMPLETE, AND DESIRABLE." 



Rebellion Record, 

Edited by FRANK MOORE, 
Is the only publication which gives the HISTORY OP 
THE GREAT STRUGGLE FOR FREE GOV- 
ERNMENT NOW GOING ON. 

IT IS 

Full, Impartial and Reliable. 

A RECORD WHICH THE COURTS, THE DEPART- 
MENTS AND THE PRESS quote as the 

HIST0BY 0E THE TIMES. 

It appeals to the intelligence of every citizen. By re- 
ference to it, every person can be fairly and truthfully 
posted up in relation to this 

GREAT REBELLION. 

IT CONTAINS, — I., 

The Causes of the Great Struggle and the Great Issues 
before the Country, 
BT EDWARD EVERETT. 
II. 

A DIARY OF VERIFIED EVENTS : 

Commencing with the meeting of the South Carolina Con- 
vention, Deo. 17th, 1860— giving, in the form of a Dia- 
ry, a concise, succinct, and truthful history of every 
event as it occurs. 

ni. 
Documents, Speeches, Extended Narratives, etc., 

CONSISTING of all the 

OFFICIAL REPORTS OF BATTLES, SKIRMISHES, 

&c, MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS 

OF THE PB.ESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 

SPECIAL ORDERS, &c. &c. 

GRAPHIC ACCOUNTS of the Movements of Troops, 
IMPORTANT SPEECHES AND LETTERS, from leading 

Men, North and South. 
PICTURESQUE NARRATIVES, (from eye-witnesses) 
of the GREAT BATTLES, SECESSION ORDI- 
NANCES, MESSAGES, PROCLA- 
MATIONS, &o. 
IV. 

Rumors, Incidents, Patriotic Songs and Ballads. 

Illustrated with correct Portraits, engraved on steel, of the 



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ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LA1V 
No. 6, Themont Strkkt, : : BOSTON. 

June 1, 18fi2. 



THE LIBERATOR 

— 18 PUBLISHED — 

EVERY FRIDAY MORNING, 

AT 

221 WASHINGTON STBEET, BOOM No. 8. 



ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 



fl3T TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum, 
iu advance. 

E3?" Five copies will bo sont to one address for tex dol- 
lars, if payment is made in advance. 

§3?~ All remittances are to be made, and all letters 
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(S3?* The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
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(japer, viz : — Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincv, Ed- 
atckd Jackson, and "William L. Garrison, Jr, 




Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all 
the inhabitants thereof" 

" I lay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil- 
itary authority takes, for the time, the place ©f all munic- 
ipal institutiona, and SLAVERY AMONG TILE REST;' 
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being 
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive. 
management of the subject, not only the President or 
the Ukited States, but the Commander of the Aruy, 
HAS POWER TO ORDER TJIE UNIVERSAL EMAN- 
CIPATION OF THE SLAVES, f . . . From the instant 
that the slaveholding States become the theatre of a war, 
ctvil, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers 
of Congress oxtond to interference with the institution of 
slavery, is every way in which it can be interfered 
■with, from a claim of indemnity for slaves taken or de- 
stroyed, to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to 
a foreign power. ... It is a war power. I say it is a war 
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether 
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress 
j has power to carry on the war, and must carry it on, ac- 
| cording to the laws of war ; and by the laws of war, 
j an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu- 
i tiona swept by the board, and martial power takes the 
place of them. When two hostile armies are set in martial 
; array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman- 
I cipate all the slaves in the invaded territory ."-J, Q. Adajo, 



TO. LLOYD GARRISON, Editor. 



#w toninj is tUt wemM, m Oflmttttrymen mt all tjftraftind. 



J. E. YERRINTON & SON, Printers. 



VOL. XXXII. 3STO. 31. 



BOSTON, FRIDAY, AUGUST 1, 1862. 



WHOLE NO. 1643. 



iefnp tal (foyimmm. 



A SERIOUS SUBJECT. 

"We are told by a gentleman who heard him, that 
Parker Pillsbury, the embittered Abolitionist, deliv- 
ered a Sunday harangue to a crowded audience in 
Milford, Worcester Co., Mass., last Sunday. He 
painted in vivid colors the horrors of the war, and 
told them not to enlist; urged them to discourage re 
cruiting — until such time as the Administration de- 
clared for an abolition war. This is the ground taken 
by Gov. Andrew, in his letter to the Secretary of 
War, in which he stated the terms on which Massachu- 
setts would consent to furnish volunteers. Pillsbury 
abused the President, and ridiculed the policy of the 
war; depicted the agonies endured by the wounded 
soldiers — the shrieking shot and shell, the mangled 
bodies, the returning soldier with stooping form, sal- 
low cheek, and bending crutch. He said it would he 
folly for our young men to go down there and be made 
targets for the rifles of Jefferson Davis, until there was 
a proclamation of abolition, and then lie recommended 
fight." — Hartford Times. 

We have recently had occasion to lay before our 
readers the proceedings of the Essex County Abo- 
lition Society, the resolutions of which were so 
thoroughly disloyal that they shocked all who read 
them. They were offered by the same person 
named in the above paragraph. We recall, in this 
m connection, the recent letter of Senator Sumner in 
reply to an invitation which was sent to him to at- 
tend the New York Union meeting. We extract a 
sentence, which demands Mr. Pillsbury's profound 
attention : — 

"To this end the cries of faction must be silenced, 
and the wickedness of sedition, whether in print or public 
speech, must be suppressed. These are the Northern allies 
of the rebellion. An aroused and indignant people, 
with iron heel, ought to tread them out forever, as 
men tread out the serpent so that it can neither hiss 
nor sting." 

Does Mr. Sumner wish it to be believed that he 
is really in favor of suppressing those seditious 
men, his friends and admirers, who are to-day pre- 
venting the enlistment of the young men, sons of 
Abolitionists, who make up Essex County societies, 
and attend of a Sunday on the preaching of Mr. 
Wendell Phillips in Boston? If he does, we shall 
hear him open his lips in Boston to denounce these 
men. He will boldly risk his reelection to the Sen- 
ate by using bis influence to silence the sedition he 
professes to abhor. Perhaps we have mistaken him, 
and he did not have these men in mind when he 
wrote the sentence. But they are the only men who 
oppose enlistments, and distinctly avow enmity to the 

Gsmern^nent, excepting the Southern rebels. We 

suggest the subject in all seriousness to Mr. Sumner, 
as one demanding his attention as a patriot. He 
can do instant and vast good. He has great influ- 
ence with all that class of men. He knows, as we 
all know, that they utterly refuse to enlist, or to 
send their ^ons to the war, and that this is due, at 
least in part, to the teachings of their leaders ; we 
cannot think it is entirely due to personal disincli- 
nation to fight the battles of the Union. But if 
Mr. Sumner desires to do a noble service to the 
Government, let him now persuade the Abolitionist 
leaders in Boston to enlist personally, and bring in 
their men with them. If they are loyal, they will 
do it; and as they boast of loyalty, and freely call 
all who do not agree with them traitors, we submit 
that the opportunity is good for testing their alle- 
giance. 

We say frankly, that we don't believe they are 
loyal. If this man Pillsbury is a fair specimen, and 
he is certainly high in their church, they are as disloy- 
al as the men that fought against us at Richmond. 
The present state of the enlistments makes tins 
matter a much more serious business than Mr. Pills- 
bury seems to imagine it. The danger is imminent ; 
the necessity of the Government presses as never 
before. In ordinary times, he and his like are of too 
small account to be noted, and arrest and imprison- 
ment would only give them coveted martyrdom. 
But now, when discouragements of the smallest kind. 
drive us toward the necessity for drafting, and a 
single obstacle may make expensive and difficult 
measures necessary, it is wicked, even to criminali- 
ty, for any man to pursue this course in a loyal 
State. And inasmuch as imprisonment is considered 
martyrdom by such fanatics and their followers, it 
is worth consideration whether a law cannot be 
passed condemning these men, who are preaching 
enmity to the Government in Worcester and in 
Boston, to be passed through our lines before Rich- 
mond, and into the lines of the rebels, where they 
belong, as enemies to the Union. Governor John- 
son found some such law for disposing of disunion 
men in Nashville, and the Government did some- 
thing of the sort at Washington. We don't know 
what or where the law is, but if it can be found, it 
would fit the case