The library of American biography

CONDUCTED BY

BOSIPOIf.

17. JiiKKELIK ^HD JAMJS
MDCCCiTVlI.

THE

LIBRARY

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CONDUCTED
By JARED SPARKS.

VOL.

0' THR

T2LEL&SITY

BOSTON:
CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN.

NEW ORLEANS :
ALSTON MYGATT.

1848.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1847, by

CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

CONTENTS.

Page.
Preface 3

CHAPTER I.

Birth and Parentage. — Early Education. —
Enters Dartmouth College. — His Fondness
for Theatrical Exhibitions while at College. —
Travels among the Indians of the Six Na
tions. — His Return to College. — Constructs
a Canoe, and descends the Connecticut River
in it alone to Hartford. — Dangers of the
Passage. — His Enterprise compared to that
of Mungo Park on the Niger 7

CHAPTER II.

Commences the Study of Theology. — Visits sev
eral Clergymen on Long Island. — Returns
to Connecticut. — Abandons his Purpose of
studying Divinity. — Sails from New London
on a Voyage to Gibraltar. — Enlists there as
a Soldier into the regular Service. — Released.

VI CONTENTS.

— Returns Home by Way of the Barbary
Coast and the West Indies. — Sails from
New York to England. — Enlists 'in the na
val Service. — Embarks with Captain Cook

on his last Voyage round the World. ... 30

CHAPTER III.

Sails for the Cape of Good Hope, and thence
to New Holland and New Zealand. — Man
ners and Peculiarities of the People. — Omai,
the Otaheitan. — Departs from New Zealand,
and visits newly discovered Islands. — Arri
val at the Friendly Islands. — People of Ton-
gataboo. — Ledyard passes a Night with the
King. — Character and Habits of the Natives.

— Their Propensity to Thieving. — Depart
ure from Tongataboo 51

CHAPTER IV.

Society Islands. — Otaheite. — Language, Cus
toms, Religion, Laws, and Government of the
Natives. — Sandwich Islands discovered. —
Nootka Sound. — Cannibalism. — Origin and
Practice of Sacrifices. — Bering's Strait. —
Cook sends Ledyard with two Indians in
Search of a Russian Establishment. — Re
turns to the Ships, and reports to Captain
Cook. — Sails to the Sandwich Islands. . . 83

CONTENTS. 711

CHAPTER V.

Cook arrives again at the Sandwich Islands. —
The Natives show .Symptoms of Uneasiness. —
Cook departs, but is compelled by a Storm to
return. — Natives receive him coldly. — Is at
tacked and killed. — Ledyard' s Description of
the Event. — Expedition sails for Kamtschat-
ka, and returns to England. — Ledyard's
Opinions respecting the Jirst Peopling of the
South Sea Islands 120

CHAPTER VI.

Ledyard returns to America. — Interview with
his Mother. — Writes his Journal of Cook's
Voyage. — Visits New York, Philadelphia,
and Boston. — Plans a Voyage to the North
west Coast. — Failure of the Enterprise. —
Was the Jirst to propose such a Voyage. —
Sails for Cadiz ; thence to L' Orient. — Goes
to Paris 166

CHAPTER VII.

Sleets with Mr. Jefferson at Paris. — Project
of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast with
Paul Jones. — Jefferson and Lafayette. —
Ledyard proposes a Journey through Russia
and Siberia to Bering's Strait. — Observations
in Paris. — Proceeds to London. — Sir Joseph,

Vili CONTENTS.

Banks and other Gentlemen contribute Funds

to aid him in his Travels 201

CHAPTER VIII.

Ledyard proceeds to Hamburg ; thence to Copen
hagen and Stockholm. — Journey round the
Gulf of Bothnia. — Arrives at Petersburg. —
Procures a Passport from the Empress. —
Sets out for Siberia. — Crosses the Uralian
Mountains. — Descriptions of the Country and
the Inhabitants. — Arrives at Irkutsk. . . 233

CHAPTER IX.

Residence at Irkutsk. — Account of the Tar
tars. — Fur Trade on the American Coast. —
Lake Baikal. — Leaves Irkutsk for the Rivet
Lena. — Scenery around the Baikal. — Esti
mate of the Number of Rivers in Siberia. —
Proceeds down the, Lena in a Bateau. — Hos
pitality of the Inhabitants. — Ends his Voy
age at Yakutsk 271

CHAPTER X.

Interview with the Commandant of Yakutsk. —
Detained under false Pretences. — The Ya-
kuti Tartars. — Influence of Religion upon
them. — Peculiarities of Features in the Tar
tar Countenance. — Difficulty of taking Vo
cabularies of unknown Languages. — Classi-

CONTENTS.. IX

faation of the Tartars and North American
Indians. — Causes of the Difference of Color
in the Human Race. — Tartars and Amer
ican Indians the same People 295

CHAPTER XL

Climate in Siberia. — Particulars concerning
that Country. — Ledyard's celebrated Eulogy
on Women. — Captain Billings meets him at
Yakutsk. — Bering 's Discovery. — Russian
Voyages. — Russian Fur Trade. — Billings' s
Expedition. — His Instructions 332

CHAPTER XII.

Lcdyard returns to Irkutsk. — Is seized by Or
der of the Empress, and hurried off in the
Charge of two Guards. — Returns through
Siberia to Kazan. — Further Observations on
the Tartars. — Passes Moscow, and arrives
in Poland. — Proceeds to Konigsberg, and
thence to London. — Inquiry into the Motives
of the Empress. — Her Declaration to Count
Segur. — Lafayette's Remark on her Conduct. 353

CHAPTER XIII.

Interview with Sir Joseph Banks in London. —
Engages to travel in Africa under the Aus
pices of the African Association. — Remark
able Instance of Decision of Character. —

CONTENTS.

Letter to his Mother. — Visits Mr. Jefferson
and Lafayette in Paris. — Sails from Mar
seilles to Alexandria in Egypt. — Arrives in
Cairo. . 372

CHAPTER XIV.

Interview with the Aga. — Observations on the
Customs of the Arabs. — Information respect
ing the Interior of Africa. — Visit to the
Caravans and Slave Markets. — Reflections
on his Condition and Prospects. — His last
Letter to Mr. Jefferson. — Joins a Caravan,
and prepares to depart for Sennaar. — Taken
suddenly ill. — His Death. — His Person
and Character. . 396

LIFE

JOHN LEDYARD

VOL. XIV. 1

PREFACE

TO THE FIRST EDITION

NOT long after the death of JOHN LEDYARD,
the traveller, some progress was made in col
lecting materials for an account of his life by
his relative, Dr. Isaac Ledyard, of New York.
The biographer's task was never begun, how
ever, and the project was abandoned ; but the
papers procured for the purpose have been pre
served by the family of Dr. Ledyard, and have
furnished the facts for much the larger portion
of the present narrative. Researches have also
been made in other quarters, and important
original letters obtained. Particular acknowl
edgment is due • to Mr. Henry Seymour, of
Hartford, Connecticut, for the aid he has ren
dered in this respect. All the papers that have
been used are entitled to the credit of unques
tionable authenticity.

Wherever it could be done, without deviat
ing too much from a regular and proportionate
train of events, the traveller has been allowed
to speak for himself. His manner of thinking,

PREFACE.

as well as of acting, was so peculiar, that a
true picture of his mind and genius, his mo
tives and feelings, could not be exhibited in
any other way with so much distinctness, as
through the medium of his own language.
Free and full selections from his manuscript
Letters and Journals are interspersed. His in
cessant activity, want of leisure, and few op
portunities of practising composition as an art,
afford an apology for the imperfections of his
style, which the candid reader will regard in
the favorable light it deserves. His diction is
never polished, and his words are not always
well chosen ; but his ideas are often original,
copious, well combined, and forcibly expressed.
In executing this work, the only aim has
been to bring together a series of facts, which
should do justice to the fame and character
of a man, who possessed qualities and per
formed deeds, that rendered him remarkable,
and are worthy of being remembered. If the
author has been successful in this attempt, he
is rewarded for the labor it has cost him.

OCTOBER, 1827.

SOON after the first publication of this Me
moir, it was ascertained that a portrait of Led-

PREFACE. 5

yard existed in Stockholm, painted by Breda,
an artist of celebrity, who had known Led-
yard in London. The picture was seen at
Stockholm, by an American traveller, in pos
session of the artist, who was then far ad
vanced in life. It is doubtless the same that
is mentioned by Ledyard as his '"Swedish
portrait," and which he pronounces to be "not
only a perfect likeness, but a good painting."
An effort was immediately made to procure
this picture, or a copy ; but, on inquiry, it was
found that the artist had died, his pictures had
been sold and dispersed, and no one could tell
into whose hands this portrait had fallen. It
is therefore probably lost to the world, as few
persons now living could identify it.

JOHN LEDYARD.

CHAPTER I.

Birth and Parentage. — Early Education. — En
ters Dartmouth College. — His Fondness for
Theatrical Exhibitions while at College. —
Travels among the Indians of the Six Na
tions. — His Return to College. — Constructs
a Canoe, and descends the Connecticut River
in it alone to Hartford. — Dangers of the
Passage. — His Enterprise compared to that
of Mungo Park on the Niger.

JOHN LEDYARD, the celebrated traveller, was
born in the year 1751, at Groton, in Connecti
cut, a small village on the bank of the River
Thames, opposite to New London. The place
of his birth is but a few hundred yards from
Port Griswold, so well known in the history
of the American revolution.

His grandfather, named also John Ledyard,
came in early life to America, and settled at

8 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Southold, Long Island, as a small trader in
dry goods. He was a native of Bristol, Eng
land, and had been bred a merchant in Lon
don. Being prosperous in business at South-
old, he was soon married to a lady of amiable
qualities and good fortune, the daughter of
Judge Young, a gentleman of character and
influence in that place. From Southold he
removed to Groton, where he purchased an
estate, and resided many years. He had ten
children, and after the death of his wife he
removed to Hartford, in Connecticut, and there
spent the remainder of his life. For his sec
ond wife he married Mrs. Ellery, a respectable
widow lady of Boston.

To his eldest son, who had the same name
as himself, he gave the estate at Groton. He
was a sea captain, engaged in the West India
trade, a man of sound understanding, vigorous
constitution, and industrious habits. But he
died at the age of thirty-five, leaving a widow
and four children, three sons and one daughter,
of whom the subject of this memoir was the
eldest. Colonel William Ledyard, the brave
commander in the memorable action of Fort
Griswold, who was barbarously slain after the
capitulation, was the second son.

It thus appears that John Ledyard, the trav
eller, was the third of that name in lineal de-

JOHNLEDYARD, 9

scent. His mother, who was the daughter of
Robert Hempsted, of Southold, has been de
scribed as a lady of many excellences of mind
and character, beautiful in person, well in
formed, resolute, generous, amiable, kind, and,
above all, eminent for piety and the religious
virtues. Such a mother is the best gift of
Heaven to a family of helpless young children.
In the present instance, all her courage and
all her strength of character were necessary,
to carry her through the duties and trials
which devolved upon her. The small estate,
which had belonged to her husband in Groton,
was, by some strange neglect of her friends,
or criminal fraud never yet explained, taken
from her soon after his death. During a visit
to Long Island, the deed, which she had left
with a confidential person, disappeared. As
this deed was the only evidence of her title
to the property, and her claim could not be
substantiated without it, the whole reverted to
its former owner, her husband's father, who
was still living. The particulars of this trans
action are not now known, nor is it necessary
to inquire into them. It is enough to state
the fact that such an 'event occurred, and that
the widowed mother with four infant children
was thus thrown destitute upon the world. In
this condition she and her children repaired

10 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

to the house of her father in Southold, where
they found protection and support. The es
tate at Groton afterwards fell into the hands
of Colonel William Ledyard.

It may be supposed that misfortune did not
weaken her parental solicitude, nor make her
neglectful of her high trust. The education
of her children was the absorbing object of
her thoughts and exertions. Her eldest son
was now of an age to receive impressions, that
would become deeply wrought into his mind,
and give a decided bias to his future charac
ter. In the marked features of his eventful
life, eccentric and extraordinary as it was, full
of temptations, crosses, and sufferings, may often
be traced lineaments of virtues, and good im
pulses, justly referred to such a source, to the
early cares and counsels of a judicious, sensi
ble, and pious mother. Nor were these coun
sels scattered in a vacant mind, nor these cares
wasted on a cold heart ; in his severest disap
pointments and privations, in whatever clime
or among whatever people, whether contending
with the fierce snows of Siberia or the burn
ing sands of Africa, the image of his mother
always came with a beam of joy to his soul,
and was cherished there with delight. Such
of his letters to her as have been preserved
are written with a tenderness of filial affec-

JOHN LEDYARD. 11

tion, that could flow only from an acute sen
sibility and a good heart.

A few years after leaving Groton, and set
tling at Southold, Mrs. Ledyard was married
to a second husband, Dr. Moore, of the latter
place. At this time her son John was taken
into the family of his grandfather at Hartford,
who, from that period, seems to have consid
ered him as wholly under his charge. Tra
dition tells of peculiarities in his manners and
habits at this early age, of acts indicating the
bent of his genius, and the romantic disposi
tion that gave celebrity to his after life. But
no record of his schoolboy adventures has
come down to us, and we are left to conjec
ture in what manner the wild spirits of a
youth like his would exhibit themselves. He
attended the grammar school in Hartford, it is
to be presumed, with commendable proficiency,
since he was at first designed for the profes
sion of the law. Several months were passed
by him as a student in the office of Mr.
Thomas Seymour, a respectable lawyer of that
place, who had married his aunt.

Meantime his grandfather died, and Mr. Sey
mour became his guardian, and took him to
his own house. Whether Ledyard turned his
thoughts to the law by his voluntary choice,
or by the advice and wishes of his friends,

12 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

who desired to quiet his temper, by fixing
him in some settled pursuit, is. not related ;
most probably the latter, for it was soon man
ifest, that neither the profound wisdom, the
abstruse learning, nor the golden promises of
the law, had any charms for him. It was de
cided without reluctance on his part, therefore,
that he should leave the path, which he had
found so intricate, and in which he had made
so little progress, and enter upon one more
congenial to his inclination, and presenting ob
jects more attractive to his taste and fancy.

Here was a difficult point to be determined.
The pursuit, which would accord best with
the propensities, temperament, and wishes of
John Ledyard, and best promote his future
usefulness and success, was a thing not to be
decided, even at that time of his life, by the
common rules of judging in such cases ; it
was a preliminary, which no one probably
would have been more perplexed than him
self to establish. Never was he accustomed
to look forward with unwavering predilections,
to prepare for contingencies, or to mark out a
course from which he would not stray. To
be seeking some distant object, imposing and
attractive in his own conceptions, and to move
towards it on the tide of circumstances,
through perils and difficulties, was among the

JOHN LEDYARD. 13

chief pleasures of his existence. On enter
prises, in which no obstacles were to be en
countered, no chances to be run, no disappoint
ments to be apprehended, no rewards of haz
ardous adventure to be looked for, he bestowed
not a thought ; but let a project be started,
thickly beset with dangers, and promising suc
cess only through toils and sufferings, deeds of
courage, and the resolute efforts of an untiring
spirit, and not a man would grasp at it so
eagerly, or pursue it with so much intenseness
of purpose. The wholesome maxim of pro
viding for the morrow rarely found a place in
his ethics or his practice ; and as he never
allowed himself to anticipate misfortunes, so
he never took any pains to guard against
them.

He was now at the age of nineteen, with
very narrow means, few friends, and no defi
nite prospects. In this state of his affairs, as
it was necessary for something to be done, he
was compelled to look around him, and for a
moment to exercise that foresight, which the
tenor of his life proves him to have been so
reluctant on most occasions to call to his aid.
And, after all, he was more indebted to acci
dent, than to his own deliberations, for the
immediate events that awaited him. Dr.
Wheelock, the amiable and pious founder of

14 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Dartmouth College, had been the intimate
friend of his grandfather ; and prompted by
the remembrance of this tie, he invited Led-
yard to enter his institution, recently estab
lished at Hanover, New Hampshire, amidst the
forests on the banks of the Connecticut River.
This offer was accepted, and in the spring of
1772, he took up his residence at this new
seat of learning, with the apparent intention
of qualifying himself to become a missionary
among the Indians.

His mother's wishes and advice had proba
bly much influence in guiding him to this
resolution. In accordance with the religious
spirit of that day, she felt a strong compassion
for the deplorable state of the Indians, and it
was among her earliest and fondest hopes of
this her favorite son, that he would be edu
cated as a missionary, and become an approved
instrument in the hands of Providence to
bring these degraded and suffering heathen to
a knowledge of a pure religion, and the bless
ings of civilized life. When she saw this
door opened for the realizing of her hopes,
and her son placed under the charge of the
most eminent laborer of his day in the cause
of the Indians, her joy was complete.

From the first settlement of the country
much zeal and much disinterested philan-

JOHN LEDYARD. 15

thropy have been exercised, in attempts to
convert the Indians to Christianity, and induce
them to adopt the manners and participate
the comforts of civilized men. Eliot (rightly
named the Apostle to the Indians) and the
May hews are entitled to the praises, which
succeeding times have bestowed on them ;
and the efforts of the Society in Great Brit
ain for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, were prompted by motives of the no
blest kind, and were bestowed with an ardor
and with sacrifices, that demand a generous
tribute from the pen of history, and the grate
ful remembrance of posterity. For many years
little had been done, however, till the popular
talents and fervent zeal of David Brainerd
caused the journals of his missionary tours to
be read throughout the country, his labors ap
plauded, and his success regarded as an evi
dence of the great work, that might be
wrought by the proper use of means.

About this time the Reverend Eleazer
Wheelock, who was then a settled clergyman
in Lebanon, Connecticut, formed the scheme
of an Indian School, which should have the
double object of preparing young preachers for
the missionary field, and of educating Indian
youth, who should return to their tribes, and
become teachers among their own people.

16 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Without show or ostentation, Dr. Wheelock
commenced the school at his own house, and
almost at his own charge. He began with
two pupils, one of whom was Sampson Oc-
cum, an Indian of the Mohegan tribe, after
wards so much celebrated as a preacher, and
for his instructions to the Indians. The
school gradually increased, and so benevolent
an undertaking, pursued with such singleness
of purpose, could not fail to attract public no
tice and approbation. He was aided by con
tributions from individuals, and the province of
Massachusetts voted to pay, for a certain time,
the expense of educating six Indian children.
Mr. Joshua Moor, who owned lands in Leba
non, gave a portion of them for the benefit of
this school ; and from this circumstance the
seminary for the education of Indian boys,
afterwards attached to Dartmouth College, was
called Moor's Indian School.

'But Dr. Wheelock still found, that pupils
from the forest flocked to him faster than he
could provide for them. He thought it now
time to adopt the expedient of sending to
England, and soliciting assistance from the
wealthy and charitable on the other side of
the water. For this object, Sampson Occum
and another clergyman were sent out as
agents, furnished with testimonials of their

JOHN LEDYARD. 17

character, and certificates of approbation from
eminent persons in the colonies. Occum was
looked upon as a wonder in England. He
was the first Indian preacher from North
America, that had ever been seen in the Old
World; wherever he went crowds gathered
around him, and it has been the lot of few
speakers to address audiences so thronged. A
North American Indian in a pulpit, eloquently
preaching in the English tongue, was a phe
nomenon too nearly miraculous to pass un
seen or unheard. It was said, moreover, that
he exhibited in his person and character a
practical example of what might be done with
Indians, when fairly brought under the influ
ence of instruction.

All this was highly favorable to the great
ends of the mission, and in a few months a
subscription was obtained, and money paid to
the amount of nearly ten thousand pounds.
The King gave two hundred pounds, and sev
eral gentlemen one hundred each. The mon
ey was deposited in the hands of trustees in
England, and drawn out as occasion required.
With this addition to his resources, Dr. Whee-
lock began to think of enlarging the plan of
his school, and removing nearer to the fron
tiers, both to diminish the expense of living,
and to be nearer the Indians. After examin-

70L. XIV. 2

18 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ing several situations, he selected Hanover,
then almost a wilderness, to which place he
removed in 1770, cut away the trees, and
erected the institution, which he called Dart
mouth College, in honor of Lord Dartmouth,
who had manifested zeal and liberality in col
lecting the Indian fund in England.

To this college, about two years after it was
founded, Ledyard resorted, to prepare himself
for the arduous office of a missionary among
the Indians. The nature of a missionary's
life at that time, and the prospects of the
young candidate for such a station, may be
fully realized by a perusal of the letters from
the Reverend Samuel Kirkland to Dr. Whee-
lock, written previously to the removal from
Lebanon. Mr. Kirkland was a graduate of
Nassau Hall, in New Jersey, and, when quali
fied for the ministry, he undertook a mission
to the Seneca Indians, the most remote and
fierce of the confederate nations. He contin
ued there more than a year and a half, and
gained the confidence of some of the chief
persons of the tribe ; but so general was the
aversion to the whites, and to the arts of civ
ilized life, that, after a thorough experiment,
he despaired of any such success as would be
adequate to the sacrifices he must make, and
the sufferings he must endure. Leaving the

JOHN LEDYARD. 19

Senecas, therefore, he next proceeded to the
Oneidas, with whom he took up a permanent
residence. Here poverty, and famine, and
wretchedness stared him in the face. Nor
were these the worst evils, with which he was
obliged to contend. The capricious temper
and furious passions of the savages, especially
when intoxicated, frequently put his life in
jeopardy, and kept him in a state of unceas
ing alarm.

All these things were endured by Mr. Kirk-
land with a Christian fortitude, which nothing
but a deep sense of the sacred nature of his
duties could have enabled him to maintain.
He triumphed at last ; he lived many years
with the Oneidas, and had the satisfaction to
see that his toils were not fruitless. The In
dians revered him as a father; they had the
wisdom to respect and sometimes to follow
his counsels ; a visible change took place in
their character and modes of life ; the rough
features of the savage were softened, famine
and want chased away, and the comforts of
life multiplied. These advantages the sons of
the forest saw and felt. No man has ever
been more successful than Mr. Kirkland in
improving the condition of the Indians, and,
to the last day of his life, he continued to
receive from them earnest demonstrations of
affection and gratitude.

20 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

To this brief sketch it is hardly necessary
to add that, when the revolutionary war came
on, a check was given to the designs of the
benevolent in behalf of the Indians. They
engaged in the strife, which had been kindled
by their white neighbors, and the voice of the
missionary was silenced by the war whoop
and the din of battle. Many of Dr. Whee-
lock's Indian pupils, having gone through a
regular course of instruction, had returned to
their homes, and were beginning to scatter the
light they had received ; but their influence
was lost amidst the ravages of war. Much
was it to be lamented, that the agency of a
school, to which Dr. Wheelock had devoted
the years of a long and toilsome life, and
which had awakened a lively interest in the
friends of humanity, should be so soon brought
to an end, and nothing be seen in the result
but a melancholy waste of time, talents, and
money.

Such was the condition of a missionary
among the Indians, and such the origin and
purpose of the institution, to which Led yard
resorted for an education, which should qual
ify him to enter upon his destined task. Not
many memorials remain of his college life.
The whole time of his residence at Dart
mouth was not more than one year, and dur-

JOHNLEDYARD. 21

ing that period he was absent three months
and a half, rambling among the Indians. A
classmate still living recollects, that he had
then some amusing singularities, was cheerful
and gay in conversation, winning in his ad
dress, and a favorite with his fellow-students.
His journey from Hartford to Hanover was
performed in a sulky, the first vehicle of the
kind that had ever been seen on Dartmouth
plain ; and it attracted curiosity not more from
this circumstance, than from the odd appear
ance of the equipage. Both the horse and the
sulky gave evident tokens of having known
better days ; and the dress of their owner was
peculiar, bidding equal defiance to symmetry
of proportions and the fashion of the times.
In addition to the traveller's own weight, this
ancient vehicle was burdened with a quantity
of calico for curtains, and other articles to as
sist in theatrical exhibitions, of which he was
very fond. From the character of this outfit,
we may conclude that he did not intend time
should pass on heavy wings at Dartmouth.

Considering the newness of the country, the
want of bridges, and the bad state of the
roads, this jaunt in a crazy sulky was thought
to indicate no feeble spirit of enterprise. The
journey might have been performed with much
more ease and expedition on horseback, but in

22 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

that case his theatrical apparatus must have
been left behind.

As a scholar at college he was respectable,
but not over diligent. He acquired knowledge
with facility, and could make quick progress
when he chose ; but he was impatient under
discipline, and thought nothing more irksome
than to go by compulsion to a certain place
at certain times, and tread from day to day the
same dull circle of the chapel, the recitation
room, the commons hall, and the study. It is
not affirmed, that he ever ventured to set up
any direct hostility to the powers that ruled,
but he sometimes demeaned himself in a man
ner, that must take from him the praise of a
shining example of willing subordination. In
those primitive times, the tones of a bell had
not been heard in the forests of Dartmouth,
and the students were called together by the
sound of a conch-shell, which was blown in
turn by the freshmen. Ledyard was indignant
at being summoned to this duty, and it was
his custom to perform it with a reluctance and
in a manner corresponding to his sense of the
degradation.

The scenic materials, brought with so much
pains from Hartford, were not suffered to lie
useless. The calico was manufactured into
curtains, a stage was fitted up, and plays were

JOHN LEDYARD. 23

acted, in which our hero personated the chief
characters. Cato was among the tragedies
brought out upon his boards, and in this he
acted the part of old Syphax, wearing a long
gray beard, and a dress suited to his notion of
the costume of a Numidian prince. His trage
dies were doubtless comedies to the audience,
but they all answered his purpose of amuse
ment, and of introducing a little variety into
the sober tenor of a student's life. At this
period he was much addicted to reading plays,
and his passion for the drama probably stole
away many hours, that might have been more
profitably employed in preparing to exhibit
himself before his tutors.

He had not been quite four months in col
lege, when he suddenly disappeared without
previous notice to his comrades, and apparent
ly without permission from the president. The
full extent of his travels during his absence
cannot now be known, but he is understood
to have wandered to the borders of Canada,
and among the Six Nations. It is certain,
that he acquired in this excursion a knowl
edge of Indian manners and Indian language,
which was afterwards of essential service to
him in his intercourse with savages in various
parts of the world. His main object, probably,
was to take a cursory survey of the mission-

24 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ary ground, which he was contemplating as
the theatre of his future career ; and, judging
from what followed, we may suppose that this
foretaste put an end to all his anticipations.
Nothing more is heard of his missionary pro
jects, although it is not clear at what time
he absolutely abandoned them. When three
months and a half had expired, he returned to
college and resumed his studies.

If his dramatic performances were not re
vived, as it would seem they were not, his
erratic spirit did not sink into a lethargy for
want of expedients to keep it alive. In mid
winter, when the ground was covered with
deep snow, Ledyard collected a party, whom
he persuaded to accompany him to the sum
mit of a neighboring mountain, and there pass
the night. Dr. Wheelock consented to the
project, as his heart was bent on training up
the young men to be missionaries among the
Indians, and he was willing they should be
come inured to hardships, to which a life
among savages would frequently expose them.
The projector of the expedition took the lead
of his volunteers, and conducted them by a
pathless route through the thickets of a swamp
and forests, till they reached the top of the
mountain, just in time to kindle a fire, and ar
range their encampment on the snow before it

JOHN LEDYARD. 25

was dark. The night, as may be supposed,
was dreary and sleepless to most of the party,
and few were they who did not greet the
dawn with gladness. Their leader was alert,
prompt at his duty, and pleased with his suc
cess. The next day, they returned home, all
perfectly satisfied, unless it were Ledyard, with
this single experiment of their hardihood,
without being disposed to make another sim
ilar trial. He had a propensity for climbing
mountains, as will be seen hereafter when we
meet him at the Sandwich Islands.

After abandoning his missionary schemes,
he began to grow weary of college, and the
more so, probably, as his unsettled habits now
and then drew from the president a salutary
admonition on the importance of a right use
of time, and a regard for the regulations of the
establishment. Such hints he conceived to be
an indignity, and fancied himself ill treated.
That there was value in rules of order and
discipline he did not pretend to deny, but
seemed at a loss to imagine why they should
apply to him. That the whole subject might
be put at rest, without involving any puzzling
questions of casuistry, he resolved to escape.

On the margin of the Connecticut River,
which runs near the college, stood many ma
jestic forest trees, nourished by a rich soil.

26 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

One of these -Ledyard contrived to cut down.
He then set himself at work to fashion its
trunk into a canoe, and in this labor he was
assisted by some of his fellow-students. As
the canoe was fifty feet long and three wide,
and was to be dug out and constructed by
these unskilful workmen, the task was not a
trifling one, nor such as could be speedily exe
cuted. Operations were carried on with spirit,
however, till Ledyard wounded himself with
an axe, and was disabled for several days.
When recovered, he applied himself anew to
his work ; the canoe was finished, launched
into the stream, and, by the further aid of his
companions, equipped and prepared for a voy
age. His wishes were now at their consum
mation, and, bidding adieu to these haunts of
the muses, where he had gained a dubious
fame, he set off alone, with a light heart, to
explore a river, with the navigation of which
he had not the slightest acquaintance. The
distance to Hartford was not less than one
hundred and forty miles, much of the way
was through a wilderness, and in several places
there were dangerous falls and rapids.

With a bearskin for a covering, and his
canoe well stocked with provisions, he yielded
himself to the current, and floated leisurely
down the stream, seldom using his paddle, and

JOHN LEDYARD. 27

stopping only in the night for sleep. He told
Mr. Jefferson, in Paris, fourteen years after
wards, that he took only two books with him,
a Greek Testament and Ovid, one of which
he was deeply engaged in reading when his
canoe approached Bellows's Falls, where he
was suddenly roused by the noise of the wa
ters rushing among the rocks through the nar
row passage. The danger was imminent, as
no boat could go down that fall without be
ing instantly dashed in pieces. With diffi
culty he gained the shore in time to escape
such a catastrophe, and through the kind as
sistance -of the people in the neighborhood, who
were astonished at the novelty of such a voy
age down the Connecticut, his canoe was
drawn by oxen around the fall, and committed
again to the water below. From that time,
till he arrived at his place of destination, we
hear of no accident, although he was carried
through several dangerous passes in the river.
On a bright spring morning, just as the sun
was rising, some of Mr. Seymour's family were
standing near his house on the high bank of
the small river, that runs through the city of
Hartford, and empties itself into the Connecti
cut River, when they espied at some distance
an object of unusual appearance moving slow
ly up the stream. Others were attracted by

28 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the singularity of the sight, and all were con
jecturing what it could be, till its questiona
ble shape assumed the true and obvious form
of a canoe ; but by what impulse it was
moved forward none could determine. Some
thing was seen in the stern, but apparently
without life or motion. At length the canoe
touched the shore directly in front of the
house ; a person sprang from the stern to a
rock in the edge of the water, threw off a
bearskin in which he had been enveloped, and
behold John Ledyard, in the presence of his
uncle and connections, who were filled with
wonder at this sudden apparition, for they had
received no intelligence of his intention to
leave Dartmouth, but supposed him still there
diligently pursuing his studies, and fitting him
self to be a missionary among the Indians.

However unimportant this whimsical adven
ture may have been in its results, or even its
objects, it was one of no ordinary peril, and
illustrated in a forcible manner the character
of the navigator. The voyage was performed
in the last part of April or first of May, and
of course the river was raised by the recent
melting of the snow on the mountains. This
circumstance probably rendered the rapids less
dangerous, but it may be questioned whether
there are many persons at the present day,

JOHN LEDYARD. 29

who would willingly run the same hazard,
even if guided by a pilot skilled in the navi
gation of the river.

We cannot look back to Ledyard, thus
launching himself alone in so frail a bark
upon the waters of a river wholly unknown
to him, without being reminded of the only
similar occurrence, which has been recorded,
the voyage down the River Niger by Mungo
Park, a name standing at the very head of
those most renowned for romantic and lofty
enterprise. The melancholy fate, it is true, by
which he was soon arrested in his noble ca
reer, adds greatly to the interest of his situa
tion when pushing from the shore his little
boat Joliba, and causes us to read his last af
fecting letter to his wife with emotions of
sympathy more intense, if possible, than would
be felt if the tragical issue were not already
known. In many points of character there
was a strong resemblance between these two
distinguished travellers, and they both perished
martyrs in the same cause, attempting to ex
plore the hidden regions of Africa.

30 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER II.

Commences the Study of Theology. — Visits sev
eral Clergymen on Long Island. — Returns to
Connecticut. — Abandons his Purpose of study
ing Divinity. — Sails from Neiv London on a
Voyage to Gibraltar. — Enlists there as a Sol
dier into the regular Service. — Released. —
Returns Home by Way of the Barbary Coast
and the West Indies. — Sails from New York
to England. — Enlists in the naval Service. —
Embarks with Captain Cook on his last Voy
age round the World.

As Ledyard left Hanover when Dr. Whee-
lock was absent, this was probably seized upon
by him as a fit opportunity for taking his de
parture. A few days after his arrival in Hart
ford, his uncle thought proper to show him
some of Dr. Wheelock's letters, in which were
very just complaints of his conduct, his disre
gard of discipline, and particularly his thought
less waste of the small means he possessed,
which his friends flattered themselves might,
with good economy, be made to pay the ex
penses of his education. These letters of the
president were apparently written not so much
by way of accusation, as to vindicate himself

JOHN LEDYARD. 31

from any charge of neglect that might be
made against him, on account of the ill suc
cess of his efforts to manage a young man,
whom he had no other motive for taking un
der his particular care, than good will for the
grandson of his deceased friend, and regard for
his family.

Ledyard was much incensed at these letters,
and replied to them under the impulse of
feelings not the most kindly or respectful.
From his nature he was extremely impatient
of reproach, and ever deemed it an unpardon
able offence in any one to question his mo
tives, or insinuate that he could act delib
erately and intentionally wrong. His foibles
he could bear to have touched with a gentle
hand, but no one ventured a suspicion of his
integrity, or of the kindness of his heart, with
impunity. He often lamented the failure of
purposes caused by his fondness for change
and love of adventure ; but at no time did he
allow himself to think, that he was not pur
suing great and worthy objects, and such as
would redound to his honor, and the good of
mankind. With this disposition, and this con
fidence in himself, it was natural that he
should sometimes regard the opinions, which
others entertained of his conduct, with stronger
feelings of disapprobation than the merits of

32 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the case required. In reading the following
extracts from a letter to Dr. Wheelock, these
particulars should be kept in mind ; and it
should, moreover, be remembered that, whether
right or wrong, he really fancied himself not
well treated at Dartmouth.

" When I sit down to write," says he, " I
know not where to begin, or where to end, or
what to say, especially since I have the con
tents of two of your letters concerning my
affairs. What do I see? Who is this that
assumes the port of compassion, kindness, be
nevolence, charity, and writes as he writes?
You begin, Sir, with a surprise, that my leg
acy was so much exhausted. Justly might
you, Sir, but not more so than my unfortunate
self; and if truth has not turned liar, if any
protestations, any declarations of, honesty, up
rightness, or anything else can avail, I now,
under the most sacred obligations, bond fide,
declare I was not aware of it ; and when I
saw the letters and account, I was so much
ashamed of my inadvertency, and so justly
culpable before you, that I could not compose
myself to come before you, and answer for
my misconduct. But from that moment, with
much anxiety and care, I studied to remedy
the matter. This I declare was the honest
purpose of my heart ; and to make you rep-

JOHN LEDYARD. 33

aratiou still is ; and, under Heaven,, you shall
say you are satisfied. Then, Sir, you say, a
little after, that you could have no confidence
in me, after the character given of me by Mr.
Seymour. I am sorry, Sir, you could not.

11 1 take what you have said, in regard to
my pride, very ill natured, very unkind in you.
So far as I know myself, I came to your col
lege under influences of the good kind, wheth
er you, Sir, believe it or not. The acquaint
ance I have gained there is dearer than I can
possibly express. Farewell, dear Dartmouth !
Doctor, my heart is as pure as the new fallen
snow. Farewell, and may the God of Abra
ham, Isaac, and Jacob, bless you and yours.
I am, honored and reverend Sir, though sorely
beset, your obliged and dutiful young servant."

Here end all the particulars, which have
come to my knowledge, respecting Ledyard's
college life. He next appears before us in the
character of a student in divinity. Within a
month after mooring his canoe at the river's
bank in Hartford, he is found at Preston, in
Connecticut, advising with the Reverend Mr.
Hart, a clergyman of that town, on the subject
of his theological studies and prospects, and
also with the Reverend Dr. Bellamy, at that
time a preacher of wide fame in Connecticut.
Both of these clergymen gave him such en-
VOL. xiv. 3

34 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

couragement, that he resolved to apply him
self immediately to a preparation for dischar
ging the sacred functions of a divine, and turn
the ruffled tenor of his life into the quiet and
grateful occupation of a parish minister. He
speaks of his anticipations on this occasion
with a heartiness and enthusiasm, which show,
at least, that he imagined himself sincere, and
that in the future he fancied he had only to
look for the unalloyed blessings of tranquillity,
competence, and peace. Such was his haste
to realize these precious hopes, that he had
not patience to wait the usual term required
of young candidates, who had not been grad
uated at a college.

To facilitate the attainment of this end, his
advisers recommended that he should go to
Long Island, and there pass through his initia
tory studies, where, it was said, smaller at
tainments were required for admission to the
desk ; and, when once admitted, he might re
turn and procure a settlement wherever there
should be an opening. With this scheme he
was well satisfied, and being furnished by the
above gentlemen with suitable letters of rec
ommendation, he mounted his horse and set
off for Long Island, with the same buoyancy
of spirits as when, two months before, he en
tered his canoe at Dartmouth, and with a

JOHN LED YARD. 35

purpose much more definite, and higher ex
pectations.

In describing this tour, I shall let him speak
in his own language, as contained in a letter
written to a friend at the time.

" Equipped with my credentials, I embarked
for Long Island. The next day I fortunately
arrived at Southold, surprised my mother with
a visit, and after remaining with her twenty-
four hours. I rode to the eastward. With an
other recommendatory letter from the Reverend
Mr. Storrs, I crossed Shelter Island Ferry, and
thence to East Hampton, where I met with a
kind reception from the Reverend Mr. Buell,
moderator of the synod, an influential man,
and a glorious preacher. Here I was intro
duced to a very large library, and, in company
with another young candidate, I spent about a
month with intense application to study. But
this was only an interregnum. Mr. Buell let
me know, that the presbytery here proceed in
these matters with a perfect extreme of delib
eration ; and since my circumstances were as
they were, he advised me to comply with the
dispensations of Providence, and seek a school,
and study under some divine. I knew his
advice to be as that from a father to a son,
and. without a moment's hesitation, wiping the
sweat of care from my brow, I bestrided my

36 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Rosinante with a mountain of grief upon my
shoulders, but a good letter in my pocket. I
jogged on groaning, but never desponding,
passed to Bridgetown, thence to Southampton,
and through many little villages to Sataucket
Quorum, then to Smithtown, Fireplace, Oyster
Bay, and so on, visiting and making acquaint
ance with the clergy wherever I went.

" At length, after a ride of almost one hun
dred miles, by crossing the island I arrived at
Huntington, a large town about forty miles
from New York, where I visited the minister
of the place, old Mr. Prime. After about
twelve days' feasting upon his great library,
and a quickly made friendship with the inge
nious Dr. Prime, formerly of New York, and a
fruitless attempt to get a school, I was return
ing, but stopped to become acquainted with
the excellent Irishman, the Reverend Mr. Cald-
well, of Elizabeth Town, and the popular Dr.
Rogers of New York ; and, after some cordials
of consolation and encouragement, they bade
me go on, and God speed rne. They told me
that the sufferings I met with, and the con
temptuous ideas the people where I was born
and educated had of me, were nothing strange,
but reflected honor on me ; that a prophet is
hardly accepted in his own country, and the
like. '

JOHN LEDYARD. 37

" I returned, after a very fatiguing journey,
to Mr. Buell's, and stayed a short time with that
hermit, where and with whom I longed to be
buried in ease • but I scorned to be a coward,
and chose to die in front of battle, if any
where. We advised together anew, and it was
resolved, that, since I was so disappointed, I
should proceed with renewed vigor. Accord
ingly, with warm letters I came again to the
continent, where I arrived in the evening, but
thought it most prudent not to stop there,
no, not where I was born. I dropped a tear
upon the occasion, and rode on toward Pres
ton till eleven at night, when, feeling quite
exhausted, for I had been severely sea-sick, I
dismounted, left my horse to graze, looked up
to heaven, and under its canopy fell asleep.
The next morning I rode to my cousin Isaac's
house, and being refreshed, I advanced once
more to Mr. Hart's, where I was again hand
somely and kindly received."

Thus disappointed in his expectations on
Long Island, his ardor was somewhat damped,
but his resolution remained unshaken. He
made up his mind to apply again to his old
friends, and seek their sympathy and counsel.
As they had expressed themselves warmly in
his favor, and recommended him in flattering
terms to the Long Island clergy, he was san-

38 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

guine in the faith, that they would not, when
things came to an extremity, hesitate to do, on
their own part, what they had encouraged so
earnestly in their brethren. With some confi
dence, therefore, he repeated his solicitations to
Mr. Hart. The result shall likewise be given
in his own words.

" We have advised together, and read the
aforesaid letters. The amount of all is this ;
' Don't be discouraged, Mr. Ledyard ; you will
think the better of fair weather after this
storm. My private sentiments and my public
conduct, in your case, are two things. I don't
doubt one single instant of your probity and
well-meaning. What the world does, I cannot
say j but, as I officiate in a public character,
I must deal with you as so officiating ; and
for that reason, as well as securing your fu
ture tranquillity in the ministry, by making a
good beginning, I by all means advise, first,
that you write speedily to the Reverend Mr.
Whitman, and get him to write to us respect
ing you what he can, as you have lived long
under him ; secondly, that you write also to
Dartmouth, to procure a regular dismission
from the president. When we have these, we
shall proceed with confidence in the face of
all men, and not be ashamed to introduce you
anywhere.' Now, Sir, though but very brief,

JOHN LEDYARD. 39

I have given you an exact account of my
situation, and the fatigues of my pursuits. You
see what bars my sitting directly down.

" As Dartmouth is at such a distance, the
clergy here do not insist on a return from
that place so soon as from Hartford ; but the
sooner I have an answer from Mr. Whitman,
the sooner will my mind be at rest. There
are four ministers that stand ready to advance
me the moment this is done, among whom
the famous Dr. Bellamy is one. The clergy
are very exact in these things, and I have
sometimes thought that they meant to keep
me humming around them till I was tired,
and so get clear of an absolute refusal ; or, as
Dr. Young expresses it, to

' Fright me, with terrors of a world unknown,
From joys of this, to keep them all their own.'

They have found me affliction proof, if this
was their motive ; but I plainly see they mean
it for my honor, and their own too. The re
quest, in short, which I make of you is, that
you will please to wait on Mr. Whitman with
my letter, hurry him for an answer, and send
it to me by the earliest opportunity."

That such an answer never came, may be
inferred from the fact that he was never li
censed as a preacher ; and the judgment of his
friends, the clergymen, is not to be so much

40 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY,

censured in this, perhaps, as in the unjustifia
ble encouragement they held out to him.
They could not suppose him qualified for the
clerical office, with the limited knowledge and
experience he possessed, and it was wrong to
delude him with the notion that they would,
under any circumstances, publicly approve him
as such, merely upon receiving two letters,
which, at most, could testify only to his gen
eral character. His attainments were after
wards to be made. He was doubtless impor
tunate, and Mr. Hart and Dr. Bellamy were
good natured ; but their kindness would have
been better applied, especially to a mind like
that of Ledyard's, if they had been more frank
and decided in the outset.

His sensibility was keenly touched by the
disappointment, which, as much as anything
perhaps, drove him, somewhat disgusted, from
prosecuting his theological studies. That he
engaged in them with considerable ardor, no
one can doubt after reading his remarks above ;
that he would have continued long of the
same mind is not very likely; but it was a
mistaken exercise of benevolence to foster
hopes, which there was no chance of seeing
ripened into realities, and thus enticing him
into a profession, for which he was hardly in
any one respect fitted. As a further proof that

JOHN LEDYARD. 41

he was in earnest at the beginning, it may be
mentioned, that he not only applied himself as
siduously to study, but was accustomed to de
claim in the woods and retired places, that he
might discipline his voice, and prepare himself
for public speaking.

But his studies in theology were of short
duration. He was mortified at the ill success
of his application to the clergy for being ap
proved as a candidate, and other circumstances
concurred to annoy and wound him. The
effect of these on his feelings will appear in
the following postscript to a letter, written
three months after the one last quoted. " I
send you this from Groton, even the little
Groton, where it seems I must at last hide my
head, and relinquish all the glorious purposes
I had in view. 'Tis hard. Do you not won
der that I still live, when there is such in
quiry about the strange man in Hartford, when
I am the mark of impertinent curiosity, when
everything around me opposes my designs ?
Do you not wonder that I have my senses in
so great a degree as to let you know, that I
am as unmoved as my observers and op-
posers ? " These hints are enough to show
that obstacles of a serious kind, whether im
aginary or real, met him in various quarters,
and that a weight of corroding cares hung
upon his soul.

42 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

But we are not left long to sympathize
with him in his griefs. All thoughts of di
vinity being now abandoned, he is introduced
to us, a few weeks afterwards, in a totally new
character, that of a sailor on board a vessel
bound to Gibraltar. Captain Deshon, who re
sided in New London, and sailed from that
port, had been his father's friend, and the hero
of our narrative now shipped with him for a
voyage to the Mediterranean. He entered as
a common sailor, but was treated by the cap
tain rather as a friend and associate, than as
one of the ordinary crew ; and his good hu
mor, suavity of manners, and intelligence, made
his company highly acceptable to all on board.
The voyage was first to Gibraltar, next to a
port on the Barbary coast for taking in a car
go of mules, and thence homeward by way
of the West Indies.

One incident only has been transmitted, as
worthy of notice during this voyage. While
the ship was lying at Gibraltar, Ledyard was
all at once missing, and it was some time be
fore anything could be heard of him. There
came a rumor, at length, that he was among
the soldiers in the barracks. A person was
sent to make inquiry, who descried him in
the ranks, dressed in the British uniform,
arrned and equipped from head to foot, and

JOHNLEDYARD. 43

carrying himself with a martial air and atti
tude, which proved that, to whatever vocation
he might be called, he was not to be outdone
by his comrades. Captain Deshon went to his
quarters, and remonstrated with him for this
strange freak, and urged him to return. He
said he enlisted because he was partial to the
service, and thought the profession of a soldier
well suited to a man of honor and enterprise j
but that he would not be obstinate, and was
willing to go back, if the captain insisted on
it, and would procure his release. When the
circumstances were made known to the British
commanding officer, he consented to release his
new recruit, who returned on board the ship
and prosecuted his voyage.

While at Gibraltar, he wrote home a very
full and amusing account of what he saw in
that place, but the letter has been lost.

Within a year from the time of sailing from
New London, the vessel anchored again in the
same harbor, and the only profit yielded by
the voyage to our young adventurer was a
little experience of the hardships of a sailor's
life, and knowledge of the mysteries of his
profession. However valuable might be this
species of gain as stock in hand for future
use, it had no power to satisfy immediate
want. Poverty stared him in the face ; and,

44 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

at the age of twenty-two, he found himself a
solitary wanderer, dependent on the hounty of
his friends, without employment or prospects,
having tried various pursuits and failed of suc
cess in all. Neither his pride, nor his sense
of duty, would suffer him to remain in this
condition one moment longer, than till he
could devise a method of escape from it ; yet
the peculiar frame of his mind and temper was
such, that nothing would have been more idle,
either in himself or any other person, than to
think of chaining him down to any of the
dull courses of life, to which the great mass
of mankind are contented to resort, as the
means of acquiring a fortune, gaining a com
petence, or driving want from the door.

That he must provide for himself by his
own efforts, was a proposition too forcibly im
pressed upon him to be denied ; but there
seemed not a single propensity of his nature,
which inclined him to direct these efforts in
the same manner as other people, or to attain
common ends by common means. Poverty
and privation were trifles of no weight with
him, compared with the irksome necessity of
walking in the same path that all the world
walked in, and doing things as all the world
had done them before. He thought this a
very tame pursuit, unworthy of a rational man,

JOHN LED YARD. 45

whose soul should be fired with a nobler am
bition.

Entertaining such views of the objects of
human life, it is not surprising that he should
feel himself hanging loosely upon society, and
should discover that, while he continued with
out purpose and without property, he would
exhibit slender claims to the respect of the
community, or the confidence of his friends.
Their sympathy he might have ; but this was
a boon whicli he disdained to accept, when
elicited by misfortunes springing from his own
improvidence, or by evils which he had power
to avoid. That he had no intention of fixing
himself down in any steady occupation, is
proved by a remark in a letter written from
Gibraltar. " I allot to myself," said he, " a
seven years' ramble more, although the past
has long since wasted the means I possessed."
Often had he heard his grandfather descant
on his ancestors, and his wealthy connections
in England ; and the thought had entered our
rambler's head, that one day it might be no
unwise thing for him to visit these relatives,
and claim alliance with them as a hopeful
branch of so worthy a stock.

In this stage of his affairs, he was convinced
that the proper time had come, and he suf
fered now and then a bright vision to play

46 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

before his fancy, of the happy change that
would ensue, by the aid and influence of his
newly found friends in England, who would
receive with joy so promising a member
of their family from America. Elated with
dreams like these, he took a hasty leave of
the place of his nativity, and the associates of
his youth, and made the best of his way to
New York, there to seek out a passage to the
land of promise.

The first vessel about to sail for England
was bound to Plymouth, and in this he ob
tained a berth, probably on condition of work
ing as a sailor. His trip to the Mediterranean
was now to yield its fruits. On his arrival in
Plymouth and leaving the vessel, he was re
duced to the extreme of want, without money
in his pocket, or a single acquaintance to
whom he could apply for relief. Thus sit
uated, it behoved him to make haste to Lon
don, where he looked for an immediate wel
come and a home among the relations, whose
wealth and virtues he had heard so much ex
tolled by his grandfather. As the good fortune
of the moment would have it, he fell in with
an Irishman, a genuine specimen of the hon
esty, frankness, and good nature, which char
acterize many of the sons of Erin ; whose
plight so exactly resembled his own, that they

JOHNLEDYARD. 47

formed a mutual attachment almost as soon as
they came in contact with each other.

There is a sympathetic power in misfortune,
which is heedless of the forms of society, and
acts not by any cold rules of calculation. Both
the travellers were pedestrians bound to Lon
don, both were equally destitute, having noth
ing wherewith to procure a subsistence. They
agreed to take turns in begging on the road.
In this manner they travelled harmoniously to
gether, till they reached London, without hav
ing any reason to complain that Providence
had neglected them on the way, or that there
was a lack of generous and disinterested feel
ing in the human kind.

Ledyard's thoughts were now gay ; for, al
though in beggary, he fancied that the next
step would place him at the summit of his
wishes, and open to him wide the door of
prosperity. Had he possessed the very lamp
of Aladdin, and been endued with the Der-
vise's power, he could not have been more
confident or happy. To find out his relations
was now his only anxiety. By accident he
saw the family name on a carriage, and he
inquired of the coachman where the owner
lived, and what was his occupation. The an
swer was, that he was a rich merchant, ana
the place of his residence was pointed out.

48 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Our eager traveller hastened to the house,
inquired for the occupant, and ascertained that
he was not at home. A son was there, how
ever, who listened to his story, but gave him
soon to understand, that he put no faith in his
representations, as he had never heard of any
such relations as he told of in America. He
observed, moreover, that he resembled one of
the family, who had been absent some years
in the East Indies, and whom they were ex
tremely anxious to see, assuring him that, if
he were really the person, he would be re
ceived with open arms. This was a very un
lucky interview, for nothing ever raised Led'
yard's anger to so high a pitch, as a suspicion
expressed or implied of his integrity and hon
est intentions. He seemed, from that moment,
determined to prosecute his inquiry after his
family connections no further, but to shun all
that bore the name. The son pressed him to
remain till his father should return, but he
abruptly left the house, and never went back.

Some time afterwards, when he had gained
acquaintances of respectable name in London,
to whom he related his story, they went with
it to the same gentleman, telling him, that the
young man seemed honest, and they doubted
not the truth of what he had stated. The
gentleman refused at first to credit him, unless

JOHN LEDYARD.

49

he would bring some written evidence. Upon,
further inquiry, however, he was better satis
fied, and sent for Ledyard to come to his
house. This invitation was declined in no
very gracious manner : and when money was
sent to him afterwards by the same person,
who had heard that he was in distress, he re
jected it with great indignation, and command
ed the bearer to carry it back to his master,
and tell him that he belonged not to the race
of the Ledyards. Such was the end of his
dreams about his rich relations, and it must
be acknowledged, that his own haughty spirit
seems to have been the chief enemy to his
success. He would, probably, have called it
magnanimous self-respect ; and, name it as we
will, since it operated wholly against himself,
he must certainly be freed from any charge
of mean motives or selfish ends.

It was just at this time, that Captain Cook
was making preparation for his third and last
voyage round the world. So successful had he
been in his former expeditions, and so loud
was the sound of his fame, that the whole
country was awake to his new undertaking,
and the general sensation was such, as to in
spire adventurous minds with a wish to par
ticipate in its glory. Nothing could more ex
actly accord with the native genius and cher-
VOL. xiv. 4

50 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ished feelings of Ledyard. As a first step
towards becoming connected with this expedi
tion, he enlisted in the marine service, and
then, by his address, he gained an introduction
to Captain Cook. It may be presumed, that
on an occasion of so much moment to him,
he would set himself forward to the best ad
vantage j and he had great power in recom
mending himself to the favor of others, when
ever he chose to put it in action. His manly
form, mild but animated and expressive eye,
perfect self-possession, a boldness not obtrusive,
but showing a consciousness of his proper
dignity, an independent spirit, and a glow of
enthusiasm giving life to his conversation and
his whole deportment ; these were traits which
could not escape so discriminating an eye as
that of Cook ; they formed a rare combination
peculiarly suited to the hardships and perils of
his daring enterprise. They gained the confi
dence of the great navigator, who immediately
took him into his service, and promoted him
to be a corporal of marines.

In this capacity he sailed from England ;
but tradition reports, on what authority I know
not, that he was in due time raised to the
post of sergeant. That he should have been
willing to undertake so long a voyage, in so
humble a station, can be accounted for only

JOHN LEDYARD. 51

from his burning desire to be connected with
the expedition. His skill in nautical matters
was not yet such as to qualify him for a
higher place, even if he had been able to ex
hibit stronger pretensions through the agency
and influence of friends. But he was in the
midst of strangers, without any other claims
to notice, than such as he presented in his
own person. These were his only passport to
the favor of Cook, and, in relying on them, no
one was ever deceived.

CHAPTER III.

Sails for the Cape of Good Hope, and thence to
New Holland and New Zealand. — Manners
and Peculiarities of the People. — Omai, the
Otaheitan. — Departs from New Zealand, and
visits newly discovered Islands. — Arrival at the
Friendly Islands. — People of Tongataboo. —
Ledyard passes a Night with the King. — Char
acter and Habits of the Natives. — Their Pro
pensity to Thieving. — Departure from Ton-
gataboo.

THE particulars of this voyage have been
so often repeated from the official narrative,
and are so well known, that any formal at-

52 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

tempt to give a connected series of events
would be superfluous and without interest. I
shall, therefore, chiefly confine myself to such
incidents as came under our traveller's obser
vation, and to such remarks and reflections of
his own, as indicate his opinions and the char
acter of his mind. He kept a private journal
of the whole voyage, but on the return of the
expedition, before any person had landed, all
papers of this description were taken away
from both officers and men, by order of the
commander, and Ledyard's journal among the
rest. This precaution was necessary to pre
vent an imperfect account of the voyage going
abroad, before one could be issued under the
sanction of the Admiralty.*

Ledyard never recovered his papers; but
when he returned to Hartford, more than two
years after the termination of the voyage, his
friends induced him to write the short ac
count, which appeared with his name. To
satisfy public curiosity till a complete work
could be prepared, a very brief sketch of the
voyage in a single volume had already been

* In a review of the first London edition of this Me
moir, in the London Quarterly Review, understood to have
been written by Sir John Barrow, it is stated that parts
of Ledyard's original journal are still preserved in the
Admiralty.

JOHN LEDYARD. 53

published by authority in England. This vol
ume Ledyard had procured, and he relied on
it for dates, distances, the courses of the ves
sels, and for other particulars serving to revive
his recollection of what he had experienced
and witnessed. Extracts are made without
alteration in two or three instances, and sev
eral of the last pages are literally copied.
With no other written materials Ledyard pro
duced his manuscript journal, which he sold
to Mr. Nathaniel Patten, publisher in Hartford,
for twenty guineas. It was printed in a duo
decimo volume containing a chart, and a ded
ication to Governor Trumbull, expressive of
the author's gratitude for the generosity and
kindness, which he had received from that
veteran patriot.

A narrative thus drawn up must, of course,
be in many respects imperfect j but the narrator
makes no high pretensions. He never taxes
our faith beyond the obvious bounds of prob
ability, nor calls our attention to hearsay re
ports and speculations of others. He describes
what he saw and heard, and utters his own
sentiments. In a few instances, he varies from
the accounts afterwards published in England ;
but these commonly relate either to occur
rences, as to which he had a better opportu-

54 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

nity for personal knowledge, or concerning
which, for various reasons, it was the policy
of the leaders of the expedition to preserve
silence. The train of events at the Sandwich
Islands, which led to the death of Captain
Cook, is narrated by Ledyard in a manner
more consistent and natural, than appears in
any other account of it. The precipitancy of
the officers, and of Cook particularly, or at
least their want of caution, which was the
primary cause of the tragical issue, was kept
out of sight by the authorized narrators, and a
mystery long hung over that catastrophe, ow
ing to the absence of any obvious coherency
between causes and effects. On this point
Ledyard's narrative is full and satisfactory, as
will be seen in its proper place.

As a proof of our traveller's activity of
mind, and his ardor of inquiry, during this voy
age, I shall here quote a passage from a work
recently published by Captain James Burney,
entitled "A Chronological History of North
eastern Voyages of Discovery." The author
of this book was a lieutenant under Cook in
his two last voyages, son of Dr. Burney, and
consequently brother of Madame d'Arblay, the
celebrated novelist. He is repeatedly men
tioned in Ledyard's journal, and was a very
enterprising officer. The estimation in which

JOHN LEDYARD. 55

oui hero was held by him will appear from
the following extract, as well as from other
parts of the work.

" With what education I know not," says
Captain Burney, "but with an ardent disposi
tion, Ledyard had a passion for lofty senti
ment and description. When corporal of ma
rines on board of the Resolution, after the
death of Captain Cook, he proffered his ser
vices to Captain Clerke to undertake the office
of historiographer to our expedition, and pre
sented a specimen, which described the man
ners of the Society Islanders, and the kind of
life led by our people whilst among them.
He was not aware how many candidates he
would have to contend with, if the office to
which he aspired had been vacant; perhaps
not with fewer than with every one in the
two ships who kept journals. Literary ambi
tion and disposition to authorship led us in
each ship to set up a weekly paper. When
the paper in either ship was ready for deliv
ery, a signal was made, and, when answered
by a similar signal from the other ship, Cap
tain Cook, if the weather was fine, would good-
naturedly let a boat be hoisted out to make
the exchange, and he was always glad to read
our paper, but never favored our editors with
the contribution of a paragraph. I believe

56 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

none of these papers have been saved, nor do
I remember by what titles we distinguished
them. Ledyard's performance was not crit
icized in our paper, as that would have en
titled him to a freedom of controversy not con
sistent with military subordination. His ideas
were thought too sentimental, and his language
too florid. No one, however, doubted that his
feelings were in accord with his expressions ;
and the same is to be said of the little, which
remains of what he has since written, more
worthy of being preserved, and which its wor
thiness will preserve, and particularly of his
celebrated commendation of women in his Si
berian Tour."

Ledyard's contributions to the paper here
mentioned, and his account of the Society
Islanders, were probably taken from him with
his manuscript journal, as I have found no
remnants of them among his papers. His
printed Journal contains a graphic and ani
mated description of the Society Islands, but
it was evidently written from recollection, like
the rest of the volume. This testimony of
Captain Burney in favor of his habits of ob
servation and literary industry, may justly in
spire confidence in his writings.

The last expedition under Captain Cook, and
the one in which our traveller was engaged,

JOHN LEDYARD. 57

left England on the 12th of July, 1776. It
consisted of two ships, the Resolution and
Discovery, the former commanded by Captain
Cook, and the latter by Captain Clerke. After
touching at Teneriffe, they proceeded to the
Cape of Good Hope, and came to anchor in
Table Bay, where they were to refit, lay in a
new stock of provisions, and prepare for en
countering the inconveniences and dangers of
a long voyage in the great Southern Ocean,
with the certainty that many months must
elapse, before they could hope to arrive again
in a port of civilized people.

Several days were passed here in getting all
things in readiness • the men of science em
ployed themselves in short excursions into the
country ; provisions were collected by the prop
er officers, and the sailors were busy at their
daily tasks. Last of all were taken on board
various live animals, designed to be left at the
islands where they did not exist, making, in
connection with those brought from England,
a motley collection of horses, cattle, sheep,
goats, hogs, dogs, cate hares, rabbits, monkeys,
ducks, geese, turkeys, and peacocks. Thus,
says our voyager, " did we resemble the ark,
and appear as though we were going as well
to stock as to discover a new world." JEsop
might have conversed for weeks with such a

58 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

congregated multitude. The monkeys and
peacocks seem to have been out of place in
this assembly of sober and useful animals, and,
in the end, they did little credit to their com
munity. The monkeys never ceased from
mischief, and the gay attire of the peacocks
tempted a chief of Tongataboo to steal and
carry them off.

On the 1st of December, Cook departed
from the Cape of Good Hope, and proceeded
in a southeasterly direction, intending to shape
his course around the southern extremity of
New Holland. After sailing twenty-five days
and passing two islands, the tops of which
were covered with snow, although it was mid
summer in those latitudes, he came to anchor
at an island, which had been recently discov
ered by Kerguelen, a French navigator. A
bottle was found suspended by a wire between
two rocks, sealed, and containing a piece of
parchment, on which was written, in French
and Latin, an account of Kerguelen 's voyage
and discovery. The island was desolate, with
out inhabitants, trees, or shrubs. A little grass
was obtained for the cattle, and a species of
vegetable was found resembling a wild cab
bage, but of no value. It rained profusely,
streams of fresh water came down from the
hills, and the empty casks were replenished.

JOHN LEDYARD. 59

The shore was covered with seals and sea-
dogs, the former of which, apparently uncon
scious of danger, were killed without difficulty,
and they afforded a seasonable supply of oil
for lamps and other purposes. Vast flocks of
birds hovered around, and the penguins, so lit
tle did they understand the character of their
visitors, would allow themselves to be ap
proached and knocked down with clubs. Man
was an enemy, whose sanguinary prowess
these tenants of the lonely island had never
learnt to fear, and the simple penguin received
his death blow with a composure and uncon
cern, that would have immortalized a stoic
philosopher.

The sailors were indulged in celebrating
Christmas at Kerguelen's Island, after which
the ships sailed, and the next harbor to be
gained was Adventure Bay, in Van Diemen's
Land, being at the southern limits of New
Holland. As no discoveries were to be at
tempted during this run, they proceeded di
rectly to the point of destination, at which
they safely arrived within less than two months
after leaving the Cape of Good Hope.

The ships being moored in this bay, called
by Tasman, who discovered it, Frederic Hen
ry's Bay, the sailors were sent out in parties
to procure wood, water, and grass, all of which

60 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

existed there in great plenty. No inhabitants
appeared, although columns of smoke had been
seen here and there rising through the woods
at some distance, affording a sign that people
were in the neighborhood. After a day or
two, the natives came down to the beach in
small parties, men, women, and children ; but
they seemed the most wretched of human be
ings, wearing no clothes, and carrying with
them nothing but a rude stick about three
feet long, and sharpened at one end. Their
skin was black, hair curly, and the beards of
the men, as well as their hair, besmeared with
a red oily substance. They were inoffensive,
neither manifesting fear, nor offering annoy
ance to their visitors. When bread was given
them, it was thrown away without being
tasted, although they were made to under
stand that it was to be eaten; the same they
did with fish, which had been caught in the
harbor ; but they accepted birds, and intimated
a fondness for that kind of food. When a
gun was fired, they all ran off like wild deer
to the woods, and were seen no more that
day; but their fright was not of long dura
tion, for they came again the next morning
with as little unconcern as ever.

In all respects, these people appeared in the
lowest stage of human advancement. " They

JOHN LEDYARD. 61

are the only people," says Ledyard, " who
are known to go with their persons entirely
naked, that have ever yet been discovered.
Amidst the most stately groves of wood, they
have neither weapons of defence, nor any
other species of instruments applicable to the
various purposes of life ; contiguous to the sea,
they have no canoes ; and exposed from the
nature of the climate to the inclemency of the
seasons, as well as to the annoyances of the
beasts of the forest, they have no houses to
retire to, but the temporary shelter of a few
pieces of old bark laid transversely over some
small poles. They appear, also, to be inactive,
indolent, and unaffected with the least curi
osity." Cook remarked, that the natives here
resembled those, whom he had seen in his
former voyage on the north part of New Hol
land ; and from this and other circumstances
it was inferred, that New Holland from that
point northward was not divided by any strait.
Subsequent discoveries overthrew this conjec
ture, and it has since been made known, that
Van Diemen's Land is an island separated
from New Holland by a passage, or strait,
nearly one hundred miles broad, and contain
ing many small islands. It is remarkable, that
no resemblance has been discovered between

62 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the language of the natives here and that
spoken by the New Hollanders.

On Van Diemen's Island are now some of
the most flourishing settlements in the British
dominions. The wilderness is disappearing be
fore the strong arm of enterprise, and, under
the hand of culture, the hills and valleys yield
in abundance all the products common to sim
ilar latitudes in the north. Emigrants from
England annually flock to that country, invest
their capital in lands, and engage in agricul
tural pursuits. Towns have been built, and
commerce established. Wheat, maize, wool,
cattle, and other articles, are largely exported ;
and there is hardly recorded in history an in
stance of a new colony having increased so
rapidly in numbers and wealth. The wild
men, like our North American Indians, retreat
and leave their native soil to a better destiny.

When Cook had provided his ships with
wood and water, they were unmoored, and
their course directed to New Zealand, where
they entered a cove in Queen Charlotte's
Sound. Here they remained a month, which
afforded time for observations, and for laying
in such provisions as were found in the coun
try. New Zealand consists of two islands,
which are situate between parallels of latitude
on the south of the equator, nearly correspond-

JOHN LEDYARD. 63

ing with those of the United States on the
north, thus having a variable climate, and a
soil suited to most of the productions of tem
perate regions. In the character of the inhab
itants are exhibited contrasts never perceived
in any other people. They are cannibals, de
vouring human victims with eagerness and de
light, ferocious beyond example in their wars,
deadly in their revenge, and insatiable in their
thirst for the blood of their enemies ; yet they
have many of the opposite traits, strong at
tachment to friends, with a quick sensibility
to their sufferings, and grief inconsolable at the
death of a relative j nor are they devoid of
generosity, or unsusceptible of the tender pas
sion.

Living as they do in a temperate climate,
they are an athletic, hardy race of people,
whose progress in refinement bears no propor
tion to their natural powers of body and
mind ; and thus, no proper balance being main
tained, the contending elements of human na
ture, the propensities, passions, and affections,
shoot forth into the wildest extremes. How
they should differ so entirely from their neigh
bors, the New Hollanders, who are in nearly
the same external condition, is a question
upon which the curious may speculate, but
will hardly come to a satisfactory conclusion.

64 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Plausible reasons may, nevertheless, be ad
duced to prove, that the New Zealanders and
New Hollanders, notwithstanding their proxim
ity, have originated from stocks widely remote.
While the ships lay at anchor in Queen
Charlotte's Sound, a singular love adventure
occurred between a young English sailor and
a New Zealand girl, the particulars of which
are related in Led yard's journal, as they are
also in Cook's Voyages, and which prove the
softer sex among savages, even the daughters
of cannibals, to be capable of deep affection
and strong attachment. An intimacy was con
tracted between a sailor and a native girl about
fourteen years of age, which grew stronger
from day to day, till, at length, all the time
he could spare from his duties was devoted to
her society. He furnished her with combs to
decorate her hair, and with ornaments for her
person ; and, to make himself more attractive
in her eyes, he submitted to be tattooed ac
cording to the custom of the country. His
passion was reciprocated in the most ardent
and artless manner by the maiden, Gowanna-
hee, whom no conventional rules had taught
to conceal the emotions of nature ; and, al
though they understood not each other's lan
guage, yet love whispered in accents, which
they found no difficulty in comprehending.

JOHN LEDYARD. 65

Thus their days and hours flew rapidly
away, till the time of separation approached.
Gowannahee was much distressed when such
an event was hinted at ; she would throw her
arms around her lover's neck, and insist that
he should not go ; and such were the allur
ing arts she used, and such the willingness of
the youth to be led by them, that he resolved
to desert from the ship and remain behind.
He contrived to remove his clothing and other
effects on shore, and to escape by the strata
gem of dressing himself in the costume of the
natives and mingling in the crowd, just as or
ders were given to sail, and the New Zea-
landers were required to leave the ships.
When the roll was called to ascertain if all
hands were on board, his absence was discov
ered. The cause was easily apprehended j and
some of the officers were disposed to let such
an instance of true love have its reward, and
not to disturb the enamored sailor in his
dreams of future felicity among the savages
of New Zealand. The less sentimental Cook
was not moved by these mild counsels ; he
saw mischief in such a precedent, and he was
inflexible ; a guard of marines was despatched
to search for the truant, and bring him back
to duty.

He had proceeded to the interior and se-
VOL. xiv. 5

66 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

creted himself with his faithful Gowannahee,
but his hiding-place was at last discovered.
As soon as she perceived their intention to
take him away, she was overwhelmed with
anguish; and, at the parting scene on the
beach, she yielded herself up to expressions
of grief and despair, which the stoutest heart
could not witness unmoved. The young sailor
was examined and tried for his misdemean
or ; but Cook was so much amused with the
schemes he had devised for himself, and the
picture he had drawn of his future prospects
and greatness, as the husband of Gowannahee,
and a chief of renown, that he forbore to ag
gravate the pains of disappointed hope by any
formal punishment.

Recent observations have confirmed all that
was said by Cook and his companions of the
New Zealanders. English missionaries have
for some years past been stationed among
them, and possessed the means of becoming
perfectly acquainted with their character and
habits. They have witnessed their banquets
of human flesh, their extremes of passion, their
savage barbarity at one time, and their docile,
affectionate temper and keen sensibility at an
other. War is their highest delight, and, in
pursuing an enemy, nothing of the human be
ing seems left, except his reason maddened

JOHN LEDYARD. 67

with revenge, and making him adroit in the
work of death. In several instances, boats' and
ships' crews have been cut off and devoured
by them.

Yet these people are superstitious and full
of religious fear, imagining themselves to be
surrounded by invisible spirits, who have power
over them, and who must be conciliated by
prayers and ceremonies ; who control the ele
ments, bring rain on the land, and rouse up
the winds and waves at sea. The missionaries
have known persons become so frantic, at the
death of a near relation, as to commit suicide ;
and it is a common thing for them to wound
and mangle their bodies in a frightful manner
on such occasions. When Mr. Marsden made
his second missionary tour to these islands,
after having been away two or three years,
his old acquaintances burst into tears in talk
ing of their friends, who had died during his
absence. History does not acquaint us with
more eminent examples of humanity and pious
efforts, of resolution and self-denial, than are
manifested in the missionaries, who have for
saken even the common comforts of civilized
life, and settled down with a determination to
pass their days in this region of moral dark
ness and human debasement.

While Cook was at New Zealand, he was

68 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

greatly assisted in his intercourse with the
people by Omai, a native of the Society
Islands, whom he had taken to England on
a former voyage, and who was now returning
to his country, loaded with presents from the
king, and other persons whom curiosity had
drawn around him in Great Britain. Although
Omai had never before seen a New Zealander,
yet the language so much resembled his own,
that he could easily converse with the inhab
itants. As he knew English, he thus became
a ready interpreter. This was an advantage,
which Cook had never been able to enjoy on
any former occasion.

The vessels weighed anchor and departed
from dueen Charlotte's Sound, destined to
Otaheite, or, as it is now called, Tahiti, the
largest of the Society Islands, and about fif
teen hundred miles distant from New Zealand.
Head winds and boisterous weather forced
them out of their course ; grass and water for
the cattle, as well as fresh provisions for the
men, began to fail; and it was thought best
to bear away for the Friendly Islands, where
a supply could be at once obtained. On this
passage, they fell in with several islands never
before discovered, but their shores were so
closely bound with coral reefs as to prevent
the approach of the ships. The natives came

JOHN LEDYARD. 69

off in canoes, and brought hogs and fruit,
which they gave in exchange for articles of
little value.

A small party, consisting of Mr. Burney,
three or four other officers, and Omai, landed
on one of these islands, called Watteeoo, where
they were immediately plundered of everything
they had about them, and detained through
the day. Great crowds gathered around, and
annoyed them much, but no violence was of
fered to their persons. Here Omai was aston
ished to find three of his own countrymen.
Their story was affecting. Several years be
fore, they had set off in a large canoe, with a
party of about twenty persons, men, women,
and children, to pass from Otaheite to Ulietea,
a neighboring island. A storm overtook them,
and, after continuing three days, drove them so
far out to sea, that they knew not where
they were, nor what course to steer. Some
of the women and children had perished in
the storm, and others were so much exhausted
as to survive no longer. The canoe was car
ried along by the current from day to day ;
water and provision failed ; some of the sur
vivors died of hunger and fatigue j others, in
the frenzy of despair, jumped overboard and
were drowned ; and after thirteen days, when
the canoe was discovered by the natives of

70 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Watteeoo, it contained but four men, and these
so much reduced by famine and suffering as
to be unconscious of their situation, and scarce
ly to be distinguished from the dead bodies,
with which they were promiscuously lying, in
the bottom of the boat. They were taken
on shore, and by kind treatment they gradu
ally recovered their consciousness and strength.
One had since died, but the other three said
they were happy in their adopted country,
and declined Omai's invitation to return with
him to their native islands, adding that their
nearest relatives had perished before their eyes
on the disastrous voyage, and it would only be
renewing their grief to visit again the places
in which they had formerly known them.

The distance between Otaheite and Wat
teeoo is more than fifteen hundred miles, and
this voyage of a canoe affords an important
fact in solving the great problem, which has
so long perplexed geographers and speculating
philosophers, as to the manner in which the
innumerable clusters of islands in the Pacific
Ocean have been peopled. We here have
proof incontestable, that a communication be
tween remote islands was possible, even by
such means only as the natives themselves
possessed. This single fact, in short, is enough
to settle the question.

JOHN LEDYARD. 71

After touching at Anamoca, and remaining
some days at the Happaee Islands, Cook came
to anchor in a harbor of Tongataboo, on the
9th of June. Here they stayed twenty-six days,
collecting a great abundance of provisions, and
living on social and friendly terms with the
natives. This island is exceedingly fertile,
covered with forests and luxuriant herbage.
Agriculture and the arts of life were carried
to a much greater extent here than at New
Zealand, or indeed most of the South Sea
Islands. The kind disposition of the people
had given to Tongataboo, and the cluster of
islands in its neighborhood, the name of the
Friendly Islands.

Later experience has proved, that they had
a smaller claim to this distinction than was
at first supposed. It is very probable, however,
that their acquaintance with civilized men was
the principal cause of their apparent change
of character. They learnt new vices faster
than they acquired a knowledge of their crim
inality, or the moral power of resisting temp
tation. Nowhere have the missionaries found
their situation more uncomfortable, or their task
more difficult, than at the Friendly Islands.
When visited by Cook, the people were com
paratively amiable, simple, and happy, addicted
to the weaknesses, but not to the grosser

72 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

crimes of the savage state ; accustomed to
warlike enterprises, but not making them, as
did the New Zealanders, the chief source of
their pleasure, and the great business of their
lives. On the contrary, they had amusements
of an innocent kind, as well as curious reli
gious ceremonies, which occupied much of
their time, and were suited to a state of peace
and tranquillity. These were often exhibited,
and obviously as much with a desire to please
their visitants, as to show off their skill to ad
vantage, or promote their own gratification.
The king, or great chief, whose name was
Poulaho, treated Cook with marked respect,
and caused all his people to do the same, as
far as he could exercise his power to that end.
Led yard describes in an agreeable manner the
scenes, that came under his observation at
Tongataboo. The day after landing, it was
his duty to be on shore, and he passed the
night with Poulaho, who had declined Cook's
invitation to go with him on board.

"It was just dusk," says Ledyard, "when
they parted, and as I had been present during
a part of this first interview, and was detained
on shore, I was glad he did not go off, and
asked him to my tent ; but Poulaho chose
rather to have me go with him to his house,
where we went and sat down together with-

JOHNLEDYARD. 73

out the entrance. We had been here but a
few minutes, before one of the natives ad
vanced through the grove to the skirts of the
green, and there halted. Poulaho observed
him, and told me he wanted him, upon which
I beckoned to the Indian, and he came to us.
When he approached Poulaho, he squatted
down upon his hams, and put his forehead to
the sole of Poulaho's foot, and then received
some directions from him, and went away, and
returned again very soon with some baked
yams and fish rolled up in fresh plantain
leaves, and deposited in a little basket made
of palm leaves, and a large cocoanut shell full
of clean fresh water, and a smaller one of salt
water. These he set down, and went and
brought a mess of the same kind, and set
them down by me. Poulaho then desired I
would eat ; but preferring salt, which I had
in the tent, to the sea water which they used,
I called one of the guard, and had some of
that brought me to eat with my fish, which
was really most delightfully dressed, and of
which I ate very heartily.

" Their animal and vegetable food is dressed
in the same manner here, as at the southern
and northern tropical islands throughout these
seas, being all baked among hot stones laid in
a hole, and covered over first with leaves and

74 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

then with mould. Poulaho was fed by the
chief who waited on him, both with victuals
and drink. After he had finished, the re
mains were carried away by the chief in wait
ing, who returned soon after with two large
separate rolls of cloth, and two little low
wooden stools. The cloth was for a covering
while asleep, and the stools to raise and rest
the head on, as we do on a pillow. These
were left within the house, or rather under the
roof, one side being open. The floor within
was composed of coarse dry grass, leaves, and
flowers, over which were spread large well
wrought mats. On this Poulaho and I re
moved and sat down, while the chief un
rolled and spread out the cloth ; after which
he retired, and in a few minutes there ap
peared a fine young girl, about seventeen years
of age, who, approaching Poulaho, stooped and
kissed his great toe, and then retired and sat
down in an opposite part of the house.

" It was now about nine o'clock, and a
bright moonshine j the sky was serene, and
the winds hushed. Suddenly I heard a num
ber of their flutes, beginning nearly at the
same time, burst from every quarter of the
surrounding grove ; and whether this was
meant as an exhilarating serenade, or a sooth
ing soporific to the great Poulaho, I cannot

JOHNLEDYARD. 75

tell. Immediately on hearing the music he
took me by the hand, intimating that he was
going to sleep, and showing me the other
cloth, which was spread nearly beside him,
and the pillow, invited me to use it."

After describing the occupations of the na
tives, their traffic, articles of trade, and some
of their customs, he speaks of their amuse
ments.

" The markets being over, there were gen
erally an hour or two, and those before dark,
in which the natives, to entertain us and ex
hibit their own accomplishments, used to form
matches at wrestling, boxing, and other ath
letic exercises, of which they were very vain,
and in which they were by far the best ac
complished of all the people we ever visited
before or after. These exercises were always
performed on the green within the circle, and
among the Indian spectators there were a cer
tain number of elderly men, who presided over
and regulated the exercise. When one of the
wrestlers, or combatants, was fairly excelled,,
they signified it by a short sonorous sentence,
which they sung, expressing that he was fall
en, fairly fallen, or that he was fairly con
quered, and that the victor kept the field.
From this there was no appeal, nor indeed
did they seem to want it, for among their

76 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

roughest exercises I never saw any of them
choleric, envious, malicious, or revengeful ; but
preserving their tempers, or being less irascible
than we generally are, they quit the stage with
the same good nature with which they en
tered it.

"When they wrestle, they seize each other
by a strong plaited girdle, made of the fibres
of the cocoa-nut, and worn round the waist
for that purpose ; and they describe nearly the
same operations in this contest that we do in
what we call hugging or scuffling. In boxing
their manoeuvres are different. They had both
hands clinched, and bound round separately
with small cords, which perhaps was intended
to prevent their clinching each other when
closely engaged, thus preventing foul play ; or
it might be to preserve the joints of the fin
gers, and especially the thumb, from being dis
located. Perhaps the best general idea I can
convey of their attitudes in this exercise, is to
compare them with those of the ancient glad
iators of Rome, which they much resembled.

" They are very expert and intrepid in these
performances, but, as they are mere friendly
efforts of skill and prowess, they continue no
longer than till the purposes of such a con
tention are answered ; and the combatant, as
soon as he finds that he shall be conquered,

JOHNLEDYARD. 77

is seldom such an obstinate fool as to be beat
out of his senses to be made sensible he is so,
but retires most commonly with a whole skin.
But the exercise of the club is not so, and as
these contests are very severe, and even dan
gerous, they are seldom performed. We never
saw but one instance of it, but it was a most
capital one, as the performers were capital char
acters ; and though we expected the exhibition
to be very short, yet it lasted nearly twenty
minutes, protracted by the skill of the com
batants in avoiding each other's blows, some
of which were no less violent than artful.
After being pretty well buffeted about the
body, a fortuitous blow upon the head of one
decided the matter, and the conquered was
carried off, while the victor, elated with suc
cess, stood and enjoyed the subsequent shouts
of praise, that proceeded from the spectators.
When these shouts ended, the young women
round the circle rose, and sang, and danced a
short kind of interlude in celebration of the
hero."

Not to be outdone by the monarch of the
Friendly Isles in politeness and attempts to
please, Cook got up a brilliant exhibition of
fireworks, with which Poulaho and all his
people were greatly astonished and delighted.
The mathematical and astronomical instru-

78 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

merits, which had been fitted up in tents on
shore, were also matters of curiosity and won
der. The natives were particularly amused,
likewise, with the horses, cows, sheep, goats,
and other animals, which Led yard said, on
leaving the Cape of Good Hope, made the
ships resemble Noah's ark. As dogs and hogs
were the only animals found on the islands,
and of course the only ones ever before seen
by the inhabitants, they seemed completely
puzzled to know what to make of these new
orders of the creation. The sheep and goats
they called birds j but the horses, cows, cats,
and rabbits, were nondescripts for which no
place had been assigned in their scientific ar
rangement.

Thus agreeably passed the days at Tonga-
taboo ; the good natured people omitted noth
ing, which was in their power, to gratify their
visitors, whether by supplying them with the
best provisions the islands afforded, or by
amusing them with innocent pastimes. One
thing only marred the harmony of their inter
course. These simple and hospitable people,
each and all, from the highest rank down
wards, were incorrigible thieves ; that is, they
made no scruple to take whatever they could
lay their fingers upon, and appropriate it to
their own use. This habit was prevalent

JOHNLEDYARD. 79

throughout all the South Sea Islands, but no
where had the voyagers been so much an
noyed by it, as at these islands of friendship.

Cook resorted to summary and severe meas
ures to teach the natives what he thought of
this vice, and sometimes inflicted punishments
little suited to the moral light of the people,
whom he arraigned as transgressors. It does
not appear that pilfering was deemed a crime,
or a disreputable offence ; and indeed the his
torian of Cook's Voyages declares, that " the
inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, in their
petty larcenies, were actuated by a childish
disposition, rather than a thievish one." In
this view of the subject, it can hardly be im
agined that there was any natural right in the
civilized visitors to inflict harsh punishment
on their ignorant and kind entertainers ; on
the contrary, it was cruel and unjust; it was
the last way to gain friends, or to inspire the
natives with a love of the moral code.

Ledyard speaks with warmth of some ex
amples of this kind, which came under his
notice, but adds, alluding to Cook, " It must
be remembered that the ability of performing
the important errand before us, depended very
much, if not entirely, upon the precarious sup
plies we might procure from these and other
such islands, and he must of consequence be

80 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

very anxious and solicitous in this concern
ment j but perhaps no consideration will ex
cuse the severity, which he sometimes used
towards the natives on these occasions ; and
he would probably have done better to con
sider, that the full exertion of extreme power
is an argument of extreme weakness ; and na
ture seemed to inform the insulted natives of
the truth of this maxim, for, before we quitted
Tongataboo, we could not go anywhere into
the country upon business or pleasure without
danger."

One instance is related with more particu
larity than others, as it occurred in high life,
and was made a state concern. In Tongata
boo was a chief called Feenou, a man of fine
personal appearance, graceful and commanding
in his carriage, frank in his disposition, gener
ous, enterprising, and bold ; in short, he was
the idol of the people, and throughout all the
isles there was no chief whose renown was so
loudly and heartily trumpeted as that of Fee
nou. He was the man, whom the great Pou-
laho delighted to honor above others.

When the strangers came, Feenou was their
early and devoted friend, and his attachment
and kind offices held out to the last. " If
they lost any goods, and these were carried
either to the interior of Tongataboo, or to any

JOHN LEDYARD. 81

of the detached islands, their only confidential
resource was Feenou j or if any other emer
gency required despatch, policy, courage, or
force, Feenou was the man to advise and act."
Such were the character and deeds of this
chief. He could subdue the hearts of men,
and the strength of an enemy, but he could
not conquer the tyranny of habit. From day
to day he had gazed with inward raptures
upon the gaudy plumage of the peacocks,
which had been brought with much care and
trouble from England ; their charms were ir
resistible ; just as the vessels were about to
sail the peacocks disappeared ; Feenou was
also out of the way ; he had stolen the birds,
and concealed himself with his booty.

The affront was resented by Cook in an
extraordinary manner ; he immediately ordered
Poulaho, the king, to be arrested, and placed a
guard over him in his own house, giving him
to understand that he should be held a pris
oner till the peacocks were restored. This
was a novel mode of making a king answer
able for the acts of his subjects. Much dis
order ensued ; the chiefs felt the insult offered
to their sovereign, and began to assume a war
like attitude, and threaten the guard ; but
Poulaho advised them to desist, and preserve
peace till a reconciliation should be attempted ;
VOL. xiv. 6

82 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and when Cook appeared, the king saluted
him with dignity and respect, but with a man
ifest sense of the injustice that was practised
upon him. His coolness and counsel kept the
people from offering violence to the guards,
who surrounded him with fixed bayonets ; and
the next day Feenou himself came forward,
entreated for the release of the king, and as
sured Cook that the birds should be returned
to him before sunset.

Thus the affair was happily terminated,
leaving a much stronger proof of the firmness
than of the prudence of the great navigator.
The reconciliation was followed by magnifi
cent presents of red feathers and provisions on
the part of Feenou, and others equally valua
ble from Cook. He gave Poulaho some of
the domestic animals, which he had brought
from England for the purpose of distributing
them among the islands. All parties separated
mutually satisfied with each other, and with as
warm tokens of friendship from the natives as
could be expected after the recent transactions.

JOHN LEDYARD. 63

CHAPTER IV.

Society Islands. — Otaheite. — Language, Cus
toms, Religion, Laws, and Government of the
Natives. — Sandwich Islands discovered. —
NootJca Sound. — Cannibalism. — Origin and
Practice of Sacrifices. — Bering's Strait. —
Cook sends Ledyard with two Indians in
Search of a Russian Establishment. — Returns
to the Ships, and reports to Captain Cook.
— Sails to the Sandwich Islands.

WE shall next join our navigators at the
Society Islands, where they arrived on the
14th of August. Many of the officers and
seamen, who had been there on a former voy
age, were recognized by the natives, and re
ceived with great cordiality. The day of land
ing at Otaheite was given up to festivity and
mutual congratulations between old acquaint
ances.

The occurrences during their stay at these
islands are related in a lively manner by Led
yard. He describes the natural productions of
the Society Islands ; the appearance and condi
tion of the natives ; their food, clothing, and
houses ; their language, customs, religion, laws,
and government. From the minuteness with

84 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

which he speaks on most of these subjects, it
is evident that the principal points in the es
say mentioned by Mr. Burney were still fresh
in his memory, and moreover that he was a
close and inquisitive observer of everything,
which came within his reach or knowledge.

"The inhabitants," he remarks, "are of the
largest size of Europeans ; the men are tall,
strong, well limbed, and fairly shaped. The
women of superior rank among them are also
in general above our middle size, but those
of the inferior rank are far below it ; some of
them are quite small. Their complexion is a
clear olive, or brunette, and the whole contour
of the face quite handsome, except the nose,
which is generally a little inclined to be flat.
Their hair is black and coarse ; the men have
beards, but pluck the greatest part of them
out ; they are vigorous, easy, graceful, and lib
eral in their deportment, and of a courteous,
hospitable disposition, but shrewd and artful.
The women cut their hair short, and the men
wear theirs long. They have a custom of
staining their bodies in a manner that is uni
versal among all those islands, and is called
by them tattooing. In doing this, they prick
the skin with an instrument of small, sharp
bones, which they dip, as occasion requires, into
a black composition of coal dust and water,

JOHNLEDYARD. 85

which leaves an indelible stain. The opera
tion is painful, and it is some days before the
wound is well.

" Their clothing consists of a cloth made
of the inner rind of the bark of three differ
ent kinds of trees, the Chinese paper mulberry,
the bread-fruit tree, and a kind of wild fig
tree, which, in the formation of different kinds
of cloth, are differently disposed of by using
one singly, or any two, or all of them together.
The principal excellences of this cloth are its
coolness and softness ; its defects are its being
pervious to water and easily torn. They some
times, especially if it is wet, wear fine mats,
of which they have a great variety.

" Their amusements are music, dancing,
wrestling, and boxing, all which are like those
of Tongataboo.

"As to the religion, laws, and government
of these people, much has been said about
them by former voyagers ; and in truth too
much, especially about their religion, which
they are not fond of discovering, and there
fore, when urged on the matter, they have
often, rather than displease those who made
the inquiry, told not only different accounts,
but such as were utterly inconsistent with
what we knew to be true from ocular demon
stration. They assured us, for instance, that

86 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

they never sacrificed human bodies, but an ac
cident happened, that contradicted it, and gave
us the full proof of it, the operation and
design.

" They believe in the immortality of the
soul, at least its existence in a future state ;
but how it exists, whether as a mere spiritual
substance, or whether it is united again to a
corporeal or material form, and what form, is
uncertain. It is supposed they have notions
of transmigration. Our conjectures originate
from observing that universal, constant, and
uniform regard, which they pay in a greater
or less degree to every species of subordinate
beings, even to the minutest insect, and the
most insignificant reptile. This was never es
teemed a philosophical sentiment, nor a mere
dictate of nature, because the people who en
tertain these notions are not led to embrace
them by the unbiased impulses of nature,
which would lead them to regard their own
species more than any other. It must, there
fore, be from other motives, and I know of
none so probable as religion or superstition,
which are indeed synonymous terms when ap
plied to these people ; besides, it is well known
to have been a religious sentiment among
many other people, both ancient and modern,
who have claimed the appellation of civilized.

JOHN LEDYARD. 87

It exists now among several Asiatic sects, both
east and west of the Ganges, particularly
among the Banians, who abstain from all ani
mal food. It is well known, that some tribes
in Asia have built hospitals for certain species
of subordinate beings."

The author's reasoning here about the doc*
trine of transmigration is somewhat curious,
but his inference that the natives believed in
it, because they showed a regard for inferior
animals, is at least questionable. He goes on
to enforce his opinion, however, by remarking
that they eat little animal food, and abstain
from the flesh of some kinds of birds alto
gether. In killing animals, also, they are care
ful to inflict as little pain as possible ; they
are extremely indulgent to rats, with which
they are much infested, and rarely do them
any harm ; when stung by flies or mosquitoes,
they only frighten them away. This lenity
towards animals, however commendable in
those who practise it, will hardly prove their
faith in the doctrine of transmigration, or that
these savages refrained from crushing a fly or
mosquito, because they apprehended a spirit,
which had once animated a human form, had
been doomed to an existence in one of these
insects.

It is a favorite theory of the author, at

88 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

which he hints on several occasions, that such
habits and superstitions of a people, as are
woven into their character and history, must
have come down from some very remote time,
and not have sprung out of casual or local
circumstances, of which any knowledge exists.
He says, " All the customs of mankind appear
to be derivative and traditionary." How far
he would carry back the tradition, he does
not add ; but this doctrine of transmigration
he traces to Asia, and supposes it to have
found its way to the islands of the Pacific
with the first settlers, who came from that
quarter, and to have kept its place through all
subsequent changes among the superstitions of
their descendants.

" Their notions of a Deity," he continues,
" and the speculative parts of their religion,
are involved, even among themselves, in mys
tery, and perplexed with inconsistencies ; and
their priests, who alone pretend to be informed
of it, have, by their own industrious fabrica
tions and the addition of its traditionary fables,
shut themselves up in endless mazes of inex
tricable labyrinths. None of them act alike in
their ceremonies, and none of them narrate
alike when inquired of concerning the matter;
therefore, what they conceive respecting a God
we cannot tell ; though we conclude, upon the

JOHN LEDYARD. 89

whole, that they worship one great Supreme,
the Author and Governor of all things ; but
there seems to be such a string of subordinate
gods intervening between him and the least
of those, and the characters of the whole so
contrasting, whimsical, absurd, and ridiculous,
that their mythology is very droll, and repre
sents the best of the group no better than a
harlequin.

" The government of Otaheite resembles the
early condition of every government, which, in
an unimproved and unrefined state, is ever a
kind of feudal system of subordination, secur
ing licentious liberty to a few, and a depend
ent servility to the rest."

Having above spoken of Omai, the native
of the Society Islands, whom Cook had taken
with him to England on a former voyage,
and who had received every possible advan
tage for becoming acquainted with the habits,
arts, and enjoyments of civilized life, the reader
may be curious to know in what manner he
demeaned himself when he returned to his
native country, and what were the prospects
of his being benefited by his acquisitions and
experience. In this case, as in many others,
it will be seen, that the attempt to enlighten
the ignorance and change the character of the
savage was unsuccessful.

90 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

On landing at Otaheite, says Ledyard, " we
had a number of visitors, among whom was a
sister of Omai, who came to welcome her
brother to his native country again ; but the
behavior of Omai on that occasion was con
sonant to his proud, empty, ambitious heart,
and he refused at first to own her for his sis
ter ; the reason of which was, her being a
poor, obscure girl, and as he expected to be
nothing but king, the connection would dis
grace him." In a few days the vessels sailed
over to Hueheine, the native island of Omai,
at which he was finally to be left. Here a
small house was built for him, in which his
effects were deposited. About an acre of
ground adjoining the house was purchased of
the natives, surrounded with a ditch, and con
verted into a garden, in which various Eu
ropean seeds were planted. Several of the live
animals, brought from England, were also put
on shore, and left under his charge.

" When ready to sail, Captain Cook made
an entertainment on behalf of Omai at his
little house, and in order to recommend him
still further to the chiefs of the island, he in
vited them also. Every body enjoyed him
self but Omai, who became more dejected as
the time of his taking leave of us for ever ap
proached ; and when he came finally to bid

JOHN LEDYARD. 91

adieu, the scene was very affecting to the
whole company. It is certainly to be regret
ted, that Omai will never be of any service
to his country by his travels, but perhaps will
render his countrymen, and himself too, the
more unhappy."

The subsequent fate of Omai is not known ;
but had his knowledge, his efforts, or his ex
ample produced any valuable effects in his na
tive island, the monuments of them would
have been obvious to future voyagers. There
has never been a more idle scheme of philan
thropy, than that of converting a savage into
a civilized man. No one attempt, it is be
lieved, has ever been successful. Even Samp
son Occum, before his death, relapsed into
some of the worst habits of his tribe ; and no
North American Indian of unmixed blood,
whatever pains may have been taken with his
education, has been known to adopt the man
ners of civilized men, or to pass his life among
them.

The reason is sufficiently plain, without re
sorting to natural instinct. In a civilized com
munity, a man who has been a savage must
always feel himself inferior to those around
him ; this feeling will drive him to his native
woods, where he can claim and maintain an
equality with his associates. This is the uni-

92 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

versal sentiment of nature, and none but a
slave can be without it. When a man lives
with savages, he will assume the habits of a
savage, the light of education will be extin
guished, and his mind and his moral sense
will soon adapt themselves to his condition.

The vessels at length departed from the
Society Islands, and took a northerly course,
with the intention of falling in with the coast
of America, at about the fortieth degree of
north latitude. After sailing six weeks, with
out approaching any other land, than an unin
habited island, consisting chiefly of a bed of
coral rocks, and abounding in turtle of a fine
quality, the mariners were greeted with a view
of high land at a distance, which was not
marked on the charts. It proved to be a new
discovery, and was one of the group of islands,
named afterwards by Cook the Sandwich
Islands. A safe harbor was found and entered,
in which the vessels were no sooner anchored,
than they were surrounded by canoes filled
with the natives, who regarded the new comers
with inexpressible surprise, though not with
apparent fear.

A source of astonishment to the navigators
was, that the people should speak a language
differing but little from those of the Society
Islands and New Zealand, which were distant,

JOHNLEDYARD. 93

the first nearly three thousand, and the other
four thousand miles, with an ocean interven
ing. The wide extent of the Polynesian dia
lects was not then known. Although very
shy at first, the natives were not long in sum
moning courage to go on board. They looked
with wonder upon the objects around them,
examined the hands, faces, and clothes of the
sailors, and inquired if they could eat. When
satisfied on this head, by seeing them devour
dry biscuit, the simple islanders were eager to
show their hospitality, and presented them
with pigs, yams, sweet potatoes, and plantains,
thus verifying a declaration of Ledyard on
another occasion, that "all uncivilized men
are hospitable." A friendly intercourse was
established, and provisions were given in bar
ter for old iron, nails, and other articles of lit
tle intrinsic value, but important to the natives.
Cook remained ten days only at these islands,
and then sailed for the American coast, in
tending to visit them again on his return
from the north in the following winter. It
was now the 1st of February, and no time
was to be lost in hastening his voyage to the
northward, for his plan was to proceed along
the American shore, and run through Bering's
Strait, so as to explore the polar latitudes at
the proper season. Without any remarkable

94 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

accident or adventure he reached the conti
nent, and anchored in Nootka Sound. This is
an extraordinary bay, extending several leagues
into the country, and completely land-locked.
On the first night the ships were anchored in
water nearly five hundred feet deep, and in
other parts it was more than six hundred. A
convenient harbor was found the next day.
The bay is surrounded by lofty hills, and the
shore is so bold, that the ships were secured
by ropes fastened to trees.

Our wanderer was now on his native con
tinent, and although more than three thousand
miles from the place of his birth, yet he could
not resist the sensations kindled by the re
membrance of home. All the deep emotions,
says he, " incident to natural attachments and
early prejudices, played around my heart, and
I indulged them." The feeling was sponta
neous and genuine. Ledyard saw in the in
habitants, likewise, indications of an affinity
between them and the Indians, whom he had
visited in his native country. In all his trav
els he manifests a remarkable acuteness in
observing the human character in its vari
ous gradations of improvement, and particularly
in detecting resemblances between uncivilized
people of different regions. Whether among
the South Sea Islands, on the Northwest Coast

JOHN LEDYARD. 95

of America, in Kamtschatka, Siberia, or Egypt,
remarks of this kind escape him continually.
He seems to have had in his mind a scale
upon which he graduated the nations of men,
and which he studied so carefully, that he
could assign to each its proper place.

His observations were not restricted to one
class of qualities or circumstances, but they
extended to all that constitute individual and
national peculiarities, to the intellect, physical
characteristics, modes of living, dress, warlike
implements, habitations, furniture, government,
religion, social state, and domestic habits. Nor
was he merely observing and inquisitive ; he
was addicted to thought and reflection. His
theories were raised on the basis of facts ; his
results were sustained by reasons, satisfactory
at least to himself. He was fond of pursuing
analogies, especially in regard to the origin,
customs, and characters of the various races
of men • and here the wide compass of his in
quiries supplied him with so many materials
not accessible to others, that he sometimes
came to conclusions less obvious to those who
follow him, than they were to his own mind.
His description of the people of Nootka is
here inserted.

" I had no sooner beheld these Americans,
than I set them down for the same kind of

96 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

people, that inhabit the opposite side of the
continent. They are rather above the middle
stature, copper-colored, and of an athletic make.
They have long black hair, which they gen
erally wear in a club on the top of the head ;
they fill it, when dressed, with oil, paint, and
the down of birds. They also paint their faces
with red, blue, and white colors, but from
whence they had them, or how they were pre
pared, they would not inform us, rior could we
tell. Their clothing generally consists of skins,
but they have two other sorts of garments ; the
one is made of the inner rind of some sort of
bark, twisted and united together like the woof
of our coarse cloths ; the other very strongly
resembles the New Zealand toga, and is also
principally made with the hair of their dogs,
which are mostly white and of the domestic
kind. Upon this garment is displayed, very
well executed, the manner of their catching
the whale ; we saw nothing so well done by a
savage in our travels. Their garments of all
kinds are worn mantlewise, and the borders of
them are fringed, or terminated with some par
ticular kind of ornament.

" Their richest skins, when converted to gar
ments, are edged with a great curiosity. This is
nothing less than the very species of wampum,
so well known on the opposite side of the con-

JOHNLEDYARD. 97

tinent. It is identically the same ; and this
wampum was not only found among all the
aborigines we saw on this side of the conti
nent, but even exists unmutilated on the op
posite coasts of North Asia. We saw them
make use of no coverings to their feet or legs,
and it was seldom they covered their heads.
When they did, it was with a kind of a bas
ket covering, made after the manner and form
of the Chinese and Chinese Tartars' hats.
Their language is very guttural, and if it were
possible to reduce it to our orthography, it
would very much abound with consonants. In
their manners they resemble the other aborigi
nes of North America. They are bold and fe
rocious, sly and reserved, not easily provoked,
but revengeful ; we saw no signs of religion
or worship among them, and if they sacrifice,
it is to the god of liberty."

The fact here stated, respecting wampum, is
curious, and confirms a remark of the author,
that the diffusive power of commerce extended
at that time throughout the whole continent
of North America. " Nothing," says he, " can
impede the progress of commerce among the
uninformed part of mankind, but an interven
tion of too remote a communication by water."
Civilized nations may impose restrictions, or
adopt regulations, under the name of protect-

VOL. XIV. 7

98 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ing laws, and thereby embarrass commerce ; but,
when left free to move in its own channels,
there is no obscure nook of human society,
which it will not pervade. Ledyard discov
ered, among the natives on the Northwest
Coast, copper bracelets and knives, which could
only have come to them across the continent
from Hudson's Bay. Clapperton found articles
of English manufacture in the heart of Africa;
and the Russian embassy to Bukaria met with
others from the same source in Central Asia.
The wampum of the North American Indians
has been an article of traffic, and probably
passed as a kind of currency among all the
tribes, from time immemorial.

Ledyard's views of the commercial resources
of Nootka Sound, and other parts of the North
west Coast, must not be overlooked in this
place, because they were the foundation of
many important succeeding events of his life,
in suggesting to him the benefits of a traffick
ing voyage to that coast. It will be seen
hereafter, that he was the first, whether in
Europe or America, to propose such a voyage
as a mercantile enterprise, and that he perse
vered against numerous obstacles for several
years, though with fruitless endeavors to ac
complish his object. The furs, purchased of
the natives for a mere trifle, were sold in

JOHN LEDYARD. 99

China at an enormous advance, which had not
been anticipated, but which gave ample proof
of the advantages of such a commerce, under
taken upon a large scale.

After enumerating some of the productions
of the soil, he adds, " The light in which this
country will appear most to advantage respects
the variety of its animals, and the richness of
their furs. They have foxes, sables, hares, mar
mosets, ermines, weasels, bears, wolves, deer,
rnoose, dogs, otters, beavers, and a species of
weasel called the glutton. The skin of this
animal was sold at Kamtschatka, a Russian
factory on the Asiatic coast, for sixty rubles,
which is near twelve guineas • and had it been
sold in China, it would have been worth thirty
guineas. We purchased while here about fif
teen hundred beaver, besides other skins, but
took none but the best, having no thoughts at
that time of using them to any other advan
tage, than converting them to the purposes of
clothing ; but it afterwards happened that skins,
which did not cost the purchaser sixpence
sterling, sold in China for one hundred dollars.
Neither did we purchase a quarter part of the
beaver and other fur skins we might have
done, and most certainly should have done, had
we known of meeting the opportunity of dis
posing of them to such an astonishing profit."

100 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

At Nootka Sound, and at the Sandwich
Islands, Ledyard witnessed instances of canni
balism. In both places he saw human flesh
prepared for food, but on one occasion only at
each ; for, he says, the sailors expressed such
a horror at the sight, that the natives never
ventured to repeat the act in their presence.
In this part of his narrative he makes a di
gression on sacrifices, which I shall quote, not
so much for its originality, or the conclusive-
ness of its reasoning, as to show his manner
of considering the subject. His opinion is, that
cannibalism, or the custom of eating human
flesh, which has by no means been uncommon
among savage tribes, had its origin in the cus
tom of sacrificing human victims. There is
good evidence, that other tribes of North Amer
ican Indians, besides those at Nootka, have been
cannibals, if they are not so even at the pres
ent day. There was a time, when some phi
lanthropists professed to doubt the existence of
this habit, so shocking to humanity ; but the
mass of testimony brought to light since Cook's
first voyage is such, as to conquer the most
obstinate reluctance to conviction. Let the
skeptic look at New Zealand, and cease to
doubt.

" The custom of sacrificing is very ancient.
The first instance we have of it is in the

JOHN LEDYARD. 101

lives of Cain and Abel. Their sacrifices con
sisted in part of animal flesh, burnt upon an
altar dedicated to God. This custom exists
now among all the uncivilized and Jewish na
tions, in the essential rites requisite to prove it
analogous to the first institution. The only
material change in the ceremony is, that the
barbarous nations have added human flesh.
Whether this additional ingredient in the obla
tion took place at a remote subsequent period,
by the antecedent intervention of any extraor
dinary circumstance independent of the original
form, does not appear, unless we place the sub
sequent period below the time of Abraham, or
perhaps below the time of Jephthah.

" The circumstance of Abraham's intended
sacrifice of Isaac, to which he was enjoined by
the Deity, though he absolutely did not do it,
yet was sufficient to introduce the idea that
such a sacrifice was the most pleasing to God ;
arid as it was an event very remarkable, it
probably became an historical subject, and went
abroad among other tribes, and was handed
down among them by tradition, and liable to
all the changes incident thereto ; and in time
the story might have been, that Abraham not
only offered, but really did sacrifice his own
son.

" But perhaps the story of Jephthah, judge of

102 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Israel, is more to the point. It is. said, he sac
rificed his daughter as a burnt-offering to the
god who had been propitious to him in war ;
which does appear to be an act independent
of custom or tradition, as it was performed
wholly from the obligations of a rash vow,
made to the Deity in the fulness of a heart
surcharged with hopes and fears. It is also a
fact, that after this, particularly in the reign of
the wicked Ahaz, it was a general custom, es
pecially among the heathen, to make their chil
dren * pass through the fire ; ' by which, I sup
pose, it is understood that they were sacrificed
with fire.

" It seems, then, that the circumstance of
adding human flesh in the ceremony of sacri
ficing did take place in the years antecedent
to Christ, and most probably from the example
of Jephthah. After this we find it shifting
places, attending the diffusive emigrations of the
tribes, and commixing with mankind in general,
but especially with those disunited from the
chosen descendants of the great Abraham ;
whose descendants, being constantly favored
with civil and religious instructions from Heav
en itself, were not only preserved from super
stition and barbarity themselves, but were the
means of furnishing the detached heathen with
a variety of customs and ceremonies, that from

JOHN LEDYARD. 103

the mere light of nature they never could have
thought of j nor could they preserve them pure
and uncorrupt after they had adopted them.

" Even the favored Israelites were perpetu
ally deviating into schisms and cabals, and fre
quently into downright idolatry, and all the van
ity of superstition and unbridled nonsense, from
the imbecility of human policy, when uninflu
enced by heavenly wisdom and jurisprudence.
No wonder, then, that the separate tribes from
the house of Abraham, though they primarily
received many of their principles of civil and
religious government from a pure fountain,
should debase and contaminate them by the
spurious conjunction of things derived from
their own imaginations. And this seems to
have been the course of things to this day.
There hath always been a part of mankind,
conspicuous for knowledge, superior in wisdom,
and favored by Heaven, from whom others are
separated ; and these, like the moon, have only
shone with borrowed light.

" Some customs may be local and indigenous
to particular times and circumstances, both in
the civilized and uncivilized world, but far the
greater part are derivative, and were originally
bestowed on man by his supreme Governor ;
those that we find among the civilized and
wise, measured on a philosophic scale, are un-

104 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

corrupted, while those that we find existing in
parts remote from civilization and knowledge,
though they have a resemblance which plainly
intimates from whence they came, are yet de
based, mutilated, and by some hardly known.
But who, that had seen a human body sacri
ficed at Otaheite to their god of war, would
not perceive an analogy to ancient custom on
those occasions, and attribute it rather to such
custom than to any other cause whatever ?

" And the custom is not confined to Ota
heite alone ; it pervades the islands throughout
the Pacific Ocean. It was the case with the
ancient Britons. The Mexicans depopulated
society by this carnivorous species of sacrifice.
This could not be the effect of accident, want,
or caprice. It may be worthy of notice to re
mark furthermore, that in the time of Ahaz,
these sacrifices were made in high places. It
was so in Mexico, and is so at Otaheite and
other islands. The Mexicans flung their vic
tims from the top of their temple, dedicated
to their god of war. The Otaheitans and the
other islanders prepare those oblations on their
Morais."

Captain Cook remained a few days only at
Nootka Sound, and then sailed northward, coast
ing along the American shore, and making va
rious geographical discoveries, till he came to

JOHN LEDYARD. 105

Bering's Strait, which separates Asia from Amer
ica. In passing through this strait, Ledyard
says both continents were distinctly seen at the
same time. Cook traversed the polar seas in
the month of August, as far north as the ice
would permit, in search of a northwest passage,
but without success. As the season advanced,
he returned to the south, intending to renew
his attempts the next year.

Few occurrences are recorded in the voyage
back to the Sandwich Islands. There is one,
however, which merits particular attention in
this narrative, since our hero was the chief
actor. The adventure is mentioned in Cook's
Voyages, and by Captain Burney, as highly
creditable to the enterprise and discretion of
Ledyard. It happened at the Island of Ona-
laska, on the Northwest Coast. Ledyard him
self wrote a particular description of it, which
hardly admits of abridgment, and which may
best be given, therefore, in his own words.

" I have before observed, that we had no
ticed many appearances to the eastward of this,
as far almost as Sandwich Sound, of a Eu
ropean intercourse, and that we had at this
island in particular met with circumstances,
that did not only indicate such an intercourse,
but seemed strongly to intimate, that some Eu
ropeans were actually somewhere on the spot.

106 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

The appearances that led to these conjectures
were such as these. We found among the in
habitants of this island two different kinds of
people ; the one we knew to be the aborigines
of America, while we supposed the others to
have come from the opposite coasts of Asia.
There were two different dialects also observed,
and we found them fond of tobacco, rum, and
snuff. Tobacco we even found them possessed
of, and we observed several blue linen shirts
and drawers among them.

" But the most remarkable circumstance was
a cake of rye meal newly baked, with a piece
of salmon in it, seasoned with pepper and salt,
which was brought and presented to Cook by
a comely young chief, attended by two of those
Indians whom we supposed to be Asiatics.
The chief seemed anxious to explain to Cook
the meaning of the present, and the purport of
his visit ; and he was so far successful as to
persuade him, that there were some strangers
in the country, who were white, and had come
over the great waters in a vessel somewhat
like ours, and though not so large, was yet
much larger than theirs.

" In consequence of this, Cook was deter
mined to explore the island. It was difficult,
however, to fix upon a plan, that would at
once answer the purposes of safety and expe-

JOHN LED YARD. 107

dition. An armed body would proceed slowly,
and if they should be cut off by the Indians,
the loss in our present circumstances would be
irreparable ; and a single person would entirely
risk his life, though he would be much more
expeditious if unmolested, and if he should be
killed the loss would be only one. The latter
seemed the best, but it was extremely hard to
single out an individual, and command him to
go upon such an expedition ; and it was there
fore thought proper to send a volunteer, or
none.

" I was at this time, arid indeed ever after,
an intimate friend of John Gore, first lieuten
ant of the Resolution, a native of America as
well as myself, and superior to me in com
mand. He recommended me to Captain Cook
to undertake the expedition, with which I im
mediately acquiesced. Captain Cook assured
me, that he was happy I had undertaken it, as
he was convinced I should persevere ; and after
giving me some instructions how to proceed,
he wished me well, and desired I would not
be longer absent than a week if possible, at
the expiration of which he should expect me
to return. If I did not return by that time,
he should wait another week for me, and no
longer. The young chief before mentioned,
and his two attendants, were to be my guides.

108 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

I took with me some presents adapted to the
taste of the Indians, brandy in bottles, and
bread, but no other provisions. I went entirely
unarmed, by the advice of Captain Cook.

" The first day we proceeded about fifteen
miles into the interior part of the island, with
out any remarkable occurrence, until we ap
proached a village just before night. This
village consisted of about thirty huts, some of
them large and spacious, though not very high.
The huts are composed of a kind of slight
frame, erected over a square hole sunk about
four feet into the ground ; the frame is covered
at the bottom with turf, and upwards it is
thatched with coarse grass ; the whole village
was out to see us, and men, women, and chil
dren crowded about me. I was conducted by
the young chief, who was my guide, and
seemed proud and assiduous to serve me, into
one of the largest huts.

" I was surprised at the behavior of the In
dians, for though they were curious to see me,
yet they did not express that extraordinary
curiosity, that would be expected had they
never seen a European before ; and I was glad
to perceive it, as it was an evidence in favor
of what I wished to find true, namely, that
there were Europeans now among them. The
women of the house, which were almost the

JOHN LEDYARD. 109

only ones I had seen at this island, were much
more tolerable than I expected to find them ;
one, in particular, seemed very busy to please
me ; to her, therefore, I made several presents,
with which she was extremely well pleased.
As it was now dark, my young chief intimated
to me, that we must tarry where we were that
night, and proceed further the next day ; to
which I very readily consented, being much
fatigued. Our entertainment, the subsequent
part of the evening, did not consist of delica
cies or much variety j they had dried fish, and
I had bread and spirits, of which we all par
ticipated. Ceremony was not invited to the
feast, and nature presided over the entertain
ment.

" At daylight Perpheela (which was the
name of the young chief that was my guide)
let me know, that he was ready to go on j
upon which I flung oif the skins I had slept
in, put on my shoes and outside vest, and arose
to accompany him, repeating my presents to
my friendly hosts. We had hitherto travelled
in a northerly direction, but now went to the
westward and southward. I was now so much
relieved from the apprehension of any insult
or injury from the Indians, that my journey
would have been even agreeable, had I not
been taken lame, with a swelling in the feet,

110 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

which rendered it extremely painful to walk ;
the country was also rough and hilly, and the
weather wet and cold. About three hours be
fore dark we came to a large bay, which ap
peared to be four leagues over.

" Here my guide, Perpheela, took a canoe
and all our baggage, and set off, seemingly to
cross the bay. He appeared to leave me in
an abrupt manner, and told me to follow the
two attendants. This gave me some uneasi
ness. I now followed Perpheela's two attend
ants, keeping the bay in view ; but we had not
gone above six miles before we saw a canoe
approaching us from the opposite side of the
bay, in which were two Indians. As soon as
my guides saw the canoe, we ran to the shore
from the hills and hailed them, and finding
they did not hear us, we got some bushes and
waved them in the air, which they saw, and
stood directly for us. This canoe was sent
by Perpheela to bring me across the bay, and
shorten the distance of the journey.

" It was beginning to be dark when the
canoe came to us. It was a skin canoe, after
the Esquimaux plan, with two holes to ac
commodate two sitters. The Indians that came
in the canoe talked a little with my two
guides, and then came to me and desired I
get into the canoe. This I did not

JOHN LEDYARD. Ill

very readily agree to, however, as there was
no other place for me but to be thrust into
the space between the holes, extended at
length upon my back, and wholly excluded
from seeing the way I went, or the power of
extricating myself upon any emergency. But
as there was no alternative, I submitted thus
to be stowed away in bulk, and went head
foremost very swift through the water about
an hour, when I felt the canoe strike a
beach, and afterwards lifted up and carried
some distance, and then set down again ; after
which I was drawn out by the shoulders by
three or four men, for it was now so dark that
I could not tell who they were, though I was
conscious I heard a language that was new.

" I was conducted by two of these persons,
who appeared to be strangers, about forty rods,
when I saw lights, and a number of huts like
those I left in the morning. As we approached
one of them, a door opened, and discovered a
lamp, by which, to my joy and surprise, I dis
covered that the two men, who held me by
each arm, were Europeans, fair and comely,
and concluded from their appearance they were
Russians, which I soon after found to be true.
As we entered the hut, which was particularly
long, I saw, arranged on each side, on a plat
form of plank, a number of Indians, who all

112 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

bowed to me ; and as I advanced to the fur
ther end of the hut, there were other Russians.
When I reached the end of the room, I was
seated on a bench covered with fur skins, and
as I was much fatigued, wet, and cold, I had
a change of garments brought me, consisting
of a blue silk shirt and drawers, a fur cap,
boots, and gown, all which I put on with the
same cheerfulness they were presented with.
Hospitality is a virtue peculiar to man, and
the obligation is as great to receive as to
confer.

" As soon as I was rendered warm and com
fortable, a table was set before me with a
lamp upon it ; all the Russians in the house
sat down round me, and the bottles of spirits,
tobacco, snuff, and whatever Perpheela had,
were brought and set upon it. These I pre
sented to the company, intimating that they
were presents from Commodore Cook, who
was an Englishman. One of the company then
gave me to understand, that all the white peo
ple I saw there were subjects of the Empress
Catharine of Russia, and rose and kissed my
hand, the rest uncovering their heads. I then
informed them, as well as I could, that Com
modore Cook wanted to see some of them,
and had sent me there to conduct them to
our ships.

JOHN LEDYARD. 113

" These preliminaries over, we had supper,
which consisted of boiled whale, halibut fried
in oil, and broiled salmon. The latter I ate,
and they gave me rye bread, but would eat
none of it themselves. They were very fond
of the rum, which they drank without any
mixture or measure. I had a very comfortable
bed composed of different fur skins, both under
and over me, and being harassed the preceding
day, I went soon to rest. After I had lain
down, the Russians assembled the Indians in
a very silent manner, and said prayers after
the manner of the Greek Church, which is
much like the Roman.

" I could not but observe with what partic
ular satisfaction the Indians performed their
devoirs to God, through the medium of their
little crucifixes, and with what pleasure they
went through the multitude of ceremonies at
tendant on that sort of worship. I think it a
religion the best calculated in the world to
gain proselytes, when the people are either un
willing or unable to speculate, or when they
cannot be made acquainted with the history
and principles of Christianity without a formal
education.

" I had a very comfortable night's rest, and
did not wake the next morning until late. As
soon as I was up, I was conducted to a hut
VOL. xiv. 8

114 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

at a little distance from the one I had slept
in, where I saw a number of platforms raised
about three feet from the ground, and covered
with dry coarse grass and some small green
bushes. There were several of the Russians
already here, besides those that conducted me,
and several Indians, who were heating water
in a large copper caldron over a furnace, the
heat of which, and the steam which evapo
rated from the hot water, rendered the hut,
which was very tight, extremely hot and suf
focating.

" I soon understood this was a hot bath, of
which I was asked to make use in a friendly
manner. The apparatus being a little curious,
I consented to it, but before I had finished
undressing myself, I was overcome by the sud
den change of the air, fainted away, and fell
back on the platform I was sitting on. I was,
however, soon relieved by having cold and
lukewarm water administered to my face and
different parts of my body. I finished undress
ing, and proceeded as I saw the rest do, who
were now all undressed. The Indians, who
served us, brought us, as we sat or extended
ourselves on the platforms, water of different
temperatures, from that which was as hot as
we could bear, to quite cold. The hot water
was accompanied with some hard soap and a

JOHN LEDYARD. 115

flesh-brush ; it was not, however, thrown on
the body from the dish, but sprinkled on with
the green bushes. After this, the water made
use of was less warm, and by several grada
tions became at last quite cold, which con
cluded the ceremony.

" We again dressed and returned to our
lodgings, where our breakfast was smoking on
the table ; but the flavor of our feast, as well
as its appearance, had nearly produced a re
lapse in my spirits, and no doubt would, if I
had not had recourse to some of the brandy
I had brought, which happily saved me. I
was a good deal uneasy, lest the cause of my
discomposure should disoblige my friends, who
meant to treat me in the best manner they
could. I therefore attributed my illness to the
bath, which might possibly have partly occa
sioned it, for I am not very subject to faint
ing. I could eat none of the breakfast, how
ever, though far from wanting an appetite. It
was mostly of whale, sea-horse, and bear,
which, though smoked, dried, and boiled, pro
duced a composition of smells very offensive
at nine or ten in the morning. I therefore
desired I might have a piece of smoked sal
mon broiled dry, which I ate with some of
my own biscuit.

" After breakfast I intended to set off on

116 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

my return to the ships, though there came on
a disagreeable snow storm. But my new-found
friends objected to it, and gave me to under
stand, that I should go the next day, and. if
I chose, three of them would accompany me.
This I immediately agreed to, as it anticipated
a favor I intended to ask them, thoueh I be-

7 O

fore much doubted whether they would com
ply with it. I amused myself within doors,
while it snowed without, by writing down a
few words of the original languages of the
American Indians, and of the Asiatics, who
came over to this coast with these Russians
from Kamtschatka.

" In the afternoon the weather cleared up,
and I went out to see how those Russian ad
venturers were situated. I found the whole
village to contain about thirty huts, all of
which were built partly under ground, and
covered with turf at the bottom, and coarse
grass at the top. The only circumstance that
can recommend them is their warmth, which
is occasioned partly by their manner of con
struction, and partly by a kind of oven, in
which they constantly keep a fire night and
day. They sleep on platforms built on each
side of the hut, on which they have a num
ber of bear and other skins, which render them
comfortable ; and as they have been educated

JOHN LEDYARD. 117

in a hardy manner, they need little or no other
support, than what they procure from the sea
and from hunting.

" The number of Russians were about thir
ty, and they had with them about seventy
Kamtschadales, or Indians from Kamtschatka.
These, with some of the American Indians,
whom they had entered into friendship with,
occupied the village, enjoyed every benefit in
common with the Russians, and were converts
to their religion. Such other of the aborigi
nes of the island, as had not become converts
to their sentiments in religious and civil mat
ters, were excluded from such privileges, and
were prohibited from wearing certain arms.

" I also found a small sloop of about thirty
tons' burden lying in a cove behind the vil
lage, and a hut near her, containing her sails,
cordage, and other sea equipage, and one old
iron three pounder. It is natural to an ingen
uous mind, when it enters a town, a house, or
ship, that has been rendered famous by any
particular event, to feel the full force of that
pleasure, which results from gratifying a noble
curiosity. I was no sooner informed, that this
sloop was the same in which the famous Be
ring had performed those discoveries, which
did him so much honor, and his country such
great service, than I was determined to go on

118 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

board of her, arid indulge the generous feelings
the occasion inspired.

" I intimated my wishes to the man that
accompanied me, who went back to the vil
lage, and brought a canoe, in which we went
on board, where I remained about an hour,
and then returned. This little bark belonged
to Kamtschatka, and came from thence with
the Asiatics already mentioned to this island,
which they call Onalaska, in order to estab
lish a pelt and fur factory. They had been
here about five years, and go over to Kamts
chatka in her once a year to deliver their
merchandise, and get a recruit of such supplies
as they need from the chief factory there, of
which I shall take further notice hereafter.

" The next day I set off from this village.
well satisfied with the happy issue of a tour,
which was now as agreeable as it was at first
undesirable. I was accompanied by three of
the principal Russians, and some attendants.
We embarked at the village in a large skin
boat, much like our large whale-boats, rowing
with twelve oars ; and as we struck directly
across the bay, we shortened our distance sev
eral miles, and the next day, passing the same
village I had before been at, we arrived by
sunset at the bay where the ships lay, and
before dark I got on board with our new ac-

JOHN LEDYARD. 119

quaintances. The satisfaction this discovery
gave Cook, and the honor that redounded to
me, may be easily imagined, and the several
conjectures respecting the appearance of a for
eign intercourse were rectified and confirmed."
Such other researches as could be pursued
at that season having been made at Onalaska,
and along the coast, Cook left the continent
and shaped his course for the Sandwich Islands.
Two months' sailing brought him in view of
one of the group, not discovered on his voy
age to the north, called by the natives Owhy-
hee, or Hawyhee, as Ledyard writes it, or Ha
waii, according to the modern orthography of
the missionaries. As our traveller is more mi
nute in his description of the events that hap
pened at this island, and particularly in his
account of the death of Captain Cook, than
most, narrators, and as he describes only what
came within his own knowledge, it may be
worth while to dwell a little upon these topics.

120 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER Y.

Cook arrives again at the Sandwich Islands. —
The Natives show Symptoms of Uneasiness. —
Cook departs, but is compelled by a Storm to
return. — Natives receive him coldly. — Is at
tacked and killed. — Ledyard's Description of
the Event. — Expedition sails for Kamtschat-
ka, and returns to England. — Lcdyard's Opin
ions respecting the first Peopling of the South
Sea Islands.

THE ships were several days among the
islands, sailing in different directions, before a
harbor was discovered in which they could
anchor with safety, and where water and pro
visions could be procured. At length they en
tered a commodious bay on the south side of
Owhyhee, extending inland about two miles
and a half, having the town of Kearakekua
on one side, and Kiverua on the other. These
towns contained fourteen hundred houses. The
crowds of people that flocked to the shore, as
the vessels sailed in and came to anchor, were
prodigious. They had assembled from the in
terior and the coast. Three thousand canoes
were counted in the bay, filled with men,
women, and children, to the number of at

JOHN LEDYARD. 121

least fifteen thousand, besides others that were
swimming and sustaining themselves on floats
in the water.

The scene was animated and grotesque in
the extreme. "The beach, the surrounding
rocks, the tops of houses, the branches of trees,
and the adjacent hills were all covered ; and
the shouts of joy and admiration, proceeding
from the sonorous voices of the men, confused
with the shriller exclamations of the women
dancing and clapping their hands, the overset
ting of canoes, cries of the children, goods
afloat, and hogs that were brought to market
squealing, formed one of the most curious pros
pects that can be imagined/' But amidst this
immense concourse, all was peace, harmony,
hilarity, and good nature. Many of the natives
were contented to gaze and wonder ; others,
by their noise and actions, gave more imposing
demonstrations of their joy and admiration ;
while others were busy in bartering away
hogs, sweet potatoes, and such provisions as
they had, for articles that pleased their fancy.

Cook's first visit to the shore was attended
with a good deal of ceremony. Two chiefs,
with long white poles as ensigns of their au
thority, made a passage among the canoes for
his pinnace, and the people, as he was rowed
along, covered their faces with their hands.

122 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

When he landed, they fell prostrate on the
beach before him, and a new set of officers
opened a way for him through the crowd.
The same expressions of awe were manifested,
as he proceeded from the water's edge. " The
people upon the adjacent hills, upon the houses,
on the stone walls, and in the tops of the
trees, also hid their faces, while he passed
along the opening ; but he had no sooner passed
them, than they rose and followed him. But
if Cook happened to turn his head, or look
behind him, they were down again in an in
stant, and up again as soon whenever his face
was reverted to some other quarter. This
punctilious performance of respect in so vast
a throng, being regulated solely by the acci
dental turn of one man's head, and the trans
ition being sudden and short, rendered it very
difficult even for an individual to be in proper
attitude. If he lay prostrate but a second too
long, he was pretty sure not to rise again
until he had been trampled upon by all be
hind him, and if he dared not to prostrate
himself, he would stumble over those before
him who did. This produced a great many
laughable circumstances, and as Cook walked
very fast, to get from the sand into the shades
of the town, it rendered the matter still more
difficult. At length, however, they adopted a

JOHN LED YARD. 123

medium, that much better answered a running
compliment, and did not displease the chiefs ;
this was to go upon all fours, which was truly
ludicrous among at least ten thousand people/'
This confusion ceased, however, before long,
for Cook was conducted to the Moral, a sacred
enclosure, which none but the chiefs and their
attendants were allowed to enter. Here he
was unmolested, and the presents were dis
tributed.

His first object was to procure a situation
on shore to erect tents, and fit up the astro
nomical instruments. A suitable spot was
granted, on condition that none of the seamen
should leave the place after sunset, and with
a stipulation on the part of the chiefs, that
none of their people should enter it by night.
To make this effectual, the ground was marked
out by white rods, and put under the restric
tion of the tabu, which no native dared vio
late, being restrained by the superstitious fear
of offending the atuas, or invisible spirits of
the island. This caution surprised Cook a lit
tle, as he had not witnessed it among the na
tives of the other South Sea Islands. It ap
peared reasonable, and he consented to it, not
foreseeing the mischiefs to which it would
ultimately lead. Ledyard considers it the ori
gin of all the disasters that followed. Restric-

124 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

tions were imposed, which could not be en
forced ; they were violated secretly at first,
then with less reserve, and at last openly.

The men in the tents were the first to
transgress, by going abroad contrary to the
agreement. The native women were tempted
by them to pass over the prescribed limits,
although they shuddered at the apprehension
of the consequences, which might follow such
a disregard of the tabu. When they found,
however, that no harm came upon them from
the enraged atuas, their fears by degrees sub
sided. This intercourse was not such as to
raise the Europeans in the estimation of the
islanders. It was begun by stealth, and pros
ecuted in violation of the sacred injunction of
the tabu; and as no measures were taken to
prevent it, the chiefs naturally considered it an
infraction of the agreement. Ledyard was him
self stationed on shore with a guard of marines
to protect the tents, and enjoyed the best op
portunity for seeing and knowing what passed
in that quarter.

Harmony, and a good understanding among
all parties, prevailed for several days. Cook
went through the ceremony of being anointed
with cocoanut oil by one of the chief priests,
and of listening to a speech half an hour in
length, on the occasion, from the same high

JOHN LEDYARD. 125

dignitary. When Teraiobu, the king, a feeble
old man, returned from one of the other islands,
where he had been on a visit, there was an
other ceremony, conducted with great form, at
his meeting with Cook. Entertainments suc
ceeded, and good cheer and good humor were
seen everywhere. Cook first invited Teraiobu
and his chiefs on board to dinner. They
were temperate, drinking water only, and eat
ing but little. The old king satisfied him
self entirely with bread-fruit and water, but
the younger chiefs comprised in their repast
the luxury of pork and fowls. They all went
away well pleased, and the king invited Cook
to dine with him the next day at his royal
residence. The invitation was accepted; and
when the hour came, the navigator and his
officers were sumptuously feasted on baked
hog and potatoes, neatly spread out on green
plantain leaves, and for beverage they were
supplied with cocoanut milk. The day was
closed with gymnastic exercises, wrestling and
boxing, ordered by the old king for the amuse
ment of his guests.

On the next evening, Cook in his turn ex
hibited fireworks on shore, much to the amaze
ment of the beholders, who had never before
seen such a display. Many laughable inci
dents occurred. When the first sky-rocket was

126 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

discharged, the multitude was seized with the
greatest consternation. Cook and his officers
" could hardly hold the old feeble Teraiobu,
and some elderly ladies of quality that sat
among them ; and before they had recovered
from this paroxysm, nearly the whole host, that
a moment before surrounded them, had fled."
Some were too much frightened to return any
more, but others came back as their fears
abated, and had the courage to keep their
ground through the remainder of the exhibi
tion.

Thus all things were proceeding, as Ledyard
expresses it, "in the old Otaheite style;" the
visitors and the islanders were mutually pleased
with each other, kind offices were reciprocated,
abundant stores of provisions were carried on
board, and prospects were favorable.

While affairs were in this train, Ledyard
formed the design of ascending the high peak,
which rises from the centre of the island, and
is called by the natives Mouna Roa. Although
this mountain stands on an island only ninety
miles in diameter, yet it is one of the highest
in the world. Its elevation has been estimated
to be about eighteen thousand feet, and its
summit is usually covered with snow. From
his station at the tents, Ledyard sent a note
on board the Resolution to Captain Cook, ask-

JOHN LEDYARD. 127

ing permission to make this jaunt, for the
double purpose of exploring the interior, and,
if possible, climbing to the top of the moun
tain. The request was granted. The botanist,
and the gunner of the Resolution, were deputed
by the commander to accompany him. Na
tives were also engaged to carry the baggage,
and serve as guides through the woods. A
tropical sun was then pouring its rays on
them at the Bay of Kearakekua, but the snows
visible on the peak of Mouna Roa warned
them to provide additional clothing, and guard
against the effects of a sudden transition from
heat to cold. The party at length set off.
On first leaving the town, their route lay
through enclosed plantations of sweet potatoes,
with a soil of lava, tilled in some places with
difficulty. Now and then a patch of sugar
cane was seen in a moist place. Next came
the open plantations, consisting chiefly of bread
fruit trees, and the land began to ascend more
abruptly.

" We continued up the ascent," he writes,
" to the distance of a mile and a half further,
and found the land thick covered with wild
fern, among which our botanist found a new
species. It was now near sunset, and being
upon the skirts of these woods, that so remark
ably surrounded this island at a uniform dis-

128 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

tance of four or five miles from the shore, we
concluded to halt, especially as there was a hut
hard by, that would afford us a better retreat
during the night, than what we might expect
if we proceeded. When we reached the hut,
we found it inhabited by an elderly man, his
wife, and daughter, the emblem of innocent,
uninstructed beauty. They were somewhat
discomposed at our appearance and equipment,
and would have left their house through fear,
had not the Indians, who accompanied us, per
suaded them otherwise, and at last reconciled
them to us. We sat down together before the
door, and from the height of the situation we
had a complete retrospective view of our route,
of the town, of part of the bay, and one of
our ships, besides an extensive prospect on the
ocean, and a distant view of three of the
neighboring islands.

u As we had proposed remaining at this hut
through the night, and were willing to pre
serve what provisions we had ready dressed,
we purchased a little pig, and had him dressed
by our host, who, finding his account in his
visitants, bestirred himself and soon had it
ready. After supper we had some of our bran
dy diluted with the mountain water ; and we
had so long been confined to the poor brack
ish water at the bay below, that it was a kind

JOHN LEDYARD. 129

*i icctar to us. As soon as the sun was set,
we found a considerable difference in the state
of the air. At night a heavy dew fell, and we
felt it very chilly, and had recourse to our
blankets, notwithstanding we were in the hut.
" The next morning, when we came to en
ter the woods, we found there had been a
heavy rain, though none of it had approached
us, notwithstanding we were within two hun
dred yards of the skirts of the forest. And it
seemed to be a matter of fact, both from the
information of the natives and our own obser
vations, that neither the rains nor the dews
descended lower than where the woods termi
nated, unless at the equinoxes or some period
ical conjuncture, by which means the space
between the woods and the shore is rendered
warm, and fit for the purposes of culture, and
the vegetation of tropical productions. We
traversed these woods by a compass, keeping
a direct course for the peak, and were so happy
the first day as to find a footpath that tended
nearly our due course, by which means we
travelled by estimation about fifteen miles; and
though it would have been no extraordinary
march, had circumstances been different, yet,
as we found them, we thought it a very great
one ; for it was not only excessively miry and
rough, but the way was mostly an ascent, and

VOL. XIV. 9

130 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

we had been unused to walking, and especial
ly to carrying such loads as we had. Our
Indian companions were much more fatigued
than we were, though they had nothing to
carry, and, what displeased us very much, would
not carry anything.

" Our botanical researches delayed us some
what. The sun had not set when we halted ;
yet, meeting with a situation that pleased us,
and not being limited as to time, we spent
the remaining part of the day as humor dic
tated, some in botanizing, and those who had
fowling-pieces with them in shooting. For my
part, I could not but think the present appear
ance of our encampment claimed a part of our
attention, and therefore set about some altera
tions and amendments. It was the trunk of
a tree, that had fallen by the side of the
path, and lay with one end transversely over
another tree, that had fallen before in an op
posite direction, and as it measured twenty-
two feet in circumference, and lay four feet
from the ground, it afforded very good shelter
except at the sides, which defect I supplied
by large pieces of bark, and a good quantity
of boughs, which rendered it very commodious.
We slept through the night under it much
better than we had done the preceding, not
withstanding there was a heavy dew, and the
air cold.

JOHN LEDYARD. 131

" The next morning we set otit in good
spirits, hoping that day to reach the snowy
peak ; but we had not gone a mile, before the
path, that had hitherto so much facilitated our
progress, began not only to take a direction
southward of west, but had been so little fre
quented as to be almost effaced. In this sit
uation we consulted our Indian convoy, but to
no purpose. We then advised among our
selves, and at length concluded to proceed by
the nearest route without any beaten track,

and went in this manner about four miles fur-

t

ther, finding the way even more steep and
rough than we had yet experienced, but, above
all. impeded by such impenetrable thickets as
rendered it impossible for us to proceed any
further. We therefore abandoned our design,
and returning in our own track, reached the
retreat we had improved the last night, hav
ing been the whole day in walking only about
ten miles ; and we had been very assiduous
too.

11 We found the country here, as well as at
the sea-shore, universally overspread with lava,
and also saw several subterranean excavations,
that had every appearance of past eruption
and fire. Our botanist to-day met with great
success, and we had also shot a number of fine
birds of the liveliest and most variegated plu-

132 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

mage that any of us had ever met with ; but
we heard no melody among them. Except
these, we saw no other kind of birds but the
screech-owl ; neither did we see any kind of
quadruped ; but we caught several curious in
sects. The woods here are thick and luxu
riant, the largest trees being nearly thirty feet
in the girth, and these with the shrubbery un
derneath, and the whole intersected with vines,
render it very umbrageous.

" The next day, about two in the afternoon,
we cleared the woods by our old route, and
by six o'clock reached the tents, having pen
etrated about twenty-four miles, and, we sup
posed, within eleven of the peak. Our Indians
were extremely fatigued, though they had no
baggage."*

Were we to follow the author closely in
his narrative, we should here introduce his de
scription of the Island of Hawaii, and of the
various objects that attracted his notice. He
speaks of the geological structure of the island,
its soil, productions, climate, and animals ; the

* This mountain was never ascended to the top, till re
cently. Mr. Goodrich, one of* the American missionaries
on the island, was the first person who persevered in reach
ing the summit He ascended on a side of the moun
tain nearly opposite to that where Ledyard made the
attempt

JOHN LEDYARD. 133

customs of the natives, their superstitions, gov
ernment, and criminal offences ; their way of
living, and the remarkable differences between
them and the other islanders of the South Sea.
On some of these topics his remarks are ori
ginal and striking ; but we must pass over them,
and hasten to particulars of higher interest.

Before two weeks had expired, the natives
began to show symptoms of uneasiness at the
presence of the foreigners, and to treat them
with diminished respect. In truth, very little
pains were taken to preserve their good opin
ion, or to keep alive their kind feelings ; and
one untoward event after another was perpet
ually occurring, to lessen the admiration which
novelty had excited, and to alienate them from
their newly made friends. Ledyard mentions
several incidents of this description, which are
not alluded to in the authorized account of
Cook's last voyage. Some of them, probably,
were not known to the writer, and others were
omitted from motives of policy, as being rather
evidences of neglect or injudicious manage
ment, than of cautious or discreet measures.
The natives first began to practise slight in
sults, which seemed to proceed rather from a
mischievous, than a malignant temper.

The master's mate was ordered to take on
board the rudder of the Resolution, which had

134 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

been sent ashore for repairs. It was too heavy
for his men to remove, and he asked the na
tives to assist them. Fifty or sixty immedi
ately caught hold of the rope attached to the
rudder, and began to pull. But whether in
sport, or by design, they caused only embar
rassment and disorder. u This exasperated the
mate, and he struck two or three of them,
which being observed by a chief that was
present, he interposed. The mate haughtily
told the chief to order his people to assist
him, and the chief as well as the people, hav
ing no intention but of showing their disregard
and scorn, which had long been growing to
wards us, laughed at him, hooted him, and
threw stones at him and the crew, who, taking
up some trunnels that were lying by, fell upon
the Indians, beat many of them much, and
drove the rest several rods back ; but the
crowd, collecting at a little distance, formed,
and began to use abusive language, challenge
our people, and throw stones, some of which
came into our encampment." Ledyard's guard
of marines was ordered out, " at least to make
a show of resentment," and the commanding
officer at the tents went out himself to quell
the disturbance ; but they were all pelted with
stones, and retired, leaving the field to the na
tives till night, when the rudder was taken
on board

JOHN LEDYARD. 135

" Instances of this kind, though of less ap
parent importance, had happened several times
before this on shore ; but on board hardly a
day passed, after the first week, that did not
produce some petty disturbance in one or both
of the ships, and they chiefly proceeded from
thefts perpetrated by the natives in a manner
little short of robbery. Cook and Teraiobu
were fully employed in adjusting and com
promising these differences ; and as there was
really a reciprocal disinterested regard between
him and this good old man, it tended much
to facilitate these amicable negotiations. But
in the midst of these measures, Cook was in
sensible of the daily decline of his greatness
and importance in the estimation of the na
tives ; nay, so confident was he, and so secure
in the opposite opinion, that on the 4th of
February he came to Kearakekua, with his
boats, to purchase and carry off the fence round
the Morai, which he wanted to wood the ships
with. When he landed, he sent for the priest
Kikinny, and some other chiefs, and offered
them two iron hatchets for the fence. The
chiefs were astonished, not only at the inade
quate price, but at the proposal, and refused
him.

" Cook was as much chagrined as they were
surprised, and, not meeting with the easy ao

136 AMERICAN BIOG11APHY.

quiescence he expected to his requisitions, gave
immediate orders to his people to ascend the
Morai, break down the fence, and load the
boats with it, leading the way himself to en
force his orders. The poor, dismayed chiefs,
dreading his displeasure, which they saw ap
proaching, followed him upon the Morai to
behold the fence that enclosed the mansions
of their noble ancestors, and the images of
their gods, torn to pieces by a handful of rude
strangers, without the power, or at least with
out the resolution, of opposing their sacrilegious
depredations.

" When Cook had ascended the Morai. he
once more offered the hatchets to the chiefs.
It was a very unequal price, if the honest
chiefs would have accepted of the bribe ; and
Cook offered it only to evade the imputation
of taking their property without payment.
The chiefs again refused it. Cook then added
another hatchet, and, kindling into resentment,
told them to take it or nothing. Kikinny, to
whom the offer was made, turned pale, and
trembled as he stood, but still refused. Cook
thrust them into his garment, that was folded
round him, and left him immediately, to hasten
the execution of his orders. As for Kikinny,
he turned to some of his menials, and made
them take the hachets out of his garment, not

JOHN LEDYARD. 137

touching them himself. By this time a con
siderable concourse of the natives had assem
bled under the walls of the Morai, where we
were throwing the wood down, and were very
outrageous, and even threw the wood and im
ages back as we threw them down ; and I
cannot think what prevented them from pro
ceeding to greater lengths. However, it so
happened that we got the whole into the boats,
and safely on board."

This story is told differently by Captain
King, who wrote that part of Cook's Third
Voyage, which relates to the Sandwich Islands.
As he represents it, no objection was made to
the proposal for taking away the enclosure of
wood, that surrounded the Morai, and even the
images were tumbled down and carried off,
under the eyes of the priests, without any re
sistance or disapprobation on their part. This
would seem improbable. The Morai was the
depository of the dead, a place where the im
ages of the gods were kept and solemn cere
monies performed. It is not easy to reconcile
the two accounts, but Ledyard was employed
with others in removing the fence, and he
manifestly describes what he saw. He may
not have been so well acquainted with the
manner and conditions of the purchase as Cap
tain King, yet in the detail of occurrences in

138 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

which he was engaged, and their effects on
the people around him, it is hardly possible
that he should have been mistaken. Again,
he writes,

" On the evening of the 5th we struck our
tents, and everything was taken on board, and
it was manifestly much to the satisfaction of
the natives. A little after dark, an old house,
that stood on a corner of the Morai, took fire
and burnt down ; this we supposed was occa
sioned by our people's carelessly leaving their
fire near it j but this was not the case. The
natives burnt it themselves, to show us the
resentment they entertained towards us, on ac
count of our using it without their consent,
and indeed manifestly against it. We had
made a sail-loft of one part of it, and a hos
pital for our sick of the other, though it evi
dently was esteemed by the natives as holy as
the rest of the Morai, and ought to have been
considered so by us."

They had now been nineteen days in Keara-
kekua Bay ; the ships had been repaired, the
seamen recruited after their long toils, provis
ions for several months laid in, and nothing
more was wanting, to enable them to go again
to sea, but a supply of water. This was not
to be had at Kearakekua, except of a brackish
quality, and it was resolved to search for it

JOHN LED YARD. 139

on some of the other islands. For this object
the vessels were unmoored, and sailed out of
the harbor. No sooner had they got to sea,
than a violent gale came on, which lasted three
days, and injured so seriously the Resolution's
foremast, that Cook was compelled to return
speedily to his old anchorage ground and make
repairs. Our voyager is so circumstantial in
his account from this point, till the tragical
death of Captain Cook that I shall not mar
his narrative by curtailing it. The only thing
necessary to be premised is, that he was one
of the small party, who landed with the un
fortunate navigator on the morning of his
death, and was near him during the fatal con
test, although this does not appear from his
own statement.

" Our return to this bay was as disagreeable
to us, as it was to the inhabitants, for we
were reciprocally tired of each other. They
had been oppressed, and were weary of our
prostituted alliance, and we were aggrieved by
the consideration of wanting the provisions
and refreshments of the country, which we
had every reason to suppose, from their be
havior antecedent to our departure, would now
be withheld from us, or brought in such small
quantities as to be worse than none. What
we anticipated was true. When we entered

140 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHT.

the bay, where before we had the shouts of
thousands to welcome our arrival, we had the
mortification not to see a single canoe, and
hardly any inhabitants in the towns. Cook
was chagrined, and his people were soured.

" Towards night, however, the canoes came
in, but the provisions, both in quantity and
quality, plainly informed us that times were
altered ; and what was very remarkable was,
the exorbitant price they asked, and the par
ticular fancy they all at once took to iron dag
gers or dirks, which were the only articles
that were any ways current, with the chiefs
at least. It was also equally evident from the
looks of the natives, as well as every other
appearance, that our former friendship was at
an end, and that we had nothing to do but to
hasten our departure to some different island,
where our vices were not known, and where
our extrinsic virtues might gain us another
short space of being wondered at, and doing
as we pleased, or, as our tars expressed it, of
being happy by the month.

" Nor was their passive appearance of dis
gust all we had to fear, nor did it continue
long. Before dark a canoe with a number of
armed chiefs came alongside of us without
provisions, and indeed without any perceptible
design. After staying a short time only, they

JOHN LEDYARD. 141

went to the Discovery, where a part of them
went on board. Here they affected great
friendship, and unfortunately overacting it,
Clerke was suspicious, and ordered two senti
nels on the gangways. These men were pur
posely sent by the chief, who had formerly
been so very intimate with Clerke, and after
wards so ill treated by him, with the charge
of stealing his jolly-boat. They came with a
determination of mischief, and effected it.

" After they were all returned to the canoe
but one, they got their paddles and everything
ready for a start. Those in the canoes, ob
serving the sentry to be watchful, took off his
attention by some conversation, that they knew
would be pleasing to him, and by this means
favored the designs of the man on board, who,
watching his opportunity, snatched two pairs of
tongs, and other iron tools that then lay close
by the armorers at work at the forge, and
.mounting the gangway-rail, with one leap
threw himself and his goods into the canoe,
that was then upon the move, and, taking up
his paddle, joined the others ; and standing di
rectly for the shore, they were out of our reach
almost instantaneously, even before a musket
could be had from the arms-chest to fire at
them. The sentries had only hangers.

" This was the boldest exploit that had yet

142 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

been attempted, and had a bad aspect. Clerke
immediately sent to the Commodore, who ad
vised him to send a boat on shore to endeavor
at least to regain the goods, if they could not
the men who took them ; but the errand was
as ill executed as contrived, and the master of
the Discovery was glad to return with a severe
drubbing from the very chief, who had been
so maltreated by Clerke. The crew were also
pelted with stones, and had all their oars
broken, and they had not a single weapon in
the boat, not even a cutlass, to defend them
selves. When Cook heard of this, he went
armed himself in person to the guard on shore,
took a file of marines, and went through the
whole town demanding restitution, and threat
ening the delinquents arid their abettors with
the severest punishments ; but not being able
to effect anything, he came off just at sunset,
highly displeased, and not a little concerned at
the bad appearance of things. But even this
was nothing to what followed.

" On the 13th, at night, the Discovery's large
cutter, which was at her usual moorings at the
bower buoy, was taken away. On the 14th,
the captains met to consult what should be
done on this alarming occasion ; and the issue
of their opinions was, that one of the two cap
tains should land with armed boats and a guard

JOHN LEDYARD. 143

of marines at Kiverua, and attempt to persuade
Teraiobu, who was then at his house in that
town, to come on board upon a visit, and that,
when he was on board, he should be kept
prisoner, until his subjects should release him
by a restitution of the cutter ; and if it was
afterwards thought proper, he, or some of the
family who might accompany him, should be
kept as perpetual hostages for the good be
havior of the people, during the remaining part
of our continuance at Kearakekua.

" This plan was the more approved of by
Cook, as he had so repeatedly, on former occa
sions to the southward, employed it with suc
cess. Clerke was then in a deep decline of
his health, and too feeble to undertake the
affair, though it naturally devolved upon him,
as a point of duty not well transferable ; he
therefore begged Cook to oblige him so much,
as to take that part of the business of the
day upon himself, in his stead. This Cook
agreed to, but. previous to his landing, made
some additional arrangements, respecting the
possible event of things, though it is certain,
from the appearance of the subsequent ar
rangements, that he guarded more against the
flight of Teraiobu, or those he could wish to
see, than from an attack, or even much insult.

" The disposition of our guards, when the

144 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

movements began, was thus. Cook, in his pin
nace, with six private marines, a corporal, ser
geant, and two lieutenants of marines, went
ahead, followed by the launch with other ma
rines and seamen on one quarter, and the
small cutter on the other, with only the crew
on board. This part of the guard rowed for
Kearakekua. Our large cutter and two boats
from the Discovery had orders to proceed to
the mouth of the bay, form at equal distances
across, and prevent any communication by wa
ter from any other part of the island to the
towns within the bay, or from those without.
Cook landed at Kiverua about nine o'clock in
the morning, with the marines in the pinnace,
and went by a circuitous march to the house
of Teraiobu, in order to evade the suspicion
of any design. This route led through a con
siderable part of the town, which discovered
every symptom of mischief, though Cook,
blinded by some fatal cause, could not per
ceive it, or, too self-confident, would not re
gard it.

" The town was evacuated by the women
and children, who had retired to the circum
jacent hills, and appeared almost destitute of
men ; but there were at that time two hun
dred chiefs, and more than twice that number
of other men, detached and secreted in differ-

JOHNLEDYARD. 145

ent parts of the houses nearest to Teraiobu,
exclusive of unknown numbers without the
skirts of the town ; and those that were seen
were dressed, many of them, in black. When
the guard reached Teraiobu's house, Cook or
dered the lieutenant of marines to go in and
see if he was at home, and if he was, to bring
him out. The lieutenant went in, and found
the old man sitting with two or three old
women of distinction ; and, when he gave Te
raiobu to understand that Cook was without,
and wanted to see him, he discovered the
greatest marks of uneasiness, but arose and ac
companied the lieutenant out, holding his hand.
When he came before Cook, he squatted down
upon his hams as a mark of humiliation, and
Cook took him by the hand from the lieuten
ant, and conversed with him.

" The appearance of our parade both by
water and on shore, though conducted with
the utmost silence, and with as little ostenta
tion as possible, had alarmed the towns on
both sides of the bay, but particularly Kive-
rua, where the people were in complete order
for an onset ; otherwise it would have been a
matter of surprise, that though Cook did not
see twenty men in passing through the town,
yet, before he had conversed ten minutes
with Teraiobu, he was surrounded by three or
VOL. xiv. 10

146 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

four hundred people, and above half of them
chiefs.

" Cook grew uneasy when he observed this,
and was the more urgent in his persuasions
with Teraiobu to go on board, and actually
persuaded the old man to go at length, and
led him within a rod or two of the shore ;
but the just fears and conjectures of the chiefs
at last interposed. They held the old man
back, and one of the chiefs threatened Cook,
when he attempted to make them quit Terai
obu. Some of the crowd now cried out, that
Cook was going to take their king from them
and kill him, and there was one in particular
that advanced towards Cook in an attitude
that alarmed one of the guard, who presented
his bayonet and opposed him, acquainting Cook
in the mean time of the danger of his situa
tion, and that the Indians in a few minutes
would attack him; that he had overheard the
man, whom he had just stopped from rushing
in upon him, say that our boats which were
out in the harbor had just killed his brother,
and he would be revenged.

" Cook attended to what this man said, and
desired him to show him the Indian, that had
dared to attempt a combat with him, and as
soon as he was pointed out, Cook fired at him
with a blank. The Indian, perceiving he re-

JOHN LEDYARD. 147

ceived no damage from the fire, rushed from
without the crowd a second time, arid threat
ened any one that should oppose him. Cook,
perceiving this, fired a ball, which entering the
Indian's groin, he fell and was drawn off by
the rest.

" Cook, perceiving the people determined to
oppose his designs, and that he should not
succeed without further bloodshed, ordered the
lieutenant of marines, Mr. Phillips, to withdraw
his men and get them into the boats, which
were then lying ready to receive them. This
was effected by the sergeant ; but the instant
they began to retreat, Cook was hit with a
stone, and perceiving the man who threw it,
shot him dead. The officer in the boats, ob
serving the guard retreat, and hearing this third
discharge, ordered the boats to fire. This oc
casioned the guard to face about and fire, and
then the attack became general."

" Cook and Mr. Phillips were together a few
paces in the rear of the guard, and, perceiving
a general fire without orders, quitted Teraiobu,
and ran to the shore to put a stop to it ; but
not being able to make themselves heard, and
being close pressed upon by the chiefs, they
joined the guard, who fired as they retreated.
Cook, having at length reached the margin of
the water, between the fire of the boats, waved

148 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

with his hat for them to cease firing and
come in ; and while he was doing this, a chief
from behind stabbed him with one of our iron
daggers, just under the shoulder-blade, and it
passed quite through his body. Cook fell with
his face in the water, and immediately expired.
Mr. Phillips, not being able any longer to use
his fusee, drew his sword, and engaging the
chief whom he saw kill Cook, soon despatched
him. His guard, in the mean time, were all
killed but two, and they had plunged into the
water, and were swimming to the boats. He
stood thus for some time the butt of all their
force ; and being as complete in the use of his
sword as he was accomplished, his noble
achievements struck the barbarians with awe ;
but being wounded, and growing faint from
loss of blood and excessive action, he plunged
into the sea with his sword in his hand and
swam to the boats ; where, however, he was
scarcely taken on board, before somebody saw
one of the marines, that had swum from the
shore, lying flat upon the bottom. Phillips,
hearing this, ran aft, threw himself in after
him, and brought him up with him to the
surface of the water, and both were taken in.
" The boats had hitherto kept up a very
hot fire, and, lying off without the reach of
any weapon but stones, had received no dam-

JOHN LEDYARD. 149

age, and, being fully at leisure to keep up an
unremitted and uniform action, made great
havoc among the Indians, particularly among
the chiefs, who stood foremost in the crowd
and were most exposed ; but whether it was
from their bravery, or ignorance of the real
cause that deprived so many of them of life,
that they made such a stand, may be ques
tioned, since it is certain that they in general,
if not universally, understood heretofore that
it was the fire only of our arms that destroyed
them. This opinion seems to be strengthened
by the circumstance of the large, thick mats,
they were observed to wear, which were also
constantly kept wet ; and, furthermore, the In
dian that Cook fired at with a blank discov
ered no fear, when he found his mat unburnt,
saying in their language, when he showed it
to the by-standers, that no fire had touched
it. This may be supposed at least to have
had some influence. It is, however, certain,
whether from one or both these causes, that
the numbers that fell made no apparent im
pression on those who survived ; they were
immediately taken off. and had their places
supplied in a constant succession.

" Lieutenant Gore, who commanded as first
lieutenant under Cook in the Resolution, which
lay opposite the place where this attack was

150 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

made, perceiving with his glass that the guard
on shore was cut off, and that Cook had fallen,
immediately passed a spring upon one of the
cables, and, bringing the ship's starboard guns
to bear, fired two round shot over the boats
into the middle of the crowd ; and both the
thunder of the cannon and the effects of the
shot operated so powerfully, that it produced
a most precipitate retreat from the shore to
the town."

" Our mast that was repairing at Kearake-
kua, and our astronomical tents, were protected
only by a corporal and six marines, exclusive
of the carpenters at work upon it, and de
manded immediate protection. As soon, there
fore, as the people were refreshed with some
grog and reenforced, they were ordered thither.
In the mean time, the marine who had been
taken up by Mr. Phillips discovered returning
life, and seemed in a way to recover, and we
found Mr. Phillips's wound not dangerous,
though very bad. We also observed at Kive-
rua, that our dead were drawn off by the
Indians, which was a mortifying sight; but
after the boats were gone, they did it in spite
of our cannon, which were firing at them sev
eral minutes. They had no sooner effected
this matter, than they retired to the hills to
avoid our shot. The expedition to Kiverua

JOHN LEDYARD. 151

had taken up about an hour and a half, and
we lost, besides Cook, a corporal and three
marines.

" Notwithstanding the despatch that was
used in sending a force to Kearakekua, the
small party there were already attacked before
their arrival ; but by an excellent manoeuvre of
taking possession of the Morai, they defended
themselves without any material damage, until
the succors came. The natives did not at
tempt to molest the boats in the debarkation
of our people, which we much wondered at,
and they soon joined the others upon the Mo
rai, amounting in the whole to about sixty.
Mr. Phillips, notwithstanding his wound, was
present, and, in conjunction with Lieutenant
King, carried the chief command. The plan
was to act only defensively, until we could
get our mast into the water, to tow off, and
our tents into the boats j and as soon as that
was effected, to return on board. This we
did in about an hour's time, but not without
killing a number of the natives, who resolutely
attacked us, and endeavored to mount the walls
of the Morai, where they were lowest ; but be
ing opposed with our skill in such modes of
attack, and the great superiority of our arms,
they were ever repulsed with loss, and at
length retreated among the houses adjacent to

152 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the Moral, which affording a good opportunity
to retreat to our boats, we embraced it, and
got off all well. Our mast was taken on the
booms, and repaired there, though to disad
vantage."

This account is the more valuable, as hav
ing been drawn up by one, who had a per
sonal knowledge of all that passed. Neither
Captain King nor Captain Burney, each of
whom has described the transactions, was on
shore with Cook. Nor, indeed, as hinted above,
can it be inferred with certainty from any
thing Ledyard says, that he was in that part
of the fray. But the confidence and particu
larity with which he speaks would seem to
indicate actual observation. We have Captain
Burney 's testimony, moreover, which may be
deemed conclusive. He says, that " Cook land
ed with Lieutenant Molesworth Phillips of the
marines, Sergeant Gibson, Corporals Thomas
and Ledyard, and six private marines, being in
the whole eleven persons." * It follows, that
Ledyard must have been near Cook from the
time he left the ship till he was killed, and
that he heard and saw distinctly all that hap
pened. Four marines were killed, three wound
ed, and three escaped unhurt, of which last
number he was one.

* Chronological History of Northeastern Voyages of Dis
covery, p. 260.

JOHN LEDYARD. 153

After this melancholy catastrophe, the ships
remained six days in the harbor, till the de
fective mast was repaired, and a supply of
water obtained. This latter was effected with
difficulty, however, as the watering parties were
repeatedly assailed by the natives, and skir
mishes ensued. It may well be imagined,
therefore, that the hour of departure was hailed
with joy by all on board. They passed ten
days more among the islands, and, the water
on board being bad, a fresh supply was pro
cured at the Island of Atui. The season be
ing now advanced, and everything in readiness,
they launched out again into the great ocean,
pursuing a northerly course, with the design
of making a second attempt to explore the
polar regions, in search of a northwest passage.

In six weeks they approached the shore of
Kamtschatka, and anchored in the harbor of
St. Peter and St. Paul. The result of the ex
pedition is well known. They passed through
Bering's Strait, and groped among islands of
ice in a high latitude, but with no better suc
cess than the year before. They touched
again at Kamtschatka on their return ; and,
proceeding by the way of China and the Cape
of Good Hope, they reached England, after an
absence of four years and three months.

Many facts and speculations in our travel-

154 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ler's journal, not a little curious in themselves,
have been omitted in the preceding sketch,
because they would occupy a space not con
sistent with the nature or limits of the pres
ent memoir. I am tempted, however, to
quote his interesting remarks on the mode
in which the South Sea Islands were proba
bly first peopled. The subject has since been
much discussed by philosophers and geogra
phers, but no one before him had examined it
with views so much enlarged by experience
and observation ; and it is believed he was
the first to advance the opinion, that the in
habitants of those islands, scattered as they are
through an ocean of vast exent, " were derived
from one common origin." Of this he will
not allow that there is any room for doubt,
and the only question is, whether they came
from Asia or America.

Whichever way this question may be an
swered, there will remain objections not easy
to be removed, if we attempt to find out a re
semblance in every peculiarity of character and
manners, or to explain obvious differences. He
does not pretend to solve the problem, but
only to throw out such hints illustrative of
the subject as occurred to him, and as tend to
establish the possibility that an emigration
from either of the continents might have reached

JOHN LEDYARD. 155

to all the islands, without any other means of
transportation, than such as the people them
selves possessed.

" The New Zealanders say their ancestors
came from an island called Hawyjee ; now.
Owyhee, as we carelessly pronounce it, is pro
nounced by its inhabitants Hawyhee. This is
a curious circumstance, and admits of a pre
sumption, that the Island of Owyhee, or Hawy
hee, is the island from which the New Zea
landers originally emigrated. It supersedes an
alogical evidence. But Owyhee is in twenty
north, and New Zealand is in forty south, and
not above three hundred leagues distant from
the southern parts of New Holland, and is
besides situated in the latitudes of variable
winds, which admit of emigrations from any
quarter.

" On the other hand, the languages of Owy
hee and New Zealand were originally the
same, and as much alike as that of Otaheite
and New Zealand ; not to mention other cir
cumstances of the like kind. Whereas the
languages at New Zealand and New Holland
have very little or no resemblance to each
other. This difference, with many others, be
tween New Zealand and New Holland, cannot
be reconciled; but the difficulties that may
arise from considering the distance between

156 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

New Zealand and Owyhee may be, as there
are clusters of islands that we know of, and
there may be others unknown, that occupy, at
no great distance from each other, the inter
mediate ocean from Owyhee to New Zealand.
The obvious reasonings, that would be used
to conclude the New Zealanders emigrants
from Owyhee, would b«, first, to suppose them
from the Friendly Isles, then the Society Isles,
and then the Sandwich Isles ; and the grada
tion thus formed is very rational and argu
mentative, because all their manners and cus
toms have the same cast.

" Suppose, then, that the islands we have
mentioned were peopled from Owyhee, and
suppose it to be the first island settled, the
second and ultimate question is, From which
of the continents, America or Asia ? Its situa
tion respecting America, and the trade winds,
strongly intimate from that continent, for it is
twice the distance from Asia that it is from
America; and a ship, fitted for the purpose at
China, which is in a parallel latitude, would
be more than two months in reaching it, and
we must suppose the emigrations that respect
these people to have been merely fortuitous ;
but a canoe, driven by stress of weather from
the southern part of California, or the coast of
New Galicia, the opposite parallel, would reach

JOHN LEDYARD. 157

Owyhee in a direct course in half the time,
or less. The distance is about nine hundred
leagues ; and we saw people at the Island Wat-
teeoo, who had been driven from Otaheite
there, which is five hundred leagues.

" But if we suppose Owyhee peopled from
South America, we shall be somewhat disap
pointed in supporting the conjecture by argu
ments, that respect their manners and customs,
and those of the Californians, Mexicans, Peru
vians, or Chilians. There is but a faint anal
ogy, compared with that which we should
find on the southeastern coasts of Asia in
these respects. Let us, then, without attending
to the few analogical customs, that subsist be
tween the Owyheeans and the South Ameri
cans, reverse our system of emigration. Sup
pose the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands
to have come from the Society Islands, and
those from the Friendly Isles, and the New
Zealanders from them ; the inhabitants of the
Friendly Isles from New Caledonia, from the
New Hebrides, New Guinea, Celebes, Borneo,
Java, or Sumatra, and finally from the conti
nent at Malacca.

" Supposing the emigration we are now
speaking of to have taken this course, the
most apparent argument in its favor is, the
proximity of the several islands to each other,

158 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

from the Friendly Isles to the continent; but
its sufficiency will abate, if we consider emi
grations, as I think they are, oftener the effects
of accident than previous intention ; especially
when out of sight of land. Besides, it is
evident from ocular proof, that, though New
Guinea and New Holland are very near to
each other, there has never been any inter
course between them ; and yet, from many ap
pearances, there seems to have been one be
tween New Guinea, the New Hebrides, and
the Friendly Isles, although farther distant from
each other. There is, indeed, no remarkable
similarity in the people, customs, and manners
of New Guinea and the Friendly Isles, but an
exact conformity between the domestic animals
and vegetable productions of both countries.

" Some fruits, that we call tropical, are pe
culiar to all places within the tropics ; but
bread-fruit is nowhere known, but among these
islands and the islands further northward on
the coast of Asia. It is not known at New
Holland, but it is at New Guinea. Therefore,
wherever I can find this bread-fruit in partic
ular, I shall suppose an intercourse to have
once subsisted, arid the more so, when I find
a correspondent agreement between the ani
mals of different places ; and it ought to be
remembered, also, that there are no other ani-

JOHN LEDYARD. 159

mals throughout those islands, unless they are
near the continent ; those remote islands have
no other. It is the same with their vegeta
bles. The remote islands have no water-mel
ons, guavas, and such other fruits.

" These observations will essentially apply
to the circumstances of emigration. A canoe,
in passing along its own coast, or visiting a
neighboring island, would take on board a hog,
a dog, a fowl, and bread-fruit for subsistence,
in preference to a monkey, a snake, or a
guava ; and if the canoe is driven accidentally
on some foreign island, they turn to greater
advantage."

Since these remarks were written, there have
been many opportunities for further discovery,
but very little has been added to the stock
of knowledge on the subject. The mission
aries, during a residence of thirty years in the
Society Islands, have found nothing among the
traditions or customs of the people, from which
their origin can be deduced. It was supposed
for a time, that the languages of the islanders
in the Pacific Ocean would afford a clew, that
might lead to a solution of the difficulty ; but
hitherto all inquiries in this quarter have failed,
and contributed rather to confirm than dimin
ish the uncertainty, which existed at first. It
is proved, that in all the islands constituting

160 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

that portion of the globe, denominated in re
cent geography Polynesia, a multitude of dia
lects prevail, which have so near an affinity to
each other, as to make it demonstratively cer
tain, that they all sprang from the same stock.

It is moreover remarkable, that none of these
dialects, which has as yet been examined,
bears any analogy to other known languages,
except those in use among the natives of these
islands. It is true, that in the Friendly Islands,
New Zealand, and some others bordering on
the Asiatic Islands, a few Malayan words are
intermixed with the Polynesian, but so sparing
ly as to make a very small part only of the
whole, and with characteristics plainly indicat
ing their foreign origin. If we may judge
from the grammars prepared by the mission
aries, as well as from their own declarations,
very few languages are more widely different
in their principles, structure, and vocabulary,
than the Malayan and Polynesian. No argu
ment, therefore, drawn from the analogy of
languages, any more than from striking traits
of character in the people, can be urged to
prove the Polynesians to have come originally
from the islands on the south of Asia.

The same may be said in regard to North
ern Asia and South America. No resemblances
in language have been discovered, and very

JOHN LEDYARD. 161

slight ones only in prevailing customs ; and
these, after all, may be accidental. Malte-Brun
is opposed to the theory of an emigration
from South America, on the ground, that the
islands nearest the coast are not inhabited.
But this reason has very little weight. In the
first place, these islands are small, and would
thus be the less likely to be met by canoes
floating at random over the ocean, which was
undoubtedly the condition of the first emi
grants ; and in the next place, they are sterile,
and might not have afforded subsistence to
people landing on them.

Again, these islands are not in clusters, but
scattered remotely from each other, and many
casualties may be imagined by which settlers
on them might have been cut off, even if ac
cident had thrown them there. In short, lit
tle can be said, as to the mode of the first
peopling of the Polynesian Islands, with any
approach to certainty. The study of the lan
guage, which the missionaries are now prose
cuting, will open a new channel of investiga
tion, from which some favorable results may
be hoped. Nothing will probably put the ques
tion beyond controversy, but the discovery of
a language among some of the tribes of Asia,
or America, which bears a close resemblance
to the Polynesian.

VOL. XIV. 11

162 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

As no written memorials of the languages
of these tribes remain, if it should have hap
pened, that the nation from which the island
ers descended has become extinct, together
with its language, which is most likely to be
the case, the problem must go down to future
ages, a theme only for ingenious conjecture
and speculation. When the prevalence of the
trade wind is considered, always setting to
wards the west, the probability of a migration
from America is much stronger, than of one
from Asia. Ledyard considers the emigration
to have been comparatively recent, because the
islands are volcanic, having been formed by
violent eruptions from the earth ; and many
centuries must have elapsed after such an
event, before they could be habitable.

The journal, which has now passed under
our notice, can in no respect be regarded as a
complete narrative of Cook's Third Voyage.
It was written, as heretofore stated, under many
disadvantages, in haste, and without the aid of
the author's original notes ; and to all appear
ance the manuscript was printed without his
correction and supervision. The part prepared
by himself breaks off, indeed, more than a year
before the end of the voyage, and was proba
bly filled out by the publisher from the brief
account before printed in England. Ledyard's

JOHN LEDYARD.

163

descriptions agree in the main, however, with
those contained in the large work, which after
wards appeared under the authority of the Ad
miralty. Occasional differences will, of course,
naturally be expected, when we take into view
the different circumstances under which the
commanding officer, and a corporal of marines,
would observe the objects and events they de
scribed. The latter was often in situations to
witness and contemplate occurrences, which
could not come to the knowledge of the for
mer, and which, to a mind acute and observ
ing like his, would make impressions worthy
to be recorded.

Nor is it any disparagement of the other
writers to say, that several of Ledyard's de
scriptions of the manners and peculiarities of
the natives are written with a vivacity, dis
crimination, and force, which they have not
equalled. He utters his own sentiments with
a boldness, and expresses himself with a confi
dence, that convince us of his sincerity, honest
zeal, and mental vigor, even when we cannot
assent to his opinions. He sometimes censures
his superiors in office with a freedom not al
together commendable, and imagines them to
have been actuated by motives, which could
scarcely exist. This may be perceived in the
tone which pervades some of the extracts

164 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

quoted above. His station was not one in
which he could be acquainted with the views
and plans of the commander, and yet his in
quisitive temper, and high sense of his dignity
as a man, prompted him to think for himself,
and put much reliance in the conclusions of
his own mind. When these were thwarted,
as they often would be, it was natural that
he should suppose his superiors in an error,
especially if ill consequences resulted from
their measures.

He was accustomed to speak with high re
spect of Captain Cook, although he thought
his proceedings towards the natives sometimes
rash, and even unjustifiable. But this was no
more than has been thought by many others.
Nobody has ever doubted the purity of Cook's
intentions, or his humanity ; but he adopted a
system of conduct towards the savages, espe
cially in punishing slight offences, the policy
and good effects of which were less obvious
to others than to himself.

Pilfering was so universal in all the South
Sea Islands, that it was hardly recognized in
the moral code of the natives as an offence,
much less a crime ; yet he invariably punished
transgressions of this kind with severity. A
long course of experience had confirmed the
navigator in this system, and he practised it

JOHN LEDYARD. 165

usually with success. We have seen how he
applied it in the case of Feenou, who stole
the peacocks at Tongataboo ; and many similar
instances might be cited. It was his rigid
adherence to this course, in fact, which at last
caused his death ; for he landed at Kiverua
with the express purpose of enticing the old
king on board, that he might retain him there
as a hostage, till the stolen boat should be
given up. The opinions of Ledyard on this
head, therefore, though sometimes expressed
with earnestness, argue no disrespect or want
of esteem for the commander, whom he hon
ored for the high station to which his merits
had raised him, and whom he admired for his
many great and good qualities.

166 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

CHAPTER VI.

Ledyard returns to America. — Interview with
his Mother. — Writes his Journal of CooWs
Voyage. — Visits New York, Philadelphia,
and Boston. — Plans a Voyage to the North
west Coast. — Failure of the Enterprise. —
Was the jirst to propose such a Voyage. —
Sails for Cadiz ; thence to Z/' Orient. — Goes
to Paris.

DURING the two years succeeding our trav
eller's arrival in England from Cook's last ex
pedition, he continued in the navy ; but what
rank he held, or on what stations he served,
cannot now be ascertained. It is only known,
that he refused to be attached to any of the
squadrons, which came out to America, giving
as a reason, that he would not appear in arms
against his native country. Growing weary,
however, of a mode of life little suited to his
disposition, unless on some adventurous enter
prise, like that from which he had lately re
turned, his thoughts began to wander home
ward, and to dwell on the scenes of his youth
ful days. Apparently conquering the scruples,
which he had hitherto urged as the motives
of his reluctance, he sought the first opportu-

JOHN LEDYARD. 167

nity to be transferred to the American station ;
and in December, 1782, we find him on board
a British man-of-war in Huntington Bay, Long
Island Sound.

It was natural that his first impulse should
be to visit his mother, who lived at Southold.
Ostensibly for this purpose he obtained per
mission of seven days' absence from the ship,
but evidently intending to return no more.
Long Island was then in the possession of the
British. He remained but a short time among
his old acquaintances at Huntington, where, it
will be recollected, in his theological tour ten
years before, he had " feasted twelve days on
Mr. Prime's great library." From this place
he hastened to Southold, and the first inter
view with his mother is represented as affect
ing. She kept a boarding-house, which was
at that time occupied chiefly by British offi
cers. He rode up to the door, alighted, went
in, and asked if he could be accommodated
in her house as a lodger. She replied that
he could, and showed him a room, into which
his baggage was conveyed.

After having adjusted his dress, he came
out and took a seat by the fire, in company
with several other officers, without making
himself known to his mother, or entering into
conversation with any person. She frequently

168 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

passed and repassed through the room, and
her eye was observed to be attracted towards
him with more than usual attention. He still
remained silent. At last, after looking at him
steadily for some minutes, she deliberately put
on her spectacles, approached nearer to him,
begging his pardon for her rudeness, and tell
ing him, that he so much resembled a son of
hers, who had been absent eight years, that
she could not resist her inclination to view
him more closely. The scene that followed
may be imagined, but not described ; for Led-
yard had a tender heart, and affection for his
mother was among its deepest and most con
stant emotions.

As he had already resolved to quit the Brit
ish service, being persuaded that no principles
of justice or honor could make it his duty to
act with the enemies of his country, he thought
it prudent, before the seven days had expired,
to leave his mother's house, and go over to
the continent. The recollections of his child
hood detained him a short time at New Lon
don and Groton, and he then proceeded to
Hartford, where, after a ten years' wandering
in the remotest corners of the globe, he re
ceived the cordial greetings of his early friends,
and found a kind home under the roof of his
uncle and former guardian. His feelings on

JOHN LEDYARD. 169

this occasion will be understood from his re
marks in a letter, written shortly after he
reached Hartford.

" You will be surprised to hear of my be
ing at Hartford ; I am surprised myself. I
made my escape from the British at Hunting-
ton Bay. I am now at Mr. Seymour's, and
as happy as need be. I have a little cash,
two coats, three waistcoats, six pair of stock
ings, and half a dozen ruffled shirts. I am a
violent Whig and a violent Tory. Many are
my acquaintances. I eat arid drink when I
am asked, and visit when I am invited • in
short, I generally do as I am bid. All I want
of my friends is friendship j possessed of that,
I am happy."

In writing to other persons he expresses
similar satisfaction j and although, in alluding
to the toils and sufferings he had undergone,
he declares himself to have been worn down
by them to such a degree, as to make his per
son so " perfect a contrast to beauty or ele
gance, that Hogarth himself could not deform
it," yet he writes with a gayety and playful
ness, which show the sorrows of the past to
have been forgotten in the felicity of the pres
ent, and that no gloomy anticipations of the
future were allowed to mingle their alloy.

In Hartford he remained four months, that

170 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

is, from the 1st of January till about the 1st
of May, in which period he wrote the Journal
of Cook's Voyage. In this occupation, and in
visiting his friends, he passed the winter. His
restless spirit could be tranquil no longer. He
had great projects in view, which he was im
patient to see executed. New adventures court
ed his fancy, and flattering hopes, as usual,
pressed him forward with an ardent, deter
mined, and ceaseless zeal. Bidding adieu to
his friends in Hartford, he repaired to New
York, where he unfolded his plans to such
persons, as he thought might be induced to
patronize them j but not meeting with encour
agement adequate to his sanguine expectations,
he hastened onward to Philadelphia. He had
but just arrived in that city, when he de
scribed his condition to his cousin, Dr. Isaac
Ledyard, in a manner so characteristic, that no
apology will be necessary for quoting the letter
in full.

" The day after I parted with you, I took
the Bordentown route, and the next morning
landed at the Crooked Billet, where I break
fasted, and sallied out to view the nakedness
of things here. I first went to McClanagan ;
he had no navigation ; next to two other
houses, but to no purpose. I then went among
the shipping, and examined them pretty thor-

JOHN LEDYARD. 171

oughly. I doubt that I should even be put
to it to get to sea before the mast. The most
of the shipping here are foreigners. Sixteen
sail, of seven different maritime powers, arrived
a few days ago. Fourteen sailors went out
to the northward the morning I arrived, for
want of employ, and numbers are strolling the
docks on the same account. There is at pres
ent little home navigation.

" After a walk of about four hours, I re
turned to my quarters, asked for a room to
change my dress, and went up and counted
my cash ; turned it over and looked at it ;
shook it in my hand j recounted it, and found
two French crowns, half a crown, one fourth
of a dollar, one eighth of a dollar, and just
twelve coppers. Shall I visit H.'s? I looked
at my stockings ; they will do ; my shoes ; if
I look that way, my two crowns and I shall
part. We did part ; I put my new pumps on,
washed, shaved, and went to H.'s, where I had
determined not to go. Mr. H. is now wait
ing for his horse ; he is going to Princeton.
This will go by him. I am at a loss wheth
er to say anything about money here, or de
pend upon this letter meeting you at Prince
ton, wait the return of Mr. H., the chance he
has of seeing you, or — I don't know what to
do. I am determined. Send me, either by

172 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Mr. H. or the first conveyance, some cash.
Adieu."

In this state of embarrassment he continued
for several days, seeking employment without
success, mortified at the defeat of all his pur
poses, and chagrined that his schemes should
be so coldly received by those, who, he had
fondly hoped, would understand and promote
them. By another letter, however, written two
or three weeks after the above, it would ap
pear that a gleam of light was breaking in
upon him, and that his perseverance had not
been wholly fruitless. He writes again to his
cousin.

"It is uncertain by what medium of con
veyance this may reach you. I design it for
the Amboy House, and thence to Middletown.
A duplicate will be directed to Princeton. It
is abundantly manifest that this argues anx
iety, and of so intense a kind too, as to prompt
a wish for the possibility of the annihilation
of time and distance. I have been so often
the sport of fortune, that I durst hardly credit
the present dawn of bright prospects. But it
is a fact, that the Honorable Robert Morris is
disposed to give me a ship to go to the North
Pacific Ocean. I have had two interviews
with him at the Finance Office, and to-morrow
I expect a conclusive one. What a noble hold

JOHN LEDYARD. 173

he instantly took of the enterprise ! I have
been two days, at his request, drawing up a
minute detail of a plan, and an estimate of
the outfits, which I shall present him with to
morrow ; and I am pleased to find, that it will
be two thousand pounds less than one of his
own. I take the lead of the greatest com
mercial enterprise, that has ever been embarked
on in this country ; and one of the first mo
ment, as it respects the trade of America. If
the affair is concluded on, as I expect it will
be, it is probable I shall set off for New Eng
land to procure seamen, or a ship, or both.
Morris is wrapped up in the idea of Yankee
sailors.

" Necessity has overcome my delicacy. I
have unbosomed myself to H., and laid my
poverty open to him. He has relieved me
for the present, which I have told him to
draw on you for. Send me some money, for
Heaven's sake, lest the laurel, now suspended
over the brows of your friend, should fall irre
coverably into the dust. Adieu."

The enterprise to which he alludes in this
letter, as having been concerted with Mr. Mor
ris, and which had occupied his thoughts ever
since his return from Cook's expedition, was a
trading voyage to the Northwest Coast. At
this time no such mercantile adventure had

174 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

been attempted, either in this country or Eu
rope, nor is it known that any thing of the
kind had even been contemplated. Ledyard's
knowledge of the resources of the Northwest
Coast in furs, derived from his observations
while there, particularly at Nootka Sound and
the Russian establishment on the Island of
Onalaska, together with the enormous advances,
which he had seen paid in Canton on the
original cost of this article, had convinced him
that great profits might be realized by a voy
age fitted out expressly for this trade.

Hitherto no market had been opened to the
natives, by which they could dispose of the
superabundance of their furs, or receive such
articles in exchange as might suit their fancy
or convenience j hence the furs could be pur
chased extremely low, and paid for in com
modities of little intrinsic value, and at such
prices as the vendor might choose to affix. It
was clear, therefore, in his mind, that they
who should first engage in this trade would
reap immense profits by their earliest efforts,
and, at the same time, gain such knowledge
and experience, as would enable them to pur
sue it for years, with advantages superior to
any that could be commanded by the compet
itors who might be drawn into the same chan
nel of commerce.

JOHN LEDYARD. 175

So strong had grown his confidence in the
accuracy of his opinions, by long reflection on
the subject, and such was the eagerness of
his desire to prove the truth of his theory by
actual experiment, that he applied the whole
energy of his mind and character to the task
of creating an interest in his project among
the merchants, who had the means of carry
ing it into effect, and without whose patron
age nothing could be done. In New York
he was unsuccessful ; his scheme was called
wild and visionary, and set down as bearing
the marks rather of a warm imagination and
sanguine temperament, than of a sober and
mature judgment. No merchant was found
willing to hazard his money, or his reputation,
in an adventure so novel in its kind, and so
questionable in its promise ; a scheme not only
untried, but never before thought of. His first
inquiries in Philadelphia met with no better
favor, till Mr. Robert Morris, with an enlarge
ment of mind and purpose, which character
ized his undertakings, entered into his views,
and made arrangements to furnish the outfits
of a voyage, according to the plan he drew
up.

The first thing to be done was to procure
a ship suitable for such a voyage. At that
time there was none unemployed in Philadel-

176 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

phia, and Ledyard was despatched to Boston,
where it was thought a purchase might speed
ily be effected, and where progress was actu
ally made in the preparation of a vessel for
this purpose ; but, for some cause not now
known, it was taken for a voyage of a differ
ent kind. He next proceeded to New Lon
don, where the Continental frigate Trumbull
was engaged for the voyage ; but this ship was
afterwards diverted to another adventure, sug
gested by this plan. The Count (VArtois, a
large French ship then lying in the harbor of
New London, was next thought of, but was
finally otherwise destined. Again, a ship in
New York, of about three hundred tons, was
provided ; but, on examination, it proved to be
so old and defective, that it was condemned
as unsafe for a voyage of such length and
hazard.

The season was by this time too far ad
vanced to think of prosecuting the voyage be
fore the next spring. Meantime Mr. Daniel
Parker was employed to purchase a ship in
New York, and to have it in readiness as soon
as the favorable season for its sailing should
arrive. A ship was procured accordingly, but
the outfits were delayed from time to time,
till the winter passed by, and then the spring ;
and, at last, it was sent on an adventure to

JOHN LEDYARD. 177

Canton. Thus a year was spent, in a vexa
tious and fruitless struggle to overcome diffi
culties, which thickened as he advanced, till
his patience, and that of Mr. Morris also, would
seem to have been exhausted, for the voyage
was altogether abandoned.

While he was in New London negotiating
for the ship Trumbull, after his return from
Boston, he wrote a letter to his mother, from
which an extract here follows.

" This is the first opportunity, in reality,
which I have had of writing to you, since I
have been in this country. My ambition to
do everything, which my disposition as a man,
and my relative character as a citizen, and
more tenderly as the leading descendant of a
broken and distressed family, should prompt
me to do, has engaged me in every kind of
speculation, which afforded the least probabil
ity of advancing my interest, my happiness, or
the happiness of my friends. These different
engagements have led me into different con
ditions ; sometimes I have been elated with
hope, sometimes depressed with disappointment
and distress. I postponed informing you of
my circumstances, indulging the constant hope
of their soon being better, until which time I
was determined you should not know any
thing particularly concerning me. If that time
VOL. xiv. 12

178 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

is now arrived, it has been more from the in
fluence of a kind Providence, than my own
merits.

" My prospects, at present, are a voyage to
the East Indies, and eventually round the
world. It will be of two or three years' du
ration. If I am successful, I shall not have
occasion to absent myself any more from my
friends ; but, above all, I hope to have it in
my power to minister to the wants of a be
loved parent, and others who languish and
fade in obscurity. My dear sisters engage my
teriderest love, and solicitude for their future
welfare. My best wish is, that they may be
educated and disposed of suitably to the beauty
of their persons, and their excellent hearts, and
that I could be instrumental in conferring
such a kindness. I beg my brotherly saluta
tions to them. Tell them I long to strew
roses in their laps, and branches of palm be
neath their feet."

It ought to be recorded in this place, that
while Ledyard was in New York, anxiously
waiting for a vessel, his embarrassments, occa
sioned by the want of money, were often re
lieved, in a spirit of great kindness, by Mr.
Comfort Sands. This gentleman became ac
quainted with him in Philadelphia, arid early
approved and promoted the enterprise which

JOHN LEDYARD. 179

he had in contemplation j he proposed sending
an adventure by the same voyage, and during
the whole preparation rendered him essential
services, for which it is believed he never re
ceived any other returns, than such as always
attend the consciousness of benevolent acts,
and of having aided the advancement of large
and useful designs.

Not discouraged by the ill fortune which he
had so signally experienced, Ledyard resolved
not to relinquish his purpose, till he had made
other trials to carry it forward. He repaired
to New London, and suggested the same ad
venture to persons of commercial pursuits in
that port. He was particularly strenuous in
persuading Captain Deshon, who owned a fine
new ship then lying in the harbor, and well
constructed for such a voyage, to embark with
him in a trading expedition to the Northwest
Coast. Captain Deshon was the nephew of
the commander of the vessel in which Led
yard sailed to Gibraltar ; and, although at that
time a youth, he was himself on board in the
service of his uncle. A friendship had ever
afterwards subsisted between the two voyagers,
and Captain Deshon was now willing to join
with his friend in any mercantile adventure,
which should seem to him practicable, safe,
and affording a reasonable prospect of gain.

180 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Bat Ledyard drew so glowing a .picture of the
advantages to be derived from his projected
voyage, the trifling value of the articles neces
sary for an outward cargo, and the immense
advances that would be received on the price
of the articles purchased ; in short, his enthu
siasm gave so bright a coloring to his repre
sentations, and such amplitude to his hopes,
that Captain Deshon could not so far resist
the dictates of prudence, as to participate in
feelings and views, which he deemed little
short of romantic, and as more strongly tinged
with the native warmth of his character, than
with that trait of mind which weighs and
deliberates cautiously before it resolves.

It is needless to add, that, under these im
pressions, he could not prevail on himself to
second his friend's wishes ; yet he was after
wards heard to say, that Ledyard's account,
in its minutest details, was verified by the first
voyages of that kind from the United States,
and that he had often regretted his not hav
ing listened to him, and prosecuted the voy
age in compliance with his solicitation. As
far as can be ascertained, Ledyard's views of
the subject, both as unfolded in the transac
tions with Mr. Morris and with Captain De
shon, accorded exactly with those acted upon
by the first adventurers, who were rewarded

JOHN LEDYARD. 181

with extraordinary success. It was a part of
his plan to purchase lands of the natives, and
establish a factory, or colony, for the purpose
of a continued intercourse and trade.

Weary of making fruitless applications in his
own country, Ledyard determined to embark
for Europe, where he might expect better pat
ronage from larger capitalists, and in a wider
field of commercial activity. Mr. Morris had
made him some compensation for the time he
had spent in his service, and favored him with
several letters of recommendation to eminent
merchants abroad, particularly in Prance. He
took passage in a vessel from New London,
bound to Cadiz. On the 1st of June, 1784,
he wrote as follows to his mother.

" Since I saw you last, I have passed through
a great many difficulties and disappointments,
which my most intimate friends are, and must
be for the present, at least, unacquainted with,
as it will answer no good purpose to break
their repose, or add to my cares, by reflecting
on what is past, and thence anticipating evil.
You have no doubt heard of my very great
disappointment at New York. For a moment,
all the fortitude that ten years' misfortune had
taught me could hardly support me. I am
now very well in health. This will probably
be the last letter I shall write you from this

182 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

country. I shall sail within tw-elve days for
Spain, whence I expect to go to France, and
there again to renew the business I was so
unfortunate in at Ne\v York. If I succeed in
my wishes, it may be two or three years be
fore I return. In this interim, I pray you to
give me your blessing and your prayers. My
sisters I hope are well, and beg them to ac
cept a brother's love. Please to present my
kind love to my brothers. May that Being,
who is infinitely great and infinitely good, be
the friend of them, and of us all."

He sailed for Spain, as here intimated, short
ly after writing this letter, having been the
first, whether in America or Europe, to suggest
a scheme of trade with the Northwest Coast.
which has since proved to be a very lucrative
field of commerce to merchants in both hem
ispheres. It was more than a year after his
earliest application to the merchants in New
York, before any expedition of the kind was
fitted out from Europe. The first voyage from
the United States to the Northwest Coast was
in the ship Columbia, of three hundred tons,
which sailed from Boston under the command
of Captain John Kendrick, about three years
after Ledyard's visit to that place in search of
a ship for Mr. Morris. He may justly be con
sidered, therefore, the first projector of this
branch of commerce.

JOHN LEDYARD.

183

Captain Kendrick so far adopted his ulterior
purpose, as to purchase lands of the natives,
with a view of founding a colony there, when
a proper occasion should offer. To this end,
he took formal deeds of the land, confirmed
by the signs manual of the chiefs, who claimed
the territory.* To some of his friends Led-
yard mentioned his intention of leaving the
ship on the coast, when the cargo should be
obtained, and exploring the country over land
from Nootka Sound, or some point farther north,
across to the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers, thus
traversing the whole space between the Pa
cific and Atlantic Oceans. Meantime the ves
sel was to proceed to China, and thence to
return and meet him in New York, ready for
another voyage.

But all the fine prospects, which he had
dwelt upon in anticipation, are to be given up
for the present, and we must follow him to
Europe. The passage to Cadiz was favorable
and expeditious. He does not seem to have
had any special design in visiting Cadiz, in
reference to the main object of his crossing
the Atlantic. This destination probably await-

* The original deeds are now in the office of the Sec
retary of State in Washington. In company with the Co
lumbia was the Washington, a vessel of one hundred tons'
burden, commanded by Captain Robert Gray.

184 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ed him, in consequence of an opportunity pre
senting itself of a more direct passage to that
port, than to any other in the south of Europe.
L'Orient was the city which he intended to
visit, and in which he had been encouraged
to look for patrons of his projected enterprise.
He had been furnished with letters to wealthy
and enterprising merchants there, and he made
all haste to be on the spot.

Various causes of delay kept him in Cadiz
more than a month. This time he filled up
as well as he could, in gaining information of
the place, of its resources and trade, and of
the manners and character of the people. He
also endeavored to drive away the melancholy
thoughts, incident to the anxiety of his situa
tion, by mingling in social circles, and contriv
ing to be entertained by the public amuse
ments, that were much frequented by all ranks
of people. On the 16th of August he wrote
thus to Dr. Ledyard from Cadiz.

"Just as I was seated, and had dated my
letter, the carriage of General O'Reilly hove in
view, a clumsy, Gothic vehicle, dragged by five
jaded mules to the bull-fight. Who is Gen-
•eral O'Reilly ? A poor, migrating, Irish cadet ;
a soldier that was scalded at the storm of
Gibraltar. O'Reilly is to Cadiz, and all within
his jurisdiction, which consists of two prov-

JOHN LEDYARD. 185

inces, what Czar Peter was to Russia. The
reform he has made in the minutest parts of
his government, as well as the most important,
is looked upon as a phenomenon in this coun
try. He has, with a boldness that character
izes an enterprising commander and legislator,
even struck at those old habits among a peo
ple so dangerous to be meddled with. Envy
is the natural concomitant of such merit, and
O'Reilly has probably greater friends and ene
mies at the court of Madrid than any other
character in the kingdom ; and both parties
had a fair opportunity of contesting their as
cendency, after the miscarriage of the late de
scent against the Moors ; but his conquering
his court enemies at home fully compensated
that misfortune abroad, and confirmed his fame,
nay, added to its lustre.* To execute all these

* This alludes to an attack by the Spaniards on Algiers
in the year 1775. A formidable armament of six ships of
the line, twelve frigates, a large number of smaller vessels,
and twenty-five thousand men, all under the command of
the Conde de O'Reilly, formed that expedition. A large
part of the army was landed, and a partial battle ensued,
in which the Spaniards met with a signal and most dis
graceful defeat. Severe censures were passed on O'Reilly,
and a general spirit of indignation existed against him
throughout Spain ; but the weight of his talents, and his
influence at court, enabled him to triumph over his ene
mies, and to sustain himself in the highest stations.

186 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

great matters, O'Reilly is not the man you
would suppose. His education is contracted ;
he is capricious, severe, and arrogant ; ordinary
in his person, and forbidding in his address.

" The exhibition of the bull-fights is in a
spacious amphitheatre, that will accommodate
twelve thousand spectators. The horsemen
display more skill and courage than the foot
men. But it is a barbarous amusement. There
are many Irish inhabitants here, all of whom
are particularly friendly to Americans. I am
now writing at the house of Mr. Harrison,
handsomely situated on the side of the Ala-
meda. I take a family dinner with him to
day, having already taken a formal one. The
British Consul also receives me with great po
liteness. But what I am doing among these
gentry, with only half a dollar and four reals
in my pocket, you must, with me, wait for
time to develop. I shall soon leave this place
for France, and my route will be either up the
Mediterranean to Marseilles, and thence on the
grand canal west to Bourdeaux, or along the
coast of Spain and Portugal by sea. I yester
day conversed with an Englishman, who is
commissioned to treat privately with our States
in behalf of the Emperor of Morocco ; but if
I can persuade him. to send his Arabic com
mission back, and join me with his cash and

JOHN LEDYARD. 187

importance at Bourdeaux, or Nantz — . The
preliminary step is accomplished, and he is now
somewhere in the town, as busy in the affair
as a dozen such heads as mine could be."

Since no more is heard of this commissioner
from the Emperor of Morocco, it is presumed
the preliminary step was the only one taken
in the business. Ledyard remained in Cadiz,
apparently waiting for a passage either to Mar
seilles, or to some port in the west of France,
as chance might offer. He wrote to his friends,
communicating his observations on what passed
around him, but said little of his own circum
stances or prospects. The remarks now about
to be quoted, are contained in a letter written
to his correspondent in America, after he had
been two weeks at Cadiz, and are not more
curious for their singularity, than for the his
torical hints they convey, in regard to the state
of knowledge and feeling, which then prevailed
in the south of Europe, respecting the United
States.

" The people in this, as in other parts of
Europe, are more systematic than you [Amer
icans] are in everything. Here the routine of
life, however varied, is still uniform, whether
composed of virtue or vice, wisdom or folly.
Before dinner, the merchant, mechanic, and or
dinary laborer, are assiduously intent on their

188 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

different employments. After dinner, they as
regularly devote themselves to their several grat
ifications, which consist either of conversation
or sleep. The opulent and polite adopt the
first. At a polite table, therefore, you hear the
very best things they are capable of saying.
Here, then, I am told you err in your politics ;
I mean that kind of policy, which your inde
pendence has given birth to. The general dis
approbation of your present government on this
score, is the sentiment of those who are sub
jects of other nations, as well as of this ; but
I am happy to say, that I have found no char
acter, who any otherwise thinks ill of you.

" This is not a negative regard, bestowed
on a people they think cannot approximate
their importance, and therefore deserve pity ; it
is a positive one ; and you may please your
selves with the assurance of its originating from
your general conduct during the war. Another
feather in your cap, and that not an obscure
one, let me tell you, is the plain, affable, and
honest deportment of your kinsfolk, who so
journ hereabout. Brother Jonathan is an agree
able singularity. These observations, which
you are included in, did not come from the
cabinet of Charles, or the Pope, who no doubt
hate you very sincerely ; the one for your laws,
which he fears ; and the other for your reli-

JOHN LEDYARD. 189

gion, which he is unwise enough to abom
inate.

" The great complaint, which people make
against your government, is the obscure, unim
portant, unenergetic investitures of Congress.
So strongly are they impressed with the idea
of the degree of power, which Congress ought
to hold, compared with what they now con
ceive it to be invested with, that they declare
the resolve of a Boston committee commands
more immediate attention in Cadiz, than a
congressional one would do ; observing, that
although Congress claims more respectability,
it only demands what it ought to have, and
not what it is possessed of.

" They further add, that whatever embarrass-
'rnents may attend the progress of a young na
tion, and however excusable some exigencies
may have rendered some parts of your conduct,
yet surely the leading preliminaries, the first
strong outlines, that form the basis of a great
republic, cannot be thus lost sight of without
reflecting on your councils. Have you formed
even a treaty of friendship with that pestilen
tial meteor in power, Hamet, Emperor of Mo
rocco? No. Have you in your own right a
Mediterranean passport ? No. What security
have you then for your Straits-men ? The
savage Hamet knows no medium in such kind

190

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

of friendship ; never dreamt of such a thing
as an independent neutrality. What will you
do then ? Eat all your flour, cod, spars, and
potash, or ransom your captivated countrymen
at fifteen hundred pounds a head, and lose your
produce? Hamet wants your alliance. Give
the snarling mastiff a bone, and while he is
gnawing it you can do as you please. It is
certain, that your unorganized system of gov
ernment is here much talked of, and you know
the consequence of these matters being much
talked of. Your paltry state schisms are con*
sidered to be such vulgar errors, as a people
aiming at the most refined system of govern
ment could riot commit, without the imputa
tion of perfect insanity. But adieu, politics.
Indeed, I know not what humor prompted me
to offer my advice to you in this way.

" If the incongruity of my letter bespeaks a
perturbation of rnind, it will not deceive you.
It is a cloudy day with me. However, my
hobby tells me it will be fair weather to-mor
row ; and I believe it, because I wish it. You
will probably next hear from me in France.
In the mean time, let me make sure of one
circumstance, and if to-morrow bring its misfor
tunes, they will be less severe, when I reflect
on having said to those I know will believe
me, that no evil, till that which is esteemed

JOHN LED YARD. 191

the last of evils, can ever obliterate, or even
obscure, that lasting affection and esteem, which
I have for you and your best of brothers. My
other remembrances I commit to your care."

He remained in Cadiz but a few days after
this letter was written, when he somewhat
unexpectedly procured a passage for Brest, on
board the French ship Bourbon. It was rare
for him to be out of health, but in Cadiz he
was attacked with a fever, which had scarcely
left him when he went to sea. While on
board, he writes, " My fever was in conse
quence of a slight cold originally, and height
ened by a fit of uncommon melancholy ; but I
am getting about again, and excepting a slight
debility, and some of Cook's rheumatism in my
bones, I am well." His spirits were not un-
frequently oppressed, when the various turns
in his affairs left him inactive, with precarious
means of support, and uncertain as to the fu
ture ; but he took great pains to conceal the
symptoms of gloom from his friends. They
are occasionally discovered in his letters, rather
from his forced attempts to be cheerful and
gay, when it is evident, by the general tenor
of his thoughts, that his heart is sad, than from
any formal complaints of his ill fortune, or re-
pinings at the will of Providence.

He was now visiting Europe in the prose-

192 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

cution of what he deemed a noble and im
portant enterprise ; but he was going among
strangers, who could only be induced to listen
to his proposals by motives of interest, and
whom he must inspire with some portion of
his own enthusiasm, before they could be ex
pected to favor his schemes, or even compre
hend his views. The task thus presented to
him was disheartening. But however despond
ency might sometimes give a hue to his
thoughts, he never suffered it to weaken his
resolution, or repress his ardor. The great ob
ject of pursuit was never lost sight of, while
his way to its accomplishment was lighted by
a gleam of hope. The whole force of his
mind was now bent upon a voyage of trade
and discovery to the Northwest Coast. lie was
powerfully impressed with the belief, that such
an enterprise would redound to the honor of
those engaged in it, and confer new benefits
upon the commercial world ; and was not a
little chagrined at the small encouragement,
which his strenuous exertions had received in
his own country.

In this state of mind, it is no wonder that
he should express himself in the following
language on his voyage to Brest. " I saw an
English gentleman at Cadiz, who assured me
that, about six months past, a ship of seven

JOHN LEDYARD.

193

hundred tons, commissioned by the Empress
of Russia, was fitted out in the English Thames
on a voyage to the back parts of America ; that
she was armed, and commanded by a Russian,
and that some of her officers were those who
had been with Cook. You see the business
deserves the attention I have endeavored, and
am still striving, to give it; and had Morris
not shrunk behind a trifling obstruction, I
should have been happy, and America would
this moment be triumphantly displaying her
flag in the most remote and beneficial regions
of commerce. I am tired of my vexations."

He arrived, after a short passage, at Brest,
and set off by land through Quimper to L'Ori-
ent. "I am now at Q,uimper," he writes,
;< and to-morrow, if my horses please, I will be
in L'Orient. 'What will you do there ? ' The
best I can. Brest is a naval arsenal, but not
so respectable as I had imagined. Monsieur
de Kerguelen, the great navigator, lives within
nine miles of me ; but a Holland Consul has
me by the button, arid I cannot see him. The
dialect of Bretagne has some resemblance both
to the Irish and Welsh. But good night ; I
must sleep. Tired nature will have it so."
Prom Quimper he proceeded to L'Orient, where
he immediately began to put his affairs in
train.

VOL. xiv. 13

194 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

The letters he brought with him from re
spectable sources procured him a speedy ac
quaintance with gentlemen of the first char
acter in the place ; and his plan was received
with so much approbation, that within twelve
days he completed a negotiation with a com
pany of merchants, and a ship was selected
for the intended voyage. Mutual engagements
were entered into by the parties, and every
thing seemed to wear the most promising as
pect. So unaccustomed had he been to such
good fortune, that he could hardly realize at
first the happy issue of events as they then
stood. " I have been so much the sport of
accident," said he, " that I am exceedingly
suspicious. It is true that, in this L'Orient
negotiation, I have guarded every avenue to
future disappointment with all possible cau
tion ; yet this head I wear is so much a dupe
to my heart, and at other times my heart is so
bewildered by my head, that in matters of
business I have not much confidence in either."

He then speaks of the point to which the
negotiation had been brought, and adds, " But
here comes a but. Ah, these buts ! pray Heaven
they may not but the modicum of brains out
of my head, which Morris has left there. The
but is this. I have arrived so late in the sea
son, that the merchants have procrastinated the

JOHN LEDYARD. 195

equipment until next summer, and requested
me to stay here till then, allowing me genteel
ly for that purpose. And were I but certain
that no cruel misfortune would eventually hap
pen, I should be quite happy, for present ap
pearances could not be better. Upon any con
sideration, it is for my interest to wait the
event ; and as I hourly perceive the folly of
repining at a disappointed wish, or. indeed, of
suffering what I may happen to call misfor
tune, whether present or anticipated, to meet
any other reception from me, than the most
undaunted which my experience can enable
me to meet it with, I am determined to sit
down, not despondingly, dejectedly, or supine
ly ; what a vile row of adverbs ! but contem
platively, cheerily, and industriously. It seems
decreed by somewhat, that I shall be driven
about the world in a most untraversable way ;
but in whatever clime I may alight, my ardent
desire is, that the friendship of my friends may
greet me well. This done, I have drunk my
cordial, and there is not a richer in France ;
and only in America one, which perfumed the
air from M. to Amboy House."

All things being thus arranged to his mind,
and having nothing to regret but the procras
tination of his voyage, which he perceived to
be unavoidable, he resolved to spend the win-

196 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ter in L'Orient, and be in readiness to com
mence preparations the moment that the season
would admit. It was now October, and the
opinion of the merchants was, that a suitable
vessel could not be obtained and properly fitted
out before the succeeding August. Ten months
for such an object seemed a long period to
Ledyard, as well indeed they might. But ex
perience had taught him patience ; and the fair
prospects held out by this negotiation, together
with the consideration, that, by leaving France
at the close of summer, he would pass round
Cape Horn into the Pacific Ocean at the most
favorable season, reconciled him to the delay.

In the mean time, being supplied with a
liberal income by the mercantile company men
tioned above, he frequented the best society in
L'Orient, to whom his extensive knowledge of
the world, his general intelligence, unpretend
ing manners, and frank and generous temper,
always made him acceptable. Nothing occurred
to interrupt his happiness, or darken his hopes,
during the four months that followed, except
occasional reflections on the time that had
been lost in his fruitless endeavors, and the
glory that others were reaping in the field of
discovery, which he ought to have been the
first to explore.

" I wrote you last," says he, " that a Rus-

JOHN LEDYARD. 197

sian ship had been sent into that part of the
vast Pacific Ocean. Four nights ago, I saw
a Russian gentleman from Petersburg, who
informed me of two ships having been sent
thither. In our yesterday's paper, it is said
that the ship Seahorse, belonging to the Eng
lish Hudson's Bay Company, had made a voy
age thither, and returned well. You see what
honorable testimonies daily transpire to evince,
that I am no otherwise the mad, romantic,
dreaming Ledyard, than in the estimation of
those who thought me so. The flame of en
terprise, that I kindled in America, terminated
in a flash, that bespoke little foresight or res
olution in my patrons. Perseverance was an
effort of understanding, which twelve rich mer
chants were incapable of making ; and whether
I now succeed or not, the obstacles I have sur
mounted, to reach my present attainment, infer
some small merit, which I do not blush to
own among my private pleasures."

The winter soon passed away, and near the
end of February measures began to be taken
for equipping the vessel for sea. It was in
tended, that a commission from the King should
be obtained to sail on a voyage of discovery.
Some advantages, it was supposed, would thus
be derived to the mercantile interests of the
voyage, as the vessel would be clothed with a

198 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

public character, and from this circumstance
insure a greater respect from any foreigners
she might fall in with, as well as enable the
owners to claim, in the name of the King of
France, any islands or unknown regions, that
might be actually discovered. A memorial, and
other suitable papers, were sent to the King's
ministers, applying for such a privilege, and for
letters of recommendation to the European
public agents residing in those parts of the
world, at which the vessel would probably
touch.

On the 23d of February, 1785, Ledyard
wrote to his brothers from L'Orient ; " My af
fairs in France are likely to prove of the
greatest honor and advantage to me. I have
a fine ship of four hundred tons, and in Au
gust next I expect to sail on another voyage
round the world, at the end of which, if Heav
en is propitious to me, I hope to see you. In
the mean time, may the God of nature spread
his mantle over you all. If I never see you
more, it shall be well ; if I do, it shall be well ;
so be happy and of good cheer." From this
tone of his feelings, it is evident that his heart
was light, and his hopes high. Up to this
point all things had proceeded according to
his expectations and wishes ; he had passed an
agreeable winter in a social and refined circle

JOHN LEDYARD. 199

of friends, and he began now to enjoy in an
ticipation the triumphs of his zeal and perse
verance.

But, unfortunately, this flattering vision was
soon to be dissipated, like the many others,
by which he had been elated and deceived ;
again was he to be made, in his own phrase,
"the sport of accident;" again was the bur
den of a cruel disappointment to weigh on his
spirits, and disturb his repose. After the date
of the above letter, we hear no more of the
I/Orient negotiation, except that it failed.
Whether this result, so desolating to the hopes
of our adventurer, was produced by the caprice
of the merchants, who had united with him
in the undertaking, or by any sudden change
in their affairs, which took from them the
ability of fulfilling their contract, or by the
refusal of the government to grant such a com
mission as was expected, or by all these com
bined, is not known. It is enough that the
voyage was entirely abandoned ; and Ledyard
was left with no other recompense for this
new vexation, than his own mortified feelings,
and the prospects of a future too gloomy even
for him to contemplate unmoved.

The slender stock. of money, with which he
landed in Europe, was completely exhausted ;

200

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

he could expect no more from the L'Orient
merchants, nor from any other quarter ; and,
what afflicted him more severely than all the
rest, the last resort for carrying into effect his
darling plan of northwestern discovery and
trade, had been tried in vain. No consolation
remained for his baffled purposes and wasted
^eal. Yet fifteen years' experience, in buffet
ing the rough and sometimes perilous current
of life, had taught him other lessons than those
of despondency, and nerved him for other deeds
than a tame submission to the control of un
toward circumstances. His bewildering doubts,
as to what course he should pursue, detained
him a short time in L'Orient. He looked to
Paris as the theatre, on which he would be
most likely to better his fortunes ; and after his
concerns relative to the voyage were closed,
he hastened to that capital.

JOHN LEDYARD. 201

CHAPTER VII.

Meets with Mr. Jefferson at Paris. — Project of
a Voyage to the Northwest Coast ivith Paul
Jones. — Jefferson and Lafayette. — Ledyard
proposes a Journey through Russia and Sibe
ria to Bering's Strait. — Observations in Paris.
— Proceeds to London. — Sir Joseph Banks
and, other Gentlemen contribute Funds to aid
him in his Travels.

AT this time Mr. Jefferson was minister
from the United States at the court of France.
That patriot, equally ardent in the love of sci
ence, and friendly to every enterprise which
had for its object the improvement of his
country, received Ledyard with great kindness,
and approved most highly his design of an
expedition to the Northwest Coast of America,
He perceived at once the advantages that
would flow from such a voyage, not merely
in its immediate mercantile results, but in its
bearing on the future commerce and political
interests of the United States. No part of that
wide region had then been explored, nor any
formal possession taken of it, except the few
points at which Cook's vessels had touched,

202 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and others where the Russians possessed small
establishments for the prosecution of the fur
trade with the Indians. These latter were
also probably confined to the islands. To a
statesman like Mr. Jeiferson it was evident,
that a large portion of that immense country,
separated from the United States by no bar
rier of nature, would eventually be embraced
in their territory. He was convinced of the
propriety, therefore, of its being explored by a
citizen of the United States, and regretted the
failure of Ledyard's attempts in his own coun
try to engage in a voyage before the same
thing had been meditated anywhere else.
These views were deeply impressed on the
mind of Mr. Jefferson, and in them originated
the journey of Lewis and Clark over land to
the Pacific Ocean, twenty years afterwards,
which was projected by him, and prosecuted
under his auspices.

Ledyard had not been many days in Paris,
before he became acquainted with Paul Jones,
at that time acting under a commission from
the Congress of the United States, to demand
the amount of certain prizes, which he had
taken during the war, and sent into French
ports. This intrepid adventurer, being now un
employed in any military or public service,

JOHN LEDYARD. 203

eagerly seized Ledyard's idea, and an arrange
ment was closed, by which they agreed to
unite in an expedition, on a scale somewhat
larger than Ledyard had before contemplated.
Two vessels were to be fitted out, and, if pos
sible, commissioned by the King. Jones was
to use his influence at court, to persuade the
government to enlist in the enterprise, or at
least to furnish the vessels and the requisite
naval armament. If this could not be effected,
it was resolved that the outfits should be re
duced within the limits of Jones's private
means, and the two partners would act wholly
on their own responsibility and risk.

If it should be found necessary to pursue
the enterprise on their private account alone,
the two vessels were to proceed in company
to the Northwest Coast, and commence a fac
tory there under the American flag. The first
six months were to be spent in collecting furs,
and looking out for a suitable spot to establish
a post, either on the main land, or on an island.
A small stockade was then to be built, in
which Ledyard was to be left with a surgeon,
an assistant, and twenty soldiers ; one of the
vessels was to be despatched, with its cargo
of furs, under the command of Paul Jones, to
China, while the other was to remain in order
to facilitate the collecting of another cargo

204 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

during his absence. Jones was to return with
both the vessels to China, sell their cargoes of
furs, load them with silks and teas, and con
tinue his voyage round the Cape of Good
Hope to Europe, or the United States. He
was then to replenish his vessels with suitable
articles for traffic with the Indians, and pro
ceed as expeditiously as possible round Cape
Horn, to the point of his departure in the
Northern Pacific. Meantime Ledyard and his
party were to employ themselves in purchasing
furs, cultivating a good understanding with the
natives, and making such discoveries on the
coast, as their situation would allow. Ledyard
supposed he should be absent four or five
years, and perhaps six or seven.*

Here was a scheme, that might give full
scope to the imagination of the two heroes by
whom it had been conceived, presenting at
once the prospect of hazard, adventure, fame,

* A voyage from Canton to the Northwest Coast, and
back to that port, for purposes similar to those meditated
by Ledyard and Paul Jones, was performed fourteen years
afterwards by Captain Richard J. Cleaveland. Whoever
would understand the difficulties and dangers of such an
enterprise, at that time, will find them explained in a brief
account of Captain Cleaveland's voyage, contained in the
North American Review for October, 1827 ; and also,
more fully, in his very interesting " Narrative of Voyages
and Commercial Enterprises," since published.

JOHN LEDYARD. 205

and profit. They dwelt upon it with com
placency, and so much was Jones taken with
it, that he advanced money to Ledyard, with
which to purchase a part of the cargo for the
outfit, even before he had applied to the gov
ernment for aid, being determined to prosecute
it at his own risk if he failed in that quarter.

But at this moment, his affairs in regard to
the prize-money assumed a crisis, which com
pelled him to go from Paris to L'Orient,
where he was detained nearly three months ;
and although he was ultimately successful,
yet his zeal for this new scheme gradually
cooled down, as he probably found that the
government would do nothing in the matter,
and that his private fortune was not adequate
to so expensive an undertaking. At any rate,
it fell through, and after four or five months
of suspense, Ledyard had the renewed mortifi
cation of another disappointment, and of seeing
his ardent wishes no nearer their accomplish
ment, than when he left L'Orient. The only
advantage he had derived from his intercourse
with the Chevalier, was an allowance of money
sufficient for his maintenance, which Jones had
stipulated at the commencement of the nego
tiation, and which he had promptly paid.

Just at this time Mr. Lamb, the diplomatic
agent appointed by the Congress of the United

206 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

States to treat with the Dey of Algiers, ar
rived in Paris. Ledyard met him occasionally
at Mr. Jefferson's, took an interest in his mis
sion, and had serious thoughts of joining him
and going to Africa, but for what specific pur
pose is not told. The lingering desire, how
ever, of still being able to conquer the fatality
of circumstances, which had hitherto impeded
his progress to glory, in the course his fancy
had pictured to him, continued to sustain him
with the hope of a better turn of fortune, and
to urge him forward to untried expedients.

In Paris he associated with several Ameri
cans, who approved and encouraged his ardor,
and whose society afforded him consolation in
the midst of his misfortunes, but who were
not in a condition to promote his wishes, or
remove his embarrassments. The question,
what was to be done, which he had so often
been compelled to ask himself, in cases of sim
ilar extremity, now recurred anew, and with as
small a prospect as ever of its being answered
in such a manner, as to lull his apprehensions,
or relieve his anxiety. He determined to ad
venture one effort more, and submit the same
proposition to a mercantile company in Paris,
which he had done in L'Orient. Some prog
ress was made in an attempt to organize such
a company, but it was never matured. It was

JOHN LEDYARD. 207

his intention, after he had visited the coast,
and procured a full cargo of furs, to despatch
the vessel to China under proper officers, and
return himself across the continent to the Uni
ted States, thus accomplishing the double ob
ject of a lucrative voyage, and a tour of dis
covery through an unexplored wilderness of
four thousand miles in extent. Afterwards he
would join the expedition in the company's
service, either in France, or any other part of
the world, as circumstances might dictate.
Such was the compass of his desires ; yet he
would have relinquished the idea of this ex
ploratory tour, and rejoiced to engage in a voy
age merely for commercial ends, if even that
could have been effected.

Several months were passed in unavailing
efforts to conquer obstacles, which seemed to
thicken as he advanced, and in vainly striving
to enlighten ignorance and overcome prejudice,
till his perseverance could hold out no longer,
and he was forced to abandon the thought of
a voyage by sea to the Northwest Coast, either
for trade or discovery. He continued in Paris,
but felt himself, as he really was, a wanderer
without employment or motive. With Mr.
Jefferson, the Marquis de Lafayette, Mr. Bar
clay, the American Consul, and other gentle
men of character and consequence, he was on
terms of intimacy.

208 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

In this society, and enjoying the amusements
afforded in the capital of France, his time
passed away agreeably enough, and in some of
his letters he speaks of his happiness ; yet he
was far from being satisfied ; he suffered under
the pressure of want and a corroding sense of
dependence ; and occasionally his finances were
at so low an ebb, that he was compelled, how
ever reluctantly, to be a pensioner on the boun
ty of his friends. So disinterested were his
aims, however, and so entirely did he sacrifice
every selfish consideration in prosecuting them,
so benevolent was his disposition, and so en
larged his views of serving mankind, that no
one considered favors of this sort in the light
of obligations conferred, nor so much acts of
charity, as a just tribute to the singleness of
his heart, the generosity of his purposes, and
the effective warmth of his zeal.

A few miscellaneous extracts from his let
ters, written during the first months of his res
idence in Paris, may properly come in here.
They will give some insight into his occupa
tions, as well as his habit of observing events
and objects in the great world around him.

" Paris is situated in an extended plain,
rising on all sides into gradual elevations, and
some little hills happily interspersed in the bor
ders of its horizon. Its extent, viewed from

JOHN LEDYARD. 209

the tower of Notre Dame, appeared to me less
than London, though it must be larger. The
public buildings are numerous, and some of
them magnificent. Paris is the centre of
France, and its centre is the Palais Royal, the
resort of the greatest virtues and the greatest
vices of such a kingdom. It is France in
miniature, and no friend to France should ever
see it. The Tuileries afford a consummate
display of artificial elegance and grandeur ; the
gardens of the Luxembourg are much inferior.
The Boulevards were originally fortifications,
and they now form a broad way that surrounds
the city, separating it from the suburbs. It is
well lined with fine umbrageous elms on each
side, forming a beautiful course for coaches
and horsemen; but the farmers-general, to pre
vent illicit trade, are walling it in, at the ex
pense of a thousand lamentations of the Paris
ians, and several millions of livres. I have
been once at the King's Library. Papa Frank
lin, as the French here call him, is among a
number of statues that I saw. The bust of
Paul Jones is also there. Did you ever know,
that Captain Jones was two or three nights
successively crowned with laurels, at the great
Opera House in Paris, after the action between
the Bon Homme Richard and the Serapis 1
u I find at our minister's table between fif-

VOL. XIV. 14

210 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

teen and twenty Americans, inclusive of two
or three ladies. It is very remarkable, that we
are neither despised nor envied for our love
of liberty, but very often caressed. I was yes
terday at Versailles. It was the feast of St.
Louis; but I never feasted so ill in my life as
at the hotel where I dined, and never paid so
dear for a dinner. I was too late to see the
procession of the King and Queen, but I was
little disappointed on that account, as I had
already seen those bawbles. The King I saw
a fortnight before to very great advantage,
being near to him while he was shooting par
tridges in the fields. He was dressed in com
mon mosquito trousers, a short linen frock,
and an old laced hat without a cockade. He
had an easy, gentlemanly appearance ; and had
it not been for his few attendants, I should
have taken him for the captain of a merchant
ship, amusing himself in the field. The Pal
ace at Versailles, and its gardens, are an orna
ment to the face of the globe. It was dirty
weather. I wore boots, and consequently was
prohibited from visiting the galleries. I was
in company with our Mr. Barclay, Colonel
Franks of the American army, a young Vir
ginian, and an English sea officer. Franks was
booted too ; but though honest Tom Barclay
was not, he had no bag on, and they were

JOHN LEDYARD. 211

dismissed also ; so that boots on, and bags off,
are sad recommendations at the Court of Ver
sailles.

" If the two Pitzhughs remain in town a
week longer, you shall have a week's detail.
They dine with me to-day in my chamber,
together with our worthy Consul Barclay, and
that lump of universality, Colonel Franks. But
such a set of moneyless rascals have never
appeared since the epoch of the happy villain
Falstaff. I have but five French crowns in
the world ; Franks has not a sol ; and the
Fitzhtighs cannot get their tobacco money.

" Mr. Jefferson is an able minister, and our
country may repose a confidence in him equal
to their best wishes. Whether in public or
private, he is in every word and every action
the representative of a young, vigorous, and
determined state. His only competitors here,
even in political fame, are Vergennes and La
fayette. In other accomplishments he stands
alone. The Marquis de Lafayette is one of
the most growing characters in this kingdom.
He has planted a tree in America, and sits
under its shade at Versailles. He is now at
the court of old Frederick. I am sure, that
you could not yourself have manifested more
alacrity to serve me, than he has done. The
Marquis is a warm friend to America. It will

212 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

be difficult for any subsequent plenipotentiary
to have as much personal influence in France,
as Dr. Franklin had; it will at least be so, till
the causes, which created that venerable patri
ot's ascendency, shall become less recent in the
minds of the people. I had the pleasure of
being but once at his house, before his depart
ure, and although bent down with age and
infirmities, the excellent old man exhibited all
the good cheer of health, the gay philosopher,
and the kindness of a friendly countryman."

11 It has been a holiday to-day ; the nativ
ity of the Virgin Mary. My friend, the Abbe
d'Aubrey, tells me that they have but eighty-
two holidays in the year, which are publicly
regarded ; but this is a mistake ; they have
more. We both agree, that they have eighty-
two less than they formerly had. There are
certainly a hundred days in this city every
year, whereon all the shops are shut, and there
is a general suspension of business ; for the
good policy of which, let them look to it.
You will hear in your papers of an affair be
tween a certain Cardinal and the Queen of
France. It has been the topic of conversation
here for thirty days ; and forty fools, that have
expressed themselves too freely in the matter
for the police, are already in the Bastile. We
have news to-day, that the King will have

JOHN LEDYARD. 213

him tried by the Parliament, and has written
to that dying meteor, the Pope, not to meddle
in the business."

" I was late home yesterday evening from
the feast of St. Cloud, held at a little town of
that name on the bank of the Seine. It is
particularly remarkable for having the Queen's
Gardens in it, and a house for the Queen,
called a Palace. The chief circumstance, which
renders the village a place of curiosity to stran
gers, is the waterworks, which, after the labor
of many years and vast expense, exhibit a sick
ly cascade, and three jets d'eau, or fountains,
that cast water into the air. The largest of
these throws out a column as big as a man's
arm, which rises about thirty yards. In the
evening I entered a part of the gardens, where
some fireworks were played off. The tickets
were twenty-four sols. The fireworks were
very few, but good. This little rustic enter
tainment of the Queen's was, with great pro
priety, attended with very little parade about
her person. It was a mere rural revel, and
never before did I see majesty and tag-rag so
philosophically blended ; a few country fiddlers
scraping, and Kate of the mill tripping it with
Dick of the vineyard.

" Thus you see how some few of my days
pass away. I see a great deal, and think a

214 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

great deal, but derive little pleasure from either,
because I am forced into both, and am alone
in both."

By these methods he endeavored to amuse
himself, and forget his favorite scheme of trav
ersing the Western Continent, and ascertain
ing its physical character and commercial re
sources. But this was not possible ; it had
taken too strong a hold of him to admit of
being driven altogether from his mind. As
fate seemed to throw difficulties insurmounta
ble in the way of a passage by sea, he be
thought himself of the only remaining expedi
ent, by which a part of his original design
might be carried into execution ; and that was,
to travel by land through the northern regions
of Europe and Asia, cross over Bering's Strait
to the American continent, and pursue his
route thence down the coast, and to the inte
rior, in such a manner as the exigencies of his
condition might point out to him when on
the spot.

The first object requiring attention, was to
gain permission of the Empress of Russia to
pass through her immense territories to Kamts-
chatka. Mr. Jeiferson, who heartily approved
the project, interested himself in this prelimi
nary measure, and applied to M. de Simoulin,
minister plenipotentiary from Russia at the

JOHN LEDYARD. 215

court of France, and especially to the Baron
de Grimm, minister from Saxe-Gotha at the
same court. Grimm was a correspondent and
private agent of the Empress, and would be
likely to have as much influence with her in
a matter of this sort, as her public minister.
Both these gentlemen very readily acceded to
Mr. Jefferson's request, and made in his name
a direct application to the Empress, soliciting
permission for Ledyard, in the character of an
American citizen, to travel through her domin
ions. As haste is not a characteristic of trans
actions of this sort with crowned heads, the
impatient traveller resolved to busy himself in
the best manner he could, at least till a reason
able time should elapse for a reply. In the
interim he retired to St. Germain, where he
afterwards commonly resided during his stay
in France. The letter, which contains the fol
lowing passages, is dated at St. Germain, on
the 8th of April, 1786.

" If Congress should yet be at New York,
this will be delivered to you by my friend,
and almost every body's friend, Colonel Hum
phreys, whom you knew in days of yore. He
is secretary to our legation at the court of
France, has a good head and a good heart ;
but his hobby is poetry, and as the English
reviewers allow him merit therein, I may very

216 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

safely venture to do it. He is a friendly, good
soul, a sincere Yankee, and so affectionately
fond of his country, that to be in his society
here is at least as good to me as a dream of
being at home. I imagine he takes despatches,
but as we are republicans a little more pol
ished than on your side of the water, we never
presume to ask impertinent questions.

" You have doubtless by this time received
my letters by Mr. Barrett. Your hearing from
me so often by those who intimately know
my situation, and who are so much my friends,
is a happy circumstance ; but I would freely
have relinquished the pleasure, which I take
in writing this letter, to have been where I
supposed I should be when I wrote you last.
But soon after the departure of Mr. Barrett,
our minister, the Russian minister, and the
Marquis de Lafayette, took it into their heads,
that I should not go directly to Petersburg,
but wait till I was sent for, which is the oc
casion of my being here to write you at this
time. You see that I have so many friends,
that I cannot do just as I please.

" I am very well in health. A gracious
Providence, and the Indian corn diet of my
childhood, added to the robust scenes I have
since passed through, have left me, at the same
age at which my father died, ' healthy, active,

JOHN LEDYARD. 217

vigorous, and strong.'* I am for a few weeks
at the little town where my letter is dated,
and as I live upon the skirt of a royal forest,
I am every day in it, and it is usual for me
to run two miles an end and return. I am
like one of Swift's Houyhnhnms. Ask Hum
phreys if I did not walk into Paris last week,
and return to dine with Madam Barclay the
same morning, a distance equal, at least, to
twenty-four of our miles. But this is not the
work of Nature ; she made me a voluptuous,
pensive animal, intended for the tranquil scenes
of domestic life, for ease and contemplation,
and a thousand other fine soft matters, that
I have thought nothing about since I was in
love with R. E. of Stonington.

11 What fate intends further, I leave to fate ;
but it is very certain, that there has ever been
a great difference between the manner of life
I have actually led, and that which I should
have chosen ; and this is not to be attributed
more, perhaps, to the irregular incidents that
have alternately caressed and insulted me, than
to the irregularity of my genius. Tom Bar
clay, our Consul, who knows mankind and me
very well, tells me that he never saw such a
medley as in me. The Virginian gentlemen

* A line from his father's tombstone; he died at the
age of thirty-five.

218

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

here call me Oliver Cromwell, .and say, that,
like him, I shall be 'damned to fame; ' but I
have never dared to prophesy, however, that it
would be by a Virginian poet.

" I every hour expect my summons to Pe
tersburg from the Russian minister. I shall
have a delightful season to pass through Ger
many, though it does not suit my tour well.
I shall lose a season by it. I am not certain
about the result of this business, and shall not
be perfectly at ease, till I have been introduced
to the Empress."

From a remark above, it may be inferred,
that Ledyard wished to begin his journey to
Petersburg before any intelligence had been
received by the Russian minister in reply to
his application. His principal motive doubtless
was, that he might take advantage of the sea
son, and reach Siberia so far in anticipation
of the severest parts of the winter, as not to
be blocked up for several months by the snows
in that frigid region. His advisers considered
such a step ill judged, inasmuch as a formal
petition had been sent to the Empress, and it
would evince a want of proper respect to set
out on the journey before her answer had
been returned, however strong might be the
probability that her consent would be granted.
These points of etiquette were overlooked by

JOHN LEDYARD. 219

the traveller, in his eagerness to be on the
road ; and he moreover thought the business
might as well be settled at the court of the
Empress in Petersburg, as through her minis
ter in Paris. The event proved his impres
sions not to be ill founded. His forebodings
were verified, for he was kept in daily expec
tation for more than five months, without re
ceiving an answer, or hearing anything on the
subject either from M. de Simoulin, or the
Baron de Grimm. His last letter from France
is a very long one, dated at St. Germain, the
8th of August, 1786. It touches on a great
variety of topics, and was written at different
times.

" Since I wrote to you by Colonel Hum
phreys," says he to his friend, "I have been
at St. Germain, waiting the issue of my affair
at Petersburg. You wonder by what means
I exist, having brought with me to Paris, this
time twelve months, only three louis d'ors.
Ask vice-consuls, consuls, ministers, and pleni
potentiaries, all of whom have been tributary
to me. You think I joke. No ; upon my
honor, and however irreconcilable to my tem
per, disposition, and education, it is nevertheless
strictly true. Every day of my life, my dear
cousin, is a day of expectation, and consequent
ly a day of disappointment. Whether I shall

220 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

have a morsel of bread to eat at the end of
two months, is as much an uncertainty, as it
was fourteen months ago, and not more so.
The near approach, that I have so often made
to each extreme of happiness and distress,
without absolutely entering into either, has
rendered me so hardy, that I can meet either
with composure.

" Permit me to relate to you an incident.
About a fortnight ago, Sir James Hall, an Eng
lish gentleman, on his way from Paris to Cher
bourg, stopped his coach at our door, and came
up to my chamber. I was in bed at six o'clock
in the morning ; but, having flung on my robe
de chambre, I met him at the door of the an
techamber. I was glad to see him, but sur
prised. He observed, that he had endeavored
to .make up his opinion of me, \vith as much
exactness as possible, and concluded that no
kind of visit whatever would surprise me. I
could do no otherwise than remark, that his
opinion surprised me at least, and the conver
sation took another turn. In walking across
the chamber, he laughingly put his hand on a
six livre piece and a louis d'or, that lay on
my table, and, with a half stifled blush, asked
me how I was in the money way. Blushes
commonly beget blushes, and I blushed partly
because he did, and partly on other accounts.

JOHN LEDYARD. 221

'If fifteen guineas,' said he, interrupting the
answer he had demanded, ' will be of any
service to you, there they are ; ' and he put
them on the table. ' I am a traveller myself,
and though I have some fortune to support
my travels, yet I have been so situated as to
want money, which you ought not to do.
You have my address in London.' He then
wished me a good morning and left me.

" This gentleman was a total stranger to the
situation of my finances, and one that I had
by mere accident met at an ordinary in Paris.
We had conversed together several times, and
he once sent his carriage for me to dine with
him. I found him handsomely lodged in the
best Fauxbourg in the city. Two members
of the British House of Commons, two lords,
Beaumarchais, and several members of the
Royal Academy, were at his table. He had
seen me two or three times after that, and al
ways expressed the highest opinion of the tour
I had determined to make, and said he would,
as a citizen of the world, do anything in his
power to promote it • but I had no more idea
of receiving money from him, than I have this
moment of receiving it from Tippoo Saib.
However, I took it without any hesitation, and
told him I would be as complaisant to him,
if ever occasion offered."

222 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

" I have once visited the Foundling Hospi
tal, and the Hospital de Dieu, in Paris ; twice
I never shall. Not all the morality from Con
fucius to Addison could give me such feelings.
Eighteen foundlings were brought the day of
my visit. One was brought in while I was
there. Dear little innocents ! But you are,
happily, insensible of your situations. Where
are your unfortunate mothers ? Perhaps, in the
adjoining hospital, they have to feel for you
and themselves too. But where is the wretch,

the villain, the monster ? I was not six

minutes in the house. It is customary to
leave a few pence ; I flung down six livres
and retired.

" Determined to persevere, I continued my
visit over the way to the Hospital de Dieu.
I entered first the apartments of the women.
1 Why will you, my dear sisters,' I was going
to say as I passed a4ong between the beds in
ranks, ' why will you be ' but I was inter
rupted by a melancholy figure, that appeared at
its last gasp, or already dead. ' She's dead,' said
1 to a German gentleman, who was with me,
' and nobody knows or cares anything about
it.' We approached the bedside. I observed
a slight undulatory motion in one of the jugu
lar arteries. ' She's not dead,' said I, and
seized her hand to search for her pulse. I

JOHN LEDYARD. 223

hoped to find life, but it was gone. The word
dead, being again pronounced, brought the nuns
to the bed. < My God ! ' exclaimed the head
nun, 'she's dead.' ' Jesu, Maria!' exclaimed
the other nuns, in their defence, 'she's dead.'
The head nun scolded the others for their
mal-attendance. ' My God ! ' continued she,
' she is dead without the form.' ' Dieu ! ' said
the others, 'she died so silently.' 'Silence!'
said the elder ; ' perhaps she is not dead ; say
the form.' The form was said, and the sheet
thrown over her face."

" While in Normandy, I was at the seat of
Conflans, the successor of him who was so
unfortunate in a naval affair with Hawke of
England. It is the lordship of the manor.
The peasants live and die at the smiles or
frowns of their lord, and, avaricious of the for
mer, they fly to communicate to him any un
common occurrence in the village ; and such
they thought our arrival. , The place, to be
sure, is very remote, and the gentleman I ac
companied, who was an Englishman, rode in a
superb manner. His coach and servants were
in a very elegant style. M. Conflans was in
formed of it. On that day it was my turn to
cater, and the little country taverns in France
are such, as oblige one to cook for himself, if
he would eat. I was consequently very busy

224 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

in the kitchen. The Otaheite marks on my
hands were discovered ; the mistress and the
maids asked our servants the history of so
strange a sight. They were answered that 1
was a gentleman, who had been round the
world. It was enough ; Conflans knew of it.
and sent a billet, written in good English, to
inquire if we would permit him the honor of
seeing us at his mansion ; and, if he could be
thus distinguished, he would come and wait
on us thither himself. It was too late ; the
Englishman and I had begun pell-mell upon
a joint of roast. If Jove himself had sent a
card by Blanchard inviting us, it would have
been all one.* We would honor ourselves
with waiting on the Marquis de Conflans in
the evening. We did so, and we could not
but be pleased with the reception we met
with ; it was in the true character of a French
nobleman."

" I took a walk to Paris this morning, and
saw the Marquis de Lafayette. He is a good
man, this same Marquis. I esteem him, and
even love him, and so we all do, except some
few, who worship him. I make these trips to

* Blanchard had recently crossed the Strait from Dover
to Calais in a balloon, accompanied by Dr. Jeffries, of
Boston.

JOHN LED YARD,. 225

Paris often ; sometimes to dine with this amia
ble Frenchman, and sometimes with our min
ister, who is a brother to me. I am too much
alive to care and ambition to sit still. The
unprofitable life I have led goads me ; I would
willingly crowd as much merit as possible into
the autumn and winter of it. Like Milton's
hero in Paradise Lost, (who happens, by the
way, to be the evil one himself,) it behoves
me now to use both oar and sail to gain my
port.

" The Paris papers of to-day announce the
discovery of some valuable gold mines in Mont
gomery county, Virginia, which I rejoice to
hear ; but I hope they will not yield too much
of it, for, as Poor Richard says, ' too much of
one thing is good for nothing.' All that I
can say is, that, if too much of it is as bad as
too little, the Lord help you, as he has me,
who, in spite of my poverty, am hearty and
cheerful. I die with anxiety to be on the
back of the American States, after having
either come from or penetrated to the Pacific
Ocean. There is an extensive field for the
acquirement of honest fame. A blush of gen
erous regret sits on my cheek, when I hear of
any discovery there, which I have had no part
in, and particularly at this auspicious period.
The American revolution invites to a thorough
VOL. xiv. 15

226 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

discovery of the continent, and. the honor of
doing it would become a foreigner, but a na
tive only can feel the genuine pleasure of the
achievement. It was necessary that a Eu
ropean should discover the existence of that
continent, but, in the name of Amor Patrice,
let a native explore its resources and bounda
ries. It is my wish to be the man. I will
not yet resign thattwish, nor my pretensions
to that distinction. Farewell for the present.
I have just received intelligence, which hur
ries me to London. What fate intends is al
ways a secret ; fortitude is the word. I leave
this letter with my brother and my father, our
minister. He will send it by the first convey
ance. Adieu."

The intelligence here alluded to was from
his eccentric friend, Sir James Hall, who had
returned to London. In six days Ledyard was
with him in the British capital. He there
found an English ship in complete readiness
to sail for the Pacific Ocean. Sir James Hall
introduced him to the owners, who immedi
ately offered him a free passage in the vessel,
with the promise, that he should be set on
shore at any place on the Northwest Coast,
which he might choose. The merchants, no
doubt, hoped to profit somewhat by his knowl
edge and experience, and he could not object

JOHN LEDYARD. 227

to such an exchange, as these were his only
possessions. One of Cook's officers was also
going out in the same vessel. The day before
he was to go on board, Ledyard wrote to Mr.
Jefferson in the following animated strain.

" Sir James Hall presented me with twenty
guineas pro bono publico. I bought two great
dogs, an Indian pipe, and a hatchet. My want
of time, as well as of money, will prevent my
going any otherwise than indifferently equipped
for such an enterprise ; but it is certain, that
I shall be more in want before I see Virginia.
Why should I repine ? You know how much
I owe the amiable Lafayette. Will you do
me the honor to present my most grateful
thanks to him? If I find in my travels a
mountain, as much elevated above other moun
tains, as he is above ordinary men, I will name
it Lafayette. I beg the honor, also, of my
compliments to Mr. Short, who has been my
friend, and who, like the good widow in Scrip
ture, cast in not only his mite, but more than
he was able, for my assistance."

The equipment of two dogs, an Indian pipe,
and a hatchet, it must be confessed, was very
scanty for a journey across a continent ; but
they were selected with an eye to their uses.
The dogs would be his companions, and assist
him in taking wild animals for food ; the pipe

228 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

was an emblem of peace to the Indians ; and
the hatchet would serve many purposes of
convenience and utility. His choice could not
have fallen, perhaps, upon three more essential
requisites for a solitary traveller among savages
and wild beasts ; they would enable him to
provide for his defence, and procure a friendly
reception, covering, and sustenance. All these
were necessary, and must be the first objects
of his care.

His plan was fully arranged before entering
the ship. He determined to land at Nootka
Sound, where he had passed some time with
Cook's expedition, and thence strike directly
into the interior, and pursue his course as for
tune should guide him to Virginia. By his
calculation, the voyage and tour would take
him about three years. He was much grati
fied with the reception he met in London, and
particularly from Sir Joseph Banks, and some
other gentlemen of science, who entered warm
ly into his designs. It was believed, that his
discoveries would not fail to add valuable im
provements to geography and natural history ;
and there was a romantic daring in the enter
prise itself, well suited to gain the applause of
ardent and liberal minds. Thus encouraged,
his enthusiasm rose higher than ever, and his
impatience to embark increased every moment.

JOHN LEDYARD. 229

While in Paris the preceding year, he had
become acquainted with Colonel Smith, sec
retary of legation to Mr. Adams, at that time
American minister in London. Colonel Smith
befriended him after his arrival in England,
and, conceiving the journey he was about to
undertake as promising to be highly important
to America, he wrote an account of it to Mr.
Jay, then secretary of foreign affairs in the
United States. After a few remarks relative
to Ledyard's previous attempts and objects,
Colonel Smith proceeds ;

" In consequence of some allurements from
an English nobleman at Paris, he came here
with the intention of exploring the Northwest
Coast and country ; and a vessel being on the
point of sailing for that coast, after supplying
himself with a few necessary articles for his
voyage and march, he procured a passage, with
a promise from the captain to land him on
the western coast, from which he means to
attempt a march through the Indian nations
to the back parts of the Atlantic States, for
the purpose of examining the country and its
inhabitants : and he expects to be able to make
his way through, possessed of such information
of the country and people, as will be of great
advantage to ours. This remains to be proved.
It is a daring, wild attempt. Determined to

230 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

pursue the object, he embarked the last week,
free and independent of the world, pursuing
his plan unembarrassed by contract or obliga
tion. If he succeeds, and in the course of
two or three years should visit our country by
this amazing circuit, he may bring with him
some interesting information. If he fails, and
is never heard of more, which I think most
probable, there is no harm done. He dies in
an unknown country, and if he composes him
self in his last moments with the reflection,
that his project was great, and the undertaking
what few men are capable of, it will to his
mind soothe the passage. He is perfectly cal
culated for the attempt, robust and healthy,
and has an immense passion to make discov
eries, which will benefit society, and insure
him, agreeably to his own expression, l a small
degree of honest fame.' It may not be im
proper for your Excellency to be acquainted
with these circumstances, and you are the
best judge of the propriety of extending them
further."

The vessel went down the Thames from
Deptford. and in a few days put to sea. Led-
yard thought it the happiest moment of his
life. But alas ! how uncertain are human ex
pectations ! Again was he doomed to suffer
the agonies of a disappointment more severe

JOHN LEDYARD. 231

than any that had preceded, because never be
fore were his wishes so near their consumma
tion. He looked upon the great obstacles as
overcome, and regarded himself as beyond the
reach of fortune's caprice. This delusion soon
vanished. The vessel was not out of sight
of land, before it was brought back by an or
der from the government, and the voyage was
finally broken off. He went back to London,
as may be supposed, with a heavy heart. A
month afterwards he wrote to Dr. Ledyard ;

"I am still the slave of fortune and the
son of care. You will be surprised that I am
yet in London, unless you will conclude with
me, that, after what has happened, nothing can
be surprising. I think my last letter informed
you, that I was absolutely embarked on board
a ship in the Thames, bound to the North
west Coast of America. This will inform you,
that I have disembarked from said ship, on
account of her having been unfortunately
seized by the custom-house, and eventually
exchequered ; and that I am obliged in conse
quence to alter my route ; and, in short, every
thing, all my little baggage, shield, buckler,
lance, dogs, squire, and all, gone. I only am
left; left to what? To some riddle, I'll
warrant you ; or, at all events, I will not war
rant anything else. My heart is too much

232 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

troubled at this moment to write you as I
ought to do. I will only add, that I am going
in a few days to make the tour of the globe
from London east on foot. I dare not write
you more, nor introduce you to the real state
of my affairs. Farewell. Fortitude ! Adieu."
By this it will be seen that his Siberian
project was again revived ; and, in fact, a sub
scription to aid him in this object had already
been commenced in London, under the patron
age of Sir Joseph Banks, Dr. Hunter, Sir
James Hall, and Colonel Smith. " I fear my
subscription will be small," he says, in a letter
to Mr. Jefferson ; " it adds to my anxiety to
reach those dominions where I shall riot want
money. I do not mean the dominions that
may be beyond death. I shall never wish to
die while you and the Marquis are alive. I
am going across Siberia, as I before intended."
The amount collected by his friends is not
mentioned, but it was such as to induce him
to set out upon the journey ; which, indeed,
he probably would have done had he obtained
no money at all. He had lived too long by
expedients to be stopped in his career by an
obstacle so trifling in his imagination as the
want of money, and he was panting to get
into a country where its use was unknown,
and where, of course, the want of it would not
be felt.

JOHN LEDYARD. 233

CHAPTER VIII.

Ledyard proceeds to Hamburg ; thence to Copen
hagen and Stockholm. — Journey round the
Gulf of Bothnia. — Arrives at Petersburg. —
Procures a Passport from the Empress. — Sets
out for Siberia. — Crosses the Uralian Moun
tains. — Descriptions of the Country and the
Inhabitants. — Arrives at Irkutsk.

LEAVING London in December, Ledyard went
over to Hamburg, whence he immediately
wrote to Colonel Smith. From the account
of his finances contained in that letter, it
would not seem that he was encumbered, at
his departure from England, with a heavy
purse. He makes no complaint, however ; on
the contrary, he expresses only joy, that the
journey, which he had so long desired, was
actually begun.

"I am here," he says, " with ten guineas
exactly, and in perfect health. One of my
dogs is no more. I lost him on my passage
up the River Elbe to Hamburg, in a snow
storm. I was out in it forty hours in an open
boat. My other faithful companion is under
the table on which I write. I dined to-day
with Madam Parish, lady of the gentleman I

234 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

mentioned to you. It is a Scotch house of the
first commercial distinction here. The Scotch
have by nature a dignity of sentiment, that ren
ders them accomplished. I could go to Heaven
with Madam Parish, but she had some people
at her table, that I could not go to heaven
with. I cannot submit to a haughty eccen
tricity of manners. My fate has sent me to
the tavern where Major Langborn was three
weeks. He is now at Copenhagen, having
left his baggage here to be sent on to him.
By some mistake he has not received it, and
has written to the master of the hotel on the
subject. I shall write to him, and give him
my address at Petersburg. I should wish to
see him at all events ; but to have him accom
pany me on my voyage would be a pleasure
indeed."

This Major Langborn turns out to be an
American officer, lately arrived in Hamburg
from Newcastle, "a very good kind of a man,
and an odd kind of a man," as the master of
the hotel called him, one who had travelled
much, and was fond of travelling in his own
way. He had gone off to Copenhagen with
out his baggage, taking with him only one
spare shirt, and very few other articles of cloth
ing. It does not appear, that Ledyard had
ever been acquainted with Langborn, or even

JOHN LEDYARD. 235

seen him ; but he had heard such a descrip
tion of him from Colonel Smith and others,
that in fancy he had become enamored of the
originality and romantic turn of his character,
and particularly of his passion for travelling.
Carried away with this whimsical preposses
sion, he had got it into his head that Lang-
born was the fittest man in the world to be
the companion of his travels. An imaginary
resemblance between their pursuits, condition,
and the bent of their genius, created a sym
pathy, that was not to be resisted. He more
over suspected, from hints which he saw in
Langborn's letter, inquiring about his trunk,
that he was in want of money. Here was
another appeal to his generosity, and one which
he could never suffer to be made in vain,
when he had ten guineas in his pocket. " I
will fly to him with my little all, and some
clothes, and lay them at his feet. At this
moment I may be useful to him. He is my
countryman, a gentleman, a traveller. He may
go with me on my journey. If he does, I am
blessed ; if not, I shall merit his attention, and
shall not be much out of my way to Peters-
burg."

With this state of his feelings, it is not
wonderful that we should next hear from him
at Copenhagen. He hastened on to that city,

236 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and arrived there about the 1st of January,
1787, although it was taking him far aside
from his direct course, and exposing him to all
the fatigues and perils of a long, tedious win
ter passage through Sweden and Finland. He
found Langborn in a very awkward situation,
without money or friends, and shut up in his
room for the want of decent apparel to appear
abroad in ; and, what was worse, incurring the
suspicions of those around him, that he was
some vagabond, or desperate character, whose
conduct had rendered it expedient for him to
keep out of sight. Imagination only can paint
the joy, that glowed in our traveller's counte
nance, when he saw the remains of his ten
guineas slip from his fingers, to relieve the
distresses of his new found friend. All that
could now be said of them was, that their
poverty was equalized ; the Major could walk
abroad, and his benefactor had not means to
carry him beyond the bounds of the city. The
road to Petersburg was many hundred miles
long, through snows, and over ice, and present
ing obstacles enough at that season to appal
the stoutest heart, even with all the facilities
for travelling which gold could purchase.
What, then, was the prospect for a moneyless
pedestrian ?

These reflections were not suffered to in-

JOHN LED YARD. 237

trade upon the pleasures of the moment. His

money was gone, it was true ; but a worthy
man, and a traveller, had been made happier
by it. How he should advance further was a
point to be thought of to-morrow ; yet the
doubt never came into his mind, that anything
could stop him when the time should arrive
for him to move forward. Neither confidence
nor fortitude ever forsook him. Two weeks
were agreeably passed in the society of Lang-
born ; but no inducements could prevail on him
to undertake the Siberian tour, much less to
hazard the dangerous experiment of intrusting
himself among the wild barbarians of North
America. His humor was not of this sort ; yet
it was scarcely less peculiar than if it had
been. " I see in him," says Ledyard to
Colonel Smith, " the soldier, the countryman,
and the generous friend ; but he would hang
me if he knew I had written a word about
him ; and so I will say no more, than just to
inform you, that he means to wander this
winter through Norway, Swedish Lapland, and
Sweden; and in the spring to visit Petersburg.
I asked to attend him through this route to
Petersburg ; * No ; I esteem you, but I can
travel in the way I do with no man on
earth.' ' After this avowal, the Major certain
ly merits the praise of frankness, if not of com-

238 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

pliance ; and Ledyard must have possessed a
larger share of practical philosophy than falls
to the lot of most men, to have been perfect
ly reconciled to this abrupt declaration, after
coming so far out of his way, and spending
much time and all his money in search of a
companion, who he fondly hoped would parti
cipate in his adventures.

When this visit of friendship was closed,
and the hour of departure approached, the ne
cessity was pressed upon him of looking about
for money. He drew a small bill on Colonel
Smith, and good fortune put in his way a
merchant, who consented to accept it, and pay
him the amount. " Thompson's goodness to
me," he writes to Colonel Smith, " in accept
ing the bill on you, relying on my honor, has
saved me from perdition, and will enable me
to reach Petersburg." A small sum, to meet
such an exigency, had been left in Colonel
Smith's hands, but not to the full amount of
the draft. Ledyard apologizes for the addi
tion, and tells his friend that he must put it
to the account of charity, for his necessities
only had compelled him to overdraw. The
draft was kindly accepted by Colonel Smith,
when it came to hand. Thus replenished,
our traveller parted from the eccentric Major,

JOHN LEDYARD. 239

crossed over into Sweden, and arrived in Stock
holm towards the end of January.*

The common mode of travelling from Stock
holm to Petersburg in the summer season, is
to cross the Gulf of Bothnia to Abo in Fin
land by water, touching at the Isles of Aland
on the passage. In winter the same route is

* Langborn pursued his route, as he had proposed, wan
dering over Sweden, Norway, and Lapland. The summer
following he arrived in Tornea, at the proper season for
witnessing the sight which has drawn other travellers to
that place. Tornea is but a few miles south of the Arc
tic Circle, and at the time of the summer solstice the sun
appears above the horizon, as observed by Maupertuis, " for
several days together without setting." Travellers are then
favored with what is called " a view of the sun at mid
night." Acerbi was there in 1799, and he mentions Lang-
born. In the church of Jukasjeroi, a town at some dis
tance to the north of Tornea, and the Ultima Thule of
travellers in that direction, there is a book in which are
written the names of visitors, with such remarks as their
humor prompted them to indite. These are copied into
Acerbi's Travels, amounting to only seven in number. The
first record was by Regnard, on the 18th of August, 1681.
The following is a literal transcript of another; "Justice
bids me record thy hospitable fame, and testify it by my
name. W. Langborn, United States. July 23d, 1787."
This was six months after Ledyard left him in Copenha
gen. Acerbi says he was travelling on foot from Norway
to Archangel.

In a notice of the first edition of this work, in the
"Southern Review," are the following remarks.

"We chanced to know Major Langborn after he re-

240

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

pursued, when the sea is frozen so hard as to
admit of sledges being drawn from one island
to another on the ice. The greatest distance
to be passed over in this manner, without
touching land, is about thirty miles. Under
the most favorable circumstances this passage
is troublesome and dangerous. It is well de
scribed by Acerbi. " My astonishment was
greatly increased," says he, " in proportion as
we advanced from our starting post. The sea,
at first smooth and even, became more and

turned from his peregrinations, and have often been amused
with his account of his adventures and odd modes of trav
elling. He possessed a competent estate in Virginia, had
been an officer of the revolution, and, soon after the peace,
having conceived an ardent desire of seeing remote parts
of the world, he determined to visit them in his own way.
He commonly travelled on foot, and in the cheapest and
obscurest style. When he arrived at any town at which
he meant to stop, his appearance underwent an immediate
metamorphosis, and he assumed his proper character. He
was in Paris during the reign of terror, and was himself
near falling a victim to the tyrannical proscriptions which
then prevailed.

"Major Langborn was certainly an eccentric man, but
his oddity was not offensive, because it was not obtrusive,
and was free from everything like affectation. It was not
among the least remarkable circumstances of his life, that,
on returning to his native state, after an absence of more
than twenty years, he married the daughter of the lady
whom he had addressed in his youth; and these, we are
inclined to think, were the only attachments he ever formed."

JOHN LEDYARD. 241

more rough and unequal. It assumed, as we
proceeded, an undulating appearance, resembling
the waves by which it had been agitated. At
length we met with masses of ice heaped one
upon the other, and some of them seeming as
if they were suspended in the air, while oth
ers were raised in the form of pyramids. On
the whole, they exhibited a picture of the
wildest and most savage confusion, that sur
prised the eye by the novelty of its appear
ance. It was an immense chaos of icy ruins,
presented to view under every possible form,
and embellished by superb stalactites of a blue
green color." Over this rough surface, and be
tween the broken waves of ice, the passengers
are drawn in sledges, muffled up in wolf-skins
and other furs. The chief danger consists in
the sledges being repeatedly upset, and the
horses sometimes taking fright, and running
away like wild deer. Acerbi had a serious ad
venture of this sort, but he luckily escaped
without harm, as he did from many other ad
ventures, which awaited him in his travels to
the North Cape.

This is the method of crossing the Gulf of
Bothnia in common seasons, but there is occa
sionally an open winter, when it is impassable,
either by water or on the ice ; for, if the pas
sage does not freeze entirely over, the water
VOL. xiv. 16

242 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

contains so much floating ice, that no vessel
can sail through it. When this happens, the
only way of going to Petersburg is around the
gulf, a distance of twelve hundred miles, over
trackless snows, in regions thinly peopled,
where the nights are long and the cold in
tense, and all this to gain no more than fifty
miles.

Such was unfortunately the condition of the
ice, when Ledyard arrived at the usual place
of crossing. It had not been frozen solid from
the beginning of the winter, and no traveller
could pass. Of all his disappointments, none
had afflicted him more severely than this. The
only alternative was, either to stay in Stock
holm till the spring should open, or to go
around the gulf into Lapland, and seek his
way from the Arctic Circle to Petersburg,
through the whole extent of Finland ; and in
either case he foresaw, that he should arrive
so late in Russia, that another season would
be wasted in Siberia, before he could cross
to the American continent. The single cir
cumstance, therefore, of the passage to Abo be
ing thus obstructed, was likely to keep him
back a full year from the attainment of his
grand object. But he did not deliberate long.
He could not endure inactivity, and new diffi
culties nerved him with new strength to en-

JOHN LEDYARD. 243

counter and subdue them. He set out for
Tornea in the heart of winter, afoot and alone,
without money or friends, on a road almost
unfrequented at that frightful season, and with
the gloomy certainty resting on his mind, that
he must travel northward six hundred miles,
before he could turn his steps towards a milder
climate, and then six or seven hundred more
in descending to Petersburg, on the other side
of the Gulf.

When Maupertuis and his companions were
about leaving Stockholm, on their journey to
Tornea, for the purpose of measuring a degree
of the meridian under the Polar Circle, the
King of Sweden told them, that "it was not
without sensible concern, that he saw them
pursue so desperate an undertaking ; " yet they
were prepared with every possible convenience
for travelling, and protection against the rigors
of a northern winter. A better idea of the de
gree and effects of cold, at the head of the
Gulf, cannot be formed, perhaps, than from
Maupertuis' description.

" The town of Tornea, at our arrival on the
30th of December, had really a most frightful
aspect. Its little houses were buried to the
tops in snow, which, if there had been any
daylight, must have effectually shut it out.
But the snows continually falling, or ready to

244 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

fall, for the most part hid the sun the few
moments, that he might have shown himself
at midday. In the month of January the
cold was increased to that extremity, that
Reaumur's mercurial thermometers, which in
Paris, in the great frost of 1709, it was thought
strange to see fall to fourteen degrees below
the freezing point, were now down to thirty-
seven. The spirit of wine in the others was
frozen. If we opened the door of a warm
room, the external air instantly converted all
the air in it into snow, whirling it round in
white vortexes. If we went abroad, we felt
as if the air were tearing our breasts in pieces.
And the cracking of the wood whereof the
houses are built, as if the violence of the cold
split it, continually alarmed us with an ap
proaching increase of cold. The solitude of
the streets was no less than if the inhabitants
had been all dead ; and in this country you
may often see people that have been maimed,
and had an arm or a leg frozen off. The
cold, which is always very great, increases
sometimes by such violent and sudden fits, as
are almost infallibly fatal to those that happen
to be exposed to it. Sometimes there arise
sudden tempests of snow, that are still more
dangerous. The winds seem to blow from ail
quarters at once, and drive about the snow

JOHN LEDYARD. 2*15

with such fury, that in a moment all the roads
are lost. Unhappy he, who is seized by such
a storm in the fields ! His acquaintance with
the country, or the marks he may have taken
by the trees, cannot avail him. He is blinded
by the snow, and lost if he stirs but a step."*
These were the scenes, that awaited our
pedestrian in his winter excursion to the Polar
Circle. How far they were realized by him
must be now left to conjecture. No part of
his journal during this tour has been preserved,
nor is it known what course he took from
Tornea to Petersburg. The common route is
along the border of the Gulf to Abo, but in
winter the road is much obstructed by ice,
and is extremely bad. Linnaeus passed it in
September, when returning from his scientific
tour to Lapland, and he estimates the distance
from Tornea to Abo at upwards of six hun
dred English miles. From a remark in Led-
yard's letter to Mr. Jefferson, which will be
quoted below, it would seem, that he took a
different direction, and passed further into the
interior of Russian Finland. This route, as
he intimates, must have been wholly unfre
quented by travellers, although the distance
must be shorter, and at that season perhaps

* See Maupertuis' Discourse before tlie Royal Academy of
Sciences in Paris. November 13th, 1737.

246 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the difficulties to be encountered were not
greater, than down the Gulf.

Be this as it may, he reached Petersburg
before the 20th of March, that is, within seven
weeks of the time of leaving Stockholm, mak
ing the average distance travelled about two
hundred miles a week. It is evident, there
fore, that he met with no obstacles, which his
resolution did not speedily overcome. His let
ter to Mr. Jefferson, dated Petersburg, March
19th, 1787, will acquaint us with the state of
his feelings, and his prospects, at this stage of
his travels.

"It will be one of the remaining pleasures
of my life, to thank you for the many in
stances of your friendship, and, wherever I am,
to pursue you with the tale of my gratitude.
If Mr. Barclay should be at Paris, let him rank
with you as my next friend. I hardly know
how to estimate the goodness of the Marquis
de Lafayette to me, but I think a French
nobleman, of the first character in his country,
never did more to serve an obscure citizen of
another, than he has done for me ; and I am
sure that it is impossible, without some kind
of soul made expressly for the purpose, that
an obscure citizen in such a situation can be
more grateful than I am. May he be told so,
with my compliments to his lady.

JOHN LEDYABD. 247

u I cannot tell you by what means I came
to Petersburg, and hardly know by what means
I shall quit it, in the further prosecution of my
tour round the world by land. If I have any
merit in the affair, it is perseverance, for most
severely have I been buffeted ; and yet still
am even more obstinate than before ; and Fate,
as obstinate, continues her assaults. How the
matter will terminate I know not. The most
probable conjecture is, that I shall succeed, and
be buffeted around the world, as I have hith
erto been from England through Denmark,
through Sweden, Swedish Lapland, Swedish
Finland, and the most unfrequented parts of
Russian Finland, to this aurora borealis of a
city. I cannot give you a history of myself
since I saw you, or since I wrote you last ;
however abridged, it would be too long. Upon
the whole, mankind have used me well ; and
though I have as yet reached only the first
stage of my journey, I feel myself much
indebted for that urbanity, which I always
thought more general than many think it to
be ; and were it not for the mischievous laws
and bad examples of some governments I have
passed through, I am persuaded I should be
able to give you a still better account of our
fellow-creatures.

"But I am hastening to countries, where

248 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

goodness, if natural to the human heart, will
appear independent of example, and furnish an
illustration of the character of man, not un
worthy of him who wrote the Declaration of
Independence. I did not hear of the death
of M. de Yergennes until I arrived here. Per
mit me to express my regret at the loss of so
great and so good a man. Permit me, also,
to congratulate you, as the minister of my
country, on account of the additional commer
cial privileges granted by France to America,
and to express my ardent wishes, that the
friendly spirit which' dictated them may last
forever. I was extremely pleased at reading
the account ; and to heighten the satisfaction,
I found the name of Lafayette there.

" An equipment is now on foot here for the
Sea of Kamtschatka, and it is first to visit the
Northwest Coast of America. It is to consist
of four ships. This, and the expedition that
went from here twelve months since by land
for Kamtschatka, are to cooperate in a design
of some sort in the Northern Pacific Ocean ;
the Lord knows what, nor does it matter what
with me, nor indeed with you, nor any other
minister, nor any potentate, south of fifty de
grees of latitude. I can only say, that you are
in no danger of having the luxurious repose
of your charming climates disturbed by a sec-

JOHN LEDYARD. 249

ond incursion of either Goth, Vandal, Hun, or
Scythian.

11 1 dined to-day with Professor Pallas. He is
an accomplished man, and my friend, and has
travelled throughout European and Asiatic Rus
sia. I find the little French I have of infinite
service to me. I could not do without it. It
is a most extraordinary language. I believe
wolves, rocks, woods, arid snow understand it,
for I have addressed them all in it, and they
have all been very complaisant to me. We
had a Scythian at table, who belongs to the
Royal Society of Physicians here. The mo
ment he knew me and my designs, he became
my friend ; and it will be by his generous as
sistance, joined with that of Professor Pallas,
that I shall be able to procure a royal pass
port, without which I cannot stir. This must
be done through an application to the French
minister, there being no American minister
here ; and to his secretary I shall apply with
Dr. Pallas to-morrow, and shall take the lib
erty to make use of your name, and that of
the Marquis de Lafayette, as to my character.
As all my letters of recommendation were Eng
lish, and as I have hitherto been used by the
English with the greatest kindness and respect,
I first applied to the British minister, but with
out success. The apology was, that the pres-

250 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ent political condition between Russia and
England would make it disagreeable for the
British minister to ask any favor. The secre
tary of the French embassy will despatch my
letter, and one of his accompanying it, to the
Count Segur to-morrow morning. I will en
deavor to write you again before I leave Pe
tersburg, and give you some further accounts
of myself. Meantime, I wish you health. I
have written a short letter to the Marquis.
Adieu."

It will be remembered, that at this time the
Empress was absent on her famous jaunt to Ker-
son and the Krimea. She had left Petersburg
in January, accompanied by Prince Potemkin,
and many others of the courtiers, and of the
Russian nobility. The Austrian and French
ambassadors were also in her train. She passed
through Smolensk, and was now at Kief,
where she remained amidst a brilliant assem
blage of nobles from Poland and her Russian
territories, till the spring was so far advanced,
that she could proceed by water down the
Dnieper, in the magnificent galleys prepared
for the purpose.

While the Empress and her retinue were at
Kief, a round of splendid entertainments, cere
monies, and visits from eminent personages,
occupied her time, and absorbed her thoughts,

JOHN LEDYARD. 251

in addition to the great political projects,
which she is said to have been meditating in
regard to the conquest of Turkey. Had the
French ambassador found an opportunity, there
fore, amidst these scenes of gayety and bustle,
to present a petition to the Empress from an
unknown individual, for a passport to travel
through her dominions, it could not be thought
strange, that she should have neglected to at
tend to it with the promptness, which more
important affairs might require. Weeks passed
away, and no answer was returned. Ledyard's
patience was severely tried by this delay, and
he began to talk of going forward without any
passport. On the 15th of May, after waiting
nearly two months at Petersburg, he writes to
Colonel Smith, " My heart is oppressed ; my
designs are generous ; why is my fate other
wise ? The Count Segur has not yet sent me
my passport. But this shall not stop me ; I
shall surmount all things, and at least deserve
success." About this time he became acquaint
ed with a Russian officer, who belonged to
the family of the Grand Duke, and who took
a lively interest in his concerns, and proffered
his services. Ledyard says, he was not only
" polite and friendly, but a thinking Russian."
By the kind assistance of this gentleman he
obtained his passport in fifteen days, and was
prepared for his departure.

252 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

It was fortunate, that just at this time Mr.
William Brown, a Scotch physician, was going
to the Province of Kolyvan, in the employ
ment of the Empress. Ledyard joined him,
and thus had a companion on his tour for
more than three thousand miles. Prom this
arrangement he enjoyed an important advan
tage, for Brown travelled at the expense of the
government, and as Ledyard went with him
by permission of the proper authority, his trav
elling charges were probably defrayed in part
at least from the public funds. And, indeed,
without this aid, it would have been impossi
ble for him to move a step, for his own re
sources were completely exhausted. On his
arrival in Petersburg his necessities were ex
treme, as his money was gone, and he was
almost destitute of clothes. In this extremity
he drew a bill for twenty guineas on Sir Jo
seph Banks, which he found some friend will
ing to accept, although he confessed that Sir
Joseph had not authorized him to draw, and
that the payment of the bill would depend on
his generosity. It was immediately paid when
presented in London, much to the honor of
that munificent patron of science and enter
prise. It is said that a quantity of stores was
sent, under the care of Dr. Brown, to be for
warded to Mr. Billings at Yakutsk, who was

J OHN LEDYARD.

253

employed in exploring those remote regions of
Siberia and Kamtschatka, in the service of the
Empress.

The party left Petersburg on the 1st of
June, and in six days arrived at Moscow.
During the last day's ride they overtook the
Grand Duke and his retinue, who were going
to Moscow to meet the Empress on her return
from her pompous journey to the Krimea.
The two travellers remained but one day in
Moscow. They hired a person to go with
them to Kazan, a distance of five hundred and
fifty miles, and drive their TciUtlca with three
horses. " Kibitka travelling," says Ledyard in
his journal, " is the remains of caravan travel
ling ; it is your only home ; it is like a ship
at sea." In this vehicle they were hurried
along with considerable speed towards Kazan,
through Vladimir, Nishnei Novogorod, and other
towns. Kazan stands on the right bank of
the majestic Wolga, and is the capital of a
province of the same name. It is ranked
among the first cities in the empire, containing
a university, churches, convents, and other pub
lic buildings, some of which are magnificent,
and finished with much architectural taste and
elegance. Immense quantities of grain are pro
duced in this province, and also flax and leath
er for exportation. The soil is well cultivated,

254 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

but low and unhealthy, and the inhabitants
are a mixed population of Russians and Tar
tars.

They stayed a week at Kazan, and then
commenced their journey to Tobolsk, where
they arrived on the llth of July, having crossed
the Ural Mountains, and passed the frontiers of
Europe and Asia. The face of the country
had hitherto been level, with hardly an emi
nence springing from the great plain, which
spreads over the vast territory from Moscow to
Tobolsk.

The ascent of the Ural Mountains was so
gradual as scarcely to form an exception to
this general remark, and nothing could be
more monotonous and dreary than the inter
minable wastes over which their route had led
them since leaving Kazan, with here and there
a miserable village, and unproductive culture
of the soil. " The wretched appearance of the
inhabitants," says our journalist, "is such as
may generally be observed, in a greater or less
degree, in those places which are so unhappy
as to be the frontiers between nations ; like
step-children are they." This is especially the
condition of the people throughout the whole
extent of the China frontiers, that border on
Russia. It is the policy of the government to
preserve this belt, of desolation, as a barrier

JOHN LEDYARD. 255

against the too easy access of foreigners, and
as a means of preventing contraband trade.

Tobolsk is a city of considerable interest,
having been once the capital of all Siberia,
and in early times the scene of a great battle
between the renowned hero Yermak, and the
Tartar prince Kontchum Khan, in which the
former was victorious. The city stands at the
junction of two large rivers, the Tobol and
Irtish, which there unite and flow on together,
till their waters are mingled with the Obe,
and thence conveyed to the Northern Ocean.
It consists of the upper and lower town, the
latter situate on the margin of the river, and
the former on a commanding eminence, which
overlooks the lower town and much of the
adjacent country. Captain Cochrane, who vis
ited this place a few years ago, was greatly
pleased with its natural advantages and scenery,
and the condition and comforts of the people.
The town is well laid out into streets, con
tains handsome churches and other edifices, a
well regulated market, and provisions of all
kinds in abundance, and exceedingly cheap.

He was not less charmed with the society,
for although Tobolsk is the residence of ex
iles, they are such as have been sent to Siberia
for political reasons, and not malefactors, these
latter being accommodated with a residence

256 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and employment much farther in the interior
towards Kamtschatka. These political exiles
are commonly persons of some culture and in
telligence, for, as this author justly remarks, no
government banishes fools ; and the social cir
cles of the better sort indicate a refinement
and happiness, which might be envied in more
civilized parts of the globe. So much was
this traveller pleased with the wild and beau
tiful scenery on the banks of the Irtish, that
he followed up the stream to the borders of
China, enraptured at every step ; nor was he
satisfied, till he had contemplated by moon
light the deep solitudes and lofty granite moun
tains, that constitute the bulwark of this north
ern boundary of the Celestial Empire.

But Captain Cochrane was an amateur trav
eller, wandering for amusement, and seeking
odd adventures in the most promising theatre
for them. Ledyard, on the contrary, was im
pelled forward by a single motive, and he
would gladly have annihilated space and time,
if he could have set his foot the next moment
on the American continent. He did not trav
erse the wild wastes of Siberia to make dis
coveries, gaze at mountains, trace rivers to their
sources, nor even to examine the economy of
society arid the condition of the people. He
had a soul to admire whatever was grand or

JOHN LEDYARD. 257

beautiful in nature, and to be strongly affected
with the various states of human existence, as
his observations abundantly prove ; but he suf
fered these to make an incidental claim only
on his attention, keeping them subordinate to
his great design and absorbing purpose. Hence
he stopped no longer in any place than was
necessary to prepare for a new departure.

Three days he" and his companion stayed at
Tobolsk, and then continued their journey to
Barnaoul, the capital of the province of Koly-
van. At this place he was to leave Dr, Brown
and proceed alone. For this gentleman he had
contracted a sincere esteem, and was prevailed
upon to remain in Barnaoul a week, out of
regard to the kindness and in compliance with
the solicitation of his friend.

In many respects Barnaoul is one of the
most agreeable places of residence in Siberia.
The province of which it is the capital is a
rich mining district, and this brings together
in the town persons of science and respecta
bility, who are employed as public officers to
superintend the working of the mines. The
surrounding country, moreover, is well suited
to agriculture, abounding in good lands for pas
ture and grain, supporting vast herds of cattle,
and producing vegetables in great profusion.
VOL. xiv. 17

258 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

In consequence of these bounties of nature,
there is an overflowing and cheap market, an
absence of want, and much positive happiness
among the people.

Ledyard was lodged, at Barnaoul, in the
house of the treasurer, by whom he was treated
with great hospitality. He dined twice with
the Governor, and also with two old discharged
officers of the army, who, at their own request,
had quitted the service, and become judges and
justices of the law. The armorial bearings of
forty-two provinces in the empire were shown
to him. The Governor told him, that the salt,
produced by the salt lakes in the province of
Kolyvan, yielded somewhat more to the reve
nue than the mines, and also that the aggre
gate amount of revenue from that province
was greater than from any other. In respect
to gold and silver, this is no doubt the case
at the present day, but in regard to the salt
it is uncertain. There are said to be salt
lakes in Siberia, so much saturated with saline
matter, that the salt crystallizes of its own ac
cord, and adheres in this state to pieces of
wood and other substances put into the water.

Kolyvan is near the middle point between
Petersburg and Okotsk, it being somewhat
more than three thousand miles in opposite

JOHN LEDYARD. 259

directions to each of those places.* Barnaoul
stands on the bank of the River Obe, which
is a broad and noble stream where it passes
the town. It is in the fifty-third degree of
north latitude, and in the last week of July
the mornings were exceedingly hot, the sky
cloudless and serene, and the atmosphere per
fectly calm. In the afternoon a gentle breeze
would spring up, increase by degrees till even
ing, and continue through the night. Rains
are not frequent in Kolyvan.

The following extract is from that part of
the journal which was written at Barnaoul,
and contains remarks on what came under the
writer's notice during his journey to that
place.

" The face of the country from Petersburg
to Kolyvan is one continued plain. The soil

* In his Journal, Ledyard enters the following distances,
which he says were taken from a Russian Almanac. In
the second column I have reduced the versts to English
miles. Three versts are equal to two miles.

Versts. Miles

From Petersburg to Barnaoul, 4539 . . . 3026

« Barnaoul to Irkutsk, 1732 . . . 1155

« Irkutsk to Yakutsk, 2266 . . . 1510

« Yakutsk to Okotsk, 952 ... 635

" Okotsk to Awateka in Kamtschatka, . . 1065 . . . 710
Whole distance from Petersburg to Kamt- ? in KKA 7Q36
schatka, > ' '

260 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

before arriving at Kazan is very well culti
vated ; afterwards cultivation gradually ceases.
On the route to Kazan we saw large mounds
of earth, often of twenty, thirty, and forty feet
elevation, which I conjectured, and on inquiry
found, to be ancient sepulchres. There is an
analogy between these and our own graves.
and the Egyptian pyramids; and an exact re
semblance between them, arid those piles sup
posed to be of monumental earth, which are
found among some of the tribes of North Amer
ica. We first saw Tartars before our arrival
at Kazan ; and also a woman with her nails
painted red, like the Cochin Chinese.

" Notwithstanding the modern introduction
of linen into Russia, the garments of the peas
antry still retain not only the form, but the
manner of ornamenting them, which was prac
tised when they wore skins. This resembles
the Tartar mode of ornamenting, and is but a
modification of the wampum ornament, which
is still discernible westward from Russia to
Denmark, among the Finlanders, Laplanders,
and Swedes. The nice gradation by which
I pass from civilization to incivilization ap
pears in everything; in manners, dress, lan
guage ; and particularly in that remarkable and
important circumstance, color, which I am now
fully convinced originates from natural causes,

JOHN LEDYARD. 261

and is the effect of external and local circum
stances. 1 think the same of feature. I see
here the large mouth, the thick lip, the broad
flat nose, as well as in Africa. I see also, in
the same village, as great a difference of com
plexion ; from the fair hair, fair skin, and white
eyes, to the olive, the black jetty hair and
eyes ; and these all of the same language,
same dress, and, I suppose, same tribe.

" I have frequently observed in Russian vil
lages, obscure and dirty, mean and poor, that
the women of the peasantry paint their faces,
both red and white. I have had occasion
from this and other circumstances to suppose,
that the Russians are a people who have been
early attached to luxury. They are everywhere
fond of eclat. 'Sir,' said a Russian officer to
me in Petersburg, ' we pay no attention to
anything but eclat.'' The contour of their
manners is Asiatic, and not European. The
Tartars are universally neater than the Rus
sians, particularly in their houses. The Tar
tar, however situated, is a voluptuary ; and it
is an original and striking trait in their char
acter, from the Grand Seignior to him who
pitches his tent on the wild frontiers of Rus
sia and China, that they are more addicted to
real sensual pleasure than any other people.
The Emperor of Germany, the Kings of Eng-

262 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

land and France, have pursuits that give an
entirely different turn to their enjoyments ; and
so have their respective subjects. Would a
Tartar live on Vive le Roil Would he spend
ten years in constructing a watch, or twenty
in forming a telescope ?

•"In the United States of America, as in
Russia, we have made an effort to convert our
Tartars to think and act like us ; but to what
effect ? Among us, Sampson Occum was pushed
the farthest within the pale of civilization ; but
just as the sanguine divine who brought him
there was forming the highest expectations, he
fled, and sought his own elysium in the bosom
of his native forests. In Russia they have
had none so distinguished ; here they are com
monly footmen, or lackeys of some other kind.
The Marquis de Lafayette had a young Amer
ican Tartar, of the Onandaga tribe, who came
to see him ; and the Marquis, at much expense,
equipped him in rich Indian dresses. After
staying some time, he did as Occum did.
When I was at school at Mount Ida, [Dart
mouth College,] many Indians were there, most
of whom gave some promise of being civilized,
and some were sent forth to preach ; but as
far as I observed myself, and have been since
informed, they all returned to the home and
customs of their fathers, and followed the in-

JOHN LEDYARD. 263

clinations which nature had so deeply en-
stamped on their character."

To these remarks is here added part of a
letter, written to Mr. Jefferson from Barnaoul,
dated on the 29th of July, 1787.

" How I have come thus far, and how I am
to go still further, is an enigma that I must
disclose to you on some happier occasion. I
shall never be able, without seeing you in per
son, and perhaps not then, to inform you how
universally and circumstantially the Tartars re
semble the Aborigines of America. They are
the same people ; the most ancient and the
most numerous of any other ; and had not a
small sea divided them, they would all have
been still known by the same name. The
cloak of civilization sets as ill upon them, as
upon our American Tartars. They have been
a long time Tartars, and it will be a long
time before they will be any other kind of
people.

" I shall send this letter to Petersburg, to
the care of Professor Pallas. He will transmit
it to you, together with one for the Marquis,
in the mail of the Count Segur. My health
is perfectly good j but notwithstanding the
vigor of my body, my mind keeps the start of
me, and I anticipate my future fate with the
most lively ardor. Pity it is, that in such a

264 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

career one should be subjected, like a horse,
to the beggarly impediments of sleep and
hunger.

" The banks of the large rivers in this coun
try everywhere abound with something curious
in the fossil world. I have found the leg-bone
of a very large animal on the banks of the
Obe, and have sent it to Dr. Pallas, requesting
him to render me an account of it hereafter.
It is either an elephant's or rhinoceros's bone.
The latter animal has been in this country.
There is a complete head of one in a state of
high preservation at Petersburg. I am a curi
osity here myself. Those who have heard of
America flock round to see me. Unfortunate
ly the marks on my hands* procure me and
my countrymen the appellation of wild men.
Among the better sort we are somewhat more
known. The Governor and his family have
got a peep at the history of our existence,
through the medium of an antiquated pam
phlet of some kind. We have, however, two
stars, that shine even in the galaxy of Bar-
naoul, and the healths of Dr. Franklin arid of
General Washington have been drunk, in com
pliment to me, at the Governor's table. I am
treated with the greatest hospitality here.

* The tattoo marks made on his hands at Otaheite.

JOHN LEDYARD. 265

Hitherto I have fared comfortably when I
could make a port anywhere, but when totally
in the country I have been a little incom
moded. Hospitality, however, I have found as
universal as the face of man. When you read
this, perhaps two months before you do, if I
do well, I shall be at Okotsk, where I will do
myself the honor to trouble you again, and if
possible will write more at large. My com
pliments wait on all my Parisian friends."

After spending a week very agreeably in
Barnaoul, he made preparations for recommen
cing his journey. From this place to Irkutsk,
it was arranged that he should travel post,
with the courier who had charge of the mail.
All things being in readiness, he writes, " I
waited on the Governor with my passport ; he
was well pleased with it ; gave me a corporal
to conduct the affairs of the mail ; said I had
nothing to do but sit in the kabitka, and mus
tered up French enough to say, Monsieur, je
vous souhaite un bon voyage. I took an affec
tionate farewell of the worthy Dr. Brown, and
left Barnaoul." The next stopping place on
the route was Tomsk, distant three hundred
miles, which were passed over in two days
and three nights. The River Tom, which
flows near this town, is as large as the Irtish,
where it is crossed by the main road above

266 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Tobolsk, and was the first river met with by
our traveller since leaving Petersburg, which
had either a gravelly bottom or shore. On its
banks were found little mounds of earth, which
were ascertained to have been the habitations
of the natives, who dwelt there before the
conquest of the country by the Russians.*
The nights, he remarked, were very cold, more
so than he had known them in any country,

* In Bell's Journey from Petersburg to Pekin, with the
Russian embassy, in the year 1720, the author gives a cu
rious account of the mounds in the regions about Tomsk.
He considers them the tombs of ancient heroes, who fell
in battle. "Many persons go from Tomsk," he observes,
" and other parts, every summer, to these graves, which they
dig up, and find among the ashes of the dead considera
ble quantities of gold, silver, brass, and some precious
stones; but particularly hilts of swords and armor. They
find, also, ornaments of saddles and bridles, and other trap
pings for horses ; and even the bones of horses, and some
times those of elephants. Whence it appears that, when
any general or person of distinction was interred, all his
arms, his favorite horse, and servant were buried with him
in the same grave. This custom prevails to this day
among the Kalmuks and other Tartars, and seems to be
of great antiquity. It appears from the number of graves,
that many thousands must have fallen on these plains, for
the people have continued to dig for such treasure many
years, and still find it unexhausted. They are sometimes,
indeed, interrupted and robbed of all their booty by par
ties of the Kalmuks, who abhor the disturbing the ashes
of the dead." Vol. I. p. 253.

JOHN LEDYARD. 267

where it was at the same time so hot by day.
All the way from Barnaoul, and particularly in
its neighborhood, were perceived the ruinous
effects of the violent winds, that frequently
produce great devastation in those parts of
Siberia. Forest trees and fields of grain were
indiscriminately blown down and destroyed.
The hospitality of the inhabitants, however,
was unabated. They could rarely be prevailed
upon to take anything for provisions or accom
modation. On one occasion, for as much bar
ley soup, onions, quass* bread, and milk, as
made a hearty meal for the traveller and his
corporal, the good woman, who furnished them,
consented to receive one kopeek, and nothing
more.f

They were detained two or three days at
Tomsk, waiting for a mail, that was coming
by another route from Tobolsk • but the Com
mandant was affable and generous, and did not
allow the time to pass heavily. He was some
what of a singularity, being a Frenchman,
born in Paris, now seventy-three years old,

* The German translator of this work defines quass to
be a beverage prepared from rye bread, or fermented rye
meal.

f The value of the kopeek varies at different times. Led-
yard states it to have been about one tenth of an Eng
lish penny, when he was in Siberia. In Dr. Clarke's Trav
els it is put down as equal to an English halfpenny.

268 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

having resided twenty-five years in Siberia,
and more than thirty in Russia. He spoke his
native language imperfectly, and wrote it still
worse. His favorite topic was the dignity of
his birth, and the high rank of his family.
But Ledyard wished to know more about Si
beria at that moment, than of the genealogy
or rank of the families in France, and he ven
tured to ask the old man if the town, or its
environs, afforded anything valuable or curious
in natural history. His answer was, that there
were thieves, rogues, liars, and villains of every
description. The conversation was pushed no
further in the way of philosophical inquiry, for
it was evident the Frenchman's thoughts had
run very little in that channel.

There was truth in his remark, although
uttered somewhat out of place. Tomsk had
long been the rendezvous of the worst class
of exiles, who had been banished for their
crimes, and could not be expected to exercise
a very salutary influence on society, or to be
come pattern members of it themselves. Pov
erty and wretchedness, the accompaniments of
vice, formed here some of the prominent ob
jects in the foreground of the picture, and beg
gars daily thronged the streets, as in the most
populous regions of the civilized world.

The charity and kind feelings of the better

JOHN LEDYARD. 269

sort of inhabitants, however, afforded a pleas
ing contrast to this debasement and suffering.
Ledyard observes, that the family with whom
he lodged, were accustomed every morning to
lay aside in the window ten or twelve farthing
pieces for the charitable purposes of the day.
Considering the extraordinary cheapness of
food, this would afford relief to many persons.
The beggars began their rounds at an early
hour, and went regularly from house to house,
and were very rarely sent away without some
thing. Those who did not give money gave
bread. Some of the beggars were in irons.
The people asked no questions, but appeared
to give cheerfully and without grudging. The
demand was uniformly made pour rumour de
Dieu, " for which," says the journalist, "one
may have more in this country, than in any
other I have seen."

In ten days from the time of leaving Tomsk,
the traveller and his corporal were safely ar
rived in Irkutsk, over a road of which he
speaks in no terms of commendation. The
River Yenissey was crossed at the town of
Krasnojarsk, where the Commandant pressed
him to stop long enough to dine, and cele
brated the event of a stranger's arrival, with
such free potations as to become intoxicated.
From Tomsk to Yenissey the country exhib-

270 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ited rather an agreeable aspect, and marks of
cultivation. Ledyard observes that, in this re
gion, he " first finds the real craggy, peaked
hill, or mountain," and from Krasnojarsk to
Irkutsk was the first stony road which he
had passed over in the Russian dominions.
The streets of Tobolsk, and some of the other
towns on his route, were paved with wood.

" Passing on east from the Yenissey to Ir
kutsk, the country is thinly peopled. A very
few, and those miserable houses are to be seen
on the road, and none at all at a distance from
it. The country is hilly, rough, mountainous,
and covered with thick forests. The rivers
here, also, have all rocky beds, and are rapid
in the degree of three to five miles an hour.
The autumnal rains are begun, and they have
set in severely. I am now in Irkutsk, and
have stayed in my quarters all day to take a
little rest, after a very fatiguing journey, ren
dered so by sundry very disagreeable circum
stances; going with the courier, and driving
with wild Tartar horses, at a most rapid rate,
over a wild and ragged country ; breaking and
upsetting kibitkas ; beswarmed with mosqui
toes ; all the way hard rains ; and when I ar
rived at Irkutsk I was, and had been for the
last forty-eight hours, wet through and through,
and covered with one complete mass of mud."

JOHN LEDYARD. 271

CHAPTER IX.

Residence at Irkutsk. — Account of the Tartars.

— Fur Trade on the American Coast. — Lake
Baikal. — Leaves Irkutsk for the River Lena.

— Scenery around the Baikal — Estimate of
the Number of Rivers in Siberia. — Pro
ceeds down the Lena in a Bateau. — Hospi
tality of the Inhabitants. — Ends his Voyage
at Yakutsk.

LEDYARD stayed in Irkutsk about ten days,
and his observations and general reflections
during that time may be best understood by
extracts from his journal, as they were written
on the spot. They are rather in the nature
of hints and first thoughts, than of a regular
narrative ; but they will show his inquisitive
turn of mind, and his eagerness for acquiring
such knowledge as accorded with the general
objects of his travels.

" August 16th. I have not been out this
morning, but I shrewdly suspect by what I see
from my poor talc window, that I shall even
here find the fashionable follies, the ridiculous
extravagance, and ruinous eclat of Petersburg.
I have been out, and my suspicions were well
founded. Dined with a brigadier, a colonel,

272 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and a major, a little out of town; they are
Germans. Had at the table a French exile,
who had been an adjutant. Scarcely a day
passes but an exile of some sort arrives. Most
of the inhabitants of this remote part of Sibe
ria are convicts. The country here was for
merly inhabited by the Mongul or Kalmuk
Tartars, who are, I conclude, the same people.
Find no account of the Calumet*' The French
exile had been at Quebec, and thinks the
Tartars here much inferior to the American
Indians, both in their understanding and per
sons. I observe the Tongusians have not the
Mongul or Kalmuk faces, but moderately long,
and considerably like the European face. These
Tongusians form the second class of Tartars,
so obviously distinguishable by their features
from other Tartars, and from Europeans. What
I call the third class are the light eyed and
fair complexioned Tartars, which class, I be
lieve, includes the Cossacs. The Tchuktchi
are the only northern Tartars that remain un-
subjected to the government.

" The town of Irkutsk is the residence of
the Governor-General, Jacobi, and of a military
commander, and has in it two battalions of in-

* A pipe adorned with feathers, and used as the symbol
of peace by the Indians of North America.

JOHN LEDYARD. 273

fantry. It has two thousand poor log houses,
and ten churches. Jacobi's authority extends
from here to the Pacific Ocean, an immense
territory. I waited this morning on the di
rector of the bank, Mr. Karamyscheff, who was
a pupil of Linnaeus. He is very assiduous to
oblige me in everything, and sent for three
Kalmuks in the dress of their country. Noth
ing particularly curious about them, but their
pipes, which are coarsely made of copper by
themselves ; the form altogether Chinese. Ka
ramyscheff informs me, that the Monguls and
Kalmuks are the same people. From his house
I went with the Conseiller d'Etat, who intro
duced me to Jacobi, the Governor. He is an
old, venerable man, and although I believe,
with Pallas, that he is un homme de bois, yet
he received me standing and uncovered. Our
conversation was merely respecting my going
with the post, which he granted me, and, be
sides, told me that I should be particularly
well accommodated, wished me a successful
voyage, and that my travels might be produc
tive of information to mankind. I conversed
with him in French, through the interpretation
of the Conseiller.

" This latter gentleman gave me the follow
ing information. { The white Tartars you saw
about Kazan are natives of that country, and
VOL. xiv. 18

274 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

we call them Kazan Tartars. Kazan was once
a kingdom of theirs. From this place to Ya
kutsk you pass among the Kalmuks. At Ya
kutsk you will see the Yakuti, and also the
Tongusians, who are more personable than the
Kalmuks or Monguls, and more sensible ; but
the Yakuti are more sensible than either. They
are, indeed, a people of good natural parts and
genius, and by experience are found capable
of any kind of learning. From Yakutsk you
pass through the Tongusians, all the way to
Okotsk. In the time of Jenghis Khan, the
Thibet Tartars, that is, the Kalmuks, or Mon
guls, made incursions into this country. We
have two hundred thousand Russians, and, as
nearly as we can estimate, half that number
of Indians of all descriptions in this province.
Marriages in and near the villages take place
between the Russians and Tartars, but they
are not frequent. I believe the extreme cold,
and want of snow here during the winter, and
the sudden change of weather in the summer,
to be the reason why we can have no fruit
here. We have often, in the months of May
and June, ice three and four inches thick. Be
sides, this country, as you have observed, is
subject to terrible gales of wind, which blow
away both bud and blossom. We have never
theless a few little apples, which we eat at

JOHN LEDYARD. 275

our tables, and they are not without flavor.'
Thus much the Conseiller.

" The forest trees in this country are almost
altogether birch ; they are generally rotten at
the heart. Mr. Karamyscheff tells me, that
there are many bones of the rhinoceros in
these parts of Siberia, and also the same
large bones that are found on the banks of
the Ohio, in America. It seems, that the
places in which to find those bones, and other
curious fossils, are at the mouths of the great
Rivers Yenissey, Lena, Kolyma, and others,
among the islands that are formed where they
flow into the sea. Here they are all lodged,
after having been washed from under ground
by the rivers, in the different countries which
they traverse.

" August 17th. To-day, it seems, the jubilee
is observed, on account of the Empress hav
ing reigned twenty-five years. In coming from
KaramyschefFs, I met the Governor-General
and his suite of officers, the brigadier I dined
with yesterday, and other dignitaries, to the
number of two hundred, all going to dine with
the Governor, who keeps open house on the
occasion. The Governor and other officers sa
luted me as they passed ; those who did not
know me wondering what could procure such
attention to one so poorly and oddly attired.

276 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

I was pressed by some of the company to go
and dine. Had my clothes been good, I would
have gone. But I dined with Karamyscheff.
It is a Tartar name, and he is of Tartarian
extraction. Saw an apple tree in his garden.
The fruit, as he described it, would be as large
as a full sized pea in France or England. It
is the genuine apple tree, and their naturalists
distinguish it by the name of the pyrus baccata.
These are the only apples in Siberia.

" Karamyscheff says the Yakuti Tartars are
the veritables Tartars, by which I understand,
that they are a less mixed race than the oth
ers. Their language, he says, is the oldest lan
guage, and that other tribes understand it. The
Yakuti formerly possessed this country, but
they were driven out by the Kalmuks, who
made a succession of attacks upon them, and
pursued them to the Lena, down which they
fled, and settled at Yakutsk. Karamyscheff
has in his house four children, descended from
a Kalmuk father and Russian mother. The
first resembles the father, and is entirely Kal
muk ; the second the mother, with fair hair
and eyes ; one of the others is Kalmuk, and
the other Russian. They are all healthy and
well looking children. I saw three of them.
Karamyscheff knows not among what people
to rank the Kamtschadales. He acknowledges,

JOHN LEDYARD. 277

with me, that their faces are entirely Kalmuk,
but says they came from America. This con
troverts the common opinion, that America was
peopled after Asia. But he is carried away
with the wild notions of the French natural
ist Buffon. I find, universally, that the Tar
tars wear their beards. The ears of Kalmuk
or Mongul Tartars project universally further
from the head, than those of Europeans. I
measured the ears of the Kalmuks at Karamy-
scheff's to-day, and on an average they pro
jected one and a half inch ; and they were by
no means extraordinary examples. The ears
of the Chinese are similar.

" We have French and Spanish wines here,
but so adulterated, that I was told of it before
I knew it to be wine. Karamyscheff is fully
sensible of the luxury and vanity I complain
of in this country, which is but beginning to
begin, as I told him to-day. He laments it,
and declared frankly to me, that patriotism
and the true solid virtues of a citizen are
hardly known. The geographical termination
of Russia, and the commencement of Siberia,
is at the city of Perm. The natural boundary
is the River Yenissey. I observe that the
face of the country is very different on this
side of the Yenissey, and Karamyscheff, who
is a botanist, says the vegetable productions
differ as much.

278 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

"August 18th. Went this morning to see
some curiosities from different parts of Siberia.
Saw also a piece of Sandwich Island cloth,
which was obtained from Captain Cook's ship
at Kamtschatka, when he was there. In the
collection was the skin of a Chinese goat, the
hair of which was the whitest, longest, and
most delicate that I ever saw ; also some ex
cellent sea-otter skins, the largest of which
were valued at two hundred roubles ; likewise
a bow, quiver, and all the military apparatus
of a Kalmuk, which was very heavy. The
Kalmuks and Monguls here receive the com
mon name of the Buretti.

" I went to the Archbishop's to see a young
savage of the Tchuktchi. The good bishop
had taken great pains to humanize him, (as Dr.
Wheelock had done with Sampson Occum,
whose story 1 related on this occasion ;) but
he informed us that he had lately taken to
drink, and died drunk ; or, in the bishop's own
words, * somebody had one day given him
half a rouble, and he went out with it, but
never returned, and was found dead by the
side of a Kabak.' Dined with my friend Ka-
ramyscheiT again to-day, who presented me, in
lieu of a domestic, a young lieutenant to go
with me and buy a few things. 'But,' said
he, 'don't put any money in his hands; lie

JOHN LEDYARD. 279

will not return it.' We had at table the wife
of a clerk to Mr. Karamyscheff, whose mother
was a savage from the Tchuktchi regions, and
her father a Russian. She is a fine creature,
and her complexion a good middling color. It
strengthens my opinion, that the difference of
color in man is not the effect of any design
in the Creator, but of causes simple in them
selves, which will perhaps soon be well ascer
tained. It is an extraordinary circumstance ;
but I think I ought not on that account to
conclude, that it is not the result of natural
causes.

" August 19th. For the second time I have
observed, that in the wells, about twelve feet
down, there is a great deal of ice adhering to
the sides. I went this morning to see a mer
chant, who was the owner of a vessel^ that
had passed from Kamtschatka to different parts
of the coast of America. He showed me some
charts rudely descriptive of his voyages ; says
there are, on different parts of the coast of
America, two thousand Russians ; and that, as
nearly as he can judge, the number of skins,
procured by them in that country, amounts to
twelve thousand. He has a vessel at Okotsk,
which leaves that place for America next sum
mer, and he offers me a passage in her.

"Dined to-day with a German colonel, and

280 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

after dinner set out for the Lake Baikal, which,
in the Kalmuk language, signifies the North
Sea. The Kalmuks, or Monguls, originally
lived on the south of this lake, towards China
and Thibet. After a good and cheerful dinner
with the colonel, we mounted his drosky, with
post horses, and took our departure for the
lake. After seven hours' ride over a miserable
road, we arrived at the little hamlet of St.
Nicholas, where formerly the Russian ambas
sadors resided, before they embarked to cross
the lake for China. This village has a church
in it, dedicated to St. Nicholas, and all the
sailors on the lake resort to it. We lodged
here through the night, and early next morn
ing resumed our journey, and reached the bor
der of the lake. Here are six or seven houses,
among which the largest was ordered to be
built by the Empress for the accommodation
of all strangers that pass this way ; and also
a galiotj which plies as a packet in the sum
mer across the lake.

" We hailed the galiot, which was at anchor
in the lake. The captain came ashore, and
we went off with him in a small boat, with
line and lead to take soundings ; but having
only fifty fathoms of line, and it raining very
hard, we could not make much progress. At
the distance of one hundred feet from the

JOHN LEDYARD. 281

shore, my whole length of line was taken up.
We retired to the house, breakfasted, and waited
an hour for the rain to abate ; but, finding it
to continue, we requested the captain to send
us in his boat to Irkutsk. He complied with
our request, and made us a canopy of hides to
defend us from the rain. We sent our drosky
back by the postboy, and embarked with two
sailors to row us. We passed along the mar
gin of the lake to the outlet, where the River
Angara begins, and thence down the river to
Irkutsk, a distance of about forty-five miles.
This lake is seven hundred and sixty-nine
versts (five hundred and thirteen miles) in its
longest part, and sixty versts (forty miles) in
its broadest. Its depth is said to be unfath
omable. It has an annual ebb and flux; the
one is caused by the autumnal rains, and the
other by the dry season in spring. It has
emptying into it one hundred and sixty-nine
small streams, from twenty to eighty yards
wide, and three larger ones from a quarter to
half a mile wide. It has but one outlet, by
which to dispose of the redundancy from all
these influxes, and that is the River Angara,
which is a Kalmuk name. It is no more
than a quarter of a mile wide where it springs
from the lake, is very shallow, and far from
being rapid.

282

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

"August 22d. The government of Irkutsk
has four provinces, namely, Irkutsk, Yakutsk,
Nartschintsk, and Okotsk. These are divided
into several districts each. The governor sent
me a surveyor, with the latest chart of the
great territory embracing these provinces. By
measurement I found its latitudinal extent,
from its southern extremity to the Icy Ocean
north, to be two thousand seven hundred
versts. and its longitudinal extent, from its
western boundary to Tchuktchi Nos, its east
ern extremity at Bering's Strait, to be three
thousand nine hundred versts.

" I am informed by the Governor, that the
post will not be ready for three days.

"August 23d. The commerce of Irkutsk is
very small with Europe, and consequently at
present at a very low ebb, since there is no
open trade with the Chinese, its nearest neigh
bors of a commercial character. The frontiers,
between this country and China, are principally
defended by an army of Buretti, or Kalmuk
Tartars. They are mostly horsemen, like the
Cossacs in the western dominions, and amount
to more than five thousand men. There are
two convents near this town, one of men and
the other of women, separated by a river. I
observe in Siberia, that in all the cities there
is one great burying place, and that wherever

JOHN LEDYARD. 283

this is (and it is commonly out of the town)
there is likewise a church, and the best church
of the place. This is but another kind of
pyramid, a large mound, or a mound modified.

" August 25th. This morning I leave town.
The land is well cultivated on the borders of
the river, and is good. Among the Buretti, or
Kalmuks, I observe the American moccasin, the
common moccasin, like the Finland moccasin.
The houses of the Buretti have octagonal
sides, covered with turf, with a fireplace in the
centre, and an aperture for smoke j the true
American wigivam, and like the first Tartar
house I saw in this country, which was near
Kazan. Mr. Karamyscheff says, they have the
wild horse on their Chinese frontiers. The
Buretti here ride and work the horned cattle ;
they perforate the cartilage of the nose, and
put a cord through it to guide them by. This
is to be wondered at, as the country is level,
and they have vast droves of horses.

" August 26th. Hard white frost last night,
and very cold. Run away with by these furi
ous unbroke Tartar horses, and saved myself
each time by jumping out of the kibitka.
Thank Heaven, ninety versts more will proba
bly put an end to my kibitka journeying for
ever."

Such are some of the brief notes entered in

284 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

his journal, while he was at Irkutsk. He was
detained on account of the delay of the post,
and made the best use of his time in collect
ing such information, as he supposed would be
serviceable to him in his future travels. The
inquiries, of which he was peculiarly fond, re
specting the different races of men, their ori
gin, classification, and distinctions, were here
pursued with his customary diligence and dis
crimination. But it should always be borne
in mind, that he did not intend his journal for
anything more than a repository of loose hints,
which might assist his recollection when the
occasion for using them should occur. They
were never afterwards revised or altered, but
have been preserved in the original form, in
which he recorded them on his journey. This
fact should claim for them all the indulgence,
which their incoherency, or want of maturity,
may seem to require.

The Lake Baikal, in some respects, is one
of the most remarkable bodies of water on the
globe. Other travellers have given its dimen
sions somewhat differently from Ledyard, va
rying from three hundred to six hundred miles
in length, and from forty-five to sixty miles in
width where it is the broadest. Ledyard prob
ably measured it on the chart just mentioned.
All travellers agree, however, that the scenery

JOHN LEDYARD. 285

around this lake is the most picturesque, bold,
and imposing imaginable. The Angara bursts
out from the lake, between immense battle
ments of perpendicular rocks, which, if we may
judge from Bell's description of them, surpass
in grandeur the famous passage of the Poto
mac through the Blue Ridge at Harper's Fer
ry. For about a mile after leaving the lake,
there is a continued rapid, extending across the
whole breadth of the stream, and admitting of
no boat communication, except by a narrow
channel on the east side, up which boats are
towed, and propelled with poles, from the vil
lage of St. Nicholas into the lake. Around the
entire circumference of the lake, and particu
larly on the north, lofty and craggy mountains
are seen piled one above another, in the wild
est confusion, and masses of rock rising like
towers from the very margin of the water.
Down the ravines and precipices thus formed,
the numerous tributary streams pour themselves
into this great reservoir. Pallas was inclined
to believe, that the enormous gulf, which forms
the basin of the Baikal, was caused by a vio
lent disruption of the earth, at some very re
mote period.

The Selinga, a river which empties itself
into this lake from the south, is larger at its
mouth than the Angara where it issues from

286 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the lake. It has its source in the Chinese
dominions, and is navigable for many miles
into the interior. Another river, called the
Eastern Angara, and probably larger than the
Selinga, comes in from the north. To these
must be added the contributions of more than
a hundred and sixty other streams of various
sizes. It is difficult to imagine what becomes
of the immense quantity of water thus poured
into the lake, when it is considered that there
is but a single outlet. The width of this out
let Ledyard states at a quarter of a mile, but
Bell says it appeared to him a mile. In either
case the water discharged by it would be in
no proportion to the quantity which falls into
the lake.

In a warmer region, as in that where the
Lake Tsad is situate, in Africa, the surplus
might be easily disposed of by evaporation ;
but in so cold a climate as that of Irkutsk,
this is hardly possible. The conjecture of an
internal communication with the great ocean
would seem to afford the only plausible solu
tion of the difficulty. Lake Superior contains
a larger body of water, has a small outlet, and
is in a climate perhaps as cold ; but it receives
comparatively slender contributions from rivers.
A similar remark may be made as to the Cas
pian Sea and the Sea of Aral. The water of

JOHN LEDYARD. 287

the Baikal is fresh. No bottom has ever yet
been reached by the sounding line. When
Bell crossed it, a hundred years ago, with the
Russian ambassador, on his way to Pekin, a
line of more than nine hundred feet in length
was let down, without touching the bottom.

The report of Professor Pallas on this point
is not so explicit, as might have been expected
from a scientific traveller. He says, that a ball
of packthread, weighing more than an ounce, had
been used as a sounding line, but no bottom
was found.* What length he would assign to
an ounce of packthread is not revealed to his
readers. We have seen, that one hundred feet
from the shore, Ledyard's line of three hun
dred feet met with no obstruction. On all
sides the shore is bold and dangerous, with
hardly an anchoring place, except at the mouths
of the large rivers. If the water could be re
moved, there would probably be exposed a
cavity, or fissure, equal to the present dimen
sions of the lake, and extending to a great
depth into the earth. Professor Pallas thinks
the ordinary level of the lake was once higher,
and that it flowed over the low country at

* " Le Baikal a une si grande profondeur dans le milieu,
et sur les cotes septentrionales, qu'on a d6roule un peloton
de ficelle pesant plus d'une once, pour sender, sans trouver
de fond." Voyages du Professeur Pallas, Tom. VI. p. 118.

288 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the mouth of the Selinga, which is now in
habited. No lava, or volcanic appearances,
have been noticed in the regions about the
lake.

It is considered very remarkable, that the
fish called chien de mer is found in the Baikal.
This is mentioned by Pallas and Ledyard.
The natural element of this fish is the ocean,
and it is very rarely known, as the Professor
says, to enter rivers even for a small distance.
How it should get into the Baikal, a fresh
water lake at least three thousand miles from
the ocean, taking the windings of the river
into the account, is deemed a problem of no
easy solution, especially as this fish has never
been known either in the Yenissey or Anga
ra, by which the waters of the lake pass into
the Northern Sea.* He is not satisfied with
this course of migration, and would look for a
more extraordinary cause, but does not venture
an opinion on the subject. The Baikal con
tains seals also, whose usual residence is in
the salt water. Whether they came up the
Yenissey and Angara, is another question to
be settled. Bell thinks they did. Pallas is
silent on the subject, and so is Ledyard. The
skins of these seals are preferred to those of

* The Angara falls into the Yenissey on its way to the
ocean.

JOHN LEDYARD. 289

salt water seals. The inhabitants have a treach
erous mode of taking these animals. In win
ter the seals are obliged occasionally to come
up through holes in the ice for respiration ;
over these holes the seal-catcher spreads nets,
in which the unwary animal is entangled,
when he escapes from his nether element.

In the part of the journal to which we have
now come are contained some curious specu
lations respecting the number of rivers in Si
beria, and the quantity of water which is con
tinually disembogued by them into the Northern
Ocean. On his route from Moscow to Irkutsk,
Ledyard had crossed twenty-five large naviga
ble rivers, whose courses were north. The
Yenissey, where he passed it, runs at the rate
of about five miles an hour, and generally the
rivers on the east of the Yenissey run two or
three miles in an hour swifter than the west
ern ones, between the Yenissey and Moscow.
He thinks these twenty-five rivers, taken to
gether, had an average width of half a mile
where he crossed them. He also ascertained
that there were twelve rivers of a similar de
scription between Irkutsk and Kamtschatka,
making in all thirty-seven.

Allowing these rivers to be twice as wide
at their mouths as at these interior points,
which is evidently a moderate estimate, we
VOL. xiv. 19

290 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

shall have a column of water thirty-seven
miles wide, and of the average depth of rivers
a mile in width, constantly flowing into the
Frozen Ocean, with a velocity of at least three
or four miles an hour.

His inference from the whole is, that such
an immense body of fresh water incessantly
discharged, at points so near each other and
so near the pole, must have a sensible effect
in creating and perpetuating the ice in those
latitudes. Whatever may be thought of this
theory, it is an unquestionable fact, that a much
larger quantity of water is conveyed by rivers
from Siberia into the Frozen Ocean, than runs
into the sea in any other part of the globe,
within the same compass. Whether these
streams are mainly fed by native springs, or
by the melting of snows, and whether the su
perabundance of these snows is produced by
vapors wafted from warmer climes, are topics
of inquiry that must be left to those who are
inclined to pursue them. Snow cannot be
formed without moisture, but where the sur
face of the earth is bound in frost six or eight
months in a year, there can be little evapora
tion or moisture. If snow still continues to
fall and accumulate, whence is it that the at
mosphere is surcharged with the vapors neces
sary for this operation?

JOHN LEDYARD. 291

We left our traveller with his kibitka, on
his first day's journey from Irkutsk northward.
It was now the 26th of August, and the forest
trees had begun to drop their foliage, and put
on the garb of autumn. The country in the
environs of Irkutsk was well cultivated, con
taining fine fields of wheat, rye, barley, exten
sive pasture lands, and a good breed of cattle.
The sheep were of the large-tailed kind, such
as are found at the Cape of Good Hope, but
the mutton was not well flavored.

In company with Lieutenant Laxman, a
Swedish officer, Ledyard embarked on the
River Lena, at a point one hundred and fifty
miles distant from Irkutsk, with the intention
of floating down its current to Yakutsk. This
river navigation was fourteen hundred miles.
Where they entered their boat, the stream was
no more than twenty yards broad, with here
and there gentle rapids, and high, rugged moun
tains on each side. They were carried along
from eighty to a hundred miles a day, the
river gradually increasing in size, and the moun
tain scenery putting on an infinite variety of
forms, alternately sublime and picturesque, bold
and fantastic, with craggy rocks and jutting
headlands, bearing on their brows the verdure
of pines, firs, larches, and other evergreens, and
Alpine shrubs.

292 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

All the way to Yakutsk, the river was stud
ded with islands, recurring at short intervals,
which added to the romantic effect of the
scenery, and made a voyage down the Lena,
notwithstanding its many privations, by no
means an unpleasant trip to a true lover of
nature, and a hardy, veteran traveller. The
weather was growing cold, and heavy fogs
hung about the river till a late hour in the
morning. They daily passed small towns and
villages, where they went ashore for provisions,
or refreshment, as occasion required.

" August 30th. We stopped at a village this
morning to procure a few stores. They killed
for us a sheep, gave us three quarts of milk,
two loaves of bread, cakes with carrots and
radishes baked in them, onions, one dozen of
fresh and two dozen of salt fish, straw and
bark to mend the covering of our boat ; and
all for the value of about fourteen pence ster
ling. The poor creatures brought us the straw,
to show us how their grain was blasted by
the cruel frost, although it had been reaped
before the 21st of August. The peasants say
the mountains here are full of bears and
wolves. We have seen a plenty of wild fowl,
which we shoot as we please. In the river
is the salmon-trout. The people fish with
seines, and also with spears by torchlight.

JOHN LEDYARD.

293

This latter custom is a very universal one ;
they fish with a torch at Otaheite. The
double headed or Esquimaux paddle is used
here.

" September 2d. My rascal of a soldier stole
our brandy, and got drunk, and was imperti
nent. I was obliged to handle him roughly to
preserve order. Fixed a little sail to our boat.

" September 4th. Arrived at the town of
Keringa at daylight, and stayed with the Com
mandant till noon, and was treated very hos
pitably. Some merchants sent us stores. It
is the custom here, if they hear of the arrival
of a foreigner, to load him with their little
services. It is almost impossible to pass a
town of any kind, without being arrested by
them. They have the earnestness of hospital
ity; they crowd their tables with everything
they have to eat and drink, and, not content
with that, they fill your wallet. I wish I
could think them as honest as they are hos
pitable. The reason why the Commandant did
not show his wife, was because he was jealous
of her. I have observed this to be a prevail
ing passion here. The river on each side as
we pass is bounded by vast rocky cliffs, the
highest mass of rocks I ever saw.

" September 15th. Snow squalls with fresh
gales ; up all night at the helm myself.

294 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

" September 17th. Ninety versts from Ya
kutsk. Passed yesterday a very odd arrange
ment of rocks, which line the margin of the
river for sixty versts. They are of talc, and
appear formerly to have been covered with
earth, but are now entirely bare. They are
all of a pyramidal form, and about one hun
dred and fifty feet in height ; detached at their
bases, and disposed with extraordinary regular
ity. These rocky pyramids appear to termi
nate the long mountainous south and east
banks of the Lena, which have uniformly con
tinued from Katchuga, where I first embarked
on the river."

On the 18th of September he arrived at
Yakutsk, after a fatiguing voyage of twenty-
two days, in a small bateau on the Lena.
During this period, he had passed from a sum
mer climate to one of rigorous cold. When
he left Irkutsk, it was just in the midst of
harvest time, and the reapers were in the fields ;
but when he entered Yakutsk, the snow was
six inches deep, and the boys were whipping
their tops on the ice. He debarked from his
bateau two miles above the town, and there
mounted a sledge, drawn by an ox, with a Ya-
kuti Indian on his back, and guided by a cord
passing through the cartilage of his nose.

JOHN LEDYARD. 295

CHAPTER X.

Interview with the Commandant of Yakutsk. —
Detained under false Pretences. — The Yakuti
Tartars. — Influence of Religion upon them. —
Peculiarities of Features in the Tartar Coun
tenance. — Difficulty of taking Vocabularies of
unknown Languages. — Classification of the
Tartars and North American Indians. — Causes
of the Difference of Color in the Human Race.
— Tartars and American Indians the same
People.

LEDYARD immediately waited on the Com
mandant, delivered his letter from the Gov
ernor-General, and made known his situation
and designs. It was his wish to press forward
with as much expedition as possible to Okotsk,
lest the winter should shut in before he could
reach that town, where he hoped to seize upon
the first opportunity in the spring, to secure a
passage to the American continent. The dis
tance from Yakutsk was between six and sev
en hundred miles. Lodgings were provided for
him by order of the Commandant, with whom
he had already dined, and who soon after came
to see him. Imagine his dismay, when the
Commandant assured him that the season was

296 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

already so far advanced as to render a journey
to Okotsk impossible.

" What, alas ! shall I do ? " exclaims he in his
journal ; " for I am miserably prepared for this
unlooked-for delay. By remaining here through
the winter, I cannot expect to resume my
march until May, which will be eight months.
My funds ! I have but two long frozen stages
more, and I shall be beyond the want or aid
of money, until, emerging from the deep des
erts, I gain the American Atlantic States ; and
then, thy glowing climates, Africa, explored. I
will lay me down, and claim my little portion
of the globe I have viewed ; may it not be
before. How many of the noble minded have
been subsidiary to me, or to my enterprises !
yet that meagre demon Poverty has travelled
with me hand in hand over half the globe,
and witnessed what — the tale I will not
unfold.

"Ye children of wealth and idleness, what
a profitable commerce might be made between
us ! A little of my toil might better brace
your bodies, give spring to mind and zest to
enjoyment j and a very little of that wealth,
which you scatter around you, would put it
beyond the power of anything but death to
oppose my kindred greetings with all on earth
that bear the stamp of man. This is the third

JOHN LEDTARD. 297

time, that I have been overtaken and arrested
by winter ; and both the others, by giving time
for my evil genius to rally his hosts about me,
have defeated the enterprise. Fortune, thou
hast humbled me at last, for I am this mo
ment the slave of cowardly solicitude, lest in
the heart of this dread winter, there lurk the
seeds of disappointment to my ardent desire
of gaining the opposite continent. But I sub
mit."

These melancholy forebodings were but too
literally verified, as the issue will prove. In a
letter to Colonel Smith, from Yakutsk, he
speaks again of this disappointment in the fol
lowing manner.

" The Commandant assured me that he had
orders from the Governor-General to render me
all possible kindness and service ; ' But, Sir,'
continued he, ' the first service I am bound
to render you is, to beseech you not to at
tempt to reach Okotsk this winter.' He spoke
to me in French. I almost rudely insisted on
being permitted to depart immediately, and ex
pressed surprise that a Yakuti Indian, and a
Tartar horse, should be thought incapable of
following a man, born and educated in the
latitude of forty. He declared upon his honor,
that the journey was impracticable. The con
test lasted two or three days, in which inter-

298 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

valj being still fixed in my opinion, I was pre
paring for the journey. The Commandant at
length waited on me, and brought with him
a trader, a very good, respectable looking man
of about fifty, as a witness to the truth and
propriety of his advice to me. This trader,
for ten or twelve years, had passed and re-
passed often from Yakutsk to Okotsk. I was
obliged, however severely I might lament the
misfortune, to yield to two such advocates for
my happiness. The trader held out to me all
the horrors of the winter, and the severity of
the journey at the best season ; and the Com
mandant, the goodness of his house and the
society here, all of which would be at my ser
vice. The difficulty of the journey I was
aware of; but when I assented to its imprac
ticability, it was a compliment ; for I do not
believe it is so, nor hardly anything else.

" It is certainly bad in theory to suppose
the seasons can triumph over the efforts of an
honest man. The proffered hospitality of the
Commandant I have no doubt was sincere,
because in Russia generally, and particularly
in Siberia, it is the fashion to be hospitable.
It is probable, also, that it is a natural princi
ple. I should, however, have said less to them
about the matter, had I not been without
clothes, and with only a guinea and one fourth

JOHN LEDYARD. 29C

in my purse, and in a place where the neces
saries of life are dearer than in Europe, and
clothing still dearer by the same comparison.
And, besides, the people of all descriptions
here, as far as they are able, live in all the
excess of Asiatic luxury, joined with such Eu
ropean excesses, as have migrated hither.

" Add to all these, that they are universally
and extremely ignorant, and adverse to every
species of intellectual enjoyment, and I will
declare to you, that I was never before so
totally at a loss how to accommodate myself
to my situation. The only consolation I have,
of the argumentative kind, is to reflect, that
he who travels for information must be sup
posed to want it. By being here eight months,
I shall be able to make my observations much
more extensive, respecting the country and its
inhabitants, than if I had passed directly through
it ; and this also is a satisfaction."

It being thus determined, against his opin
ion and wishes, that he should not proceed, he
resolved to reconcile himself to his fate, and
to make the best use of his time, which cir
cumstances would allow. He had entered the
following memorandum in his journal, while
coming down the Lena ; " Yakutsk is the last
place where I shall be able to make any in
quiries ; therefore, let them be extensive." He

300 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

now set himself earnestly to the task of com
plying with this injunction, and of collecting
as much information as possible. The facts
and reflections, which he thought worth pre
serving, are recorded in his diary without meth
od or connection. It was his manner, as we
have already seen, to write down only hints,
to state facts briefly, and throw out his own
remarks upon them in language concise and
unstudied. These particulars, as heretofore,
must be remembered in reading the free ex
tracts, which will be made from the part of
his journal written at Yakutsk.

There is some room for doubt, whether the
Commandant was perfectly honest, in advising
and persuading Ledyard to desist from his pur
pose of proceeding immediately to Okotsk. In
the first place, it was certainly not an uncom
mon thing to perform that journey in the win
ter, and the Commandant's tender concern for
the sufferings of the traveller, who knew what
was before him, and was eager to grapple with
every hardship in the way, could scarcely be
such as to induce him, from this motive alone,
to urge his delay for eight months in Yakutsk.
His bringing in the trader to strengthen his
argument, on the same benevolent grounds, is
moreover a suspicious circumstance. Ledyard
yielded to their persuasions, against his will

JOHN LEDYARD. 301

and his judgment, and was only surprised that
he should meet two men in Siberia, entire
strangers to him, who should have his happi
ness so much at heart.

Again, the original letter of recommendation
from Jacobi, the Governor-General of Irkutsk,
to the Commandant of Yakutsk, has been pre
served amongst Led yard's papers. It is writ
ten in the Russian language and character.*
After recommending the bearer in general
terms, and stating that he wished to pass
through to the American continent, with a
view of acquiring a knowledge of that coun
try, Jacobi adds, " His object seems to be,
that of joining a certain secret naval expedi
tion ; I earnestly request you, therefore, to re
ceive Mr. Ledyard most kindly, and to assist
him every possible way in all his wishes, and
to forward him without the least delay to the
above mentioned expedition."

The passage in this letter demanding par
ticular attention, is that in which the Governor-
General enjoins it on the Commandant, with
marked emphasis, to treat him kindly, and send
him forward according to his wishes witnout

* A translation of this letter was procured from the
Russian Legation, through the politeness of Mr. Poletica,
while he was minister from the court of Petersburg to the
United States.

302 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

delay. Now, if he had given this order seri
ously, it would not have been done, unless it
was intended to be obeyed, and Jacobi knew
very well whether the journey was practicable
at the season when the letter would arrive ;
and if it was in fact a serious and positive
order, it is not likely that the Commandant
would have hesitated to carry it instantly into
effect. My inference is, that there were secret
instructions sent at the same time to detain
Ledyard in Yakutsk, and that the Command
ant for this purpose resorted to the artifice of
a pretended concern for his health and com
fort, that all suspicions of any designed inter
ference might be lulled to sleep. It is remark
able, too, that the letter of recommendation
was sent open, and was returned to Ledyard
after having been read by the Commandant.
This manoeuvre was artfully contrived to quiet
his apprehensions, and cause him to believe,
that the Governor-General had taken a lively
interest in his success, and was disposed to ren
der him efficient aid. To this subject I shall
hare occasion to recur.

Meantime let us return to the occupations
of the traveller, while he was thus uncon
sciously a prisoner at Yakutsk. He pursued
with diligence his inquiries, and lost no oppor
tunity of seeking knowledge wherever he could

JOHN LEDYARD. 303

find it, particularly on those topics which he
was fond of contemplating. In the letter to
Colonel Smith, mentioned above, are contained
some observations, besides those already quoted,
which are in harmony with the writer's usual
turn of mind and mode of expressing his
thoughts.

" I cannot say, that my voyage on the Lena
has furnished me with anything new; and yet
no traveller ever passed by scenes, that more
constantly engage the heart and the imagina
tion. I suppose no two philosophers would
think alike about them. A painter and a poet
would be much more likely to agree. There
are some things, however, not unworthy of a
philosophical inquiry. The Lena is very in
different for navigation, from this place towards
Irkutsk. In some mountains near the river
are large salt mines, which afford a supply to
all the adjacent country. It is pure, solid,
transparent, mineral salt, and found in veins.
The pieces that I have seen, with the Com
mandant here, are six and nine inches square.
When pulverized for the table, it is much the
most delicate salt I ever saw, of a perfect
white, and an agreeable taste, but I imagine
not so strong by one third, as our West India
salt.

" There are also upon the banks of the

304 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Lena, and indeed all over this country, great
quantities of elephants' bones. The Command
ant possesses some of the teeth of that ani
mal, larger than any I saw in the royal mu
seum at Petersburg, and they are as sound as
they ever were. The hafts of knives, spoons,
and a variety of other things are here made
of them, and they equal any ivory I have seen
from Africa. If I can, I will send you a spe
cimen of this fine bone, and of the salt like
wise. Indeed, I want to send you many
things, but it is an embarrassing circumstance,
when one has correspondents in the antipodes.
And though no man could show more kind
ness, or render more service to a traveller, than
Dr. Pallas has done to me, yet I am reserved
in asking them upon all occasions. Brown
and Porter, too ; I wonder their patience is
not exhausted. It has been as thoroughly
tried, as yours was while I was at Petersburg.
" The fact is, I am a bankrupt to the world ;
but I hope it will consider well the occasion
of my being such. I believe it will. My Eng
lish creditors are the most numerous, and I
have great consolation on that account, because
they think and act with such heavenly pro
priety. In most parts of the world, and as
much in Russia as anywhere, and in Siberia
most of all, it is the custom not to think at

JOHN LEDYARD. 305

all. In this case it is difficult to liquidate,
rationally, a receipt and expenditure of three
dinners and a bow. For the same reason,
when I left France my accounts were not
closed, and from that day to this I know not
whether I owe France, or France owes me.
But here at Yakutsk it will be infinitely worse ;
and without any violence to the metaphor, or
pedantic affectation, I declare to you that, to
leave Yakutsk with respectability and reach
Okotsk alive, will be to pass a Scylla and
Charybdis, which I have never yet encoun
tered. Both you, myself, and my friends, had
formed at London very erroneous opinions of
the equipment necessary to pass through this
country, arid particularly as to the manner of
travelling. It has been the source of all my
troubles. They have been many, and I have
done wrong to feel them so severely. I owe
the world some services, which I shall make
great efforts to perform. Make my best com
pliments to my friends, and tell them that I
have a heart as big as St. Paul's Church in
such service as theirs/'

The mistake here alluded to, in regard to
the mode of travelling, was the plan formed
by himself and his friends in London, that he
should walk, as being more economical. By
experiment he proved this to have been an
VOL. xiv. 20

306 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ill advised scheme,- for walking not only con
sumed a great deal more time, but the expenses
in the aggregate were higher, than by the
usual mode of travelling post through those
countries. In a letter from Irkutsk he says,
" It has been to this moment a source of mis
fortune to me, that I did not begin to ride
post from Hamburg. I have footed it at a
great expense, besides the loss of my baggage,
which I severely feel. Never did I adopt an
idea so fatal to my happiness." The reason
why he viewed this oversight in so serious an
aspect was, that it would inevitably be the
cause of keeping him back a full season from
his passage across the sea to the American
continent, and thus, in the end, a whole year
would be lost. Add to this the innumerable
accidents, that might intervene to defeat his
purpose altogether. Whereas, had he proceeded
by the shortest conveyance from Hamburg to
the Russian capital, he might with great ease
have reached Kamtschatka the same season.
The origin of his disasters may chiefly be re
ferred, however, to his fit of romantic benevo
lence in seeking out Major Langborn ; wasting
his precious time in Copenhagen, and sharing
with his erratic countryman his scanty means,
which, in their whole amount, were scarcely
enough to keep himself alone from beggary.

JOHN LEDYARD. 307

I shall now bring together, in as connected
a form as the nature of the particulars will
admit, Ledyard's observations on various tribes
of Tartars, with whom he became more or
less acquainted in Siberia. His researches
were desultory, but pursued with inquisitive-
ness ; his statements are often curious, some
times important ; they will afford amusement
to the general reader, as well as information to
the philosophical inquirer.

" Of all the gradations of men, the savage
is the most formal and ceremonious, notwith
standing his wants and occupations are few,
and he can with happy indifference endure
privation. His heaven is peace and leisure.
Ceremonials, like the uninterrupted tenor of
his mind, may be supposed to be transmitted
unchanged through many generations. Hence
many things, which marked the earliest period
of history, and which have left no vestige with
civilized man, show themselves at this day
among savages. Their luxuries, if such they
may be called, are of that kind which nature
suggests. Dress, which in hot climates is an
inconvenience, does not become so much the
object of attention and delight ; and here, there
fore, the savage is more nice in the indulgence
of his appetites. On the contrary, in cold cli
mates, bodily covering being all important, in-

308 AM GUI CAN BIOGRAPHY.

genuity is directed to that point. A feeble
kind of infant fancy grows out of the efforts
of necessity, and displays its little arts in
adorning the person with awkward and fantas
tic decorations. But here the appetites are less
lively and distinguishing.

" With respect to food, the vilest, and that
totally unprepared, does not come amiss, and
the most delicate is not seized with eagerness.
Give a cake to a Swedish Laplander, Finland-
er, or northern Tartar, and he eats it leisurely ;
do the same to an Otaheitan, Italian peasant,
or Spanish fisherman, and he will put the
whole cake into his mouth if he can. The
Empress has caused houses to be built in the
Russian manner, at the expense of government,
and ordered them to be offered to the Yakut! ,
upon the single condition of their dwelling in
them ; but they have universally refused, pre
ferring their apparently more uncomfortable
yourtes or wigwams.

" The Tongusians are a wandering people,
living solely by the chase. They rarely stop
above two or three days in a place. They
have tents or yourtes, made of bark, which
they leave on the spot where they have en
camped. When they march, they tell their
women that they are going to such a moun
tain, river, lake, or forest, and leave them to

JOHN LEDYARD. 309

bring the baggage. They are extremely active
in the chase, and instances have occurred in
which they were found dead, having pursued
their game down some precipice.

" The Kalrnuks, or Buretti, write their lan
guage in columns, like the Chinese ; the Ka
zan Tartars from right to left, like the He
brews.* The reason why the Buretti have the
art of writing is, that they last migrated from
the borders of Thibet. There is not another
Asiatic tribe in all Siberia, that write their lan
guage, or have any remains of writing among
them.f The sound of the Yakuti language
very closely resembles that of the Chinese ;
arid the same, indeed, may be said of the lan-

* Dr. Clarke mentions having procured at Taganrog, on
the Sea of Azof, a specimen of writing from the Kalmuk
priests. The characters were arranged in columns on scar
let linen, and read from the top to the bottom. After re
turning to England, he was informed, that this writing was
Sanscrit He adds, that the Kalmuks in that part of Asia
had two modes of writing, one with the vulgar character,
so called, and the other with the sacred. This latter is
read from left to right, like the European languages ; the
former in columns, and would seem to be Sanscrit. Clarke's
Travels, Vol. I. Ch. 15.

f It must be observed, that Ledyard everywhere speaks
of the Buretti as the same people with the Kalmuks, and
both as direct descendants of the Mongul Tartars. What
he says of either, therefore, may commonly be applied to
the other.

310 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

guages of all the Asiatic Tartars. I have al
ready observed, that the Yakut! is supposed to
be the oldest language, and that other tribes
have some knowledge of it.

" The Kahnuks live mostly by their flocks,
which consist of horses, sheep, goats, and cows.
In summer they dwell in the plains, in winter
retreat to the mountains, where their flocks
feed on buds, twigs of trees, and moss. They
have much milk, which serves them for food,
and of which they also make a kind of bran
dy.* They likewise hunt. When any of their
flock are sick or lame, they kill and eat them.

" I observe there is one continual flow of
good nature and cheerfulness among the Tar
tars. They never abuse each other by words,
but, when provoked, look for revenge, either
secret or open. The Tongusians fight duels
with their boAvs, and with knives. They, and
the other roving Tartars, have the limits of

* The manner of extracting this spirituous liquor from
milk is largely described by Pallas. The milk is first fer
mented, in which state it contains a vinous acid. It is
then subjected to the usual process of distillation, and the
result is a species of liquor, which has intoxicating qual
ities, and of which the Kalmuks are very fond. Marc's
milk is considered the best for this purpose, and cow's
milk the next. The milk of sheep is seldom distilled, as
it contains but a small quantity of the spirituous principle.
Voyages du Professtur Pallas, Tom. II. pp. 168-175.

JOHN LEDYARD. 311

their hunting grounds ascertained and marked,
like the aborigines of North America.

" The Yakuti here take their children out
in the evening, arid teach them the names of
the principal stars, how to direct their march
by them, and how to judge of the weather.
Astronomy must have been an early science.
The Russ and Yakuti appear to live together
here in harmony and peace, without any dis
tinction as to national difference, or superiority
and inferiority. I know of but one circum
stance, (but, alas! it is an important one,) in
which the Yakuti are not on an equal footing
with the Russ. They hold no offices, civil or
military. The Russians have been here two
hundred and fifty years, and the Yakuti Tar
tars have been under the Russian government
ever since ; yet have they made no alteration
in their dress or manners in general, but the
Russians have conformed to the dress of the
Yakuti. Very few of them have embraced the
Christian religion, and those who have perform
its duties with great indifference.

" In this respect, also, the Tartar, whether
in Asia or America, acts up to that sui generis
character, which distinguishes him from other
branches of the human family. Religion of
any kind, professed by any other people, is
usually a serious, contemplative, and important

312 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

concern, and forms at least as remarkable a
trait in their character, as any circumstance of
fashion or habit ; but it forms no part of the
character of a Tartar. I have not in my mind
the Christian system particularly ; its doctrines
are indeed mysterious to the greatest minds
and best hearts. To a Tartar they must sure
ly be so. The surprise is therefore the less,
why they should so feebly affect the Tartar
character. But the Mahometan system, which
courts the senses and appeals to the passions,
has operated no further on the Tartar, than to
shave his head. There it stops ; it does not
enter it, nor his heart.

" The Tartar is a man of nature, not of art.
His philosophy is therefore very simple, but
sometimes sublime. Let us enumerate some
of his virtues. He is a lover of peace. No
lawyer here, perplexing natural rights of proper
ty. No wanton Helen, displaying fatal charms.
No priest with his outrageous zeal has ever
disturbed the peace. Never, I believe, did a
Tartar speak ill of the Deity, or envy his fel
low-creatures. He is contented to be what he
is. Hospitable and humane, he is uniformly
tranquil and cheerful, laconic in thought, word,
and action. This is one great reason, and I
think the greatest, why they have been con
stantly persecuted by nations of a different dis-

JOHN LEDYARD. 313

position, and why they have always fled be
fore them, and been content to live anywhere,
if they could only live in peace. Some have
attributed this conduct to a love of liberty.
True ; but their ideas, both of peace and lib
erty, are different from ours. The Tartar holds
in equal estimation his dear otium and his li-
bertas. They talk much of liberty in England,
for example • but I think it would be less
agreeable for a Tartar to live there than in
Russian Siberia, where there is less liberty.

" The Tartars, indeed, think differently from
most people of Europe, and, I believe, of Afri
ca. If the Virginia planters were to give their
Negroes more commodious houses to inhabit,
instead of their poor huts, and encourage them
otherwise to live in them, I believe the Afri
can would be of the same mind as the planter,
and gladly accept the proposal. The same
thing exactly has been offered here to the Ya-
kuti by the crown ; they have much stronger
inducements to accept the offer than the Afri
can ; but they have not, and they will not,
though no condition accompanies the offer.
They will inhabit the yourte.

"The yourte, or, as the American Tartars
call it pretty generally, wigwam, is in this coun
try a substitute for a tent. In milder climates
it is made either of skins or bark of trees, of

314 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

sedge or some other kind of grass. It is al
ways of a conical form, not divided into apart
ments, having an aperture at the top, and the
fire made on the ground under it. Around
the sides of the yourte, if it is only temporary,
are placed the baggage and furniture ; if it is
not temporary, seats for sitting and sleeping
upon are ranged around the sides. The yourtes
in the neighborhood of Russian towns and set
tlements are made a little differently ; they are
sunk two or three feet in the ground, square,
and divided into apartments, the frame of wood,
the sides plastered with mud, and a flat roof
covered with earth. The fire is in the centre,
with a slight little chimney. They have two
or three little windows ; in summer, of talc ;
in winter, of ice. One apartment of the yourte
is for the cow, ox, or horse, if the owner should
possess any. These yourtes resemble not a
tent; but remote from towns all the Tartars
have tents, either of skins, bark, or grass.

" The people in this country, that are born
half Russ and half Tartar, are very different
from the Tartars or Russ, and much superior
to either of them. The European nations, that
intermarry most with other nations, are the
handsomest. How far may this cause be sup
posed to have made the Negro, and the Tar
tar, so different from the European ; or, which

JOHN LEDYARD. 315

is more probable, have made the European so
different from the Tartar and Negro ? The
Commandant showed me, recently, a man de
scended from a Yakuti father and Russian
mother, and the son of this man. The color
of the first descendant is as fair as the second,
and both as fair as the Russian mother and
grandmother. After the first descent, intermar
riage has a less perceptible effect on the color.
This change of the color by intermarriage is
generally from the darker to the lighter. The
color of the hair and eyes also inclines to be
light, but does not always accompany the
change of color in the skin.

" Upon the whole, as I hare said before,
with respect to difference of color with the
Indian and European, they appear to me to be
the effect of natural causes. I have given
much attention to the subject on this conti
nent. Its vast extent, and the variety of its
inhabitants, afford the best field in the world
in which to examine it. By the same gentle
gradation, by which I passed from the height
of civilization at Petersburg to incivilization in
Siberia, I also passed from the fair European
to the copper colored Tartar. I say the copper
colored Tartar; but there is the same variety
of color among the Tartars in Siberia, as
among the other nations of the earth. The

316

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

journal of a Russian officer, which I have seen,
informs me that the Samoiedes, among whom
he lived two years, are fairer than the Yakuti,
who are of a light olive, and fairer than the
Tongusians, or the Buretti, who are copper col
ored. Yet the three last mentioned tribes are
all Mongul Tartars. The greater part of man
kind, compared with European civilization, are
uncivilized, and this part are all darker than
the other. There are no white savages, and
few barbarous people that are not brown or
black.

" The equally distinguishing characteristic of
feature, in the Tartar face, invites me into a
field of observation, which T am not able at
present to give bounds to. I must therefore
resign it to those who have leisure arid a taste
for such inquiries, contenting myself with fur
nishing a few facts, and describing this strange
dissimilarity in the human face, according to
the observations I have made. This I should
be able to do anatomically ; but I am not.
The Tartar face, in the first impression it
gives, approaches nearer to the African than
the European ; and this impression is strength
ened, on a more deliberate examination of the
individual features, and whole compages of the
countenance. Yet it is very different from an
African face. The nose forms a strong feature

JOHN LEDYARD. 317

in the human face. I have seen instances
among the Kalmuks, where the nose between
the eyes has been much flatter and broader,
than I have ever witnessed in Negroes ; and
some few instances where it has been as broad
over the nostrils quite to the end ; but the
nostrils in any case are much smaller than in
Negroes. Where I have seen those noses, they
were accompanied Avith a large mouth and thick
lips ; and these people were genuine Kalmuk
Tartars. The nose protuberates but little from
the face, and is shorter than that of the Eu
ropean.

" The eyes universally are at a great dis
tance from each other, and very small ; at each
corner of the eye the skin projects over the
ball ; the part appears swelled ; the eyelids go
in nearly a straight line from corner to corner.
When open, the eye appears as in a square
frame. The mouth generally, however, is of
a middling size, and the lips thin. The next
remarkable features are the cheek bones. These,
like the eyes, are very remote from each other,
high, broad, and withal project a little forward.
The face is flat, When I look at a Tartar en
profile, I can hardly see the nose between the
eyes, and if he blow a coal of fire, I cannot
see the nose at all. The face is then like an
inflated bladder. The forehead is narrow and

318 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

low. The face has a fresh color, and on the
cheek bones there is commonly a good ruddy
hue.

" The faces of Tartars have not a variety
of expression. I think the predominating one
is pride ; but whenever I have viewed them,
they have seen a stranger. The intermixture
by marriage does not operate so powerfully in
producing a change of features, as of complex
ion, in favor of Europeans. I have seen the
third in descent, and the Tartar prevailed over
the European features. The Tartars from time
immemorial (I mean the Asiatic Tartars) have
been a people of a wandering disposition.
Their converse has been more among beasts
of the forest than among men ; and when
among men, it has only been those of their
own nation. They have ever been savages,
averse to civilization, and have never until
very lately mingled with other nations, and
now rarely. . Whatever cause may have origin
ated their peculiarities of features, the reason
why they still continue is their secluded way
of life, which has preserved them from mixing
with other people. I am ignorant how far a
constant society with beasts may operate in
changing the features, but I am persuaded that
this circumstance, together with an uncultivated
state of mind, if we consider a long and un-

JOHN LEDYARD. 319

interrupted succession of ages, must account in
some degree for this remarkable singularity.

" Mr. John Hunter, of London, has made, or
is making, some anatomical examinations of
the head of a Negro, which is said, externally
at least, to resemble that of a monkey. If I
could do it, I would send him the head of a
Tartar, who lives by the chase, and is con
stantly in the society of animals, which have
high cheek bones ; and perhaps, on examining
such a head, he would find an anatomical re
semblance to the fox, the wolf, the bear, or
the dog. I have thought that, even in Europe,
mechanical employments, having been contin
ued for a long time among the same people,
have had a considerable influence in giving a
uniform character to their features.

" I know of no people, among whom there
is such a uniformity of features (except the
Chinese, the Jews, and the Negroes) as among
the Asiatic Tartars. They are distinguished,
indeed, by different tribes ; but this is only
nominal. Nature has not acknowledged the
distinction, but, on the contrary, marked them,
wherever found, with the indisputable stamp
of Tartars. Whether in Nova Zembla, Mon
golia, Greenland, or on the banks of the Mis
sissippi, they are the same people, forming the
most numerous, and, if we must except the

320 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Chinese, the most ancient nation of the globe.
But I, for myself, do not except the Chinese,
because I have no doubt of their being of the
same family.

" The Tongusians, the Tchuktchi, the Ku-
riles, and the Nova Zembleans are tattooed.
The Mohegan tribe of Indians in America
practised tattooing. I find as yet nothing anal
ogous to the American calumet, except in the
use of it. The Tartars here, when they smoke
the pipe, give it round to every one in the
company. The form of the pipe is universal
ly the identical form of the Chinese pipe. I
expect to find it in America, since the form
of the pipe on the tomahock resembles it.
This form intimates economy, and that the
original custom of smoking the pipe was a
mere luxury. It holds but a very little. The
manner, in which the Tartars and Chinese use
it, corroborates that idea. They make but one
or two draughts from the pipe, and those they
swallow, or discharge through the nose, and
then put the pipe by. They say that the
smoke thus taken is exhilarating. As the
Chinese pipe is found universally among the
Siberian Tartars, I think it probable that the
custom of smoking migrated with them to
America, and thence by Sir Walter Raleigh
made its way east to England. If so, the

JOHN LEDYARD. 321

custom has travelled in a singular manner.
Why did it not come from the Tartars west
to England ?

" The Asiatic Tartars never change their
dress ; it is the same on all occasions ; in the
field, in the house, on a visit, on a holiday.
They never have but one dress, and that is as
fine as they can make it. Those that live
with the Russians in their villages are above
mediocrity as to riches, but discover the same
indifference about accumulating more, and for
the concerns of to-morrow, that a North Amer
ican Indian does. They stroll about the vil
lage, and, if they can, get drunk, smoke their
pipe, or go to sleep. The gardens of the
Russians are cultivated more or less ; but theirs
lie undisturbed. The house of the Russian is
a scene of busy occupation, filled with furni
ture, provisions, women, children, dirt, and
noise ; that of the Tartar is as silent and as
clean as a mosque. If the season admits, the
residents are all abroad, unless perhaps an old
woman or man. There is very little furniture,
and that rolled up and bound in parcels in a
corner of the house, and no appearance of pro
visions. If it happen that they profess the
Russian religion, they treat it with strange in
difference ; not thirikingly, but because they do
not think at all about it.

VOL. XIV. 21

322 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

" I have not as yet taken any vocabularies
of the Tartar languages. If I take any, they
will be very short ones. Nothing is more apt
to deceive than vocabularies, when taken by
an entire stranger. Men of scientific curiosity
make use of them in investigating questions
of philosophy as well as history, and I think
often with too much confidence, since nothing
is more difficult than to take a vocabulary,
that shall answer any good ends for such a
purpose. The different sounds of the same
letters, and of the same combinations of letters,
in the languages of Europe, present an insur
mountable obstacle to making a vocabulary,
which shall be of general use. The different
manner, also, in which persons of the same
language would write the words of a new lan
guage, would be such, that a stranger might
suppose them to be two languages.

" Most uncultivated languages are very diffi
cult to be orthographized in another language.
They are generally guttural ; but when not so,
the ear of a foreigner cannot accommodate
itself to the inflection of the speaker's voice,
soon enough to catch the true sound. This
must be done instantaneously ; and even in a
language with which we are acquainted, we
are not able to do it for several years. I seize,
for instance, the accidental moment, when a

JOHN LEDYARD. 323

savage is inclined to give me the names of
things. The medium of this conversation is
only signs. The savage may wish to give me
the word for head, and lays his hand on the
top of his head. I am not certain whether he
means the head or the top of the head, or per
haps the hair of the head. He may wish to
say leg, and puts his hand to the calf. I can
not tell whether he means the leg, or the calf,
or flesh, or the flesh. There are other difficul
ties. The Island of Onalaska is on the coast
of America opposite to Asia. There are a few
Russian traders on it. Being there with Cap
tain Cook, I was walking one day on the shore
in company with a native, who spoke the Rus
sian language. I did not understand it. I was
writing the names of several things, and point
ed to the ship, supposing he would understand
that I wanted the name of it. He answered
me in a phrase, which in Russ meant. J know.
I wrote down, a ship. I gave him some snuff,
which he took, and held out his hand for
more, making use of a word, which signified
in Russ, a little. I wrote, more.

11 The Asiatic Tartars have different meth
ods of hunting the moose, and such kind of
game, but the most prevalent is like that of
American Indians, by stratagem. So they catch
ducks at the mouth of the River Kolyma; so

324 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the Otaheitans catch fish sometimes j and so
the uncivilized parts of mankind war against
each other.

" I understand from Captain Billings's Jour
nal, that the universal method among the
Tchuktchi Indians, in the ceremony of mar
riage, is for the man to purchase the woman,
or make presents to her parents. It is also
customary for the young man to serve a stip
ulated time with the parents of the bride. In
case of disunion afterwards, which happens
without passion, the presents that have been
made are returned. If either party dies, the
other marries again as soon as convenient ;
and the sooner the better, they say, because
they ought not to lament what can be repaired.
I suppose the love in this case below that
which existed in the bosoms of Eloise and
Abelard, and I suppose the philosophy as much
above theirs as the love is below.*

" All the Asiatic Tartars, like the aborigines

* The following description from Dr. Clarke's Travels,
is applied to the Kalmuks where he travelled on the bor
ders of Persia, in the country of the Cossacs. " The cer
emony of marriage," says he, " among the Kalmuks, is per
formed on horseback. A girl is first mounted, who rides
off in full speed. Her lover pursues ; if he overtakes her,
she becomes his wife, and the marriage is consummated
upon the spot. After this, she returns with him to his tent.
But it sometimes happens, that the woman does not wish

JOHN LEDYARD. 325

of America, entertain the same general notions
of theology, namely, that there is one great
and good God, and that he is so good that
they have no occasion to address him for the
bestowment of any favors ; and, being good, he
will certainly do them no injury. But they
suffer many calamities : so they say there is
another being, the source of evil ; and that he
must be very powerful, because the evils in
flicted on them are numerous. To this mis
chievous deity, therefore, they sacrifice. From
him they expect no favors, and do not ask
any, but deprecate his wrath. Their Shamants,
or priests, have therefore nothing to do with
the good God ; their business is solely with
the other, whom they make free to parcel out
into a great variety of characters, assigning to
each evil a presiding subordinate spirit. This
affords the Shamant an opportunity of playing
his tricks in an extraordinary manner.

" Mr. Pennant observes, that the Scythians

to marry the person by whom she is pursued ; in this case
she will not suffer him to overtake her. We were assured,
that no instance occurs of a Kalmuk girl being thus caught,
unless she have a partiality for her pursuer. If she dis
likes him, she rides, to use the language of English sports
men, neck or nothing, until she has completely effected her
escape, or until the pursuer's horse becomes exhausted,
leaving her at liberty to return, and to be afterwards
chased by some more favored admirer." Vol. I. Ch. 15.

326 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

scalped their enemies. 1 have ever thought,
since my voyage with Captain Cook, that the
same custom under different forms exists
throughout the islands in the Pacific Ocean.
It is worthy of remark that though the In
dians at Owhyhee brought a part of Captain
Cook's head, yet they had cut all the hair off,
which they did not return to us. I have also
frequently observed the islanders to wear great
quantities of false human hair. All savage na
tions are fond of preserving some badge or
testimonial of the victory over their enemies,
of this kind. The ancient Scythians and North
American Indians have preferred the scalp, and,
among the South Sea Islanders, teeth and hair
are in repute ; all of them giving preference to
some part of the head.

" The wampum, so universally in use among
the Tartars apparently as an ornament, I can
not but suspect is used as a substitute for let
ters in representing their language, by a kind
of hieroglyphic record. I intended to make
this a subject of attention, and to have draw
ings taken of the Asiatic and American wam
pum, with the view of comparing them, but
have not been able to do it. I have seen the
initials of a Tartar's name worked in the wam
pum, on the borders of his garment. A people
having such great respect for their ancestors,

JOHN LEDYARD.

327

as the Tartars have, would naturally endeavor
to preserve some memorials of them."

Such are the observations of our traveller,
on the aboriginal inhabitants of Siberian Asia.
In considering the Kalmuks, Buretti, Tongu-
sians, and Yakuti, as descendants of the Mon-
guls, he accords with other writers ; but he
advances a bold and novel opinion in classify
ing all these races with the North American
Indians, Greenlanders, and the Chinese.

It is true, the point seems never to have
been established, how far the affinities between
different tribes, or nations of men, must be car
ried, in order to bring them within the same
general class. Traditions, ceremonies, bodily
form and features, habits, laws, religion, and
resemblance of languages, must all be taken
into the account. Where there is a similarity
in many of these particulars, it may be safely
inferred, that the people among whom they
exist, although inhabiting regions remote from
each other, have sprung from a common ori
gin ; but it does not follow with equal prob
ability, that where this similarity is least ob
servable, or perhaps unperceived, they are to
be set down as radically distinct races of men.
So innumerable are the causes of change, in
all these respects, that no rule of this sort can
be assumed, as applicable to any individual

328 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

case whatever. Customs, laws, pursuits, dress,
modes of life, vary with the climate and the
productions of the soil. People who live by
the chase and by fishing will have few of the
habits of agriculturists. Approaches to civili
zation will gradually introduce a thousand new
customs.

Language has been thought the best crite
rion, by which to judge of the affinity between
different races ; and doubtless it is. That two
nations should speak languages closely resem
bling each other, is hardly possible, unless they
originated from the same stock. Yet it can by
no means be inferred with as much certainty,
that, because there is a wide dissimilarity in
their languages, the sources whence they sprang
were as widely dissimilar. The same causes
which change the habits of men, under new
circumstances, will change their language. New
words, and new combinations of words, will be
required to express ideas not known before.
The intermingling of migratory tribes, speaking
different languages, must also introduce total
confusion, out of which would most likely
grow up a dialect, bearing little analogy to
either of the primitive tongues. Let such a
process be carried on for many generations, by
a succession of intermixtures, and what clew
would there be to guide the inquirer through

JOHN LEDYARD. 329

this labyrinth of mutations back to the first
fountain ?

When it is considered, moreover, that all
these tongues are unwritten and without any
recognized principles, the perplexity is increased
a hundred fold. According to recent discov
eries, the Tschukchi, the natives inhabiting the
American side of Bering's Strait, the Eski-
maux, and the Greenlanders, speak languages
which have many marks of affinity. Their
common origin is a very natural inference.
Owing to a more recent separation, or fewer
intermixtures, their language has been preserved
with something of its primitive form. Had
the same favorable circumstances attended the
migrations of other tribes, we might perhaps
now trace them to the same source, with as
much appearance of probability. We might
possibly detect similar resemblances between
the Iroquois and the Yakuti, the Mohegans
and the Kamtschadales, and even the Poly
nesians and the Kalmuks.

In short, the state of the question is simply
this • where obvious analogies exist, we may
affirm a connection between the tribes in which
they prevail, at some remote or proximate peri
od; but where they do not exist, we can say
nothing on the subject. In the latter case, we
have no warrant for deciding one way or the
other.

330

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Taken in this view, no well founded ob
jection can be advanced against Ledyard's
opinion, although it would not be easy to es
tablish it by a consecutive series of proofs. It
was the result of a long observation of general
appearances, rather than of a minute and me
thodical research. It was not with him an idle
speculation, indulged for the moment, and then
dismissed. After his return from Siberia, he
reiterated the same sentiments. In connection
with a short account of his travels, he writes
to a friend in these emphatic words.

" You will please to accept these two ob
servations, as the result of extensive and assid
uous inquiry. They are with me well ascer
tained facts. The first is, that the difference
of color in the human species (as the obser
vation applies to all but the Negroes, whom I
have not visited) originates from natural causes.
The second is, that all the Asiatic Indians,
called Tartars, and all the Tartars who formed
the later armies of Genghis Khan, together
with the Chinese, are the same people, and
that the American Tartar is also of the same
family ; the most ancient and numerous people
on earth, and the most uniformly alike."

In this place may be inserted, also, his re
marks to Mr. Jefferson, in a letter written near
ly at the same time with the above. After

JOHN LEDYARD. 331

reiterating his opinion, in regard to the causes
of the difference of color in the human race,
he continues;

" I am certain, that all the people you call
red people on the continent of America, and
on the continents of Europe and Asia, as far
south as the southern parts of China, are all
one people, by whatever names distinguished,
and that the best general name would be Tar
tar. I suspect that all red people are of the
same family. I am satisfied, that America was
peopled from Asia, and had some, if not all,
its animals from thence.

11 1 am satisfied, that the great general anal
ogy in the customs of men can only be ac
counted for, by supposing them all to compose
one family ; and, by extending the idea, and
uniting customs, traditions, and history, I am
satisfied, that this common origin was such, or
nearly, as related by Moses, and commonly be
lieved among the nations of the earth. There
is, also, a transposition of things on the globe,
that must have been produced by some cause
equal to the- effect, which is vast and curious.
Whether I repose on arguments drawn from
facts observed by myself, or send imagination
forth to find a cause, they both declare to me
a general deluge."

It will be perceived, that he uses the word

332

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Tartar in a broader sense than is commonly
given to it, embracing not only all the north
ern Asiatic races and the Chinese, but likewise
the aborigines of North America. Pallas says,
that even the Monguls and Kalmuks are not
rightly called Tartars, and that these latter
people are different from the former in their
origin, customs, political establishments, and the
lineaments of their features. They inhabit the
northern regions of Thibet, and Western Sibe
ria, never mingling with the Kalmuks. These
facts in no degree affect Ledyard's use of the
word. He employs it as a general term, and
in a definite manner, without regard to its
original meaning.

CHAPTER XL

Climate in Siberia. — Particulars concerning that
Country. — Ledyard's celebrated Eulogy on
Women. — Captain Billings meets him at Ya
kutsk. — Bering's Discovery. — Russian Voy
ages. — Russian Far Trade. — Billings' s Ex
pedition. — His Instructions.

A FEW other selections on miscellaneous
topics will now be made from that part of
the journal which was written at Yakutsk.

JOHN LED YARD. 333

" At Kazan there is abundance of snow ; at
Irkutsk, which is in about the same latitude,
very little. Here at Yakutsk the atmosphere
is constantly charged with snow ; it sometimes
falls, but very sparingly, and that in the day
time j rarely, if ever, at night. The air is
much like that which we experienced with
Captain Cook in mare glaciali, between the lat
itudes of seventy and seventy-two ; seldom a
serene sky, or detached clouds ; the upper re
gion is a dark, still, expanded vapor, with few
openings in it. The lower atmosphere con
tains clouds floating overhead, resembling fog-
banks. In general the motion of everything
above and below is languid. The summers
are said to be dry; the days very hot, nights
cold, and the weather exceedingly changeable,
subject to high winds, generally from the north,
and sometimes heavy snows in August. I have
seen but one aurora borealis, and that not an
extraordinary one.

'-' The people in Yakutsk have no wells.
They have tried them to a very great depth,
but they freeze even in summer : consequently
they have all their water from the river. But
in winter they cannot bring water in its fluid
state ; it freezes on the way. It is then
brought in large cakes of ice to their houses,
and piled up in their yards. As water is

334 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

wanted, they bring these pieces of ice into the
warm rooms, where they thaw, and become fit
for use. Milk is brought to market in the
same way. A Yakuti came into our house
to-day with a bag full of ice. < What,' said I
to Laxman, ' has the man brought ice to sell
in Siberia ? ' It was milk. Clean mercury
exposed to the air is now constantly frozen.
By repeated observations I have found in De
cember, that two ounces of quicksilver, openly
exposed, have frozen hard in fifteen minutes.
It may be cut with a knife, like lead. Strong
cognac brandy coagulated. A thermometer,
filled with rectified spirits of wine, indicated
thirty-nine and a half degrees on Reaumur's
scale. Captain Billings had, on the borders of
the Frozen Ocean the winter before last, forty-
three degrees and three fourths by the same
thermometer. In these severe frosts the air is
condensed, like a thick fog ; the atmosphere
itself is frozen j respiration is fatiguing ; all ex
ercise must be as moderate as possible ; one's
confidence is in his fur dress. It is a happy
provision of nature, that in such intense colds
there is seldom any wind ; when there is, it is
dangerous to be abroad. In these seasons,
there is no chase ; the animals submit them
selves to hunger and security, and so does

JOHN LED YARD.

335

man. All nature groans beneath the rigorous
winter.*

" The first settlers here [Russians] came
round by the North Sea, about two hundred
and fifty years ago. A gentleman showed me
to-day a copy of a marriage contract done at
Moscow, two hundred and five years ago. It
is a folio page, and there are only sixteen
words intelligible to an ordinary reader, which
correspond to the orthography of the present
day. Many instances of longevity occur in this
place. There is a man one hundred and ten
years old, who is in perfect health, and labors

* The following is the statement of Captain Cochrane,
respecting the degree of cold at the River Kolyma, which
he visited in the winter of 1820 -21. " The weather proved
exceedingly cold in January and February, but never so
severe as to prevent our walks, except during those times
when the wind was high; it then became insupportable
out of doors, and we were obliged to remain at home.
Forty degrees of frost of Fahrenheit never appear to affect
us in calm weather, so much as ten or fifteen during the
time of a breeze. Forty-three of Reaumur, or seventy-seven
of Fahrenheit, have been repeatedly known. I will, also,
add my testimony from experiment to the extent of forty-
two. I have also seen the minute book of a gentleman at
Yakutsk, where forty-seven of Reaumur were registered,
equal to eighty-four of Fahrenheit."

By various experiments it has been proved, that mer
cury congeals at thirty-two degrees below zero of Reau
mur's scale, and forty of Fahrenheit's.

336 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

daily. The images in the Russian houses,
which I should take for a kind of household
gods, are very expensive. The principal ones
have a great deal of silver lavished on them.
To furnish out a house properly with these
Dii Minores, would cost a large sum. When
burnt out, as I have witnessed several times,
the people have appeared more anxious for
these than for anything else. The images
form almost the Avhole decoration of the
churches, and those melted in one of them
just burnt down, are estimated to have been
worth at least thirty thousand roubles. The
warm bath is used by the peasantry here early
in life, from which it is common for them to
plunge into the river, and if there happens to
be new fallen snow, they come naked from
the bath and wallow therein. Dances are ac
companied, or rather performed, by the same
odd twisting and writhing of the hips as at
Otaheite.

" Dogs are here esteemed nearly in the same
degree that horses are in England ; for be
sides answering the same purpose in travel
ling, they aid the people in the chase, and,
after toiling for them the whole day, become
their safeguard at night. Indeed, they com
mand the greatest attention. There are dog
farriers to attend them, in sickness, who are

JOHN LEDYARD. 337

no despicable rivals in art, at least in preten
sion, to the horse doctors of civilized Europe.
Dogs also command a high price. What they
call a leading dog of prime character will sell
for three or four hundred roubles.

" Every body in Yakutsk has two kinds of
windows, the one for summer, and the other
for winter. Those for the latter season are
of many different forms and materials ; but all
are so covered with ice on the inside, that
they are not transparent, and are so far use
less. You can see nothing without, not even
the body of the sun at noon. Ice is most
commonly used for windows in winter, and
talc in summer. These afford a gloomy kind
of light within, that serves for ordinary pur
poses. -->

" The Russ dress in this region is Asiatic ;
long, loose, and of the mantle kind, covering
almost every part of the body. It is a dress
not originally calculated for the latitude they
inhabit. Within doors the Russian is Asiatic ;
without, European. The Empress gives three
ranks to officers that come into Siberia, and
serve six years ; two while out from Peters
burg, and one on their return. It has two
important effects, one to civilize Siberia, and
the other to prostitute rank. I have before
my eyes the most consummate scoundrels in
VOL. xiv. 22

338 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the universe, of a rank that in any civilized
country would be a signal of the best virtues
of the heart and the head, or at least of com
mon honesty and common decency. The suc
cession of these characters is every six years.

" So strong is the propensity of the Rus
sians to jealousy, that they are guilty of the
lowest offences on that account. The obser
vation may appear trivial, but an ordinary Rus
sian will be displeased if one even endeavors
to gain the good will of his dog. I affronted
the Commandant of this town very highly, by
permitting his dog to walk with me one af
ternoon. He expostulated with me very seri
ously about it. This is not the only instance.
I live with a young Russian officer, with
whom I came from Irkutsk. No circumstance
has ever interrupted the harmony between us,
but his dogs. They have done it twice. A
pretty little puppy he has, came to me one
day, and jumped upon my knee. I patted his
head, and gave him some bread. The man
flew at the dog in the utmost rage, and gave
him a blow which broke his leg. The les
son I gave him on the occasion has almost
cured him, for I bid him beware how he dis
turbed my peace a third time by this rascally
passion.

" I have observed from Petersburg to this

JOHN LEDYARD.

339

place, that the Russians in general have few
moral virtues. The bulk of the people are
almost without any. The laws of the coun
try are mostly penal laws ; but all laws of
this kind are little else than negative instruc
tors. They inform the people what they shall
not do, and affix the penalty to the transgres
sion ; but they do not inform people what they
ought to do, and affix the reward to virtue.
Untaught in the sublime of morality, the Rus
sian has not that glorious basis on which to
exalt his nature. This, in some countries, is
made the business of religion ; and, in others,
of the civil laws. In this unfortunate coun
try, it is the business of neither civil nor ec
clesiastical concernment. A citizen here fulfils
his duty to the laws, if, like a base Asiatic, he
licks the feet of his superior in rank ; and his
duty to his God, if he fills his house with a
set of ill looking brass and silver saints, and
worships them. It is for these reasons, that
the peasantry in particular are the most un
principled in Christendom. I have looked for
certain virtues of the heart, that are called
natural. I find them not in the most obscure
villages of the empire. On the contrary, I find
the rankest vices to abound there, as much as
in the capital itself."

A few isolated facts will now be added,

340 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

which he collected chiefly from the informa
tion of others, but which he deemed worthy
of a place in his journal.

" The Tongusians are tattooed. The Sa-
moiedes have the double headed paddle. They
fish with nets under the ice. The Buretti
have the Mahometan lock of hair. The Ku-
riles are tattooed. A journal of a Russian offi
cer says they are very hairy. They traffic
with the Japanese in feathers and fish. The
islands have little vegetation. The people are
reserved in conversation ; they are comely ;
have their materials for boat and house build
ing from the continent, or from the Japanese.
They are very wild, and receive strangers with
the most threatening and formal appearance,
but afterwards they are kind and hospitable.
The coast of the Frozen Ocean is full of
trees and driftwood for five versts out. It is
remarked by the Russians, that since their
knoAvledge of those regions, the land has in
creased towards the sea, and driven it north
wards, a circumstance attributable, perhaps, to
the large rivers that empty themselves there.
Informed that the custom of staining the nails
of the fingers of a scarlet color, is common
near the Caspian and Black Seas. I saw one
instance of it in the neighborhood of Kazan.
It is likewise a custom among the Cochin

JOHN LEDYARD. 341

Chinese. I saw it at the Island of Perlo Con
dor. The custom of calling John the son of
John, Alexander the son of Alexander, prevails
among the Russians."

The preceding selections embrace nearly all
that is contained in the journal, under the dates
of his residence at Yakutsk, except the cele
brated eulogy on women, which was likewise
written at that place. This beautiful and
touching tribute to the superiority of the fe
male character, is the more to be valued, as
coming from one whose sphere of observation
and experience had been such as to enable
him to speak with confidence, and whose sin
cerity cannot be suspected. It is the simple
effusion of a grateful heart, recorded in his
private journal, not intended for the public eye,
and obviously written, like the rest of the
manuscript compositions left behind him, with
out any other design than to quicken his own
recollections, or perhaps amuse his intimate
friends in a vacant hour. This eulogy was
first printed, shortly after the author's death, in
the " Transactions of the African Association,"
in which it was inserted by Mr. Beaufoy, secre
tary to that body, who then had the Siberian
journal in his possession. It has often been
reprinted, and universally admired, not more for
the sentiments it contains, and the genuine

342 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

feeling that pervades it, than for its terse and
appropriate language. The original has been
altered in some of the transcripts. It is here
introduced as found in the journal.

"I have observed among all nations, that
the women ornament themselves more than
the men ; that, wherever found, they are the
same kind, civil, obliging, humane, tender be
ings ; that they are ever inclined to be gay
and cheerful, timorous and modest. They do
not hesitate, like man, to perform a hospitable
or generous action ; not haughty, nor arrogant,
nor supercilious, but full of courtesy and fond
of society ; industrious, economical, ingenuous ;
more liable in general to err than man, but
in general, also, more virtuous, and performing
more good actions than he. I never addressed
myself in the language of decency and friend
ship to a woman, whether civilized or savage,
without receiving a decent and friendly answer.
With man it has often been otherwise. In
wandering over the barren plains of inhospita
ble Denmark, through honest Sweden, frozen
Lapland, rude and churlish Finland, unprinci
pled Russia, and the wide spread regions of
the wandering Tartar, if hungry, dry, cold,
wet, or sick, woman has ever been friendly to
me, and uniformly so ; and to add to this vir
tue, so worthy of the appellation of benevo-

JOHN LEDYARD. 343

lence, these actions have been performed in so
free and so kind a manner, that, if I was dry,
I drank the sweet draught, and, if hungry, ate
the coarse morsel, with a double relish."

By these specimens of his journal, we may
judge how the traveller employed himself at
Yakutsk, during the weary days of his com
pulsory residence there. He had not been
quite two months in this town, when Captain
Billings arrived from his expedition to the
River Kolyma, and the Frozen Ocean. An
intimate acquaintance had formerly subsisted
between Led yard and Billings. The latter
had been an assistant to the astronomer Bay
ly, during the whole of Cook's last voyage.
He was now employed under the orders of
the Empress of Russia, on a mission for ex
ploring the northeastern regions of her territo
ries, and for prosecuting discoveries in geog
raphy and natural science. Billings was much
surprised at meeting his old acquaintance in
the heart of Siberia, not having heard from
him since their separation at the close of the
voyage. Meantime he had entered the Rus
sian service, and by a concurrence of favorable
circumstances, not easy to be accounted for,
had obtained the command of a very impor
tant expedition.

Led yard was no doubt glad to meet a per-

314 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

son, m this rude quarter of the world, who
could speak his own language, and who had
some recollections in common with himself:
but, in other respects, the companionship was
not such as to promote his advantage, or his
enjoyment. Billings gave no proof that he
was competent to the high trust reposed in
him by the Russian government, or that he
possessed qualities suited to win the esteem of
his associates.

A few remarks, relating to the purposes of
the expedition just alluded to, may very well
be introduced in this place, as in some of its
parts it was more or less in unison with the
designs of the American traveller. Russian
enterprise had by no means been backward in
pushing discoveries to the east and north, even
at a comparatively early period. About the
middle of the seventeenth century, DeschnufF
and his companions passed down the Kolyma,
sailed along the coast of the Tchuktchi coun
try, in the Icy Sea, and thence discovered a
route by land from this coast to Anadir.

Other adventures were undertaken, and dis
coveries made, at successive periods, by Stad-
uchin, Markoff, Willegin, and AmossorT, . But
the journeys and voyages of these persons had
extended only to the Tchuktchi territory,
Anadir, Kamtschatka. the Kurile Islands, and

JOHN LEDYARD. 345

to the neighboring seas. Neither the strait
which separates Asia from America, nor any
part of the American coast on the northwest,
nor the Aleutian Islands, had been visited be
fore the year 1728, when Captain Bering
made his voyage of discovery. This voyage
was planned by Peter the Great, who wrote
out with his own hand the instructions for the
commander. He died before they were put in
execution, but the Empress, who succeeded
him, carried the original design into effect.
Captain Bering was despatched to Kam-
tschatka, with orders to construct two vessels
there, and to sail in them for the purpose of
examining the coast towards the east and
north, and of ascertaining, if possible, whether
Asia and America were separated by the ocean.
In the year above mentioned he made this
voyage, and discovered the strait, to which his
name has been given. He kept so close to
the Asiatic shore, that he did not see the Amer
ican coast ; but he sailed northward, till, on
doubling a cape, he saw an open sea before
him, which presented a boundless horizon to
the north and west, and convinced him that
the two continents nowhere came in contact
with each other. The season was far ad
vanced, and he returned to the River of Kam-
tschatka, where he wintered.

3 46 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

The success of this voyage was such as to
encourage the government to undertake others.
A plan was formed for navigating the whole
northern coast of Russia, from Archangel to
Kamtschatka. Several expeditions were fitted
out for this purpose from Archangel, the mouths
of the Ob, Yenissey, Lena, and Kolyma; and
after incredible sufferings by the officers and
men engaged in them, and the loss of a great
many lives in those terrific regions of cold and
privation, all further attempts were abandoned.
Some new portions of the coast were exam
ined, but much remained unexplored, and has
continued so to this day. No passage has
been effected entirely round the north coast
of Asia, any more than round that of America.

Twelve years after his first discovery, Be
ring made another voyage, fell in with the
Aleutian Islands, explored the American coast
for a considerable distance, and discovered and
named Mount Saint Elias. In returning to
Kamtschatka at the beginning of winter, he
was driven in distress upon an island near the
Asiatic coast, where he and several of his men
died. The island has since borne his name.
The remnant of his crew arrived in the spring
at Kamtschatka.

From this period the Russians kept up an
active fur trade, from Okotsk and Kamtschatka

JOHN LEDYARD. 347

with the natives of the Aleutian Islands, but
voyages of discovery ceased for a long time.
A tribute in furs was collected for the Rus
sian government from the natives, by the
traders who went among them, and authentic
accounts are related of barbarities practised by
the latter against the former, in their exactions
of labor in procuring furs, equalling in cruelty
the servitude of the mitas, inflicted by the
Spaniards in South America on the Indians,
whom they compelled to work in the mines.
The party of traders whom Ledyard visited
at Onalaska, however, cannot be brought under
this imputation in its full extept, for he de
scribes them as kind to the natives whom he
saw with them. It is to be considered, never
theless, that the cruelties were principally suf
fered by those who were sent abroad to hunt
and trap, and made to endure cold, and hun
ger, and all the severities of the climate.
These sufferers would not come under the
traveller's observation, in the short time that
he remained with the traders at Onalaska.

Such was the state of the Russian fur trade
on the American coast, from the date of Be
ring's last discoveries till that of Cook's voy
age to the northern polar seas, a period of
about forty years. During that space the gov
ernment appears to have paid no attention to

348 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the subject, except to take care that its agents
at Okotsk and Kamtschatka gathered tribute
from the islands. But when Cook's last voy
age began to make a noise in Europe, and his
discoveries on the Northwest Coast of Amer
ica and in the adjoining seas to be known,
the sagacious Catharine was quick to perceive
that her interests were involved in the affair,
and that it was time for her to look to these
remote and hitherto neglected parts of her
dominions. In short, an expedition was planned
on a large and liberal scale, and it was re
solved that, in preparing for it, nothing should
be spared which was necessary to combine in
it all possible facilities for prosecuting discov
eries, both by land and by sea.

Professor Pallas, who was a favorite with
the Empress, and who had travelled in Sibe
ria under her patronage, was particularly instru
mental in suggesting and maturing this plan.
The choice of a commander was an important
consideration, and this was at last effected
wholly through the interest of the professor.
Mr. Billings, who had recently obtained a lieu
tenancy in the Russian service, had found
means to insinuate himself into the favor of
Pallas, and to impress him with a high opin
ion of his understanding and knowledge ; in
which he discovered, however, after it was too

JOHN LEDYARD. 349

late, that he was unfortunately mistaken. The
circumstance of this lieutenant having been
with Cook, in the regions that were to be ex
plored, filling a station which gave him some
pretensions to a science, was thought to be a
strong recommendation ; and so it would have
been, if in more important respects he had
possessed the qualities of a commander, and a
man of enterprise. In these he was singularly
deficient ; as was fully demonstrated in the se
quel of the expedition. He was appointed to
the command, and left Petersburg for Siberia,
in October, 1785, about eighteen months be
fore Led yard arrived in the Russian capital.

The instructions to Billings were so well
drawn up, that they deserve a passing notice.
They were prepared on the basis of those
which had been written by Peter the Great
for Captain Bering. Every provision was
made for the advancement of science and geo
graphical knowledge, as well as for extending
the influence of the Russian government in
remote and unknown parts. The great specific
objects were, to determine the latitude and lon
gitude of the mouth of the River Kolyma,
and the line of coast from that point to the
East Cape in Bering's Strait ; the construction
of an exact chart of the Eastern Ocean, and
the islands between Asia and America; and

350 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

the attainment of all such knowledge of those
regions as might serve to illustrate the reign
of her Imperial Majesty, by improving the con
dition arid promoting the happiness of the na
tives inhabiting those distant lands, and by
collecting and diffusing new truths of science,
for the general benefit of mankind.

The instructions for scientific researches were
minute, perspicuous, and explicit. Professor
Pallas was much consulted in preparing them.
And, indeed, the separate articles for the nat
uralist, drawn up with admirable precision and
method, were entirely from his pen, and issued
with his signature. Observations in geography
and meteorology, exact delineations of charts,
and notes of electrical phenomena, variations
of the needle, and of barometrical and ther-
mometrical changes, were expressly required.
The various departments of the animal, vege
table, and mineral kingdoms were also particu
larized, and the utmost care enjoined in col
lecting specimens, and forwarding them to
Petersburg. Drawings were to be made of
curious and extraordinary objects. The man
ners, disposition, and occupations of the natives
were to be described, and also their modes of
living, government, religions, their dresses, arms,
and manufactures. Moreover, vocabularies of
their languages were ordered to be made, ac-

JOHN LEDYARD. 351

cording to a model previously furnished. The
commander, the naturalist, and all the princi
pal officers, were directed to keep journals for
the future inspection of the Admiralty.

Another feature in these instructions deserves
to be mentioned. In case any savage tribes
should be discovered, who had not been ac
quainted with civilized people, it was positive
ly ordered, that they should be treated with
kindness, and that the best means should be
used to conciliate their good opinion. They
were never to be approached in a hostile way,
unless such a step should appear absolutely
necessary for self-defence. On this point the
instructions are as full and definite as on oth
ers, and breathe a spirit of humanity which,
if it had been uniformly felt and acted upon
by discoverers, would have prevented innumer
able scenes of bloodshed and misery, which
have marked the early intercourse between civ
ilized and savage men.

Captain Billings was allowed to select his
own officers and privates, and, as an encour
agement to all the persons engaged, much
higher pay was granted than was usual in the
regular service, with the promise of additional
rewards. The officers were to be promoted as
the enterprise advanced, and particularly at its
conclusion. The Governor-General of Irkutsk

352 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

was ordered to render all needful assistance,
and unite his best efforts with those of the
commander to execute the designs of the Em
press. No expedition was ever more liberally
provided, and none ever commenced under bet
ter auspices.

When Ledyard met Billings at Yakutsk, he
had been more than two years absent from
Petersburg, and had spent the preceding season
at the mouth of the River Kolyma, attempt
ing to pass along the coast in boats construct
ed for the purpose. The ice threatened him,
and he accomplished nothing, though his lieu
tenant was extremely desirous to push forward,
at a time when, to all but the commander,
there seemed a prospect of success. He had
now returned, with the intention of going to
Irkutsk, and there superintending the transpor
tation of various articles to Okotsk, where they
were wanted for preparing the vessels, in which
he expected to make a voyage to the Ameri
can coast in the following summer. This
was the opportunity, which Ledyard hoped to
embrace for securing his passage from one con
tinent to the other.

JOHN LEDYARD. 353

CHAPTER XII.

Ledyard returns to Irkutsk. — Is seized by Order
of the Empress, and hurried off in the Charge
of two Guards. — Returns through Siberia to
Kazan. — Further Observations on the Tartars.

— Passes Moscow, and arrives in Poland. —
Proceeds to Konigsberg, and thence to London.

— Inquiry into the Motives of the Empress. —
Her Declaration to Count Segur. — Lafayette's
Remark on her Conduct.

THAT we may not anticipate events, we will
again take up our traveller at Yakutsk, where
we left him with Captain Billings, then just
returned from the Kolyma, near the end of
November. Here they lived together about
five weeks. Meantime Billings was making
preparation for his journey to Irkutsk, and in
vited Ledyard to accompany him thither.
This invitation he readily accepted, since it
was impossible for him to proceed to Okotsk
before spring ; nor indeed would any object be
gained by such a journey, till Captain Billings
himself should return to that place, and his
vessels be got in readiness ; for no chance of a
passage was likely to offer at an earlier date.
Accordingly, he joined Captain Billings's party,
VOL. xiv. 23

354 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

which left Yakutsk on the 29th of December,
and travelled in sledges up the River Lena on
the ice. With such speed did they move for
ward by this mode of conveyance, that they
reached Irkutsk in seventeen days, having
passed over a distance of fifteen hundred miles.
Ledyard's voyage down the river in a canoe
had taken up twenty-two days.

Nothing is found recorded in his journal,
during this second visit to Irkutsk. In Sauer's
account of Billings's expedition, the fate which
overtook him there is made known to us, and
the manner in which he submitted to it.

" In the evening of the 24th of February,"
says Sauer, " while I was playing at cards
with the brigadier and some company of his,
a secretary belonging to one of the courts of
justice came in, and told us, with great con
cern, that the Governor-General had received
positive orders from the Empress, immediately
to send one of the expedition, an Englishman,
under guard to the private Inquisition at Mos
cow, but that he did not know the name of
the person, and that Captain Billings was with
a private party at the Governor-General's.
Now, as Ledyard and I were the only Eng
lishmen here, I could not help smiling at the
news, when two hussars came into the room,
and told me, that the Commandant wished to
speak to me immediately. The consternation

JOHN LEDYARD. 355

into which the visitors were thrown is not to
be described. I assured them that it must be
a mistake, and went with the guards to the
Commandant.

" There I found Mr. Ledyard under arrest.
He told me that he had sent to Captain Bil
lings, but he would not come to him. He
then began to explain his situation, and said
he was taken up as a French spy, whereas
Captain Billings could prove the contrary, but
he supposed that he knew nothing of the mat
ter, and requested that I would inform him.
I did so, but the Captain assured me, that it
was an absolute order from the Empress, and
that he could not help him. He, however,
sent him a few roubles, and gave him a pe
lisse ; and I procured him his linen quite wet
from the wash-tub. Ledyard took a friendly
leave of me, desired his remembrance to his
friends, and with astonishing composure leaped
into the kibitka, and drove off, with two
guards, one on each side. I wished to travel
with him a little way, but was not permitted.
I therefore returned to my company, and ex
plained the matter to them ; but though this
eased their minds with regard to my fate, it
did not restore their harmony."*

* See Sauer's Account of a Geographical and Astro
nomical Expedition to the Northern Parts of Russia, &c.
p. 100.

356 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

One word more only needs be added respect
ing Billings. He went to Okotsk in the sum
mer, made a voyage to the Aleutian Islands,
and thence to Bering's Strait. From the Bay
of St. Lawrence he passed across the Tchuk-
tchi country to the River Kolyma by land,
whence he proceeded to Yakutsk, and at length
returned to Petersburg, after an absence of
seven or eight years. No evidence exists that
his labors were of any service to Russia or to
the world, either in the field of discovery or
the departments of science. Sauer's book has
made his incompetency notorious. The mis
fortune was, that this should have been found
out so late. Captain Burney, who was well
acquainted with Billings while on Cook's voy
age, observes, in alluding to Ledyard's arrest,
" If the Empress had understood the charac
ters of the two men, the commander of the
expedition would probably have been ordered
to Moscow, and Ledyard, instead of being de
nied entertainment in her service, have been
appointed to supply his place." *

Being now a prisoner, Ledyard was under
the entire control of his two guards, who
conducted him, with all the speed with which
horses and sledges could convey them, towards

* Burney'a Chronological History of tht Northeastern
Voyages of Discovery, p. 279.

JOHN LEDYARD. 357

Moscow, exposed to the extreme rigors of a
Siberian winter. In such a situation, it cannot
be presumed, that he would have either the
heart or leisure to write in his journal. A few
particulars only are recorded, and to these a
place will now be given. Dates are rarely
noted. The following was apparently written
soon after he left Irkutsk.

" My ardent hopes are once more blasted,
the almost half accomplished wish. What se
cret machinations have been at work ? What
motive? But so it suits her royal Majesty of
all the Russias, and she has nothing but her
pleasure to consult ; she has no nation's re
sentment to apprehend, for I am the minister
of no state, no monarch. I travel under the
common flag of humanity, commissioned by
myself to serve the world at large ; and so
the poor, the unprotected wanderer must go
where sovereign will ordains ; if to death, why
then my journeying will be over sooner, and
rather differently from what I contemplated ;
if otherwise, why then the royal dame has
taken me much out of my way. But I may
pursue another route. The rest of the world
lies uninterdicted. Though born in the freest
of the civilized countries, yet, in the present
state of privation, I have a more exquisite
sense of the amiable, the immortal nature of

358 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

liberty, than I ever had before. It would be
excellently qualifying, if every man, who is
called to preside over the liberties of a people,
should once (it would be enough) actually be
deprived of his liberty unjustly. He would
be avaricious of it, more than of any other
earthly possession. I could love a country and
its inhabitants, if it were a country of freedom.
There are two kinds of people I could anath
ematize, with a better weapon than St. Peter's ;
those who dare deprive others of their liberty,
and those who suffer others to do it."

Again he writes, some days after the above,
having escaped from Siberia,

" I am now at Kazan ; it is nine months
since I left this place on my tour eastward,
and I am nine times more fully satisfied, than
I was before, of some circumstances mentioned
in my diary in June last. As I was fond of
the subjects I have been in pursuit of, I was
apprehensive that I might have been rash and
premature in some of my opinions ; but I cer
tainly have not been. I am now fully con
vinced, that the difference of color in man is
solely the effect of natural causes, and that a
mixture by intermarriage and habits would in
time make the species in this respect uniform.
I have never extended my opinion, and do not
now, to the Negroes ; but should I live to visit

JOHN LEDYARD. 359

them, I shall expect to find the same data,
leading to the same conclusion, namely, that
they are like the other two classes of man,
which I call by the general terms of white
people and Indians. There are many reasons,
that rise naturally from the observations on
my present voyage, which induce me to think
so, yet I still wish to have better. I expect,
however, the result will be, that I shall find
the same causes existing in Africa to render
the Negro blacker than the Indian, as in Asia
to render the Indian darker than the Eu
ropean.

" With respect to the national, or genealogi
cal connection, which the remarkable affinity
of person and manners bespeaks between the
[ndians on this and on the American conti
nent, I declare my opinion to be, without the
least scruple, and with the most absolute con
viction, that the Indians on the one and on
the other are the same people. As to the
origin and history of the great Tartar Nation,
little has been essayed ; very little is known
even of the extent of their country. Albu-
gassi, himself a noble Tartar, has said much
the most and best of their origin, and some
thing of their extent ; but very unsatisfactorily
as to this latter, for in truth he knew but lit
tle about it. Like a soldier, he has written a

360 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

kind of muster roll of his countrymen. I do
not remember anything like philosophical re
search in his history, though I read him with
avidity.

" Among the voyagers in this country, even
the most modern, I have, instead of more, still
less information. A few vocabularies to lead
astray those who would wish to find real
knowledge, and an account of a few customs,
without any remarks on them, constitute near
ly the amount of the whole. There is, indeed,
very little of value said about this great peo
ple by any writers. The late contest about
the contiguity, or junction, of Asia and Amer
ica, has accidentally struck out a few obser
vations, and one now and then finds something
philosophically said of them, but very unphilo-
sophically placed among quadrupeds, fish, fowls,
plants, minerals, and fossils. When the histo
ry of Asia, and I add of America, because there
is an intimate connection between them, shall
be as well known as that of Europe, it will
be found, that those who have written the
history of man have begun at the wrong
end."

What passed at the private Inquisition of
Moscow, when Ledyard and his guards arrived
in that city, there is no record to explain.
Since nothing is said of the matter, it is prob-

JOHN LEDYARD. 361

able, that, if he was taken at all before that
body, no specific charges were established, or
even preferred, as in truth none could exist.
The idea of a French spy in Siberia was
an absurdity too gross to be formally urged
as a reason for his arrest, although this had
been given out at Irkutsk. What was there
in Siberia, either for a Frenchman or a native
of any other country, to spy? Was the Em
press afraid, that the French were plotting a
crusade into those frozen and sterile regions,
to rescue her miserable exiles, who were suf
fering there the penalties of their crimes, or
the effects of imperial indignation for their
projects of ambition and aggrandizement in
Petersburg ? It was not likely that France, or
any other nation, would covet the control of
such subjects, or of such a land. This pre
tence of a French spy originated at Irkutsk,
where it was convenient that some false re
port should be circulated respecting the cause
of his arrest, as will shortly be made manifest.
Ledyard again writes,

" I am now two hundred and twenty versts
from Moscow, on the road to Poland. Thank
Heaven, petticoats appear, and the glimmerings
of other features. Women are the sure har
bingers of an alteration in manners, in ap
proaching a country where their influence is

362 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

felt. But wampum, or, if you will, beads, tas
sels, rings, fringes, and Eastern gewgaws, pre
vail as much here as in Siberia.

"I am at the city of Neeshna, in a vile,
dark, dirty, gloomy, damp room ; it is called
quarters, but it is a miserable prison. The
soldiers who guard me are doubly watchful
over rne when in a town, though at no time
properly so, through their consummate indo
lence and ignorance. Every day I have it in
my power to escape them ; but, though treated
like a felon, I will not appear like one by
flight. I was very ill yesterday ; I am ema
ciated. It is more than twenty days since I
have eat anything that may be called food,
and during that time have been dragged along,
from day to day, in some wretched, open ki-
bitka. Thus am I treated in all respects (ex
cept that I am obliged to support myself with
my own money) like a convict, and presented
by my snuff-box of a sergeant as a raree-show,
at every town through which we pass.

" Were I charged, or chargeable, with any
injury done or thought of, either to this or
any other country, it might not make me con
tented, indeed, yet, I suppose, it would make
me resigned. But to be arrested in my trav
els at the last stage but one, in those domin
ions where the severe laws of the climate un-

JOHN LEDYARD. 363

happily detained me, which, however, I should
have braved, had it not been for the restrain
ing courtesy of the Commandant at Yakutsk ;
to be seized, imprisoned, and transported in
this dark and silent manner, without cause, or
accusation, except what appears in the myste
rious wisdom depicted in the face of my ser
geant, and of course without even a guess as
to my destination ; treated, in short, like a sub
ject of — this country; under such circum
stances, resignation would be a crime against
my dear native land."

Here the Siberian journal abruptly comes to
a close, and little is known of what befell him
on his way to England, from the frontiers of
Poland. In a letter to a friend, written after
his arrival in London, he touches again upon
the subject, and adds a few particulars, which
may with propriety be inserted.

" I had penetrated," he says, " through Eu
rope and Asia, almost to the Pacific Ocean,
but, in the midst of my career, was arrested a
prisoner to the Empress of Russia, by an ex
press sent after me for that purpose. I passed
under a guard part of last winter and spring ;
was banished the empire, and conveyed to the
frontiers of Poland, six thousand versts from
the place where I was arrested, and this jour
ney was performed in six weeks. Cruelties

364 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and hardships are tales I leave untold, I was
disappointed in the pursuit of an object on
which my future fortune entirely depended. I
know not how I passed through the kingdoms
of Poland and Prussia, or from thence to Lon
don, where I arrived in the beginning of May,
disappointed, ragged, penniless ; and yet so ac
customed am I to such things, that I declare
my heart was whole. My health, for the first
time, had suffered from my confinement, and
the amazing rapidity with which I had been
carried through the illimitable wilds of Tar-
tary and Russia. But my liberty regained, and
a few days' rest among the beautiful daughters
of Israel in Poland, reestablished it, and I am
now in as full bloom and vigor, as thirty-seven
years will afford any man. Jarvis says I look
much older than when he saw me three sum
mers ago at Paris, which I can readily believe.
An American face does not wear well, like an
American heart."

When the soldiers who were his guards
had arrived with him in Poland, they gave
him to understand that he might go where he
pleased, but if he returned again to the do
minions of the Empress, he would certainly
be hanged. Having no longer any motive for
making such an experiment, he took the short
est route to Konigsberg. Here he was in a

JOHN LEDYARD.

365

destitute situation, without friends or means,
his hopes blasted, and his health enfeebled. In
this state of despondency and suffering, he be
thought himself again of the benevolence of
Sir Joseph Banks, which had on more occa
sions than one administered relief to him, arid
served as a balm to his wounded spirit. He
was lucky enough to dispose of a draft for five
guineas on his old benefactor, and by this ex
pedient was enabled to pursue his journey to
London, where he arrived after an absence of
one year and five months, and where he was
received with much cordiality by Sir Joseph
Banks and his other friends.

It remains to inquire a little further into the
reasons which induced the Empress to recall
him by a mandate so positive, after she had
given him a royal passport for proceeding un
molested to Kamtschatka. Various conjectures
as to her motives have existed, but the tale
of the French spy has been the one most gen
erally received, probably because it was credit
ed by Sauer, who was on the spot at the time
he was seized. On that topic enough has
been said.

The avowed pretence of the Empress has
been ascertained from the authority of Count
Segur, who was then, as heretofore stated, am
bassador from France to the court of Peters-

366 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

burg, and was instrumental in procuring Led-
yard's passport. In August, 1823, he wrote
the following note to Lafayette, in reply to an
inquiry on the subject.

"I have no longer any letters in my posses
sion," says Count Segur, " relative to the cel
ebrated traveller, Mr. Ledyard. I remember
only, that, in compliance with your request, I
furnished him with the best recommendations
at the court of Russia. He was at first very
well received, but the Empress, who spoke to
me on the subject herself, observed that she
would not render herself guilty of the death
of this courageous American, by furthering a
journey so fraught with danger, as that he pro
posed to undertake alone, across the unknown
and savage regions of Northwestern America.
She consequently issued her prohibition. Pos
sibly this pretext of humanity, advanced by
Catharine, only disguised her unwillingness to
have the new possessions of Russia, on the
western coast of America, seen by an enlight
ened citizen of the United States. The above,
however, were the reasons she advanced to
me."

Few will doubt, probably, that the closing
conjecture of Count Segur is much more plau
sible than the alleged humanity of the Em
press. It is clothing this virtue in the royal

JOHN LEDYARD. 367

breast with an air a little too romantic, to
suppose that she was prompted by such a
motive to send an express four thousand miles,
with an order to arrest and preserve from his
own temerity and self-devotedness an individ
ual, in whose personal safety she could not
possibly feel any other interest, than what the
sovereign of all the Russias would naturally
extend to the whole human family. And,
moreover, this plea of humanity sounds strange
ly enough, when contrasted with the barbarous
manner in which Ledyard was transported
across the frightful deserts of her Imperial
Majesty's domains. Such evidences of tender
heartedness he would very gladly have dis
pensed with, and taken in exchange for them
any treatment he might receive from the sav
ages of Northwestern America. This pretence
of humanity, therefore, has no better founda
tion than the story of the French spy.

Another explanation is afforded in Dr. Clarke's
Travels in Russia, who had the account from
Professor Pallas himself. After relating an an
ecdote, respecting the manner in which Bil
lings obtained his appointment, Dr. Clarke
adds ;

" That the expedition might have been con
fided to better hands, the public have been
since informed by the Secretary Sauer. This,

368 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

Professor Pallas lamented to have discovered,
when it was too late. But the loss sustained
by any incapacity in the persons employed to
conduct that expedition, is not equal to that
which the public suffered by the sudden recall
of the unfortunate Ledyard. This, it is said,
would never have happened, but through the
jealousy of his own countrymen, whom he
chanced to encounter as he was upon the
point of quitting the eastern continent for
America, and who caused the information to
be sent to Petersburg, which occasioned the
order for his arrest."*

This account of the affair labors under one
serious difficulty, which is, that Ledyard did
not meet a single countryman of his own in
Siberia. It could only be by a vague rumor,
originally intended to deceive, that Professor
Pallas was led into such a mistake. As Bil
lings and Sauer were Englishmen, and spoke
the same language as Ledyard, these persons
may have been alluded to ; yet no proof exists
of their hostility to him, or that they could
have any reasons for thwarting his designs.

Since all these explanations of the matter
are fallacious, we must look for other causes ;
and these, in my opinion, have been partly

* Clarke's Travels in Russia, Ch. II.

JOHN LEDYARD. 369

anticipated in the remarks already made on the
conduct of the Commandant at Yakutsk. Prom
all the circumstances, which have come to my
knowledge in the course of this investigation,
I am convinced that a plan was concerted at
Irkutsk to send him back, very soon after his
arrival in that place. Irkutsk was the resi
dence of the Governor-General of all the east
ern parts of Siberia, and of the principal per
sons engaged in the fur trade at the Aleutian
Islands. Two years before this period, the
Russian American Company had been formed,
for the express purpose of establishing a regu
lar commercial intercourse with the natives of
the islands, and of the American coast. Oper
ations were already commenced by occupying
new posts, erecting factories, building fortifica
tions to protect them, and making other need
ful provisions to secure a complete monopoly
of the trade.

Now, the head-quarters of this company were
at Irkutsk, and it could not have escaped the
sagacity of its conductors, that a foreigner, vis
iting their stations at the islands, would make
discoveries, which might be published to their
disadvantage, both in regard to the resources
of traffic, and to the cruel manner in which
the traders habitually treated the natives, in
extorting from them the fruits of their severe
VOL. xiv. 24

370 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

and incessant labors. To obviate such a con
sequence, it was necessary to cut short the
traveller's career, before he had penetrated to
the eastern shores of Asia. In effecting this
point, some management was necessary, as he
had a passport from the Empress, with a pos
itive order to the Governor-General to aid him
on his way. This order could not be coun
termanded, nor the passport of the Empress
treated with disrespect, till intelligence could
be sent to Petersburg, and influence there used
with the Empress to procure the annulment
of her grant of protection, and Ledyard's im
mediate recall. Time was requisite to bring
this scheme to an issue, and the first thing to
be done, in the train of manoeuvres, was to
throw obstacles in his path, and retard his
progress. This was begun in good earnest at
Irkutsk, where he was detained several days
longer than he desired, waiting, as he was told,
for the post.

The manner in which he was received by
the Commandant of Yakutsk has already been
stated. The extraordinary concern which the
Commandant professed to feel for his welfare,
the arguments he used to dissuade him from
going to Okotsk at that inclement season, and
his returning Jacobi's letter open, are all rea
sons for strong suspicions. And these reasons

JOHN LEDYARD. 371

are confirmed, when it is known that the
journey to Okotsk was frequently undertaken
in the winter. More than a month after Led-
yard arrived in Yakutsk, Captain Billings re
turned from the Kolyma, which was at least
quite as difficult a journey ; and the next year,
Billings passed from Okotsk to Yakutsk in
October and November, precisely the same
months in which Ledyard wished to perform
the tour. These facts are enough to prove,
that the Commandant's pretended concern for
his health and comfort was only a cloak to
cover other designs, arid to render it more than
probable that he had secret instructions to
cause this delay. This point was gained, and
the plot further matured by inducing him to
go back to Irkutsk with Billings.

Six months elapsed between the date of his
first leaving Irkutsk, on his voyage down the
Lena, and that of his arrest. This afforded
ample time to send to Petersburg, and receive
returns, even through the common channel of
the post, or mail, which then passed with tol
erable regularity and expedition from the Rus
sian capital to Irkutsk.

Thus were all our traveller's hopes blasted,
and all his noble designs for making new dis
coveries and benefiting mankind frustrated, by
the jealousy and pitiful intrigues of a few fur

372 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

dealers at Irkutsk. The Empress was duped
by their representations, and she deserted, on
this occasion, the judicious policy by which
she was usually guided, in whatever pertained
to the advancement of science or the encour
agement of enterprise. Well might Lafayette
say, as he did, that " her conduct in this in
stance was very illiberal and narrow minded,
and that her measures were particularly ungen
erous." The conclusion to which I have thus
been led, in explaining an apparent enigma in
Ledyard's Siberian adventures, is mainly found
ed, it is true, on circumstantial evidence ; but
this evidence is so strong, that I know not
how it can be resisted.

CHAPTER XIII.

Interview with Sir Joseph Banks in London. —
Engages to travel in Africa under the Aus
pices of the African Association. — Remark
able Instance of Decision of Character. — Let
ter to his Mother. — Visits Mr. Jefferson and
Lafayette in Paris. — Sails from Marseilles to
Alexandria in Egypt. — Arrives in Cairo.

No sooner had he arrived in London, than
he called on his worthy patron and friend, Sir

JOHN LEDYARD. 373

Joseph Banks, to express his gratitude for the
many substantial favors received from him.
Sir Joseph, after questioning him with a lively
interest concerning his travels, and expressing
sympathy for his past misfortunes, inquired
what were his future intentions. Ledyard
frankly confessed that he had nothing in pros
pect ; that, after having struggled against a tide
of difficulties to accomplish an object which
he had much at heart, but in pursuing which
he had been baffled in every attempt, he felt
himself, at this moment, in a state of perfect
uncertainty as to the step next to be taken ;
time and circumstances would decide his for
tune. What followed will be best related in
the language of Mr. Beaufoy, then secretary of
the African Association.

"Sir Joseph Banks, who knew his temper,
told him that he believed he could recommend
him to an adventure almost as perilous as the
one from which he had returned ; and then
communicated to him the wishes of the Asso
ciation for discovering the inland countries of
Africa. Ledyard replied, that he had always
determined to traverse the continent of Africa,
as soon as he had explored the interior of
North America ; and as Sir Joseph had offered
him a letter of introduction, he came directly
to the writer of these Memoirs. Before I had

374 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

learned from the note the name and business
of my visitor, I was struck with the manliness
of his person, the breadth of his chest, the
openness of his countenance, and the inqui
etude of his eye. I spread the map of Africa
before him, and tracing a line from Cairo to
Sennaar, and from thence westward in the lat
itude and supposed direction of the Niger, I
told him, that was the route, by which I was
anxious that Africa might, if possible, be ex
plored. He said, he should think himself sin
gularly fortunate to be trusted with the adven
ture. I asked him when he would set out.
1 To-morrow morning,' was his answer. I told
him I was afraid that we should not be able,
in so short a time, to prepare his instructions,
and to procure for him the letters that were
requisite ; but that if the committee should
approve of his proposal, all expedition should
be used."*

This interview affords one of the most ex
traordinary instances of decision of character,
which is to be found on record. When we
consider his recent bitter experience of the
past, his labors and sufferings, which had been
so intense and so long continued, that a pain
ful reality had more than checked the excesses

* Proceedings of the African Association, Vol. I. p. 18.

JOHN LEDYARD. 375

of romantic enthusiasm, which might be kin
dled in a less disciplined imagination j and
when we witness the promptitude, with which
he is ready to encounter new perils in the
heart of Africa, where hardships of the severest
kind must inevitably be endured, and where
death would stare him in the face at every
stage, we cannot but admire the superiority
of mind over the accidents of human life, the
rapidity of combination, quickness of decision,
and fearlessness of consequences, which Led-
yard's reply indicates. It was the spontaneous
triumph of an elevated spirit over the whole
catalogue of selfish considerations, wavering
motives, and half subdued doubts, which would
have contended for days in the breast of most
men, before they would have adopted a firm
resolution to jeopard their lives in an under
taking so manifestly beset with dangers, and
which, in its best aspect, threatened to be a
scene of toils, privations, and endurance.

It is needless to say, that the committee of
the Association immediately closed an agree
ment with a man, who presented himself with
such a temper, and with numerous other qual
ities, which fitted him in a peculiar manner
for their service. Preparations for his depart
ure were commenced without delay.

While these movements were going on, he

376 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

wrote a long letter to Dr. Ledyard. It was
composed at different times, and is without
date. A few extracts from it will give an in
sight into his pursuits, and exhibit some traits
of his character in a favorable light.

" I was last evening in company with Mr.
Jarvis of New York, whom I accidentally met
in the city, and invited to my lodgings. When
I was in Paris in distress, he behaved very
generously to me ; and, as I do not want money
at present, I had a double satisfaction in our
meeting, being equally happy to see him, and
to pay him one hundred livres, which I never
expected to be able to do, and I suppose he
did not think I should. If he goes to New
York as soon as he mentioned, I shall trouble
him with this letter to you, and with some
others to your address for my other friends.

" I wrote you last from this place, nearly
two years ago, but I suppose you heard from
me at Petersburg, by Mr. Franklin of New
York. I promised to write you from the re
mote parts of Siberia. I promise everything
to those I love ; and so does Fortune to me
sometimes, but we reciprocally prevent each
other from fulfilling our engagements. She
left me so poor in Siberia, that I could not
write you, because I could not frank the let
ter. You are already acquainted with the in-

JOHN LEDYARD. 377

tent of the voyage, which I have been two
years engaged in. The history of it I cannot
give you, nor indeed the world. Parts of it
you would comprehend, approve, and, I believe,
admire ; parts are incomprehensible, because not
to be described. I have seen and suffered a
great deal, but I now have my health and
spirits in perfection.

" By my acquaintances in London my arrival
was announced to a society of noblemen and
gentlemen, who had for some time been fruit
lessly inquiring for some person to travel
through the continent of Africa. I was asked,
and consented to undertake the tour. The
society have appropriated a sum of money to
defray the expenses. I dine with them col
lectively this day week, finish the affair, and
within the month shall be on the move. My
route will be from here to Paris, thence to
Marseilles, across the Mediterranean to Alexan
dria in Egypt, and then to Grand Cairo. Be
yond is unknown, and my discoveries begin.
Where they will terminate, and how, you shall
know, if I survive. As we have now no min
ister from the United States in London, and
as I know of no certain medium of convey
ance, I cannot certainly promise you letters
from Africa. I can only say, that I will write
you from Grand Cairo, if I can find an oppor
tunity.

378 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

" Before I leave town, I intend to send you
some Tartar curiosities, and, if possible, also, a
transcript of the few rude remarks I made on
my last tour. The hints I have given respect
ing the history of man, from circumstances and
facts that have come within my personal
knowledge, you will find new and interesting.
They form data for investigation, but they are
better in my hands than in any others, be
cause no other person has seen so much of
Asia and America. They might amuse you in
the happy retirement, which Mr. Jarvis tells
me you enjoy on Long Island. My seeing
this gentleman has been almost as good as a
visit to New York. Nothing in his account
of our family and friends has affected me so
much, as the mercantile misfortunes of your
worthy brother. Surely the race is not to the
swift, nor the battle to the strong. Did the
pyramids of Egypt, which I shall soon see,
cover hearts as worthy as his, I should no
more style them monuments of human imbe
cility ; I should worship before them.

" Mr. Jarvis has not been able to give me
an exact account of his situation. He only
tells me, that he has failed in business and
retired to Jersey, where I think he ought to
stay, for the world is absolutely unworthy of
him. I do not say this, because he is my

JOHN LED YARD. 379

cousin, and shared with you the earliest at
tachment of my heart. These are things that
I feel, and that the world has nothing to do
with, any more than it ought to have with
him. They are compliments which his ene
mies would make him, if he had any. I never
knew so much merit so unfortunate. I cannot
reflect on his fate unimpassioned. He should
retire ; if barely comfortable, it will be enough,
for he cannot go from dignity. My heart is
on your side of the Atlantic. I know the
charms on Long Island, the additional ones of
your residence there, and the sweet accordance
of recubans sub tegmine fagi. Do not think,
because I have seen much of the world, and
must see more, that I have forgotten America.
I could as soon forget you, myself, my God.

'• My travels have brought upon me a nu
merous correspondence, which, added to the
employments of my new enterprise, leaves me
little leisure. I am alone in everything, and
in most things so, because nobody has been
accustomed to think and act in travelling mat
ters as I do. I am sorry Mr. Jarvis will go
so soon. To-day is Saturday, and he will call
on Tuesday, to receive the things for you,
and take leave of me. My time is wholly
occupied, and it happens that just at this mo
ment I am the busiest with the African So
ciety.

380 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

" Among other things, I wish to send you
a copy of my Swedish portrait at Somerset
House. I have one by me, but it is a stupid
thing. It was taken by a boy, who is as dumb
and deaf as the portrait itself. He is, however,
under the patronage of Sir Joshua Reynolds,
the English Raphael. The boy was sent to
me by a country squire, who accidentally got
acquainted with me at an inn where I lodged
in London, and who has taken a wonderful
fancy to me, and begs to hang me up in his
hall. This one is still unfinished, and so is
the one for the squire. They are mere daub-
ings. Jarvis says our Trumbull is clever, and
advises me to get him to copy the Swedish
drawing, which is not only a perfect likeness,
but a good painting. If I do according to his
advice, it cannot be soon ; and, indeed, I should
not trouble you, or myself, about this shadow
of your friend, were I sure of presenting him
to you hereafter in substance.* I shall not
have time to settle my affairs before Jarvis
goes, if it is to-morrow, for to-morrow I must
be with the African committee.

" Jarvis is this moment going. Adieu. He
will not take the one hundred livres."

* Neither the portrait nor a copy was sent The ori
ginal was taken to Sweden by the artist, where it has
been lost

JOHN LEDYARD. 381

It may be well to add here, rather as a mat
ter of curiosity, than for any other purpose, his
description of the Siberian articles of clothing,
which he sent to Dr. Ledyard by Mr. Jarvis.
He was now going to a climate where he
would have no occasion for a dress suited to
the winters of Siberia.

" The dresses I send you," he writes, " are
such as I have worn through many a scene,
and was glad to get them. The surtout coat
is made of reindeer skin, and edged with the
dewlap of the moose. Perhaps you will wear
this yourself in winter. It was made for a
riding coat, and I have rode both horses and
deer with it. The first cap is of the Siberian
red fox; it is a travelling cap, and the form
is entirely Tartar. The second cap is Russian,
consisting of white ermine, and bordered with
blue fox skin ; it cost me at Yakutsk twenty-
five roubles, which is four guineas and one
rouble. The surtout coat cost seventy roubles ;
the fox-skin cap six roubles. The gloves are
made of the feet of the fox, and lined with
the Tartar hare, and cost five roubles. The
frock is in form and style truly Tartar. It
was presented to me, and came from the bor
ders of the Frozen Ocean, at the mouth of
the River Kolyma. It is made of a spotted
reindeer calf; the edging is the same as that

382 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

on the surtout. You will see, on the inside
of the skin, a number of spots ; these were
occasioned by a small insect bred there from
the eggs of a species of fly, which, together
with the vast numbers of mosquitoes, obliges
this charming animal to migrate annually north
and south, as the seasons change.

" The boots are made also of reindeer skin,
and ornamented with European cloth ; the
form is Tartar ; they cost eight roubles. The
socks for the boots are made of the skin of
an old reindeer. They are worn on the inside
of the boots, with the hair to the feet, with
or without stockings. These were presented
to me, and came from the borders of the
Frozen Ocean. The cloak which they are
wrapped up in was made in London. I trav
elled on foot with it in Denmark, Sweden,
Lapland, Finland, and the Lord knows where.
I have slept in it, eat in it, drank in it, fought
in it, negotiated in it. Through every scene
it has been my constant and hardy servant,
from my departure till my return to London.
And now, to give it an asylum, (for I have
none,) I send it to you. Lay it up ; as soon
as I can, I will call and lay myself up with
it. I have mentioned the prices of the above
articles, to give you a notion how dear fur
dresses are, even in the remotest parts of the

JOHN LEDYARD. 383

vast dominions of Russia. These clothes were
not ail that I wore last winter ; I wore many
others, and froze my nose and ears after all.
You have no idea of the excessive cold in
those regions."

The Society in whose service Ledyard was
now engaged had its origin with a few indi
viduals in London, but the number of its mem
bers soon increased to about two hundred,
among whom were some of the most eminent
men in the kingdom. Their immediate ob
ject was to promote discoveries in the interior
of Africa, and a fund was raised by a subscrip
tion from each member, for the purpose of
effecting that object. The Society was de
nominated the " African Association," and was
patronized by the King. A committee was to
be annually chosen by ballot, whose duty it
was to transact the affairs of the Society, by
taking charge of the funds, employing persons
to travel, collecting intelligence, and keeping
up a correspondence with various parts of
Africa.

The first committee appointed, and that with
which Ledyard made his arrangements, con
sisted of Lord Rawdon, the Bishop of Landaff,
Sir Joseph Banks, Mr. Beaufoy, and Mr. Steu-
art. Among the other members, who joined
the Society at the beginning, were Mr. Ad-

384 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

dington, the Earl of Bute, General Conway,
the Duke of Grafton, Edward Gibbon, John
Hunter, Dr. Lettsom, the Earl of Moira, the
Duke of Northumberland, Lord Sheffield, Ben
jamin Vaughan, and Mr. Wilberforce. An in
stitution, supported by names of such weight
and respectability, would naturally attract pub
lic attention, and insure all the success of
which the nature of its designs was suscep
tible.

For many ages the continent of Africa had
been a neglected portion of the globe, of which
the rest of the world had taken little account.
The learning, and splendor, and prowess of
Egypt were departed; Carthage, with all its
glory, had sunk into the dust j the proud mon
uments of Numidian greatness had been blotted
from the face of the earth, and almost from
the memory of man. The gloom of this scene
was heightened, not more by the ravages of
time in destroying what had been, than by the
contrasts which succeeding changes had pro
duced. A semibarbarous population, gathered
from the wrecks of fallen nations, enemies to
the arts and to the best social interests of
man, had gradually spread themselves over the
whole northern borders of Africa, and presented
a barrier to the hazards of enterprise, no less
than to the inroads of civilization. Whatever

JOHN LEDYARD. 385

might be the ardor for discovery and the dis
regard of danger, nobody cared to penetrate
into these regions, where all was uncertainty,
and where the chance of success bore no pro
portion to the perils that must be encountered.
There is no question, that the northern half
of Africa was better known to the Romans
at the time of Julius Caesar, than to the Eu
ropeans in the middle of the eighteenth cen
tury. A few scattered names of rivers, towns,
and nations, occupied the map of the interior,
traced there by a hesitating hand, on the dubi
ous authority of the Nubian geographer Edris-
si, and the Spanish traveller Leo Africanus.
The rhymes of Swift on this subject were not
more witty than true.

" Geographers, in Afric maps,
With savage pictures fill their gaps,
And o'er unhabitable downs
Place elephants, for want of towns."

At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Leo
penetrated as far as Timbuctoo and the Niger ;
but so imperfect were his descriptions even of
what he saw, that very little geographical
knowledge was communicated by them. He
was on the banks of the Niger ; but it could
not be ascertained from his account, whether
this river ran to the east or west, nor, indeed,
whether it existed as a separate stream.
VOL. xiv. 25

386

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

In short, down to the time when the Afri
can Association was formed, almost the whole
of this vast continent, its geography and phys
ical resources, its inhabitants, governments, lan
guages, were a desideratum in the history of
nature arid of man. It could not be doubted,
that many millions of human beings inhabited
these hidden regions. Nor were the character
and condition of these people, their institutions
and social advancement, mere matters of curi
osity ; they had a relation to the people of
other parts of the globe, and, when discovered
and understood, might be turned to the com
mon advantage of the great human family.
There are no nations that may not profit by
an intercourse between each other, either by
an exchange of products peculiar to each, or
by a reciprocal moral influence, or by both.

On these broad and benevolent principles
the Society for promoting discoveries in Africa
was instituted, and the scheme was worthy of
the enlightened philanthropists by whom it was
devised. Ledyard's instructions were few, sim
ple, and direct. He was to repair first to
Egypt, travel thence across the continent,
make such observations as he could, and report
the results to the Association. Everything was
left to his discretion. His past experience, the
extraordinary energy of his character, his disin-

JOHN LEDYARD. 387

terestedness, and the enthusiasm with which
he engaged in the present undertaking, were
all such as to insure the confidence of his
employers, and inspire them with sanguine
hopes.

As for himself, at no period of his life had
he reflected with so much satisfaction on his
condition or his prospects. Heretofore he had
always been alone, oppressed with poverty, and
contending with an adverse fate. But now he
was free from want, patronized by the first
men in Great Britain, and engaged at their
solicitation, and under their auspices, in an en
terprise, fraught, it is true, with many dangers,
but promising the glory of which he had ever
been ambitious, and opening to him a field of
adventure, which his imagination had pictured
to him as the first to be chosen, after he had
discharged what he deemed a paramount duty,
in exploring the unknown parts of the conti
nent to which he owed his birth. When he
was departing from London for Egypt, he
may be said to have been, for the first time
in his life, at the summit of his wishes. All
previous cares, defeats, and disasters appear to
have been forgotten, or swallowed up in the
deep interests of the present, and the cherished
anticipations of the future. A letter written
to his mother at this time indicates the tone
of his spirits.

388 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

" Truly is it written, that the ways of God
are past finding out, and his decrees unsearch
able. Is the Lord thus great? So also is he
good. I am an instance of it. I have tram
pled the world under my feet, laughed at fear,
and derided danger. Through millions of
fierce savages, over parching deserts, the freez
ing north, the everlasting ice, and stormy seas,
have I passed without harm. How good is
my God ! What rich subjects have I for praise,
love, and adoration !

" I am but just returned to England from
my travels of two years, and am going away
into Africa to examine that continent. I ex
pect to be absent three years. I shall be in
Egypt as soon as I can get there, and after
that go into unknown parts. I have full and
perfect health. Remember me to my brothers
and sisters. Desire them to remember me,
for, if Heaven permits, I shall see them again.
I pray God to bless and comfort you all.
Farewell."

At length the preparations for his departure
were completed. He had become well ac
quainted with the views of the committee ;
and a sufficient amount of money had been
raised, by the subscriptions, to provide for the
expenses of his journey to Egypt, arid to pur
chase such articles of merchandise as might

JOHN LEDYARD. 389

be found necessary to enable him to assume
the character of a trader in a caravan to the
interior, or for travelling in any other manner,
which he should deem most expedient when
on the spot. The last letter he wrote to
America was a short one, dated at London,
on the 29th of June.

" I suppose that my letter and curiosities,
sent by Mr. Jarvis, are now half way over the
Atlantic. Here you have a little portrait,
which I leave to the care of his brother in
town. Enclosed with it is a poor portrait of
me, taken by the dumb boy mentioned in my
other letter. If it were anything like paint
ing, I would desire you to keep it. As it is,
I beg you will send it to my mother. She
will be as fond of it, as if done by Guido. I
would have sent it framed, if the opportunity
would have permitted. To-morrow morning I
set out for France. Adieu."

Accordingly he left London on the 30th of
June. Mr. Beaufoy speaks of the interview he
had with him, just as he was setting off, and
adds these affecting remarks, as given in Led-
yard's own words.

" ' I am accustomed,' said he, in our last
conversation, ('twas on the morning of his de
parture for Africa,) 'I am accustomed to hard
ships. I have known both hunger and naked-

390 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ness to the utmost extremity of human suffer
ing. I have known what it is to have food
given me as charity to a madman ; and I have
at times been obliged to shelter myself under
the miseries of that character, to avoid a heav
ier calamity. My distresses have been greater
than I have ever owned, or ever will own to
any man. Such evils are terrible to bear ; but
they never yet had power to turn me from
my purpose. If I live, I will faithfully per
form, in its utmost extent, my engagement to
the Society; and if I perish in the attempt,
my honor will still be safe, for death cancels
all bonds.' "

In Paris he met with Mr. Jefferson, Lafay
ette, and several others of his old friends,
whom he had left there three years before,
and towards whom he entertained sentiments
of the warmest gratitude. He continued at
Paris seven or eight days, and then proceeded
to Marseilles, where he took ship for Alexan
dria. From this place he wrote to Mr. Jeffer
son the following letter.

"As I shall go to Cairo in a few days,
from whence it may be difficult for me to
write to you, I do it here, though unprepared.
I am in good health and spirits, and the pros
pects before me are flattering. This intelli
gence, with my wishes for your happiness and

JOHN LEDYARD. 391

an eternal remembrance of your goodness to
me, must form the only part of my letter of
any consequence ; except that I desire to be
remembered to the Marquis de Lafayette, his
lady, Mr. Short, and other friends. Deducting
the week I stayed at Paris, and two days at
Marseilles, I was only thirty-four days from
London to this place.

" I am sorry to inform you, that I regret
having visited the gentleman you mentioned,
and of having made use of your name. I
shall ever think, though he was extremely po
lite, that he rather strove to prevent my em
barking at Marseilles, than to facilitate it ; for,
by bandying me about among the members
of the Chamber of Commerce, he had nearly,
and very nearly, lost me my passage ; and in
the last ship from Marseilles for the season.
He knew better ; he knew that the Chamber
of Commerce had no business with me j and,
besides, I only asked him if he could without
trouble address me to the captain of a ship
bound to Alexandria ; nothing more.

" Alexandria at large presents a scene more
wretched, than I have witnessed. Poverty,
rapine, murder, tumult, blind bigotry, cruel per
secution, pestilence ! A small town built on
the ruins of antiquity, as remarkable for its
miserable architecture as I suppose the place

392 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

once was for its good and great works of that
kind. Pompey's Pillar and Cleopatra's Obelisk
are now almost the only remains of remote
antiquity. They are both, and particularly the
former, noble objects to contemplate, and are
certainly more captivating from the contrast of
the deserts and forlorn prospects around them.
No man, of whatever turn of mind, can see the
whole, without retiring from the scene with a
Sic transit gloria mundi"

Having passed ten days only at Alexandria,
he pursued his journey up the Nile to Cairo,
where he arrived on the 19th of August.
Here again he wrote to Mr. Jefferson.

" I sent you a short letter from Alexandria.
I begin this without knowing where I shall
close it, or when I shall send it, or. indeed,
whether I shall ever send it. But I will have
it ready, in case an opportunity shall offer.
Having been in Cairo only four days, I have
not seen much of particular interest for you ;
and, indeed, you will riot expect much of this
kind from me. My business is in another quar
ter, and the information I seek totally new.
Anything from this place would not be so.

" At all events, I shall never want a subject
when it is to you I write. I shall never
think my letter an indifferent one, when it
contains the declaration of my gratitude and

JOHN LEDYARD. 393

my affection for you ; and this, notwithstand
ing you thought hard of me for being em
ployed by an English Association, which hurt
me much while I was at Paris. You know
your own heart, and if my suspicions are
groundless, forgive them, since they proceed
from the jealousy I have, not to lose the re
gard you have in times past been pleased to
honor me with. You are not obliged to es
teem me, but I am obliged to esteem you, or
to take leave of my senses, and confront the
opinions of the greatest and best characters I
know. If I cannot, therefore, address myself
to you as a man you regard, I must do it as
one that regards you for your own sake, and
for the sake of my country, which has set me
the example.

" I made my tour from Alexandria by water,
and entered the Nile by the western branch
of the mouths of the river. I was five days
coming to Cairo ; but this passage is generally
made in four, and sometimes in three days.
You have heard and read much of the Nile,
and so had I ; but when I saw it, I could not
conceive it to be the same. What eyes do
travellers see with ? Are they fools or rogues ?
For Heaven's sake, hear the plain truth about
it. First, in regard to its size. Obvious com
parisons in such cases ire good. Do you
know the River Connecticut? Of all the riv-

394 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ers I have seen, it most resembles that in size.
It is a little wider, and may on that account
better compare with the Thames. This is the
mighty, the sovereign of rivers, the vast Nile,
that has been metamorphosed into one of the
wonders of the world. Let me be careful ho\v
I read, and above all how I read ancient his
tory. You have heard and read, too, much
of its inundations. If the thousands of large
and small canals from it, and the thousands
of men and machines employed to transfer by
artificial means the water of the Nile to the
meadows on its banks, if this be the inunda
tion that is meant, it is true ; any other is
false. It is not an inundating river. I came
up the river from the 15th to the 20th of
August, and about the 30th the water will be
at the height of the freshet. When I left the
river, its banks were four, five, and six feet,
above the water, and here in town I am told
they expect the Nile to be only one or two
feet higher at the most. This is a proof, if
any were wanted, that the river does not over
flow its banks.

" I saw the pyramids as I passed up the
river, but they were four or five leagues off.
It is warm weather here at present, and were
it not for the north winds, that cool themselves
in their passage over the Mediterranean, and
blow upon us, we should be in a sad situation.

JOHN LEDYARD. 395

As it is, I think I have felt it hotter at Phil
adelphia in the same month. The city of
Cairo is about half as large in size as Paris,
and is said to contain seven hundred thousand
inhabitants. You will therefore anticipate the
fact of its narrow streets and high houses. In
this number are contained one hundred thou
sand Copts, or descendants of the ancient
Egyptians. There are likewise Christians, and
those of different sects, from Jerusalem, Da
mascus, Aleppo, and other parts of Syria.

" With regard to my journey, I can only tell
you with any certainty, that I shall be able to
pass as far as the western boundaries of what
is called Turkish Nubia to the town of Sen-
naar. I expect to get there with some surety.
Beyond that all is dark before me. My wishes
and designs are to pass in that parallel across
the continent. I will write from Sennaar if
I can.

" You know the disturbances in this un
happy country, and the nature of them. The
Beys, revolted from the Bashaw, have posses
sion of Upper Egypt, and are now encamped
with an army, pitiful enough indeed, about
three miles south of Cairo. They say to the
Bashaw, ' Come out of your city and fight
us ; ' and the Bashaw says, l Come out of your
intrenchments and fight me.' You know this
revolt is a stroke in Russian politics. Noth-

396

AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

ing merits more the whole force of burlesque,
than both the poetic and prosaic legends of
this country. Sweet are the songs of Egypt
on paper. Who is not ravished with gums,
balms, dates, figs, pomegranates, cassia, and
sycamores, without recollecting that amidst
these are dust, hot and fainting winds, bugs,
mosquitos, spiders, flies, leprosy, fevers, and
almost universal blindness ? I am in perfect
health. Adieu for the present, and believe me
to be, with all possible esteem and regard,
your sincere friend."

CHAPTER XIV.

Interview with the Aga. — Observations on the
Customs of the Arabs. — Information respect
ing the Interior of Africa. — Visit to the
Caravans and Slave Markets. — Reflections on
his Condition and Prospects. — His last Let
ter to Mr. Jefferson. — Joins a Caravan and
prepares to depart for Sennaar. — Taken
suddenly ill. — His Death. — His Person and
Character.

As he was furnished with letters of recom
mendation to the British Consul at Cairo, he
found little difficulty in p/ocuring such accom-

JOHN LEDYARD. 397

modations as he desired, and such information
as enabled him to direct his attention imme
diately to the great object of his mission. His
intention was to join a caravan bound to the
interior, and to continue with it to the end of
its route. Beyond this he must be guided by
circumstances, which could not be foreseen,
and concerning which no calculation was to
be made. He adopted a dress suited to the
character he was to assume, and began in earn
est to study the manners of the people around
him, and particularly of the traders in the car
avans, which were then at Cairo. Three
months were passed in this occupation. He
kept a journal of whatever he deemed most
worthy of record, which was afterwards trans
mitted to the African Association. Such parts
of the journal, as are contained in the Pro
ceedings of that body, will here be added.
They bear the peculiar marks of the author's
mind, his habits of observation, his boldness
of thought and opinion, and his quick percep
tion of resemblance and contrast in the vari
ous races of men.

11 August 14th. I left Alexandria at mid
night, with a pleasant breeze north ; and was,
at sunrise next morning, at the mouth of the
Nile, which has a bar of sand across it, and
soundings as irregular as the sea, which is

398 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

raised upon it by the contentions of counter
currents and winds.

" The view in sailing up the Nile is very
confined, unless from the top of the mast, or
some other eminence, and then it is an un
bounded plain of excellent land, miserably cul
tivated, and yet interspersed with a great num
ber of villages, both on its banks arid as far
along the meadows as one can see in any di
rection. The river is also filled with boats
passing and repassing ; boats all of one kind,
and navigated in one manner ; nearly also of
one size, the largest carrying ten or fifteen
tons. On board of these boats are seen onions,
watermelons, dates, sometimes a horse, a camel,
(which lies down in the boat,) sheep, goats,
dogs, men, and women. Towards evening and
morning they have music.

" Whenever we stopped at a village, I used
to walk into it with my conductor, who, being
a Mussulman, and a descendant from Mahomet,
wore a green turban, and was therefore respect
ed, and I was sure of safety ; but, in truth,
dressed as I was in a common Turkish habit,
I believe I should have walked as safely with
out him. I saw no propensity among the in
habitants to incivility. The villages are most
miserable assemblages of poor little mud huts,
flung very close together without any kind of

JOHN LEDYARD. 399

order, full of dust, lice, fleas, bugs, flies, and all
the curses of Moses ; people poorly clad, the
youths naked ; in such respects, they rank in
finitely below any savages I ever saw.

" The common people wear nothing but a
shirt and drawers, and they are always blue.
Green is the royal, or holy color ; none but
the descendants of Mahomet, if I am rightly
informed, being permitted to wear it.

"August 19th. From the little town where
we landed, the distance to Cairo is about a
mile and a half, which we rode on asses ; for
the ass in this country is the Christian's horse,
as he is allowed no other animal to ride upon.
Indeed I find the situation of a Christian, or
what they more commonly call here a Frank,
to be very, very humiliating, ignominious, and
distressing. No one, by a combination of any
causes, can reason down to such effects as ex
perience teaches us do exist here ; it being
impossible to conceive, that the enmity I have
alluded to could exist between men ; or, in
fact, that the same species of beings, from any
causes whatever, should ever think and act
so differently as the Egyptians and the Eng
lish do.

" I arrived at Cairo early in the morning,
on the 19th of August, and went to the house
of the Venetian Consul, Mr. Rosetti, charge

400 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

d'affaires for the English Consul here. After
dinner, not being able to find any other lodg
ing, and receiving no very pressing invitation
from Mr. Rosetti to lodge with him, I went to
a convent. This convent consists of mission
aries, sent by the Pope to propagate the Chris
tian faith, or at least to give shelter to Chris
tians. The Christians here are principally from
Damascus ; the convent is governed by the
order of Recollets j a number of English, as
well as other European travellers, have lodged
there.

" August 26th. This day I was introduced
by Rosetti to the Aga Mahommed, the confi
dential minister of Ismael, the most powerful
of the four ruling Beys. He gave me his hand
to kiss, and with it the promise of letters,
protection, and support, through Turkish Nubia,
and also to some chiefs far inland. In a sub
sequent conversation, he told me I should see
in my travels a people who had power to
transmute themselves into the forms of differ
ent animals. He asked me what I thought
of the affair. I did not like to render the
ignorance, simplicity, and credulity of the Turk
apparent. I told him, that it formed a part of
the character of all savages to be great necro
mancers ; but that I had never before heard
of any so great as those which he had done

JOHN LEDYARD. 401

me the honor to describe ; that it had rendered
me more anxious to be on my voyage, and, if
I passed among them, I would, in the letter I
promised to write to him, give him a more
particular account of them than he had hith
erto had. He asked me how I could travel
without the language of the people where I
should pass. I told him, with vocabularies.
I might as well have read to him a page of
Newton's Principia. He returned to his fables
again. Is it not curious, that the Egyptians
(for I speak of the natives of the country, as
well as of him, when I make the observation,)
are still such dupes to the arts of sorcery ?
Was it the same people who built the pyra
mids ?

" I cannot understand that the Turks have
a better opinion of our mental powers than
we have of theirs ; but they say of us, that we
are ' a people who carry our minds on our fingers'
ends ; ' meaning, that we put them in exercise
constantly, and render them subservient to all
manner of purposes, and with celerity, despatch,
and ease, do what we do.

" I suspect the Copts to have been the ori
gin of the Negro race ; the nose and lips cor
respond with those of the Negro. The hair,
whenever I can see it among the people here,
(the Copts,) is curled ; not close like the Ne-
VOL. xiv. 26

402 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

groes, but like the Mulattoes. I observe a
greater variety of color among the human spe
cies here, than in any other country ; and a
greater variety of feature, than in any other
country not possessing a greater degree of civ
ilization. I have seen an Abyssinian woman,
and a Bengal man j the color is the same in
both ; so are their features and persons.

" I have seen a small mummy ; it has what
I call wampum-work on it. It appears as com
mon here as among the Tartars. Tattooing
is as prevalent among the Arabs of this place,
as among the South Sea Islanders. It is a
little curious, that the women here are more
generally than in any other part of the world
tattooed on the chin, with perpendicular lines
descending from the under lip to the chin,
like the women on the Northwest Coast of
America. It is also a custom here to stain
the nails red, like the Cochin Chinese, and the
northern Tartars. The mask, or veil, that the
women here wear, resembles exactly that worn
by the priests at Otaheite, and those seen at
the Sandwich Islands.

" I have not yet seen the Arabs make use
of a tool like our axe or hatchet ; but what
they use for such purposes, as we do our
hatchet and axe, is in the form of an adze,
and is a form we found most agreeable to

JOHN LED YARD. 403

the South Sea islanders. I see no instance
of a tool formed designedly for the use of the
right or left hand particularly, as the cotogon is
among the Yakuti Tartars.

" There is certainly a very remarkable affin
ity between the Russian and Greek dress.
The fillet round the temples of the Greek
and Russian women is a circumstance in dress,
that perhaps would strike nobody as it does
me ; and so of the wampum-work, too, which
is also found among them both. They spin
here with the distaff and spindle only, like the
French peasantry, and others in Europe ; and
the common Arab loom is upon our principle,
though rude. I saw to-day an Arab woman,
white, like the white Indians in the South
Sea Islands, and at the Isthmus of Darien.
These kind of people all look alike. Among
the Greek women here, I find the identical
Archangel headdress.

" Their music is instrumental, consisting of
a drum and pipe, both which resemble those
two instruments in the South Seas. The
drum is exactly like the Otaheite drum ; the
pipe is made of cane, and consists of a long
and short tube joined ; the music resembles
very much the bagpipe, and is pleasant. All
their music is concluded, if not accompanied,
by the clapping of hands. I think it singular,

404 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY,

that the women here make a noise with their
mouths like frogs, and that this frog music is
always made at weddings ; and I believe on
all other occasions of merriment, where there
are women.

" It is remarkable, that the dogs here are
of just the same species found among the
Otaheitans. It is also remarkable, that in one
village I saw exactly the same machines used
for diversion as in Russia. I forget the Rus
sian name for it. It is a large kind of wheel,
on the extremities of which there are sus
pended seats, in which people are whirled
round over and under each other.

" The women dress their hair behind, ex
actly in the same manner in which the women
of the Kalmuk Tartars dress theirs.

" In the history of the kingdom of Benin,
in Guinea, the chiefs are called Aree Roee, or
street kings. Among the islands in the South
Seas, Otaheite and others, they call the chiefs
Arees, and the great chiefs Aree le Hoi. I
think this curious ; and so I do, that it is a
eustom of the Arabs to spread a blanket, when
they would invite any one to eat or rest with
them. The American Indians spread the bea
ver skins on such occasions. The Arabs of
the deserts, like the Tartars, have an invinci
ble attachment to liberty ; no arts will recon-

JOHN LEDYARD. 405

cile them to any other life, or form of govern
ment, however modified. This is a character
given me here of the Arabs. It is singular,
that the Arab language has no word for lib
erty, although it has for slave. The Arabs,
like the New Zealanders, engage with a long,
strong spear.

" I have made the best inquiries I have
been able, since I have been here, of the na
ture of the country before me ; of Sennaar,
Darfoor, Wangara, of Nubia, Abyssinia, of those
named, or unknown by name. I should have
been happy to have sent you better informa
tion of those places than I am yet able to do.
It will appear very singular to you in England,
that we in Egypt are so ignorant of countries
which we annually visit. The Egyptians know
as little of geography as the generality of the
French ; and, like them, sing, dance, and traffic
without it.

" I have the best assurances of a certain
and safe conduct, by the return of the caravan
that is arrived from Sennaar ; and Mr. Rosetti
tells me, that the letters I shall have from the
Aga here will insure me of being conveyed,
from hand to hand, to my journey's end. The
Mahometans in Africa are what the Russians
are in Siberia, a trading, enterprising, supersti
tious, warlike set of vagabonds, and wherever

406 MERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

they are set upon going, they will and do go ;
but they neither can nor do make voyages
merely commercial, or merely religious, across
Africa ; and where we do not find them in
commerce, we find them not at all. They
cannot, however vehemently pushed on by re
ligion, afford to cross the continent without
trading by the way.

" October 14th. I went to-day to the mar
ket-place, where they vend the black slaves,
that come from towards the interior parts of
Africa. There were two hundred of them to
gether, dressed and ornamented as in their
country. The appearance of a savage in every
region is almost the same. There were very
few men among them ; this indicates that they
are prisoners of war. They have a great many
beads, and other ornaments about them, that
are from the East. I was told by one of
them, that they came from the west of Sen-
naar, fifty-five days' journey, which may be
about four or five hundred miles. A Negro
chief said the Nile had its source in his coun
try. In general they had their hair plaited in
a great number of small detached plaits, none
exceeding in length six or eight inches ; the
hair was filled with grease and dirt, purposely
daubed on.

" October 16th. I have renewed my visit

JOHN LEDYARD. 407

to-day, and passed it more agreeably than yes
terday ; for yesterday I was rudely treated.
The Franks are prohibited to purchase slaves,
and therefore the Turks do not like to see
them in the market. Mr. Rosetti favored me
with one of his running charge d'affaires to
accompany me ; but having observed yesterday
among the ornaments of the Negroes a variety
of beads, and wanting to know from what
country they came, I requested Mr. Rosetti,
previously to my second visit, to show me from
his store samples of Venetian beads. He
showed me samples of fifteen hundred differ
ent kinds ; after this I set out.

" The name of the country these savages
come from is Darfoor, and is well known on
account of the slave trade, as well as of that
in gum and elephants' teeth. The appearance
of these Negroes declares them to be a people
in as savage a state as any people can be ;
but not of so savage a temper, or of that spe
cies of countenance that indicates savage in
telligence. They appear a harmless wild peo
ple • but they are mostly young women.

" The beads they are ornamented with are
Venetian ; and they have some Venetian brass
medals, which the Venetians make for trade.
The beads are worked wampum-wise. I know
not where they got the marine shells they

408 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

worked among their beads, nor how they could
have seen white men. I asked them if they
would use me well in their country, if I
should visit it ? They said, Yes ; and added,
that they should make a king of me, and treat
me with all the delicacies of their country.
Like the Egyptian women, and like most other
savages, they stick on ornaments wherever they
can, and wear, like them, a great ring in the
nose, either from the cartilage or from the side ;
they also rub on some black kind of paint
round the eyes, like the Egyptian women.
They are a sizeable, well formed people, quite
black, with what, I believe, we call the true
Guinea face, and with curled short hair ; but
not more curled or shorter than I have seen it
among the Egyptians ; but, in general, these
savages plait it in tassels plastered with clay
or paint. Among some of them the hair is a
foot long, and curled, resembling exactly one of
our mops. The prevailing color, where it can
be seen, is a black and red mixed. I think it
would make any hair curl, even Uncle Toby's
wig, to be plaited and plastered as this is.
This caravan, which I call the Darfoor caravan,
is not very rich. The Sennaar is the rich
caravan.

" October 19th. I went yesterday to see if
more of the Darfoor caravan had arrived ; but

JOHN LEDYARD. 409

they were not. I wonder why travellers to
Cairo have not visited these slave markets, and
conversed with the Jelabs, or travelling mer
chants of these caravans j both are certainly
sources of great information. The eighth part
of the money expended on other accounts
might here answer some good, solid purpose.
For my part, I have not expended a crown,
and I have a better idea of the people of Af
rica, of its trade, of the position of places, the
nature of the country, and manner of travel
ling, than ever I had by any other means ;
and, I believe, better than any other means
would afford me.

" October 25th. I have been again to the
slave market ; but neither the Jelabs (a name
which in this country is given to all travel
ling merchants) nor the slaves are yet arrived
in town ; they will be here to-morrow. I met
two or three in the street, and one with a
shield and spear. I have understood to-day,
that the King of Sennaar is himself a mer
chant, and concerned in the Sennaar caravans.
The merchant here, who contracts to convey
me to Sennaar, is Procurer at Cairo to the
King of Sennaar; this is a good circumstance,
and one I knew not of till to-day. Mr. Ro-
setti informed me of it. He informed me also,
that this year the importation of Negro slaves

410 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

into Egypt will amount to twenty thousand.
The caravans from the interior countries of
Africa do not. arrive here uniformly every year ;
they are sometimes absent two or three years.

" Among a dozen of Sennaar slaves, I saw
three personable men, of a good bright olive
color, of vivacious and intelligent countenances;
but they had all three (which first attracted
my notice) heads uncommonly formed ; the
forehead was the narrowest, the longest, and
most protuberant I ever saw. Many of these
slaves speak a few words of the Arab lan
guage ; but whether they learned them before
or since their captivity I cannot tell.

"A caravan goes from here to Fezzan,
which they call a journey of fifty days ; and
from Fezzan to Tombuctou, which they call a
journey of ninety days. The caravans travel
about twenty miles a day, which makes the
distance on the road from here to Fezzan
one thousand miles ; and from Fezzan to Tom
buctou, one thousand eight hundred miles.
From here to Sennaar is reckoned six hun
dred miles. I have been waiting several days
to have an interview with the Jelabs, who go
from hence to Sennaar. I am told that they
carry, in general, trinkets ; but among other
things soap, antimony, red linen, razors, scis
sors, mirrors, beads j and, as far as I can yet

JOHN LEDYARD. 411

learn, they bring from Sennaar elephants' teeth,
the gum called here gum Sennaar, camels, os
trich feathers, and slaves.

" Wangara is talked of here as a place pro
ducing much gold, and as a kingdom; all ac
counts, and there are many, agree in this. The
King of Wangara (whom I hope to see in
about three months after leaving this) is said
to dispose of just what quantity he pleases
of his gold ; sometimes a great deal, and some
times little or none ; and this, it is said, he
does to prevent strangers knowing how rich
he is, and that he may live in peace."

In a letter to the Association are expressed
his undiminished zeal in their cause, the high
motives which impelled him onward, and his
utter indifference to everything but the success
of his undertaking.

lt Money ! it is a vile slave ! I have at pres
ent an economy of a more exalted kind to
observe. I have the eyes of some of the first
men of the first kingdom on earth turned
upon me. I am engaged, by those very men,
in the most important object that any private
individual can be engaged in. I have their
approbation to acquire or to lose ; and their
esteem, also, which I prize beyond everything,
except the independent idea of serving man
kind. Should rashness or desperation carry

412 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

me through, whatever fame the vain and inju
dicious might bestow, I should not accept of
it ; it is the good and great I look to. Fame
bestowed by them is altogether different, and
is closely allied to a < Well done ' from God.
But rashness will not be likely to carry me
through, any more than timid caution. To
find the necessary medium of conduct, to vary
and apply it to contingencies, is the economy
I allude to ; and if I succeed by such means,
men of sense in any succeeding epoch will not
blush to follow me, and perfect those discov
eries which I have only abilities to trace out
roughly, or a disposition to attempt. A Turk
ish sopha has no charms for me ; if it had, I
could soon obtain one here. Believe me, a
single < Well done ' from your Association has
more worth in it to me than all the trappings
of the East ; and what is still more precious
is, the pleasure I have in the justification of
my own conduct at the tribunal of my own
heart."

On the 15th of November he again wrote
to Mr. Jefferson, as follows.

" This is my third letter to you from Egypt.
I should certainly write to the Marquis de La
fayette, if I knew where to find him. I speak
of him often among the French at Cairo. But
if our news here, with respect to the affairs

JOHN LEDYARD. 413

of France, be authentic, he would hardly find
time to read my letter, if his active spirit is
employed in the conflict in proportion to its
powers. It is possible, however, that my com
pliments may reach him, and I desire it may
be through your means. Tell him that I love
him, and that the French patriots in Cairo
call on the name of Suffrein and Lafayette,
the one for point-blank honesty, and the other
as the soldier and the courtier. The old vet
eran in finance and civil economy, Mr. Necker,
is welcome to the helm.

" I have now been in Cairo three months,
and it is within a few days only that I have
had any certainty of being able to proceed in
the prosecution of my voyage. The difficul
ties that have attended me have occupied me
day and night. I should otherwise not only
have written to you oftener, but should have
given you some little history of what I have
heard and seen. My excuse now is, that I am
doing up my baggage for my journey, and
most curious baggage it is. I shall leave
Cairo in two or three days.

11 Perhaps I should not have pleased you, if
I had written much in detail. I think I know
your taste for ancient history ; it does not
comport with what experience teaches me.
The enthusiastic avidity with which you

414 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

search for treasures in Egypt, and I suppose
all over the East, ought in justice to the world,
and your own generous propensities, to be
modified, corrected, and abated. I should have
written you the truth. It is disagreeable to
hear it, when habit has accustomed one to
falsehood. You have the travels of Savary in
this country. Burn them. Without entering
into a discussion that would be too long for
a letter, I cannot tell you why I think most
historians have written more to satisfy them
selves than to benefit others. I am certainly
very angry with those, who have written of
the countries where I have travelled, and of
this particularly. They have all more or less
deceived me. In some cases, perhaps, it is
difficult to determine which does the most
mischief, the self-love of the historian or the
curiosity of the reader ; but both together have
led us into errors, that it is now too late to
rectify. You will think my head is turned, to
write you such a letter from Egypt ; but the
reason is. I do not intend it shall be turned.
" I have passed my time disagreeably here.
Religion does more mischief in Egypt than all
other things, and here it has always done more
than in most other places. The humiliating
situation of a Prank would be insupportable
to me, except for my voyage. It is a shame

JOHN LEDYARD. 415

to the sons of Europe, that they should suffer
such arrogance at the hands of a banditti of
ignorant fanatics. I assure myself, that even
your curiosity and love of antiquity would not
detain you in Egypt three months.

': Prom Cairo I am to travel southwest about
three hundred leagues to a black king. Then
my present conductors will leave me to my
fate. Beyond, I suppose I shall go alone. I
expect to cut the continent across between the
parallels of twelve and twenty degrees of north
latitude. If possible, I shall write you from
the kingdom of this black gentleman. If not,
do not forget me in the interval of time
which may pass during my voyage from thence
to Europe, arid as likely to France as any
where. I shall not forget you j indeed, it will
be a consolation to think of you in my last
moments. Be happy."

This is the last letter which Ledyard is
known to have written, either to Mr. Jefferson
or to any other person. He wrote to the sec
retary of the Association, probably by the same
conveyance, stating that, after much vexatious
delay, all things were at last ready for his de
parture, and that his next communication might
be expected from Sennaar. The Aga had
given him letters of recommendation, his pas
sage was engaged, the terms settled, and the

416 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

day fixed, on which the caravan was to leave
Cairo. He wrote in good spirits and apparent
health, and the confidence of the Association
had never been more firm, nor their hopes
more sanguine, than at this juncture. Their
extreme disappointment may well be imagined,
therefore, when the next letters from Egypt
brought the melancholy intelligence of his
death.

During his residence at Cairo, his pursuits
had made it necessary for him to be much ex
posed to the heat of the sun, and to other
deleterious influences of the climate, at the
most unfavorable season of the year. The
consequence was an attack of a bilious com
plaint, which he thought to remove by the
common remedy of vitriolic acid. Whether
this was administered by himself, or by some
other person, is riot related ; but the quantity
taken was so great as to produce violent and
burning pains, that threatened to be fatal, un
less immediate relief could be procured. This
was attempted by a powerful dose of tartar
emetic. But all was in vain. The best med
ical skill in Cairo was called to his aid with
out effect ; and he closed his life of vicissitude
an.1 toil, at the moment when he imagined his
severest cares were over, and the prospects be
fore him were more Haltering than they had

JOHN LEDYARD. 417

been at any former period. He was decently
interred, and all suitable respect was paid to
his obsequies by such, friends as he had found
among the European residents in the capital
of Egypt.

The precise day of his death is not known,
but the event is supposed to have happened
towards the end of November, 1788. He was
then in the thirty-eighth year of his age.

So much has been drawn from the travel
ler's own writings in the preceding narrative,
that nothing can be added to make the reader
better acquainted with the constitution of his
mind, the qualities of his heart, or the charac
teristics of his genius. Mr. Beaufoy's descrip
tion of him is short, but discriminating, and
the more worthy of regard as having been
founded on personal knowledge.

" To those who have never seen Mr. Led-
yard it may not, perhaps, be uninteresting to
know, that his person, though scarcely exceed
ing the middle size, was remarkably expressive
of activity and strength ; and that his man
ners, though unpolished, were neither uncivil
nor unpleasing. Little attentive to difference
of rank, he seemed to consider all men as his
equals, and as such he respected them. His
genius, though uncultivated and irregular, was
original and comprehensive. Ardent in his
VOL. xiv. 27

418 AMERICAN BIOGRAPHY.

wishes, yet calm in his deliberations ; daring
in his purposes, but guarded in his measures ;
impatient of control, yet capable of strong en
durance ; adventurous beyond the conception
of ordinary men, yet wary and considerate, and
attentive to all precautions, he appeared to be
formed by Nature for achievements of hardi
hood and peril."

Mr. Seymour, who knew him intimately
for many years, has described his person as
follows ; " He was above the middle stature ;
not tall nor corpulent ; athletic, firm, and ro
bust ; with light eyes and hair, aquiline nose,
broad shoulders, and full chest."

His letters afford convincing proofs of his
kind and amiable disposition, gratitude to his
benefactors, humanity, and disinterestedness.
This last virtue, indeed, he practised to an ex
cess. No man ever acted with less regard to
self, or on a broader scale of philanthropy and
general good. That he finally accomplished
little, compared with the magnitude of his de
signs, was his misfortune, but not his fault.
Had he been less eccentric, however, in some
of his peculiarities, more attentive to his im
mediate interests, more regardful of the force
of circumstances, it is possible that his efforts
would have been rewarded with better success.
The acts of his life demand notice less on

JOHN LEDYARD. 419

account of their results, than of the spirit with
which they were performed, and the uncom
mon traits of character which prompted to
their execution. Such instances of decision,
energy, perseverance, fortitude, and enterprise,
have rarely been witnessed in the same indi
vidual j and, in the exercise of these high at
tributes of miad, his example cannot be too
much admired or imitated.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
BERKELEY

Return to desk from which borrowed.
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below.

Mov'61K

g£C.C!K.

Tfc NCV301990

JETD OCT 2 8 m

w

APR 5 1982 b

FEB291984

2 2 19B2

WAR 03 '995

00m-ll,'49 (B7146sl6)476

U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES

CDDflSflESEE

Ilk

581

,.

THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY