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THE LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 

of the Friends of the /^^n/^^^^^-^-^ 

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

LIBRARY 




VOLUME XXXVI • 1970 



CONTENTS 



Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries of the University 
of Pennsylvania to 1800: Supplement A (2) 

RUDOLF HIRSCH 



Tuscan Diplomatic Letters: A Decipherment by Computer 37 

RICHARD T. RAPP 



Three Kinds of Reply to A Tale of a Tub 47 

PETER S. WEYGANT 



An Unpublished Letter of Samuel Richardson 63 

HOWARD BENOIST 



Tate's Lear in the Nineteenth Century: The Edwin Forrest 67 

Promptbooks 

HENRY F. LIPPINCOTT, JR. 



Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries of the University 79 

of Pennsylvania to 1800: Supplement A (3) 

RUDOLF HIRSCH 

A Newly Acquired Manuscript of Albertano of Brescia 105 

RICHARD L. HOFFMAN 

Fiction Rather Than Fact: A New Look at no 

The King of the Beggars 

JAMES E. EVANS 

Johnson to Baretti: New Evidence for the Text of 115 

21 December 1762 

J. C. RIELY 

The Twain Are Brought Together 118 

CLAUDE K. DEISCHER 

Ernest Hemingway and Owen Wister: 126 

Finding the Lost Generation 

BEN MERCHANT VORPAHL 

Library Notes 138 



THE LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 



Vol. XXXVI Winter, 1970 No. i 




Friends of the Library 



UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 

PHILADELPHIA 
1970 



THE LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 




Rittenhouse Orrery 



Friends of the Lihrary 
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 



CONTENTS 



VOLUME XXXVI • WINTER I97O • NUMBER I 

Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries of the University 
of Pennsylvania to 1800: Supplement A (2) 

RUDOLF HIRSCH 



Tuscan Diplomatic Letters: A Decipherment by Computer 37 

RICHARD T. RAPP 



Three Kinds of Reply to A Tale of a Tub 47 

PETER S. WEYGANT 



An Unpublished Letter of Samuel Richardson 63 

HOWARD BENOIST 



Tate's Lear in the Nineteenth Century: The Edwin Forrest 67 

Promptbooks 

HENRY F. LIPPINCOTT, JR. 



Published semiannually by the Friends of the University of Pennsylvania Library. 
Subscription rate, $6.00 for non-members. § Articles and notes of bibliographic and 
bibliophile interest are invited. Contributions should be submitted to WilHam E. 
Miller, Editor, The Library Chronicle, University of Pennsylvania Library, Philadel- 
phia, Pennsylvania 19104. 



Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries 
of the University of Pennsylvania to 1800 

Supplement A (2) 

Compiled by RUDOLF HIRSCH 

ItaL. 211. 

ALPHABETUM Hcbraicum [based on Aldo Manuzio]; Graecum; Itali- 
cum; Hebraicum ante Esdram; Caldeum; Arab[ic]um; Egiptiorum; Indi- 
cum; Siriorum; Saracenorum; Illiricum domini Hieron[y]mi, item aliud 
auctore Cyrillo; Persarum . . . ; Francorum [i.e. Germanorum] ; [et Sabia- 
num], ff.iv-34r.- With GIOVANNI ANDREA SALICI. Osservationi 
nella lingua volgare, 1682, fF.34v-62r. - GIROLAMO CAPHARO 
[=CAFARO]. Orthografia, fF.62v-68r. - DEL CYCLO SOLARE [and 
other sections on chronology], fF.68v-86v. - REGOLA per imperare il 
canto figurato [e gregoriano], fF.95v-io6r. - MODO ... per trovare ... la 
prima domenica dell'advento, pasted on recto of last f. Italy, 1682. 

Paper. 4, 116 fF. (f. 21 omitted, blank f. preceding f.99 unnumb., ff.107-16 blank, 
fF.87-94 removed), i blank f. 16x10 cm. Astronomical diagrams, tables, few- 
drawings, illus. t.-p. on 3rd prel.f. (Blasius, undeciphered title, date 1682 in Hebrew). 
Contemp. blind-stamped pigskin with 3 illus. on inside cover (Leges; Sicut Aranea- 
rum; Tela). - The Orthografia by Capharo appeared as fF.77v-84v in his De conscri- 
bendis epistolis, Cortona, 1546 (Univ. of Pa. 1c5.c1166.546d); the ms. version difiers 
slightly. 

ItAL. 212. 

OPERA BUFFA, without name or title, inc.: O che dolce mirar I'Alba 
nascente. . . . Italy, ca. 1700. 

Paper. 22 fF. (first blank) . 20 x13.5 cm. Modem bds. 

Ital. 213. 

SONETTI fatti per I'assedio di Vienna (and other sonnets, elegies, bur- 
lesque poems, etc., as well as a few items in prose, the entire vol. deaUng 
primarily with the Turks and the controversy over the Spanish succession, 
but including odes on the birth of Antonio Ferdinando Gonzaga, Anna 
Isabella Gonzaga and other extraneous items). Guastalla, ante 23 Oct. 1696 
— early 18th cent. 

Paper. 96 ff. (f 2 8 blank). 20.5 x14cm. CoatofarmsofCarlo Vassallionf 8ov. 
i8th-cent. bds. - Qucsto libro e di me Giovanni VattieUi, comprato li 23 octobre 1696 

l3] 



per soldi 22, f.ir. Volendovi copiare vari sonetti per mio passatempo in Guastalla 
(ibid.). Motto, Parcere subiectis, debelare superbos, inside front cover. Names of 
authors given: Antonio Panini; Giovanni Battista Neri; Giacomo Antonio Berga- 
mori; Giovanni Antonio Vastamiglio; Vincenzo Marescotti, etc. Among persons ad- 
dressed are Emperor Leopold I; Pope Innocent XI; King John III Sobieski; Princess 
Maria Victoria and Prince Vincenzo Gonzaga; King Louis XIV; Pope Clement XI, 
etc. 

Ital. 214. 

A. L. (Fra A. L., sacerdote della congregatione del B. Pietro di Pisa nel 
Convento di S. Sebastiano di Venezia, 1735, penciled inside front cover). 
Alfabeto geometrico in due parte diviso; neUa prima si spiegano alcuni 
termini geometrici, nella secunda varie figure geometriche e mecaniche. 
Venice, 1735. 

Paper. 6ff., loipp. 22 x15 cm. Diagrams throughout. Bds. - Tessier Coll. 

Ital. 215. 

CRONACA UNIVERSALE, A.D. 395-895, in three parts: i. General, 
ff.1r-192v.-2. Islam, ff.i97r-227v. (separately numb. pp.i-64).-3. Prank- 
ish history, ff.228r-30or. Italy, first half 18th cent. 

Paper. 300 ff. (fF.193-6 blank); incomplete at beginning? 21.5 X 16 cm. H/ 
calf. - Among references is one to "il nostro Mabillon" (f.55r) which makes it likely 
that the unnamed author was a Benedictine. 

Ital. 216. 

VITA E FORTUNE del Cardinale [Giulio] Alberoni, inc.: La sorte che 

voleva. . . . Italy, 1717. 

Paper. 8 ff. in orig. paper wrapper. 23.5 x 19 cm. Modem bds. 

Ital. 217. 

ALESSANDRO PICCOLOMINI (arcivescovo di Patrasso et eletto di 

Siena). Orationi . . . sopra le discordie civile [di Siena]. Siena?, late 16th 

cent. 

Paper. 78 ff. 27 x 20.5 cm. Contemp. bds. - Other Piccolomini items are 
described as Lea mss. 71, 446-7, and 454-5. 

Ital. 218. 

GAMILLO CAPILUPI. Epistolario (letters to Pope Pius V; Hercole 
Gonzaga; Cardinal Visconti; Francesco Maria, Duke of Urbino; Ludovico 
Gonzaga; Marcantonio Colonna; Vincenzo Gonzaga, and many others), 

[4] 



fF.i-yi, 77v-88r. - With Raguaglio della prigionia del Principe Don Carlo 
d' Austria di Madrid (1566-8), ff.73r-4v; Carta escritta do mano propria 
de sa Magestad Catholica alia Santidad . . . Pio V . . . [e] alia Serenissima 
Reyna de Portugal . . . , fF.75r-7v; and a few other letters. Italy, first half 
17th cent. 

Paper. 3 prel. (first blank), 89, i blank ff. 27x20 cm. H /leather. - Prov.: 
Morbio Collection with descriptive note by Carlo Morbio on f.jr. Oxidized 
throughout, laminated. 

Ital. 219. 

Il GIARDINO DELLE MUSE. Collection of poems, some anonymous, 
but most with indication of authors, e.g. L. Melosi; M.B.C.; M.A.G. 
(Marchese Garzoni) ; Claudio Achilhni; Angelo Tara[c]chia; Giov. Battista 
Vidah; [Pietro?] GabrielH; [Enrico?] Vialardi; etc, Italy, 17th cent., written 
in two or more hands. 

Paper, i, 123 ff. (ff.9-71. 121-3 blank). 19.5 x 14.5 cm. Contemp. bds. 

Ital. 220. 

ANDREA GATARO. Cronica di Padova, 1311-1406. Subtitle on numb, 
f.ir: Esiho, peregrinatione, e pericoh di M. Francesco Novello [Franciscus 
II Carrariensis], e sua fameggia [!]... fmo alia ritornata in stato, inc.: [Ri] 
Cordo sotto brevita. . . . Italy, 17th cent. 

Paper. 2, 121, 5 blank flf. 23 x 16.5 cm. Contemp. bds. - Condensation ap- 
parently prepared firom a larger version (cf. Muratori, Rerum italicamm scriptores, 
v.XVII), probably one of several copies (cf Bibl. Marciana, Ms. Ital. VI, ff.246-8), 
copying the explicit of the prototype: Taken from a copy lent by Coimt Giovanni de 
Zagasa and copied by Daniele delli Vitiliani, 1614, etc. A small cut-out following the 
explicit suggests that further information on the preparation of this copy was re- 
moved, presumably to make it appear as if this were the copy of Daniele. 

Ital. 221. 

CANZONIERE. One hundred and eleven sonnets and madrigals, 5 can- 
zoni in ottava rima and one letter (f 36), mostly by Gaspare Torelh, incl. 
poems in honor of Giuho de Medici; Annibal Caro; Card. Vitelh; Lucrezia 
de Medici; Vincenzo Malpighi; the Duke of Alba; to a lady "Beatrice," and 
"Camilla;" Francesco de Medici (at the occasion of his death in 1562); 
Eleonora di Don Pietro di Toledo, duchessa di Fiorenza (+1562) ; etc., with 
ms. corrections. Autograph of ToreUi? Italy, ca. 1563. 

Paper. 88 ff 13.5 x 10 cm. Contemp. blind-stamped calf - Ex Hbris Pietro 
Ginori-Conti. Besides ToreUi, the following authors' names appear: Antonio Renieri 

[5] 



(9v); Francesco Topio (i6r); Giambatrista Savello (lyv); Fabritio Ronconi (8or, 
86v); Timoteo Mucci (8ir). 



ItAL. 222. 

Abbate FIESCO. Orazione all'invittissimo e potentissimo Ladislao IIII, 
eletto re di Polonia [1632]. - With Orazione aU'eminentissimo e reverendis- 
simo Sig. Cardinale Santa Croce, legato di Bologna. Italy or Poland, 
ca. 1632-33. 

Paper. 10 fF. (last blank, except for note on authorship). 20.5 x 14 cm. In 
folder. 



Ital. 223. 

BARTOLOMEO DOTTI. Satire del K:N:Dot[t]i Bresciano. Italy, ca. 

1750? 

Paper. 2 ff. (first blank), 270 (recto 266) pp., i blank f. (pp. 57-60 omitted; error 
in pagination or lacunae?). 23 X 16.5 cm. Title border (pen-and-ink) on f.2r. 
Contemp. vellum. - Contains 24 satires and 13 sonnets, 2 satires and 10 sonnets 
marked "inedite" by a former owner (cf. pp.269-70). Ercole Levi {Nuovo arch, 
veneto, XII (1896), pp. 5-77, esp. pp. 75-7) speaks of many mss., but does not mention 
this one, which is comparatively early. Dotti's Rime were published in 1689 and his 
Satire three times (1757, 1790 and 1807). No attempt has been made to ascertain 
whether the supposedly unpublished poems are actually "inedite." - See also ms. 
Ital. 235. 



Ital. 224. 

TORQUATO TASSO. Aniinta, favola boscareccia di Torquato Tasso. 
- With Amore fuggitivo, fF.5iv-55r. Low Countries?, 18th cent. 

Paper. 56 ff. (f. 5 6 blank). 20 x16 cm. Boards. - Preceding the text of Amore 
fuggitivo, in the same hand: II seguente poemetto trovandosi in alcime editioni 
stampato in fme deU'Aminta, et avendo grande conformita col prologo di questa 
favola, s'c giudicato non essere fuor di proposito di qui inserirlo. 



Ital. 225. 

OTTAVIANO BON. Serraglio del Gran' Turco, e relationi piu secrete del 
Divano, e della Porta [1608], inc.: Il Serraglio, dove habita il Gran' Turco 
con tutta la sua real casa di servitio. . . . Italy, 17th cent. 

Paper, i, 138 ff. (ff.24-6 misnumbered ff.25-6,24). 27 x 19 cm. Contemp. 
boards. - Cf. F. Antoiiibon, Le relazioni a stampa di ambasciatori vencti (Padua, 1939), 
p.38. 



Ital. 226. 

BARTOLOMEO FONTANA [cf. fF.iSr and 32r]. Three itineraries: 

1. Description of a pilgrimage from Venice to Santiago de Compostela, 
1539-41. ff.2-27. (His Itinerario, overo viciggio da Venetia a Roma . . .jino a 
Santo lacoho in Galitia, Venice, 1550, appears to be based on this account). - 

2. Description of a journey from Venice to Milan, 1542, ff.28-30. - 3. Ac- 
count of a journey from Venice to Rome, 1544, with a brief account of 
journeys to Verona and Coneghano, ff.32-46. (1-3 author's autograph?). - 

With NOBILISSIMA STRADA. Description of a journey from Venice 
through Germany, the Low Countries and France, with tables of distances 
from Milan to Bagnolo, Genoa and Geneva, fF.49-69 (in a different hand). 
Venice, 16th cent. 

Paper. 69 fF. (a few leaves missing at the beginning; f.i, with title Viaggio di 
Spagna et Portugallo del clarissimo Signer Costantin Garzoni, in a later hand, on 
different paper; ff 17, 31, 47-8 blank). 15 X 10 cm. 19th cent, h/calf. - Prov.: 
Walter Sneyd. Title on spine: Garzoni Viaggi M.S. A ms. copy of the Relatione di 
Portogallo di Costantino Garzoni is in the Bibliotheque de Carpentras. 

Ital. 228. 

BOLOGNA. Documenti [1602-1776] concernenti il diritto antichissimo 
dell'illustrissimo magistrato de' signori tribuni della plebe di visitare pri- 
vativamente li forni, raccolti in occasione di vertenza suscitata tra li signori 
dazieri, eil suddetto . . . magistrato. (Inch 23 printed "bandi" (1630-1774), 
probably a complete collection of edicts and regulations concerning the 
baking trade in Bologna). Bologna, [1630-] i775[-6; 1792?] 

Paper. 221 ff. (incl. oversized folded bandi; ff.3-5, 22-30, 49-54, 61-2, 80, 89-94, 
97, 130, 152, 170-1, 177, 188-9, 206-7, 217-8 blank). 30 x 22 cm. Canvas (over 
contemp. vellum?). - Detailed table of contents on £2r-v. Gift of Richard W. Foster. 

Ital. 229. 

GIUSEPPE BIONDO (BLONDO). Morte deU'lll^o Sigr Troilo Savello 
[i.e. Savelli] decapitato in Roma nel castello Sant' Angelo alii 18 d'aprile 
1592. Descritta dal Padre Biondo ohm Giesuita, ff.i-4iv. (Title page in 
I9th-cent. hand: Morte del Baron Troilo Savello, giustiziato in Roma, 
1592). - With BREVE EXAMINA de peccati ... dal i^ intitolata STUDIO 
DI VERA SAPIENTIA . . . composto per Frat. Agostino di Vivo da 
Napoli ... in Brescia . . . i6o[o?], ff.4iv-47. Rome?, ca. 1600. 

Paper. 50 ff. (ff.48-50 blank). 19.5 x 15 cm. H/calf, with (earlier?) label: 
Biondo, SupUcio del B. T. Savello, 1592. - Prov.: Conte Paolo Vimercati-Sorzi. Cf. 
A. de Backer & C. Sommervogel, Bibliotheque de la Cotiipagnie de Jesus, v. I, col. 1546, 

[7] 



etc. The trial (for murder) is mentioned by L. Pastor in his Geschichte der Pdpste 
(nth ed., p. 619-20) where he refers to an Italian pamphlet on the execution. Biondo's 
text came out in several EngUsh and French editions, but neither the British Museum 
nor the BibHotheque nationale (Paris) lists an Italian printed edition. Gift of Richard 
W. Foster. 

Ital, 230. 

[GIOVANNI] FRANCESCO MARCALDI. Narratione del imperio et 
stato della casa ottomana, with dedication "Al Molto 111^.^ Sig^.^ il Sig^ 
Girolamo Guiciardini." Autograph. Florence, ijSg. 

Paper. 34 fF. (fF.26-34 blank). 20 x14.5 cm. Contemp. vellum. - Not collated 
with P. Ferrata, ed., Due narrazioni politiche delsec.XVI, di Francesco Marcaldi, (Mantua, 
1876). Gift of Richard W. Foster. 

Ital. 231. 

LETTERE di diversi principi et huomini illustri in varii negotii spettanti al 
secolo 1500 . . . (Mons^ Cirillo ... a Mons^" Mutio Calino [e risposta]), 
(f.2r-28r) ; Al S^T Duca di Savoia [il Duca di Fiorenza, e risposta] (28r-3or) ; 
Massimihano imperatore al Sacro CoUegio de Cardinali (3or-2r); Ferdi- 
nandus imperator Cosimo duci Florentie (32r-8r); Carta escritta . . . de su 
M*^ Catt*^?- a la S*?- de Pio V^ [e a la Reyna de Portugal] sobre la prision del 
Prin? Don Carlo (38r-43r): Il Re Catt^^P a Dona Caterina di Braganza 
[e risposta] (44r-9v); [idem] al Duca di Braganza [e risposta] (49V-50V); 
Respc.a Gennen. Greg? XIIP < 5 1 r-2v) ) . Italy, late 1 6th cent. ? 

Paper. 52 ff. (orig. numb. 72-124). 28 x 20.5 cm. Bds. - Some of the letters 
are in Spanish. 

Ital. 232. 

RANCIO. Copies of legal documents. Ranch, 1763. 

Paper, i blank, 95 fF. 28.5 x 20 cm. Contemp. bds., entitled Liber b 1763- 

Ital. 233. 

[PARMA]. Dossier of 15 copies of documents, mostly in Italian, ranging 
from the confirmation of privileges by Pope Paul III to the inspection of the 
hospital Plaisance by the French army in 1796, accompanied by two letters 
of transmittal (1824) by an official of Piacenza, Gaetano Dodice, who ap- 
parently supplied the copies to an otherwise unidentified "excellenza." The 
dates of the documents are: 1543-1793. Lomhardy, 17th cent. - 1824. 

Paper. 66 fF. Varying sizes (all folio). In folder. 

[8] 



Ital. 234. 

CARLO EMANUELE, Duke of Savoy. Instromento d'alienatione e dis- 
trattione d'alcuni beni, ct redditi suoi patrimoniali, per implicare et con- 
vertir il prezzo nella continua spesa della presente guerra per necessaria dif- 
fesa de suoi stati . . . contro li nemici heretici, quali al presente sono con 
impeto intrati nel . . . stato di Piemonte. Turin?, 1592. 

Paper. 6 ff. (last blank). 30 x 20.5 cm. Notarial signature and signet of 
Agostino Ripa (f-Sr). In folder. 

Ital. 235. 

BARTOLOMEO DOTTI. Sonetti. 24 sonnets and satires of which one, 
"Al gusto commune," has been made unreadable; poems on f.i-i3r have 
been retraced in darker ink. Venice?, early 18th cent. 

Paper, i , 123 ff. 20 x 14 cm. H /leather; title Satire ... on spine. - See also ms. 
Ital. 223. 



Ital. 236, 

DESCRIZIONE della vita, e morte del Sig. Gio[vanni] Jacopo de Medici, 
marchese di Marignano, inc.: Era il marchese di Marignano. Florence?, 
ca. 1600. 

Paper. 25 ff. (originally item 2, ff. 160-84 in a larger vol.). 27 x 19 cm. H/ 
morocco. - Bookplate (Guilford Coll.); Sir Thomas PhiUipps ms. 7513. In the same 
hand as, and presumably originally boimd with the following ms. Ital. 237. 



Ital, 237. 

LUCA di SIMONE DELLA ROBBIA. Vita di Bartolommeo di Meo di 
Taldo di Valore Rustichelh . , . fatta volgare da me Piero della Stufa, 
canonico fiorentino. Florence?, ca. 1600. 

Paper. 64 ff. (last blank; originally item 3, ff.186-249). 27 x 19 cm. - Bookplate 
(Guilford CoU.); Sir Thomas Philhpps ms. 6126. In the same hand as, and presumably 
originally bound with, the preceding ms. Ital. 236. 

Ital. 238. 

VITA di Filippo Strozzi, inc.: Nacque Fihppo Strozzi in Firenze I'anno 

1488. Florence?, 17th cent. 

Paper. 64 ff. (last blank). 30.5 x21cm. H /morocco. - Bookplate (Guilford 
CoU.); Sir Thomas PhiUipps ms. 7658. 



[9] 



Ital. 239. 

COSIMO I, Grand Duke of Tuscany. Lettera scritta . . . al Duca di Savoia 
circa il titolo di Gran Duca di Toscana, 1 569, f. ir-v. - With RISPOSTA del 
Duca di Savoia, 1569, f.2r-v. - DISCORSO come I'imperio dependa dai 
papi, inc.: Impero che tutte . . . , fF.3r-6v. - SOMARIO d'alcimi ricordi 
generali che si possono dare a nuntii et ministri publici che negoriano per 
signori, inc.: Illustrarsi verso i prencipi, fF.yr-iiv. Italy, ca. 1600. 

Paper. 12 fF. (last blank). Bds. - Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 2622. 

Ital. 240. 

BENEDETTO TOMMASI. Il caso celebre di Sciacca (on the feud of the 

Luna and Perollo famihes, 1529)- Italy, 1795. 

Paper. 47 fF. (last 4 blank) . 21x15 cm. H /morocco. - Bookplate (Guilford 
Coll.); Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 5756. 

Ital. 241. 

[NAPLES]. DeUi sette re di NapoH Normanni, inc.: Ruggiero conte di 

SiciUa vendendo . . . Italy, ca. 1700. 

Paper. 10 fF. (last blank). 20 X 13.5 cm. 7p0rtr.0nf.lv. H /vellum. - Sir 
Thomas PliiUipps ms. 6271. 

Ital. 242. 

[PIERFRANCESCO PORTINARI]. Lettere scritte a Pier Francesco Porti- 
nari della Repubhca Fiorentina quando era suo ambasciatore a Siena I'anno 
1529, segnato C. 97 letters and instructions to Portinari (partly in cipher 
v^ith interlinear transcript) from Florentine officials (Dieci di liberta e pace; 
Priori; Otto di pratica; Carlo Carducci; Aloysio Lapaccini; Francesco Man- 
nelh; Rafaello Girolami; Bardo Altoviti; Francesco Nasi; Piero del Migh- 
ore; etc.). Florence, 1329. 

Paper. 133 fF. Very fragile, some parts torn, water damaged. Remains of seals. 
Vellum (i8th cent.?); T[ome] II and nos.120 and 16 on spine. - Stewart and Wheatly 
(bookplate); Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 11863 (at one time part of 3757?, this no. 
crossed out inside front cover). Fihn of contents filed with ms. 

Ital. 243. 

MASSIME idrostatiche, idrauliche, &c. estratte dalli piu celebri auttori [i.e. 
Benedetto CasteUi; Vincenzo Viviani; Domenico Gughelmini; Eustachio 
Manfredi; Guido Grandi; Giovanni Poteni; Giovanni Buteone; Bernardino 

[10] 



Zendrini; etc.,] che trattano del mo to dell'acqua, compilati nella nuova 
raccolta di Parma . . . 1766. Italy, 1778. 

Paper. I blank, 2 prcl. If., 1 19 pp., 8 fF. (all but the first blank). 28.5 X 20.5 cm. 
2 folded schematic drawings bound at the end of vol. Contemp. bds. 

Ital. 244. 

GIOVANNI DOMENICO MARCHES!. Handbook of commercial 
arithmetic, starting with arithmetical tables within ornamental designs 
(Figure de sapere levare-Partire per galera, fF.2-10), followed by brief in- 
troduction (f.iir, inc.: La regola del tre la quale fondamento delle ragioni 
de mercancia, dated i April, 1578), and statements of problems and their 
solutions; with subtitles Prima esemina (f.25v), seconda esemina (f.49r), 
and Quivi fmisse I'abaco per ragione . . . (f.7iv). Lombardy, ca. 1^78 
(fr.91-5 in a shghtly later hand). 

Paper. 95 ff. (i umiumbered f. between if.93-4 removed). 20 x13.5 cm. Fig- 
urated initials on ff.ir, 49r and 71V; calligraphic initials throughout, some with gro- 
tesque faces. Contemp. [?] vellum. - Entry on last blank page indicates that this 
volume was given by Lucretia to her brother who might be identical with the person 
named in the next lines "Gio. Domenico Verni" [?]. Gift of Dorothy S. Brady. 




■6j 
■crm. 

, ^ I ^ / bdu dun fl besdG^o. 

limdndo liditnid it dcHxJ^^, 

)a.(^dn& Lmd> ksdu il mo 

bdiu Harimcnz m uno /s^ 

Ital. 244, f.7ov 



Ital. 245. 

[PIETRO VETTORI]. Letters addressed to Vettori, as follows: i. LUCA 
ALAMANNI. Inquiry about a dance described by Statins, 23 Feb. 1585, 



4 pp. (pp.2-3 blank). - 2. GIOVANNI BATTISTA MINUTOLI. Trans- 
mitting "libbro di Varrone novamento stampato dal Grifio" (Gryphius), 
6 May 1563, 4 pp. (p.3 blank). - 3. MARCO ANTONIO DOVIZI. On 
Vettori's commentary to Demetrius' Liber de elocutione, etc., 25 Nov. 1574, 
4 pp., (p.3 blank). - 4. IDEM. On business affairs in France, 15 Oct. 1575, 
4 pp. - 5. CARLO RUCELLAI. Describing trip from Bologna to Carcas- 
sone, with references to visit to mathematician Francesco Ottonaio, Card. 
Orsini, [et. al); to Huguenot disturbances; a revision of Terence; work on 
Cicero; the writings of Isocrates and Demosthenes; to French language and 
grammar; etc., 2 Apr. 1573, 8 pp. - 6. IDEM. Primarily on translation of 
Cicero into Tuscan, 22 May 1573, 4 pp. - 7. LELIO UBALDINI. On 
Vettori's reputation in France, i Apr. 1578, 4 pp. 

Original letters, with seals, or trace of seal. Folio. In folders. - Part of Sir 
Thomas Philhpps ms. 1 1026. 

Ital. 246. 

GABRIEL CESANO Pisano. Ethica secondo la dottrina d'Aristotile. A lo 
illustrissimo reverendissimo Don Hippolito da Este, secondo cardinale di 
Ferrara, inc. (Lib.I, cap.i): La fehcita e I'ultima fme. (Divided into four 
books: De la felicita humana; Divisione e dichiaratione de le virtu morali; 
La forteza et de suoi estremi; La giustitia et ingiustitia universale). Salnz- 
zo?, ca. 1360. 

Paper. 317 ff. (numb. 1-3 16, excl. fySbis; ff.6, 10-2, 20, 28, 35-6, 42, 50, 56-8, 
63-4, 70, 75-6, 80-1, 89, 101-5, iio-i, 113, 117, 119, 130-1, 137, I45> 153, 162-3, 
180-1, 186-9, 198-9, 206-7, 217, 228-9, 233, 240-1, 247, 255-7, 263, 268-9, 276-7, 
283, 290-1, 309 blank). 22 X 15 cm. Vellum. - Formerly unknown text, auto- 
graph?, with corrections. On Cesano (1490-1568; secretary to Ippohto de Medici; 
canon of the cathedral of Pisa; protege of Catherine de Medici and bishop of Saluzzo) 
see Memorie istoriche de piu uoinini illustri pisani, v. iv (1792), pp. 383-403 .This ms. 
belonged at one time to Giovanni Baldovinetti (information supplied by Gino Corti) . 

Ital. 247. 

STAMPERIA CAMERALE, Archivio. i. Indice di materie dell' archivio 
. . . spettanti ai papi dall'anno 1297 fmo al 1735 (but actually devoted 
primarily to the period of the 1580's to 1735 (pp.55-387), hsting bulls, in- 
dulgences, breves, prohibitions, confirmations, etc.). - 2. Indice di materie 
, . . spettanti a mon^ tesoriere, dall'anno 1585 fmo al 1806 (pp.3-481 (to and 
inch the year 1796) in the same hand as i; pp.482-580 (1797-1806) in a 
different hand. This vol. lists edicts, bans, instructions, notifications, etc.). 
Rome, i'jg6-i8o6. 

Paper. Vol. i : 525 pp. (pp. 388-525 blank). - 2: 591 pp. (pp. 581-91 blank). 27 x 
19.5 cm. Contemp. bds. 

[12] 



Ital. 248. 

[FERRARA]. Documenti artistici di scuola ferrarese, parte originali, parte 
copie [del Arch, comunale e Arch, notarile di Ferrara], e fac-siniiU, mandati 
in dono in piu voka da Luigi Napoleone Cittadclla, ora 1862 bibhotecario 
del comune, a Michelangelo Gualandi, Bologna [title on prel. f.ir]. Prin- 
cipi, scienziati, ed artisti; raccolta di fac-simili (ed anche di originali) . . . 
[title on numb. f.ir]. Main part ends on f.207 and includes (besides docu- 
ments) letters, genealogies, and an extensive index. -Followed by Appendix 
A. (fF.208-63); B. (ff.264-77); C. (ff.278-319; incl. 2 vellum docs.: Testa- 
ment of Quirino Mazzolini, 15 18 (ff.294-5); Inheritance of Alfonsus de 
Vincentiis, 1614 (fF.297-306)); D. (fF.3 19-23; mostly original receipts, 
1581); E. (ff.324-35; idem, 1574); F. (fF.336-43; Memorieintornoil Palazzo 
dei Diamanti); G. (fF.344-51; Autograft di artisti ferraresi, 1527-1654); 
H. (ff.352-7; Copie di documenti); I. (ff.358-83; Estratti da documenti 
(incl. originals, 1460-1680)). Ferrara, etc., 1460-1887. 

Paper. 2 prel. ff., 2 pockets (newspaper reports), 385 fF. 32.5 x24 cm. Cloth. - 
Left by Michelangelo Gualandi to Andrea Tessier, 1 880-1 (prel. f.2r). 

Ital. 249. 

F[RAN]C[ESC]0 FONT [ana, Fontanella, Fontanelh?]. La rivoluzione in 

Francia ed in Italia [title on spine] . Passio domini nostri Ludovici XVI (i 792 ; 

pp. 1-7), followed by section (ending on 2nd f. inserted between pp. 166-7) 

containing primarily odes and sonnets on political events (Louis XVI; 

Pope Pius VI; Napoleon Bonaparte; Assemblee nationale; French army and 

navy in Italy and elsewhere; Venice; etc., incl. a satirical poem Ribellione 

degl'animah contro gh uomini (pp.97-117)). - The second part consists 

largely of copies of decrees, proclamations, discourses, manifestoes, letters 

and other documents relating to the occupation of Lombardy by the French, 

dated 1797; poetry interspersed. Lombardy, iyg7-g8. 

Paper. 754 (false 855) pp. (2 unnunib. ff. between pp. 166-7 hi a different hand; 
2 prel. ff. cut out, one of these presumably being a title). 27 X 20 cm. Contemp. 
h/calf, with title on spine, and legend "Tom.I.MSS." 

Ital. 250. 

NICCOLO CAPASSO. Sonetti di D. Nicola Capassi contro D. Nicola 
Amenta (fF.ir-6r, i9v-2or) [e] contro Francesco Andreucci (fF.6v-7v); 
Alessandro Riccardi (f.8r); Sardonio e Pantullo (fF.9v-i4r); Alessandro 
Riccardi e Francesco Bubifon (f.i4v); Marchese Giamiini (f i5r); Fihppo 
Ardia (ff.i5v-i9r); Francesco Porcellino (fF.22r-24r); h Petrarchiste (fF. 
24r-34r); [sonetto] a Paolo Doria (fF.8v-9r); risposta dell' Amenta (fF.20v- 

[13 ] 



21 v); sonetti per li Beneventani (ff.34r-35r), nella morte di Luigi XIV 
(f.35v), per li PP. Gesuiti (f.36r), a una donzella . . . Nerina (fF.36v-37r), 
per una dama brutta (fF.37v-38r), al Baron Luigi Zagaria (f.39r). Naples, 
ca. 1750. 

Paper. 48 fF. (fF.40-8 blank) . 22 x15.5 cm. Cloth. - It has not been ascertained 
which of these poems might be included in the printed editions. 

Ital, 252. 

PIACENZA, Tribunal juris mallificiorum. Acta, described on f.ir as fol- 
lows: Sub examine . . . Domini Ludovici Palmae . . . consiliarii ducalis et 
auditoris in causis criminalibus civitatis et episcopatus Placentiae pro . . . 
Domino Octavio Farnesio, Placentiae et Parmae duce secundo. . . . Hec 
infra [scripta] acta sunt et scripta reperiuntur per egregios viros doininos 
Paulum Aemilium Sachellum, Traianum Dordonum . . . et me Joannem 
Bernardinum Bassum. . . . Piacenza, 1^81-82. 

Paper, i, 305 ff. 30.5 x 20.5 cm. Contemp. vellum; 27[?] 1582 on spine, 
Secundus civitatis [?] on front cover. The majority of the records is in Itahan. 

Ital, 253. 

Il LEMOSINIERE SPEDALINGO dove s'insegna la maniera di stabilire 
spedali generali in tutto il regno [di Francia] secondo il metodo del Padre 
[Honore] Chaurand, missionario della Compagnia di Gesu . . . , inc. (Av- 
vertimento): Il re avendo ordinato . . . 1662. Savoie?, post i6go. 

Paper. Title, 49 flf. (fF.46 and 49 blank). 28 x 20 cm. Contemp. bds., D C on 
front cover. - A. de Backer & C. Sommervogel, Bibliographie de la Compagnie de Jesus, 
do not Ust among the items imder Chaurand any which would contain his metodo di 
stabihre spedaU. 

Span. 51, 

COLECCION DE CUENTOS y epigramas, morales en verso, begin- 
ning with La oracion a San Gregorio {inc. : Un cura, y su donceUa, en una 
aldea/La noche de difuntos), with list of poems onff.202-4. Spain, late 
18th cent. 

Paper, i f. (title page, name [?] torn out), 207 fF. (fF.205-7 blank). 21 X 14.5 cm . 
I9th-cent. h/calf. - Occasional corrections throughout. 

Span. 52. 

OPUSCULOS VARIOS. i. DIEGO AMBROSIO DE ORCOLAGA. El 
abismo de la gracia, Maria santissima . . . , ff 1-43. (Probably author's 
autograph, see signature on f 3v. Space for a picture of the Virgin Mary 



{f.2r )and for the arms of a patron (f 3r )left blank, presumably in prepara- 
tion for a printed edition). - 2. FRANCISCO DE QUEVEDO. La Peri- 
nola, ff.44-65. - 3. JESUITS. Censuras que pertenezen a la eleccion del 
preposito general, del vicario y asistentes, y a la congregacion de procura- 
dores, fF.66-75. - 4. GIOVANNI PAOLO OLIVA. Carta de N. M. Rev. 
P. V. G. Joan Pablo de la Oliva para su R* del P. Alonso Rodriguez, Prov. 
del Andalucia, inc. : En quanto grado aya sienpre la Compania de Jesus, 
aboniinado como peste de todo buen govierno . . . , fF.76-7, dated Rome, 
June 17th, 1662. - 5. JESUITS. Reglas de los ermanos coadiutores de la 
Compaiiia, fF.78-85. - 6. CIRILO CERVANTES. Letter dated Santiago 
Papasquiaro [Mexico], May 26, 1845 (addressed to Jose Ramirez, asking for 
advice on a lawsuit and enclosing four folded sheets, 21x26 cm, illustrating 
the circumstances of attacks in which he was involved, 1836 and 1837), 
fF.86-91. - 7. LA FIESTA DE LOS JESUITAS. Papelon, inc.: Todo era 
obscuridad, lobrego todo/Este theatro, que ha dado que pensar . . . , if.92- 
107. - 8. [FRANCISCANS]. Custodia de la conversion de San Pablo de 
Nuevo Mexico (copy of an account of the Franciscan missions, ca. 1706); 
with: Relacion sucinta del Nuevo Mexico y su poblacion, &c., ff.io8-i2. 
- 9. EL NUEVO MUNDO, obra peregrina, manifestada en esta corte 
mexicana por Monsiur Pioceho, insigne matematico . . . , ff. 116-25. - 
10. Printed: LORENZO BOTURINI BENADUC[C]I. Catalogo del 
Museo historico indiano del Cavallero Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci, senor 
de la Torre. . . . (Extracted from his Idea de una nueva historia general de 
la America septentrional, Madrid, Juan de Zuiiiga, 1746, [8], 96p. - 11. 
Printed: IDEM. Oratio ad divinam sapientiam, Academiae Valentinae 
patronam, auctore equite Laurentio Boturini Benaduci, Valencia, Typ. 
Viduae Antonii Bordazar, 1750, [12] , I2p. - 12. CHALCO, Mexico. Con- 
vento de Santiago de Chalco (copy, dated March 20th, 1733, and signed and 
sealed by Fr. Joan de Torres, Fr. Antonio de Salamanca and others, of the 
directorio of the Convent of Santiago de Chalco). fF. 127-44. (First 18 leaves 
presumably wanting; later additions in other hands, including one on f. 
143V, dated Aug. i6th, 1749, and signed by Fr. Juan Bravo). -13. MEXICO 
CITY, Santa Maria la Redonda. Directorio de las cofradias y hermandades 
de esta parrochia de Santa Maria la Redonda, con quenta y razon de los 
bienes y alajas de cada una, fF. 146-71. - 14. [FRANCISCANS]. Libro de 
rcligiosos y hermanos difuntos de la orden con todas las demas missas de 
obligacion de Fr. Francisco Antonio de la Rosa Figueroa, desde el dia 24 de 
Junio de 1727 . . . hasta el presente aiio de 1765 [continued to 1776] . . . , 
fF.173-201. Mexico, i8th-igth centuries. 

Paper. 201 fF. (128 printed pp. inserted between f.125 and f.126; fF.113-5, 126, 145, 

[15] 



172 blank). Various sizes (in vol. measuring 23 X 16 cm.). These 14 items were 
bound together, presumably because of their common local interest, in the late 19th 
century. Rebound in 1966. - Prov.: Daniel Garrison Brinton. 



Span. 53. 

VARIAS CURIOSIDADES. i. ANTONIO MONRO Y, archbishop of 
Santiago de Compostela. Carta . . . escripta al marques de la Mejora- 
da, secretario del despacho universal y del patronato, en respuesta de los 
manifiestos publicados contra el Papa [Clemente XI] en nombre de su 
Magestad el ano de 1709, fF. 1-32; dated July 14, 1709. -2. MELCHORDE 
MACANAZ. Notizia del proyecto que en 24 de septiembre de 1747 sen- 
reniitio a Madrid sobre el servicio personal, y otros diversos ramos, ff.3 5-53 ; 
dated Dec. 27, 1748.- 3. IDEM. Manifiesto y cotejo que tuvo su Magestad 
Phelipe 5 contra el rey britanico, y las razones que al presente van fulmi- 
nadas segun el congreso en el tiempo de sus suzessos . . . , ano de 1747, 
fF.56-94. - 4. [FELIZ EGUILUZ]. En la missa nueva del B. Don Manuel 
M[ar]cos de Ibarra ... la siguien[te] cantada y representada loa, en que 
hablan la amistad, el amor, y el cuerpo, fF.97-109. - 5. FRANCISCO 
RUIZ DE LEON. Thebada [sic for Thebaida] Indiana . . . su fundacion, 
origen, y observancia, descubierta en el deciento que los religiosos carmeh- 
tas descalzos de la Provincia de San Alberto tienen fundado en las montaiias 
de Santa Fee de la Nueva Espafia, fF.iio-47. -6. CHARLES III, King of 
Spain. Copy of a real cedula, dated Aug. 21, 1769, establishing the fourth 
Provincial Council of Mexico, ff. 152-8. - 7. RAPHAEL TRUXILLO. El 
norte de el nuevo Adam, Jesuchristo nuestro senor, en el nacimiento de 
Marya santissima con el titulo de Loreto, panegiris [sic] para el dia 8 de 
septiembre de este presente aiio de 1760, ff. 160-8; Spanish and Latin. - 
8. PAREJAS SONADAS y escritas a un amigo a Seville por don devoto 
. . . , ff. 169-83. Mexico and Spain, 18th cent. In several different hands. 

Paper. 184 ff. (ff.33-4, 54-5, 95-6, 148-51, 159, 184 blank). 21 X 15 cm. 
Contemp. vellum. - Prov.: Jose Fernando Ramirez; Daniel Garrison Brinton. 4. The 
author's name may be deduced from the text on f.io8v. - 6. The copy, dated Jan. 
3, 1770, was prepared on the orders of the archbishop of Mexico, Francisco Antonio 
Lorenzano y Butron. - 7. Este panegiris lo tuvo Don Raphael Truxillo siendo medi- 
anista en el estudio de el B. Don Lucas de Albaro, preceptor de latinidad en esta Nueva 
Espaha, dia 8 de septiembre de 1760, f.i6ov. 

Span. 54. 

LUPERCIO LEONARDO Y ARGENSOLA. Versos de Luperqo Leo- 
nardo de Argcnsola, secretario de la Emperatriz Doiia Maria de Austria, 
choronista del Rey nuestro seiior, ff.i, 1-122. - Witli BARTOLOME 

[16] 



LEONARDO Y ARGENSOLA. Versos de Bartolome Leonardo de Ar- 
gensola, capellan de la Einpcratriz Dona Maria de Austria y rector de Villa- 
hermosa, fF.123-302. Spain, 17th cent. In one hand, with additions and 
corrections in several other hands. 

Paper, i, 308 ff. (numbered 1-124 and 1-168 in a contemporary hand; fF.28-32, 
130-5, 308 blank). 19.5 x 14 cm. H/leather (title on spine: Poesias de los Argen- 
solas. Manuscrito del siglo XVI). - Prov.: Biblioteca de Salva: R. Foulche-Delbosc. 
Described as ms. A by R. Foulche-Delbosc in his "Pour une edition des Argensolas," 
Revue hispaniqiie, XLvm, 1920; and as ms. i by Jose Manuel Blecua in his edition of the 
Rimas de Lupercio y Bartolome L. de Argensola (Saragossa, 1950). 



henry c. lea library manuscripts 

Lea 403 (Ital.) 

PIETRO GIANNONE. Opere in difesadella sua storiadel regno di Napoh; 
contains: i. Risposta ... ad una lettera . . . nella quale I'avvisava la poca 
sodisfazione d'alcuni in leggendo nel I.13 della di lui storia civile . . . , 
fF.ir-2iv (=his Opere postume, Palmyra, 1755, pp.277-303). - 2. Dall' 
ufficio del magistrato seculare, ff.3ir-58v {ibid., pp.68-117). - 3. Apologia 
dell'istoria civile, beginning with Delle false imputazioni, che contro a 
hbri della storia (not in Opere?), continuing with Delle false imputazioni, 
che da alcuni ecclesiastici, fF.59r-ii7v {ibid., pp.119-216). - 4. Professione 
di fede [agamst Giuseppe Sanfehce, S.J.], ff.i22r-i99v {ibid., pp.i-84 fol- 
lowing p. 303 of Opere). Italy, 2nd quarter 18th cent. 

Paper. 202 fF. (fF.22-30, 118-20, 201-2 blank; fF.122-99 numb. 1-78 in contemp. 
hand). 29.5 x 21 cm. Contemp. bds. - Ms. presumably prepared before the pub- 
lication of the Opere posttime, with variances. 

Lea 404 (Ital.) 

SAVOIE. Epilog© di tutti le leggi nuove, di quella, che gia si trovana in 
osservanza in vigor de editti, regi vighetti, ed altre providenze regie, 6 
decisioni de supremi magistrati e di tutto cio, che si trova variato nelle regie 
costituzioni del 1770, non tanto in aggiunta, ed innovazione, che per ispie- 
gazione delle altre regie costituzioni del 1729. Savoie, 1770. 

Paper, i f., 185 pp. 38 x 24 cm. Contemp. bds. 

Lea 405 (Ital.) 

DISCORSO sopra la precedenza tra Spagna et Francia , . . (beginning 

with chapter "Spagna capo della Europa," inc. (£10): Perche il volgo fa 

[17] 



molti discorsi), fF.8r-4or. - With A VENETIA; ragionamenti in spirito 
della ruina sua propria, e d'ltalia, e del christianesmo, se Veneria persiste 
nella dissobedienza di santa chiesa cominciata nel primo anno del Santo 
Padre Paolo Quinto. A cui va aggionto . . . Libro di discorsi politici . . . [e] Li- 
brodi discorsi d'astrologia,fF.42r-89r.- SOMMARIOdecapitolazioni fatte 
fra diversi pontifici christiani (beginning with chapter "Summarium capi- 
tulorum initorum de anno 1510 inter summum dominum nostrum et 
Venetos," inc.: Renuntiatio appeUationis), fF.9or-i28v. - CAPITULATI- 
ONI che Sultan Amath, Re de Turchi promette di osservare et mantenere 
di buona amicitia col Re di Francia I'anno 1604, inc.: lo che sono, fF.i3or- 
143V. - HUMILE SIGNIFICATIONE a nostro signore del modo di con- 
seguire la conversione de principi heretici alia fede cattolica, inc. : II primiero 
et maggiore intento, fF.i46r-i68v. - SCRITTURE per uso di guerra, inc.: 
PigHasi un scabello, fF.i7or-i94v. Italy, before 1659. 

Paper. 200 fF. (fF.1-7, 41, 129, 144-5, and 195-200 blank). 27.5 X 20.5 cm. 
Contemp. vellum, with initials P.A.Z.L. and date 1659. 

Lea 406 (Ital.) 

LODOVICO FOSCARINI. Letter to Damiano del Borgo. Mantua?, 

1460. 

Paper, i f. (43 lines). 31 X 21 cm. In folder. - Deals with peace efforts in 
Hungary (Pannonia) and contains lengthy praise of Pope Pius II. 

Lea 407 (Ital.) 

DIARIO HISTORICO de successi del conciho di Trento, inc.: Jidio Se- 

condo attese piu all'armi. . . . Italy, ca. 1600. 

Paper, i, 118 ff. 28.5 x 20 cm. Contemp. vellum. 

Lea 408 (Sp.) 

JUAN II, King of Castile. Letter to Don Juan Ponce de Leon, appointing 

Pedro de Pinos magistrate of the parish of San Miguel. Valladolid, 15 Sept. 

1449. 

Paper, i f (7 lines). 21 X 14.5 cm. (oblong). In folder. 

"Lea 409 (Ital.) 

PROCESSI DI SANTO OFFICIO, i. RISTRETTO del processo e della 

sentenza contra Michele Molinos . . . , inc. : Vien denunziato da sette testi- 

[18] 



moni . . . , fF.4r-78v, contains the 263 "theses damnatae," and Alcune 
succinte riflessioni e osservazioni circa il nuovo esercizio dell'anime, che 
s'introduce sotto nome di orazione di Quiete, e circa il hbro . . . intitolato 
Guida spiritual di Michele MoHnos, fatte da H.H.[?]. - 2. RISTRETTO 
del processo e della sentenza . . . contra D. Simone Leoni . . . , inc.: Primo 
viene denunziato , . . , ff.79r-85v. - 3. RISTRETTO del processo . . . contra 
Antonio Maria Leone . . . (same inc. as 2), fF.86r-95r. - 4. REGOLE e 
istruzzioni de' BeccareUisti (i.e. Giuseppe Beccarelli and his followers), inc.: 
Il fnie principale di questa unione, ff.99r-ii3r. Italy, ca. 1710 (date of the 
condemnation of Beccarelli). 

Paper. 117 fF. (f.i pasted against inside cover, ff.2, 96-8, 114-7 blank). 19.5 X 
13.5 cm. Contemp. portraits of Molinos and the two Leoni pasted on ff.3, 80 and 87. 
Contemp. vellum. - Parts 2-3 differ from the text of the "sentenze" published in 
M. Petrocchi, // quietismo italiano del seicento (Rome, 1947). 



Lea 410 (Ital.) 

NOTA delle gioie della mitra che Papa Leone X [Giovanni de Medici] 

dono al capitolo del duomo [di Firenze]. Rome?, ca. 1^20? 

Paper. 4 ff. (originally numbered 119-22). 29 x 22 cm. In folder. 

Lea 411 (Ital.) 

FLORENCE. Domini octo practice Reipublicae Florentinae . . . delibera- 

verunt die XVII novembris M.D.XVIII (text in Italian, dealing with the 

right to carry arms, written by the notary Bonifazio Marinari). Florence, 

1318. 

Paper. 2 fF. 29 x 21.5 cm. With seal. In folder. 

Lea 412 (Lat., Ital., AND Sp.) 

[FINALE, Emilia]. Collection of documents (copies) pertaining to Finale. 
I. CONVENTIO inter commune Janue et dominum Antonium Marchi- 
onem de Carreto pro se et hoininibus suis tam super facto navigandi . . . , 
date of original 1345; i6th-cent. copy by Thomas de Credentia, cancellari- 
us, 26 ff. (ff.23-6 blank). - 2. INVESTITURA Castri Franci et 3^ partis 
Finarii facta [per] Galeotum de Carreto, date of original 1429; i5th-cent. 
copy by Nicolaus de Credentia, 4 ff (ff.i, 4 blank). - 3. GENOA. Ratifica- 
tion of the investiture of a third part of Finale, between Johannes de Carreto, 
Petrus de Campofregoso and Jacobus Sihanelus (in registro nono com- 
munis Janue), date of original 145 1, signed by Finarinus Sihanelus, Jacobus 

[19] 



de Credentia and Constantinus de Limelis; I5th-cent. copy by Nicolaus de 
Credentia, iff. - 4. IDEM. Copia di lettera scritta dal doge di Genoa e 
Antiani [Petrus de Campofregoso] a Francesco, duca di Milano, per che li 
marches! di Carreto e signori di Tassarolo e di Ovada sono obligati a rati- 
ficare come suoi feudatarii la pace da lui fatta con Venezia, date of original 
1454; ifth-cent. copy without name of copyist, 2 fF. (last blank except for 
register). - 5. IDEM. Copia di lettera "111™° Principi D. Francesco Foscari, 
duci Veneziano Petrus de Campofregoso, dux Januensis," 1456, e risposta, 
1457 (concerning commerce in Tirenno) ; i6th-cent. copy, 2 ff. - 6. MAXI- 
MILIAN I. Reaffirmation of privilege relating to sea rights and the trans- 
portation of salt to the city of Genoa, 1496; i6th-cent. copy, 4 ff. (ff.i and 4 
blank). - 7. GENOA. Copia di lettera dal Mons. Mareano Tarh [?], am- 
basciatore della Republica di Genova presso S. M^.^ Cath^^ di Madrid (on 
the purchase of Finale) 1567; in near contemp. copy, 4 ff. (ff.i and 4 blank) 
and I f. insert. - 8. DISCORSO in materia del negotio de Finale a Genovesi 
(1614?), 12 ff. (last blank). - 9. GENOA. Por parte del embaxador de la 
republica de Genova . . . memorial (about the claims of Genoa, documented 
from i292-i6th cent., in 144 points), initialled D. S. C, (original?); 17th 
cent., 30 ff., last blank. - 10. MILAN. Appuntamientos de Milan sobra lo de 
Final (ff.1-4), with risposta (ff.5-10); 17th cent. - 11. SUMMARIUM 
scripturarvim, quae anno 1559 in causa Finariensi coram Sacra Caesarea 
Macstate exhibita fuerunt . . . cum arbore illorum de Carreto a M. Octavio 
Contardo . . . collectum; i6th-i7th cent., 18 ff. (ff.13-16 and 18 blank). - 
12. ANTONIO PEREZ. Rellationi . . . soke lo di Final; 161 1, 4 ff- (last 
blank). - 13. MILAN. Sentenza in favore dei mercanti che conducono 
merci da Finale a Milano; 16 15, printed, with seal, signed Barberius, 2 ff. 
within 2 ff. (ms. title and blank p.). - 14. PHILIP IV, King of Spain. Vicende 
riguardanti la Spagna e Finale; 1635, 6 ff. (ff.4-6 blank). - 15. GENOA. 
Informatione del S. Dottore Manfredo sopra le pretentione . . . sopra il 
Finale (Sommario delle ragioni, che ha la republica [di Genoa] sopra il 
Finale); ca. 1598, 10 ff. (last blank, except registrum). Various places, ijtli- 
17th cent. 

Paper. Folio. Boxed. 



Lea 413 (Fr.) 

CHARLES IX, King of France. Original letter, signed, addressed to [Ray- 
mond de Rouer, Sicur dc] Fourquevaux, the king's "conseiller et ambassa- 
deur en Espagne," at the court of Philip II, king of Spain, countersigned by 
Robertet. (Deals with efforts to ransom Frenchmen, captured in Algiers, by 

[20] 



representation to Suleiman I, and contains an intelligence report on the 
Turkish army). Orcaii, 20 August, 1^66. 

Paper. 2 ff. (address and seal on f.2, otherwise blank). 32.5 x 22 cm. In folder. 
- Printed in C. Douais, "Lettres de Charles IX a M. de Fourquevaux," Acad, des sc. et 
lettrcs de Montpellicr, Sect. d. lettres, Mem., ser. 2, v. 2 (1899), pp. 47-9. This letter was 
then in the Chateau de Fourquevaux. 

Lea 414 (Ital. and Lat.) 

ALBERTO PIO, Conte di Carpi (ambassador of Maximilian I to the 
papal court). Correspondence consisting of 125 letters (incl. some memo- 
randa), many with seals, those to Maximilian I in Latin, all others in Itahan. 
Material deals largely with foreign affairs, showing strong anti-French and 
anti- Venetian feeling; concerned with Lombardy, Spain, England, Flan- 
ders, Naples, etc. Many letters in autograph and /or signed, i. ALBERTO 
PIO. 56 items on 112 ff.; drafts and copies of letters or memoranda sent to 
the emperor or his entourage, 12 Jan. 1512-7N0V. 1517. -2. LEONELLO 
PIO. 13 letters on 18 ff., addressed to his brother Alberto (3 in code), 30 
Dec. 1512-24 Feb. 1523. - 3. GIOVANNI MATTEO GIBERTI (bp. of 
Verona). 8 letters on 16 ff., to Alberto Pio, 9 June 1520-30 May 1523. - 4. 
LORENZO CAMPEGGI di Bologna. One letter (2 ff ) to the same, 13 
July 1517.-5- ANDREA DA BURGO. 13 letters on 31 ff , to the same, all 
written in Milan, 21 June 15 13-10 Jan. 15 15. -6. FEDERICO FREGOSO. 
One letter (2 ff ) to the same, 22 Feb. 1 521. - 7. LEONE GRILINZONE (or 
Grillenzoni). 8 letters on 11 ff. , to the same (3 partly in code, one deci- 
phered), 15 Jan. 1 5 16-13 Jan. 1 5 19. - 8. GIOVANNI BATTISTA SPI- 
NELLO. 5 letters on 9 ff, to the same (one partly in code, deciphered), 24 
May 1512-25 July 1520. - 9. JACOPO BANNISSL 20 letters on 34 ff , 
25 Oct. 1516-21 March 1523. Italy, Low Countries, etc., 1512-23. 

Paper. 253 ff. (several blank or with address only). Ca. 29 x 21 cm. Boxed. 

Lea 415 (Ital.) 

GIOVANNI ACCIAIOLI. Letter to the "conservadori dell'Archivio pub- 
lico" in Florence, 4 Oct. 1578; seal removed. Fivizzano, 1378. 

Paper. 2 ff. (text on f.ir). 29 X 21 cm. Shelved with ms. Lea 28. 

Lea 416 (iTAL.)d 

NICCOLO ACCIAIOLI. Letter to Card. Alessandro de Medici, 7 Dec. 
1669. Rome, 1669. 

Paper. 2 ff. (f 2 blank). 27.5 X 20 cm. Shelved with ms. Lea 28. 

[21 ] 



Lea 417 (Sp.) 

[SPAIN, Inquisition]. Causa y papeles de inquisicion. i. MEMORIAL que 
el tribunal dela inquisicion suprenia dio ala Mag*^ Don Phelipe tercero por 
niano del S. D" Andres Pacheco, inquisidor general, fF.2-11. - 2. COL- 
LECTION of 1 6th- and 17th-century documents, extracts, etc., "sobre 
conipetencias de tribunales con el de la inquisicion," ff. 12-1 1 1 . - 3 . CARTA 
de un cavallero romano catolico, 28 Dec. 1721, fF.i 12-64. - 4- PARECER 
de un mro. de Salamanca con ql responde a un prelado, ql le manda diga su 
sentir del memorial, que el s*? trivunal a mandado recojer, 6 Nov. 1721, 
fF. 165-70. - 5. RESUMEN de la causa contra el Maestro Fr. Froilan Diaz 
with votos singulares (f.203), ff.173-234. Spain, 18th cent., in severalhands. 

Paper, i, 234 fF. Ca. 20 x 13.5 cm. Contemp. bds. - See also mss. Lea 179-80 
and Lea 382, especially in connection with the above part 5. 



Lea 418 (Ital.) 

FRANCESCO LEOPOLDO BERTOLDI. Memorie storiche d'Argenta, 

vol. I, chapters 1-9, with notes to chapters 1-8. Italy, 18th cent. 

Paper. 392 ff. (fF.8-9, 166-71, 232-8, 388-92 blank). 20 x13 cm. H/calf, with 
label on spine: Manoscritti Bertoldi sopra Argenta. Di Giov. Frigerio (Frigerio 
crossed out; his part in the compilation of this ms. unknown). - Pencilled note on f.7: 
Autografo. The text of vol. i was published in Ferrara in 1787. The mss. of vols. 2-3 
(published 1790-1821), and of vol. 4 (unpublished) are in the BibUoteca communale 
of Argenta, cf. Emilio de Tipaldo, Biogrqfia dcgli italiani iUustri nelle scienze, lettere ed 
arti del secolo XVIII (Venice, 1834), t.i, p. 45. 



Lea 419 (Lat.) 

TEUTONIC KNIGHTS (Ordo S. Mariae theutonicorum). Privilegia et 
libertates, inc. : Quod fratres domus theutonici libere utantur privilegiis et 
Hbertatibus a domino papa concessis hospitalariis et templariis. (82 bulls of 
Honorius III; not counting the many repetitions, these include all but two 
(i.e. nos. 303 and 304) of those printed by Ernst Strehlke in Tabulae ordinis 
theutonici (Berhn, 1869); 2 bulls of Gregory IX; 3 bulls of Iimocent IV; 18 
of Alexander IV; i each of Imiocent III and Urbanus IV; also, 5 privileges of 
Frederick II, not in Strehlke). Germany, ca. 1430. 

Vellum. 49 fF. 18 x 12.5 cm. Initials in red and blue. Contemp. veUum 
(notarial document of the 2nd quarter of die 15th cent.) - The frequency of ref- 
erences to Mcrgcnthcim in marginal notes suggests that the ms. may have been writ- 
ten for the house of the Teutonic Knights in this town. 



[22] 



Lea 420 (Ital.) 

CAMILLO PORZIO (PORTIO in ms.) La congiura de baroni del regno 
di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando Primo ... in Roma M.D.LXV, fF.i-ioi. 
- With FRANCESCO D' ANDREA. Admonitio ad nepotes (on govern- 
ment in Naples), ff. 107-203. Naples, ca. ijoo. 

Paper. 206 ff. (fF.104-6 and 204-6 blank). 19 x 13 cm. Contemp. vellum. 

Lea 421 (Lat.) 

ALBAGNANO (or BAGNANO) FAMILY. Legal records, covering the 
years 1493-1604, largely concerned with wills, contracts, property, and dis- 
agreements over hereditary rights, involving claims of various monasteries 
in Florence, etc. Copies in various hands, many notarized or witnessed. 
Florence, late 16th cent.-ca. 1604. 

Vellum. 87 ff. (last 3 blank). 28.5 X 21 cm. Near-contemp. vellum document 
(table of contents on inside covers). - Prov.: Prince Pietro Ginori-Conti. 

Lea 422 (Lat.) 

ARLES, Cathedral Church. Transaction relating to the disagreement be- 
tween the clergy and the vicar Dr. Jean Arbalete [Albalet in ms.] over ad- 
ministrative jurisdiction, especially of the "mensa communis," brought to 
terms by intercession of the papal legate Cardinal de Foix, Copy notarized 
by Petrus Agarius (at end) after the original of Blasius Boysserius. Aries, 

1447- 

Paper, i prel., 21 ff. (text). 31 x 22 cm. Original archival no. 336. Cloth. 

Lea 423 (Sp.) 

AGUSTIN DE SALUCIO. Discurso . . . acerca de la justicia y buen 
gobierno de Espaiia en los estatutos de hmpieza de sangre y si conbiene o 
no alguna Hmitacion en ellos. (With corrections, some marginal notes, and 
underhning in a different contemporary hand). Spain, early 17th cent. 

Paper, i, 74 ff. (ff.73-4 blank with i f. annotations inserted between them). 
21 X 15.5 cm. Calf. - Bookplate of WilHam Sterling. Text printed in Geronimo de 
la Cruz, Defensa de los estatutos . . . [or "Repuesta apologetica al discurso del P. Fr. 
Agustin Salucio"], 1637, without the prologue; preliminary examination indicates 
major differences in spelling and some textual variants. 

Lea 424 (Fr.) 

EVREUX, Vicomte. Receipt given by Andrea Goussen, proxy of Simon 
Clabant to Regnier le Coustelier, viscount of Evreux, for payment of 115 
sous, 4 derniers for 123 days. Evreux, 1385. 

Vellum. I f. (7 Unes; removed from larger sheet). 27.5 x 7.5 cm. Li envelope. 

[23 ] 



Lea 425 (Lat.) 

LANGUEDOC, Inquisition. Jacques Payain, bachelor of law and the 
king's representative in Toulouse, acknowledges receipt of 12 livres 10 sols 
from the treasurer Oton Castellain for his work agamst heretics. Langue- 
doc, 1443. 

Vellum. I f. (9 lines). 8.5 x 29 cm. Notarial signature. In folder. 

Lea 426 (Fr.) 

CAEN, Vicomte. Marcieu Vinnen, parishioner of Landes (Calvados) ac- 
knowledges a yearly rent of 15 bushels of barley, one hen and 10 eggs to be 
paid to Pierre Renou of Tournay. Normandy, 1397? 

VeUum. I f. (21 lines). 19 x 30 cm. In folder. 

Lea 427 (Ital.) 

CHIERI (near Turin). [Atto di] Consigho tenutto in Chieri ultimo di 
Maggio Mdlxx. (Minutes of meeting to deal with the penalty of 4,000 gold 
scudi ordered levied by Emmanuel Philibert, duke of Savoy, for having 
purchased and sold wheat at a time of famine). Ceppo Segro on title, signed 
De Ceppis. Chieri, 1370. 

Paper. 10 fF. (last two blank, except for archival note on f.iov). 26 x 17 cm. 
In folder. 

Lea 428 (Lat.) 

LUDOVICUS BONDONUS DE BRANCHIS. Diaria Pii Papae IV, Pii 
Papae V, Greg[orii] Papae XIII [title on spine], inc.: In nomine Domini 
Jesu, ego Cornelius Firmanus de Maxerata [for Macerata] die Mercurii xxii 
mensis Augusti c^pi possessionem officii c^rimoniarum . . . ; incl. index 
(pp.473-508). - With IDEM? Supphcationes et misse pro hberatione re- 
sponsorum [?] pro bello Turcarum contra imperatorem (p.509); Supphca- 
tiones . . , contra regem Franciae (p. 514), etc. Italy, 4th quarter 16th cent. 

Paper. 550 pp. (pp.467-72, 549-50 blank). 26 x 20 cm. Contemp. vellum, 
rebacked. - Cornelius Firmanus de Macerata identical with Ludovicus Bondonus, 
maestro delle ceremonie, cf. L. Pastor, Storia dci papi, v.VII (Rome, 1950), p. 11, 
note I, et passim. A small part of the diary was published in Concilium tridentium; 
diariorum . . . nova collectio, ed. S. Merkle (Freiburg, 1901-11), v.n, pp. 518-31. The 
diary in this ms. extends from 1565 to 1573. 

Lea 429 (Lat. and Fr.) 

SENTENTIAL ex variis authoribus decerptae [ex Biblia; Enchiridion 

[^4] 



Epicteti; Seneca; Plinio Secundo; Martiale; Publ. Terentio; Lucano; etc.], 
fF.5-i8i. - With ABREGE DES HERESIES, qui ont infecte I'eglise selon 
la suite des siecles, inc.: Simon leMagicienfutle chef. . . , fF. 186-24 i.-DIS- 
COURS ABREGE sur les conciles generaux, inc. : Je ne parle ici des conciles 
des apostres, fF.242-71. France, lyth cent. 

Paper. 273 fF. (inc. some blank). 32 X 20 cm. Contemp. gilt morocco. 



Lea 430 (Fr.) 

[GENEVA]. Sommaires, discours de pretentions des tres illustres dues de 
Savoyc sur la ville franche et imperialc de Geneve, inc. : Les diets seigneurs 
. . . (Extracts and enumeration of treaties and disputes between Geneva and 
Savoy, from the earhest period to 1615, follow^ed by "Conclusions" (f.3or ) 
and additions). Geneva?, first half 17th cent. 

Paper. 36 ff. (last blank). 26.5 x 17.5 cm. Bds. 



Lea 431 (Ital.) 

LA MINA SVENTATA, o gli artificii della Francia in pace et in guerra, e 
loro conspirazioni con H Turchi e con h ribelli d'Ungheria scoperte. 1683. 
Portate del Latino da ima lettera d'un cavahere PoUaco, inc.: Mi havete 
dimandato. Italy, i68j. 

Paper. 22 fF. (last blank). 27.5 x 19 cm. Paper cover (in folder). 



Lea 432 (Ital.) 

ANDREA MORELLI. Trattato sopra i conclavi, inc. : Conclave cioe cum 

clave. Italy, lyth cent. 

Paper, i blank, 40 fF. (last blank). 27.5 x 20.5 cm. Bds. - Sign. A 37 on prel. 
blank f. 



Lea 433 (Ital.) 

[NAPLES]. SUPPLICHE degl'eletti e deputati de capitoh, grazie e privi- 
legii della . . . citta di Napoh alia Maesta del Re . . . Ferdinando IV . . . 1764, 
e qui raccolte coll'aggiunta di alcune brevi notizie, che spiegano i motivi 
della loro formazione. . . . Naples, 176^. 

Paper, i blank p., title, 172 pp. (pp.169 to end blank). 30.5 X 22 cm. Con- 
temp, vellum. 

[^5 ] 



Lea 434 (Ital.) 

[PALIANO]. Copies of documents relating to the Duchy of Pahano. 

Italy, 1658 (f 92v). 

Paper, i blank, 93 fF. (last blank) . 19 x 14 cm. Contemp. veUum. - Contains 
I. Istruttione del Duca d'Alva al Conte di San Valentino . . . 1556. - 2. Istr. a M. 
Domenico del Nero, mandata da Paolo IV al Duca d'Alva ... 1556. - 3. Lettera del 
Card. Carrafa al Duca di Paliano (1656, vero 1556). - 4. Lett, de Duca d'Alva ... a 
Papa Paolo IV . . . (1656, i.e. 1556). - 5. Discorso . . . al Card. Carrafa per haver 
daU'imperatore, Siena. - 6. Tregua tra n. sig. et U Duca d'Alva ... 1556. - 7. Replica 
del Card. Carrafa al re. - 8. Copia delle capitolationi . . . deUa pace tra Papa Paolo IV 
et il cattolico re di Spagna. - 9. Copia del breve di . . . Paulus IV (1557). - 10. Copia 
del mandato regio (1557). - 11. CapitoU et conventioni passate fra sopradicti signori 
(1557)- - 12. Copia delle capitolationi segrete (1557). - 13. Copia del giuramento 
fatto per Gio. Bernardo Carbone ... in Paliano (1557). - 14. Istr. . . . Pauli Papae IV 
pro . . . Card. Tribultio ad Enricmn Gallorum regem. - 15. Copia d'una lett. del 
Sig. Duca di Paliano . . . 1557. - 16. Copia del memoriale . . . [di Paolo IV] et istr. 

- 17. Lettera . . . al Card. Carrafa . . . 1557. - 18. Istr. del Card. Carrafa sopra le cose 
di Paliano. - 19. Alcuni capitoli . . . sopra Paliano. - 20. Istr. di Papa Paolo IV . . . al 
re. ... - 21. Istr. del Card. Carrafa . . . data al Sig. Duca di Somma. - 22. II Duca di 
Paliano al Card. Carrafa. - 23. Istr. del Duca di Paliano data a M. Odoardo. . . . - 
24. Del Duca di Paliano. - 25. Istr. del Card. Caraffa data a M. Fantuccio per la corte 
d'Inghilterra. - 26. Istr. pro . . . Card. Carrafa ad Philippum Hisp. regem . . . 1557. 

- 27. Ricordi al re catt. nell'andata del Card. Carrafa. ... - 28. Istr. al Sig. Don 
Pietro. ... - 29-30. Istr. a M. Paolo Filonardo. ... - 31. Istr. ad' Andrea Sacchetti per 
negociare col Duca di Paliano [by Card. Carrafa]. - 32-4. Copia . . . [delli capitoli] di 
una lettera del Sig. Duca di Paliano . . . 1558. - 35. Lett, del cardinal di Napoli . . . 
1558. - 36. Istr. del Card. Carrafa per Mons. il vescovo di Terracina . . . 1558. - 
37. Risposta . . . [by the Duke of Paliano]. - 38. Istr. del Duca di Paliano a mons. di 
Terracina per . . . Card. Carrafa . . . 1558. - 39. Lett, del Card. Carrafa al Card, de 
Carpi . . . 1559. - 40. II duca di Paliano al Card. Carrafa . . . 1559. 

Lea 435 (Ital.) 

[MEMORANDA, or letters, concerning the appointment of bishops in 

France]. In 4 parts. Italy, 1681. 

Paper. 28 fF. (f.iS blank; old numb. 281-92; 263-7; 272-5; 276-80). 27 x 20 
cm. Bds. - The name Card. Albici entered at end of item i, in a different but con- 
temp, hand. Title of 2: Sopra la regaUa di Francia. Title of 3: Ristretto delle cose 
occorse nell'affare della regaUa. i and 4 untitled. The first, third and fourth item in the 
same hand. 

Lea 436 (Fr.) 

BLOIS. Ce sont les tallies Mons. le Comte de Blois faites sus ses homes et 
fajnes de chief et de courps et ymposes en Ian hiii par Simon Robelet. 
Blois, 1334. 

Vellum. 3 strips (ca, 51.5, 65 and 159 x 14 cm.) In envelope. 

[26] 



Lea 437 (Lat.) 

LADISLAUS, King of Hungary, Jerusalem, Sicily, etc., is named vice- 
governor of the Province of Ben event. N.p., 1398. 

Vellum. I f. (52 lines). Ca. 54 x 38 cm. With notarial signets, attested by 
seven persons. - Rubbed, and in part difficult to decipher. 

Lea 438 (Ital.) 

[GENOA]. Independenza, e liberta della citta di Genova dagl'imperatore, 
dairimpero,e da tutti li principi, provata, e contestata per paragrafi storico- 
politico-legali (w^ith documentary notes, 1008-1637 (8.67-88), and extract 
from Gianrinato Rubbi, Delle monete . . . (pp. 89-100)). Genoa, 1799. 

Paper. 2, 100 fF. 28 x 20 cm. Contemp. h /morocco. - Sir Thomas Phillipps 
ms. 6385. 

Lea 439 (Lat., etc.) 

[GIOVANNI BATTISTA ZUCCATI]. Lettere havute da Mon. Zuccati 
(title on spine), i. ANDREAS [JERIN] bp. of Breslau, to Alfonso, viscount 
of Milan and apostolic nuncio, largely about the imperial counsellor Georg 
Eder; Landeck, 1590 (2 fF.) -2. [Unidentified author, described as] "Caesar. 
Regiaeque Maiest. Camerarius, Hungariae Praefectus," to Alfonso as apos- 
tohc nuncio in Prague, on Caspar Roth; Posen, 1591 (2 fF.) - 3. [ERRICO?] 
CAJETANO to Christoforo, secretario del ill. S. Card. Cusano, about 
Giov. Batt. Zuccati; Madrid, 1594 (2 fF, Ital.) - 4. ALFONSUS, vice- 
comes, to the canons of Leitmeritz, about Bartholomeo Salvatore; Prague, 

1589 (2 fF.) - 5. [ALFONSO GREGORIO], archiepiscopus caesaraugust- 
anus [oFZaragoza] to Camillo [Gaetano], patriarcho di Alexandria, about a 
"causa matrimonial;" 1593 (2 fF, Span.) - 6. GIROLAMO MATTEI, 
card., to [Camillo] Gaetano, on prebends; Rome, 1593 (2 fF.) - 7. PIETRO 
ALDOBRANDINO, to the same, about Giovanni di Susa and the cantoria 
della chiesa di Salamanca; Rome, 1593 (2 fF, Ital.) - 8. ALESSANDRO 
CENTURIONE [abp. of Genoa], to Giov. Batt. Zuccati, nev^sletter; 
Rome, 1590 (2 fF.) - 9. MELCHIOR SCH . . . S. V. . . . to Viscount AlFonso, 
on Jesuits; Vienna, 1589 (4 ff-) - 10. ALESSANDRO CENTURIONE, to 
Giov. Batt. Zuccati, in Prague, nev^sletter; Rome, 1589 (4 fF) - 11. IDEM 
(mention of flood of Tiber and Arno); Rome, 1589 (2 fF.) - 12. IDEM; 
Rome, 1590 (2 fF) - 13. IDEM; Rome, 1589 (2 fF) - 14. IDEM; Rome, 

1590 (2 fF) - 15. ALFONSO, viscount and nuncio, "abbati Plassensi," 
about Michael Fabritius; Prague, 1589 (2 fF) - 16. Fr. SEBASTI- 
ANUS, abbas Lucensis, to Alfonso, letter of thanks; Lucca, 1590 (2 ff.) - 

[^7] 



1 7- N. Dccanus, to same, about Gcorg Kirchmair; n.p.d. (2 ff.) - 18. Fr. 
SEBASTIANUS Batensis [from Batha in Hungary?], to same, on heresy; 
Lucca, 1589 (2 ff.) - 19. ADAM WELLENUS, to same, Michael Fabritius' 
excommunication; in Aula Regia, 1589 (2 fF.) - 20. GERARDUS VOS- 
SIUS to Giov. Batt. Zuccati, on election of Pope Gregory XIV; Rome, 
1590 (i p.) - 21. Fr. SEBASTIANUS Batensis, to Alfonso, his defense; 
n.p.d. (2 ff.) - 22. PAULO BENI, to [Cainillo Gaetano] patriarcho di 
Alessandria, nuntio apost.; about Don Vicente; Valencia, 1593 (3 ff, Ital.) - 
23. Report on 20 companies passing through Milan on their way from 
Naples; 1617 (3 ff , Ital.) - 24. FABIANUS REZEKIRIS, to Alfonso, on 
heresy; Gestebrucio (?), 1590 (2 ff.) - 25. F. EGGERDUS a Schwoben, 
abbas Welogradensis, to Alfonso, his defense; Welograd, 1589 (3 ff). 

Paper. 56 fF. In vol. 32.5 X 22.5 cm. Original letters, with seals. Contemp. 
veUum. - Prov.: Presumably Giov. Batt. Zuccati, who was "Auditor niuitii apud 
Caesaream majestatem." 

Lea 440 (Ital.) 

FORTUNDIO ERODOTO MONTECCO. Notizie di alcune famigHe 
populari della citta, e regno di Napoli Naples, late 1 jth or early 1 8th cent. 

Paper. Title, 126 ff. 35 x 18 cm. H /vellum. - Families included: De Ponte; 
De Stefano; Cordova; Altomari; Longo; ProvenzaU; PisaneUo; Orefice; Gruther; 
Cito; Palma; Marano; Lucarelli; Grimaldo di Benedetto; Staivano; etc. 

Lea 441 (Ital.) 

CORRISPONDENZA ACCIAIOLI III, collection of eleven letters: i. 
Letter, unsigned, to Donato di Jacopo Acciaioli, n.d. (9 hnes text). - 2. Let- 
ter, unsigned, Siena, to same, 12 August, n.d. (19 hnes). - 3. ANDREA 
MINERBETTI, to same, n.d. (3 lines). - 4. GIOVANNI di RICCI, to 
same, n.d. (6 lines). - 5. From unnamed son to Donato A., 20 July, 1395 (13 
hnes). - 6. ORLANDO, cavahere de MALAVOLTE [?], to same, 22 
August, n.d. (7 hnes). - 7. Letter, unsigned (but possibly same hand as 4, 
Giov. di Ricci), to same, n.d. (7 lines). - 8. LUDOVICO, Count of 
PURZILOGO, to same, December, n.d. (10 lines). - 9. NERI [di Donato] 
ACCIAIOLI to Giovanni Acciaioh, n.d. (17 lines). - 10. P. DAVAN- 
ZATO to Giovanni Ncri di Donato Acciaioli, 10 July, 1423 (22 lines). - 
II. LORENZO di [MEDICI?] to same, 26 June, 1427 (21 hnes). Various 
places, ca. 1380-1427. 

Paper. 11 ff. of various sizes. Shelved in same portfolio as ms. Lea 28 which 
contains under n twenty-one letters addressed to Donato di Jacopo Acciaioli. - Part 
of Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 21499. 

[28] 



Lea 442 (Ital.) 

[VITA] Di Giuliano di Piero di Cosimo [dc Medici], inc.: Giuliano . . . 
nacquc Tanno 1453. . . . Divenne grazioso giovane, ff.ir-i2r. Followed by 
main part [VITA] di Cosimo Medici, primo Gran Duca di Toscana, inc.: 
Nacque Cosimo I'anno 15 19 . . . poco doppo il tramontar il sole, ff.iyr- 
130V, incl. correspondence and memoranda on the war with Siena (fF.66v- 
I22v), and Cosimo's will, 1574 (fF.i28v-30v). Florence? , first half 17th cent. 

Paper. 132 ff. (fF.13-6, 13 1-2 blank). 30 x 20.5 cm. Cloth. - Guilford CoU. 
(395/4; old no. Lxm); Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 7656. 

Lea 443 (Ital.) 

BONIFAZIO VANNOZZI (secretary to Card. Caetani). Reports, letters, 
discourses and treatises. A. [NEGOTIATION! IN POLONIA]. i. Ristret- 
to della doppia negotiatione . . . dal Vannozzi col Sig^? Gran Cancelliere di 
Polonia [Joan. Tamasci=Jan Zamovski] . . . , ff.2r-7v. - 2. Lettera dell'Ill™*' 
Legato [Enrico Caetani] al signor gran cancelliere in credenza del V., fF.7v- 
i6v. - 3. Ristretto delle risposte date del gran cancelliere al V. . . . , fF.i6v- 
22V. - 4. Al pmito di dover intervenire alia trattatione, ff.22v-6r. - 5. Al 
punto di dare qualche awertenza airill°?° legato, fF.26r-7r. - 6. Al punto di 
dover trattarc insieme confidentemente, f.27r-v. - 7. Interrogationi fatte al 
V. dal gran cancelliere, fF.27v-3or. - 8. Lettera del sig^? gran cancell? in 
risposta de quelle datami in credenza dal . . . cardl^ legato, fF.3or-ir. - 
9. Passaporto [di V., in Lat.], fF.3ir-2r. - 10. Lettera . . . dall'ill°?o legato 
all'ill")° Sig^.^ Card^? San Giorgio dopo il ritorno del V. dal sig'".^ gran 

cancelliere, fF.32r-7v. -11 Lettera . . . dal V. al sig'"^ gran cancelliere . . . , 

fF.37v-9r. - 12. Instruttione . . . dall'Ill°io Caetano all' V , fF.39v-44v. - 

13. . . . Lettera credentiale . . . dairill°?° legato all'V., ff.44v-5v. - 14. . . . 
Breve di nostro sig^.^ all'gran canceUiere . . . , fF.46r-62r. - 15. . . . Lettera dal 
Imperatore [Rudolf II] all' ill")" legato data al gran canceUiere, ff.62r-7r. 

- 16 Lettera . . . daH'illmo legato all'Ill^o Card S. Giorgio, dopo il 

ritorno dell'V , fF.67r-76v. - 17 Lettera del gran cancelhere alFill^^o 

legato nel ritorno dell'V., ff.76v-87r. - 18-19. Lettera al Gran Duca [Ferdi- 
nand I di Toscana] e risposta, ff.87v-9iv. - 20. Le persone che furono in 
Polonia con ill"^" legato . . . , fF.9iv-2v. - 21. Lettera ... dal V. al sig^? gran 
cancelliere . . . , 92V-3V. (Nos. 1-2 1 deal with negotiations between the 
papal legate Caetani and PoHsh authorities in 1596-7, with the aim of 
creating a united front of Poland and the Habsburg monarchy against the 
Turks. Vannozzi acted as official recorder and it is likely that this part was 
written by him or under his direct supervision) - B. (in a second, less formal 
hand:) 22-32. A VENETIA, [Libro primo]. Ragionamenti in spir[i]to 

[29] 



della rovina, sua propria et d'ltalia e del christianismo, se Venetia persiste 
nella disobedienza di santa chiesa, nel primo anno del S. Padre Paulo V 
[1605-6] (f.94r): Primo [-nono] lamcnto, ff.95r-i43 v. -33-43. A VENE- 
TIA, Libro secundo. Discorsi per ragione di stato della medesima materia 
contra Venetia (f.i44r): Primo [-nono] discorso, fF.i45r-i85v. - 44-7. 
DISCORSI D'ASTROLOGIA sopra I'imminente rovina di Venetia di 
Themisquilla Settimontano [TOMMASO CAMPANELLA] alM.R.P.D. 
Basilio Berillari, fF. 1 86r-2o6r. - 48. SENSI MISTICI della rovina di Venetia 
dell'inutil servo di Dio [CAMPANELLA] al P. D. Basilio Berillari, ff. 
2o6r-8r. - 49-51. CHIAVE SECRETO DELLE PROFETIE della sacra 
scrittura . . . per Themisquilla Settimontano [CAMPANELLA] . . . al P. D. 
Basilio Berillari . . . Discorsi sopra Timminenti mali di Venetia, fF.2o8r- 
225r. Various places, ca. i^g^-ca.i6o6 (or slightly later). 

Paper. 225 fF. (first blank) -)- 2 fF. index (i8th cent.) 27.5 X 20.5 cm. Con- 
temp, vellum; title on spine: X. Miscell.M.S. - Guilford Coll. (288 corercted to 289); 
Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 7637. 

Lea 444 (Ital.) 

TRATATO CURIOSO del regno di SiciHa (on the defense of Sicily 

against the Turks) , inc. : Sebene io reconosca che dal voler tratare Italy, 

first quarter lytli cent. 

Paper. 4 prel., 60 fF., i blank f. 29 x 20 cm. H/calf (label with title Discorso 
sopra la Sicilia). - Sir Thomas Phillipps ms. 2826; older sign.: N? 113 14/76. 

Lea 445 (Ital.) 

FERRANDO GONZAGA. Instruttione a voi S^" Pietro d'Agostino della 
relatione che s'aver a fare a S. M*?- [Carlo V] delle cose di Sicilia, inc.: 
Quando S. M*.^ mi lascio al governo di Sicilia. Italy, 2nd half 16th cent. 

Paper. 23 fF. 27 x 18.5 cm. - Bound with, and same provenance as the pre- 
ceding ms. 

Lea 446 (Lat. and Ital.) 

PICCOLOMINI PAPERS II. Collection of 37 legal documents, a few are 
of special interest (e.g. nos. 4, 28-9, 37), others are substantial (nos. 12-17, 
32): I. SIENA (Coimcil). Statement concerning church affairs; Siena, 
1248. - 2. ALDOBRANDINUS, ohm Monachelh. Argument over posses- 
sion of a vineyard; ibid., 125 1. - 3. BARTHOLOMEUS, comes et PIC- 
COLOMINI [PICHELOMO] OLTRAMONTIS [?] for Guido LeccL On 
sale of horses and other domestic animals; ibid., 1254. - 4. SIENA. Report on 

[30] 



meeting of the "Concilium generale Guelforum," in 1272, notarized 1276; 
ibid., 1276. - 5. RENALDUS dominii Turchi, et at. Agreement fixing 
boundaries of land in Corsignano; ibid.'^, 1278. - 6. MONTECHIELLO 
(Council). Resolutions; n.p., 1293 (part off torn off). - 7. SIENA. Sale of 
vineyards and other lands; Siena, 1307 (torn). - 8. SIENA (Tribunale). 
Administration of the will of Giovani Meschiati; ibid., 1322. - 9. SALA- 
MONEDEPICCOLOMINI. Claim to possession of a house; ibid., 1337.- 
10. BART ALUS ANDREE SALAMONIS et Antonius Karoh de Picco- 
lomini, et al. Nado di Tolomeo appointed guardian of Battista di Vanna; 
ibid., 1349. - II. GIOVANNI [?] PICCOLOMINI appointed "tutor" of 
sacopo Fey; ibid., 1351. - 12. CAROLUS BLASII PICCOLOMINI. Law- 
Juit against the heirs of Contius Nicholai "cives Senenses," 14 ff. (first and 
last blank); ibid., 1363. - 13. IDEM. Petition regarding land in Monte- 
chiello, 2 ff.; ibid., 1368. - 14. IDEM. Same subject, 4 ff. (last blank); ibid., 
1369. - 15. IDEM. Petition regarding land in Siena, 4 ff ; ibid., 1370. - 
16-17. IDEM. Same subject, 2 -f- 4 ff. (last blank); //ji J., June-Sept. 1371. - 
18. TENGOCCI PICCOLOMINI. Appointment as tutor and administra- 
tor; ibid., 1374. - 19- FILIPPO PICCOLOMINI. Appointment as tutor of 
"Agabitius et Petronius, pupiUi et fihi ohm Petronis Caterini de Petroni- 
bus;" ibid., 1378. - 20. FAZIO, GIOVANNI, and RINALDO PICCO- 
LOMINI. Claim as heirs of Buonsignore Fazio; ibid., 1392. - 21. SIENA 
(Balia). Privilege granted to the rector of San Lazzaro, Niccolo Nanni, to 
hold office and take residence in Siena; ibid., 1403. - 22. IDEM. Petition of 
Battista Piccolomini for privileges; ibid., 141 1. - 23. IDEM. Petition and 
supplication of Giovanni Piccolomini; ibid., 1421. - 24. IDEM. Dispute 
between the commune and castle of Rapolano and Francisco and Enrico, 
sons of Antonio de Sognia; ibid., 143 1. - 25. IDEM. Petition of Simone 
Petroni, concerning the Castello di San Giovaimi; ibid., 1439. - 26. SIENA 
(Curia episcopahs). Praise of Nicodemo Tranchedini "orator . . . ducis 



3 






Lea 446, no. 17 

[31] 



Mediolani;" ibid., 1450 (icplt.). - 27. SIENA. List of officials in towns of the 
territory; ibid., 1462 (icplt.). - 28. JACOPO PICCOLOMINI. Deed of 
treaty between him and King Ferdinand of Sicily, with references to the 
Duke of Milan and to Florence; ibid., 30 Sept. 1470. - 29. CHARLES VIII, 
King of France. Agreement to protect Jacopo Piccolomini, his family, 
possessions and men, signed, "per regem" by Guillaume Briconnet; ibid., 
1494. - 30. IDEM. Same subject as the preceding, but applying to Andrea 
Piccolomini; ibid., 1494. - 31. SIENA (Balia). Grant of property to Enea 
Piccolomini; ibid., 1508. - 32. IDEM. Provisio . . . pro compensatione 
possessionum de Monte Sindolo [?] ablatarum a domino Blasio (seized by 
Pandolfo Petrucci), 12 ff. (last blank); ibid., 1516. - 33. PHILIPPUS, dia- 
conus card. Dispute over property between Alphonsus Corduba Toletanus 
(creditor) and Julius Petri Francisci Bernini; Rome, 1587. - 34. SCIPIO 
PICCOLOMINO. Employment of Giov. Francesco Camozzi, granting 
him all privileges; Siena, 1604. - 35. IDEM. Grant by city officials to G. F. 
Camozzi to bear arms; ibid., 1604. - 36. SIENA. Andrea Capranica contra 
Francesco Capistrano [?]; ibid., 1627. - 37. ANDRE BLONDET (coun- 
selor and treasurer of the King of France). Agreement to lend Pomponio 
Piccolomini money to free Siena from the Spaniards; n.p., 1552 (defective). 
Siena, etc., 1248-1627. 

Vellum (except no. 35). 72 fF. (all items i f. (mostly folded) except as indicated). 
Varioussizes, in vol. measuring 28.5 X20cm. Notarial signets. Bds. - Sir Thomas 
Phillipps ms. 20709. See also Lea mss. 71, 447, 454-5. 

Lea 447 (Lat. and Ital.) 

PICCOLOMINI PAPERS III. Collection of 29 legal documents, in one 
volume: i. JACOPO PICCOLOMINI. Agreement on debt with authori- 
ties of Monte Lateroni and Monte Amiata, both in Tuscany; Monte Later- 
oni?, 1487. - 2. Financial arrangements between PICCOLOMINI and 
BANDINELLI famihes; Siena, i486. - 3. JACOPO PICCOLOMINI. 
Sale of land belonging to Jacopo de Mignanelli; ibid., 1467. - 4. FRATRES 
MINORES, Siena. On religious foundation established by Magdalena [?] 
Piccolomini; ibid., 1335. - 5. Fraternity of SANTA MARIA in Portico to 
the Balia of Siena and their reply, on raising of funds; ibid., 1488. - 6. SAN 
VIGILIO, Siena. Lien on property; ibid., 1469. - 7. AGNES PICCOLO- 
MINI. Sale of mill and land by Francesco de Banciso [?, or Bertini?]; ibid., 
1477. - 8. FRANCESCO TODESCHINI PICCOLOMINI. Agreement 
with Giorgio Ruvere, bp. of Orvieto, on boundaries; Orvieto?, 1485. - 9. 
SAME. Sale of land by Adam Luce Dominici; ibid.l, 1481. - 10. AN- 
TONIO PAPERINI. Notes to him; 1723-4. - 11. PIUS II. Copy of bull, 

[32] 



confirming grants of castles in Sienese territory to Andrea Piccolomini; 
ibid.?, 1463?- 12. Contract; 1508 or 1513. - 13. Fragment of a title "Tomo 
IX." - 14. SIENA. Note to Leonardo Boccabadati [?] concerning debt of 
£282; Siena, 1244. - 15. TADDEA, widow of Nicolai Salamon. Will 
leaving part of her property to Francesco Todeschini Piccolomini; ibid., 
1469. - 16. GIOVANNI PICCOLOMINI. Deed dividing a tract of land; 
ibid., 1470. - 17. MATTEO PICCOLOMINI. Land division agreement 
with Simone Inghirrami; Rome, 1322. - 18. CRISTOFORO PICCOLO- 
MINI. House lease to Cristoforo de Cortonio; Siena, 1489. - 19. ALFON- 
SO PETRUCCI, card. Instruction regarding property; ibid., 15 16. - 20. 
JACOPO (official of Siena). Grant to Pietro Parenzi; ibid., 1239. - 21. 
VITTORIA PICCOLOMINI. Agreement on dowry at her marriage to 
Geronimo Ildobrandini; ibid., i486. - 22-25. Miscellaneous 17th-century 
biographical notes. - 24bis [on verso of 24]. SIENA, Consilio Campan? 
nell'armario delle reformazioni; ibid.?, ca. 1450. - 26. List of prisoners in 
battle, incl. "el duca D'Andria" and other nobles; Naples?, ca. 1460. - 27, 
FRANCESCO FAZIO. Will; Siena?, 1485, with additions, dated 1500. - 
28. Undeciphered document, 1489. Siena, etc., 1239-1724. 

Vellum (few on paper). 29 pieces on 36 fF. (several folded). Various sizes, in 
volume measuring 35.5 x 22.5 cm. Notarial signets. Bds. - Sir Thomas Phillipps 
ms. 22925. See also Lea mss. 71, 446, 454-5. 

Lea 448 (Ital.) 

MEDICI [?]. Conto per me Nicolo Mannelli, huomo d'arme [ed altri]. 
Giornale [di pagamenti, segnato] A. (Entries are not chronologically con- 
secutive.) Florence, 1569-1604, 1633-58. 

Paper. 96 ff. (ff.8, 12-4, 23, 28, 39-40, 52, 58, 78-87 blank). 16.5 x 11. 5 cm. 
Contemp. vellum. - Part of Medici Collection (see Lea 456-553), but without 
specific reference to any member of the family. 

Lea 449 (Lat.) 

[FLORENCE]. Ad statutum positum sub rubrica de contractibus cum 
minoribus . . . (title on p. i). Ad statutum positum sub rubrica de rebus 
communibus inter coniunctos . . . (tide on p.3). Florence, 2nd half 16th cent. 

Paper. 25 pp. 30 x 20 cm. In folder. - Library stamp on p.i made unreadable. 

Lea 450 (Sp.) 

VARIOS ASSUMPTOS, y curiosidades (libro quinto only), i. Extracto 
de la vida, prision y muerte, y se execute . . . de Don BERNARDO 

[33 ] 



ALTAREJOS . . . 1736, fF.2r-26r. - 2. GERONIMO GASCON. Relacion 
de la vida y muerte de Don RODRIGO CALDERON (b. 1577), fF.26v- 
58V. - 3. Copia del tormento y sentencia . . . contra Don RODRIGO DE 
SILVA SARMIENTO Y VILLANDRANO, ff.59r-66v. - 4. Relacion de 
la causa y castigo de Don CARLOS DE PADILLA, PEDRO DE SILVA 
. . . , DOMINGO CABRAL y RODRIGO DE SILVA (1648), fF.67r-9ov. 
- 5. Arte de lo bueno . . . para la causa que motive la prision del Marques del 
CARPIO, duque de Montoro, fF.pir-iior. - 6. DIEGO SAABEDRA. 
Locuras de Europa; dialogo entre Mercurio y Luciano, fF.ii2r-59v. - 7. 
DIGNIDAD de las damas de la reyna (with dedication to Maria Nino, 
condessa de ViUa-Umbrosa by Pedro Nuilez de Guzman, dated 1670), 
fF.i6ir-8ov. - 8. MATHIAS VENEGAS. Carta escrita ... 1579 .. . sobre 
el recivimiento, que hizo el jarife al embajador de S.M.C., fF.i8ir-93v. - 
9. Breve suma de la vida y hechos de DIEGO GARCIA DE PAREDES 
(i6th cent.), fF.i94r-2o6r. - 10. Ynstruccion que a LOPE HURTADO 
DE MENDOZA se lo dio el afio de 1528 ... , ff.2o6v-i9v. - 11. Relacion 
de lo que hizo MAGDALENA DE LA CRUZ professa de la orden de Sta. 
Clara . . . (1546), fF.22or-28v. - 12. DISCURSO demonstrable sobre las 
ideas de los Ingleses para el ataque y toma de la plaza de Santiago de Cuba 
(1748), fF.229r-34r. - 13. DIARIO de lo ocurrido en Santiago de Cuba, 
ff.235r-38v. - 14. Copia de carte escritta al . . . Marques de la ENSENADA 
(1748), ff.239r-46r. - 15. Conde de ONATE. [Papcl] por si y como padre 
de sus hijos successores llamados en el mayorado que fimdo el Conde de 
Villamediana (1578; corrected copy 1774), ft'.247r-82v. - 16. Pope BENE- 
DICT XIV. Damnatio et prohibitio operis, cui titulus Storia del popolo di 
Dio (by L J. Berruyer, S.J., 1758), fF.283r-84r. - 17. [IDEM]. Condemna- 
cion y prohibicion de la obra . . . Historia del pueblo de Dios ... 1758, if. 
285r-88r. - 18-19. [LISBON, Inquisition]. Resumen [y otra relacion] de 
las personas y culpas, por que estas fueron casttigadas en el autto de la fee 
. . . Lisboa en 20 de septtiembre de 1761, fF.289r-92r. -20. Pope CLEMENT 
XIII. Copia del breve que Nro. S. P. Clemente XIII ha enviado a la Junta 
general del clero de Francia para ser entregada de etta en manos del rey 
(1762), ff.292v-95v; followed by index (fF.296r-97v). Spain, 2nd half 18th 
cent. 

Paper. 300 fF. (fF.iii, 160, 298-300 blaiik). 31.5 X 22 cm. (some of slightly 
smaller size). Comemp. vellum. 

Lea 451 (Sp.) 

VALENCIA, Inquisition. Bill of Francisco Anzina, advocate, for the de- 
fense of 24 accused, but too poor to pay, with names of the "culprits," and 

[34] 



individual fees totalling 120 reales, signed by the inquisitor, Dr. Pedro de 
Carate, countersigned by Ellic^o Joan de . . . Valdes and Josephe Bellot 
(notary), and also by Joan Baptista Trilles (with his signet). Valencia, 1582. 
Paper. 2 ff. 31.5 X 21.5 cm. Notarial signet. In folder. 

Lea 452 (Sp.) 

VALENCIA, Inquisition. Notarized authorization to pay ^iio to Pedro 
de Gracia for the construction of the scaffolding for the auto-da-fe held 9 
Sept. 1584, signed by the inquisitor, Dr. Pedro de Carate, and counter- 
signed by Ellicdo Joan de . . . Valdes. Valencia, 1584-86. 
Paper (very fragile) 4 ff. 31.5 x22 cm. Notarial signet. In folder. 

Lea 453 (Lat.) 

JESUIT MISCELLANY (manuscript and printed), containing in a minus- 
cule hand summary of constitution, rules, meditations, extracts from St. 
Bernard, exhortations, index of bulls relating to the order, etc.: among the 
various texts is Juan Maldenado, Exhortationes ahquot, dated 19 Sept. 1578 
(ff 27r-3 8r). Interspersed among the 77 ff- of the miscellany are the follow- 
ing printed items (all on one side off only): Additiones quatvior utiles ad 
faciliorem et celeriorem peccati exstirpationem (n.p.d.; f 54v); Examen 
particolare . . . (n.p.d.; ffsr); Exaininis generahs modus . . . (n.p.d.; £56r); 
Vow (in German) Almechtiger ewiger Gott . . . (ms. entry: Cologne, 1567; 
f 57r) ; Das besonder und taghch Examen . . . (n.p.d. ; f fSv) ; Ein Figur und 
Manier leichthch zu vernehmen . . . (n.p.d.; £59r); Ein Weiss und Manier, 
wie man sich . . . examinieren . . . soil (n.p.d.; £6ov); Quindecim praecipua 
mysteria domini . . . (n.p.d.; f 6iv); Votum scholasticorum . . . [S.J.] (ms. 
entry: Cameraci [Cambrai], 1568; £62v); Regulae R.P.D. Ignatii 
distichis comprehensae per D. Andream Frusium [i.e. Andre des Freux, cf 
Backer and Sommervogel, III, col.1049, no. 12]; (n.p.d.; fdjr). - The 
miscellany is followed by text of printed Francisco de Borja, Seys tratados 
muy devotos, numb, ff.2-94 (title missing, identical [?] with Backer and 
Sommervogel's edition Antwerp, 1556, cf B. & S. I, col. 1809, no. i). Low 
Countries?, 1567-84, in two different hands. 

Paper. 77 ff., ff.2-94. 14 x 9.5 cm. Woodcut on f.59r. Cloth. 

Lea 454 (Lat.) 

FRANCESCO DE PICCOLOMINI (then cardinal, in 1503 Pope Pius III). 
23 notarial records of the sale of land by various families and persons (incl. 
under no. 8 (ff.iiv-i2r)Rosaba hebrea filia Moisi de Monte Puhtiano) to 

[35] 



Francesco Nanni, Jacopo Piccolomini, etc., as procurators of Francesco 
Piccolo mini, several notarized by Leonardos olim Nannis. Siena, 1492- 
1302. 

Vellum. 36 fF. (ff.33-6 blank), numbered 532-67 in a near-contemporary hand. 
21.5 X 14.5 cm. 4 notarial signets. H /leather. - Sir Thomas PluUipps ms. 9691. 
See also Lea mss. 71, 446-7, and 455. 

Lea 455 (Lat.) 

NICCOLO D' ANDREA PICCOLOMINL Seven notarial records of the 
sale of land near Siena by Todescus Francisci de Podio, Marcus Johannis 
Dominici and members of the Capolano family to Niccolo Piccolomini, 
notarized primarily by Franciscus Andr§ Ciogni. Siena, 1469-76. 

Vellum. 10 ff., numbered 521-30 in a near-contemporary hand. 22.5 x 14.5 cm. 
6 notarial signets. Bds. - Sir Thomas PhiUipps ms. 21 8 19. See also preceding item. 



[36] 



Tuscan Diplomatic Letters: A Decipherment 

by Computer 

RICHARD T. RAPP* 

THE Henry Charles Lea Library^ of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania possesses a collection of letters from the court of Tuscany 
to Antonio Francesco Montauti which contains over 2,000 manu- 
script dispatches, letters and official documents received by Montauti, 
the Tuscan charge d'affaires in Vienna. This collection covers the years 
1672-1710.^ Most of the letters and dispatches were written by 
Grand Duke Cosimo III de'Medici and his brother, Cardinal Fran- 
cesco Maria de'Medici. Of these, approximately one half the text is 
in diplomatic cipher. Fortunately, the deciphering charts or "keys" 
are preserved in the collection (Lea Ms. 198 [Ital.], box 10). The 
writer has converted them into machine-readable form to permit 
high-speed computer decipherment of the court correspondence. 
The letters of Lea Ms. 30 (Ital.) have been deciphered by this method. 
A description of the court cipher and the modern decipherment sys- 
tem is given below. First however, a word about the nature of the 
Montauti collection is in order. 

THE COLLECTION 

The entire collection of letters to Antonio Francesco Montauti pro- 
vides a comprehensive view of diplomatic communication between 
the personalities of the Court of Tuscany and their representative at 
the Imperial Court. The subjects singled out for discussion below 
serve only to exemplify the nature of the materials available to the 
researcher. 

The major challenges facing the Dukedom of Tuscany in the late 
seventeenth century were foreign policy during the Wars of Louis 
XIV, and the succession to the Medicean duchy. These topics occupy 
most of the correspondence between Duke Cosimo III and Mon- 
tauti, his representative in Austria. In his official capacity as inviato 
straordinario Montauti acted as intermediary for the Duke in the 

* Kent Fellow, former Fulbright Scholar, and graduate student in Economic His- 
tory, University of Pennsylvania. 

[37] 





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Figure i 



[38] 



PAGE TWENTY 

CCOE OF 1694 

<,ic,n. abate. con la bl vs de seventeen pel mesf oecorso scrittami in proposito 
de l con s a p v t n matrimonio ho ricevuto copia di quellfrche le fij 
innirwzata siil meoesimo affare oa l l a serenissima elettrice palatine m i a 
f i g i i a e da tutto ht potuto riconqscere la di lei zelanti premure per il 
ru3n fsito oil importante n.egozio. vero ben e che 10 reputfl 
necfssario chf la di lei accortezza si vada contenendo con la l i z a v in 
manifra di nhn far gliapprendere che si a3bia d v b r i che 
lfnotizifppnetrate dal imperatrice intorno a ouesta materia 
sianosommintstratedalviallasm poichf per questo verso 
potrerpe e r, l i con lettvrare che ouanto dalvis icomvnicaa 
smvirmpa-rt ictpatoall ellettore palatine e consegufntemente 
sarfbbi far.ile che l imprratorf sintiepidissinle con f i f n z' e 
con saflettoralf non senza pregiuui7i0 del nostro intento in conformif 
a di ouantp vs avfva visto saviamente suggfrito nella copia 01 lettera che le 
tras^essi del i a i s t e s s a serenissima elettrice palatine m i a f i g l i a 
onof vada flla usanoo intorno a cio dflla sua disinvolta oestrez.za con praticar. 
3ensi le cautfle che stimera necessarie ma con diss i mulazione per non in 
sosofttirelanimo del preo, l i z a v con che pieno de miei soliti 
corniali sentjwfnti prego dal ciflo a vs ogni maggiore contentezza. 

ni firenzf seven genn sixteen ninfty-five ab. inc. 

al piacfre 01 v.s. 
il granduca di medici 
sig. ab, mpntauti/ vienna 

Figure 2 



[39] 









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,'JUCX 



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57 









fa 
fa 

ff 
f-> 

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Figure 3 




[40I 



negotiations surrounding these problems, insofar as they involved 
Austrian or German affairs. 

Tuscany w^as a pawn in the power struggle between Louis XIV of 
France and the Holy Roman Emperor, Leopold L Duke Cosimo III 
found himself torn two ways since he was married to a cousin of 
Louis, but was also a vassal of the Emperor of Austria. Cosimo's pol- 
icy in the face of this dilemma was to avoid supporting either party, 
but to plead fervent allegiance to both.^ In the Montauti correspond- 
ence, the Grand Duke continually declares his humble loyalty while 
at the same time protesting his insurmountable poverty. In one im- 
portant instance, however, Cosimo could not evade Imperial pres- 
sure for cooperation. In 1691 the Imperial plenipotentiary at Milan, 
Count Caraffa, issued a demand that Italian princes under Austrian 
protection contribute to the cost of quartering troops on Italian soil. 
A copy of the letter is among the Montauti papers.^ Also included is 
an undated schedule of payments for 300,000 Spanish doubloons 
from the Italian States to the Imperial troops. Tuscany, the largest 
"Imperial fief," bears the largest burden."* 

One of the recently deciphered letters shows that Cosimo tried to 
avoid payment. Montauti was to convey the Grand Duke's hope that 
the Emperor would recognize his loyalty. The country, however, 
would not be able to support German troops — especially cavalry. As 
for contributions in money, his subjects were in poverty and could 
not possibly help. Despite his protests the Grand Duke was forced to 
pay, and according to Galluzzi the exactions weighed heavily on the 
depressed Tuscan economy. This however was the only real cost 



THE CIPHER KEY OF DECEMBER 1694 

Note the null numbers 200, 300, 400, 500, and the nomenclator of words and names. 
The instructions on the right side read: 

AUe Vocali si da' numero doppio per variare 

II Singolare vale anche per plurale 

II Mascolino per Fcminino, e per Neutro 

II punto sopra il numero fa' la lettera doppia 

come 15 nn 21 ss 

Il punto sopra la figura raddoppia I'istessa 

figura come 14 22 12 19 24 materia 

[41] 



borne by the dukedom during the French-Austrian struggle, and if 
Tuscany was a powerless pawn, she was, at least, left standing when 
the game was over. 

When he was not writing Montauti about military or diplomatic 
affairs, Cosimo III turned his attention to the arranging of a marriage. 
Cosimo's ambition was to insure the continuity of the Medicean line 
and the succession to the ducal throne, while simultaneously increas- 
ing the family patrimony through favorable matches. His own mar- 
riage to Marguerite-Louise d' Orleans in 1661 had begun as a calcu- 
lated union with the triumphant house of Bourbon, and developed 
into an unmitigated matrimonial and political disaster.^ In spite of 
his own experience, in the i68o's Cosimo set about the business of 
trying to aggrandize the decadent Medici line by negotiating favor- 
able marriages for his children with wealthy German families. 

The marriage of Cosimo's first son, Ferdinand, to Princess Vio- 
lante of Bavaria in 1688 had produced no children. By 1695 the 
Grand Duke decided to marry off his second son, Gian Gastone, in 
the hope that he could father an heir to the Grand Duchy. But rather 
than search for a compatible wife for his flaccid, sensitive son, Co- 
simo, ever hopeful of augmenting the family fortune, sought for a 
wealthy heiress. To this end he enlisted the assistance of his daughter, 
who was the wife of the Elector Palatine, and Montauti. Their even- 
tual choice was Anna Maria Francesca of Saxe-Lauenburg, named in 
the enciphered correspondence only as la principessa vedova. She was 
the widow of the Count Palatine, Phillip of Neuburg and had already 
inherited many estates in Germany. Anna Maria Francesca and Gian 
Gastone were married in 1697. It was an unhappy and infertile match, 
and Gian Gastone died the last Medici Duke in 173 7-^ 



THE CIPHER 



The cryptograph employed by the Tuscan court was of the type 
known as a substitution cipher — the most rudimentary form of dis- 
guised writing. Each letter of the alphabet had a corresponding num- 
ber which was substituted in the text of the dispatch. Only those who 
"possessed the key could translate the numbers back to letters. While 
more sophisticated cryptographic methods were available to the 
Florentines, this form of cipher was best suited to the style of corre- 

[421 



spondencc used by Cosimo III and Francesco Maria de'Medici. Com- 
plex codes and transposition ciphers, while less easily broken, were 
useful only for terse messages^ The dispatches of Cosimo and Fran- 
cesco were long, detailed, and grammatically precise after the fashion 
of the times. This sort of communication required a cipher that one 
could translate into the clear version without having to manipulate 
the original order of the enciphered characters. Otherwise, the de- 
ciphering time would be too great. 

In its unalloyed form, the simple-substitution cipher is easily 
broken by means of frequency tables, a method familiar to seven- 
teenth century Italy. In order to make cipher-breaking harder, should 
a letter fall into the wrong hands, the Tuscan court cipher included 
several complications. Normal letter frequencies are suppressed in the 
cipher by assigning two numbers to each of the vowels. Null num- 
bers having no corresponding letters are interspersed in the text, and 
repetition characters (dots) are used to make digital sequences less 
easily observable.^ The cipher also provides numbers for common 
pronouns, conjunctions and prepositions, as well as names of persons 
and places that figure in the correspondence. Cipher-numbers are 
written in uninterrupted strings with no spacing for word endings. 
And fmally, court ciphers were changed periodically. The letters of 
Ms. 30, covering the years 1 689-1 700, have two different ciphers 
composed in 1689 and 1694.^ 

DECIPHERMENT BY COMPUTER 

The basic task in translating a substitution cipher is to restore the 
letters for which numbers or other symbols were substituted by the 
author. Manually, the cipher-chart or key is used like a dictionary. 
One must look up each number and fmd the associated letter or 
word. But the job is most tedious and time-consuming, and a com- 
puter can help by performing this simple operation at high speed. A 
"library program," that is to say, a set of machine-instructions per- 
manently stored at the processing center, has been used. Called TAG, 
it is one of the routines of the PENINK system for content analysis. 
PENINK is the adaptation of the General Inquirer method of con- 
tent analysis in use at the University of Pemisylvania.^o TAG takes 
words and juxtaposes other characters, called "tags" to them, within 

[43 ] 



the format of a sentence. For the purpose of decipherment the 
"words" are the cipher numbers and the "tags" are the associated 
letters. The program required a "dictionary"; a Hst of the associations 
between "words" and "tags." This is simply a copy of the cipher- 
chart that has been punched onto IBM cards. For the cipher of 1694 
(see figure i), the "dictionar)^" is punched as follows: 

4=A 8 = A 5 = B 6=C 7=D i2 = E i6=E 9=F 

The common conjunctions, prepositions and pronouns must also be 
represented in the "dictionary" as in: 

25=per 26=non 27=con 29 = che 30= di .... 

In addition, there is the list of nouns: 

47= Abate 48 = Ambasciatore 49=Ambasciatore di 
Spagna .... 
The complete dictionaries for the ciphers of 1689 and 1694 have been 
prepared in this fashion. 

Complete decipherment involves three steps: keypunching, "tag- 
ging," and fmishing. Keypunching is the transcription of the text of 
the manuscript letter or letters onto punch cards; an operation similar 
to typewriting. The researcher may either punch the entire text of a 
letter as it appears on the manuscript page, including the uncoded as 
well as the coded parts, or he can ignore the alphabetic part of the 
letter and punch only the cipher numbers. He must be cautious to 
observe the special conventions of the cipher (like repetition of digits 
when "dotted") during the keypunching stage. The punched cards 
of the keypunching stage constitute the data input for TAG. TAG 
will read the uncoded text and print it out while scanning for num- 
bers that are "dictionary" entries. When one occurs it will be printed 
with the word or letter next to it, in parentheses. The decipherment 
is complete at this stage. However, for large jobs the appearance of 
TAG output may be unacceptable for rapid reading. It is single- 
spaced with no separation of pages and no titles. The cipher-numbers 
remain in the printed version of the text. To eliminate these difficul- 
ties, a fmishing program has been provided. ^^ Using TAG output as 
the input for the fmishing program, the researcher can remove the 
cipher-numbers from the printed output, provide titles, pagination 
and double-spacing. Figure 2 is an example of the fmished fmal out- 
put. 

[44] 



It should be mentioned in conclusion, that this decipherment sys- 
tem requires no skills in data processing. Once the required text has 
been transcribed onto punch cards, the two programs, TAG and 
MEDICI, will carry the decipherment to completion. ^^ It should 
also be noted that this method may be used to decipher any other 
substitution cipher that uses numbers as symbols. Only the dictionary 
of letter-number equivalents must be changed. 

The decipherment of the first volume of letters from the court of 
Tuscany to Antonio Francesco Montauti has provided some interest- 
ing insights into the history of Tuscany under the latter Medici 
dukes. The solution of the decipherment problem should facilitate 
further research in this valuable collection. 



NOTES 

1. The collection is catalogued as Mss. Lea 30, 31, 32, 198, 391, and 396 (all Ital.). 

2. Emilio Robiony, Gli ultitni dci Medici e la successionc al Grandncato di Toscana 
(Florence, 1905), pp. 14-18. 

3. Ms. 198, box II, letter of August 28, 1691. 

4. This Partizione (Ms. 198, box 1 1, no date), does not correspond to the demands 
first made in 1691 as recounted by J. R. Galluzzi, Istoria del Granducato di Tos- 
cana sotto il governo della casa Medici (Florence, 1781), vol. 4, book 8, p. 200. It 
was probably issued in 1694 or 1695. The division of the burden is roughly the 
same for both exactions with Tuscany contributing about one-third of the total 
amount demanded in both cases. 

5. See Robiony, op. cit., part i, chapter i, "Cosiino III ed il suo matrimonio con Mar- 
gherita d'Orleans." For a lengthy account replete with the sorrowful details, see 
Harold Acton, The Last Medici (New York, 1932). 

6. The Florentines had recognized the hopelessness of the Medicean succession 
well before the end in 1737. Even Cardinal Francesco Maria, the Grand Duke's 
brother, abandoned the cloth in 1709 to marry in the hope of producing an 
heir. He died childless two years later, hi 1710, according to Acton, a wag had 
tacked a TO LET sign to the front of the Pitti Palace. 

7. A cipher is a cryptograph in which each alphabetic character has an associated 
secret symbol: number, letter, or sign. In contrast, codes use a dictionary of key 
words which represent entire thoughts or phrases. A transposition cipher is 
created by the alteration of the order of alphabetic characters according to a 
specified pattern, and decipherment requires the reordering of the letters back 

[45 ] 



to the clear state. Often, combinations of techniques are used to make decoding 
still more difficult for unauthorized parties. On the nomenclature and history 
of cryptography see David Kahn, The Codebreakers: the Story of Secret Writing 
(New York, 1967). 

8. Repetition dots are used in two ways. If a dot occurs directly above a two digit 
number, it indicates that the number (and its associated letter) is to be repeated 
in fuU. For example, 21 28 22 32 is read as 21 28 22 22 32, "sotto" in the cipher 
of 1694 (see figure i). If a dot appears above only one digit however, only that 
digit is to be repeated, or tacked on to the next digit. Thus 8 6 40 22 8 is read as 
8 6 40 22 28 or "acuto." Of course only the intended correspondent, who pos- 
sessed a copy of the cipher-chart, could correctly interpret the meanings of the 
repetition dots. 

9. For a brief discussion of the nature and use of ciphers in early modem diplo- 
matic communication, see Garrett Mattingly, Renaissance Diplomacy (Boston, 
1955), PP- 213-216. 

10. See Phillip Stone et al., The General Inquirer: A Computer Approach to Content 
Analysis (Cambridge, Mass., 1966). Mr. George Miller is PENINK's creator. 
I am much indebted to the Rev. J. K. Siberz for having introduced me to 
PENINK and for guiding me through the intricate programming aspects of 
this project. 

11. The finishing program, named MEDICI, was written by the Rev. J. K. Siberz 
in PL/I, a new compiler language that is especially well suited to handhng 
alphabetic data. See Jack Heller and George W. Logeman, "PL/I: A Program- 
ming Language for Humanities Research," Computers and the Humanities, vol. 
I, Nov. 1966, pp. 19-27. 

12. A set of control cards for the two programs and a booklet of instructions have 
been shelved with the Montauti collection in the Lea Library. Also included is 
a copy of the deciphered version of Ms. Lea 30. 



[46] 



Three Kinds of Reply to A Tale of a Tub 

PETER S. WEYGANT* 

IN 1957 the University of Pennsylvania Library acquired the Swift 
collection of Dr. H. Teerink, the Dutch scholar who compiled 
and published A Bibliography of the Writings in Prose and Verse of Jona- 
than Stuift, D. D. (The Hague, 1937). Professor Arthur H. Scouten 
described the importance of this collection in "Materials for the 
Study of Swift at the University of Pennsylvania," Library Chronicle, 
XXIII (1957); and he used the collection in editing Teerink's revision 
of the bibliography, published in 1963 by the University of Pennsyl- 
vania Press. The Teerink Collection is of interest not only to editors 
and bibliographers of Swift, however, for it contains a large number 
of contemporary replies and criticisms directed at specific works, 
especially A Tale of a Tub and Gulliver s Travels. This paper will dis- 
cuss the kinds of response elicited by A Tale of a Tub, first published 
in 1704. 

When the Tale first appeared, it became the subject of controversy 
almost at once. For the next fifty years, various commentaries, at- 
tacks, parodies, imitations and translations kept the controversy alive. 
The dispute continues even today: one recent article discusses Ed- 
mund Curll's Complete Key to the Tale of a Tub in great detail in an 
attempt to discover the true authorship of the Tale.^ Some of the 
early replies are interesting in themselves, though iriost are quite un- 
important except in their relationship to the Tale. Taken together, 
they help to demonstrate the climate of eighteenth-century opinion 
surrounding this difficult and still controversial work. 

Throughout the eighteenth century the most common reflections 
of the Tale were derivative titles, works which borrowed the name 
of the Tale, though having litde connection with the work itself. 
Pieces of this kind include The Tripe Club: a Satyr . . .by the Author of 
the Tale of a Tub (1706); The Art of Cookery: A Poem . . .by the Author 
of a Tale of a Tub (1708); The History of Addresses: by One very near a 
Kin to the Author of the Tale of a Tub (1709); and many others. The 
large number of derivative titles indicates that the name of the Tale 

* Instructor in English at Fairleigh Dickinson University, Teaneck Campus. 

[47] 



had fairly wide circulation and thus a considerable sales value. Since 
they have little direct relevance to the Tale they v/ill not be discussed 
here. 

Far more familiar to modern readers of the Tale are the direct at- 
tacks on it which inspired the "Apology" of 1710. Wotton's "Obser- 
vations" and Curll's Complete Key are both reprinted in the Guth- 
kelch and Nichol Smith edition of the Tale and are readily available.^ 
But other works, such as William King's Some Remarks on the Tale of 
a Tub (1704, Teerink 997) and John Dennis's letter "To the Exam- 
iner" (1712), deserve more attention, for they put Wotton's state- 
ments and the "Apology" within a larger context. 

Fewer in number were imitations of the Tale, including continua- 
tions, second parts and parodies. These demonstrate another impor- 
tant feature of the contemporary reception of the Tale; it captured 
the imagination of other writers who, in imitating it, acknowledged 
its viability as a literary form. It is an interesting fact that parody and 
imitation seem to have the same effect when applied to the Tale; or 
perhaps more accurately, it is hard to distinguish imitation from 
parody. 

Between 1721 and 1787 there were several translations and adapta- 
tions of the Tale (usually along with other early works). Justus van 
EfFen's French translation went through many editions and was itself 
pirated in 1736 in a somewhat reduced form. Productions D' Esprit 
(Paris, 1736, Teerink 280) omitted the Tale proper (certainly because 
of its anti-Catholic passages) and printed the digressions separately as 
letters, along with some additional material, including A Meditation 
upon a Broomstick. There were three translations into German and one 
into Dutch. Most of these translations contain prefatory matter that 
is favorable to Swift; some of the comments are quite illuminating. 
Along with Letter 23 of Orrery's Remarks on the Life and Writings of 
Dr. Jonathan Swift (1752, Teerink 1333) they reveal the growing cli- 
mate of favorable opinion. The present paper, then, will discuss these 
three types of reply to the Tale — direct attacks, parodies and imita- 
tions, and favorable criticisms. 

William Wotton's "Observations" appeared in 1705 in a volume 
entitled A Defense of the Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning. 
This volume was the latest part of the ancient-modern controversy 

[48] 



waged in England between Sir William Temple for the ancients, and 
Bentley and Wotton for the modems.-' Since Swift had satirized both 
Bentley and Wotton in the Tale by name, Wotton had good reason 
to attack him in turn. However, Wotton deliberately avoided dis- 
cussing the digressions wherein the author satirizes Bentley and him- 
self, histead he attacked the religious allegory and claimed that the 
Tale was irreverent. Speaking of the three sons, he says, "The num- 
ber of these Sons born thus at one Birth, looks asquint at the trinity, 
and one of the Books in our Author's Catalogue in the Off-page 
over-against the Title, is a Panegyric upon the Number three, 
which Word is the only one that is put in Capitals in that whole 
Page" (p. 317). Most of his observations attempt to show that Swift 
was attacking Christian faith rather than simply the corruptions of 
the Roman Catholics and the Presbyterians. 

William John Roscelli agrees to an extent with Wotton that Swift 
satirized religion itself (however unwittingly).'^ Roscelli quotes the 
following passage from the Tale: "An Asse's Head was placed so 
conveniently, that the Party affected might easily with his Mouth 
accost either of the Animal's Ears; which he was to apply close for a 
certain Space, and by a fugitive Faculty, peculiar to the Ears of that 
Animal, receive immediate Benefit, either by Eructation, or Expira- 
tion, or Evomition." Then he comments on it: 

If Swift is here ridiculing the presumption of a church who professes her- 
self able to cure all spiritual ills, he is simultaneously laughing at the stu- 
pidity of the sinner who attempts to save his soul by such absurd means. 
Now in terms of the latter context the efficacy of Penance toward actual 
remission of sin is irrelevant. What really matters is that some men, 
through the agency of this sacrament, seek to purify themselves in the 
sight of God — and Swift somehow asks us to mock them for their effort. 
And because he does, at least implicitly, ridicule belief in Penance, he 
lends some substance to his critics' charge that his allegory attacks faith as 
well as corruption, (p. 45) 

Roscelli errs, I think, in accusing Swift of an attack on the faith of 
certain men in the sacrament of Penance. Here Swift is attacking the 
doctrine of auricular confession, a frequent object of attack in the late 
seventeenth century, both in sermons and in popular literature. One 
attack far more severe than Swift's is found in John Oldham's Satires 
upon the Jesuits (1681), iv, 285-294:^ 

[49] 



And here I might (if I but durst) reveal 

What pranks are play'd in the confessional: 

How haunted virgins have been dispossess'd, 

And devils were cast out to let in priest; 

What Fathers act with novices alone, 

And what to punks in shriving seats is done, 

Who thither flock to ghostly confessor 

To clear old debts, and tick with Heav'n for more. 

Oft have I seen these hallow'd altars stain'd 

With rapes, those pews with buggeries profan'd. 

The attitude here toward the faithful is severe indeed; Swift's treat- 
ment of the same circumstances is very restrained by comparison. 
But it is important to see Swift's satire (as well as Wotton's remarks) 
within the context of seventeenth-century religious controversy. If 
Swift is attacking Roman Catholic and hence Christian faith, so is 
Oldham, and so are the numerous writers of anti-Papist sermons and 
tracts within w^hose tradition he writes. 

The attacks on the religious allegory in the Tale have perhaps been 
stressed too much. Critics of Swift in fact attacked him equally for 
offenses against literary decorum. William King's Some Remarks on 
the Tale of a Tub (1704, Teerink 997), pubhshed before Wotton's 
"Observations," attacks Swift from this different viewpoint.^ It is 
interesting that King (1663-1712) did not know who was the author 
of the Tale when he attacked it; later he became friendly with Swift 
and referred favorably to him in his writings. The original purpose of 
King's reply was to avow "that he had no hand in writing the Tale of 
a Tub" himself. 

These remarks are complex in form; they consist of a "Preface 
(presumably by the bookseller) and "Remarks, &c" in the form of a 
letter addressed to Dr. King, but supposedly written by a trash- 
collector. King uses this persona to demonstrate that even the basest 
sort of man has the good sense to avoid the Tale. This garbage-man 
is remarkably literate and refmed, a fact that adds to the effect of 
King's satire and makes the piece very amusing. The letter is sent 
from "Gravel-lane, in Old-street, June 10, 1704": 

... as I was returning from my nightly vocation, which, beginning be- 
tween eleven and twelve in the evening, generally employs me till the dawn 
of the succeeding morning; and being melancholy that I had not found 

[50] 



so much gold that night as I might be supposed to have done either by my 
wife or my neighbours; I saw a fellow pasting up the title-pages of Books 
at the corners of the streets; and there, among others, I saw one called 
"The Tale of a Tub:" which imagining to be a satire upon my profession, 
I ordered one of my myrmidons to attack the fellow ... till at last the 
fellow . . . promised to go to Mr. Nutt's for one of the copies. ... (p. 214) 

This street-sweeper is very particular about his own character: 

... I affect cleanliness to a nicety. I mix my ink with rose or orange- 
flower- water, my scrutoire is of cedar-wood, my wax is scented, and my 
paper hes amongst sweet bags. In short, I will use you with a thousand 
times more respect than the Bookseller of the "Tale of a Tub" does a noble 
Peer, under the pretence of a Dedication; or than the Author does his 
Readers, (pp. 214-215) 

After these preliminaries, the street-sweeper proceeds to his allega- 
tions against the Tale: 

. . . the Author's first aim is, to be profane; but that part I shall leave to my 
betters, since matters of such a nature are not to be jested with, but to be 
punished. 

The second is, to shew how great a proficient he is, at hectoring and 
bullying, at ranting and roaring, and especially at cursing and swearing. 
He makes his persons of all characters full of their oaths and imprecations; 
nay, his very spider has his share, and, as far as in the Author hes, he would 
transmit his impiety to things that are irrational. 

His third is, to exceed all bounds of modesty. Men who are obHged by 
necessity to make use of uncommon expressions, yet have an art of mak- 
ing all appear decent; but this Author, on the other side, endeavours to 
heighten the worst colours, and to that end he searches his antient Authors 
for their lewdest images, which he manages so as to make even impudence 
itself to blush at them. 

His next is, a great affectation for every thing that is nasty. When he 
spies any object that another person would avoid looking on, that he em- 
braces. He takes the air upon dung-hills, in ditches, and common-shoars, 
and at my Lord Mayor's dog-kennel. In short, almost every part has a 
tincture of such filthiness, as renders it unfit for the worst of uses. (pp. 
215-16) 

The greatest objections here are to coarse style and offenses against 
decorum. This literate trash-collector leaves the profanity "to my 
betters"; and Wotton was quick to supply his own objections in 

[51] 



1705. In any case, King's objections were common in the eighteenth 
century, though they are no longer taken seriously by the descriptive 
critics of the twentieth. Thus Wotton's "Observations" are only one 
kind of attack, and not the most common. 

An even greater extreme of adverse criticism is John Dennis's at- 
tack on Swift in a letter "To the Examiner" (1712):'^ 

But 'tis not enough to say thou art a Priest, 'tis time to point out what 
Priest thou art. Thou art a Priest then who mad'st thy first Appearance in 
the World like a dry Joker in Controversy, a spiritual Buffoon, an Ecclesi- 
astical J^c/e Pudding, by pubHshing a Piece of waggish Divinity, which was 
writ with a Design to banter all Christianity; yes, thou nobly began'st, as 
Judas Iscariot ended; began'st by crucifying thy God afresh, and seUing 
him to John Nutt for ten Pound and a Crown, and so under-selling half in 
half thy execrable Predecessor. 

Demiis here uses Wotton's "Observations" (or at least the same kind 
of adverse opinion) brutally against Swift in an example of pure in- 
vective. We see from this passage how seriously Wotton's comments 
could be taken by those so inclined. 

Not all the replies to the Tale were so unfavorable as the direct 
criticisms of Wotton, King, and Dennis. Imitations of the Tale (some 
of which appear to be parodic) convey at least an ambivalent re- 
sponse, and sometimes a favorable one. One piece that takes an am- 
bivalent position is A Morning s Discourse of a Bottomless Tubb (1712, 
Teerink 1005). This work consists of an "Epistle Dedicatory," which 
argues political moderation; an Introduction, which attacks Swift; 
and the greatest part of the work, "The Pleasant Fable of the Oak and 
her Three Provinces," a political allegory in which the oak represents 
Queen Anne, and the Provinces, England, Ireland, and Scotland. 
This political allegory is clearly derived from the design of the Tale; 
the author even alludes to the Tale: "... there were a great many 
[trees] possess'd with the Enthusiasms of the Three Brothers, Peter, 
Martin, und Jack before mentioned . . ." (p. 29). 

The "Morning's Discourse" section is actually the introduction to 
the fable described above. This discourse takes the form of a conver- 
sation between two friends about the Tale: 

It chanc'd that another Gentleman and my self making to the Place an 

[52] 



early Visit, fell into a very warm Dispute. The Controversie was Critically 
Scholastick, for he was vindicating with great Vehemence, a certain Trea- 
tise written some Years since, pubhsh'd by the Title of ^4 Tale of a Tub; 
which, for all its smattering of Learning and Spice of Ingenuity, was by 
many of the Judicious, who dehberately inspected it, frequently found to 
be frivilous, or if we may make use of a quibbhng Figure, Bottomless, and 
in a great Measure not deserving the Credit it has got in the World, (p. 2) 

The speaker then begins his criticism of the Tale. After re-titling the 
work ''Bundle of Dirressions [sic]" and berating the insolence of the 
author in attacking famous writers by name, he goes on. Note the 
ambivalence of these lines : 

Now the notable Touches on the rambling Subject of his Book, I dare 
Swear, he thinks, (as indeed a great many in Town do besides) very Schol- 
lar-Hke and witty; well, perhaps I think so too, yet for aU that, I shall not 
fear to say, his exposing Avithors nominally, and sheltring himself from 
Reprehension by Concealment, is very immoral and unjust. ... I shall not 
through any apprehension of his Gygantick Merit spare him, who for his 
Diversion is pleased to make so bold with me, concurring with the Famous 
Tasso, L'ahe nan temo, e riiumili non sdegno. (p. 5) 

Later, in a sort of crescendo, the speaker continues: 

Bless us! What a Chaos of various Conditions, wovild this Whimsical Au- 
thor make us beheve he has suffer' d, in the turning over a few Pages? Here 
he's Secretary to the Universe, in another Place Miraculous for his great Gen- 
ius, and then a little further, A deplorable Beggar, half starv'd in a Garret: 
But have Patience a httle, this you are to understand is only Banter still, a 
Pedant's new Jest, as I told you before; but truly I think very unbecoming 
any Gentleman's Pen, much less, one that has the Honour to be of the 
Clergy. . . . And therefore for lessening himself in this Scandalous Man- 
ner ... his Book ought to be condemn'd. ... (p. 12) 

The Mornings Discourse contains one amusing passage about the 
style of the Tale: ", . . for all his railing at others Fustian, you shall 
fmd frequently, Pruriences, Protuberances, Adumbrations, Prolegomenas, 
Apparatus's, Tothereadersses, Fastidiosity, Amorphy & Oscitation. And 
an Army of others as powerful, endeavouring to fright common 
Sence out of its Wits, and confound the good Method of Stile to a 
Degree of Barbarism" (p. 14). Finally, the author gives an account of 

[53] 



a madman, a deranged merchant whose delusion is that he is Nep- 
tune. Then he apphes the story to the author of the Tale: 

. . . the Principal Subject Matter of his Book, as a covert Satyr upon Popery 
and Phanatacism, being very instructive, is wittily design' d, and the Judi- 
cious Reader would be ready to swear with the Partial Town, that the 
Gentleman is not only a smart Scholar, but a soHd Protestant, and conse- 
quently a good Christian. But then suddainly, in some confounded Di- 
gression, a few Pages after, the mad Vein being touch' d, either By [sic] 
Dr. Bendy, Mr. Wootton [sic], or some other Modem Writer, he Mim- 
icks Cousin Neptune to the heighth, and instead of a Taper-Clergyman, 
swells up "within a very small Matter of the overgrown Size of a Bulky 
Atheist, and is as ravingly mad as our before-mention'd Merchant for the 
Heart of him. . . . (pp. 21-22) 

In this passage, the speaker imitates the Tale, whether he is aware of 
it or not. First digressing himself in the story of the merchant, he 
fmally brings the digression to bear on his subject, whom he attacks 
for the use of the same digressions. Whether this Morning's Discourse 
is a conscious parody of Swift or not, its effect is to reinforce the 
validity of the Tale's literary method. We should note also that the 
objects of attack here are abuses of decorum, as in King, not failings 
of orthodoxy, as in Wotton. To King's criticism of lewdness and 
obscenity this author adds those of stylistic imperfection and the im- 
propriety of the work to a clergyman's pen. But most important, the 
ambivalence of this criticism can be seen in the way the author quali- 
fies his statements: "well, perhaps I think so too, yet for all that. . . ." 
Another similarly ambivalent criticism is found in The Tale of a 
Tub, Reversd (1705, Teerink 998), an English adaptation of the Nou- 
velle Allegorique (1663) by Antoine Fureticre. The French work is a 
kind of prototype of The Battle oj the Books; quite possibly the publi- 
cation of the Battle along with the Tale in 1704 created a market for 
works of this kind. In any case, the preface contains some adverse 
criticism of the Tale, as well as some imitation of its style. The writer 
begins with an imitative passage: 

. . . if that Covetous Fellow, the Bookseller, who being first Imposed upon 
himself, is resolved to make the rest of Mankind pay for it; if he, I say, 
(having lately met with several abortive Performances, that were never 
able to travel farther, than from the Press to his Shop) out of firm and cer- 

[54] 



tain Assurance, that these few Sheets, to use his own Phrase, would Run 
hke Lightning, had not most surreptitiously taken them out of my Cus- 
tody, before that Rogue the Engraver brought home my Picture; you 
might have beheld a Marriage, as I may call it, or a Copulation between 
Effigies Authoris and his beloved Title Page. ... I must confess, I do greatly 
wonder, why that Reverend Person, who has lately Publish'd a compleat 
System of Divinity, commonly called, or known by the Name of a Tale 
of a Tub, which like 

The Story of the Bear and Fiddle, 

Is Sung, but breaks off in the Middle. 
Hudibras. 
a most admirable Treatise, wherein the Authors good Breeding and Piety 
and Good-humour, and Christian Charity and Aversion to Satyr, and in- 
comprehensible Learning most manifestly appear. I wonder, I say, why 
he, or rather the Bookseller for him, (for he, good Soul, now Rests in 
Peace with. Julian, Hobbes, Aretine, and those other incorrupt Pillars of the 
Church) has not taken the same Method: But having Frighted the World 
by Terms of Art, Hocus Poms, Words as dreadful as Greek and Hebrew to 
the Ignorant, or Holy Water to the Devil . . . into a firm and Sohd Belief, 
of all the Articles of Christianity, it might not have been convenient for 
him to have appeared after that in a Lay Habit, especially in this Papistical 
Age, which Judges of the Doctrine, by the Life and Conversation of the 
Preacher .... (sig. A2r-A3v) 

The speaker comments ironically on several features of the Tale, and 
then proceeds to attack its author for anonymity. The references to 
the Bookseller certainly suggest the frequent mention of him in the 
prolegomena to the Tale; and certain phrases echo the Preface and 
Introduction. Such verbal echoes as "Aversion to Satyr" direct our 
attention to the brilliant irony of the Tale itself, rather than set our 
minds against its author. Moreover, the style of the long-winded 
passage just quoted is imitative of the Tale's, own baroque style. Espe- 
cially fantastic (and rather Swiftian) is the conceit of the "Copulation 
betv^een Effigies Authoris and his beloved Title Page." Ultimately, 
then, what appears to be an attack on the Tale, is simply an imitation 
of its method, and hence a kind of indirect praise. 

A third imitation of the Tale deserves special notice because it was 
once attributed to Swift himself. A Dedication to a Great Man, Con- 
cerning Dedications (1718, Teerink 894) has no explicit comiection 
to the Tale, but its subject matter is the same as that of numerous ded- 

[55 ] 



ications in the Tale: the hypocrisy of dedicators and patrons. The 
opening passage gives a good idea of the contents: 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship and I are not at all acquainted, I therefore take Leave to be 
very famihar with you, and to desire you to be my Patron, because you 
do not know me, nor I you: Nor can this Manner of Address seem strange 
to your Lordship, whilst it is warranted by such numerous Precedents. I 
have known an Author praise an Earl for twenty Pages together, tho' he 
knew nothing of him, but that he had Money to spare. He made him 
Wise, Just, and Rehgious, for no Reason in the World, but in Hopes to 
find him Charitable; and gave him a more bountiful Heart, because he 
himself had a most empty Stomach. This Practice being general, it is a 
very easy Matter to guess, by the Size of the Panegyrick, how wealthy the 
Patron may be, or how hungry the Author; if it exceeds three Pages, you 
may pawn all the Blood in your Body upon it, the Writer has fasted three 
Days; and that his Lordship, among all his other good Parts, has at least 
ten thousand Pounds a Year. (pp. 3-4)^ 

It is not hard to see how this came to be attributed to Swift; for the 
object of satire is the same as that of the "Dedication" to Lord Som- 
mers by the Bookseller of the Tale: "I should now, in right of a 
Dedicator, give your Lordship a List of your own Virtues, and at the 
same time, be very unwilling to offend your Modest)'; But, chiefly, 
I should celebrate your Liberality towards Men of great Parts and 
small Fortunes, and give you broad Hints, that I mean my self" (p. 
23). The Dedication to a Great Man simply expands (somewhat less 
subtly) this theme. 

Two passages seem to be especially Swiftian. The first is a bill from 
a dedicator for services rendered: 

To the Right Honourable Dives Earl o/"Widefield, 
Debtor to Paul Poorwit,/or the folloimng Goods 
sold and deliver d. 



I. s. d. 

02 10 00 



Imprimis, For a large Stock of ) 
Learning, very much wanted ) 
Item, For a Barrel of rare Elo- 
quence, admir'd by all the World, ) 05 00 00 
but never yet vised, 

[56I 



10 00 00 



01 00 00 



It. For as much Justice and 

Honour as a Great Man has [ 00 oi 13/2 

Occasion for. 

It. For a Hogshead of Courage 

that never saw the Sun, 

It. For half a Pound of Wit and 

Humour, being all I had to spare, 

but very good in their Kind, and 

Dog cheap. 

It. For a long Line of Lineage, 

and great Quantities of ancient 

Blood, neither of them measur'd, 

but only guess'd at, 

It. For praising your Ancestors, ) 

unknown, J 

It. For admiring your Lady's ) 

Beauty unsight, [sic] unseen, ) 

It. For a graceful Person, all of 1 

my own making, j 

It. For several Thimble-fulls 

of Generosity, a scarce Commodity ! 



05 00 00 



01 10 00 



00 10 00 



02 10 00 



00 02 05 



Sum Total 28 03 63^ 

(pp. 7-8) 

The second passage appears to be derived from several different 
parts of the Tale, notably Sections viii and ix, and from the Discourse 
Concerning the Mechanical Operation of the Spirit, printed with the 
Tale, The dedicator is discussing oratory: 

Were the Tongue only to move by the Direction of good Sense, how 
many worthy English Gentlemen and fme Ladies would live and die se- 
cretly Dumb? This putting of the Jaws upon hard Labour without Profit, 
and committing a Rape upon Peoples Ears without the Consent of their 
Hearts, is a notorious Nuisance and Breach of the Peace. It is an Offence to 
others, and a Distemper in our selves. This disease I call the Upward Loose- 
ness; and it is in several Respects as nauseous as that below; nay, it some- 
times equally affronts the Sense of SmeUing, as when the Speaker's Lungs 
are not over-orthodox, or so ... . 

. . . Why must prating Oafs (empty of every Thing but Froth and 
Clamour) be for ever suffer' d, without Rebuke, to be spewing up their 

[57] 



ill-scented Crudities in the Faces of Men that are either Wise or Brave? I 
would humbly propose . . . that whenever an Orator of this Sort begins to 
gape and strain, one of the Company shall go up to him, and, taking hold 
of his Button, tell him, Sir, I am sorry to see you troubled with so violent a 
Vomiting: Or, perhaps, it may be more proper, without saying a Word, 
to run with a Chamber-pot, and hold it up to his Chin. For this Purpose, 
I would decree, that every Place of publick Meeting in this Island be pro- 
vided with one or more of these necessary Vessels, either to receive or re- 
strain the Overflowings of indigested Oratory. If one of these emetick 
Speakers cannot conveniently be come at, it is only crying, To the Chamber- 
pot; and if he has Shame in him, he will grow well, and sit down. (pp. 
20-21) 

Swift himself disowned authorship of this piece, but the fact that the 
work was ascribed to him at all indicates that contemporary readers 
found it Swiftian, and this judgment was probably based on famili- 
arity with the Taky Bound with one copy of the Dedication to a 
Great Man is a reply, A Letter to the Rev. Mr. Dean Swift, Occasion d by 
a Satire Said to be Written by him. Entitled, A Dedication . . . .^° This re- 
ply assumes Swift's authorship and generally agrees with the satire 
although, again, there is no explicit mention of the Tale. Clearly, 
however, Swift had a reputation for works like the Dedication to a 
Great Man; whoever the author was, he must have had a great ad- 
miration for Swift's technique. 

More objective responses to the Tale began to appear as soon as a 
degree of critical perspective had been achieved. This occurred first 
on the Continent, since foreign critics and translators were less di- 
rectly involved with the English literary scene. In 172 1 Justus van 
EfFen published his translation of the Tale, Le Conte du Tonneau (The 
Hague, Teerink 263); his preface reveals this objective critical per- 
spective. Van EfFen writes in defense of the Tale: 

Les Anglois le considerent avec raison comme un Chef-d'oeuvre de fme 
plaisanterie, & malgre la langueur, qu'une traduction doit de necessite 
donner a ccs sortes de productions d'Esprit, je croi que le Lecteur con- 
viendra, qu'il est difficile de trouver dans aucune langue un Ouvrage si 
plein de feu, & d'imagination. Il est vrai en meme tems qu'il ne se peut 
rien de plus bisarre; la narration est interrompue continuellement par des 
digressions, qui occupent plus de place que le sujet principal; mais cette 

[58] 



bisareric n'est point I'cffct d'un esprit dcregle, qui s'echappe a soi-meme, & 
dont la raison ne sauroit niaitriscr la fougue; ce desordre est afFecte pour 
tourncr en ridicule les Auteurs Anglois les plus modernes, qui se plaisent a ces 
sortes d'ecarts impertinens, uniquement pour dormer du volume a leurs 
productions. (Vol. i, sig. *2r-*2v) 

As early as 1721, van EfFen recognized the satiric mask used in the 
work, distinguishing the author's intent from the ravings of the per- 
sona. In fact, van Effen's preface is the first useful objective discussion 
of the Talc as a v^hole. 

One passage of van Effen's preface is a direct refutation of Wotton 
and other earlier critics: 

Je suis persuadee que ce que je viens de dire a I'avantage de ce Conte sur- 
prendra beaucoup la plupart des personnes, qui en ont entendu parler. 
Tous les devots en Angleterre regardent cet Ouvrage comme le dernier 
effort d'une imagination libertine, qui ne songe, qu'a fonder I'irreHgion 
sur la ruine de toutes les Sectes Chretiennes. De la maniere dont la masse 
generale des hommes, qui ont une Religion, est faite, il faut de necessite 
qu'elle en forme ce jugement. D'ordinaire chaque individu humain em- 
brasse les opinions de sa Secte, pour ainsi dire en bloc, & il croit impossible 
d'etre d'une telle, ou d'une telle Religion, si Ton hesite seulement sur le 
moindre Article de sa confession de foi. Nous heritons la Religion de nos 
parens; il nous en delivrent les Dogmes soli des & raisonnables pele mele, 
avec le fanatisme & la superstition; heritiers credules, & inconsiderez, nous 
ne distinguons pas ce qu'il y a de reelement beau & d' utile dans ce tresor, 
d'avec la fausse monoye, qui la plupart du tems brille & frappe d'avantage 
que I'or pur & veritable. Dans cette malheureuse prevention, un homme 
qui examine, & qui ose trouver quelque chose a redire a la moindre par- 
ticularite etrangere de chaque Secte Chretienne, passe dans notre esprit 
pour un Libertin, qui les rejette absolument les unes, & les autres, & qui 
est indigne de porter le nom de Chretien, (sig. *5v-*6r) 

This passage gives us an idea of the extent to which adverse criticism 
of the Tale had gone. The first sentence of the passage shows that 
such adverse criticism had reached the Continent, and was common 
enough for a favorable interpretation to be greeted with surprise. 
The critic of the Tale described by van Effen here is not far removed 
from Dennis, whose harsh remarks may well have been common. 

Another favorable discussion of the Tale is found in John, Earl of 
Orrery's Remarks on the Life and Writings of Dr. Jonathan Swift (1752, 

[59] 



Teerink 1333). In Letter 23, Orrery discusses the Tale, and defends 
Swift against his critics: 

It has been one of the misfortunes attending Christianity, that many of her 
sons, from a mistaken fiHal piety, have indulged themselves in too re- 
strained, and too melancholy a way of thinking. Can we wonder then, if 
a book composed with all the force of wit and humour in derision of 
sacerdotal tyranny, in ridicule of grave hypocrisy, and in contempt of 
flegmatic stiffness, should be so wilfully misconstrued by some persons, 
and ignorantly mistaken by others, as a sarcasm and reflexion upon the 
whole Christian Church? (pp. 300-301) 

The perspective van Effen had achieved through nationality Orrery 
achieves through time (he is writing at mid-century) and through a 
more sympathetic attitude toward his subject. He continues with an 
interesting observation on the rehgious allegory of the Tale: 

In the style of truth, therefore, I must still look upon The Tale of a Tub, as 
no intended insult against Christianity, but as a satyr against the wild errors 
of the church of Rome, the slow and incompleat reformation of the Lu- 
therans, and the absurd, and affected zeal of the presbyterians. (pp. 301- 
302) 

Orrery's association of Martin with "the slow and incompleat refor- 
mation of the Lutherans" is quite different from Wotton's direct 
equation of Martin with the Church of England. The effect, of 
course, is to exonerate Swift from any charge of attacking the An- 
glican faith itself. 

Finally, Orrery turns to the attacks made on Swift, and discusses 
the authorship question. 

However wide therefore the difference of Peter and Jack might have 
been in fashioning their coats, the two brothers most sincerely agreed in 
their hatred of an adversary so powerful as this anonymous author. They 
spared no unmannerly reflexions upon his character. They had recourse to 
every kind of abuse that could reach liim. And sometimes, it was the work 
of Swift and his companions: sometimes not a syllable of it was his work, 
it was the work of one of his uncle's sons, a clergyman: and sometimes it 
was the work of a person, who was to be nameless, (p. 304) 

Orrery here must refer to Curll's Complete Key, which assigns certain 
parts of the Tale to Swift, and others to his cousin Thomas Swift. 
Orrery seems to interpret the Key as an indirect attack on Swift, in 

[60] 



denying his authorship of the Tale. Perhaps Orrery's critical perspec- 
tive is at a disadvantage in this question, however, since it would 
have been disadvantageous for Jonathan Swift to acknowledge the 
work. If he had admitted authorship publicly, we can only assume 
there would have been more attacks like Demiis's. 

With the achievement of critical perspective, then, responses to the 
Tale approached rather closely to modern evaluations of the work. 
In the eighteenth century criticism proceeded from outright attack to 
imitation to objective study, and interestingly, one of Orrery's re- 
marks is still a subject of controversy — the authorship question. It is 
important to note that much of the early criticism was favorable, 
whether directly, as in van Effen's preface, or indirectly, in the nu- 
merous imitations and parodies which, for all their direct attack, ap- 
proved of the Tale's method. Thus the contemporary success of the 
Tale can be gauged by the large number of writers who found in it 
a starting point for their own work. 



NOTES 

Robert M. Adams, "Jonathan Swift, Thomas Swift, and the Authorship of ^ 
Tale of a Tub," MP, lxiv (1966-67), 198-232. The complexities of the Tale 
have produced numerous critical discussions of the work during the past twenty 
years. Miriam K. Starkman, in Swift's Satire on Learning in A Tale of a Tub 
(Princeton, 1950) asserts the unity of satiric attack on corruptions of the new 
learning; and Phillip Harth's Swift and Anglican Rationalism (Chicago, 1961) 
discusses the particular objects of the Tale's satire on rehgion. See also Ronald 
Paulson, Theme and Structure in Swift's Tale of a Tub (New Haven, i960), espe- 
cially pp. 2-4. 

A Tale of a Tub, ed. A. C. Guthkclch and D. Nichol Smith, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 
195^)? PP- 313-360. Also included is "The History of Martin" reprinted from 
Miscellaneous Works, Comical & Diverting (1720, Teerink 17). All references to 
the Tale and to these replies are to page numbers of this text. For rephes not 
printed by Guthkelch and Nichol Smith short titles and dates are presented in 
my text along with numerical reference to A Bibliography of the Writings of 
Jonathan Swift, 2nd ed., revised and corrected by H. Teerink, ed. A. H. Scou- 
tcn (Philadelphia, 1963). 

Richard Foster Jones in Ancients and Moderns: a Study of the Background of the 
Battle of the Books (St. Louis, 1936) discusses this controversy in detail; Mir- 
iam K. Starkman applies Jones's findings to the Tale in her furst chapter. 

[6. ] 



4. In "A Tale of a Tub and the 'Cavils of the Sour' ," JEGP, lxtv (1965), 41-56. 

5. Quoted from Poems on Affairs of State, 11, ed. Ehas F. Mengel, Jr. (New Haven, 
1965), 79. Numerous parallels to Swift's attacks on rehgious abuse are dis- 
cussed by C. M. Webster: "The Puritan's Ears in A Tale of a Tub," MLN, 
XLVii (1932), 96-97; "Swift's Tale of a Tub Compared with Earher Satires of 
the Puritans," PML^, xlvii (1932), 171-178; "Swift and Some Earlier Satirists 
of Puritan Enthusiasm," PMLA, XLvm (1933), 1141-1153; and "The Satiric 
Background of the Attack on the Puritans in Swift's A Tale of a Tub," PMLA, 
I- (1935)5 210-223. Phillip Harth discusses the numerous seventeenth-century 
attacks on Catholics and atheists as well in Swft and Anglican Rationalism. 

6. The Remarks were reprinted in King's Works, 3 vols. (London, 1776), i, 209- 
218, Subsequent quotations are from this text. 

7. "To the Examiner," Critical Works, ed. E. N. Hooker (Baltimore, 1939-43), 
n, 397-398. 

8. The edition quoted from is the sixth, 1719. So many editions in two years in- 
dicates great popularity. 

9. Swift wrote to Pope on January 10, 172 1, "I cannot forbear instancing a Trea- 
tise called a Dedication upon Dedications, which many would have to be 
mine, although it be as empty, dry, and servile a composition, as I remember 
at any time to have read." In The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift, ed. Harold 
Wilhams, 11 (Oxford, 1963), 368-369. 

10. The reply is dated 171 9. 



[62] 



An Unpublished Letter of 
Samuel Richardson 

HOWARD BENOIST* 

ON the sixth of March, 1755,^ Samuel Richardson pubHshed his 
last book, A Collection of the Moral and Instructive Sentiments, 
Maxims, and Reflexions Contained in the Histories of Pamela, Clarissa, and 
Sir Charles Grandisoii. The work consists of a Preface, written by the 
Reverend Mr. Benjamin Kennicott, three sections of "sentiments" 
(short moral sayings drawn from the novels), one from each of the 
novels, and two letters addressed to critics of the recently published 
Sir Charles Grandison.^ Some four months earlier, Richardson had 
written to Kemiicott^ about the Collection. Although this letter has 
been quoted in part in scholarly works on Richardson,"* it has never 
been published and is now in the manuscript collection of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania library. It is an interesting letter, and deserves 
to be more readily accessible. Dated London, Nov. 26, 1754, and ad- 
dressed to The Rev'd Mr. Kennicott, Exeter-College, Oxford, it 
reads as follows: 

Dear and Revd. Sir, 

No more Trouble will I give you about Mr. Swinton,^ &c, But refer 
my self to that Gentleman on his Return to Oxford. 

Must not quit the Pen! — Conscience! — Such a Number of Vols, of 
Such a Scribbler extant! — Conscience, repeat I! 

Thank you, dear Sir, for your Cyder. I hope to be able on opening the 
second Bottle, to give you a good Account of it. But, if it be a cooling 
Liquor, you ought to keep it, for the Use of your Neighbours in both In- 
terests — Ought you not? Yet, as we are likely to catch your Flame, at 50 
miles Distance, what you have sent, cannot but be welcome; provided 
you send no more; since that would be to Lessen the Quantity, where it 
will be most wanted. 

The Volume of Sentiments, &c. is what you mean, I presume, when 
you ask, when it will see the Light? It is a dry Performance — Dull Mo- 
rality, and Sentences, some pertinent, some impertinent, divested of Story, 
and Amusement; I cannot expect much from it, tho' enlivend by your 
kind and friendly Preface. There are who think I should have been other- 

* Captain, United States Army. 

[63 ] 



wise employ 'd;^ And these, Persons of the highest Consideration with me 
for their Judgment. When Parhamentary Bustles are over; of which your 
County Election will be, I suppose, the most vehement, and all things go 
on in the usual Course, then, perhaps, may I steal out this threefold Col- 
lection. 

I know not the Contents of Patty's'^ Postscript to y® Letter dictated by 
Mrs. Donnellan:^ But the good Girl is much pleased with the Notice you 
take of it. 

I have not yet seen the Pamphlet you mention.^ With regard to the 
general Conduct of the Gentlemen of that College in y^ late Pubhc Af- 
fair, ^^ I have concluded that they are almost the only Body of Men, who 
have acted in it uniformly well, and with Confidence and Honour, re- 
specting their political and civil Obligations. With me, therefore, that 
Loyal Body has wanted no Defence. 

Mrs. Donnellan joins with me in returning Thanks for your kind 
Wishes to us both. We neither of us boast: but are thankful that the Win- 
ter has not set in upon us, so severely, as some past Winters had done. 

I am very sorry, that my good Lord of Bristol^ ^ is so heavily treated by 
that cruel Malady the Gout. Vile Intruder ! — To thrust it self into Colleges ! 
May it never enter Yours! — You see, by its Attack upon that excellent 
Prelate, that Regularity of Life, and Moderation of every kind, are not 
always Extirpations, when the Sedentary and studious Life, have given 
Admission to so terrible an Enemy. My humblest Duty, and best Wishes 
for a speedy and complete Recovery, attend his Lordship: And my most 
respectful Compliments, Miss Conybeare.^^ 

My Wife and Girls join with me in due Respects to you. I am. Dear Sir, 

Your faithful, affectionate, and obhged 
Friend and Servant, 
London, Nov. 26. 1754. S. Richardson. 

It is likely that anyone looking through Richardson's Collection to- 
day would agree in the diagnosis of "a dry Performance — Dull Mo- 
rality, and Sentences . . . divested of Story, and Amusement." Rich- 
ardson had not the style of an aphorist; he was inclined to write like a 
seven-volume novelist, discursively, and the sentiments lack the 
pithy pointedncss that makes a maxim memorable. His moral view, 
too, is decidedly heavy and takes itself very seriously. The interesting 
thing about the Collection is not affected by the infelicitous style, 
though. Richardson made the selection of the sentiments himself, 
collecting, arranging, sometimes rewriting them, and it is for this 

[64] 



reason, not because one expects "Amusement," that it is worth ex- 
amining. He considered it a digest of the morahty contained in the 
three novels— the Instruction without the Dehght, to use the Renais- 
sance formula. From it we can see what he meant to inculcate as moral 
behavior in the novels, as well as get an idea of his theories of social 
and religious duty. 

The negative tone of Richardson's comment on the Collection need 
not be taken too seriously. Sale says that "In a letter to Keimicott, 
Richardson spoke disparagingly of the work, but more with the view 
of prompting Kennicott to praise it, I suspect, than with any real con- 
viction." ^^ This sounds like Richardson; he is constantly proclaiming 
his modesty, and constantly fishing for compliments. According to 
Mrs. Barbauld, he had higher hopes for the Collection than his be- 
litding of it to Keimicott would suggest. Richardson, she says, 

always valued himself upon the morality of his pieces, much more than 
upon his invention, and had partly persuaded himself, and partly been 
flattered by others, into the idea, that he was the great reformer of the 

age he certainly did seem to expect, that this Httle volume would be 

used by his admirers as a kind of manual of morahty. ^4 

Kennicott would in any case have been unlikely to agree with a poor 
opinion of the worth of the Collection. He had written a preface to it 
which stressed its moral effectiveness, saying that it would "animate 
man to act up to his genuine greatness."!^ The letter, then, should be 
taken less as indicating Richardson's lack of confidence in the Collec- 
tion, than as a characteristic parade of modesty and courting of com- 
pliments. 



NOTES 

1. William Merritt Sale, Jr., Samuel Richardson: A Bibliographical Record of his Lit- 
erary Career with Historical Notes (New Haven, 1936), p. 95. 

2. For a full discussion of the Collection, see my impublished dissertation (Univer- 
sity of Pemisylvania, 1968). 

3. Benjamin Kennicott was a friend of Richardson's, Fellow of Exeter College, 
Oxford, and a noted Biblical and Hebrew scholar. 

4. Sale, p. 96; A. D. McKillop, Samuel Richardson: Printer and Novelist (Chapel 
Hill, 1936), pp. 217-218. 

[65] 



5. John Swinton, historian and antiquary, was a Fellow of Wadliam College, 
Oxford, and Prebendary of St. Asaph. 

6. See Richardson's letter to Lady Echlin of July 7, i755, in A. L. Barbauld, ed., 
The Correspondence of Samuel Richardson (London. 1804; reprinted New York, 

1966), V, 48. 

7. Patty is Richardson's daughter Martha, who became Mrs. Edward Bridgen. 
She acted as Richardson's amanuensis when his nervous disorders were upon 

him. 

8. Mrs. Donnellan was the daughter of Nehemiala Donnellan, Lord Chief Baron 
of the Exchequer of Ireland. She remained unmarried and was introduced to 
Richardson by Mrs. Delany, becoming a favorite correspondent. See Volume 
IV of The Correspondence of Samuel Richardson for some of the letters between 

them. 

9. It is likely that the pamphlet is a pohtical one, on the Whig-Tory dissensions of 
I754_a parhamentary election year. The Tories tried to keep Whig supporters 
from the poUing places in the Oxfordshire election, but Exeter College was 
heavily Whig, and voters used the College gates to get to the booths. The Tory 
Vice-chancellor of the University insulted the College, whereupon "Scholars 
hke Kennicott stepped into the fray and scourged the Head of the University 
with Scriptural allusions. Dr. King and his friends plunged into personalities, 
glanced at Kennicott's humble birth and the love affairs of the Exeter Fellows. 
The London press took up the cry, and the httle world of wits and politicians 
made the most of an opportunity not hkely to recur." (C. E. Mallet, A History 
of the University of Oxford [London], m, 143-) Mallet says that the election 
"provoked one of those epidemics of pamphlets in which the eighteenth cen- 
tury rejoiced" (p. 142). 

10. In a letter to Richardson of June 9, i754 {Correspondence of Samuel Richardson, 
n, 186-195), Kennicott describes a convocation of the University at which Dr. 
King and the Tory authorities conferred degrees on supporters and castigated 
the Whig faction. See also a letter from Thomas Edwards to Richardson of 
March 19, 1755 [Correspondence, m, I2iff.) still discussing the Oxfordsliire 

affair. 

11. John Conybeare, Dean of Christ Church, became Bishop of Bristol in 1750. 

12. Kennicott's fiancee. 

13. Sale, p. 96. 

14. The Correspondence of Samuel Richardson, i, cxxxiv-cxxxv. 

15. Collection, p. viii. 



[66] 



Tate's Lear in the Nineteenth Century: 
The Edwin Forrest Promptbooks 

HENRY F. LIPPINCOTT, JR.* 

THE Edwin Forrest promptbooks o£Kmg Lear show that a ver- 
sion of Nahum Tate's alteration played regularly in America 
until at least 1872— thirty years later than stage historians usually sug- 
gest. ^ An eclectic text reflecting conservative theatrical practice, 
Forrest's Lear is at the same time surprisingly "pure," with a high 
percentage of lines based directly on Shakespeare. 

The Lear of Edwin Forrest (1806-72) was the dominant one seen 
in America during the middle two quarters of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. America's first great tragedian opened as Lear during his pre- 
mier season in New York on December 27, 1826.2 The role was an 
immediate success, and Forrest repeated it during virtually every en- 
gagement he met all over America and in Great Britain for the next 
forty-six years— one of the most remarkable records in theatrical 
annals.3 Only William Charles Macready, during his limited Ameri- 
can tours, and Edwin Booth offered Forrest serious competition. And 
because of Forrest's virtual monopoly of the role, Tate's alteration 
was played in America long after it had been abandoned elsewhere, 
for Forrest apparently never played any other version.^ His script, 
based on the Lear of Edmund Kean, restored Shakespeare's fifth act 
with its tragic ending but otherwise depended on Tate's alteration as 
modified by eighteenth-century producers. Despite the fact that 
Macready first played his "pure" Lear in America on September 27, 
1844— with a Shakespearean text, not Tate, and restoring the Fool — 
no major American actor followed Macready's example until Octo- 
ber 1870, when Edwin Booth played a Shakespearean version in 
Chicago. Booth, who still made many cuts and transpositions, did 
not play this "pure" Lear in New York until November 16, 1875— 
three years after Forrest's death — when it was no great success.^ For- 
rest's feuds with Macready are well known, and Forrest probably 
saw no good reason to abandon a playscript refined into a sure crowd- 
pleaser by almost two centuries of theatrical tradition. 

* Assistant Professor of English, United States Air Force Academy, Colorado. 

[67I 



The task of reconstructing the text of Forrest's Lear is made easier 
by Professor Shattuck's catalogue which records a number of prompt- 
books associated with Forrest.^ Hitherto unrecorded, and the occa- 
sion for this study, is what is apparently the earliest known Forrest 
promptbook of Lear — signed by Forrest and dated 1 848 — recently 
found in the remains of Forrest's library and on loan from the Edwin 
Forrest Home to the University of Pemisylvania Library. Although 
prepared for Forrest by someone else (probably a stage manager), the 
copy includes some of Forrest's own annotations and shows evidence 
of use in the theatre over an extended period of time. I suggest that 
Forrest used it for his personal rehearsal book from 1848 until about 
i860, when he published his own acting edition.^ 7\nalysis of this 
prompt text and collation with other Forrest promptbooks of Lear 
at Pennsylvania, the Harvard Theatre Collection, the Folger Library, 
and the Freedley Collection at Lincoln Center reveal the relationship 
between these promptbooks and the published acting texts of the 
period. 

The surviving promptbooks are of three overlapping t;^pes. Of 
greatest value are the rehearsal books used by Forrest and his stage 
manager to work up their production with resident theatrical com- 
panies all over America. In this category are the promptbook of 1848 
(unrecorded), Forrest's signed copy of his own i860 edition (Shat- 
tuck Lear 68), J. B. Wright's copies of the Cumberland and the i860 
editions (Shattuck 47 and 69), and possibly George Becks' copy of 
the i860 edition (Shattuck 71).^ Next in importance, and tantalizing 
because they are difficult to date, are the various stagebooks made by 
local theatre managers or prompters — generally, I suspect, copied 
from the master books of Forrest and his personal stage manager. 
This second category includes books from theatres in Boston (Shat- 
tuck 20 and 26) and New York (Shattuck 44, 45 and 52). Although 
these theatre promptbooks are of little textual authority — they are 
usually hastily made and inaccurate in detail — they do provide evi- 
dence for productions before 1848 when no Forrest promptbooks of 
the first type survive. The third category is that of souvenir or record 
copies made for a fan, a minor actor, or sometimes for the star him- 
self. Shattuck 68 and 71 may belong here instead of in the first cate- 
gory, and included also are William Winter's copy (Shattuck 70) and 
the copy made by James Taylor apparently for the Edwin Forrest 

[68] 



Lodge in New York (Shattuck 72). For Forrest's Lear, at least, these 
souvenir books are of little value, no matter how complete or beau- 
tifully made, because we have earlier, original promptbooks used in 
the theatre, harder to decipher but better evidence. 

In all these promptbooks there is one important copy missing: the 
book Forrest himself used prior to 1848. Although there is no sure 
evidence, the consensus of theatre promptbooks in the second cate- 
gory — some of which may date from before 1848 — is that Forrest's 
production always included Shakespeare's tragic ending, except per- 
haps at the very beginning of his career. Since no American acting 
edition oi^ Lear before the Modern Standard Drama edition of 1848 
restores Shakespeare's fifth act, Forrest probably used one of the edi- 
tions published in London after 1824 for Cumberland's British Thea- 
tre or made up a manuscript copy from other sources.^ If Forrest's 
production of Lear was consistent over most of the forty-six-year 
period, it is likely, then, that the publishing of an American acting 
edition of the play lagged several decades behind actual theatrical 
practice. 

A review of the available editions oiKing Lear will make this point 
more clear.^^ John Philip Kemble's acting editions of Shakespeare 
were the most popular early nineteenth-century scripts, either in their 
original London printings (variously, after 1808) or in reprints like 
those of Mrs. Inchbald (New York and London, after ca. 1808) and 
the Oxberry series (Boston and London, after 1832). Although Kem- 
ble restored some lines of Shakespeare's text, Kemble's Lear is essen- 
tially that of Tate and was the usual version seen in America in the 
early years of the century. We know that Forrest owned a number of 
Kemble's London editions, some interleaved and with prompt mark- 
ings, but if he also owned and used a copy of Kemble's Lear, that 
copy has not survived. It is possible, but by no means certain, that 
Forrest first opened in Kemble's version in 1826,1^ 

It is more certain that Forrest was influenced by the generation of 
London actors which immediately followed Kemble. For a British 
production of April 24, 1820, Edmund Kean and his stage manager 
Robert Elhston restored a few more lines of Shakespeare's text, 
changes reflected in Elliston's London acting edition that same year. 
And on February 10, 1823, still using what was essentially the Tate- 
Kemble version for the first four acts, they restored Shakespeare's 

[69] 



final act with its tragic ending. This final change is found only in the 
editions published for Cumberland's British Theatre (London, vari- 
ously after 1824), which apparently were not reprinted at the same 
time in America, Odell speculates in vain whether Kean brought this 
new version to America in 1825.^^ Kean's last Lear in New York was 
on November 20, 1826, only one month before Forrest's premier, 
but there is no direct link between Forrest and Kean's production. 
We know only that Forrest played Richmond to Kean's Richard III 
in Albany the previous year and that Forrest felt himself generally 
following the tradition of the older actor after the latter's return to 
England. ^-^ 

There is no sure evidence, then, for the date when Forrest began 
using Kean's version o(Kwg Lear}^ It is likely to assume that Forrest 
used Kean's version from some time very early in his career — if not 
from the very beginning — for the theatre promptbooks of the second 
category reflect the frustration of managers to fmd an acting text 
with the fmal act restored. With the ephemeral Cumberland edition 
printed only in England, theatre managers were forced to work up a 
promptbook as best they could from the available Kemble acting 
texts. Generally using the Oxberry edition, they laboriously copied 
out the whole new fmal act along with other changes and additions 
Forrest made (see Shattuck 20, 26, 44 and 45). The very fact that the 
American acting edition of 1848 reprinted the Kean text and not one 
based on a "pure" text is evidence, I think, that Forrest was already 
strongly committed to this version. 

For despite apparent demand, the Cumberland edition (Kean's 
final script) was not reprinted in America until the Modern Standard 
Drama edition (later Samuel French & Co.) appeared in 1848 — copy 
text for the newly found Forrest promptbook. The "Editorial Intro- 
duction" by John W. S. Flows (who otherwise does not edit the text 
and reprints Cumberland verbatim) somewhat reluctantly justifies 
the new edition: 

THE MODERN STANDARD DRAMA, being a faithful transcript of plays as 
they are acted, we have necessarily taken Tate's alteration as our text book. 
Although it may be proper to state that the good taste of several leading 
representatives of the character of Lear, have deviated from his generally 
adopted version, and have restored, in modified forms, the original text of 
Shakespeare. The elder Kean when he revived Lear, immediately after the 

[70] 



death of George III, during the latter part of whose reign this play was 
suppressed by authority, restored the original catastrophe of the tragedy, 
and the play closed with the death of Lear and Cordelia. Mr. Forrest has 
judiciously followed the example of his predecessor, and Mr. Macready, 
with that scholastic taste which so eminently distinguishes him, has gone 
further than either of his cotemporaries, for he has restored the entire 
original, excepting some necessary curtailments, rendered indispensable to 
meet the taste of modern audiences. 

The cast lists in this edition also put Forrest in the Kean tradition, list- 
ing a cast for Kean at "Drury Lane, 1824," for Forrest at the "Broad- 
way, 1848," and for Booth at "Arch-St., Phila. [n. d.]."^^ The infer- 
ence we can draw from this prefatory material is that Forrest had 
been committed to the Kean version, probably for some time, that 
he had no interest in a pure-text version, and that the editor's "scho- 
lastic taste" was against the text he printed. It is a clear case of theatri- 
cal practice overriding the editorial policy. There is no such apologetic 
tone, of course, in Forrest's own authorized acting edition a dozen 
years later (New York, i860), which reprinted with a few changes 
and amiotations this 1848 edition. Forrest's own edition, incidentally, 
is probably the last published acting edition of King Lear with a text 
based on Tate, although Tate's arrangement of scenes and his cuts 
were still to influence subsequent pure-text versions like the prompt- 
book edition of Edwin Booth. 

But if the text of Forrest's 1848 promptbook is not pure Shake- 
speare, comparison with Tate's 1681 alteration shows that Forrest's 
Lear is also far from being pure Tate. Although some recent critics 
have praise for Tate's alteration,^^ the tendency in the stage history of 
King Lear has been to edit out Tate's excesses, and Forrest continues 
this work of his predecessors. 

The record of these cuts in the first four acts is instructive. Kemble 
cuts 150 lines of Tate's text, including the corrupt version of Lear's 
speech "Hear, Nature, hear" and the incongruous scene where Ed- 
mimd and Regan make love in a grotto. Of these lines cut, 41 have an 
original basis in Shakespeare (principally the end of the scene with 
Gloucester on the cliff). Elliston further cuts 18 lines, including two 
of Shakespeare. Forrest cuts an additional 262 lines, a third again as 
many, including 65 of Shakespeare (the blinding of Gloucester). For- 

[71 ] 



rest's most important cuts are Tate's scene with the ruffians and the 
recognition scene between Cordeha and Edgar. His other cuts mini- 
mize the love interest further and reduce the melodramatic quality of 
Edmund as a villain. These cuts in the first four acts, then, rigorously 
prune the play of Tate's dead wood, leaving mostly scenes and 
speeches for which there is some basis in Shakespeare's text. 

At the same time that he cuts, Kemble restores some 67 full lines 
from Shakespeare in addition to single word corrections, and Elliston 
adds 18 more. Forrest's additions are more integral, including Edgar's 
speech "When we our betters" (3.6) and the two short scenes, much 
cut, based on 3.8 and 4.2 — for a total of 74 lines. And the biggest res- 
toration comes in Act v, which starts with Tate's mostly Shakespear- 
ean scene (4.7) from Act iv, with "Lear asleep on a couch." Follow- 
ing Elliston, Forrest keeps only about 30 more lines of Tate's play 
(bombastic speeches of Cordelia and Gloucester). Then the copy text 
becomes Shakespeare's last act, selectively cut by about a third but 
otherwise unaltered. Forrest cuts some 70 lines in 5.1 and 5.3, simpli- 
fying the action, but he keeps almost the whole last scene and even 
restores seven lines from Shakespeare following Lear's death which 
are not found in Elliston. Forrest's ending is slower and more re- 
strained than Elliston's and is incidentally closer to Shakespeare. 

The most useful way, though, to see the relative purity of Forrest's 
version is to analyze more closely what he retains from Tate. There 
are three layers of text in Forrest's script: original Tate material for 
which there is no basis in Shakespeare (Forrest retains 247 lines); 
scenes which Tate roughly adapts, following Shakespeare closely, 
with heads or other fragments of speeches and occasional close para- 
phrase (113 1 lines in the Forrest version); and fmally, material Tate 
or Forrest takes directly from Shakespeare (473 lines). The conclusion 
is clear: out of a rough total of 1850 lines in Forrest's playscript, only 
240, or about thirteen percent, have no basis in Shakespeare's text. 

To be sure, a modem readers' edition of Kitig Lear like the New 
Arden runs to 3273 lines, so that Forrest's whole script is only a little 
more than half as long. The lines which paraphrase and condense 
Shakespeare are frequently flat in comparison with the received text, 
and there is occasional bowdlerization. The play is still encumbered 
with bombast and melodramatic machinery (Lear's curse at the act 
break, Cordelia's faint); it still lacks the Fool and a fully developed 

[72] 



Gloucester; and we would expect more subtle cutting in a modem 
production. Yet on the whole, I suspect that Forrest has been casti- 
gated unfairly. ^"^ One fascinating quality of his eclectic text is the way 
it constantly looks backwards to the received text and to the older 
adapters but, at the same time, has an eye cocked to the needs of a 
travelling player in provincial and popular American theatres — for 
Forrest's version was clearly a good show. Thus Forrest is not in- 
hibited by a scholarly concern for a pure text: he will cut or accept 
from Tate or Shakespeare equally, although he usually adds material 
from a Shakespearean text. His general tendency is towards a pure 
text, but his practice is indiscriminate, dictated by the practical needs 
of his theatre. 



NOTES 

1. Following Hazekon Spencer's often repeated statement that "Tate's version 
held the stage for a century and a half," i.e., from 1681 until Macready's res- 
toration of Shakespeare's text in 1838 at London (Shakespeare Improved [Cam- 
bridge, Mass., 1927], p. 251). See also William Winter, Shakespeare on the Stage, 
Second Series (New York, 1915), p. 368; Kenneth JVluir's introduction to the 
New Arden Lear (1952 cd.), p. xHv; and the Reader's Encyclopedia of Shake- 
speare, ed. O.J. Campbell and Edward Quinn (New York, 1966), s. v., "Tate, 
Nahum" and "King Lear." 

2. See George C. D. Odell, Annals of the New York Stage (New York, 1928), m, 
261. Richard Moody, Forrest's most recent biographer, says that Lear was an- 
nounced for Forrest's benefit at New Orleans in May 1825 but that another 
play was substituted (Edwin Forrest: First Star of the American Stage [New York, 
i960], pp. 43-44)- 

3 . The repeated references in Odell for the New York stage alone are too numer- 
ous to document; see his index. Forrest played the role during his last stage 
appearance — except briefly for readings — on March 26, 1872, in Boston (Moo- 
dy, p. 3 81 ; Shakespeare Scrapbook, Harvard Theatre Collection, Ts999.268.32). 
Surviving playbills of Forrest's Lear from provincial cities and chppings in 
other scrapbooks testify to the popularity of his portrayal. 

4. Forrest's 1848 promptbook (discussed below) and his marked copy of his own 
1 860 acting edition differ only in detail. These two documents are the strongest 
kind of evidence for his acting text. The one Forrest-associated promptbook 
based on a full text is the one listed as Lear 46 in Professor Shattuck's catalogue 
(see below) which superimposes Forrest's usual cuts and transpositions on a 
pure text. The fit is somewhat uneasy, and it is clear that Forrest's amalgam 



[73 ] 



based on Tate is better suited to his notion of the play. Forrest apparently never 
used this pure-text version which dates from ca. 1854. 

5. See Winter, p. 446. 

6. Charles H. Shattuck, The Shakespeare Promptbooks: A Descriptive Catalogue 
(Urbana and London, 1965), pp. 206-231. 

7. The following bibliographic description of the promptbook follows the for- 
mat in Professor Shattuck's introduction (pp. 6-13) for those who may wish to 
insert it in his Catalogue: Line one: Edwin Forrest, America, 1848. Line two: 
Edwin Forrest Home (On loan to the University of Pemisylvania Library, 
Rare Book Room) Sh155.23.1848. Line three: [Modem Standard Drama, 
474X673; interleaves; brown cloth boards and half brown leather; title gilt up 
spine]. Line four: Much used promptbook signed "Edwin Forrest 1848" on 
inside cover, fully developed in ink by an unknown hand. Text, corrections, 
and business added in Forrest's hand, and others. Cuts and restorations, grooves, 
calls, considerable stage business, maps, cues for effects. Textual basis for [Shat- 
tuck Lear] 68 and probably 47. 

8. John B. Wright "travelled with Edwin Forrest for a time," apparently as his 
stage manager, and Becks was a comic actor who played Oswald in Forrest's 
Lear, and other roles. See the obituaries in the New York Dramatic Mirror for 
August 10, 1893 and May 28, 1904. Professor Shattuck comments privately 
that Becks collected thousands of promptbooks and that Taylor (see below) 
seems often to have transcribed from Becks' copies. 

9. Only two Lear promptbooks associated with Forrest survive in the Cumber- 
land edition: the memorial reconstruction of James Taylor, probably made 
after Forrest's death (Shattuck 72); and the book John Wright used to prompt 
Forrest (Shattuck 47), which is unfortunately not dated. Shattuck 47, however, 
strikingly resembles in almost every detail Forrest's 1848 promptbook and is 
most certainly contemporary with it, or earher. Wright later used a copy of 
the Forrest edition of i860 (Shattuck 69) which shows a good deal more wear 
than Forrest's own copy (Shattuck 68). Forrest's promptbook of the Cimiber- 
land Hamlet still survives (Shattuck Hamlet 17). 

10. Seejaggard's Shakespeare Bibliography, and the basic discussion of acting texts 
in Odell, Shakespeare from Betterton to Irving, ii, 53, 127, 151, 154. See also, 
James Black, "An Augustan Stage History: Nahum Tate's King Lear," Res- 
toration and 18th Century Theatre Research, vi (1967), 36-54. 

11. The problem is difficult. Although the old Garrick version (which restores a 
good deal more Shakespeare than Kemble's) was apparently the earliest version 
used in America (see Shattuck 9, for instance), it is more likely that Forrest 
followed the lead of George Frederick Cooke in using the Kemble version (see 
Shattuck 10, which I have not examined). Surely Winter's comment that For- 
rest opened in Garrick's version (op. cit., p. 437) is mistaken, or at least unsup- 
ported. The only other evidence I have seen, other than that discussed below, is 
a Forrest playbill at Harvard from the Bowery Theatre, New York, for Thurs- 
day, September 27 [probably 1827], which includes "Aranthc" and "Ruffians" 

[74] 



— inconclusive evidence since these roles are in both the Garrick and the Kem- 
ble versions (and also in Kean's). Later, Forrest retained Aranthe but dropped 
the Ruffians. 

12. See Odell, Annals, iii, i8i : "I am wondering w^hether the version of King Lear 
acted by Kean during this engagement [beginning November 23, 1825] w^as 
that produced by him and Elliston at Drury Lane in 1 823 ; if so, it may have 
been the first on the American stage to employ the original tragic ending of 
Shakespeare." 

13. Moody, pp. 53-56. 

14. It is possible that Forrest changed from the Kemble to the Kean version in re- 
sponse to Macready's "pure" Lear (that is, after 1844), but Odell's Annah have 
no record of Forrest's advertising a new production. Moreover, if Professor 
Shattuck is right that a copy of Macready's restoration did once belong to For- 
rest (see Shattuck 28), there is no indication that Forrest is indebted to Ma- 
cready's version for his last-act restorations. The copy text in Forrest's 1848 
promptbook rarely corresponds to Macready's cuts. That Macready disap- 
proved of Forrest's version is clear from their later disputes, but as early as 1843, 
Macready writes of a Philadelphia audience applauding "all the disgusting 
trash of Tate" in Forrest's performance of October 21 (see The Diaries of Wil- 
liam Charles Macready, ed. William Toynbee [London, 1912], 11, 228-230). 

15. The last entry is interesting because the evidence of the category-two prompt- 
books (which frequently include the business of more than one actor) is that 
Booth usually used the Kemble /Tate version without restoring Shakespeare's 
final act (see Shattuck 44 and 45). The cast hsted for Forrest somewhat puz- 
zlingly includes "Ruffians," parts he deleted in the 1848 andsubsequent prompt- 
books. 

16. See for instance Christopher Spencer, "A Word for Tate's King Lear," SEL, 
III (1963), 241-251, and J. B. Ayers, "Shakespeare in the Restoration," unpbl. 
diss. (Ohio State Univ., 1964). Contrast these enthusiasts with Winter, who 
speaks of "Tate's contemptible hash of the original play" (p. 438). 

17. Principally by Winter (pp. 437-444). A somewhat testy purist who edited 
Edwin Booth's promptbooks. Winter indulges in heavy irony over Forrest's 
"professional acumen and Shakespearean scholarship." His copy of Forrest's 
promptbook (Shattuck 70) does not correspond in detail to Forrest's personal 
copies. 



[75 ] 



(T^v^fyf^ 



On 12 June 1970 a resolution was made and passed by 
the Executive Board of the Trustees of the University 
of Pennsylvania that Mr. Richard De Gennaro be ap- 
pointed Director of University Libraries effective i 
September 1970. Mr. De Gennaro has been with the 
Harvard University Library in various capacities since 
1958. He has been Senior Associate University Librar- 
ian since 1969. 



(U^^H/iiJ) 



THE LIBRARY 
CHRONICLE 




Rittenhouse Orrery 



Friends of the Library 
UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA 



CONTENTS 



VOLUME XXXVI • SPRING I97O • NUMBER 2 

Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries of the University 79 

of Pennsylvania to 1800: Supplement A (3) 

RUDOLF HIRSCH 

A Newly Acquired Manuscript of Albertano of Brescia 105 

RICHARD L. HOFFMAN 

Fiction Rather Than Fact: A New Look at no 

The King of the Beggars 

JAMES E. EVANS 

Johnson to Baretti: New Evidence for the Text of 115 

21 December 1762 

J. C. RIELY 

The Twain Are Brought Together 118 

CLAUDE K. DEISCHER 

Ernest Hemingway and Owen Wister: 126 

Finding the Lost Generation 

BEN MERCHANT VORPAHL 

Library Notes 138 



Published semiannually by the Friends of the University of Pennsylvania Library. 
Subscription rate, $6.00 for non-members. § Articles and notes of bibliographic and 
bibliophile interest are invited. Contributions should be submitted to WilHam E. 
Miller, Editor, The Library Chronicle, University of Pennsylvania Library, Philadel- 
pliia, Pennsylvania 19104. 



Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Libraries 
of the University of Pennsylvania to 1800 

Supplement A (3) 

Compiled by RUDOLF HIRSCH 

MEDICI-GONDI ARCHIVE U 

Lea manuscripts 456-553 constitute a second collection supplementing 
Medici-Gondi Archive I (Lea mss. 212-355). Medici-Gondi II consists of 
drafts, originals and copies of letters; legal documents, trials, contracts, in- 
cluding wills; business correspondence and ledgers, as well as accounts, 
records of loans, gifts and bequests, petitions, real estate deals, inventories, 
travel expenses, etc. Besides the obvious value of the collection for the his- 
tory of Medici and Gondi, its subject interest is considerable, relating to 
church affairs, diplomacy, the mint in Florence, textile trade, commercial 
relations with various parts of Europe, and to many other topics, as the 
user of the catalogue will discover. Many important and some lesser known 
Italian families appear in these documents. Archive II was presumably kept 
together with Archive I from the eighteenth century (when it was organ- 
ized in some fashion) until it was sold in more recent times. 

The contents of the collection have been described basically in the ar- 
rangement in which they came to the University of Pennsylvania, though 
some sections were rearranged within unbound bundles. No effort could 
be made, or was made, to rearrange the collection in toto, and for this 
reason it lacks to some extent consistency and logic. An index to be pub- 
lished at the end of this Supplement to the Catalogue of Manuscripts in the 
Libraries of the University of Pennsylvania to 1800 will, we trust, facilitate and 
increase the use of the collection. 

The method of description follows the system adopted for Medici-Gon- 
di Archive I, though the descriptions are more extensive, due to the nature 
of Archive II which contains comparatively few ledgers, and by contrast 
a very large number of documents and correspondence. Since most docu- 
ments are written on paper, the material used is mentioned only when it 
is vellum. A majority of the papers are in Italian, quite a few are in Latin, 
some are in French and Spanish. The period covered ranges from 1340 to 
1804; the collection is strongest for the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- 
turies. The total number of folios is in excess of 20,000. 

[79] 



Lea 456. 

MEDICI, etc. Filza III delle scritte dei Signori Medici, segnata con la let- 
tera C. Business papers and correspondence, as follows: i. Sopra la piena 
di S. Piero a MUGELLO (and property at Monte Caroso), involving 
Francesco quondam Betti Arrigi M. (1361; fF.1-2). - 2. ABSOLUTIO ab 
affitto by Giovanni d'Alamanno M. (1348; f.4). - 3. Scritta d'ALOGHA- 
ZIONE of Margarita d'Alamanno M. (1397; £5). - 4. DEBITO of Ala- 
manno M. (1439; f.6). - 5. Scritta di AFFITTO a Bernardo d'Alamanno 
M. (1439; f. 7). - 6. DEBITO concerning Antonio Squarcialupi (1439; 
f.8). - 7. DONAZIONE di parte del palazzo dclla villa del Sasso a favore 
di Bernardo d'Alamaimo M. (1446; fF.9-11). - 8. CONTRACTS, dona- 
tions, recognition of debts, real estate and property dealings, matters of 
heredity, etc., all relating to Alamanno di Bernardo M. (1452-95; fF.13-30, 
33-6, 41-50) and with interspersed documents relating to Bivigliano and 
Bernardo d'Alamanno M. (1497-1503). - 9. Similar DOCUMENTS re- 
lating to Bivigliano and Bernardo, especially the former, inch Lodo tra 
Bernardo e Bivigliano (1502-21; ff.59-84), but also mentioning Vincenzo 
and Andrea M. - 10. CONTRACTS, donations, debts, real estate dealings, 
etc., concerning Carlo di Bernardo M., incl. references to Giovanbattista 
di Bernardo, Niccolo di Luigi, Vincenzo d' Andrea, Camilla, and Pandolfo 
di Carlo M., properties at Montecatini, as well as mills (1521-68; fF.86, 90, 
94,96-7, 102-46, 151-7, 161-88,201-11,218-24,227-32,235-9,242-305), 
with other items interspersed (see nos. 11-14). - 11. Similar material cen- 
tered around BIVIGLIANO d'Alamanno M. and his heirs (1545-54; fF.89, 
158-60, 187-99, 213-7, 224-6). - 12. CONTRACTS and other business 
dealings of textile firms, incl. establishment of a company consisting of 
Carlo di Bernardo M., Bastiano di Bernardo del Pace and Giovanbattista 
Bettini (fF. 155-6), another involving Carlo M., Giovarmi di Jacopo Deti, 
Francesco and Stefano Risaliti, etc. (1533-60; ff.ioo-i, 155-6, 167-8, 191- 
2, 208-10, 221-2, 229-30, 251, 263-8, 281-4, 306-8). - 13. Various MAR- 
RIAGE CONTRACTS (fF.112-5, 140-1, 204-5, 247-8, 271-2). - 14. 
WILL of Camilla M., wife of Lorenzo Ridolfi (1564; fF.298-303). - 15. 
Exchange of LETTERS between the commune of Massa and Montecatini 
di Valdinievole (1405, i7th-cent. copy; ff.357-88, in ms. vellum cover). - 
16. BUSINESS PAPERS, not analyzed. Various places, 1348-1360 s (a few 
dated 1640, or i6th-i7th-cent. copies). 

388 fF. (a few blank). Ca. 34 x 21 cm. Few notarial signets. Bds. (no. 286 on 
spine), boxed. 



f 80] 



Lea 457. 

. Filza I dcUe scritturc de Signori li MEDICI, segnata con la lettera A: 

I. WILLS and related documents, involving Alamanno di Lippo M. (1355 
(copy); f.i, etc.); Salvestro d' Alamanno M. (1374-84; f.7+); Camilla di 
Bivigliano M. (1487; £29+); Jacopo di Bernardo M. (1498; f.46+); An- 
drea, Bernardo and Bivigliano d' Alamanno M. (1515; f.8i+); Alamanno 
di Bernardo M. (1518; f.1384-); Bivigliano d' Alamanno M. (1525-57; fF. 
149+, 204+); Camilla Ridolfi, daughter of Bivigliano M. (1568; £299+); 
Carlo di Bernardo M. (1572; £315+); Chiarissimo di Bernardo M. (1586- 
7; £365+); Isabella Neri, Giovanna Ricci, etc. (1593; £419+). - 2. LE- 
GAL and COMMERCIAL DOCUMENTS involving Bernardo d' Ala- 
manno and his £ither Alamanno di Bernardo M. (1488; £34); Bernardo, 
Andrea and Bivigliano d' Alamanno M. and father (1498-1503; f£36-|-, 
56+); Alamanno and Jacopo di Bernardo M. (1498; £40); Bernardo, 
Filippo, Alamanno and Carlo M. (1503; £74+); Menichus Lippi (1509; 
£78+); Leonardo d' Alamanno M. (1518; £79); Jacopo and Alamanno M. 
(1516; £122+); Beni a Empoh (1623; £145+); Confessio dotis filiae An- 
tonii Neri de Segnis (1530; £179+); Carlo di Bernardo M. (1537, I539; 
£189-)-); Bernardo d' Alamanno M. (1508; £194+); Giovanni Battista 
Pippi de Baccolis (1534, 1540; £198+); Giovanni di Bernardino di Gio- 
vamii del Borgho (1545; £202+); Carlo d' Alamanno M. (1533; £218); 
Pandolfo di Carlo M. (1534; £219); Carlo M. and Pietro Jacopi Fruosini 
de Pagnis, etc., concerning textile trade (1554; £220+); Bernardo d' Ala- 
manno M. (1558; £223-1-); Conventus S. Catharinae Senensis (1563; £ 
264 -f-) ; Antonio de Cahgari (1577; £359-)-); Niccolo and Fabrizio d'Aloy- 
sio Bivighani M. (1580; £363-!-); Cosimo I and Ferdinando I (grand 
dukes of Tuscany), major loan to king of France (1562-87; £376-}-); Vin- 
cenzo, Andrea and Bernardino di Carlo M. (1584, 1587; £3824-); Gio- 
vanni Battista Deti (1591; £387+); Aloysio di Bivigliano and Fihppo 
d' Alamanno Bernardi M. (1591; £389-]-); Elisabetta Ronconi, Lucrezia 
Guadagni and Andrea Carlo di Bernardo M., marriage contract (1592; 
£391 -|-); Jacopo de Guadagni (1592; £417); Roberto di Giovanni di Paulo 
de Pucci (1593; £423 -|-); Niccolo and Francesco Capponi, Cosimo II, etc.. 
Diverse scritture attenenti all'incetta (1590-7; £425-!-); Lucrezia Caterina 
and Francesca di Vincenzo M. (1665; £476-!-), as v^ell as other personal- 
ities as notaries, witnesses or participants. Various places, ij^^-166^. 

600 ff. (some blank). Ca. 30 x 23 cm. i8th-cent. bds. (broken and detached, 
no. 284 on spine), boxed. 



[81 ] 



Lea 458. 

. Filza XII delle scritti de Signori Medici, segnata con la lettera M. 

FINANCIAL AND LEGAL DOCUMENTS, A. begins with Dote della 
Signora Ottavia di Lorenzo Altoviti M. (1659; fF.1-4), followed by Robe 
mandate a Napoli (165 1-2; fF.5-14), dealing next again with Ottavia, then 
with real estate (Montecatini) ; the arte della lana (1567; ff.27-58); debts 
and credits; Monte di pieta; judgments for payments (ms. on stamped-in 
text, cf. ff.79, 81); factories; inheritance (Horatio Lanfranchi contra gli 
eredi di Fabio Agostini, 1593; fF.io6-io); accounts (inch Valdinievole, fF. 
I72ff.); interspersed among the first 183 ff. are a few early documents: i. 
ACCOUNT of Bernardo d'Alamanno M. (ca. 1360; fr.111-5). - 2. DI- 
FESA di beni stabih d'Alamanno M., padre di Silvestro (1340; ff.116-9), 
and a few others of special interest, e.g., 3. LIBERAZIONE delli oste di 
Bivigliano M. (1527; fF.120-3). - 4. CAMILLA DI BIVIGLIANO, ve- 
dova di Tommaso Ridolfi declares Niccolo di Luigi universal heir (1578; 
fF.124-30). - B. Folios of the remainder of the volume are consecutively 
numbered, but frequently misassembled. Among members of the Medici 
are Carlo, Andrea, Bernardo di Jacopo, Bivigliano and the Grand Duke 
Ferdinand; of other families primarily the Albizzi (f424); Bettini (ff.187- 
95); Del Pace (ff. 187-95, 398-401, 404-6); De Pagnis (fF.237-42, 253-6, 
347-8, 398-401, 404-6); Risahti (£314). Subjects of yl recur, especially 
arte della lana (fF.187-95, 237-42, 253-6, 347-8, 391-2, 414, 437-8, 449-50, 
476-80); a section De cambiis (i6th cent.; ff.452-67). Further noted: doc- 
uments dealing with Mugello; Negozio de Giugni e aquisti di Fessa di 
Barberia con interesse del Monte di pieta involving Hebreo Juda LuUo, the 
English navy, etc. (ff.185, 196); causa Bettini-Medici (ff.2 16-33); Con- 
sultatio by Advocatus Jo. Dosseo [?] about molestation of the treasurer 
Andrea [de Medici?] (ca. 1470; ff.422-3); and 5. SILVESTRO DI ALA- 
MANNO M. contra Niccolo di Giovanni M. (ca. 1380; f.355)- - 6. DO- 
MENICO BALDINI contra Alamanno M. (ca. 1420?; £336). - 7. CAU- 
SA APPELATIONIS by the bishop of Fiesole (1457; ff.37C^87). Various 
places, ij40-i'/th cent. 

497 ff. (some blank). Ca. 30 x 23 cm. i8th-ccnt. bds. (no. 295 on spine), boxed. 

Lea 459. 

. Filza XIII segnata con la lettera N dclle scritture de Signori Medici. 

y!.-RECORDS relating to the purchases, sale, leases, etc. of real estate, be- 
ginning with a late i6th-cent. copy of document of 1330 (£2), followed 
by a somewhat fragmentary document of 145 1 (£9) involving Bernardo 
d'Alamanno M.; gift of Giovanbattista di Cosimo Petrucci to Caterina di 

[82] 



Luigi M. (copy of 1461 doc; fF.13-4); dowry of Luisa, the daughter of 
Niccolo Capponi (ft.i6, 23-5). - Among other members of the Medici 
family mentioned here are Nannina (ff.17-8), Fabrizio (ff.30, 48), and 
Niccolo di Luigi (fF.3-45, incl. accounts, will, etc.). Specially noted are: i. 
Appointment of a guardian to NICCOLO di Giovanni d' Alamanno M. 
(ca. 1380; fF.28-9). - 3. Will of SILVESTRO d'Alamamio M. (1387; f. 
32). - 3. Notice of the formation of a new company for arte della lana by 
Stefano di Simone LAPINI (1621; f.71). - 4. Mcrcantia de BUON- 
GUGLIELMI (1643-52; ff.73-85). - 5. Negozio della seta venuta da NA- 
POLI (1655; ff.i 19-26). - B. Among further BUSINESS AND FINAN- 
CIAL DOCUMENTS, beginning about f 131 are: 6. Debitori de ME- 
DICI (1654-5; ff. 1 3 1-44). - 7. Effetti di SILVESTRO d' Alamanno di 
Lippi M. (ca. 1370; ff.149-53). - 8. List of REAL ESTATE purchases of 
the Medici (1510-1622; ff.206-8). - 9. Business dealings with NAPLES 
(1636, etc.; ff.210-2), and Cavalieri di MALTA (ca. 1660?; ff.223-30). - 
10. Letter of BERNARDO d' Alamanno M. (ca. 1450?; ff.243-6). - 11. 
Ricordo delle sustanze d' ALAMANNO di Silvestro M. (ca. 1400; ff.255- 
7). - 12. Dote a favore di SILVESTRO d' Alamanno M. (ca. 1376; ff.273- 
6). - 13. Large numbers of INVENTORIES, e.g., the daughters of Vin- 
cenzo M. (1656; ff.158-63); Bivigliano d' Alamanno M. (1530-40; fF.247- 
50); Beni a Monte Giovi (i5th-cent.; ff.258-66); Francesco and Vincenzo 
M. (1649-51; ff.280-9); Niccolo and Fabrizio M. (1579; ff.290-302); Cat- 
erina Medici-Gondi (1666; ff.303-4); Patricia Altoviti (1686-93; ff-305-9); 
Ottavia Altoviti; Niccolo, Luigi and Fabrizio M., etc. (i563-i7th cent.). 
Florence, etc., ca. 1370-ca. 1700. 

420 fF. (some blank). Ca. 30 X 22 cm. i6th-cent. bds. (no. 296 on spine), boxed. 

Lea 460. 

. Documents at one time forming part of Filza XIV [cf. ms. 480]: 

I. BERNARDO D' ALAMANNO MEDICI. Ricordo di beni alienati et 
aquistati . . . per Bernardo d' Alamanno e Alamanno suo figliolo (1458; ff. 
25C^2, incl. folder, numb. loi). - 2. ALAMANNO DI BERNARDO M. 
Ricordo di beni [real estate incl. podere in Mugello] (1481; ff.253-6, incl. 
folder, numb. 167). - FRANCESCO e VINCENZO [di Carlo?] M. No- 
tula distinta cavata dal cartone delle decime delli effetti; Beni aquistati da 
Bernardo d'Alamanno di Silvestro, 1427-1517; Beni aquistati da Bernardo 
d' Alamanno, 1510-6; Beni aquistati dal Carlo di Bernardo, 1541-58; 
Beni aquistati dal Sen. Vincenzo et Sig. Andrea, fratelh, 1 575-1632 (ca. 
1632; ff.257-62, incl. folder, numb. 257, dated 1517 [sic]). - [ff.263-378 
missing, but interspersed:] 4. ARRIGUCCI FAMILY. Copia pro testatu, 

[83 ] 



relevant to the Arrigucci (Daniele, Francesco, etc.), Donati, Aldobrandini, 
etc., and Fiesole (orig. 1337, cop. 2nd half 14th cent.; fF. [263-4]). - 5- 
EfFetti a MONTE GIOVI e padronaggi: Arme de Medici; Cambo di . . . 
Pagnoni; delle Rede d'Ottinello; di Gianichello [Salvestro on F.377V]; di 
Spigliatone [Alamanno ibid.] (14th cent.; ft'.369-78, inch Folder, numb. 3, 
dated 1656; poor condition). - 6. SLLVESTRO [Salvestro d' Alamanno] 
M. Beni a Monte Giovi (1370; fF.379-81, inch Folder, numb. 151). - 7. 
Beni in MUGELLO (14th cent.; fF.382-9, inch Folder, numb. 4 and re- 
vision dated 1656; waterstained, in poor condition). - 8. SILVESTRO 
[d' Alamanno] M. Ricordi antici . . . della casa e casolare della via del 
Cocomero (14th cent.; fF.390-2, inch Folder, numb. 107). - 9. Nota terreni 
di Cambio, Pagnone e Ottinello del MUGELLO (14th cent.; fF.393-9, 
inch Folder, numb. 145). - 10. Descrizione de beni del MUGELLO e di 
Monte Giovi (1390; ff.399-407, inch Folder, numb. 140). - 11. Nota di 
efFetti de Signori Medici in MUGELLO (ca. 1400; fF.408-15, inch Folder, 
numb. 139). - 12. Beni di MUGELLO (ca. 1600; fF.416-9, inch Folder, 
numb. 215). - 13-17. EfFetti nel MUGELLO, Monte Giovi (i F.-i4th., 2 
fF.-i6th cent.; fF.420-4, inch Folder, numb. 150). - Scritte del castello di 
MONTE GIOVI (14th cent.; fF425-8, inch Folder, numb. 163). - Ricordo 
di Monte Giovi e della sua ediFicazione [per] SILVESTRO [d'Alamaimo] 
M. (14th cent., with I7th-cent. copy; fF.429-31 inch Folder, numb. 89, in 
poor condition). - Beni comperati di SILVESTRO che erono di Gian 
Michello in Mugello (1353; fr.432-5, inch Folder, numb. 154). - Memorie 
di compere Fatte dal padre e dal nonno di SILVESTRO [e Manno (di Chi- 
arissimo), Niccolo di Manno, etc., 1330] (14th cent.; fF.436-8, inch Folder, 
numb. 36). - 18. Nota de beni di Mugello comperati d' ALAMANNO e 
Figliolo [Silvestro], 1330, etc. (beni di Pagnone, Ottinello, etc., 14th cent.; 
fF.440-6, inch Folder, numb. 113). - [fF.448-539 missing, but interspersed:] 
19. Document concerning cessation oF property, 1307-11 (F.[447]; oblong 
23 X10.5 cm.) - 20. Petition against FRANCESCO e BERNARDO di 
Niccolo de CAMBONIS, involving the Aldobrandini, Arrigucci, etc. 
(1480-2; fF.540-8). - 21. Two extraneous documents: account oF Carlo 
[di Bernardo?] M. (1536; f.549); documents signed by FERDINAND II, 
Grand Duke oF Tuscany, appointing Jacinto Mannelli "capitano d'una 
compania," 1629; fF.550-1. Various places, I4th-i7th cent. 

55 fF. (incl. folders and a few blank ff.). Ca. 31 x 22 cm. In 17 separate vols. 

The Following eleven manuscripts (Lea 461-71) are Fmancial documents, 
many oF these single sheets, originally placed in several difFerent bundles 
together with letters, petitions and other not clearly related items. These 

[84] 



financial papers — now arranged, in chronological order — consist of conti, 
pagamenti, partite, riccvutc, spese, ordini, ricordi, cambi di fiere, note di 
debitori e creditori and imposte. Similar material is also found in several 
other volumes (or boxes), e.g., mss. 456, 458, 472, 474, 476-7. 481, 497. 
528. 

Lea 461. 

MEDICI, etc. BUSINESS RECORDS, 1410-1329, incl. extensive conti of 
Alamanno di Bernardo M. (1460-1; ff.io-14); Stato del Monte di pieta 
(also Alamanno, 1467; ff. 16-7); Conto del Grasso (1498; £46); Ricevute 
concerning Volterra (1499, 1500, 1503 ; ff.47, 50, 62-3, etc.); Conto di Ber- 
nardo d' Alamanno M. (1508; ff.71-2); also documents relating to Loren- 
zino (143 1); Bivigliano (1490- ); Andrea (1496- ); Carlo di Bernardo 
[I] and his heirs; Luigi and Carlo Bernardo [II]. A few documents relate 
to the Spedale of S. Maria (1475), to Pisa (1520, 1524), S. Verdiana (1522) 
and Trespiano (1523). 

151 fF. 151 ff. (and few xerographic copies of fragile items). Various sizes. 
Boxed. 



Lea 462. 

, 1530-49, incl. various "conti" of Bivigliano d' Alamanno M. 

(1531-3; ff.ii-2, 14); Carlo (1534-8, ff.24-7. 51-2); Pandolfo (1545-50; 
ff.8o-i); a whole series of Note del bestiame (1544-63; ff.75-101, iio-i); 
documents involving Niccolo; Giuliano; Filippo; Pandolfo; Luisa; Fran- 
cesca; Bernardo; Andrea; heirs of Luigi and Bivigliano; Fabrizio M. as 
well as Giovanni Battista Rucellai, Andrea Squarcialupi and many others. 
Italy, 1530-49- 

285 ff. (arranged in two series, one mostly folio (1-124), the other 4° or smaller 
(125-285)). Various sizes. Boxed. 

Lea 463. 

, 1550-69, incl. Conto dello stratto di Pisa (ca. 1550; ff 6-7); Debi- 
tori e creditori di Pandolfo M. and Giovanbattista Bettini (1551; ff.9-13); 
considerable number of documents concerning Carlo and Fabrizio (for 
Fabrizio see especially ff.30-9; trade between Ancona and Alexandria); 
documents dealing with the grain trade (e.g., Partite dei Rinuccini, 1556; 
ff.52-4); Payments for the shipment from various limekilns (calcina levata 
dalla fomace . . . , 1560; ff.98-9); Nota di debitori di Tommaso Ridolfi 
(1563; ff 119-28); Bilancio del libro giallo segnato B d'arte di lana di Leo- 

[85] 



nardo Giraldi [c] Vincenzo M. (1566; fF. 145-6); as well as documents 
relating to the heirs of Bivigliano (1552-4); Margherita (1557); Andrea 
(1561); Niccolo (1565-6); Camillo M. (1568-9); P. Capponi (1561); the 
Buonaccorsi (1566), and Giraldi (1566-7), etc. Italy, i^^o-6g. 

236 ff. (arranged in two series, one mostly folio (1-171 ), the other 4° or smaller 
(172-236)). Various sizes. Boxed. 



Lea 464. 

, i^jo-yg, inch Assets of Leonardo Giraldi (1570; if.13-4); Conto 

del Sig. Vincenzo e Sig. Andrea M. (1575; ff.85-93); Conto dclle redi di 
Neri Giraldi (1577; ff.106-7); Spese per conto del mortorio di Mad. Ca- 
milla (1578; ff.iii-2, 126-7), niany documents concerning Carlo M. and 
his heirs, especially Vincenzo, but also Pandolfo and Lisabetta; Andrea 
(1571- ); Luigi (1576- ); Camillo (1578- ); Fabrizio (1578- ); Niccolo 
(1578- ); Baccia (1579); Francesca (1579); the Salviati (1574-5); Palmieri 
(1577); Guadagni (1579), etc. Italy, 1570-79- 

214 ff. (arranged in two series, one mostly folio (1-150), the other 4° or smaller 
(151-214)). Various sizes. Boxed. 

Lea 465. 

, 1580-89, inch Conto degli eredi del Sig. Antonio Milizia (1583; 

ff.40-1); Conto del grano del Sig. Vincenzo M. (1584; ff.53-62) and Con- 
to di Vincenzo fatto per Mad. Lisabetta (1583; ff.66-7); Conto . . . di casse 
tre di nostri CappeUi di Lione (1587-8; ff. 89-90); Copia di partita levata 
dal libro segnato E della depositoria generale di S.A.S. [Ferdinand I] (1587; 
f.98); documents concerning Bernardo [or Bernardino] M. (158 1-6); 
Alamanno (1581, 1583- ); Luigi (1585); heirs of Carlo, i.e., Vincenzo, An- 
drea and Fabrizio (throughout); the Capponi (158 1-2); Francesco Guidi 
(1582); B. and P. Giraldi (1583); L. Salviati (1583); Montecatini (1581, 
1583-7), etc. Italy, 1580-89. 

134 ff. (arranged like the preceding, folio (1-103), 4° or less (105-34)). Various 
sizes. Boxed. 



Lea 466. 

, i5go-gg, inch Contratto delli fl. 12,000, Gianfigliazzi (ca. 1590; 

f.i6); Conto di Niccolo Beni, debitore di Matteo Botti (1591-4; ff.17-22); 
Conto di Lisabetta M. (i 591-3; fF.70-2); Monte di picta (1592?; ff.53-4); 
Pagati alia fabbrica di Livorno (1593-4; ff.67-8); Scartafaccio di Vincenzo 

[86] 



... in fiera di Pisa (1597, 1599; fF.107-12, 137-43); many documents con- 
cerning lieirs of Carlo M.; others relating to Fiametta (1590-2); Alamanno 
(1592); Lisabetta (1591-3); Luigi (1592); Niccolo Giunta (1590); Vin- 
cenzo Pitti (1592); Quaratesi (1597-8), etc. Italy, 1390-gg. 

190 ff. (arranged like the preceding, folio (1-145 ), 4°a"d less (146-90)). Various 
sizes. Boxed. 



Lea 467. 

, 1600-04, ii^cl. Informazione sopra le vendite del podere de Nasi 

(ca. 1600; f.io); several accounts of the Grand Duke [Ferdinand I] (e.g., 
ca. 1600; ff.14-7, involving florins 214,720; £21); large number of docu- 
ments of Vincenzo M., acting for the Grand Duke (especially the "zecca," 
entire period); Spese delle nave Prospera, venuta di Londra (ca. 1600; f. 
56); Conto del munete pro [?] Levante (1604; f.195); documents relating 
to Andrea (entire period); Fabrizio (same); Smeralda (1602- ); Piero 
(1604); the Guadagni; Salviati; Botti; Gianfigliazzi; Ricciardi; the Cap- 
poni-Medici bank (1600-3); arte di lana (1600-1); grano (1600-2), etc, 
Italy, 1600-04. 

256 ff. (like the preceding, folio (1-195), 4° or less (196-256)). Various sizes. 
Boxed. 



Lea 468. 

, i6os-og, incl. Bilancio del libro rosso segnato B di Vincenzo M. 

per la zeccha (1605; fi:'.34-5, and many similar documents, 1605-9); Conto 
del legname . . . Trespiano (1605-9; ff-49-64); Conto di spese fatte in 
liberare la nave Prospera, etc. (1606; ff.86-93); Fiera in Francforte (1606; 
fF.118-9); Conto di spese del negotio della zeccha (1606; ff.135-42); Qui- 
tanza di Antonio Franczkowicz, consul cracoviensis (1606; f.147); Nota 
de danari . . . Cosimo Baroncelli in Parigi (1606-7; fi48); Conto del Sig. 
Andrea M. (1606-12; ff. 176-85); Conti attenenti al Gran Duca [per] Ot- 
tavio Gerini di Londra (1606; ff.192-9); Spese delle galerc (Holland, Po- 
land, etc., 1607; fF.249-50, with similar items on the following ff.); Fattura 
di paste d'argento (ca. 1607; ff.266-70); Spese di carcere . . . per causa della 
persecutione . . . contra questa citta [Palermo?] (1607; ff.3 19-20); Dcbitori 
... del comune di Pistoia (1607-8; ff.321-4); Spesa fatta per me Alessandro 
Grifoni nel viaggio da Siena a Madrid (1608; ff.3 89-94); Grani di Nor- 
mandia (1608; ff.404-5); also includes items on various other members of 

[87] 



the Medici family, esp. Andrea and Fabrizio; members of other important 
Florentine families, etc. Various places, 1603-og. 

591 fF. (arranged like the preceding, folio (1-470), 4° or less (471-591)). Various 
sizes. Boxed. - This period is extensively covered; the description is at best a fair 
sampling. 

Lea 469. 

, 1610-ig, incl. Conto del Sig. Vincenzo M. [con] Domenico Fon- 

tani (for variety of textiles, 1610; fF.53-7); Partita Capponi-Medici in Pisa 
(with considerable assets, 1608-14; ff.154-7); Rede del Sig. Andrea M. 
(1619-46; ff.237-8); Giovanni Niccolo Garibaldi havere ricevuto fl. 20,279 
da Neri Capponi e Vincenzo M. (1610; f.305); Conto delle bestie d' An- 
drea M. [on printed form of Dogana di Fiorenza] (1613-4; f.350); items 
relating to the zecca and Vincenzo are numerous; besides those already 
mentioned Lucrezia, Smeralda, Bernardo, Carlo, Fabrizio M. are repre- 
sented; among other families Alamanno Salviati (1610-1); Gianfigliazzi 
(161 1-2); Quaratesi (161 1-5); Lucrezia Strozzi (161 1); Giunta (1612); 
Guadagni (1612); Lapini (1615); Guicciardini (1617), etc.; shipping is one 
frequent topic. Italy, 1610-ig. 

389 ff. (arranged Hke the preceding, folio (1-240), 4° or less (241-389)). Various 
sizes. Boxed. 



Lea 470. 

, 1620-39, incl. Bilancio del libro giallo C-[D] di Piermaria Salvini 

(1620, 1622; ff.17-8, 27-8); Rede del Sig. Andrea M. (1626-31; ff.55-65» 
etc.); Conti estratti dal lib. segnato H de Capponi e Medici (1627; ff.69- 
75); Conti di Stcfano e Fabiano Lapini (1627-37; ff.76-9, 90-4, etc.); Con- 
to della regia corte al Gran Duca [Ferdinand II] (1637; ff.225-6); among 
other Medici are Vincenzo and his heirs; Francesco; Fabrizio; Cosimo; 
Lucrezia; other families represented: Amadori (1620); Guadagni (1620); 
Ricciardi (1620); Altoviti (1628-32); Caftarelli (1629-37); and most fre- 
quently Capponi; among topics are zecca; drapperia (1620, etc.); spedali 
(1624-32); Monte di pieta (1630-1), etc. Italy, 1620-39. 

323 ff. (arranged like the preceding, foHo (1-244), 4° or less (245-323 )). Various 
sizes. Boxed. 

Lea 471. 

, 1640-68, 1673, i68g, incl. Partite di Jacopo e Lucrezia Guadagni 

(1640-3; fF.9-12); Conto di Alberto Altoviti in Napoh (1645-52; ff.54-5); 

[88] 



similar item (1646-50; ff.75-7); Conto di Niccol6 Podlodonscki (1648; 
fF.104-5); EfFetti della casa di Napoli (ca. 1650; fF.117-8); Pagamenti di 
Vincenzo M. al Sig. Gianfigliazzi (1653-62; fF.135-6); to be noted are fur- 
ther items relating to Alberto Altoviti, and in the latter part records con- 
cerning Ottavia Altoviti M.; other members of the Medici: Francesco 
(1640-9); Vincenzo (1643-64); Francesca; Lucrezia, etc.; other families 
(not already mentioned): Capclli (ca. 1650); Vettori (ca. 1650); Amadori 
(1653); considerable material on the Monte di pieta. Italy, 1640-89. 

196 fF. (arranged like the preceding, folio (1-178), 4° or less (179-96)). Various 
sizes. Boxed. 

(^rAu^ Sfrnardi fiUmard dc :M.^k{s cim's -fio^ .OUici) H{- 
drcffiac.Ven xtf VCTUIK nira^- Ct^iituh'j f^U>t,()4Vir({vhih<if 

etfinr.cu Jiicib. Pt^inr.Jc Ct'jfxMij^Jt trn axi^c^ turma fvi 0^ . 

Lea 472.R.58 

Lea 472. 

MEDICI, etc. I. BUSINESS RECORDS (additions to mss. 461-71), inch 
Bilanci dello scrittorio delle possessioni di Pisa (1597; ff.7-9); Lavori fatti 
[a] I'Offizio de Fossi (1609-10; fF.20-1), and others (1517-1664; fF.i-57). 
- 2. CARLO DI BERNARDO M. Letters and documents by, to, and 
about Carlo, 1541-69, incl. permission to disregard curfew and to bear 
arms (issued by Paolo Mariscotti, 1541; f.58); several letters addressed to 
Duke Cosimo I; one to Giovanbattista M. (1569; fF.73-4), and a few deal- 
ing with the arte di lana (1541-69; fF.58-74). - 3. CAMILLA MEDICI 
RIDOLFI. Two supplicc to the Grand Duke (1571-ca. 1575; fF.75-6). - 4. 
GRAND DUKES OF TUSCANY. Letters, reports, etc., to the grand 
dukes (and in a few cases the duchess), originals, drafts, and copies, incl. 
letters from Pierfilippo Assirelli (1584); Cosimo Gondi (1593); Alcssandro 
Mainardi (1594); Giovanbattista Gondi (1658) andjacopo Altoviti (1690). 
On a variety of topics, incl. navigation; grain; the zecca; arte della lana, 

[89] 



etc. (1583-1690; fF.77-134). - 5. BERNARDINO M. Instrumcntum do- 
nationis (Lat.) upon becoming a cleric, in favor of his brothers Vincenzo 
and Andrea, reviewing the inheritance from their father Carlo di Bernardo 
(contemporary copy, 1584; fF.135-44). - 6. HEIRS OF VINCENZO M. 
(Ottavia Medici Altoviti; daughters Lucrezia, Caterina and Francesca). 
Letters, accounts, supplice, and other documents, a few of Alberto Altoviti 
(1649-ca. 1670; fF.145-312). Various places, 1^17-1690. 

312 ff. (some blank). Various sizes. Boxed. - Culled from a variety of bundles. 



Lea 473. 

. Filza V delli Signori MEDICI segnata E. Legal documents, largely 

"fede," the first few entitled Fede del testamento di Bernardo d'Alamanno 
M. nel 1413, but later involving many members of the family (Jacopo di 
Bernardo; Bivigliano d'Alamanno; Andrea d'Alamanno; Carlo di Ber- 
nardo; Vincenzo di Carlo; Niccolo and Fabrizio di Luigi; Francesco d' An- 
drea; Matteo di Gianbattista; Salvestro di Filippo, etc.), as well as mem- 
bers of the Betti; Capelli; Capucci; Deti; Mannelli; Ricasoli; Ridolfi and 
others, covering many localities (e.g., Livorno, Messina, Montecatini, 
Naples, Pisa, Pistoia, Trespiano, and of course Florence and its surround- 
ings) and dealing with a great variety of subjects (actual and attempted 
murder, inheritances, real estate, a hospital, debts, Monte di pieta, taxes, 
workmen, live stock, trade with Venice and Genoa, grain and textile trade, 
etc.), arranged in chronological order, but some earlier documents added 
at the end. Florence, etc., 1414-1698. 

366 ff. (a few blank). Ca. 31 x 22 cm. Some notarial signets. Bds. (no. 288 on 
spine), boxed. 

Lea 474. 

. Filza XXI delle scritture de Signori MEDICI, segnata con la lettera 

X [Part I; Part II catalogued as ms. 481]. Business transactions, inventories, 
estate settlements, claims, accounts, etc., incl. i. MATRICULA ARTIS 
LANAE involving Vincenzo, Andrea and Bernardino M. (i 580-1601; 
f.i). - 2. NEPOTI di Spagna, with partial copy in Spanish (1609; ff.2-5). 
- 3. LOAN to the King of Spain [Pliilip III] (1610; ff.6-7). - 4. BUSI- 
NESS PAPERS (crediti, debiti, etc.), concerning Carlo; Alamanno; Ca- 
milla M.; Francesco and Antonio Risaliti; Giovanmaria and Giovanbat- 
tista Deti, and the Giraldi (ca. 1550-75; ff.9-46). - 5. NEGOZIO fra li 
Sig. Alfonso e Luigi Strozzi e Andrea M. (1613-22; ff.47-55). - 6. DOC- 
UMENTS on the textile trade (1590's?; ff.56-71 : - Giovanmaria and Gio- 



[90] 



vanbattista Dcti (1579; fF.110-4). - Pietro and Giovanni di Tanai de Nerli 
(middle i6th cent.; fF.115-21 ). - Sales' record, G. B. Deti to Raffacle Spi- 
noli of Genoa (second half i6th cent.; f.288 )). - 7. Capitano Baldassare de 
Paolo and the CONSOLI DI MARE of Pisa (1607; fr.72-79)- - 8. DEBTS, 
credits, accounts, etc.: Fondaco dci Medici (17th cent.; ff.100-9). - Sale of 
houses (17th cent, and 1563-6; £156-8, 166, 173-4, 278). - Inheritance 
involving children of Andrea M. (1632; fi75), and Carlo di Bernardo 
d'Alamanno and Bivigliano d'Alamanno M. (1530?; ff.187-92). - Monte- 
catini (late i6th cent.; ff.171-3). - Carlo M. (1531; fF.198-200, 205). - 
Vincenzo M. (1585?; f 207). - Alamanno di Carlo M. (i6th cent.; ff.220- 
33). - Carlo M. and Fiesole (middle i6th cent.; fF.251-62). - Signori Or- 
sini (1600?; f27i). - Income for Elisabetta M., wife of Leonardo Giraldi 
(1585; £290). - Carlo M. (ca. 1530?; £310). - 9. Primarily LEGAL: Ales- 
sandro, Baccio and Flaminio de Segni contra Mariotto, Piermaria, Giovan- 
maria, Tommaso and Mario de Segni (ca. 1580; ff.126-32). - Printed doc- 
ument, Signori Bonaiuti, (1635; ff.146-7). - 10. CAPPONI and Risaliti 
documents (late i6th cent.; ff.164-5, 208-19, 273, 284, 298, 309). - 11. 
INVENTORIES: Ecc. S. Mostiole [?], (1424; ff.i59-63). - S. Miniato 
(1272-93, copied 1427; ff.186-97). - 12. GENEALOGY (various places, 
e.g., f.2o8). - 13. BENI ALIEN ATI (mostly 17th cent.; ff.224-46). - 14. 
GRAIN TRADE (1500-1608; ff.270, 299, 312). Various places, [1272-] 
1424 - 17th cent. 

338 fF. (some blank). Ca. 33 x 24 cm. Boxed. 



Lea 475. 

. Collection containing: A. I5th-cent. DOCUMENTS (ff.1-7) 

incl. I. Safe-conduct for Gregorio d'Alamanno Medici (1424)- - 2. License 
requirement for sale of animals (1455, copy ca. 1500). - 3. Accounts of 
Alamanno di Bernardo M. (1464, 1467). - 4. Document concerning Vol- 
terra (1481) and another Montecatini (1487). - B. Various MEDICI LET- 
TERS, notifications, etc. (i6th-early 17th cent.; fF.8-i6); Bivigliano d'Ala- 
manno, Carlo di Bernardo, Fabrizio di Luigi, Vincenzo [di Carlo?], An- 
drea [d'Alamanno?] and his heirs, few dealing with Montecatini and one 
with the Monte di pieta. - C. GRAND DUKES OF TUSCANY: 5. 
Cosimo II, account of galleys (1606; f.17). - 6. Appointment documents 
of Jacinto Mannelli, signed by Ferdinand II (1633-42; fF.18-20). - D. AC- 
COUNTS, etc. of the firm of Guidacci, Arrigucci and Sangalletti in Rome 
(1570-ca. 1600; fF.21-105), incl. 7. Calculo (36 ff. text, 1582; if.43-89); and 
8. List of debitori (ca. 1590; fF.102-5). - E. GALLEYS of the Medici, list 

[91 ] 



of expenses, personnel, instructions, etc. (1599-1610; fF.120-43). - F. 
GRAIN TRADE documents (ca. 1600-9; ff.144-80). - G. Miscellaneous 
largely FINANCIAL DOCUMENTS (1520-1638; ff.181-95), incl. one 
concerning Lodovico Cassi (f.185); Monte di pieta (ff.187-8); and Gabelle 
del sale (f.195). - H. GONDI documents (1510-20; fF.196-200). -/.if. 
Greek I5tli-cent. ms. (from Oribasius, Synopsis ad Eustathium) and 2 ff. 
Latin I5th-cent. legal mss. Italy, 1424-iyth cent. 

203 ff. (few blank). Various sizes (some in group D oversize, folded). Few seals. 
Boxed. 



Lea 476. 

. Unbound miscellaneous collection of DOCUMENTS, primarily 

FINANCIAL, e.g., accounts; sales records; deposits; transactions including 
grain (fF.212, 438-9, 450-2), iron (ff.454-5, 460-7), slaves (ff.452-3); 
debts; real estate; etc., involving primarily the following Medici: Ber- 
nardo d'Alamanno (1440; ff.485-6 (old numb. 521-2)); Carlo (di Gabrie- 
le?, ca. 1520; ff.219-20); Luigi (di Bivigliano?, expulsion from Florence, 
1530; ff.489-90); Carlo di Bernardo (1537-93; ff- 5i. 60-1, 64-8, 84-5, 
108-14, 122-3, 163-4, 184-8, 193-4, 204, 216, 307, 346, 353-61, 364, 366- 
70, 373-8, 383-9, 394-401, 478-9 (old numb. 88)); Luisa M.? (1564-73; 
ff. 79-82, 189-90); Vincenzo (di Bernardo?, 1567; ff.62-3); Alamanno (di 
Bernardo?, 1568; £171); Vincenzo di Carlo (1586-8; ff.142-9); Andrea (di 
Luigi?, 1624-5; ff.ii, 18-20, 23, 29, 34-5, 38-9, 41, 44, 180); Vincenzo 
(d' Andrea?, ff.33, 93-4, 97-100, 118-9, 124); Francesco d' Andrea (1651- 
2; ff.94, 120). - Other families represented: Altoviti (1531; ff.217-8); Ber- 
tini (1567; ff.192-4, 197-8); Risaliti (1579, etc.; ff.75-80, 107, 206); Cap- 
poni (1580-95; ff.133, 146, 269, 319, 379); Strozzi (1585; ff.128-9); Arri- 
gucci (1590; £277); Bettini (1593, etc.; ff.204, 211); Quaratesi (1609; ff. 
150-7); Ridolfi (1610; f.73). - Included also i. Large number of docu- 
ments relating to the TEXTILE TRADE (Deti, 1572-91; ff.70, 87, 105-7, 
1 14-5, 167-9, 172, 225-31, 242-3, 246, 248-50, 255, 259-60, 263-8, 270-6, 
278-80, 288-90, 292, 298-9, 305-6, 310-38, 341-5. - Lodovico Cassi, "del 
fondaco Deti," 1587-90; ff.223-4, 228, 237-8, 258, 270-1, 276-7, 281-7, 
291-7, 301-4). - 2. SUPPLICATIO domini Pandulphi de Cattaris pro 
novo canonicatu (1504?; ff.468-9). - 3. ACCOUNTS for the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany [Ferdinand I] (1606; ff.347-52, 402-9). - 4. WILL of Filippo 
Gondi, in French, notarized (1628; ff.470-7 (old numb. 62-9)), Various 
places, 1440-1 7th cent. 

490 ff. (incl. blank ff.). Various sizes. Boxed. - Documents cover many places 
in Italy and abroad (e.g., Seville, ff.457-9; Utrecht, ff.451-2). 



[92] 



Lea 477. 

. Filza XX di scrittc attcncntc alii Signori MEDICI segnata V. Large- 
ly BUSINESS DOCUMENTS, like accounts, reports, receipts, negotia- 
tions, expense accounts, inventories, dealing among others with the textile 
trade (cf. ff.78, 102, 222, 271, 344-9, 421-7, etc.); Monte di pieta (fF.142-3, 
159, 225, 230-1, 257-8, 292-3); grain trade (fF.i86, 210-2, 403-4, etc.); 
instruction for the purchase of silver in Spain (f.20) ; iron vein (f. 168) ; deal- 
ings in various parts of Europe (e.g., Messina, f.92; Germany, f.94; Low 
Countries, ft. 201-2); mills; a hospital; genealogy in connection with in- 
heritance; Medici real estate (practically the entire section after f.466, as 
well as earlier small sections are devoted to plans, repairs, property divi- 
sion, etc., dating from the early i6th cent, to about 1632; among the places 
arc Montecatini, Valdinievole, Trespiano, Fiesole, etc. ) - Specially noted: 
I. Report on the formation of the Dutch EAST INDIA COMPANY 
(1607; ff.21-2), and Conditione et articoli accordati . . . per li administra- 
tori della Compagnia dell'Indie orientali (1610; ff.271-2). - 2. Detailed 
REPORT on the near-bankruptcy of the Church with suggestions for 
remedies (ca. 1610; ff.52-3). - 3. PERMISSION to the Monte di pieta to 
borrow from Jews (1533 ; ft.257-8). - 4. Nota de beni liberi . . . di VALDI- 
NIEVOLE, debitori, etc. (1656-ca. 1662; ft:277-9i). - 5. INVENTOR- 
IES of the possessions of Vincenzo and Andrea di Carlo, and Francesco M. 
(1639-61; 8^.319-30). - 6. MEMORANDUM on the procuratores curiae 
(i6th cent.; ff;3 59-62). - 7. Proposed REGULATIONS for the manufac- 
ture of leather (second half i6th cent.?; ff.448-9). - Besides Medici the fol- 
lowing families appear more or less frequently: Altoviti, Arrighetti, Bet- 
tini, Capponi, Quaratesi, Ridolfi. Various places, 1450-1690. 

733 ff. Ca. 32 X 22 cm. Rough drawings of property. Broken i8th-cent. bds. 
(no. 304 on spine), boxed. 

Lea 478. 

. Filza XVI di diversi scritte . . . MEDICI, segnata L. The largest single 

part of this volume is devoted to the Monte di pieta, especially: i. MON- 
TE DI PIETA della citta di Firenze, beginning with a memorandum 
(1630) Per la Signora Ottavia del Sen. Lorenzo Altoviti, vedova del Sig. 
Vincenzo de Medici, including transactions involving Andrea M. and Neri 
de Capponi and others; inheritance of Vincenzo di Carlo M., with a few 
earlier documents interspersed, e.g., Ricordo dell'artigliria del comune di 
Firenze (1514; f.117); Crediti di chiese, sacristie . . . , crediti di spedali 
(1602; ft. 211-24); copy of Supplicatio of the Monte to the Grand Duke 
with list of privileges (1583); Alessandro Catastini's Delia riordinatione 

[93 ] 



del Monte di pieta col fare nuovo Monte di misericordia (ca. 1610; ff.239- 
46; ms. pamphlet measuring 20 x 13 cm.); inventories, e.g., of Ottavia 
Medici Altoviti (1630), Vincenzo di Andrea M. (1592). This section ends 
approximately f 292. - 2. BUSINESS and LEGAL DOCUMENTS, re- 
ports, etc. (1456-ca. 1627), inch some relating to Mugello; an Instruttione 
fatta al signor amiraglio delle galere . . . ncUa gita che deve fare per Spagna 
(1609, copy; ff.367-8); Concessione fatta ai canonici di Volterra (1567; ff. 
398-401); Domanda di Giovanbattista Deti (1552; f 442); report on busi- 
ness prospects in Persia, India and Goa (ca. 1620; f.518); Vene di ferro in- 
volving Alessandro Deti and Giovanni Ardinghelli (ff. 566-7), etc. Various 
places, 1436-1634. 

616 flf. (some blank). Ca. 30 x 22 cm. Few notarial signets. Broken i8th-cent. 
bds. (Q and no. 299 on spine), boxed. 



Lea 479. 

BERNARDO D'ALAMANNO DE MEDICI. Libro di dare, entrata, 
uscita e ricordanze. Largely unused account book, entries on ff.1-4, 49, 65, 
74-8 only; the remainder blank. Florence, 1436-37. 

84 fF. 39.5 X 15 cm. Contemp. vellum (poor condition; no. 211 on front cover, 
2 on spine), portfolio. 

Lea 480. 

MEDICI, etc. Filza XIV delle scritture de Signori Medici segnata con 
la lettera L [C?; Part II of this filza catalogued as ms. 460]. Largely 
CHURCH-RELATED DOCUMENTS. Filed in front of the iSth-cent. 
title a letter to Camillo Antinori (1520; prel. ff.1-2); following title copy 
of letter involving Ottavia, wife of Ferdinando Alessandro Gondi, and 
Maddalena Guicciardini, on celebration of mass in church of S. Giuseppe 
(1734; £4). - A. The next ff. deal with PATRONATI (patrones) of Ala- 
manno di Bernardo M. (1551, etc.; ff.1-3) and permission of the abp. of 
Florence on celebration of the mass, given to Andrea di Carlo M. (161 5; 
f.4) and Andrea (di Luigi?) M. (1625; £6). - B. Subsequent documents 
deal extensively with "SPEDALI," beginning with Nota di [9] spedali 
della Valdinievole (ca. 1600; f.9); the documents are primarily concerned 
with the Spedale di S. Maria and Spedale S. Bartolomeo in Trespiano 
(e.g., ff.60-83). - C. Other documents deal with CHURCHES incl. Chie- 
sa del Vangilc (ff.10-2); S. Lucia in Trespiano (ff.47, 50, 89-92, 136-44, 
etc.); S. Tommaso (ff.52, 57-9, etc.). - D. Interspersed are MISCELLA- 
NEOUS items incl. a Ricordo going back to 1219 (15th cent.; f.58, fragile 

[94] 



condition); Inventarii delli effetti . . . nella eredita del Signor Vincenzo M. 
(1656; ff.165-73); Ricordo d'Alamanno di Bernardo M. (ca. 1520; £177); 
document of Lorenzo il Magnifico (1485; £180). The number of Medici 
involved in this volume is considerable, inch Bernardo and Bivigliano 
d'Alamanno; Carlo and Alamanno di Bernardo; Filippo d'Alamarmo; 
Vincenzo di Carlo; Andrea; Fabrizio; Niccolo; Matteo; Maria Angela; 
Maddalena Catcrina; Francesca and Ottavia. Various places, 1466-1734. 

5 prel. ff., 249 fF. (some blank). Ca. 29.5 x 22 cm. Few seals. Boxed. - B and 
C include inventories, contracts, accounts. 



Lea 481. 

. Filza XXI delle scritture de Signori MEDICI, segnata con la lettera 

X [Part II; Part I entered as ms. 474]. Largely business papers, and a few 
legal documents, primarily the following groups: i. ACCOUNTS (i6th- 
17th cent.; fF.1-2, 7, 11, 15, 35-7, 73-80 (Valdinievole ), loi, 104-5, I5i» 
158-61, 171-81, 246-51, 254-60, 264-6, 297-301; of special interest the list 
of amounts due to ambassadors at the time of the death of Duke Francesco 
(£62)). - 2. Papers involving the CAPPONI (ff.6, 14, 16, 99-100, 149). - 
3. DEBITORI e creditori (fF.9, 28-9, 35, 58-60, 81 (Alessandro Risaliti), 
82-4, 89-98, 106-9, 126 (obhgazioni ), 131, 139-40, 169-72 (letter to Ber- 
nardo d'Alamanno M. ), 173, 182-3, 188, 196-9,215,218 (obligodi Bernardo 
d'Alamanno M., ca. 1500), 227 (sindachi di Bivigliano M. ), 231, 238 (in- 
volving white wine), 244). - 4. CORRESPONDENCE, etc., involving 
various properties, or dealing with various institutions (ff.25-6 (Pistoia), 
64-5 (possession at Ghellano), 72 (S. Felicita in Florence), 87-8 (Valdinie- 
vole), 1 1 3-4 (Naples and Messina), 130 (Montecatini and Valdinievole), 
168 (Siena), 175-6 (Pisa, fishing and hunting rights, 1515), 185 (Castel S. 
Piero), 233 (S. Maria in Florence), 306-10 (Mugello)). - 5. REAL ES- 
TATE documents (fF.38-57, 140, 143-4, 263, 313-36 (masonry work on 
Medici property)). - 6. MISCELLANEOUS TRADE: grain (ff.iio, 117, 
137); lana e sete (ff. 147-8). - 7. OTHERS: Philosophical-theological trea- 
tise, ca. 1500, with corrections (ff. 162-6). - Zecca (£167). - Pucci geneal- 
ogy (£205). - Controversy between Bartolomeo di Nanni and Carlo di 
Niccolo del Grasso, 1472 (ff.225-6). - Segni family (£232). - Carceres 
Stincharum, Florence (ff.239, 242-3). Various places, 1472-17111 cent. 

336 ff. (incl. blank). Ca. 33 X 24 cm. Boxed. 

Lea 482. 

ALAMANNO DI BERNARDO DE MEDICI. Debitori e creditori. Ac- 



[95] 



count book, mostly with entries for personal and farm expenses. Florence, 

1475-83- 

190 fF. (fF.i8, 55 and several at the end blank); ff.i, 97-8, 104-12, 116-20, 125-48 
and 163-4 (quite a few of these probably blank) are missing and the condition is 
fragile. Loose slips are laid in between fF.xix-xx, xxi-xxii, xxxi-xxxii, xl-xli, xliv- 
xlv, and Ixiii-lxiiii. 23 X 17 cm. Cloth. 



Lea 483. 

MEDICI, etc. Visita de beni d'Agliata del 1499 e 1500 con la stima di 
ciascheduno de poderi, with Ricordo de luoghi (f-iir) and Inventario (f. 
36r-v). Florence?, 1499-1^00. 

38 ff. (fF.12-35, 37-8 blank). 29 X 22 cm. Contemp. vellum (faded document 
on inside front cover and worn document in back), boxed with ms. 484. 



Lea 484. 

. Filza VI delle scritture de Signori Medici, segnata con la lettera F. 

I. Esami di Giovanni MARTINI et altri nella causa dell'homicidio della 
Signora Margherita Mannelli (notarized, 1506; ff.i-i8). - 2. Esami e tor- 
ture di Giovanni MARTINI (1506; fF. 19-30). - 3. Acta tenute; law suit 
between BERNARDO d'Alamanno M. and Bartolomeo "olim Johannis 
Ser Pauli" (1518; £32-56). - 4. Confessio dotis facta per ALOYSIUM et 
Biviglianum M. (1524; ff.58-61). - 5. Pronuptiatio tenute pro Donna AL- 
VISIA filia olim Nicholai Nicholae de Capponis et uxor olim Aloisii Bi- 
vigliani de Medicis contra Biviglianum de Medicis (1538; ff.62-155). Flor- 
ence, 1506-38. 

155 (vero 154) ff. (f 57, probably blank, missing). 30 X 22.5 cm. Boxed with 
ms. 483. 



Lea 485. 

BERNARDO D'ALAMANNO DE MEDICI. Acta pronumptiationis 
tenute et licentie generalis, pro Bernardo Alamamio M., [marked] Filza 
XVIII, segnata [con la] lettera S. (Incl. Justificatio sequestri (f23, etc.); 
Libellus bonorum in solutum pro Bernardo . . . (f 45r, etc. ); Commissio 
Brachii militaris pro Bernardo . . . (f97 to end)). Proceedings of law suit, 
with corrections, deletions and marginal notations. Florence, 1306-07. 

108 flf. 29.5 X 22 cm. Cloth. 



[96] 



Lea 486. 

MEDICI, etc. Filza X dclle scritturc de Vincenzo Medici [et al], segnata 
K. Collection of LEGAL and COMMERCIAL DOCUMENTS, begin- 
ning with a lawsuit over possession of a silver cross with an encased relic, 
supposedly wood from the Holy Cross, between the descendants of Ala- 
manno di Bernardo and Vincenzo di Carlo M. (1602); followed by re- 
ceipts (some for the purchase of wine); contracts, e.g., one of 1587 involv- 
ing Luca di Bastiano Nelli, another Bartolini (1612); an agreement on 
mills (i 509) ; a variety of documents involving besides members of the Me- 
dici family the Ricasoli, Gianfigliazzi, Guadagni, Quaratesi, followed in 
turn by a long series pertaining to the Capponi (ca. 1627-31), another to 
Guido de Ricci, ending with an extensive collection of documents involv- 
ing Vincenzo M. and Alberto Altoviti, this last section dating from the 
1650's (ff.55i-7Go). Various places, isog-iyth cent. 

700 ff. and some tipped-in slips (incl. blank fF.). Ca. 30 X 23 cm. i8th-cent. bds. 
broken (no. 293 on spine), boxed. 

Lea 487. 

. ACCOUNT BOOK, debitori e creditori, 1537-8. Italy, 1537-3S. 

102 if. (ff.xvi-lxxxviii and last 6 blank). 33.5 x 23.5 cm. Cloth. 

Lea 488. 

. Quadernuccio di debitori e creditori of unnamed MEDICI (mem- 
bers of the family appear in the accounts). Florence?, 1337. 

I, 56 fF. (fF.48-56 blank). 22 x 15 cm. Disbound, rebound in bds. (no. 169 on 
first prel. £). 

Lea 489. 

. SURPLICE (with a few extraneous items included), extracted 

from several bundles and generally arranged chronologically (some un- 
dated items at end). The majority are petitions to Ferdinand I and Cosimo 
II (some to the grand duchesses). The number of Medici involved is very 
large; among members of other families are the Pucci, Botti, Bettini, Gi- 
raldi, Baroncelli, Salutati, Baldovinetti, Gianfigliazzi, Ricasoli, Guic- 
ciardini, Capponi and Carnesecchi; among topics navigazione e galere, ga- 
bella, arte della lana, zecca, grano, argento, and the Monte; among local- 
ities besides Italian cities French, Spanish, Portuguese and English towns. 
Various places, 1337-ca. 1660. 

324 fF. Various sizes. Boxed. - See also other similar items, especially in ms. 512. 

[97] 



Lea 490. 

[ ?] ACCOUNT BOOK, debitori e creditori (disbound and there- 
fore not identified), including the usual array of well-known names (e.g., 
Acciaioli, Capponi, Medici, Pitti, Salviati, etc.), the Spedale di S. Maria in 
Trespiano, and various business enterprises (e.g., Filippo Gondi e com- 
pagni, Pierantonio Bandini e compagni, etc.). Florence, 1538-jC). 

96 ff. (numbered 1-89, fF.91-6 blank). 33.5 x 23.5 cm. Cloth. 

Lea 491. 

LUIGI DI BIVIGLIANO DE MEDICL Libro segnato B chiamato debi- 
tori e creditori (continued after the death of Luigi, 11 Dec. 1538, by his 
heirs, cf. f.2r, numb. f.i). Florence, 1538-39. 

8 prel. fF. (alphabetical index), 24 (misnumbered 22), 80 blank, 3 (numb. 104-6), 
37 blank fF. 23 x 17 cm. (index smaller). Ms. fragment inside front cover. Con- 
temp, vellum, no. 24 on spine, portfolio. - Water-soaked, in poor condition. 

Lea 492. 

[MEDICI?]. Alphabetical index to account book. Italy, 1339. 

18 if. 33 X 21.5 cm. Vellum from early I4th-cent. ms., in bds., boxed with 
mss. 493, 495-6. 

Lea 493. 

[ ]. Index to unidentified ledger, with entries up to f.122. Florence?, 

first half 16th cent. 

18 ff. 33 X 22 cm. Contemp. vellum (i4th-cent. ms. leaf), boxed with mss. 
492, 495-6. 

Lea 494. 

CARLO DE MEDICI. Filza VII delle scritture de Signori Medici segnata 
con la lettera G. Processo nella causa fra il Sig. Carlo de Medici e Bastiano 
de Pace contro Giovanni Battista Bettini, concerning partnership in the 
arte della lana, inch sworn statements, interrogations, trial records, etc. 
Florence, 1532. 

762 ff. (inc. blank). 29.5 x 22 cm. Few notarial signets. i8th-cent. bds. (no. 
290 on spine), boxed. 

Lea 495. 

[MEDICI]. Fragment of account book, ff.48-146 only. Florence?, 1361-63. 

[98 1 



Ff.48-146 (ff.96-144 blank). 28 X 10.5 cm. Disbound, in poor condition (no. 
165 on slip over spine), boxed with mss. 492-3 and 496. 



Lea 496. 

VINCENZO DE MEDICI and LIONARDO GIRALDI. Libro di Lio- 
nardo Giraldi et Vincenzo de Medici e compagni lanaioli in garbo, titolato 
quadcrnaccio, scgnata B, coreggie gialle. Italy, i^6j-6g. 

48 ff. (last two blank). 27 x 21 cm. Signet L.V. on title and binding. Con- 
temp, vellum (no. 134 on cover, 124 on spine), boxed with mss. 492-3 and 495. 



Lea 497. 

MEDICI, etc. Unbound collection of FINANCIAL STATEMENTS 
(partite, conti, rendite, etc.) primarily of the Medici family, until recently 
part of a larger bundle (i.e., with mss. 502 and 510). Approximate chron- 
ological distribution: 1564 (i), 1574 (i), 1576 (i), 1578 (2), 1580-5 (11), 
1587 (i), 1590 (3), 1592-6 (11), 1600 (i), 1602 (2), 1604-12 (30), 1618-23 
(13), 1625-7 (8), 1630 (i), 1632 (3), 1636 (2); 9 belong to the i8th cent. 
Among members of the Medici we note Vincenzo [I and II] (1564-1632); 
Andrea [I and II] (1583-1632); Alamanno (1578); Filippo (1583); Antonio 
(1583); Lucrezia (1584); Smeralda (1612) and the Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
Cosimo II (1592-1620). Other individuals noted: Giovanmaria Deti 
(1583); Lodovico Cassi (1596, 1610, 1618, 1625); Neri Capponi (1625-6, 
1632; list of assets on ff. 104-5); Stefano and Fabiano Lapini (1627, 1632, 
1636); the abp. of Pisa (1600, 1607). A few individual items of special in- 
terest: Partita di argcnti (f.41); reali di Spagna (f.42); bilancia dal libro 
grande, incl. accounts of Fabio Baldovinetti, the Riccardi di Pisa, Giovanni 
Mannelli, Paolo Montauti, Ettore Buonaccorsi, Filippo Capponi, etc. (ff. 
54-5); mercantie di uscita per Spagna (f.56); partite di grani (ff.57-8); 
credito della Signora Isabella Ricci (ff.81-4); property at Gioia and Aqua- 
vina (ff.114-5) and Monte di pieta (ff.ioi-2, 117-20). - Filed at the end 
are 9 ricevute of the Gondi (1729-32). Various places, 1564-1732. 

131 fF. Various sizes. Boxed. 

Lea 498. 

. Unbound collection of FINANCIAL STATEMENTS (ricevuti, 

pagamenti, conti) beginning with one extraneous item, an account of Ala- 
manno dc Medici [?] (14th cent., f.i). I. Except for this, and no. 2, the state- 
ments are of similar character and chronologically concise. They are distrib- 



[99] 



uted as follows: 1568 (3), 1572 (i), 1573 (2), 1574 (5), 1575 (6), 1576 (6), 
1577 (10), 1578 (19), 1579 (26), 1580 (18), 1581 (17), 1582 (15), 1583 (3), 
1584 (5), 1585 (7), 1586 (4), 1587 (14), 1588 (15), 1589 (8), 1592 (2), 1594, 
1597, 1603, 1610, 1611, 1625? (i each), 1637-9 (6). They concern the follow- 
ing members of the Medici family: Carlo di Bernardo (1568); Andrea di 
Carlo (1568, 1574-6, 1578-80, 1585-8, i6ii);FabriziodiLuigi (1572, 1577, 
1580, 1583, 1603); Heirs of Carlo (1573-87); Caterina (1574); Vincenzo di 
Carlo (1574-82, 1584-9, 1594, 1597, 1610); Bernardino di Carlo (1575, 
1577-9); Smeralda (wife of Vincenzo, 1577-8, 1592); Alamanno di Ber- 
nardo (1579); Niccolo (1582); Fiametta (1589); Francesco (d' Andrea?, 
1637-9); Carlo (di Pandolfo?, 1639). - 2. Ff.219 and 222-37 are accounts 
(inch a quadernuccio) of Stefano and Fabiano LAPINI (1625-31). Various 
places, [14th cent.-] 1568-1630. 

243 fF. Various sizes. Boxed. - In part i Niccolo Francesco Capponi (1576); 
Pierantonio di Lorenzo Arrighi (?, 1578); Bartolomeo Galilei (1580); Tommaso 
Sachetti (1582, etc.); Antonio Francesco Gondi (1582); S. Lucia in Trespiano; Mon- 
tecatini; Mugello, etc. are named. 



Lea 499. 

. Filza IV delle scritture de Signori Medici segnata con la lettera D. 

Collection of BUSINESS AND LEGAL PAPERS, the first part A dealing 
largely with i. Settlement of the ESTATE OF CARLO M., involving 
Vincenzo, Andrea and to a lesser degree Bernardo M. (his sons; 1579-ca. 
1582), dealing with a variety of properties (Montecatini, Trespiano, Val- 
dinievole, etc.), moneys due, and methods of division; mentioned in this 
particular section are furthermore Fabrizio di Luigi M. (ff.i, 3-4); Mad- 
dalcna di Giovanni Nardi; Camilla di Bivigliano M., wife of Tomasso 
Ridolfi (ff.5, 16); Elisabetta (f n); Baccio; Niccolo di Fabrizio M. (ff.23- 
4, 29, 43). - 2. A second MISCELLANEOUS section deals with debitori 
and crcditori; a fattoria; real estate (e.g., ff. 79-81, 85, 94, 102, 115-8, 135- 
6, 186-7); the inheritance of Niccolo M. (ff.92-3); saltpeter (ff 182-5); the 
Guicciardini (ff. 196-209); and the establishment of commercial enter- 
prises, i.e., a. Firm of Antonio OLIVA, Giovaimi Moretti, Zanobi Sorbelli 
and Jacopo Cervini (1598; ff.109-10); b. Company located in Florence, 
Pisa and Piacenza by Pietro CAPPONI, Andrea di Carlo M. and Paolo di 
Zanobi Montauti (1603; ff.141-3); c. Firm of goldsmiths of Vincenzo 
GUIGNI, Vincenzo M. and Riccardo Riccardi (1606; ff 156-7). - Up to 
f.230 the arrangement is chronological except for ff.134-7 (1621, 1657); a 
few ff. are missing (see collation). - B. The following part has considerable 
gaps. We note documents relating to Andrea and Fabrizio M., Neri Cap- 

[ ^00 ] 



poni (1615; fF.264-5); this section extends to the year 1620. - C. Section 
complete and consecutive from 1640-68, centered on the ALTOVITI- 
MEDICI comiection, among the former Alberto, Lorenzo, Ottavia (de 
M.), among the latter Vincenzo di Andrea; Lucrezia Guadagni M.; Maria 
di Vincenzo (enters monastery, 1658; fF.405-12), Caterina di Vincenzo 
(marriage to Federigo Gondi, 1665; ff.431-2); Francesca (takes vows, 
1667; ft. 332-7); Hortensia Guadagni Salviati; Tommaso Rettinini (?) and 
the Quaratesi; several documents involve the Monte di pieta (e.g., fF.427, 
445-9). - D. Small fmal portion (ft. 501-19). Various places, 1377-1696. 

519 ff. (some blank; ff.169-72, 174-8, 193, 210-21, 224, 231-9, 241-4, 246-8, 250-1, 
254-63, 266-9, 273-4, 285-343, 468-505, 510-2 missing.) Ca. 31 X 22 cm. Few 
notarial signets, i seal. i8th-cent. bds. (no. 287 on spine), boxed. 

Lea 500. 

. ACCOUNT BOOK, debitori e creditori, involving many mem- 
bers of the family (especially Carlo and Vincenzo, but also Elisabetta, An- 
drea, Bernardino, etc.), as well as various business firms, e.g., Deti, Cassi, 
Capponi, Francesco Risaliti, Leonardo Giraldi, etc., incl. one entry for 
Filippo andjacopo Giunta, librai (ff".i i and xi), and one for Ruberto Galilei 
(£51 and li). Florence, i^Si-Sj. 

61 fF. 35 X 25.5 cm. Boxed with mss. 501-2. 

Lea 501. 

Heirs of CARLO DI BERNARDO DE MEDICL Quadcrnuccio . . . , 
riscontro fra Quiricho di Jacopo Fanvichi [?] e figli in Valdinievole a Bra- 
vieri for the heirs of Carlo M. Florence?, 1381 (once miswritten 1591). 

6 fF. text (remainder blank). 14 x 10 cm. Bound in ms. leaf (ca. 1400), "Bravi- 
eri" and no. 167 written on front cover in later hand; boxed with mss. 500 and 502. 

Lea 502. 

MEDICI, etc. Filza XV di diverse scritture attenenti alia depositeria e zecca 
[di Pisa], e ad altri maneggi avuti da Carlo, Vincenzo et altri di casa Me- 
dici, segnata con la lettera P. Largely concerned with the "nuova zecca di 
Pisa" from 1600 to 1610, "con licenzia e presenzia del Signore Vincenzo 
Medici, dcpositario magiore di S. A. S. [Cosimo II]." Ff.277-92 deal with 
Castelfranco, Monterappoli, grain trade, etc., and involve primarily Ja- 
copo Ricciardi di Pisa. - Only recently separated from a larger bundle 
(mss. 497 and 510). Pisa, etc., 1600-10. 

292 if. (inc. blank). Ca. 28.5 X 21 cm. Boxed with mss. 500-1. 

[ '01 ] 



Lea 503. 

VINCENZO DE MEDICI. Copie di lettere, segnato A, concerning Vin- 
cenzo di Carlo M. as proweditore of the mint and treasurer of the Grand 
Duke Cosimo II. Largely business letters, directed to individuals in An- 
cona, Bologna, Genoa, Livorno, Lucca, Naples, Piacenza, Pisa and Venice. 
Among the many correspondents are Lorenzo and Vettorio Chiavacci; 
Jacopo Ricciardi; Bartolomeo and Niccolo Garibaldi; Lorenzo and Ales- 
sandro Strozzi; Francesco Piero Capponi; Francesco Michelozzi; Vincenzo 
Magalotti; Girolamo Guicciardini; the archbishop of Pisa; Giuliano Nic- 
colini; Cosimo Acciaioli and the firm of Acciaioli-Spinelli (Naples); Fran- 
cesco and Girolamo Ticci; the Arrighi; Guadagni; Doni; Betti; various 
members of the Medici family, and many others. Italy, 1601-03. 

208 ff. (last two blank); loose leaves inserted between f.Sv-pr, 22v-3r, yyv-Sr, 
I43v-4r, I46v-7r. 41 X 27 cm. Contemp. veUum (no. 263 on front cover, 119 on 
spine). 



Lea 504. 

[MEDICI, etc.]. ACCOUNT without designation, the main entries deal- 
ing with silk (sete di Messina), money (reali di Spagna) and especially sil- 
ver (paste d'argento, or argenti in paste), much of that last apparently 
supplied by the Garibaldi in Genoa, involving very sizable amounts. Flor- 
ence?, 1606-og. 

30 fF. (text), 18 blank fF. 34 X 23 cm. Cloth. - It has been suggested by Dr. Gino 
Corti that this account probably belonged to Vincenzo de Medici as grandducal 
treasurer and supervisor of the mint. 



Lea 505. 

VINCENZO DE MEDICI. Questo libro e del Signore Vincentio Medici, 
per la zeccha, & chiamasi copie di lettere solo concernente, per quelle si 
scrive fuori de [Girolamo] Biffi e [Fabio] Guidi di Firenze. Copies of let- 
ters written from Rome and Naples, to different persons. Florence?, 1610. 

8 fF. (text), 24 blank fF. 34 X 23 cm. Paper wrappers, in contemp. vellum (no. 
45 on front cover, 86 on spine). 



Lea 506. 

. INVENTARI di robe mandate a Napoli scrvate in Firenze e ven- 

dute e libretto dcUa Signora Francesca Suaress [Saurez], begins (f.2r): Ri- 
cordo come il Signor mio figliolo vennc di Napoli adi 5 di dicembre per la 

[ 102 ] 



moglie. . . . Besides robe the inventories also list panni, biancherie, argenti, 
perle, profunii, etc. Florence?, 1641. 

24, 4 fF. (ff.i, 16-24 blank; ff.5-15 removed; the last 4 ff. are diflferent paper, and 
slightly larger (21 X 15.5 cm.)). 21 X 15 cm. Cloth. 



Lea 507. 

FRANCESCA DE MEDICI. [Filza XIX]. Processi per la Signora Fran- 
cesca di Vincenzo de Medici con I'OfFizzio delle Decime di S. A. S. per la 
reduzione, e nioderazione di piu beni liberi e fideicomniissi [di Valdinie- 
vole, etc.] I. Begins with Domanda della Signora Ottavia . . . ALTOVITI, 
vedova del . . . Vincenzo dc Medici ... in faccia della Signora Francesca 
sua figliola (fF.1-4), followed by a Compromesso fra Alamanno e Carlo di 
Bernardo M. (1563; fF. 5-1 1); Compagnia tra Alamanno e Carlo M. (1558; 
fF.i2-2o); Contralto di caducita e conipra dei beni della Valdinievole 
(1575; fF.21-4); Decreto di correzzione de' signori ofFiciali di decima, and 
Fede di Decima de Signori Vincenzo, Andrea, e Bernardo di Carlo M. 
(1666; fF.25-9). - 2. Record of the proceedings concerning the Podere di 
BRAVIERI (1667; fF.32-63). - Processo della Signora Francesca M. e . . . 
Girolamo Marzichi con I'Offizzio delle Decime . . . per la correzzione . . . 
di Decima sopra il podere dello SMICCHI (1667; fF.65-86). - 4. Due 
DECRETI de signori ofFiciali delle Decime per I'aggiustamento di esse 
dalla posta della Signora Francesca M. a quella della Signora Lucrezia Bar- 
ducci e Girolamo del Chiaro (1668; fF.88-102). Florence, [1358-] 1666-68. 

7 prel. ff. (incl. 5 blank), 106 fF. (incl. 25 blank). 28 x 20 cm. Contemp. bds. 
(with legend Filza XIX, segnata T), portfolio. 

Lea 508. 

MEDICI, etc. Processo delle Signorine LUCREZIA et altre sorelle [Ma- 
ria, Angela, Maria Maddalena, Caterina e Francesca), figliole del quondam 
Signore Vincenzo [d' Andrea] de Medici con il Monte di pieta et altri. In- 
terests of the "sorelle" are derived from Vincenzo, but also from his moth- 
er Lucrezia Guadagni M., his wife Ottavia Altoviti M., his uncle Vincenzo 
di Carlo }A.,et ah Volume contains full documentation of all claims (with 
an introductory history, fF.1-5), depositions, decisions, etc., including 2 
genealogical tables (at variance with Litta; c£. fi.lr and 33r); detailed index 
(prel. fF.5-7); Copia di partite de pagamenti della dote della Signora Lu- 
crezia Guadagni Fatti al Signore Andrea de Medici (tF.121-3); Relazione 
dell'lU'"^ Signore Auditore Bartolomeo Bologna, assessore nel Monte di 
pieta di Firenze nella causa dell' incorporo de beni, e graduazione de credi- 

[ 103 ] 



tori del gia Signore Vincenzo [d' Andrea] M. (ff.262-9); Florentina repu- 
diationis Trcbcllianicae in causa vertcnte inter haeredes olim D. Vincentii 
M. . , . et Sacrum Montem pictatis (ft'.zyo-y); Domanda d'essccutione 
della sentenza de' 7 Giugno 1664 (f.282), with Aggiunta of Bartolonieo 
Bologna (fF.286-96); etc. Florence, etc., 1662-64 (reproducing documents 
1592-1664). 

8 prel., 303 ff. (incl. blank) and 2 ff. inserted between flf.181-2. 28 X 20 cm. Con- 
temp, vellum (quarto on spine). 

Lea 509. 

. Repertorio del' LIBBRO DE SALANI, with initials TCM [edi- 

ci?]. Alphabetical index (list of employees with reference to an account of 
wages?). Locations indicated: fattoria a Monsagrati; Moriano; Carignano; 
fattoria in Lucca; terms "salario" and "onorario" appear in a few instances. 
Italy, lygz. 

22 ff. (only sparingly filled). 30 X 20.5 cm. Contemp. bds. 



)® 



© 



FRIENDS OF THE LIBRARY 

Each of us contributes fifteen dollars or more for ordinary mem- 
bership or two himdred and fifty dollars or more for enrollment 
among the "Patrons of the Library." The Library Chronicle and 
library privileges accompany these memberships. 



[ 104 ] 



A Newly Acquired Manuscript 
of Albertano of Brescia 

RICHARD L. HOFFMAN* 

IN THE FALL of 1966, the Library of the University of Penn- 
sylvania purchased from Herbert Reichner of Stockbridge, Mas- 
sachusetts, a Latin manuscript of the treatises of Albertanus Causidi- 
cus Brixiensis. Albertano was a prominent judge (hence his right to 
the tide causidicus) at a time when Brescia, as one of the cities in the 
Lombard League, was resisting the German-Roman Emperor, Fred- 
erick lU When Frederick laid siege to the city in 1238, Albertano 
was made commander of the castle of Gavardo, Unfortunately, 
though the Emperor failed to enter Brescia itself, Albertano was 
compelled to surrender Gavardo to him on August 26, and Frederick 
consequently imprisoned him at Cremona. 

It was during this imprisonment that Albertano composed the first 
and longest of his Latin tractates, entitled De amove et dilectione Dei et 
proximi et aliarum rerum et de forma vitae. He dedicated the work to his 
eldest son, Vincenzio, who came of age in 1238. When, in 1245, a 
second son, Stephano, reached majority, Albertano presented him 
with De arte loquendi et tacendi — fittingly, the shortest of his treatises. 
A third son, Giovamii, began his practice of surgery the following 
year (1246) and received the Liher consolationis et consilii. 

This last and most important of Albertano's writings was read not 
only in Latin, but in Italian, German, Dutch, and French. Four dif- 
ferent French translations of it are extant, one of which — more an 
adaptation than a close translation of Albertano's original — was writ- 
ten (after 1336) by a Dominican friar of Poligny named Renaud de 
Louens.2 It is this version, Renaud's Livre de Mellihee et Prudence, 
which Chaucer translated into Middle English and included in The 
Canterbury Tales as his own Tale oj Melibeus. 

Our manuscript, containing all three of Albertano's treatises, may 
be described as follows i^ Ms. Latin 23 1. Albertanus Causidicus Brixi- 
ensis. I. Liher de amore et dilectione, ff.ir-49v. 2. Liher consolationis et 

* Associate Professor of English, Queens College of the City University of New 
York. 

[ 105 ] 



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cr iiiimw .ibt!- gnuii^ ,ii»t ijik>k(ti mci .'(T <.vi>'{I»:i« \i»u^<: P.'rt/ 

{\sjjui} i^nt- ^(i; Ilk* iinnwio* Cwt .tctxu' ati m« utrntrWtr in 

I'Miua iicimu ticc 4?;>4tta njwaf te ct mV m cnigcljo jir. 



Hi 



consilii, fF.5or-77r. 3. Doctrina dicendi et tacendi, ff.jjv-Ssr. 4. Epistola 
Beniardi (?), incipit: Ratioso militi et felici Raimondo de Quadrocia 
domino castri Sancti Ambroxii Bernardus in somnum deductus sa- 
luteni. Doceri petisti . . . , ff.85r-86v (unfinished). Italy (Venice or 
Lombardy?), 1400-1450. Written in tw^o distinct but probably con- 
temporaneous hands: (i) 2 preliminary folios and ff.ir-48v, with 
premature explicit on bottom of f.48v; (2) ff.49r-86v. Vellum, with 
pinholes. 2 ff. (index), 88 ff. (last 2 blank). 23 X 14 cm. Illuminated 
initial "Q" on f.5or; rubricated throughout, ff.49r-84r with deco- 
rated (red or blue) initials. 17th-century vellum binding. Label on 
spine: Opere Spiri Temp. Bookplate of Michel Chasles (1793-1880): 

EX BIBLIOTHECA MICHAELIS CHASLES ACAD. SCIENTIAR. 

socii. Paper tide page: albertani / cavsidici [bononiensis 
deleted] brixiensis [written above in pencil] / De amore et dilec- 
tione Dei et / Proximi, ac de forma vitae / Libri iv / De Consola- 
tione et Consilio / Liber singularis / Editi saeculo Decimo quarto / 
mediante. 

The accompanying photographs of fF.48v and 49r show the two 
distinct scripts, the premature explicit, a decorated initial, and many 
rubricated letters. The Italian spelling dificik {—difficile) on f.49r, line 
3 , is one of many such clues to the provenance of the manuscript. The 
form of fmal -s in such words as lenis and convenias on f.48v, lines 4 
and 5, indicates a late Gothic script, which may be dated near the 
middle of the fifteenth century. Both the form of r- and its separate- 
ness from the rest of the word in rem on f.49r, line 16, show the more 
modern character of the second script, which — though still Gothic — 
is somewhat closer to a humanistic style. Similarly, the -g- of evan- 
gelio in the last line is a humanistic form. 

Perhaps the most plausible explanation of the premature explicit is 
this: since f.48v concludes the work of Scribe A and completes a gath- 
ering of the manuscript, the rubricator assumed that the Liher de 
amore ended there as well. Scribe B, of course, simply continued the 
work of Scribe A, concluding the book on f.49v. 

This new manuscript is one of three now in Philadelphia. The oth- 
ers are University of Pemisylvania Latin Ms. 107, and Ms. i of the 
John Frederick Lewis Collection of European Manuscripts in the Free 
Library. None of these appears to have been consulted by Sundby in 
the preparation of his text of the Liher consolationis et consilii for the 

[ 108 ] 



Chaucer Society. At the very least, all three should be compared with 
Smidby's text. Whatever the results of such collation, however, it is 
now time, surely, for a reliable edition of Albertano's complete 
works. For, quite beyond the specifically Chaucerian significance of 
these treatises,"^ they seem — to judge by the number of manuscripts 
and languages which circulated them — to constitute an important 
chapter in the history of medieval and renaissance humanism.^ 

NOTES 

1. For a decent biographical sketch of Albertano, see Thor Sundby, ed., Liber 
Consolationis et Consilii (London, 1873), pp. v-xiv. Ahnost certainly, Albertano 
was bom in the last decade of the twelfth century, probably in 1193 or 1192. 
We know nothing of his life after 1250, and the statement by Federico Odorici 
in his Storie Brcsciane (Brescia, 1856) that Albertano died about 1270 is conjec- 
tural. 

2. Sundby (p. xviii) mistakenly attributes this version to Jean de Meun, one of the 
authors of Le Roman de la Rose. 

3. In preparing this tentative description, I have received indispensable assistance 
and encouragement from Professors Lloyd W. Daly, Rudolf Hirsch, Robert 
M. Lumiansky, Jerre Mangione, and Robert A. Pratt, of the University faculty; 
from Professor Giuho Battelli, director of the Scuola Vaticana di Paleografia 
e Diplomatica; and from Professor Bemhard Bischoff, of Mimich. 

4. Professor J. Burke Severs examines the sources of Chaucer's Melibctis in Sources 
and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, ed. W. F. Bryan and Germaine 
Dempster (Chicago, 1941), pp. 560-614 (containing a text of Renaud's Liure, 
pp. 568-614). He concludes that Chaucer did not use Albertano directly: 
"From beginning to end, throughout omissions, additions, and other altera- 
tions, the text of Chaucer's translation follows the text of the French adapta- 
tion. There is no evidence here . . . of double rehance upon French and Latin; 
on the contrary, the evidence points to Chaucer's sole rehance upon the 
French" (p. 563). There is evidence, however, that Chaucer used Albertano 
elsewhere in the Tales: see, for example, the discussion of women and marriage 
in the Merchant's Tale, hnes 1311-1565, and the notes on this passage in the 
great editions of Chaucer by Skeat and Robinson. 

5. It may be noted, finally, that in the spring of 1967 the University Library pur- 
chased an incunabular edition of Albertano's Tractatus de arte loquendi et tacendi, 
printed at Leipzig in 1495 (call number: Inc. 2869). 



[ 109 ] 



Fiction Rather Than Fact: 
A New Look at The King of the Beggars 

JAMES E. EVANS* 

IN 1749, the year in which Fielding presented Tom Jones to the 
pubhc, there appeared in London An Apology for the Life ofBamp- 
fylde-Moore Carew . . . King of the Beggars} This strange book, pub- 
hshed under the guise of truth, has been considered a legitimate ac- 
count of Carew's life by modern literary historians. Frank W. Chan- 
dler consistently describes The King oj the Beggars as biography.^ C. H. 
Wilkinson finds it to be the "first authentic story of a beggar's life."^ 
George Sherburn is only willing to say that the work is "perhaps" 
rogue fiction rather than autobiography."* Martin C. Battestin calls 
the work an "elaborately embellished" life.^ However, both external 
and internal evidence suggest that The King of the Beggars should be 
regarded as fiction, as an example of the "new species of writing"^ 
which emerged in England in the eighteenth century. 

Tobias Smollett evidently regarded The King of the Beggars as fic- 
tion, for in The Adventures of Ferdinand Count Fathom (1753) one of 
his characters includes Carew in a list of fictional adventurers. The 
character says: 

You may amuse yourself with Shakespear, or Milton or Don Quixote, 
or any of our modern authors that are worth reading, such as the adven- 
tures of Loveill, Lady Frail, George Edwards, Joe Thompson, Bampfylde 
More Carew, Young Scarron, and Miss Betsy Thoughtless. . . 7 

This reference to The King of the Beggars as a current piece of fiction 
would be insufficient evidence if the work did not share a number of 
the conventions used by other writers of fiction in the eighteenth 
century. 

The curious story of Carew's skill as a beggar is told by a third- 
person narrator whose version of events is authenticated in a preface, 
allegedly written by Carew, to the reader. This convention, together 
with the statement on the tide page that "the Whole [is] taken from 
his own Mouth, "^ is similar to Defoe's technique of authentication.^ 

* Four- Year Fellow in English, University of Pennsylvania. 

[no] 



The obvious insertion of descriptions of America from travel books^° 
and the author's association of his work with Defoe, Smollett, and 
Fielding are strong evidence that the "life" does not contain the truth 
it professes initially. 

In the preface, Carew's concern for his fame is said to be the chief 
motive for telling the story. When compelled to defend this "low" 
character, the author of the preface asserts that Carew may have some 
of the qualities which constitute a "hero," a word more often associ- 
ated with fiction. He elicits a parallel with a hero in Defoe's fiction: 

If the Contritmnces and Shifts to subsist upon an uninhabited Island, could im- 
mortalize the Name of a Robinson Crusoe, u^hy may not the far more ingenious 
Contrivances of a Bampfylde-Moore Carew be transmitted to Posterity, (p. 
139) 

Thus justified, the narrator designates Carew as "our Hero" or "our 
Adventurer" throughout the work. 

The style of the prose reveals some similarities to mock-heroic pas- 
sages in Fielding's fiction. For instance, when Carew is initiated into 
the mysteries of the Gypsies, the narrator speculates on the greamess 
of that "low" order: "Whether the divine Homer himself might not 
have been one of this Society will admit of a Doubt, as there is so 
much uncertainty about his Birth and Education ..." (p. 146). The 
arrest of Carew for fraud brings this response: 

So sudden are the Vicissitudes of Life ! and Misfortunes spring as it were 
out of the Earth. Thus, sudden and unexpected, fell the mighty Caesar, 
the Master of the World; and just so affrighted Priam look'd, when the 
Shade of Hector drew his Curtains and told him that liis Troy was ta'en. 
(P- 147) 

The real interest of the author here is in the ingenuity of his hero and 
not in the kind of ironic possibilities which Fielding created in his use 
of the criminal figure in TJie Life of Jonathan Wild, the Great (1743). 
The narrator-reader relationship in The King of the Beggars also sug- 
gests affinities with Fielding's style. When Carew is banished as a 
felon to Maryland, the narrator comments: "Here, gende Reader, if 
thou hast not a Heart made of something harder than Adamant, thou 
can'st not choose but melt at the Sufferings of our Hero . . ." (p. 170). 
The narrator makes a self-conscious appeal to the reader's emotions 
to create sympathy for his protagonist. The delight he takes in telling 

[HI ] 



of Carew's cunning is paralleled by the narrator's playing with the 
reader's sentiments. In his description of Carew's return to England, 
the narrator first heightens the reader's attention, pretends inade- 
quacy, and finally describes the scene. He says: 

How shall I find Words to express the Transports of our Hero, the tender 
Embraces of his Wife, the endearing Words of his Daughter, and the 
hearty Congratulations of the Landlady: Unable to the Task, most gentle 
Reader, I must imitate that celebrated Painter who painted Agamemnon 
with a Covering over his Face, at the Sacrifice of his Daughter, and draw 
a Veil over this Scene of Tenderness; let it suffice to say that their Joy was 
too full to be contain'd, and not finding any other Passage gush'd out in 
Tears, (p. 258) 

The teasing of emotions in this passage reminds one, on an inferior 
level, of Fielding's self-conscious narration, of his frequent authorial 
conversations with the reader. Fielding, similarly, uses the device of 
"drawing a curtain" to conclude a scene he does not wish to de- 
scribe.^ ^ 

In describing Carew's banishment to Maryland, the narrator 
evokes both Fielding and Smollett to aid his endeavor: 

. . . how, gentle Reader, shall I describe the Ceremony of Parting, the last 
Farewells of that Dreadful Dav, unless I had the abundant Wit of the in- 
genious Author o£ Roderic Random, or the still more ingenious Author of 
Tom Jones, who can, whenever he pleases, entertain liis Readers with a 
Chapter or two upon Nothing; had I been blessed with the fertile imagina- 
tions of these Gentlemen, I could here have entertained the courteous 
Reader with Haifa Score Pages at least, in describing the Tears, the Em- 
braces, Adieus and Farewells of their sorrowful Parting, (p. 150) 

The narrator refuses to indulge himself in emotions which could be 
created here by the imagination, not because he does not enjoy senti- 
ment, which he does, but because of the professed reality of his fic- 
tion. He wishes to contrast this claim of truth with Fielding's ability 
to entertain his reader while talking about nothing. Fielding's nar- 
rator in Tom Jones, on the other hand, designates himself as an his- 
torian or a reporter rather than the editor of a "true" narrative. Field- 
ing emphasizes a claim to probability, particularly regarding the 
possibilities of human nature, rather than a claim to actuality. ^^ In 
fact, the narrator of The King of the Beggars makes a fmal comment 

1 112] 



which suggests that he, too, has ahered truth to make his character 
more credible. He says: "... we have been at no httle Pains in writ- 
ing this true History, to throw a Veil over some of the Virtues of our 
Hero, lest he should be found to exceed the present Standard of Her- 
oism, and be thought a Character out of Nature" (p. 273). But he 
pretends to alter facts by omission, not to create an entertainment out 
of nothing, out of the imagination. 

The confusion which existed in the eighteenth century about the 
boundaries between fiction and biography is reflected in The King of 
the Beggars. Fielding identified his own novels with biography, even 
though he called each a "history. "^^ The author o( An Essay on the 
New Species of Writing founded by Mr. Fielding calls Fielding the 
founder of a "new Sect of Biographers."^'* It is surely this "new sect" 
with whom the author of The King of the Beggars identifies when he 
declares that one of Carew's accomplishments "far surpasses all the 
Actions of those two celebrated Heroes of the Age, Roderic Random 
and Tom Jones . . ." (p. 169). Such allusions to fictional figures and 
the unusual amalgamation of the conventions of Defoe, Smollett, 
and Fielding place The Ki}ig of the Beggars in the novelists' camp. 
While it possesses little artistic merit and seems to capitalize on the 
reputations of Fielding and Smollett, ^^ The King of the Beggars is an 
interesting case in the emergence of the new genre, the novel. 

NOTES 

1. Based on The Life and Adventures of Bampfylde-Moore Carew (Exeter, 1745), the 
Apology appeared in a "second" edition in 1750 somewhat altered, which 
served as the model for later printings. For a full bibhography and attributions, 
see J. Paul de Castro, Notes & Queries, twelfth series, vni (February 12, 1921), 
132-133; C. H. Wilkinson, ed., The King of the Beggars: Bampfylde-Moore Ca- 
rew (Oxford, 193 1 ) pp. vii-ix; and Martin C. Battestin, "Tom Jones and 'His 
Egyptian Majesty': Fielding's Parable of Government," PMLA, Lxxxii (1967), 
68-77. Wilkinson reprints the 1749 Apology, along with the Life and Adventures, 
and his title is used here. 

2. The Literature of Roguery (Cambridge, Mass., 1907), i, 166-168. 

3. Wilkinson, p. xxiii. 

4. Sherbum, "Biography and Letter Writing," in A Literary History of England, 
ed. Albert C. Baiigh, 2nd ed. (New York, 1967), p. 1067. 

5. Battestin, p. 69. 

6. This designation first appeared in An Essay on the New Species of Writing founded 

[in ] 



by Mr. Fielding: with a Word or Two upon the Modern State of Criticism [1751], 
ed. Alan D. McKillop, Augustan Reprint Society, publication no. 95, 1962. 

7. Count Fathom (Oxford, 1925), 11, 26. The works associated with The King of the 
Beggars are identified in Andrew Block, The English Novel 1740-1850: A Cata- 
logue Including Prose Romances, Short Stories, and Translations of Foreign Fiction, 
2nd ed. (London, 1961), pp. 100, 128, 168, etc. Since the dates of these works 
are 1 750-1 752, Smollett most likely refers to the Apology rather than to the 
earher Life and Adventures, which would not fit, chronologically, into the 
character's list. 

8. Wilkinson, p. 137. All subsequent page references will be included in the text 
and will be to this edition. 

9. Moll Flanders, for example, is supposedly "written from her own Memoran- 
dums" which Defoe pretends to edit. Interestingly, The Adventures of foe 
Thompson in Smollett's hst of modem authors pretends to be biography, while 
being, in fact, an obvious imitation of Fielding and Smollett. 

10. Wilkinson notes that several passages are stolen from The British Empire in 
America (2nd ed., 1741) and from Daniel Neal's The History of New-England 
(2nd cd., 1747) yet does not realize that the author is making a work ot fiction 
from the materials of the Life and Adventures, pp. 305-306. 

11. Tom f ones. Book xm, Chapter 9, for example. 

12. See Tom Jones, viii, i. 

13. William J. Farrell, "Fielding's Familiar Style," ELH, 34 (1967), 65-77, has a 
good discussion of the relationship of fiction to biography in Fielding's novels. 

14. An Essay, p. i. 

15. In addition to the internal references to Fielding, the pubhshers of The King of 
the Beggars added to a later edition of 1750 or 175 1 a satiric dedication "To the 
Worshipful Justice Fielding" and an appendix "The full and true History of 
Tom Jones, a Foundling; without Pattering." The dedication has been re- 
printed in Henry Fielding: The Critical Heritage, ed. Ronald Paulson and Thom- 
as Lockwood (London, 1969), pp. 247-260. 



["4] 



Johnson to Baretti: New Evidence for 
the Text of 21 December 1762 

J. C. RIELY* 

OF THE THREE extant letters written by Samuel Johnson 
to his friend Giuseppe Baretti (1719-1789), none of the orig- 
inals is known to have survived. R. W. Chapman, the most recent 
editor of Johnson's letters, could only follow the text of the most 
reliable contemporary printing.^ Commenting on Johnson's long, 
interesting letter of December 21, 1762, sent to Milan, Chapman ques- 
tioned the printed text in two places as being inaccurate or unclear. 
One of these cruxes occurs in the middle of Johnson's important 
statement on the virtues of marriage, and Chapman's suggested read- 
ing was admittedly conjectural. New evidence, coming from Baret- 
ti's own transcript of the letter in his Commonplace Book, tends to 
confirm the righmess of Chapman's suggestions. 

The manuscript Commonplace Book, into which Baretti also cop- 
ied the texts of several other letters (not always addressed to him), is 
part of the Furness Collection in the University of Pennsylvania Li- 
brary. Long thought to be the writing of Edmond Malone, it has 
recently been shown to be Baretti's work.^ Although Baretti has 
added a prefatory note stating that he received Johnson's letter at Ven- 
ice on February 26, 1763, there is no indication as to when or pre- 
cisely why he made the transcript. 

Thus it is not certain that Baretti transcribed the letter in his pos- 
session prior to publication in the European Magazine for March 1788, 
more than twenty-five years later.^ It seems likely that he sent the 
holograph letter to the editor of the magazine — as was the customary 
practice of the time — and perhaps made the transcript beforehand in 
case the original should become lost. Assuming that the original was 
returned by the time of his death the following year, it was probably 
among the papers which were burned by his executors."^ In any 
event, the European Magazine text became Boswell's sole source for 
the letter, which he included in his Life of Johnson.^ 

Chapman's preliminary examination of the European Magazine 

* Four-Year Fellow in English, University of Pennsylvania. 

["5 ] 



text, which he accepted as the only authority, led him to suspect the 
wording of the passage dealing with Baretti's projected marriage. 
The printed text reads: 

But love and marriage are different states. Those who are to suffer the evils 
together, and to suffer often for the sake of one another, soon lose that 
tenderness of look and that benevolence of mind which arose from the 
participation of unmingled pleasure and successive amusement, (p. 149) 

Chapman suggested, among other things, that "The easiest cure is to 
read 'suffer evils' or 'suffer the evils of life.' The repetition of 'suffer' 
is Johnsonian."^ Unaware of the existence of Baretti's Commonplace 
Book, Chapman in 1952 printed the European Magazine text exactly, 
indicating that the original letter was "Not traced."'^ 

Now for the evidence of the Commonplace Book. For the same 
sentence of the letter, the Baretti transcript reads: "Those who are to 
suffer ^ evils together, and to suffer often for the sake of one anoth- 
er, soon lose that tenderness of look, and that benevolence ..." (ms. 
p. 38). Baretti's crossing out of "the," in the crucial phrase "suffer the 
evils together," seems to have been done with scrupulous reference 
to the original before him.^ He appears to be catching his own mis- 
take. Interestingly enough, this evidence strongly supports Chap- 
man's conjectural reading of "suffer evils," which in turn clears up 
the ambiguity of the printed text as it stands. Perhaps Johnson was 
not referring to any specific "evils" in marriage. 

Chapman was also bothered by the wording of a sentence near the 
end of the letter. Johnson included news of various English friends in 
a direct, perfunctory style (e.g., "Miss Cotterel is still with Mrs. 
Porter."). Then the printed text reads: "But the gazette of my nar- 
ration must now arrive to tell you, that Bathurst went physician to 
the army, and died at the Havannah." (p. 149). "The meaning," 
Chapman objected, "is not quite plain." Does "gazette" refer only to 
Bathurst's death or to the entire paragraph of news in which it is but 
one item? What precisely is meant by the phrase "arrive to tell 
you"?^ 

Again the Commonplace Book offers a different reading. Baretti's 
transcript says simply, "Poor Bathurst went Physician to the Army, 
and died at the Havamia" (ms. p. 39). The whole introductory, rath- 
er un-Johnsonian clause is missing. The phrasing of the Bathurst item 

[116] 



now appears to be consistent with what precedes it and the puzzling 
words an elaborate corruption. 

Such is the new evidence provided by the Commonplace Book for 
the passages queried by Chapman. And it is tempting to adopt the 
transcript readings as more sensible, more consonant with Johnson's 
intention — hence more authoritative. While there is no easy way to 
account for the discrepancies in the European Magazine text,^° the 
new evidence may bring us closer to what Johnson actually wrote. 

NOTES 

1. See The Letters of Samuel Johnson, with Mrs. Thrale's Genuine Letters to Him 
(Oxford, 1952), I, 132)/. 

2. By Alan T. McKenzie of Purdue University. See Johnsonian News Letter, 28, 
no. 3 (1968), 7-8. 

3. European Magazine, 13 (1788), 148-150. Also printed in this issue were John- 
son's letter ofjuly 20, 1762 to Baretti (Chapman, No. 142) and Baretti's cover- 
ing letter "To the Editor," dated March 20, 1788. The letter discussed above 
also appeared in the General Evening Post (London) for April 2, 1788, with the 
European Magazine text. It may have been reprinted in other contemporary 
periodicals. 

4. Baretti died on May 5, 1789. The executors' action is recorded by Mrs. Piozzi. 
See Thraliana: the Diary of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale (Later Mrs. Piozzi), 1776- 
1809, ed. Katharine C. Balderston, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 195 1), 11, 747. 

5. Boswell's text in the first edition of the Life, 1791 (i, 203-204), is identical ex- 
cept for a few very minor differences in punctuation and spelhng, and the 
insignificant omission of two words. 

6. "Dr. Johnson's Letters: Notes on BosweU's Text — II," TLS, March 4, 1939, 
p. 140. 

7. Letters of Samuel Johnson, i, 145-147. The letter is No. 147. See esp. p. 146, n. 2, 
where Chapman wonders if Johnson "wrote or intended 'suffer the evils of life 
together, and to suffer them' or the hke." 

8. The assumption is, of course, that Baretti transcribed firom the original. Why 
should he have copied out the printed version? 

9. Letters of Samuel Johnson, i, 147, n. 3. 

10. Other discrepancies — in punctuation, spelling, and small omissions or additions 
of words — have not been discussed here, since they are not of a substantive 
nature. 



["7] 



The Twain Are Brought Together 

CLAUDE K. DEISCHER* 



HALF A CENTURY ago, Dr. Edgar Fahs Smith was ac- 
tively engaged in acquiring manuscripts, autograph letters, 
engravings, books, lecture notes, medals, and medallions of early 
chemists for his library. As professor of chemistry, director of the 
Department ot Chemistry, and Provost of this University, Professor 
Smith constantly desired to gather information about and memora- 
bilia of those individuals who were the creators of his favorite science. 

One of the many items that Professor Smith purchased was a letter 
written by Dr. Joseph Priestley to the National Assembly of France, 
dated September 13, 1792. This evidently was a reply to a letter from 
one Fran^ois^ informing him of having been made a citizen of France 
and also having been nominated to be a member of the approaching 
"Convention Nationale" by the Department of the Ome sitting at 
Alen^on. Priestley stated that he gratefully accepted for himself and 
his son "the honour o£ citizenship ... I trust we shall both of us en- 
deavour to discharge the duty of good citizens of France, without 
violating any that are due to our native country .... But the more 
honourable appointment to your conventional Assembly I must de- 
cline . . . ." Dr. Priestley goes on to give reasons why he could not 
come to France — chief among these, that he should continue to fight 
the cause of universal justice and freedom by remaining in England. 

Searches for the letter of invitation to Priestley were never fruitful. 

In 193 1, Amie Holt in writing a biography of Joseph Priestley, the 
eighteenth-century chemist who was also a preacher, teacher, lin- 
guist, historian, grammarian, and theologian, had learned from other 
sources that indeed an invitation had been sent by Francois but its 
whereabouts were still unknown. Miss Holt, however, knew that the 
Priestley reply, written in Clapton, England, was in the private li- 
brary of the late Dr. Edgar Fahs Smith. The entire reply was re- 
printed in the biography with a suitable credit line.^ 

Thirty-four years later, on June 21, 1965, Lady Elizabeth Iddes- 
leigh of Pynes, Exeter, England, sent a letter to President Gaylord 

* Associate Professor of Chemistry and Acting Curator of the Edgar Fahs Smith 
Memorial Collection, University of Pemisylvania. 



[ 118] 



Harnwcll of the University of Pennsylvania. She wrote: "I see with 
interest in a book on Dr. Joseph Priestley, who died in Northumber- 
land (Pa.) 1804, your University has, I believe, the letter the doctor 
wrote to the members of the National Assembly of France - year of 
liberty 4, after receiving a notice from Mr. Francois — by a strange 
chance I possess the letter to which this is an answer."^ 

The letter continues with several interesting statements and ques- 
tions. First, that Lady Iddesleigh is a direct descendent of Dr. Priest- 
ley through his granddaughter, Eliza, who married Lady Iddesleigh's 
great-grandfather Joseph Parkes; second, that the family has a num- 
ber of Priestley items which are of no interest to the children and they 
therefore would be willing to part with them; and, thirdly, would 
the University wish to submit an offer for this letter? 

Lady Iddesleigh's letter was referred to the attention of Dr. Neda 
M. Wesdake, Curator of the Rare Book Collection. This, in turn, 
provoked a bit of research. Did the University have the Priestley re- 
ply? It was fmally located in the Edgar Fahs Smith Memorial Collec- 
tion in the History of Chemistry. This well-known library was given 
by Margie A. Smith, widow of Dr. Smith, to the University about 
1930 and opened to the public on March i, 193 1. 

Additional correspondence with Lady Iddesleigh brought the orig- 
inal Francois letter and a translation of it to the University both for 
examination and on approval. Lady Iddesleigh asked, "Wasn't it ro- 
mantic suddenly discovering where Dr. Priestley's reply was likely 

Recognizing the value of fmding the mate to the Smith item. Dr. 
Westlake immediately undertook negotiations on behalf of the Uni- 
versity Libraries with Lady Iddesleigh and her sister, who lives in 
Portugal. A reply, dated January 7, 1966, brought the good news 
that both heirs agreed to our offer. Thus the twain were brought to- 
gether after a separation of almost two centuries. 

In order to set the background that led to the letter of invitation 
and the Priestley reply, one must consider the following: 

Dr. Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) was truly a versatile citizen of 
England. He was a man of meekness coupled with violent convic- 
tions. Frequently he was considered a nonconformist in his theolog- 
ical views, in his constant efforts on behalf of justice for the people, 
and sometimes in his scientific experiments. As a chemist he was more 

[119] 



orthodox in that he remained a staunch exponent of the phlogiston 
theory even though his experiments tended to disprove it. Many con- 
sidered him an amateur scientist, yet he was a clever and ingenious 
manipulator in the area of the studies of gases. There is no doubt that 
he is best known as the discoverer of oxygen and the inventor of 
pieces of apparatus which enabled chemists to collect and study gases 
which hitherto had been missed."* 

Priestley's acquaintances had many varied interests. One of these 
was Dr. Benjamin Franklin, who suggested that he write his History 
and Present State of Electricity, which he completed and published in 
1767. Franklin and Priestley met whenever Franklin visited England. 
They discussed ways and means of achieving justices and freedoms 
which would benefit mankind not only in England and France but 
also in America. In fact, Priesdey joined Josiah Quincy and Franklin 
in the House of Lords on several occasions to aid in pleading the 
American cause. The warm friendship of Franklin and Priestley was 
evidence of a close resemblance to each other — their love for science, 
their spirit of liberalism, their political opinions and their versatility. 

Another was Lord Shelburne (later first Marquis of Lansdowne 
and Prime Minister in 1782), who provided Priesdey with a good 
salary, an excellent library, quarters, support for his scientific experi- 
mentations for a seven-year period, and the promise of an annual pen- 
sion after his retirement. It was during this time that most of Priest- 
ley's chemical contributions were made.^ 

In addition, Priestley was deeply indebted to Josiah Wedgwood, 
the potter, for many gifts of much-needed apparatus and funds to 
continue his work. Wedgwood's son, Thomas, supplied many earth- 
enware items when Priesdey had left the Birmingham area and lived 
in Clapton. 

While in the employ of Lord Shelburne, Priestley travelled with 
him to the continent and Paris. There Priestley met Antoine Lavoi- 
sier, the great French chemist, and demonstrated his "new air" to a 
group of scientific leaders. With the spread of Priesdey's fame, he 
received many invitations to high social functions. After attending a 
few of them, Priesdey felt out of place because all this clashed with 
his theological and humanistic ideas. Priesdey chose rather to talk 
with friends in his hotel who had kindred views and opinions. 

It is a well-known fact that Priesdey was very much in sympathy 

[ 120 ] 



with both the American and. French revolutionaries. In fact, his fre- 
quent expressions of hberal opinions and ideas endeared him to many, 
but also made him the object of much hatred by others. 

Priestley was beset by rising resentment against his preaching, ac- 
tions, and his sympathies with those considered reactionaries. The 
final act was the destruction of Priestley's home, laboratory, and 
chapel by rioters in 1791. Having had warnings from his friends and 
members of his congregation that the rioters were approaching the 
home, William, the son of Dr. Priestley, and friends gathered many 
manuscripts, books, silverplate and other valuables. Some were trans- 
ported to friends some distance away. Many of the books and manu- 
scripts were placed in boxes and buried in holes dug in the flower 
beds in the gardens. One may postulate that the two letters men- 
tioned above were somehow separated at that time. 

The Priestleys were fortunate to escape physical harm. Again, their 
friends aided in their escape to London and finally to a home at Clap- 
ton. The landlord hesitated to rent the house, fearing that his property 
would be attacked if the identity of the lessee should become known. 

However, Priestley's courtesy, his gentlemanly qualities, his over- 
whelming personality, and the fact that the family was supported by 
so many wealthy friends, finally led to the granting of a lease. Friends 
provided Priestley with crucibles, retorts, dishes, and glass equipment 
so that a new laboratory could be set up. The Gravel Pit Meeting 
nearby invited him to be their pastor. The close of 179 1 brought joy 
again to the Priestleys, for their family was remiited at Christmas- 
time. 

Little wonder that some members of the National Assembly of 
France felt that Dr. Priestley would be generously disposed to the 
common cause of liberty and the rights of men and therefore would 
be capable of suggesting ideas for the new constitution. He was in- 
vited to come to France and be a member of the Assembly. As men- 
tioned, Priestley declined the honor but agreed to give his opinions 
via correspondence with Mr. Francois and the Assembly if requested 
to do so. 

With the outbreak of war between France and England in 1793, 
those considered as dissenters in England were likely to be victims of 
Government persecution. At first, emigration to France was consid- 
ered, but when his sons decided to sail to America, Priestley and his 

[ '21 1 



wife agreed that their greatest happiness would be with their sons in 
America. On April 7, 1794, Dr. Priestley and his wife sailed for the 
new country, arriving in New York on June 4. 

The Priestleys were overwhelmed by the welcome they received 
in New York and Philadelphia, yet were disappointed that offers of 
employment did not come immediately. Limited means and his 
wife's dislike for the city led them to settle in Northumberland along 
the Susquehanna. Later, Dr. Priestley was offered the position of a 
professorship in chemistry at this University, but decided to remain 
in Northumberland. Here he was happy with some of his books, his 
instruments, and a fairly well-equipped laboratory. 

After Priestley's death in 1804, the belongings remained in his 
home for several years. Dr. Thomas Cooper, who worked in Priest- 
ley's laboratory for several additional years and who in 18 11 became 
professor of chemistry at Dickinson College, was able to persuade 
the trustees of Dickinson, with the consent of Joseph R. Priestley, the 
son of Joseph Priestley, 2nd, to buy some of the scientific apparatus. 
With the return of Joseph Priestley, 2nd, to England, the apparatus 
and library were entrusted to Dr. Cooper for sale.^ Much uncertainty 
is associated with happenings for many years. It is, however, reported 
that some of Priestley's effects were packed and shipped to his sisters 
in England. The remaining items in Northumberland were given to 
the Smithsonian Institution or kept by Priestley's heirs or friends of 
the heirs in this country. Some came to Professor Smith's library, 
either by purchase or by persons who learned of his interest in mem- 
orabilia and forwarded them as gifts to him. If one were to speculate 
further, perhaps the Francois letter was included in the items shipped 
to the Priestley heirs in England. Rather belatedly the companion 
letters were brought together. 

One last interesting note. Early in 1874 a group of scientists work- 
ing in New York City felt that the time had come when persons 
working in the field of science, especially chemistry, should have 
closer association and collaboration, perhaps a permanent society for 
mutual benefit. "So why not make the one-hundredth anniversary 
of Priestley's outstanding discovery the occasion for coming togeth- 
er, not only to pay tribute to this pioneer, but for mutual exchange 
of ideas — not in Boston, nor New York, nor Philadelphia, nor Chi- 
cago, nor San Francisco, but in the town [Northumberland] in cen- 

[ 122 ] 



tral Pennsylvania where Priestley had spent the last ten years of his 
life and where his mortal remains lay buried."^ A committee of thir- 
ty-eight leading men of science agreed to sign the letter of invitation 
and arrange for the celebration, to be held on July 31 and August i, 
1874, the latter date to be known as "Oxygen Day." The celebration 
was sponsored by the New York Lyceum of Natural History.^ At 
least seventy-five men of science attended. On the second day of the 
meeting a suggestion was made that the time seemed ripe for form- 
ing an American Chemical Society. Circular letters brought a hearty 
response from many in favor of the idea.^ The formal organization 
of the Society was effected on April 6, 1876, in New York City. 

NOTES 

1. Probably Nicolas Louis Francois, called Francois de Neufchateau (1750-1828), 

2. Anne Holt, A Life of Joseph Priestley (London, 193 1), pp. 176-177. 

3. Ail correspondence among Lady Iddesleigh, Mr. Donald K. AngcU, and Dr. 
Neda M. Westlake is in the Edgar Fahs Smith Memorial Collection in the 
History of Chemistry. 

4. Joseph Priestley, Memoirs of Dr. Joseph Priestley to the Year lygs (London, 

1806). 

5. Jolin G. Gillam, The Crucible: the Story of Joseph Priestley (London, 1954). 

6. Charles A. Browne, "Joseph Priestley As an Historian of Science," Journal of 
Chemical Education, iv (1927), 184-199. 

7. C. Warren Gutehus, "Northumberland's Centennial Summer (1874)," Pro- 
ceedings of the Northumberland County Historical Society, xvi (1948), 162-183. 

8. Joseph S. Hepburn, "Joseph Priestley, Pennsylvania Scientist," The Science 
Counselor (March 1949). 

9. S. A.Goldschmidt,"The Birth of the American Chemical Society at the Priest- 
ley House in 1S7 4," Journal of Chemical Education, iv (1927), 145-149. 

A transcript of the letters follows. 

Paris 10*' 7'"''' I'an 4 de 
la hberte 
Monsieur, 

J'ai I'honncur de vous annoncer, que vous avez ete nomme a la Convention 
Nationale par le departement de I'Ome scant a Alen(;:on dans la cy devant Norman- 
die. Vous eussiez etc nomme probablcment aujourdhui a Paris, si on n'eut annonce 
hier dans I'assemblce Nalc* que vous ctiez nomme par un autre departement; le 

* Elevated letters italicized except in heading. 

[ 123 ] 



grand nombre de suffrages que vous eutes hier a Tasseniblee electorale de Paris, 
annon9oit que vous seriez nomme par plusieurs departements. Mrs Payne et 
Clootsf sont avec vous les seuls etrangers qui ayent ete nommes jusques a ce mo- 
ment. La Convention Nationale doit s'assembler le 20e de ce mois, a quelle cpoque 
que vous arriviez a Paris, Vous etes assure, Monsieur, d'y etre acceuilli [sic] avec le 
plus vif empressement. Votre difFicultc a parler le frangais ne doit point etre un ob- 
stacle. Vous trouverez dans la Convention Nationale de nombreux ecrivains, qui 
s'empresseront de traduire vos opinions, et de porter a la tribune, les idees que vous 
les chargerez de communiquer. Il s'agit de former une Constitution, et la France a 
juge, que vous etiez un des hommes les plus propres, a concourir a ce grand ouvrage. 
Vous avez du concevoir quelque surprise, de vous voir citoyenfraiigais, sans I'avoir 
demande et sans qu'on vous eut consulte a cet egard, mais je desirerois bien que 
touts ceux de vos compatriotes, qui ont re^u cet honneur le meritassent aussi bien 
que vous. Je sais que nos emigres cherchent a egarer I'opinion des anglois, sur la 
revolution du ice aoust, ou sur quelques evenements qui font suivi, mais il etoit 
par trop evident, que la Cour nous traliissoit avec une lachete et une perseverance 
sans example, et que la revolution de 1792 n'est que Futile supplement de celle de 
1789. Le calme est de retour a Paris, les citoyens assembles dans leurs sections ont 
jure de defendre les proprictes et les persomies, et ils se sont rendus responsables des 
dommages, qu'on pourroit causer dans leur territoire. Notre position exterieure 
devient chaque jour plus formidable; il est parti de Paris pour les frontieres plus de 
40 mille hommes dcpuis 8 jours; tout le monde s'arme et part, il n'y eut jamais un 
[mouvement?] pareil chez aucun peuple; les [atteliers?], les spectacles, tout court 
aux [amies?], et dans fort peu de temps nous pourrons offrir a nos ennemis im 
million de soldats. L'cnnemi, qui [comptoit?] sur la trahison de la cour venoit droit 
a Paris, instruit de ce beau [mouvement?] parait se replier sur la Lorraine, et deses- 
perer de scs [apparently corrected from ces] succes. 

J'ai regu il y a 15 jours des nouvelles de monsieur votre fils datee [sic] de Lucerne. 
Permettez, monsieur, que je vous demande [de vos nouvelles?] 

Je suis avec respect votre tres ob[eissant] servit[eur] 

Francois 

To the members of the National Assembly of France 
Gentlemen 

I have just receivedanoticeby M*" Francois of my being made a citizen of Fra[nc]e. 
and also of my nomination by the department of Orne, to your approaching na- 
tional Convention. Both of them I consider as the greatest of honours. At the 
same time, by conferring them on foreigners (tho, in my case, you have been led 
to over-rate the merit ofan individual) you show a generous disposition to associate 
all nations in the common cause of liberty, and the rights of men. 

The honour of citizenship with you I gratifuUy [sic] accept for myself, as I did for 
my son; and I trust we shall both of us endeavour to discharge the duty of good 

t Thomas Paine (1737-1809) and Jean Baptistc du Val-de-Grace, Baron Cloots 
(175 5-1794), were ardent supporters of the French Revolution. 

[ 124 ] 



citizens of France, without violating any that are due to our native country, which 
from tliis time I trust will be united with you in the bonds of fraternal concord. But 
the more honourable appointment to your conventional Assembly I must decline, 
from a sense of my incapacity to discharge the duties of it to advantage, on account 
of my not being sufficiently acquainted with your language, and the particular cir- 
cumstances of your country; and I should think it wrong to exclude another person 
better [quhfied struck otit] quahfied in those respects. 

Presuming, however, from the choice that has been made of me, that some re- 
gard will be paid to my opinion, as far as that of a stranger may be competent, I 
shall not fail to give [illegible word struck out] it hypothetically, with respect to some 
of the questions that I presume must come before the Assembly; and in some cases 
it is possible that a person at a distance may suggest useful hints to persons of better 
judgment, but whose passions may be too much agitated by the [illegible word struck 
out] near view of interesting scenes. This I shall do in my correspondence with M"" 
Francois, who is also chosen a member of the Convention, with leave to com- 
municate my letters to the Assembly. 

Be assured that, tho absent from you, my heart is vAth. you; and you shall always 
command my best judgment, be it of ever so little value. I look upon your revolu- 
tion as a new and most important era in the history of mankind. Yours is the hon- 
our of setting the great example; but the benefit to be derived from it will accrue 
not only to all Europe, but [to struck out] eventually to all the world. 

With the greatest respect and veneration I am. 

Gentlemen, 

your fellow citizen 
and humble servant 
J Priestley 
Clapton Sep* 13 1792 year of hberty 4. 

The transcription of the letters has been a joint operation. The letter of Francois 
was particularly difficult to read, owing largely to the writer's persistent failure (in 
this letter, at least) to complete cross-strokes and up-strokes of the pen. We are 
particularly grateful to Professors Ruth Dean, Medieval Bibhographer, and Wil- 
ham Roach and Paul Lloyd of the Department of Romance Languages, University 
of Pennsylvania, for reading the most baffling words and phrases. The editor, how- 
ever, has assumed ultimate responsibihty for all readings; if any faults are found, 
they must be laid upon him. editor 



[125] 



Ernest Hemingway and Owen Wister : 
Finding the Lost Generation 

BEN MERCHANT VORPAHL* 

ERNEST HEMINGWAY and Owen Wister are not writers 
whom literary historians have ever connected in any significant 
way. This is largely because Hemingway's well-known part in the 
"lost generation" movement of the nineteen twenties makes it easy 
to think of the novelist and his work as divorced from earlier literary 
traditions, whereas Wister's success as a writer of popular "West- 
ems" before World War I tends to obscure his extensive contribu- 
tion to American culture as historian, critic and artist. Ever since 
Gertrude Stein reportedly told Hemingway that "you are all a lost 
generation" and Hemingway printed her comment at the begimiing 
of The Sun Also Rises, the historical alienation of Jake Barnes, Fred- 
eric Henry, Nick Adams, and other, similar, Hemingway heroes has 
been applied to Hemingway himself with a facility which is some- 
times damaging. Ever since the nameless, soft-spoken hero of The 

Virguiiciii was called a "son of a " at a Medicine Bow, Wyoming, 

poker table and beautifully replied to the insult by saying "When 
you call me that, smile I"^ Wister's historical image has worn a ten- 
gallon hat and a swagger not altogether becoming. 

Hemingway, of course, was a "lost generation" writer, and Wister 
indisputably produced Westerns. The point is that such matters of 
fact do not constitute inviolable historical or literary categories. On 
the contrary, our understanding of both Hemingway and Wister 
must be modified by the knowledge that the two knew each other, 
carried on a revealing correspondence, and consulted each other on 
a number of important matters, including the intent of The Sun Also 
Rises and the composition of ^ Farewell to Arms. 

Wister and Hemingway first met in Paris during the winter of 
1927-1928. A large, distinguished looking man at sixty-eight, Wister 
had composed operas when he was seventeen and played the piano 
before Franz Liszt in Vienna at twenty-two. By the time he was 
forty-two, he had written six books, three of them best sellers.^ His 

* Assistant Professor of English, University of California, Los Angeles. 

[ 126] 



collected works were about to be published in eleven volumes, and he 
was still vigorous in mind and body — far from "written out," Before 
his death in 1938, he published another volume of short stories, a fa- 
mous biography of his good friend Theodore Roosevelt, and numer- 
ous newspaper and magazine pieces — including much satire of the 
New Deal. Poet, novelist, composer, critic, reformer, and Philadel- 
phia lawyer, he was himself impressive enough not to be easily im- 
pressed. Yet he was impressed by Hemingway, a quiet young man 
who had still to acquire the charisma which would later make him 
legendary, but was already both accomplished and colorful. Not yet 
quite thirty, Hemingway had been wounded in Italy, published short 
stories and verse in France, produced a major novel, and begun his 
second marriage. He was working on A Farewell to Anns. 

For five years after their Paris meeting, Wister and Hemingway 
wrote letters to each other. Hemingway's letters to Wister — eleven 
of them in all — are in the large collection of Wister papers at the Li- 
brary of Congress. Five of them remained misfiled for years in a large 
folder of letters to Wister from Henry Higginson, founder of the 
Boston Symphony Orchestra. The remaining six were sent to the Li- 
brary in December 1968, by Wister's daughter, Mrs. Walter Stokes. 
Although the Wister collection contains correspondence from Henry 
Adams, William and Henry James, Chief Justice Holmes, Theodore 
Roosevelt, Howells, Steinbeck, and many others, the Hemingway 
letters reveal an episode of literary history which has its own unique 
value. First, it reveals a good deal concerning the way Hemingway 
regarded himself and his work. Second, it helps establish Wister in 
the influential role of a Howells-like counsellor to younger writers. 
Third, it demonstrates the necessity for constantly redefming the cat- 
egories with which literary history and criticism are concerned. 

Despite the differences in their ages and backgrounds, Wister and 
Hemingway had much to talk about at their first meeting. Wister 
was in France to write a book on wines — a long, rambling narrative 
called Joyous Journey, which he finished, but never published — and 
Hemingway probably talked convincingly and entertainingly on the 
subject. Doubtless they discussed the causes and effects of World War 
I, about wliich Wister wrote The Ancient Grudge and Neighbors 
Henceforth, a pair of political-historical studies — and which Heming- 
way, of course, experienced firsthand. Certainly, they talked about 

[ '27 ] 



The Sun Also Rises, which Wister read, and admired shortly after it 
came out in 1926. They may have talked about Chicago and the 
American Middle West, which they both disliked for similar reasons, 
and Wister almost surely advised the younger writer to consider the 
Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains as possible settings for some 
of his fiction. Wister had, after all, been writing about the West him- 
self for five decades. Twenty-four years earlier, he had even told his 
friend, Henry James, that the West might be an interesting topic for 
him.^ Yet whatever else Wister and Hemingway discussed at that 
first meeting, their major topic must have been the younger writer's 
background, ambitions, and work. The most exciting part of it was 
about Hemingway's unfmished novel. 

Early in 1928, Hemingway and his wife, Pauline, returned to the 
United States where they fished in the Clark's Fork of the Yellow- 
stone River and himted prairie chickens on the nearby Crow Indian 
reservation between the Bear Tooth and Absaroka mountains of 
Wyoming and Montana. It was their first visit to the Rockies, and it 
may well be that they went there at least partly at Wister's sugges- 
tion. They planned to return to Paris in November, where Heming- 
way wanted to see Wister again, but in Wyoming, they changed 
their minds. Instead of sailing for France, they drove to Kansas City 
where Patrick, the first son of their marriage, was bom, and then 
made a quick trip to Piggott, Arkansas, Pauline's home town. From 
Piggott, Hemingway wrote to Wister at the end of September that 
the shut-in southern landscape made him long for Wyoming and 
Paris. But he looked forward to arriving in Key West, Florida, where 
he took his family about a month later to establish a permanent home. 
Inviting Wister to visit them in Florida, Hemingway remarked that 
he would try to have plenty of liquor on hand and noted that he felt 
Key West a good place to start rewriting his book, adding that he 
would also like to write some stories about the Florida keys. For De- 
cember, he planned a trip to New York City and a meeting with 
Wister — especially if Wister couldn't get south before then. 

Wister's writing kept him from visiting Hemingway in Key West, 
but Hemingway began his trip to New York as scheduled. On De- 
cember 6, while Hemingway was still on the train between Key 
West and New York, his father committed suicide in Oak Park, Illi- 
nois. A telegram from his family reached Hemingway on the train, 

[ 128 ] 



and, changing his plans, he arrived at Oak Park the same day. Shortly 
after the tragedy, Wister wrote to offer his sympathy. Hemingway 
either did not reply at all, or wrote something he was ashamed of. 
After a second letter from Wister dated February 15, 1929, he wrote 
to say that Wister's concern was more than he felt he deserved. He 
thanked Wister, however, and described how difficult it was for him 
to rewrite A Farewell to Arms after his father's death. Yet the book 
was done, and Hemingway felt immensely relieved. He was further 
encouraged by word from Maxwell Perkins, editor of Scribner's, 
that the new work would be serialized in Scribner's Magazine. This 
good news, however, was somewhat diminished by the opinion of 
Robert Bridges, editor of the magazine, that the book contained ob- 
jectionable passages. The first installment was being set up with 
dashes in place of some words,'* and Max Perkins, correctly recogniz- 
ing that such a procedure was awkward, suggested that it might be 
preferable to simply delete the offending passages altogether — at least 
in the serial version. Hemingway was understandably disturbed. 
Spare as his writing already was, he complained, any further cutting 
could destroy it. He wished Wister could read the draft of his book 
and advise him on how to respond to Bridges' criticism. He wanted 
very much to see Wister in Key West before he and Pauline left for 
Europe in March. 

Wister also wanted to see Hemingway, but business and distance 
kept him from it — a circumstance for which he was genuinely sorry. 
Upton Sinclair, John Steinbeck, Frank Norris, and Hamlin Garland 
had courted Wister's favor, along with many others far less talented^ 
— but he was attracted to none of them as he was to Hemingway. 
Perhaps he recalled the kindness with which William Dean Howells 
had counseled him when he was living in Boston and hating his job 
as a bank clerk during 1884 and '85.^ Perhaps he thought he saw in 
Hemingway the kind of independence he himself had never quite 
been able to achieve. At any rate, he wrote Hemingway a long, fa- 
therly letter immediately. He praised the younger man's writing, ex- 
pressed a concern for his health, asked his opinion of Stephen Vincent 
Benet's recently published John Brown's Body, and mentioned a re- 
mark Rudyard Kipling'^ had written to him about The Sun Also Rises. 
He also enclosed his personal check, made out to Hemingway, for 
five hundred dollars. 

[ 129 ] 



To accurately assess Hemingway's reaction to Wister's gift is dif- 
ficult. Hemingway stated in a letter of March i that he was grateful. 
On the other hand, the check and the fatherly letter also added to the 
young man's uncomfortable sense of indebtedness. Both sides of the 
response were present in his March i letter — along with the check 
itself, which, wrote Hemingway, he wanted Wister to keep for him, 
in case he ever really needed it. For now, he explained, he was saved 
by the serialization of his novel. Also, he assured his friend, he was in 
good physical health. The weak heart he was bom with didn't worry 
him. The aluminum kneecap he acquired at a Milan hospital after 
being wounded by an exploding mortar shell was not troublesome. 
The brain concussion and throat injury, incurred at the same time, 
were healed. And his subsequent syndrome of nervousness, insomnia, 
and self-doubt — which he wrote about in "Now I Lay Me"^ — 
seemed permanently over. He felt, however, that because of his in- 
juries he would die young. Benet's book, he disliked. Kipling's re- 
mark, he was almost unbearably anxious to hear. He felt that his new 
book was much better than The Sun Also Rises, and wanted Wister's 
opinion of it. Meanwhile, he insisted, he felt secure and happy. But 
the most interesting thing about the March i letter was the brittleness 
of its affirmation. Contending in one sentence that his sense of well- 
being was complete, Hemingway admitted in the next that he worried 
about not living long enough to write another book and that he 
knew^ the time was coming when his ability to write would leave 
him. Asserting throughout the letter that he was entirely independ- 
ent, he ended with a postscript promising to take any advice the 
older man offered. The letter had the ring of sincerity and genuine 
gratitude — but it also imphed Hemingway's recognition of Wister's 
paternal aggressiveness and his own strong impulse toward self-reli- 
ance: the personal qualities which eventually caused the two writers 
to quarrel and part. 

On April 5, Hemingway sailed with his family for Cuba, France, 
and Spain, but not before writing two letters to Wister which marked 
the zenith of their friendship. In the first, dated March 11, he de- 
scribed how he felt New York critics like Waldo Frank and Paul Ro- 
senfield ruined the potentially fine prose style of Sherwood Anderson, 
and went on to confide how his own writing came perilously close to 
similar corruption. When he began to write, he admitted, he was 

[ 130 ] 



painfully disappointed with his efforts. Doubting his ability and the 
value of his work, he began to drink heavily — but as his style im- 
proved, he gained confidence. To prove himself, he said, he wrote 
The Sufi Also Rises in six weeks of concentrated effort. The novel, he 
told Wister, did not satisfy him, but he also insisted — replying to 
Wister's pointed comment — that it contained nothing obscene. His 
purpose, he wrote, was simple: to trace the deterioration of Lady 
Brett Ashley's character — but he felt even as he was composing the 
book that it failed. Apologetically, he admitted to Wister that the 
only reason he published it at all was to get it off his mind. The letter 
of March 1 1 was truly intimate and confiding. In it, Hemingway told 
Wister things he never put so directly to anyone else. Wister's criti- 
cism of The Sun Also Rises was cautious, and Hemingway urged him 
to criticize the new book, A Farewell to Arms, as freely and honestly 
as possible. Ford Maddox Ford, James Joyce, and Sherwood Ander- 
son, wrote Hemingway, were among the few writers he knew, and 
all of them, he felt, were seriously flawed in one way or another, 
Kipling, whom he admired immensely, had stopped writing years 
before — so he turned to Wister. On March 25, about two weeks be- 
fore he left for Havana, Hemingway wrote again, saying that he had 
asked Max Perkins to send copies of the proofs for A Farewell to Arms 
to Wister as soon as they were available. If Wister was dissatisfied, he 
said, he would try harder next time. 

The May issue o£ Scrihner s Magazine carried the first installment of 
Hemingway's novel. It was concluded in the October number. Hem- 
ingway was in Europe, and Wister lived alternately at his summer 
house in Saunderstown, Rhode Island, and his family home near Phil- 
adelphia while he worked on his biography of Theodore Roosevelt 
— which the Macmillan Company pubhshed in 1930. Yet he found 
time to read the proofs Perkins sent him and be enthusiastic. He loved 
the book, especially its variety and vividness — but he was also both- 
ered by it. The end, he felt, was needlessly painful, and much of the 
profane language which occurred throughout seemed to him gratu- 
itous if not damaging. In New York, he discussed these and other 
problems with Max Perkins, and shortly after the interview, Perkins 
wrote to him asking for his public endorsement of the book when it 
appeared. The editor agreed that there were disturbing things in the 
novel, and admitted that serializing it made him uneasy because he 

[131 ] 



and Bridges suspected that readers would object. But he also ex- 
plained that if Hemingway's greatest liability as a popular writer was 
the fact that his work required a complicated response from a reader, 
his greatest asset as an artist was his ability to evoke such a response. 
Like Wister, Perkins had doubts about the fmal episode, and wanted 
Wister to raise the question with Hemingway because he felt that 
Hemingway might be more receptive to Wister's suggestions than to 

his own. 

If Wister wrote the endorsement Perkins asked for, he never al- 
lowed it to be published, because his relationship with Hemingway 
deteriorated rapidly from May onward. After talking with Perkins, he 
wrote to Hemingway, praising the novel and mentioning that he had 
discussed it with the editor in New York. Perhaps Hemingway was 
offended by Wister's having taken up his doubts about the book with 
Perkins. Perhaps he thought Wister's criticism impertinent or trivial. 
At any rate, his reply to Wister's letter, dated from Paris on May 12, 
was notable for its brevity and profanity— even considering his usual 
habits of expression. He hoped, he said, that Wister's praise was sin- 
cere. He himself had worked so hard on the novel that he was inca- 
pable of judging it. That summer, Wister went to Paris and talked 
with Hemingway. After the visit, Hemingway wrote in a note of 
three sentences that he was ashamed of having centered the conver- 
sation so much on himself. 

A Farewell to Arms was published as scheduled in September — but 
without Wister's public endorsement. Wister was hurt by Heming- 
way's refusal to modify the book, and wrote saying so. When Hem- 
ingway replied on January 26, 1930, the openness of his earlier letters 
was gone, and his guard was up. Wister's ability, he wrote, was much 
greater than his own, and he was always thankful for Wister's advice. 
He insisted, however, that every man finally had to write for himself. 
Respectful and even self-effacing, the letter was still a declaration of 
independence. Clearly, Hemingway recognized that he could not 
abide by his earlier promise to follow all of Wister's comisels. 

In May, the Macmillan Company published Wister's Roosevelt 
biography, and although the book was widely and enthusiastically 
received, its appearance was anticlimactic, for Wister had already 
written numerous articles about Roosevelt. In November of 1929 he 
was awarded the Roosevelt medal for distinguished accomplishment 

[ 132 ] 



in letters. Beginning on March 22 of 1930, The Saturday Evening Post 
carried a series of six special essays on the former president, for which 
Wister was paid fifteen thousand dollars. Hemingway, meanwhile, 
returned from France and went to Wyoming with John Dos Passos 
for a long anticipated hunting trip. There, he had an automobile ac- 
cident and was hospitahzed in Billings, Montana, from November i 
to December 21. Dr. Louis W. Allard, who treated Hemingway at 
Billings, enjoyed chatting with the novelist and described him as a 
model patient.^ Yet Hemingway's own fictionalized account of the 
experience, published in Scrihners Magazine for May 1933 under the 
title of "Give Us a Prescription, Doctor,"^^ suggested that the hos- 
pitalization was grim indeed. And although Hemingway's accident 
was widely publicized, Wister did not write to him even once at the 
hospital. 

By the end of December, Hemingway was back in Piggott, his 
arm still in a cast. Wister finally wrote him — but with more literary 
advice — and Hemingway's dictated reply was peevish and defensive. 
Wister's criticism, he implied, may have been useful, but at the same 
time, no criticism could help unless one agreed with it. Immediately, 
he apologized, blaming the ungracious tone of his letter on the fact 
that it was dictated, and explaining that only by using his hands, 
alone with himself and his work, could he be honest. His uneasiness, 
however, was expressed in an aggressive tendency totally absent from 
the earlier letters. He warned Wister not to expect too much of their 
friendship, and even suggested that the Roosevelt book was flawed 
because of Wister's emotional closeness to its subject. Then, he gave 
up the dictation in disgust and scrawled the rest of the letter — an 
apology — with his left hand. Wister was hurt. Hemingway was em- 
barrassed — and a year elapsed before the correspondence was re- 
sumed. Hemingway made his pilgrimage to Spain and began to work 
on Death in the Afternoon. Wister wrote letters to Steinbeck and Up- 
ton Sinclair but not to Hemingway. Finally, on January 30, 1932, 
Hemingway wrote from Key West, again apologizing for his letter 
of a year before. 

Yet the old closeness, the mutual respect, the give and take of 
friendship were obviously gone. The January 30 letter degenerated 
into literary gossip, briefly mentioning O. LaFarge's Sparks Flying 
Upward — which Hemingway disliked — and Archibald MacLeish's 

[ 133 ] 



poem, Conquistador, which would be published in March. Heming- 
way was amused and puzzled, he wrote, by Faulkner's Sanctuary, but 
he admired As I Lay Dying. He hoped Wister would like Death in the 
Afternoon, and was already beginning to think about another novel. 
He wanted Wister to come to Key West for fishing. Wister did not 
reply, and on February 9 of the next year, Hemingway sent a tele- 
gram confessing that he tried repeatedly to write letters but couldn't. 
Wister, he said, would always be young, while he himself felt plagued 
again by his old selt-doubt. His last word to Wister was a forlorn 
reminder that some common ground still remained between them: 
Gary Cooper had played the leading man in fdm versions of both A 
Farewell to Arms and The Virginian. 

The telegram marked the end of an odd but fruitful alliance, and 
neither Hemingway nor Wister ever forgot the other. In April of 
1937, the year before his death, Wister spent a quiet afternoon at 
home talking with Van Wyck Brooks, who was gathering informa- 
tion for his Makers and Finders series on American literary history. 
The conversation was mainly about Ho wells, James, and Henry Ad- 
ams, but it also touched Hemingway, and J^ister's silence of nearly 
seven years. In a letter Brooks wrote to Wister the next day, he men- 
tioned that the earlier writers had to be understood as a means for 
helping men like Hemingway understand themselves, adding, in an 
obvious reference to his recent conversation with Wister, that Hem- 
ingway was hurt, just as Wister was.^^ In 1940, Maxwell Perkins 
wrote to Hemingway recalling his last conversation with Wister — 
the one shortly before A Farewell to Arms was published. Perkins as- 
sured Hemingway that he understood the novelist's "problem about 
the old four letter words," but added that "those words always wor- 
ried" Wister because they seemed unnecessary. Wister "didn't seem 
to see," wrote Perkins, that "circumlocutions . . . would be incon- 
sistent with the way you write."^^ And even Hemingway, harassed 
as he was by Wister's insistent criticism, later told Charles Fenton 
that he thought of Wister as a friend, along with others like George 
Orwell, Jolm Peale Bishop, John Dos Passos, and Archibald Mac 
Ixish.^-^ 

Initially, Wister seems out of place in such a company, because 
well entrenched historical impressions of both Hemingway and Wis- 
ter make it difficult to think of the two writers in the same context. 

[134] 



As a matter of historical fact, however, the dignified Philadelphia 
gentleman who exploited the literary possibilities of the American 
West more successfully than any other writer u^as a friend to the re- 
bellious, profane young man who wrote A Farewell to Anns. It is im- 
possible to say exactly how far his influence on Hemingway ex- 
tended, but Wister did make four contributions to Hemingway's 
career which are worthy of notice. First, he interested Hemingway 
in the Rocky Mountains. Out of the trip Hemingway and his wife 
made to the Yellowstone River country after talking with Wister in 
Paris, came "Wine of Wyoming," first published in the August 1930 
number of Scrihncrs Magazine. Out of the ill-fated Wyoming trip 
in the winter of 1930, came "Give Us a Prescription, Doctor," first 
printed in Scribners for May 1933. And six years later, Hemingway 
wrote an article for Vogue about fishing in the Clark's Fork Valley. ^'^ 
Second, Wister gave Hemingway the most direct contact he ever 
had with Rudyard Kipling, a writer Hemingway admired immense- 
ly.^^ As Kipling's personal friend, Wister's opinions carried a special 
weight. Third, Wister provided Hemingway with encouragement at 
a time when it meant much to him. The five hundred dollar check, 
although it remained unused, was clearly a sign of personal and pro- 
fessional regard, and Wister's praise was doubly valuable because it 
represented recognition by a highly successful writer. Finally, and 
perhaps most importantly, Wister helped Hemingway achieve an 
awareness of his own abilities. The stubborn independence which 
caused the younger writer finally to resist Wister's advice was his 
greatest asset. 

Wister also got something from Hemingway. His sense of pride at 
having helped the younger writer is indicated by the fact that he 
pasted a highly laudatory review of yl Farewell to Arms on the inside 
front cover of the first folio-size volume in his six-volume letter and 
clipping book.^^ If Wister's praise was valuable to Hemingway be- 
cause it meant recognition by success, Hemingway's praise was val- 
uable to Wister because it meant recognition by youth. When Hem- 
ingway told him at seventy-five that he would always be young, 
Wister was intelligent enough not to believe it — but he must have 
appreciated the gesture. Indeed, he had even done something to live 
up to it. Although there is insufficient evidence to prove he was di- 
rectly influenced by Hemingway, the style of his last volume of short 

['35 ] 



stories, When West Was West, was tighter and more frank than that 
of anything he wrote before. And despite the fact that he and Hem- 
ingway quarreled about profanity in A Farewell to Arms, Wister 
filled in the blank spaces that had punctuated earlier versions of his 
own works. When the authorized edition of Wister's writings came 
out late in 1928, Trampas called the Virginian a "son of a bitch."^'^ 



NOTES 

1. Owen Wister, The Virginian (New York, 1902), p. 29. 

2. The Dragon of Wantley (a novel), 1892; Red Men and White (short stories), 
1896; Lin McLean (a novel), 1898; The Jimmyjohn Boss (short stories), 1900; 
Ulysses S. Grant (biography), 1900; The Virginian, 1902. 

3. This suggestion occurred in a letter of 1904, after James, who was close to 
Owen's mother (Sarah B. Wister) and grandmother (Frances Kemble Butler) 
as well as to the yoiuiger writer liimself, enthusiastically praised The Virginian. 
James also mentioned that he thought the novel's hero was too fine a creation 
to be allowed to hve at the end of the book. Wister thanked James for his ad- 
vice, but noted privately in his journal that he felt following such advice would 
be a surrender to "the higher banality." 

4. For a useful study of the deletions Perkins and Bridges insisted on, see James B. 
Meriwether, "The Dashes in Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms," Papers of the 
Bibliographical Society of America, lviii (1964), 449-457. 

5. Especially interesting is Wister's relationship with Upton Sinclair. In 1901, 
Sinclair sent Wister a copy of his Springtime and Harvest, which Wister praised 
mildly. Sinclair continued to send Wister copies of his writing, and later asked 
Wister for fmancial support when he was working on Manassas, but Wister re- 
fused to grant it. The two writers quarreled angrily when Wister refused to 
endorse a movement to get Sinclair the Nobel Prize in 193 1. 

6. Howells and Wister met at the Tavern Club, of which Ho wells was president. 
When Wister and his cousin Langdon Mitchell collaborated on a novel in 1884 
and showed it to Howells, he advised them not to publish it, but he encouraged 
Wister to continue writing. 

7. Wister and Kipling met at a dinner given by Theodore Roosevelt in Washing- 
ton in 1895. From then on, they remained close friends and frequent corre- 
spondents. I have not yet been able to locate Kiphng's remark about The Sun 
Also Rises. 

8. First published in Men Without Women (New York, 1927). 

"9. Letter from Dr. Allard to Mrs. Margaret Kennedy Poitevin. I am indebted to 

Mrs. Poitevin for the use of the letter. 
10. Later retitled "The Gambler, The Nun, and the Radio" when it appeared in 

Winner Take Nothing (New York, 1933). 



[ 136] 



11. This and other letters from Brooks are in the Wister Collection at the Library 
of Congress. 

12. Jolin Hall Whcelock, ed., Editor to Author: The Letters of Maxwell E. Perkins 

(New York, 1950), pp. i54-i55- 

13. Leicester Hemingway, My Brother, Ernest Hemingway (New York, 1961), p. 
277. Fenton, however, does not mention Wister in The Apprenticeship of Ernest 
Hemingway (New York, 1954). 

14. "The Clark's Fork Valley, Wyoming," Vogue, xciii (February, 1939), 68, 157. 

15. In an interview with George Plimpton, Hemingway included Kipling with 
Mark Twain, Thoreau, Jolin Donne, Flaubert, and others in a list of writers to 
whom he owed most. For a text of the interview see George Plimpton, "Ernest 
Hemingway," Paris Review, xviii (Spring 1958), 61-89. In an utipublished let- 
ter of January 9, 1953, Hemingway told the young writer Jack Hirshman that 
when he was young, he thought KipHng better than any other writer. Even in 
1953, Hemingway wrote, Kipling was among the best authors he knew. 

16. Wister called these scrapbooks Babel, because "the Lord did there confound the 
language of all the earth." He drew heavily on them for the prefaces to his col- 
lected works. They are housed in the Manuscripts Division of the Library of 
Congress. 

17. Owen Wister, The Virginian (New York, 1928), p. 22. 



[137] 



Library Notes 



Various Gifts 

Dr. Melvin a. Benarde — Three manuscripts: "Our Precious Hab- 
itat" (1968), "Race Against Famine" (1970), and "Disinfection" (1970). 

Mr. and Mrs. Charles Bridges — Nine classical works. 

Mr. Orville H. Bullitt — ]uvena\, Mores Hominiiin. The Manners of 
Men, translated by Sir Robert Stapylton. London, Hodgkinsonne, 1660. 

Mr. Richard Foster — N. A. Randolph, ed.. Physiological Notes. Phil- 
adelphia, Lippincott, 1885. 

Mr. William Foster — Faustino Miranda, La Vegetacion de Chiapas. 
Mexico, 1952. Two volumes. 

Dr. Thomas P. Haviland — Nine volumes of English literature. 

Mrs. Ann Koppelman-Ackerman — More than one hundred 
mathematical monographs. 

Mrs. Briton Martin, Jr. — General collection of volumes on his- 
tory and political science. 

Miss Harriet Plimpton — Thirty-eight miscellaneous volumes on 
art and the classics. 

Estate of Edgar L. Potts — About three thousand books of liter- 
ature and the theater. 

Mr. Frederic Rosengarten, Jr. — Frederic Rosengarten, Jr., The 
Book of Spices. Wynnewood, Pa., Livingston, 1969. 

St. Martin's Press — In Memory of Robert Ockene, Col- 
lege 1956 — Emily Bronti;, by John Hewish; Flights into Yesterday, by 
Leo Deuel; The Half-Shut Eye, by John Whale; and. The Turning Point, 
by Allen Roberts. 

Dr. George Brandon Saul — The following books of the donor's 
authorship: Hound and Unicorn; Withdrawn in Gold; Three Coiiuiientaries 
on Genius; Carved in Findriiine; Concise Introduction to Types of Literature 
in English; Little Book of Strange Tales; Rushlight Heritage; and. Tradi- 
tional Irish Literature and Its Backgrounds. 

Mrs. Horace Stern — BevtrumWiMiLce Kovn, The Early Jews of Neiv 
Orleans. Waltham, Mass., American Jewish Historical Society, 1969. 

Estate of Owen Wister — Books on music. 

Catharine Morris and Sydney L. Wright — More than thirty 
volumes on prisons and criminology. 
The gifts of Dr. Bernarde, Mr. Bullitt, and Dr. Haviland were made to 

the Rare Book Collection. 

[ 138 ] 



We gratefully acknowledge donations from the following trustees, fac- 
ulty, and staff members: Otto Albrecht, Derk Bodde, T. E. M. Boll, 
William W. Brickman, John L. Cotter, Ruth J. Dean, Robert Dechert, 
Kenneth S. Goldstein, Ward H. Goodenough, Robert M. Hartwell, Adolf 
Klarmann, Robert A. Kraft, N. Kumaraswami Raja, William N. Loucks 
and William G. Whimey, Vincas Maciunas, Heinz Moenkemeyer, Otakar 
Odlozilik, Natalia Pazuniak, Otto Pollak, Robert A. Pratt, Arnold G. 
Reichenberger, Lyman W. Riley, Shifra Rin, William Roach, Charles E. 
Rosenberg, L. C. Rudolph, E. Dale Saunders, George C. Schoolfield, Ber- 
nard G. Segal, Thorsten Sellin, Robert Seltzer, John L. Shover, Richard 
Shryock, Robert E. Spiller, Marta Tarnawsky, Morris S. Viteles, W. Wal- 
lace Weaver, Henry Wells, A. P. Whitaker, Vincent H. Whitney, Charles 
R. Whittlesey. 

J. M. G. 

Continuing the record of publications dealing, entirely or partly, with 
holdings of the University of Pennsylvania Libraries, the following ref- 
erences are presented. Citations for this record are invited. 

Enzo Orvieto, "Due Sonetti Inediti di A. Tassoni," Forum Italicum, iii 

(1969), 585-587. 

Franklin B. Williams, Jr., "Spenser, Shakespeare, and Zachary Jones," 
Shakespeare Quarterly, 19 (1968), 205-212. (Mention only) 

Rudolf Hirsch and Gino Corti, "Medici-Gondi Archive II," Renaissance 
Quarterly, xxiii (1970), 150-152, continuing the account in the same jour- 
nal (then named Renaissance Neu's), vol. xvi, pp. 11-14. 

Charles H. Shattuck, The Shakespeare Promptbooks: a Descriptive Cata- 
logue (Urbana and London, 1965). 

[Anonymous], "An Important Baretti Discovery," Johnsonian News 
Letter, 28, no. 3 (1968), 7-8. 



[ 139 ]