Life and Letters Under
the Mughals
By
SDr. C P. 92. gkopra
Editor, Indian Gazetteers
GOPALA ;-,, J ' ' -. IL..ARY
2 ? JAN I97B
Ashajanak Publications
New Delhi
"THk KE - :
6. !l2FS3iiT!J:r Jt 'i ""
e.
GOPALA I. i\C f~ '
Preface
I am glad to present to the reading public a comprehen-
sive volume entitled Life and Letters under the Mughals. It
includes my two earlier works Some Aspects of Society and
Culture during the Mughal Age and Social Life under the
Mughals, which have been thoroughly revised in the light of
recent researches. The third volume Literature during the
Mughal Age, which I intended to bring out separately, has now
been included in this volume. I hope this volume will be use-
ful not only to the scholars and litterateurs interested in the past
but also to students of contemporary social affairs by indicating
elements in our rich and composite heritage that have stood the
test of time and deserve to be preserved.
I am grateful to Shri B.D. Jatti, Dr. Karan Singh and
.Shri Abdul Hameed for the keen interest they have always been
taking in my literary endeavours. I have received encouragement
and help from many friends particularly Prof. Charles Adams,
Prof. A. T. Embree, Prof. M.N.Pearson and Shri Ausaf Ali.
Besides assisting me throughout, Dr. (Mrs.) Prabha Chopra has
prepared the index of this volume. I am also obliged to Shri
T.S. Narula who worked so hard to bring out this book.
New Delhi
December 1975
P.N.C.
Abbreviations
Ain : Ain-i-Akbari.
A.N. Akbarnama.
B.N. Babarnama.
B.S.O.A.S. Bulletin of the School of the Oriental and African
Studies, London.
C.A.A.M. Central Asian Antiquities Museum.
Crooke's or Herkiots' Islam in India : Reference is to Qanun-i-
Islam or Islam in India by Jafar Sharif, translated by G.A.
Herklots and edited by William Crooke.
E. and D. Elliot and Dowson, The History of India as Told by
its own Historians.
H.N.G. Humayunnama by Gulbadan Begam. Sometimes the
abbreviation 'GuF for Gulbadan Begam is used in the pre-
sent work.
H.S.S. Hindi Shabd Sagar by Shyam Sundar Das.
I.A.E. Indian Art Exhibition.
I.N . Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri.
J.B.O.R.S. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society.
JJ.H. Journal of Indian Historical Society.
J.P.A.S.B. or A.S.B. Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal.
J.R. A.S.B. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal.
J.U.P.H.S. Journal of the United Provinces Historical Society.
K.K. Khafi Khan's Muntakhab-ul-Lubab.
Lahori : Abdul Hamid Lahori's Padshahnama or Badshah nama.
M.A. : Maasir-i-AlamgirL
Pelsaerfs India : Reference is to Francisco Pelsaert's Remans*
trantie., translated by W.H. Moreland and P. Geyl. In the
present work Jahangir's India also has been used for
Pelsaert's work.
Purchas' India : Reference is to Purchas' Pilgrimes, 20 volumes.
R. and B. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, translated by Rogers and Beve-
ridge.
Tuzuk (Lowe) : Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, translated by W.H. Lowe.
T.A. Tabaqat-i-AkbarL
Y.L.H. Vernacular Literature of Hindustan by Grierson.
Contents
Preface
Abbreviations
Introduction
1. Dress, Toilets and Ornaments
2. Diet, Tastes and Intoxicants
3. Games, Sports and other Amusements
4. Festivals and Fairs
5. Position of Women in Society
6. Education
7. Customs, Rites and Ceremonies
8. Social Etiquettes and Manners
9. Charity and Fasts
10. Houses and Furniture
11. Mode of Travelling and Conveyance
12. Literature I Persian Poetry
13. Literature II Persian Prose
14. Literature III Hindi Poetry
Appendix
Bibliography
Index
vn
Ix
xiii
1
32
55
S3
108
131
169
221
239
256
'291
315
352
381
408
410
425
Introduction
India inherits an ancient civilization which is the result of
diverse forces operating for many millenniums. Many races
Greeks, Sakas, Pallavas, Kushanas, Huns and othersthat from
time to time found their way to this country contributed
consciously or unconsciously to its evolution. It is, therefore,
endowed with that dynamic character which explains its
.exceptional vitality. We possess the will to assimilate whatever
appears to us good in the life and thought of the peoples with
whom we happen to come into contact. The advent of Islam,
however, presented a challenge at the outset to the process of
synthesis and fusion that had been going on for centuries in the
past. Unlike the earlier invaders, Muslims came to India with
a well-defined faith. Simple and clear-cut, Islam had nothing
in common with the elaborate, ritualistic and absorptive
Hinduism. Its well-defined social system, philosophy, laws and
a strong monotheistic outlook made its absorption in Hinduism
impossible. Throughout the medieval ages, the problem, as
Jawaharlal Nehru put it, was how these "two closed systems,
each with its own strong roots, could develop a healthy relation-
ship."
For seven centuries the struggle for supremacy went on.
On the one hand, there was the "influence of Islam and the
philosophy of life represented by it. On the other hand, there
has been the pervasive influence of Indian culture and civilisa-
tion." The initial clash was inevitably followed by rapproche-
ment, fusion and mutual adjustment.
The Iranian-Arab culture, which the Turko-Afghan con-
querors brought with them, was a composite culture, Arabs
having absorbed the ancient civilizations of Iran and Egypt and
the remnants of the Graeco-Roman civilization. Characteristi-
cally enough^ the Arabs had accepted in course of time some of
XIV
y
the ancient traditions and legends of these countries as part of
their own national heritage.
The idea of the brotherhood of Islam and of theoretical
equality among its adherents, belief In one God and complete
surrender to His will, which are the characteristics of this reli-
gion, made a deep impression on the minds of some of the Indian
thinkers and reformers of the period. The contact of Islam
with Hinduism in south India led to the revival of anti-caste
and monotheistic movements. The south became the "home of
religious reform" from the 8th to the 10th century. The
Vaisnava and Saivite saints started schools of Bhakti, and
scholars like Sankara, Ramanuja, Nimbaditya, Basava, Vallabh-
acharya, and Madhava formulated their philosophical systems.
These impulses for re-awakening and religious revival were
transmitted to the north chiefly through Ramananda of
Banaras, who was a distinguished pupil of Ramanuja. About
1450 the mystic weaver Kabir "assailed at once the worship of
idols, the authority of the Quran and Shastras and the exclusive
use of a learned language." It will, however, be incorrect to
say that these monotheistic and anti-caste movements among
the Hindus in the Middle Ages though strengthened by Islam
had originated in it. Indeed the Upanishads (8th century B.C.-
6th century B.C.) had propounded the idea of the oneness of
God. And as Sir Jadunath Sarkar, the Indian historian,
remarks, "all the higher thinkers, all the religious reformers, all
the sincere devotees among the Hindus from the earlier times
have proclaimed one and only one supreme God behind the
countless deities of popular worship and have declared the
equality of all true adherers and placed a simple sincere faith
above elaborate religious ceremonies. They have all tried to
simplify religion and bring it to the doors of the commonest
people."^ So what really happened after the Muslim conquest
was a "re-emphasis on the essential monotheistic character of
the idea of God and the superiority of the path of devotion over
ritualistic sacrifice and mere books of knowledge and wisdom."
Thus stress was laid on the subordination of rites and cere-
monies, pilgrimages and fasts and the multiplicity of gods. The
Bhakn movement served two main objects. It rescued the
Hindu religion and enabled it to withstand the onslaught of
Islamic propaganda and proselytisrn. It also brought about an
understanding between Islam and Hinduism and fostered
friendly relations between the two communities.
Many a sect arose which tried to harmonize Islam and
Hinduism and to find a common meeting ground for the devout
of both the creeds in which their differences of ritual, dogma,
and external marks of faith were ignored. Ramananda, Kabir,
Nanak, Dadu, and Chaitanya were some of the leaders of the
Bhakti movement, which practically covered the whole of
India. Muslim Sufis and mystics were close to Bhakts.
Mainly an off-shoot of Vedaata of the Hindus, Stifism rapidly
spread in India from the time of Akbar and produced a large
mass of literature. It tended to bring Hindus and Muslims
closer.
Interaction of these cultures led to the birth of a new
language, Rekhta or Urdu (from the Turki word 'Urdu* meaning
*Camp'), as it was called, which was really Hindi appreciably
transformed by the addition of Persian and Arabic words and
idioms. Amir Khusrau (1255-1325) later called this language
Hindavi and Abul Fazl named it Dehlavi. Prithvi Raj Ras
by Chand Bardai, a court poet of Prithviraj, was perhaps the
first work in Hindi, which distinctly contains the traces of this
development. The works of Amir Khusrau and Ras Khan,
Malik Muhammad Ja\asi's Padmavat (completed in 1540), and
Tulsi Das's Ramacharit Manas (1574) are some of the important
earlier works in the new language. However, the religious
poems or rather the aphorisms of religious reformers like Kabir
(died 1518), Dadu (flourished about 1600), Nanak (1469-1538)
and Naradev ( 14th century) and others, who used it as a me-
dium of expression, greatly helped its growth.
The impact of Islam also led to the development of
regional languages. Sanskrit ceased to be a living language
even on a limited scale by the end of the 13th century when a
major part of this country passed under Muslim rule. For over
three centuries (1200-1550) the Hindu intellect in north India
was almost barren and no work of merit was produced. The
peace and prosperity of Akbar's reign, however, gave a literary
stimulus and there was a sudden growth of vernacular literature
throughout the country. A number of good works were pro-
duced in Bengali, Marathi, Punjabi, Sindhi and eastern Hindi.
Yidyapati's songs in Maithili, Chand i Dass' in Bengali, Mira's
XVI
poems in Rajasthani, and Eknath's in Marathi were not only
popular but recognised literary works. Arabised Persian mixed
with Turkish being the language of the Muslim invaders, many
of their words found their way into the regional languages.
Marathi, for example, had 35% words of Persian origin in 1830
and the percentage in Punjabi and Sindhi was still higher.
Hindus were not interested in recording events, because
they "despised this world and its ephemeral occurrences." Only
four biographies have been perserved in Sanskrit and in all of
them "facts lie buried under a mass of flowers of rhetoric,
tricks of style and round-about expressions." Dates are com-
pletely ignored. The dry, methodical and matter-of-fact Muslims,
on the other hand, kept a regular record of their campaigns and
achievements in whatever part of the world they went to. Their
advent in India led to the production of a large number of
chronicles and autobiographies, which serve as source material
for the history of the period. Hindu writers naturally imitated
their style, and thus was introduced, as Sir Jadunath Sarkar
writes, "a new and very useful element into Indian literature."
The contact of Islam was beneficial in another way.
Contrary to the Hindu practice of making a secret of their
productions, the Muslims believed in copying and illuminating
and circulating their works on a large scale. The introduction
of Kagaz (paper) also helped this process. Many of the older
Indian works were translated under the patronage of Mughal
rulers like Akbar, and freely circulated, which led to the diffusion
of knowledge.
In the domain of fine arts, the richest contribution of the
Muslims, Sir Jadunath Sarkar writes, is the Indo-Saracen School
of painting. As the painting of human figures or anything that
has life is forbidden in Islam, the earliest Muslim paintings to
reach India from Khurasan or Bukhara showed "complete
Chinese influence, especially in representing the human face,
rocks, sheets of water and dragons." Intense individuality,
proper spacing and symmetry were the characteristics of this
art. Theonly specimens of Hindu art, which had escaped the
ravages of time and invaders, are those in the Ajanta caves
which depict the full throngings of life, power glory, love and
youth, and on the same canvas are exhibited tranquillity, which
lies in a life of detachment, devotion, piety and faith. The
xvii
medium of art was chosen to express "the illimitable fecundity
of life" and unity of the real Here in India, the Chinese
characteristics imported by Muslims were rapidly dropped. The
rigidity of the Chinese line was softened. The scenes and
features were indianized. As a result of the impact of this
foreign culture on the traditional art, new laws of symmetry,
proportion, and spacing were imposed on the plasticity of
Ajanta. It also led to the development of a number of sub-
styles, as the Rajput and the Pahari styles, which were greatly
influenced by ancient Hindu ideals, while the Deccan, Lucknow,
Kashmir, and Patna styles of painting had predominantly
Muslim characteristics.
The style of architecture which the Turkish invaders
brought in India was not exclusively Muslim or Arabian. It
was in fact the product of fusion of the style of architecture of
various countries such as Transoxiana, Iran, Afghanistan, and
Northern Africa with that of the Muslim Arabia. They had
developed a good taste and also talent for refinement in archi-
tecture. In India they were greatly impressed with the skill of
Indian masons and architects whose style they also adopted some-
times unconsciously. Indian architecture had some unique
features, such as fiat roofs, corbel brackets, tapering domes,,
wide eaves, narrow columns, and decoration and ornamentation.
Moreover, the emphasis of Indian architectural style was on,
solidity and grace. This is evident in the temples of the south.
Hindu kings were very particular about extensive decoration,
and variety of themes were exhibited through sculptures. The
best examples are the temples of Conjeevaram and Simhachalam.
The Muslims had also something to impart to Hindu archi-
tecture by introducing certain new features, such as arches,
spherical domes, geometrical patterns, and window screenings,
which gave a new dimension to architecture. While the Hindu
kings spent huge amounts on the building of temples, the
Muslims built forts, palaces, mausoleums, and mosques. Indian
masons and architects also played an important role in the
fusion of these two different styles of architecture by uncons-
ciously introducing decorative and architectural details which
they had been practising over the centuries. The synthesis of
these two architectural styles led to the evolution of a new
school of architecture which is known as Indo-Muslim or Indo-
xvin
Iranian. The Taj Mahal Is a living monument of the perfect
synthesis of these two cultures, while Fatehpur Sikri and the
tombs of Akbar and Itmad-ud-Daulah remain specimens of an
imperfect fusion. The influence of this style is visible not only
in the monumental art of India but also in utilitarian works
houses, streets and bathing places (ghats) and even in places
of worship.
Music was a well-developed art in India. Islam, which
had a sort of religious disliking for it, had not much to contri-
bute, excepting some of the inventions which are attributed to
the poet, litterateur and mystic of the time, Amir Khusrau. By
combining the Indian vina and the Iranian" tambura, he was able
to produce the sitar, a very popular Indian musical Instrument.
Tabla is nothing but a modification of the Indian mridang. A
fusion of Hindu and Iranian systems led to the evolution of
light songs like qawalis a counterpart of the religious music
of the Bhakts.
The cultural influence of Islam is also visible in dress, diet,
in the celebration of fairs and festivals, In the ceremonial of
marriage, and in the manners of the court. Achkan and salwar,
the popular northern Indian dress, owe their Introduction to
Muslim influence. Hunting, hawking, chaugan, nard or back-
gamon, and many other games assumed a Muslim character in
form and technique. The Muslims, generally leading a more
luxurious life than the Hindus, were responsible for setting new
fashions which were copied by the richer classes. They were
accustomed to sumptuous dinners and sometimes as many as
100 dishes were served on their tables. Abu! Fazl enumerates
these dishes in his famous work Ain-i-Akbari. It naturally led
to the introduction of new articles of food and new styles of
cookery, which in course of time became completely Indianized.
The immediate result of the Muslim conquest was the
rigidity of the caste s} stern. A large number of conversions
during this period, sometimes prompted by the desire to have a
more affluent life and a higher social status, but often by fore
and coercion, produced a strong reaction. Brahmans, the
priestly class among the Hindus, who had lost their former
privileges of exemption from taxes, etc., found in this an opport-
unity to consolidate their hold by making the caste system rigid.
Caste rules were framed in such a way that no loophole was left
XIX
for any intrusion by outsiders who were considered malechhas
or untouchables.
Purdah, or the strict veiling of women, was another impact
of the advent of Islam in India. Hindus adopted purdah as a
protective measure to save the honour of their womenfolk and
to maintain the purity of their social order. The tendency to
imitate the ruling class was another factor which operated in
favour of its introduction among the Hindu ladies.
The above review of the impact of Islam on different
aspects of life in India shows concretely how the Hindus reacted
to a culture very different from their own. Some features of it
which added richness and variety to their life were more easily
assimilated. They tended to accept in varying degrees those
others which impinged on their established pattern of living
but not seriously. Where the differences were radical and
irreconcilable, they were content to be allowed to follow them
quietly side by side with the unacceptable ways of their rulers.
Only the forces of time could evolve a pattern of integration in
such cases.
We cannot, therefore., say that culture during the medieval
times was something entirely new or radically different from the
culture of the preceding or succeeding ages. Indian culture in
al! ages has been fundamentally the same and the inew strains
have only added to its fabric. They only add richness to it.
Take, for example, the dress or the mode of life of the Indian
people. Great political upheavals and economic and military
revolutioos have hardly brought about any radical change in
the dress of the mass of our people Although some new ele-
ments, such as shirts and skirts, achkans and salwars have added
to the variety and colour of our costume, the indispensable
dhoti and the graceful sari have continued to be as popular
today as they were in the days of the Buddha and Mahavira.
The ultra modern person may take pride in his European
apparel, but he too relapses at times to the garb of his ancestors
when homely comfort or religious conventions so demand. So
too with food and drink, mode and style of living, and habits.
Seldom have our people except the elite taken to European diet.
During the Mughal age not many except the nobi'ity and high-
ups among the Hindus adopted the food of our rulers. Many
of the upper-class and middle-class Hindus, no doubt, borrowed
XX
something of the Mughal dress, language and vocabulary, be-
sides the Mughal mode of life and behaviour, but the masses
continued to follow their traditional path. At the same time
social customs and personal laws still continued, in varying
degrees, to be influenced by religious creeds. The present
work is an attempt to portray Indian society in Mughal times
in concrete terms in different spheres of our social, literary
and cultural life.
CHAPTER I
Dress, Toilets and Ornaments
Genera!
Indian dress is a product of the soil and is eminently
suited to the climate and conditions of life in the country. But
we have to admit that foreign influence has also played
an important part in its evolution. Aesthetic considerations,
too, have been responsible for determining our clothing. We
have different types of dresses for different seasons of the year,
and there are different ways of putting them on, especially for
women. The cut or the fashion, once introduced, takes a long
time to alter. There is more truth in Orme's observation
about us that "the habit has at this day the same cut which it
had a thousand years ago." 1 Our medieval dress impressed
foreigners, especially European travellers, who spoke highly of
the neat and well-fitted costumes of the Bengalis, 2 the Punjabis, 3
and the people of other provinces. The Goanese were said to
have excelled all. The rich among them would change their
dress everyday and sometimes even oftener. 4 Delia Valle writes
about the Indian dress : "I was so taken with the Indian dress
in regard of its cleanliness and easiness and for the goodly show
I caused one to be made for myself complete in every point
and carry with me to show it in Italy." 5
Poor people of different communities dressed very much
alike, and so did the rich. The poor contented themselves
with a piece of cloth wrapped round their waist, called dhoti ,
which used to be usually five yards long. The rich imitated
the darbari (court) dress an intermixture of Indo-Persian
style consisting of a long coat and tight trousers of Indian
^.jnake. 6 The head-dress of the poor was a cap, and that of the
rich a puggree. Hindus, irrespective of their position, wore
turbans. According to Delia Valle, the nobles changed their
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
clothes daily. 7 Muhammadans spent lavishly on their dress, 8
particularly their women, 9 and used silk, brocade, etc., accord-
ing to their position in life. 10 But the orthodox among them
ahstained from yellow 11 and silken clothes. 12 The historian
Badaoni was enraged to see a mufti dressed in a "garment of
unmixed silk." 13 Muslim ascetics wore a tall darvesh cap and
wooden sandals, and wrapped themselves in a sheet of unsewn
cloth. 14 In Bengal some of the Muslim faqirs or pirs used black
attire. 144 A simple loin-cloth was sufficient to cover the body of a
Hindu yogi. 15 Muslim scholars or ulema put on a turban, a qaba
m&&pyja ma - Bernier thus describes the dress of Kavindra-
charya, the great Hindu scholar of the time of Shahjahan,
whom he met inBanaras : "He wore a white silk scarf tied about
his waist and hanging half-way down the leg, and another
tolerably large scarf of red silk which he wears as a cloak on his
shoulders." 16 Such must have been the dress of other medieval
Hindu scholars, except that the poorer among them must have
used cotton instead of silk.
Dress of the Royalty
The Mughal kings were very particular about new fashions
and variety in dresses. Humayun invented several kinds of
new dresses, particularly the one called ulbagcha. It was a
waistcoat, open in front and hanging down to the waist over
the coat or qaha. 17 Akbar, whose aesthetic taste was highly
developed, employed skilled tailors to improve the style of the
costumes in his wardrobe. 18 Humayun and Akbar generally
changed their dresses daily to match with the colour of the
planet of the day. 19 Monserrate writes about the dress of
Akbar : "His Majesty wore clothes of silk beautifully em-
broidered in gold. His Majesty's cloak comes down to his
hose, and boots cover his ankles completely and (he) wears
pearls and gold jewellery.' 520 Father Rudolf found Akbar clad
in a Hindu dhoti of the "finest and most delicate silk falling
to his heels and there gathered in by bangles covered with
pearls." 21 Sir Thomas Roe describes the dress of Jahangir
thus : "On his head he wore a rich turban with a plume
of heron's feathers, not many, but long. On one side hung a
ruby unset, as long as a walnut, on the other side, a diamond
as large, in the middle an emerald like a heart much bigger.
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 3
His staff was wound about with a chain of great pearls, rubies
and diamonds drilled. About his neck, he wore a chain of
three strings of most excellent pearls, the largest I ever saw.
About his elbows armlets st with diamonds and on his wrist
three rows of several sorts, his hands bare, but almost on every
finger a ring. His gloves, which were English, stuck under his
girdle. His coat of cloth of gold without sleeves upon a fine
raiment as thin as lawn. On his feet a pair of buskins em-
broidered with pearls, the toes sharp and turning up." 22
Jahangir reserved for himself a particular dress consisting of
nadir if* tus shawl, batuginban^ qaba of Gujarat! satin, chera
and waist-belt woven with silk and interwoven with gold and
silk threads. None was allowed to imitate or put on this dress
unless it was specially bestowed upon him by the Emperor.
The Ain-i-Akbari describes eleven types of coats. Takau-
chiyah was a coat with round skirt tied on the right side ;
peshwaj, open in front and tied in front ; shah-ajidah (or the
royal stitch-coat) with sixty ornamental stitches ; gadar, wider
and longer than the qaba, was used in place of the fur coat,
and fargi was worn over the jama. Chakman and fargul
were rain-coats, the former was made of broad cloth, woollen
stuff or wax-cloth. 25 Shahjahan's dress was practically the
same as that of his father with the only difference that it was
more gorgeous and gaudy. 20 Aurangzeb made an attempt at
simplicity. 27
Dress of the upper class
The well-to-do classes spent lavishly on their dresses, and
wealthy Muhammadans wore both shalwars** and breeches 29
or tight trousers. Shalwars were of three kinds, single, double
and wadded, 30 and breeches, though loose round the waist,
were invariably tight from the mid-leg to the ankles and were
long enough to be plaited. 31 In private they put on lungis or
loin-cloth. 32
The shirt was worn by the upper and middle class people
and, according to the custom in the East, it hung over the
trousers and like the coat was open from top to bottom. 33
The Bengali shirts were usually long, 34 but Pyrard seemed to
exaggerate, when he said that these came down to the heels. 3
The people of Goa wore shirts which were also very long. 3 *
4 DRtSS, TOILETS AND ORNAMEN
Some wore narrow waistcoats with sleeves up to the elbows,
As a protection against cold in winter they wore over the
shirts an areahck (bandhi) stuffed with cotton. The out
cloth was either checked or flowered on silk or cotton. 38
vest called qaba was sometimes put on as an upper garmer
The rich had it woven with golden threads and other rich sti
and lined with sables.? 9
The qaba or coat, made of a variety of stuffs, was usual
long and it came down to the ankles. 40 It was fastened by string
The Hindus tied the strings on the left side, while the Muhan
madans tied them on their right side. 41 The rich also carrie
over their shoulders shawls of very fine woollen fabric <
several handsome colours, and some wrapped them like
scarf. 42 It was the fashion to tie one's waist with a scarf whic
was sometimes made of beautiful and costly tnulti-coloure
stuff. 43 Men carried arms and fashionable people adorned then
selves with a katari or dagger fitted with a golden handle set wit
precious stones. 44 Hindus used to carry a piece of coloured c
white cloth over their shoulders and wore pendants in the
ears. 45 Golden bracelets were worn by the rich around the
wrists. 46 The children generally up to the age of four or fi\
years went naked, 47 but they tied round their waist a silver c
gold chain and on their legs wore little bells of precious metal.-
Dress of common people
Workmen, artisans, tillers of the soil and other laboures
contented themselves with a cotton langota** tied round th
waist and reaching down to their knees. 50 Babar writes in h
memoirs : "The Hindustanis tie on a thing, called langoia,
decent clout which hangs two spans below the navel." 51 Abi
Fazl remarks : "Men and women (of Bengal) for most part g
naked, wearing only cloth about the loins." 52 Nizamuddi
Ahmad saw men and women in the Deccan and Golkiuid
walking about with a "cloth bound about their middle withoi
any more apparel." 53 European travellers from Caemoes t
Manucci confirm this view. 54 What the travellers failed to notic
was that during winter the common people, except paupers, pi
on small quilted coats which lasted for years. 55 According t
Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri, these were never washed till worn 01
and torn. 56 In northern India even the poor put on turbar
PRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 5
to protect their heads from the heat and the cold. Varthema
calls it a red cloth head- wear. 57 in the cold weather quilted caps
were common in some parts of northern India, especially in
Kashmir, the Punjab and the modern Uttar Pradesh. 58
Head-dress
Bare-headed persons were little respected in medieval India,
and people invariably put on a cap or a turban while stirring
out of their houses. 59 This was common with the Muslims as well
as the Hindus. The head-dress was not removed in the presence
of one's superiors and the traveller De Laet noted that when
paying respects to elders "they never take this covering off." 60
Turbans worn by Muslims were usually white and round-shaped,
while those of the Hindus were coloured, straight, high and
pointed. 61 There were many styles of tying turbans and these
differed from caste to caste and province to province. 62 The
rich used the finest possible linen for their turbans 25 to 30
yards in length hardly weighing more than 4 ounces. 63 Some
got their turbans wrought with silk or gold threads, 64 while
others had only one end of the turban interwoven and this they
displayed in the front or the top of their forehead. 65 Kulahs
and Kashmiri caps have also been mentioned in the Ain-i-
Akbari.^ These must have been put on by Muslims of upper
India. Sometimes caps had as many as ten sides, like those
worn in Gujarat. 67
Footwear
Stockings were not used by any section of the people. 68
Bernier writes : "Heat is so great in Hindustan that no one, not
even the king, wears stockings." 69 However, there is a reference
to the use of mozas. The general style , of the shoes was Tur-
kish, 71 i.e. pointed in front and open above 72 with low heels to
be easily undone when necessary. 73 Stavorinus writes : "They
have a kind of shoes which are put on slipshod and are turned
up before just like the Turkish babooches (babouches)." 74 It
was found to be very suitable in the hot climate of the country
and could be conveniently taken off when one entered a house.
The floors of sitting-rooms were carpeted either with costly
rugs or cheaper coverings in medieval times, 75 and it was neces-
sary to take off one's shoes before entering. Muhammadans,
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
according to Thevenot" and Mandelslo," kept the heels of
then shoes myanably low and even folded, so that they could
be conveniently put on and off. But men of business kept the
heels of thor shoes high to enable them to walk swiftly *
Pyrard, however, saw Brahmans of Calicut put on brown
shppers mu ch pointed in front, the point raised high
the instep with straps of leather" 8
used red leather-shoes* worked over
he nch got them embroidered with gold, s O flow -
Such ^e s were used mostly on wed-
Women's dress
cover the head
enhance beauty"
their clothes
Valle's
in the
their head
drawn to
left over ^e shoulder to
hered C lour best and
d ^ ed in that colour.^
liked the b ^
Fazl ' s observations
m the S Uth did not "^ally
wim a cloth bound about
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 7 1
their middle without any more apparel.'* 100 Some of the
poorest Oriya women could not even afford to provide a piece
of clotit and used the leaves of trees instead. 101
The angiya or jacket, covering down to the waist, was
used by the rich and the poor alike. 102 Stavorinus 103 and
Grose 104 have described it as a pair of hollow cups or cases.
Stavorinus writes : "They support their breasts and press them
upwards by a piece of linen which passes under the arms
and is made fast on the back." 105 A smock down to the waist
and a piece of cloth wrapped like a petticoat formed the indoor
dress.
Some of the ladies put on half smocks reaching to the
waist and made of the finest cotton or silk through which their
skin was quite visible. 106 While going out they would put on
a silk or cotton waistcoat over the smocks and "tie a sari over
the petticoat." The ghagra, 107 too, was popular, especially
among Muhammadan women. Manucci writes : "Ordinarily
they wear two or three garments, each weighing not more than
one ounce and worth from rupees forty to rupees fifty each." 108
Breeches (trousers) and shirts were common among
Muhammadan ladies whose breeches did not differ much from
those of men, 109 and were tied at the navel by means of a silver
or silken string running through them. Some ladies would
allow one end of the string to hang down to their knees. 110
The Muhammadan ladies were distinguished by their shalwars
and shirts with half-length sleeves, the rest of the arm was
adorned with precious ornaments. 111 The breeches or shalwars
were made of cotton, silk or brocade according to the wearer's
position in life 112 and were striped in several colours. The
rich women put on qahas of fine Kashmir wool 113 which were
in some cases gathered or plaited a pretty above to make their
waist seem short. 114 Some of them also used Kashmir shawls
of the finest quality that could be passed through a small finger-
ring. 115 Some of the royal ladies, besides having artistic taste,
possessed inventive genius. For example, Nurjahan devised
many kinds of dresses, fashions and ornaments. Several
varieties of brocades, laces and gowns owe their origin to her
and are known as Nur mahali, her dudami, panchatolia,
badlah, kainari and farsh-i-chandni. 116 Ladies, both Hindu
and Muhammadan, covered their heads with a dopatta 111 of
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
fine cotton or silk wrought with silver or gold threads," 8 accord-
to their means, and both its ends "hung down on both
tides as low as the knees." 119 Muhammadan ladies, whenever
they moved out, put on white shrouds or burqas. Hindu
ladies adorned their hair with flowers and jewels. 1 ** Lachaq
as a superior head-dress reserved only for princesses and
daughters of nobles. It was a square mantle doubled into a
triangle and fastened at the chin. 122 Some of the princesses
put on turbans with the king's permission. 1 **
Nobody wore stockings, but precious ornaments were
out on the legs over the breeches. 124 Poor women moved about
h e-footed. 12 ~ 5 But high class ladies put on shoes of various
patterns 12C and artistic slippers covered with silver and golden
flowers. 127 Usually they were of red colour and without
backs. 128
Soap and Dyes
In modern times articles of toilet have multiplied due to
Western inventions, but the common Indian is content with,
rither prefers, his old and in many cases more effective make-
U p products. Thus he has not his soap but soap-berry,
b-irk "ish and pulse- flour powder; and for improving complexion,
turmeric-powder, rice-powder, a paste of kusama flower, oil-
cakes, sandal-wood paste, and various other such-like products
arc at his disposal.
India hud made sufficient progress so far as this aspect of
civilixaticm was concerned. Hair-dyes, recipes for the cure of
rnkiness and the removal of hair from the body were known
uid used even in ancient times. ls Wuxma and khisab for
inir-dvcing were prepared from indigo and other ingredients,
s'vins powders and creams had their substitutes in ghasul*
mvrob'alans, obatnah and pounded sandal-wood. 13 - Soap
was known and used in India from ancient times. According
to Watt, "The art of soap-making has been known and
nrictiscd (in India) from a remote antiquity, the impure article
produced being used by washermen and dyers." 183 There are
frequent references in the medieval Persian literature to the
usc o! laban or soap for washing the body and cleaning the
clothes fven the word saban or sabuiii was known in about
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 9
Babar's time, as a line of Guru Nanak in "Japji Sahib" clearly
states : 134
Perfumes and Oil
Soap is mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbarim the following
words (about Bisar) : "Lenar 135 is a part of Mekhur 136 division. . . .
These mountains produce all the requisites for making glass
and soap." 137 Bocarr.o in his report on Portuguese forts and
settlements in India in 1644 also refers to "sabas." 138 Precious
scents of diverse kinds were in use. Kautilya's Arthashastra
gives a long list of fragrant substances for toilet preparations.
The Ain-e-Akbarf s account of scents is no less detailed. Their
prices ranged from half a rupee per tola for zabad to 55 rupees
per tola for sandal-wood. 139 Araq-i-sewti, araq-i-chameli,
mosseri, 1 * and amber-i-ashab 141 were considered best among the
different varieties of perfumes. Akbar had created a special
perfumery department called Khushbu Khana. Shaikh Mansur
was put in charge of it. 142 According to Pelsaert : "They
studied night and day how to make exciting perfumes and
efficacious preserves, such as mosseri or falroj containing amber,
pearls, gold, amboa, opium and other stimulants." 143 Nurjahan's
mother prepared a new itar from roses and named it Itar-i.
Jahangiri. lu Jahangir writes : "It is of such a strength in per-
fume that if a drop of it is rubbed on the palm of the hand it
scents the whole assembly. There is no scent of equal excel-
lence." 145 Lahore, 146 Balsar, 147 Cambaya and Banaras 148 were
well known for rare perfumes.
Men's toilet
Sweet-scented oils of various kinds were exported from
Bengal and applied to the hair and also rubbed on the body. 149
How very essential oil was for a bath is clear from the words
of Mukundram, a poet of the 16th century. On reaching
Gokra, he writes : "My bath was without oil, water only was
my drink and food and my infant child cried for hunger." 150
The poor people used cocoanut 151 oil, and the nobles would
anoint their bodies with sandal 152 and other oils extracted from
various flowers. 153 In Gujarat, according to Barbosa, they
anointed themselves with white sandal-wood paste mixed with
10
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
saffron and other scents. 154 In hot weather, the rich would add
rose-water to keep their skin cool. 155 Santak 1 ^ and argajah were
also used for the same purpose. They used a sweat-powder like
that of sandal-wood to get the sweat out of their bodies 157 and
head, and "daubed it (head) with oil." Collyrium was used for
the eyes. 158 Sur Das laments in one of his verses: "The collyrium
does not stay on my eyes, my hands and my cheeks have
become dark." 159 Hair-dyes were also freely employed to make
one look younger. Muhammadans, who usually kept hair on
their upper lips, would not let it grow grey even when old
by "combing it continually with lead black combs." 160 Betel
was made use of both by men and women to dye their lips fed
and make them look attractive. 161 It rendered the breath agree-
able and also strengthened the gums. 162 Tooth-pastes and tooth-
picks were also employed for cleaning teeth. 163 Mirrors
were in common use. 164 Combs made of wood, metal or horns
of animals were indispensable items of toilet. Hair was kept
in proper trim by a piece of cloth called rumali. 165
People in those days were as anxious to look young,
bright and beautiful as in our times. Grose rightly observes :
"In short, one must do the Orientalists in general the
justice to allow that none are more studious of the
cleanliness and suppleness of the body than they are
which they not absurdly conceive conduces even to the
pleasure of mind." 166
It is interesting to mention that the Tamilians had
developed the art of the cosmetics from very early times. 5
There are frequent references to it in the Tamil works such as ^
Manimekali, Jivakacintamani,, Silappadikaram, etc. Samhita
and Nikqyas, m followed by the Ain in the Mughal times,
give a long list of the rules of conduct to be observed after
leaving the bed early in the morning. It includes both brush-
ing, use of eye and mouth washes, bathing and washing,
rubbing, kneading and shampooing, anointing the body with
perfume, using collyrium for the eye, using mirror, face-
powders, hair-dressing, and betel-chewing. Early in the morn-
ing people used then, as now, a datan for cleaning and brushing
teeth. 170 Besides making them clean and beautiful, it streng-
thened the gums and the teeth. Mandelso writes : "It is
ordinary (usual) to see among them men of hundred years yet
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 1 1
have not a , tooth missing." 171 Other practices were wearing
bracelets, carrying walking-sticks, swords or gun-like weapons,
umbrella, wearing a turban, a diadem, carrying a fan or chauri,
and wearing embroidered and fashionable garments. The Ain
adds for men trimming of the beard, wearing the jama fastened
on the left side, tying the mukat, which is a golden tiara work,
on the turban, and painting on the forehead the sectarian
marks of one's particular caste. 172 Akbar used to spend three
gharis (a little over one hour) on his body, dress, clothing,
toilet, etc. 17
Bathing was a preliminary requirement both for men and
women before starting their daily business. It was a religious
duty for Hindus to bathe early in the morning preferably in a
river or a tank. Bathing-houses did a flourising business in
all the great cities of the Mughal empire. Some eight hundred
were to be found in Agra alone. 174
Bathing arrangements at such places were very elaborate.
After a good bath, the customer was rubbed all over with a
hair-cloth, and the soles of his feet with a piece of porous sand-
stone. Then another man would rub the customer's back 175
from the backbone down to the sides in order to stimulate the
blood to flow freely in the veins. 176 In these hamams, oils,
perfumes, 177 essences of sandal, cloves and oranges were freely
applied to the customer. 178 The people kept their feet as clean
and soft as their hands. Some of them anointed them with
scented oils. 179 These healthy practices are fast dying out in
our days.
Barbers kept no shops. They were to be found roaming
in streets with a towel on their shoulders and a mirror in
their hands. 180 These looking-glasses, according to Delia
Valle, were made of steel 181 and were round or square in
shape. 182 Besides a mirror, barbers were equipped with a
razor, a pair of scissors, and a nail-cutter with one end of
which they used to clear ears of the wax and with the other
end to cut the nails. 183 For all this labour they would not demand
more than a pice or two. 184
Hindus and Muhammadans could be distinguished by the
difference in their manner of shaving. The former were usually
clean-shaven. 185 Only a small number of them wore small
beards with hair turned upward. The orthodox Muslims,
12 DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
however, kept long beards which usually reached their chests
and were trimmed. 186 Moustaches were worn both by Hindus
and Muhammadans 187 Hindus wore them long, and Muham-
madans trimmed them in the centre and in the corners. It
was a common custom among Hindus to apply tilak to their
foreheads a yellow mark 188 of about a finger's breadth. Caste
Hindus put on a sacred thread. 189 The rich among them
adorned themselves with pendants and necklaces of gold, set
with jewels and pearls. 190
Women's toilet
Naturally, toilet was regarded as a thing more important
for women 191 than for men. Early Tamil works refer to the
various cosmetics used by women such as applying of collyrium
to the eyelids, oil-bath once in four days, daubing the sandal-
cum-saffron paste upon the breasts and shoulders of the young
maiden, etc. This paste was prepared by compounding together
the sandal-wood powder with medicated camphor and sweet-
smelling constituents. The courtesans performed their "ablutions
with three varieties of cosmetics such as astringents, aromatics
and omalikai after which they dried up their dishevelled hair
with fragrant smoking and dressed their hair with pomatum."
In the Padmavat of Malik Muhammad Jayasi there is a
detailed description of women's toilet "They go in for bathing,
application of sandal, and vermilion on the parting of hair, a
spangle on the forehead, collyrium, ear-rings, nose-studs, betel
to redden the lips, necklets, armlets, a girdle and anklets. Then
there are sixteen graces, four long, four short, four stout, and
four thin." 192 Abul Fazl in the Ain-i-Akbari describes 16
items 193 for a woman's toilet which include bathing, 194 anoint-
ing, braiding the hair, decking the crown of her head with
jewels, sectarian marks of caste after decking with pearls,
jewels and gold, tinting with lamp-black like collyrium,
staining the hands, eating pan and decorating herself with
various ornaments, as nose-rings, necklaces, rings, wearing a
belt hung with small bells, garlands of flowers, etc. 195
Girls up to the age of 12 kept only a small tail of hair and
made it into a roll on one side of the head. Young girls made
their hair into tresses and bound them with ribbons. "Their
.hair is always dressed, plaited and perfumed with scented oil,V
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 13
according to Manucci. 196 Hindu ladies usually tied their hair
behind their heads. 197 Sometimes they twisted up the hair upon
the top of the head like a pyramid, sticking gold bodkin in the
centre. 198 The use of "false" hair also has been referred to. 199
Long hair was considered a mark of beauty. 200 Hindu ladies con-
sidered it auspicious to put a vermilion mark and to anoint
the painting of their hair. 201 In the South young maidens
would daub the sandal-cum-saffron paste upon their breasts
and shoulders. 202 They decked their heads with jewels
and flowers. Collyrium was used for the eyes. It was usual
for high-class ladies to use missfa 2 3 for blackening between the
teeth, and antimony for darkening their eyelashes. Zeb-un-nisa,
who did not use these toilet accessories, was considered a surpris-
ing exception. 204 They made strings or collars of sweet flowers
and wore them about their necks. Indian women frequently used
mehndi to give red colour to their hands and feet. 205 It served as
a nail polish to redden their finger-nails. They reddened their
lips with the betel leaf which served them as a lip-stick. 206 There
is also a reference to the use of gulguna and ghaza (red colour)
for painting their faces.
Spectacles called upalocanagolaka or upanetra in Sans-
krit were used not only among the upper classes but also by the
middle classes. Perhaps the first reference to the. spectacles is to
be found in a Gujarati poem "Casimasabda-Satarthi-Svadh-
yaya" composed by Somavimalasuri, a Jain poet of Ahemdabad
in about 1576 A.D. The word used here is chasima or chasma
which is derived from Persian chashm meaning an eye. It
would, therefore, seem that it was introduced in India by Persian
and Arab travellers who brought European merchandise to
India. 207
Various ornaments, such as nose-rings, ear-rings, etc.,
adorned their lovely faces. Beautiful and well-adapted robes
made them attractive. Orme, with many others, corroborates :
"Nature seems to have showered beauty on the fairer sex
throughout ladostan with a more lavish hand than in most
other countries." 208
Women's ornaments
The love of ornaments prompted by vanity is inherent in
the human race. A primitive instinct is to make one's person
14 DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
more beautiful and imposing by ornamentation. Jewellery is
not worn only for the purpose of attracting attention, but it
satisfies the desire not less deep-rooted in humanity of establish-
ing a distinctive mark of sex, rank and dignity. In India, the
use of ornaments has a religious significance both among
Hindus and Muslims. It is, for instance, a common belief of
the Hindus that at least a speck of gold must be worn upon
one's person to ensure ceremonial purity, but for the Muslims
these stones and settings have a magico-religious significance. 209
They (Muhammadans) would inscribe on their amulets in
Arabic characters the names of the Most High as Hindus
draw and venerate the Swastika.
The Indian woman has always been anxious to adorn
even load herself with a large variety of bulky ornaments. 210
There was no departure from the traditional custom during the
Mughal period. 211 All the travellers agree, and this is confirmed
by our experience, that ornaments were "the very joy of their
hearts." 212 They would deny themselves other necessities but
would not forgo ornaments. It would, however, be a surprise
to an Indian of the medieval age to note that in the 20th
century our women have practically given up wearing ornaments,
but they are still fond of -possessing them. Ornaments had to
be totally abandoned when a woman unfortunately became a
widow. 213
Ladies were accustomed to the use of ornaments from
their very childhood. * The ears of both sexes and the noses of
girls only were pierced through at a very tender age. Orna-
ments of gold, silver or brass, according to the means of the
parents, were thrust through the pierced holes which grew
wider and wider with age. 214 Every child was adorned with
a silver or gold chain with bells tied round the waist and
anklets round the legs. 215
Ladies bedecked every limb of their bodies from head to
foot with different types of ornaments. Abul Fazl enumerates
37 in his list in the Ain. Of the 5 ornaments allotted to the
head, chauk, called sisphul by Abul Fazl, was a raised bell-
shaped piece of gold or silver, hollow, and embellished from
inside with attachments fastened to the hair over the crown
of the head. 216
Mang was worn on the parting of the hair to add to its
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 15
beauty. Some adorned their heads with bodkins studded with
diamonds. Kothiladar was perhaps the modern chandraman
worn on the forehead consisting of fine bands and a long centre-
drop. According to Manucci, "there hangs down from the
middle of their head in the centre of their forehead a bunch of
pearls or precious ornaments of the shape of star, 217 sun or
moon or flower 218 beset with glittering jewels." 219 On the right
side of the star they wore a little round ornament set with a
ruby with two pearls on either side. Sekra, or shikhara,
mainly used in the marriage ceremony and on other special
occasions, consisted of seven or more strings of pearls linked to
studs and hung from the forehead in such a manner as to
conceal the face. 220 Binduli was another ornament meant for
the forehead. Pendants were often worn in the ears. Usually
made of gold, silver or copper, they hung down from the ears
almost touching the shoulders. 221 Karnphul (shaped like the
flower magrela), pipal patti (crescent-shaped), mor bhanwar
(shaped like a peacock), ball or vali (a circlet) were the different
forms of ear-rings. Usually one big and several smaller rings
were worn on each ear. 222 Champakali usually adorned the
shell of the ear.
Nose-ornaments were unknown in India up to the early
medieval period. 223 It seems quite certain that this fashion was
brought into India by the Muhammadan invaders from the
north-west. Even after its introduction, nose-ornaments were
neither in general use in the country nor in the Imperial harems,
as is clear from the Persian miniature paintings. 224
However, it soon became the fashion to put on gold rings
ornamented with gems, called nath^ and besar. The former,
worn in the nostril, had a ruby between two jewels ; besar was
a broad piece of gold with a jewel attached to its upper end
and at the other end was a gold wire clasped on to the pearl
and suspended from the nose. The more fashionable ones used a
gold or silver nose-pin, 226 of the shape of laimg or a flower-bud
a small stud of a single diamond or ruby fixed at the corner
of the left nostril, 227 which enhanced the beauty of the face.
Around the neck were worn necklaces of gold, pearls
and other precious stones which contained five to seven strings
of gold beads. 228 Another form of necklace called haar was a
string of pearls interconnected by golden roses which came
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
down almost to the stomach. Its centre contained a pendant
made of diamonds or other precious stones. 229 Guluband con-
sisted of five or seven rose-shaped buttons of gold strung on
to silk and worn round the neck. 230
Arms without ornaments were considered a bad omen.
The upper part of the arm above the elbow was ornamented
by an armlet, called bazuband, usually two inches wide, inlaid
with jewels, diamonds, etc. with a bunch of pearls hung down. 231
Tad was a hollow circle worn on the arm just below the bazu-
band. Gajrah, a bracelet made of gold or pearls, adorned their
wrists. Kangan was a variety of the bracelet, surmounted with
small knobs. 232 Jawe, consisting of five barley corns of gold
strung on silk, was fastened on each wrist, They decorated
their wrist up to the elbow with bracelets called churis, usually
10 or 12 in number on each arm. 233 Baku was like the churl,
but was smaller. They covered their fingers with ri ngs, usually
one for each ; the rich studded them with diamonds and sap-
phires. 234 One of these put on the right thumb was fitted with
a looking-glass, called arsi^
Chhudr khantika was an ornamental waist-band fitted with
gold bells. Kati mekhala was another form of gold belt which
was highly decorative. 236 Rings (usually of silver) were worn
on toes and fingers, 237 Three gold rings called jehar served
as ankle ornaments. Payal, the ornament of the legs, called
khal khal in Arabic, was commonly used. It produced an
agreeable jingling sound when its wearer moved about. 238
Ghungru, consisting of small gold bells, usually six on each
ankle and strung upon silk, were worn between the jehar and
khal khal , 239 Bhank and bichhwah were the ornaments used
for the instep. Anwat was the ornament to decorate the big
toe. The large number of ornaments worn on their feet did
not permit wearing a shoe and consequently it was dispensed
with. 240
Men's ornaments
Men were not accustomed to so much ornamentation as
women. Muslims were usually against it except that some of
them put on amulets. Hindus, on the other hand, adorned
themselves with ear and finger rings. 241 Rajputs 242 considered
it a mark of dignity and nobility to put on ear-rings and
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 17
bracelets at their elbows. Even common people among the
Hindus wore ornaments if they could afford. All the Mughal
kings except Aurangzeb adorned themselves with all possible
jewellery on important occasions. Sir Thomas Roe relates that
Jahangir on his birthday appeared highly attired and laden with
ornaments of all sorts :
"His turban was plumed with heron's feathers ; on one
side was a ruby as big as walnut ; on the other side was
a large diamond ; in the centre was a large emerald,
shaped like a heart. His sash was wreathed with a chain
of pearls, rubies and diamonds. His neck-chain con-
sisted of three double strings of pearls. He wore armlets
set with diamonds on his elbows ; he had three rows of
diamonds on his wrists ; he had rings on nearly every
finger.' ' 2 *>
Ornaments were usually made of gold or silver but those
who could not afford them contented themselves with less costly
metals or substances. 244 Samuel Purchas also mentions the use
of copper, glass, and tortoise-shell to manufacture these orna-
ments. 245 According to Abul Fazl, ornaments were also made
of a special kind of stone found near Rajgarh in Bihar. 246
Thevenot 247 and Linschoten 248 found that elephants' tusks or
ivory was much used in India, especially in Rajasthan and
Cambay where women wore "maniUas or arm-bracelets made
of it." 249 Churls (bracelets) and rings made of gainda were
highly esteemed. 250 The women of Bengal prized the use of
mother-of-pearl in the preparation of bracelets. 251 The rural
people satisfied themselves with necklaces made of cloves 252
and of baser metals.
Goldsmiths were always at work designing beautiful pat-
terns. Abul Fazl says that the fee of a skilful artificer was 64
darns for each tola. 253 Gujarati Hindus were famous for their
workmanship in gold and silver, and according to Manucci,
the dealers who "give the orders for this class of work go them-
selves or send agents to the diamond mines, to the kingdom of
Pegu, to the Pescaria Coast or other places to buy the precious
stones they required." 254 The artificers of Cambodia were re-
puted for their skill in making bracelets of elephants' tusks. 255
g s DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
NOTES
1. Orme's Fragments, p. 410.
2. Rankings' Historical Researches, p. 226.
3. Pyrard. II, p. 137.
4. Pyrard, I, p. 376.
5. Delia Valle, p. 23.
6. For dresses of nobles refer to various paintings of the
period. "Portrait of Raja Birbal," No. 642, 1.A.E., lent by
Bharat Kala Bhawan, depicts the Raja putting on a jama
having five sides. A painting, No. 61 0, I.A.E. lent by
Indian Museum, Calcutta, of Jahangir's period, depicts a
courtier putting on a turban, jama, kamarband, breeches
of yellow colour and flowery chappals having no back flaps.
Paintings numbered 603, 635, and 643, I.A.E., depict
various nobles in their attires. All these nobles put on
ornaments as pendants, necklaces, bazubands, etc. They
also carry swords and daggers.
7. Delia Valle, p. 456.
8. Mandelslo, p. 64. Some of the Mughal nobles, as Mirza
Abu Syed, grandson of Itmad-ud-Daulah, were very fasti-
dious about their dress. Abu Syed would spend so much
time in arranging his turban that by the time he was
ready, the darbar would be over. Maasir-ul Umra (trans.),
Vol. I, p. 141.
9. Ovington, p. 320.
10. Mandelslo, p. 63.
11. M.A., Trans. Talab (Urdu), p. 111.
12. Badaoni, II, p. 306. ; Tr. 5 II, p. 316.
13. Ibid. Haji Ibrahim of Sirhind was called a wretch by Mir
Ali, because the former had issued a fatwa legalising the
use of garments of red and yellow colour. Badaoni, II,
p. 210;Tr.,II, p. 214.
14. For a contemporary painting of ascetics see "Assembly of
Darveshas" Mughal, second quarter of 17th century, lent
by Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, No. 616, I.A.E.
14 + . Karim, A., Social History of the Muslims in Bengal,
Dacca, 1959, p. 193.
15. According to Guru Nanak, a yogi weareth ear-rings, a
patched coat, carrieth a wallet, a staff and deer's horn.
Macauliffe, I, p. 162.
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
19
16. Bernier, (1891), p. 341.
17. Qanoon-i-Humayun, p. 50.
18. .4&i, I, (1873), p. 88.
19. Badaoni, II, pp. 260-61 ; Tr. 5 II, p. 268.
20. Monserrate, p. 198 ; Delia Valle (pp. 456-57) saw the king
adorned with many precious jewels.
21. First Christian Mission to the Great Mogul, p. 62.
22. Roe's Embassy, (1926), pp. 283-84. Also see Manrique,
II, p. 198.
23. A long coat without sleeves worn over qaba and coming
down to the thighs.
24. Coat with a folded collar and embroidered sleeves.
25. Ain 9 I, (1873), pp. 88-90.
26. Painting No. 620 of 1650 A.D. in I.A.E., lent by Prince
of Wales Museum, Bombay, shows clearly the dress usually
worn by Shahjahan.
27. "Alamgir at the Siege of Golkunda" lent by the Rampur
State Library, painted by Nadir-uz-Zamani, in early 18th
century, shows Aurangzeb dressed in military fashion.
28. Am, I, (1873), pp. 88-90.
29. Mandelslo, p. 64.
30. Ain,I 9 (1873), p. 90.
31. Hamilton, I (New Edition), p. 163 ; Pyrard, I, p. 372 ; II,
p. 137 ; Delia Valle, pp. 410-11 ; Thevenot, Chap. XX,
pp. 36-37 ; Ovington, p. 315. Painting No. 550 of 1500
A.D., I.A.E., lent by Sri Ajit Ghose of Calcutta, further
illustrates the style of breeches adopted in Mughal days.
32. Sadshanama, I, Pt. II, p. 273.
33. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 36.
34. In recent times the long shirt has been discarded in Bengal
and a short one known as the panjabi has been universally
adopted.
35. Pyrard, I, p. 332.
36. Varthema, p. 46.
37. Mandelslo, p. 51.
38. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 36. Dagla has also been referred
to as an overcoat used during winter. J.P.A.S.B., 1935, 1,
p. 275.
39. Thevenot, p. 37.
40. Bella Valle, p. 410. His description, though detailed, is
20
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
confusing. Pyrard (I, p. 332) and Thevenot compare it to
a frock and a gown respectively. Travels in India in the
17th Century (Trubner, London, 1873); Mandelslo, p. 51 ;
Hamilton, (New Edition), I, p. 164 ; Ovington, p. 315;
Storia, III, p. 39 ; Stavorinus, I, pp. 414-15.
41. Hamilton, (New Edition) I, p. l64;Storia, II, p. 122;
Ovington, p. 314. According to Linschoten (I, p. 247), it
was considered dignified to tie only the first and the last of
the ribbons of the qaba while the others were left hanging.
Stavorinus, I, pp. 414-15.
42. Thevenot, Chapter XX, p. 37. Also see Saletore, Social
and Political Life in Vijayanagar Empire, op. cit., Vol. II,
p. 301, for dress of nobles in Vijayanagar.
43. Pyrard, I, p. 372. Delia Valle (pp. 410-12) rightly calls it
kamarband. Manrique, II, pp. 223-24. Hindus preferred
kamarband of white muslin (Storia, III, p. 39).
44. Mandelslo, p. 63 ; Stavorinus, I, p. 457.
45. Pyrard, I, p. 372.
46. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 21 6.
47. Mandelslo, p. 51 ; Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
48. Storia, HI, p. 39.
49. Abul Fazl describes langota as a waist-cloth which covers
only two parts of the body (Ain, III, p. 274). For the
dress of a yogi refer to Macauliffe, I, p. 1 62.
50. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 216.
51. B.N. (Bev), p. 519. See painting of a poor kisan clad in
langota "Harvest Scene" early 17th century, I.A.E., paint-
ing No. 602, lent by Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay.
52. Am, II, p. 102. Muslims call it a lungi. Badshahnama I,
Pt. II, p. 273.
53. T.A.,U 9 p. 100,
54. Caemoes in Canto VII, Est. XXXVII, quoted in India in
Protuguese Literature, p. 52, says : "They go unclothed,
but a wrap they throw for decent purposes round their
loin and waist." Early Travels in India, p. 17 ; Tavernier,
II, p. 125 ; Stavorinus, I, p. 414.
55. Ain, II, p. 351 ; J.U.P. Hist. Soc. 9 July 1942, pp. 68-69.
56. Iqbainama-i-Jahangiri, (Urdu), p. 106.
57. Varthema, p. 45.
. 58. J.U.P. Hist. Soc, July 1942, pp. 68-69.
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 21
59. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 91; Petermundy, II, pp.
110-11; J.U.P.ffist. Soc. 9 July 1942, pp. 68-69. Man-
delslo, p. 53, describes turban as a "coissure". De Laet,
pp. 80-81, wrongly calls it a shash. It is interesting to note
in this connection that among the conditions imposed
by the Muhammadan conquerors over the Malayali Sudras
(living between Varkala and Vilavankod) was covering of
heads by males (V. Nigam Aiya : The Travancore State
Manual pp. 312-13).
60. De Laet, pp. 80-81.
61. Pyrard, II, p. 137. Several modes of binding turbans in
vogue at that time can be seen in a big painting (about 2J
yards in length and one yard in breadth) of the 17th
century "Abdullah Qutab Shah in Procession," I.A.E. The
finest muslin known as malmal-i-shahi came from Bengal.
Extract from Mohit, The Ocean, a Turkish work by Sidi
AH Capudan (1554 A.D.) ; Foreign Notices of South
India by N.A.K. Sastri, Appendix IV, p. 317.
62. Mandelslo, p. 53 ; Travels in India in the 17th Century,
p. 317.
63. Muslins manufactured in Bengal were so fine that a piece
of 20 yards in length and even longer could be enclosed in
a common pocket tobacco-box (usually eight inches long
and four inches broad and an inch deep), Stavorinus, I,
pp. 413-14. Also see Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
64. Mandelslo, p. 64 ; Travels in India in the 17th Century,
p. 450 ; Delia Valle, pp. 410-12 ; Bernier, p. 240.
65. Varthema, p. 45.
66. Ain, I, pp. 88-89 ; Studies in Indo-Muslim History by S.H.
Hodivala, p. 504 ; Mandelslo, p. 63 ; Thevenot, III, p. 36 ;
Ovington, p. 314. Muslim ascetics wore a tall darvesh cap
as is the custom even now.
67. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 91. It remained the usual
head-dress of Muhammadans round about Murshidabad
down to the recent times.
68. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
69. Bernier, p. 240.
70. M.^., Trans. Talab (Urdu), p. III. Ovington is of the
opinion that "the length of their breeches which descend
22
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
to their heels serve them instead of stockings." Ovington,
p. 315.
71. Pyrard, II, p. 137.
72. Ibid.
73. Travels in India of Roe and Samuel Pur chas, p. 96.
74. Stavorinus, I, pp. 414-15.
75. DeLaet, pp. 80-81.
76. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
77. Mandelslo, p. 51.
78. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37, refers to banias in particular.
79. Pyrard, I, p.376.
80. Mandelslo, p. 51. Wooden shoes (kharawari) are parti-
cularly used by the sannyasis and orthodox members of the
priestly classes who have an aversion to animal-leather.
In villages these are most commonly used.
81. Pyrard, I, p. 376.
82. Mandelslo, p. 74. Linschoten (Hak. Soc. I. p. 257) also
refers to "alparcas" sandal which was quite popular
according to the traveller in the Deccan.
83. Ovington, pp. 314-15.
84. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
85. Ovington, p. 38.
86. Mandelslo, p. 51.
87. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
88. Storiajll, p. 39.
89. Mandelslo, p. 51.
90. Varthema, p. 48.
91. For the dress of Rajput ladies refer- to Tod (Crookes) II,
pp. 58-59.
92. Tavernier, II, p. 125.
93. Am, III, pp. 311-12.
94. B.N., p. 519. Also see Ghurye, Indian Costumes, p. 16.
95. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37. See a painting of the ,17th
century depicting a woman wearing a sari.
96. Grose, I, p. 143.
97. Storia, II, p. 341.
98. K.A.N, Sastri, A History of South India, p. 314.
99. Am (Sarkar), III, pp. 322-23.
100. Ferishta, II, p. 100. Fitch saw women in Tanda, Sonar-
gabn, etc., all naked except a cloth round the waist. Fitch
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 23
in Early Travels in India, pp. 22, 29. For observations of
an early Arab traveller, Abu Zaid, refer to K.A.N. Sa'stri,
Foreign Notices of South India, p. 128. For dress of
ladies of Vijayanagar refer to Saletore, Social and Political
Life in Vijayanagar, Vol. II, pp. 178-79.
101. Ain,ll,p. 126.
102. Ain,TH 9 pp. 311-12.
103. Stavorinus, I, p. 415.
104. Grose, I, pp. 142-43.
105. Stavorinus, I, p. 415.
106. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384.
107. For a beautiful shirt worn by rich ladies, see Art. No. 704,
I.A.E. It is embroidered with peacock and floral sprays
in yellow field and floral meanders on edges, effective
colour scheme. Kutch, end of the 18th century. Painting
No. 670, I.A.E. shows a woman in ghagra.
108. Storia, II, p. 341.
109. Delia Valle, p. 411.
110. Mandelslo, p. 50, remarks that it came down to the feet.
It seems exaggerated.
111. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
112. Ain, I, (1873), p. 90.
113. Storia, II, p. 341.
114. Hamilton, I, p. 164.
115. Storia, II, p. 341.
116. History of Jahangir, p. 183; K.K., I, p. 269; Ain,I 9
(1873), p. 510.
117. Ain, I, (1873), p. 90.
1 1 8. Mandelslo, p. 64.
119. Delia Valle (p. 401) says they were made of white calicoes.
120. Hamilton, I, p. 164; De Laet, pp. 80-81 ; Mandelslo,
p. 50 ; Tavernier, III, p. 181.
121. Grose, I, p. 143.
122. Humayunnama, Gul, p. 138.
123. Storia, II, p. 341. Painting No. 650, I.A.E., 18th century,
shows Rupmati wearing a turban. See another painting
of "Chand Bibi and Her Maidens" Deccani, early 17th
century, No. 659, I.A.E. in which are seen some of these
maidens with turbans on.
124. Storia, II, p. 40.
24
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
125. Ibid.
126. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37.
127. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384.
128. See I.A.E., Painting No. 519 of 1720 A.D.
129. See Atha Kesaranjanam Slokas 3055-3072, Ed. Peterson,
Vol. I, Bombay, 1888. In the Tamil Kavyas Manimekalai,
Silapvadikaram, and Perunkadai cosmetics have been
treated as a standardised art. Journal of Sri Venkatesvara
Oriental Institute, Vol. VII, 1946, pp. 22-23. Also see an
article on "Toilet" in Indian Culture, 1934-35 for various
hair-dyes and prescriptions for cure of baldness, etc. Also
see Amir Khusrau's ridicule of the dyeing of hair. Matla-
ul- Anwar of Amir Khusrau, Lucknow, 1884.
130. A liquid soap. Ain 9 I, (1873), p. 75.
131. It is rubbed over face and other parts of the body to clean
and make them look brighter and lovely. Usually its
composition is scented-oil mixed with butter, flour and
some colour.
132. A Collection of Voyages undertaken by the East India
Co., p. 218 ; Ain, I, (1873), pp. 75-76.
133. The Commercial Production of India, 1908, p. 819.
Dalgado records the names for soap in Asiatic languages
including Indian vernaculars and other languages as sabun
(Persian), sabon (Arabic), sabun (Turkish), etc. Influence
of Portuguese Vocables in Asiatic Languages (G.O. Series,
Baroda, 1936), pp. 314-15.
134. Madhyayugina Chart tra Kosa by Chitray, p. 483
Nanak ; Kohli, S. S., A Critical Study of Adi Granth
New Delhi, 1961, p. 131. Visva-Bharati Annals, Vol. I,
1945, p. 122. Also see Rashid, A., Society and Culture
in Medieval India, p. 55,
Indian Companion by G. H. Khendekar, Poona. 1824.
Loner is in the Buldana district of Berar.
Ibid, p. 169. Mekhar is 14 miles from Buldana.
137. Ain, Gladwin, I, p. 348.
138. MS. in India Office, No. 197, of B.M. Solan, MS. Bocarro
XIII, p. 588. Marathi poet Muktesvara (1599-1649
A.D.) refers to the word saban. Art. in Poona Orienta-
list, July to October 1946, Vol. XI, Nos. 3 to 4
139. Ain, I, (1837), pp. 75-77.
135
136
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 25
140. A falroj containing amber, pearls, gold, opium and other
stimulants. Pelsaert's India, p. 65.
141. A product of zabad, musk and agar.
142. T.A., II, p. 494.
143. Pelsaert's India; p. 65. Barbosa refers to the liberal use
of white sandal-wood, aloes, camphor, musk and saffron,
all ground fine and treated with rose-water, by the people
of the South. Barbosa, I, pp. 205-7, quoted in Saletore,
Social and Political Life in Vijayanagar Empire, Vol. II,
p. 303.
144. Tuzuk, Rogers, I, p. 271. Waqyat-i-Jahangiri mentions
that Nurjahan's mother conceived the idea of collecting
the oil by heating rose-water and the experiment was
successful. According to Manucci, Nurjahan got all the
reservoirs in the garden filled with rose-water. Next day
she found a film of oil had come over its top and had a
very sweet smell. Storia I, pp. 163-64.
145. R. &B.,I, p. 271.
146. Monserrate, p. 160.
147. Ain, II, p. 243.
148. Purchas, II, p. 66 ; and for Cambaya, Thevenot, p. 12.
149 Pyrard, I, p. 243.
150. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 63.
151. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 447 ; Storia, II,
p. 430.
152. Ain, II, p. 126.
153. Ain, I, p. 75. Gandhasara of Gangadhara and Gandha-
vada with Marathi commentary describe in detail the
method of preparing Champaka oil and Champaka flower
was used in the manufacture of oils, powders, etc.
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Vol. VI, 1945, p. 155.
154. Barbosa, I, pp. 113, 141.
155. Pelsaert's India, p. 65.
156. Product of civet, chuwah, chambeli's essence and rose-
water.
157. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 447 ; Ain, I,
(1873), p. 81.
158. Ain, I, (1873), p. 75. In Tamil medical treatises, applica-
tion of collyrium to the eyes once in every three days and
oil- bath once in four days was prescribed for the main-
26 DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
tenance of healthy life. J. Venkatesvara Oriental Insti-
tute, Vol. VII, 1946, p. 25.
159. History of Hindi Literature by Keay, p. 75.
160. Delia Valle, p. 376. He adds : "But they let the hair of
their chins grow long and large which make many grey-
bearded amongst them."
161. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 180 ; Careri,
pp. 205-6.
162. Ain, I, (1873), p. 72.
163. Badaoni, III, p. 315 ; Tr., Ill, p. 436.
164. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 447. Padmavat
translation by Grierson, p. 42. Here the reference
is to a mirror in the hand of Nagamati. The price of a
looking-glass has been mentioned as 5 by Hamilton.
Hamilton I, p. 119. Tabqat,II,p. 685 also refers to a
mirror made by Mir Fathullah Shirazi.
165. Storia, III, p. 38.
166. Grose, I, pp. 113-14,
167. Cikitsasthana, Chap. XXIV, Eng. translation by K.L.
Visagratna. Article in Indian Culture, "Toilet", pp.
651-66, by G.P. Majumdar.
168. Khuddaka Patha with commentary Smith P.T.S., 1951,
pp. 1-37.
169. Ain 9 m, pp. 311-12.
170. Careri, p. 168; Badaoni, III, p. 300; Tr, III, p. 414.
Tavernier's remarks are worth quoting : "It is the custom
of Indians to cleanse and scrape their tongues every morn-
ing with a crooked piece of a root (datan) which causes
them to void a great quantity of flegm and rhume, and
provokes vomiting." Tavernier, Chap, VI, p. 44.
171. Mandelslo, p. 85.
172. Ain,IU, pp. 311-12.
173. A.N., III, p. 257 ; Tr., Ill, p. 373.
174. Mandelslo, p. 36. A New History of East Indies, I, p. 298.
For a public-bath scene (Bihizad 1495) see plate XVII in
"Influence of Islam on Indian Culture." Warm baths were
resorted to by upper classes in northern India. Nicolo
Conti in Travels in India in the 15th Century 9 p. 29.
175. "Both Moors and Gentoos are, however, extremely fond
of this practice and it is so common that it would be hard
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
27
to find a barber-native who is not skilled in it as one of the
essentials of that profession." Grose I, pp. 113-14. For
a detailed description see Ibid.
176. Mandelslo, p. 45.
177. Mukundram mentions ghani or the oil-pressing machine.
Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 158.
178. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 450.
179. Delia Valle, pp 376-77.
180. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p 450.
181. Delia Valle, pp. 376-77. In fact these were made of brass
or gem. India began to import foreign European glasses
from 1550 A.D. onwards. Journal Bharatiya Vidya, VII,
p. 159.
182. Grose I, pp. 113-14.
183. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 450.
184. Ovington, p.321.
185. Barbosa, I, p. 113. "Hindus shave the whole head except
a tuft around the crown." De Laet, p. 80.
186. Mandelslo, p. 63; Pyrard, I, p. 280. For the style of
qalams see painting No. 606, Jahangir period, 1625,
Treasury wala collection, Vol. I, No. 1, p. 56, lent by
C.A.A. Museum. See painting No. 401 of Maharaja
Gaj Singh (1700 A.D.). The orthodox Aurangzeb, accord-
ing to Manucci, posted barbers and tailors at the gate of
the royal palace to cut off the extra length of beard and
pyjamas not approved of by the Shariat. Stona, II,
pp. 7-8.
187. Mandelslo, p. 50. For the observation of an Arab traveller,
Abu Zaid, a few centuries before our period, refer to K.A.
Nilkanta Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, Uni-
versity of Madras, 1939, pp. 126-27.
188. It is made with water and sandal-wood to which they add
4 or 5 grams of rice. Mandelslo, p. 51. Early Travels
in India, p. 96. Travels in India in the 17th Century ;
p. 447.
189. B.N., p. 561, f.n.
190. Mandelslo, p. 51.
191. For photo of a woman at her toilet see Civilization of
India Series, p. 384. For contemporary paintings of
ladies at toilet see "A lady at the toilet with attendant,"
28
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
painting No. 514, T.A.E., early 18th century. Another
numbered 505, 1.A.E. is of late 17th century.
192. Canto XXIII of Padmavat from J.A.S.B., 1893, Part I,
p. 179, Article by G. A. Grierson on Padmavat.
193. Tamil Kavyas, Salamadikahan and Parunkadai, make
mention of 64 arts in which the courtesans of those days
were well versed.
194. After oil-bath, the women in the South cleaned the body
with a paste prepared out of the dried-flower petals of
vellilottiram compounded with sandal-wood pulp. There
are frequent references to the use of turmeric by the
women of all classes of Tamilian society. Journal of
Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Vol. VII, 1946, pp. 29-32.
For Tamilian cosmetics refer to Ibid.
195. For women bathing, 17th century- Bodelian MS., Plate
LXXIII. The Arts and Crafts of India and Pakistan by
Shanti Swamp, Taraporevala, Bombay, 1957.
196. Storia, III, p. 40. In most of the paintings of the period
the well-to-do women are shown to dress their hair as to
let some curled hair hang loose before the ear. Painting
No. 633, 1.A.E., late 17th century, lent by Rampur State
Library.
197. Travels in India in the 17th Century p. 182.
198. Travels of Nicoloa Coate in India in the 15th Century,
p. 23.
199. Saletore, Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagar
Empire, Vol. II, p. 302.
200. Mandelslo, p. 50. He praises the Gujarat! ladies for their
long hair.
201. Early Travels in India by Foster, p. 22 ; Padmavat, trans-
lation by Grierson, p. 52, f.n.
202. Journal of Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Vol. VII, 1946,
pp. 25-26.
203. Padmavat, translation by Grierson, p. 569.
204. Dastur-ul-Amal, p. 14, in Diwan of Zeb-un-Nisa by
Magan Lai, Introduction, p. 8.
205. Leaves of a plant pounded and formed into a paste by
mixing with water. Storia, II, p. 340. In the South, the
women used alattakam to add reddish charm to their feet.
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS 29
Journal of Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Vol. VII, 1946,
p. 28.
206. The ingredients of the betel in the South were, tailed
pepper, cardamam, clove, nutmeg, medicated camphor
which yield a reddish tinge to the lips. Tamilian Cos-
metics., Journal of Venkatesvara Oriental Institute, Vol.
VII, 1946, p. 33. Majith is the dark red madder-dye.
Panmavat, p. 107, f.n. Amir Khusrau rebukes the middle-
aged women who tried hard to retain their diminishing
beauty by painting their eyebrows, powdering their faces
and putting antimony in their eyes. Mat la-ul- Anwar of
Amir Khusrau, 1884, pp. 186, 194.
207. For details refer to Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental
Research Institute, Vol. XXXI, 1950. pp. 285-86.
208. Orme's Fragments, p. 438 ; Pyrard, I, pp. 380, 332.
209. "The primary intention in wearing ornaments is to secure
protection against evil eye." Herklots 5 Islam in India,
p. 313.
210. For ornaments of women and their photos see Rothfeed's
Women of India, pp. 189-94. Also see Indian Jewellery.,
by Col. Hendley. A painting of the late 17th century and
numbered 633, I.A.E., lent by Rarnpur State Library
shows "A lady seated on a terrace." She is adorned with
all possible jewellery. For another painting see a painting
numbered 510 1.A.E. "Nayika Subject", 1720 A.D. Another
painting numbered 514 I.A.E. may also be mentioned.
211. Ovington, p. 320.
212. Ovington, p. 320; First Englishmen in India, p. 76;
Storia, III, p. 40.
213. Storia,lll, p. 40.
214. Terry in Early Travels, p. 323 ; Storia, III, p. 40.
215. Samuel Purchas' India, p. 76.
216. Ain, III, (J. N. Sarkar), p. 343.
217. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384.
218. Storia, II, pp. 339-40.
219. Ovington, p. 320.
220. Ain, III, pp. 313-14. For a list of 37 ornaments as
narrated by Abul Fazl see Ain, II, pp. 314-16.
221. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384 ; Ovington,
p. 320.
30 DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
222. Hamilton, I, p. 163 ; Thevenot, III, Chap. XX, p. 37.
223. There is no reference to nath or nose-ornaments in the
pre-Muslim literature. All paintings and sculptures of
the Hindu period totally ignore this ornament. J.P.A.S.B.
(N.S.), XXIII, 1927, pp. 295-96.
224. The paintings in the Razm Namah in Jaipur State
Library show no nose-ornaments. J.P.A.S.B. (N.S.),
XXIII, article of N.B. Divatia on nose-ornaments.
225. Thevenot, Chap. XX, p. 37 ; De Laet, p. 81 ; Mandelslo,
p. 50. In some contemporary paintings ladies are depicted
without nose-ornaments as shown in number 409 I.A.E.,
while in others (numbered 519 and 514 I.A.E.), the ladies
are shown without naths in their noses.
226. Petermundy, II, p. 192.
227. Ain, III, pp. 312-14 ; Indian Jewellery by Col. Hendley,
p. 84, Plate 63.
228. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 184.
229. Ain, III, p. 313 ; Storia, II, pp. 339-40.
230. Pyrard, I, p. 380.
231. Storia, II, p. 340.
232. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 184.
233. First Englishmen in India, p. 76 ; Pyrard, I, p. 377.
234 Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 184.
235. Storia, II, p. 340 ; Thevenot, XX, pp. 37-38.
236. Am, III, p. 313.
237. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 184. The prohibition
against wearing gold upon the feet was in vogue among
the Hindus in all parts of the country. Women in India,
p. 191.
238. Hamilton, I, p. 163. They put on their legs valuable
metal rings. Storia, II, p. 340. Thomas Herbert's Travels,
p. 38.
239. Ain,lll,p. 313.
240. Fitch in Early Travels, p. 223 ; Ovington, p. 320 describes
a lady fully loaded with ornaments.
241. Ain, II. p. 126; Pyrard, I, p. 372 ; Hamilton, I, p. 163.
On special occasions Hindus liked to put on necklaces.
242. Rajput paintings and their traditions corroborate it. There
is an unfinished drawing of a darb'ar of Shahjahan in
British Museum by Anuj Chaton. Here we see a young
DRESS, TOILETS AND ORNAMENTS
31
Rajput wearing pearls in his ears. Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, Second Session, Allahabad,
1938, p. 346.
243. Quoted in Indian Jewellery, pp. 10-11. For the orna-
ments worn by Akbar and Aurangzeb refer Ibid.
244. Bernier, p. 224.
245. Purchas' India, p. 10.
246. Am, II, p. 152. The stone resembles marble,
247. Thevenot, p. 12.
248. Linschoten, II, p. 3.
249. Hamilton, I, p. 129.
250. Petermundy, IL pp. 171-72.
251. Linschoten, II, p. 136.
252. Pelsaert's India, p. 25.
253. Am, III, p. 314. According to Stavorinus (Vol. I,
pp. 412-13), these goldsmiths were taken from the market
to the customer's house where they worked sometimes on
daily wages, but usually charged according to labour and
pattern.
254. Storia, II, pp. 339-40.
255. Purchas, His Pilgrimes, X, p. 93. These bracelets were also
called mawn.
CHAPTER 2
Diet, Tastes and Intoxicants
Restrictions on meat diet
dish with the latter, was abhorred by
central and southern provinces on sr, .
Pelsaert's remark that "they (HindJknou "S ^ S
meat" and "never take any th ng ^ hi Wood- T f
seems to
as sacred.' Humayun gave un t fl ^ ? " y regarded
months from the date oThis "tart "^ ^ 80nM
re-conquest of In dia untfl hi
have been of the comMm
food for devoui ^ person 1
" only occasionally to "conform to T ***** "* t0 k
Later on, according to Bal oni ^ T f *" ^'"
meat altogether and would imt t,T Em Peror gave up
Though very fond of fllh L, ? ^ garh ' C and anions ' 9
his father to a certato /,t T^,^ Up the traditions f
animals on Sunda 8 ' ^ the sla ^er of
for-
Sweet, Fruits and Drinks
^ Muslim, cooked and
DIET TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
33
the markets of big cities like Delhi, Lahore and Agra. 12
Both vegetarian and non-vegetarian dishes of several kinds
were always kept ready for customers. 13 Manrique and
Bernier have described these bakers* shops, and the things
available there. An entire street in Agra was occupied by
skilful sweetmeat-sellers "who proved their skill by offering,
wonderful sweet-scented dainties of all kinds which would
stimulate the most jaded appetite to gluttony." 14
Muslim nobles were accustomed to sumptuous meals*.
Normally, if we are to believe Sir Thomas Roe, twenty dishes at
a time were served at the tables of the nobles, 15 but sometimes
the number went even beyond fifty. 16 It is said that "exclusive
of water and fuel, Abul Faz! consumed 22 seers of food
daily." 17 Asaf Khan was also said to have been able to digest
one maund Shahjahani of solid food. Akbar took keen interest
in bakery and had the best material brought for his kitchen. 18
Sukhdas rice from Bharaij; dewzirah rice from Gwalior, jin-jn
rice from Rajori and nimlah ghee from Hissar, ducks, water-
fowls, etc. from various places, and certain vegetables from
Kashmir used to be brought for the royal kitchen. 19 Ex-
perienced cooks were recruited from various countries to pre-
pare all kinds of grains, greens, meats, and also oily, sweet and
spicy dishes. Sweetmeats 20 and fresh and dried fruits were-
freely enjoyed by both the communities. Moreland's view that
"travellers say nothing to indicate that sweetmeats were, as.
now, a staple food," 21 is based on an erroneous assumption..
Tavernier clearly states : "Workmen return from business and
according to the custom they make no supper; they eat some
sweetmeats and drink a glass of water." 22 Le Blanc, a traveller
to the Indies in the 17th century, writes : "The Bengallian live
much on preserves, sweetmeats and spices." According to
Delia Valle, Hindus lived on butter, cheese, milk, bread and
sweetmeats of which they prepared great varieties "by reason of
their great abundance of sugar." 23 Manrique saw a bazar in.
Agra which contained no other shop but of sweetmeat-sellers. 24
Bernier also saw many confectioners' shops in Delhi. 25 The
seasonal fruits, such as mangoes, blackberries, oranges, cucum-
bers, guavas, dates, figs, grapes, etc., were in abundance
and were enjoyed by the rich and the poor alike. Fruits were-
imported in large quantities even from foreign countries, but
34 DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
being dear they were used only by the rich. According to
Bernier, "Nothing is considered so great a treat, it (fruit) forms
the chief expense of the Omrahs" and he goes on to cite the
instance of his Agah who would not mind spending twenty
crowns for his breakfast alone. 26
Varieties 27 of fruits from Persia and Kashmir, melons from
Karez, Badakashan and Kabul, grapes, pears and apples from
Samarkand, sweet pomegranates from Yazd, 28 pineapples from
Europe, 29 cherries from Kabul adorned their diniag-tables.
Jahangir also corroborates thus : "In the reign of my father
many fruits of other countries could .be had. In the bazars of
Lahore every kind and variety that may be desired can be had
in the grape season." Bernier was amazed to see the great
consumption at Delhi of fresh fruits imported from foreign
countries, such as Samarkand, Balkh and Persia. 30 They were
available throughout winter. 31 Dry fruits included cocoanuts,
dates, makhana, kaulgattah, walnuts, almonds, pistachios, etc. 32
. Fresh water seems to have been the only drink at meals. 83
Mughal kings and some of their nobles were accustomed to
. the use of the Ganges water. 34 It was considered very pure
..and wholesome. The well-to-do would use ice in summer. 35
.Saltpetre was also used for cooliag water. 36 Rose-water, sharbat
and lemon juice mixed with ice were also used by the rich. 37
Diet of the common people
The common people, both Hindus and Muslims, could ill
-afford to spend on rich and dainty dishes and contented them-
selves with simple food. 38 Khichari, the most popular dish of
this class, has been referred to by almost all travellers. 39 Pelsaert
describes it as composed of green pulse mixed with rice and
cooked with water over a little fire. Usually a little butter and
salt were added to it. 40 Rice formed the chief, if not the only,
food of the people of the South. The Gujaratis lived mainly
on rice and curd. 41 There was some variety in the meals taken
by the Kashmiris which instead consisted of boiled rice and
boiled salted vegetables, 42 chiefly a leafy plant called karar*.
They added achars (pickles), if available. 43 Rahim in his
Social and Cultural History of Bengal wrongly asserts that
Hindus were not aware of the preparation and use of achars.
Mango-pickle was quite popular in North India before the
'DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS 3 '5
advent of the Muslims. 43 * It was usual with Indians of all
classes and communities to take betel after their meals. The
:rich would mix with it costly spices.
Wheat, however, was the primary food of the people of
the North who ate chappatis of wheat or barley flour dipped
'in a little butter. 44 As Abul Fazl writes, the staple food of the
generality of the people ia the morning was limited to jawar
or baira* 5 flour kneaded with brown sugar and water. 46 We
cannot accept De Laet's view that there was only one regular
meal in a day, 47 ia the face of what Abul Fazl and other con-
temporary writers say. The people managed to have light refresh-
ments in the afternoon in the form of some parched pulse or
other grains. 48 The middle class, comprising shopkeepers,
traders, merchants, brokers and bankers, was well off. They
took their meals thrice daily at 8 or 9 in the morning, 4
or 5 in the afternoon and 8 or 9 at night. 49
.Diet of upper and middle classes
The middle and upper classes 50 invariably used wheat
flour, boiled rice and cooked vegetables of various sorts. 51
.Puris and luchis** were also taken on special occasions. Hindus,
in general being vegetarians, confined themselves to pulses,
curd, butter, oil, milk 53 and its several preparations as fcA/r 54
.and khovva. 55 Ghee and cheese were also freely used by them. 58
Curd ordahi was usually taken at noon. 57 The favourite dish
of the Muhammadans was meat , in its several preparations.
They freely took beef, fish, flesh of goats, sheep and
'Other beasts and birds of prey. 58 With this were mixed achars
spices, cloves, cinnamon, 60 pepper and many other condiments
to increase the flavour and whet the appetite. 61 They had a
special taste for achars of mangoes and cloves. 62 The chappatis
of the rich made of fine white flour kneaded with 15% ghee 63
were called roghuni** When mixed with sugar it tasted like
palm-cake, according to Manrique. 05 Unlike the Hindus, 61
Muhammadans rarely ate purls or luchls. On special occasions
white loaves kneaded with milk aijtd butter and seasoned, with
fennel and poppy seeds were prepared. 67 Sometimes their
bread was made of khushka.
The vegetarian dishes generally meant for Hindus were of
.a special quality containing a large quantity of butter, several
36 DIET, TASTFS AND INTOXICAN
species of pulses, herbs, vegetables and rice, particularly birinj
On his abstinence days, Jahangir would take lazizah, a khicha
prepared in the Gujarati style. 70 Mukundram's gorgeous de
cription of feasts and of vegetable dishes leaves us in litt
doubt as to their popularity among the upper classes. 71 T3
poets Terakanambi Birnmarasa (1485 A.D.) and Mangara.
(1508 A.D.) in their works Kavicharita II and Supasast
respectively give an elaborate description of the contempora;
South Indian dishes. The curious reader will find a detail*
list of various vegetable, 72 meat and sweet dishes in tl
Ain-i-Akbari, Volume I (1873), p. 59. Similarly, Muhan
madans prepared richfand aromatic birinjes as qabuli, duzdbi
yan, qimah-pulao and pudding of rice mixed with almonds an
raisins and strewn with butter and pepper. Sweet dish<
consisted of halwa, sweetmeats and comfits prepared froi
refined sugar and faluda. Various conserves of maskan, wate
melons, grapes, lemons, oranges, 75 etc., and also rishta-
khatai 1 * 6 perfumed with rose-water, musk and grey ambergr:
were also kept ready. The flesh of domesticated and wil
animals and birds, roasted, fried and made into soup, wa
their daily food. Partridges, ducks and hares, when availabl<
too, formed part of their dishes, 77 An idea of the variety c
dishes served at a highly placed Muhammadan's dinner can b
had from the description of Asaf Khan's banquet to Sir Thoma
Roe 78 and that of a governor of Ahmedabad to Mandelslo, 79
Kitchen utensils and crockery
Indians baked their loaves, called chappatts, on iroi
plates, 80 a frying pan 81 or on an oven over a fire of cow-duni
instead of fuel. 82 The utensils used in Hindu kitchens, a:
plates, cups, water-jugs, candlesticks, etc., were all made of bras
or bronze, 83 as these had to be scrubbed clean every time the]
were used. Linschoten saw people at Goa drink out of t
copper kan ; but they used earthenware 84 for cooking purposes
De Laet also speaks of earthenware being used probably b}
Muslims in kitchens in the 17th century. The utensils used ir
Muslim kitchens were either earthenware 85 or made from
copper. The Mughal kings generally used gold or silver
utensils 86 and were fond of precious China and glassware,
Aurangzeb contented himself with earthen or copper vessels.
f>IET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS 37
The copper utensils used in the royal kitchens were treated
with tin every fortnight^whereas those for the princes were only
done once a month. 87
Environment of the Hindu kitchen
Cleanliness was most important, as it is even now, in the
preparation and service of food in Hindu kitchens. 88 Hindus
took care to confine themselves to home-made dishes and
abstained as far as possible from using any edible cooked in the
market. 89 A special place, called chauka, invariably rubbed
over with cow-dung, was reserved for cooking meals and hone
was allowed to enter with shoes on. 90 Cooking was never
entrusted to anybody except a high-caste Brahman or to a
member of their own caste. 91 They would prefer to go without
meals to accepting a dish defiled by the touch of a low-caste 92
person or that of a non-Hindu. Such food was thrown away.
Hindus usually took two meals a day. 93
Bathing was a prerequisite before meals. 94 The travellers
did not fail to note that after their morning wash the Hindus
would sit on a piece of mat or fine cloth (in the case of the rich)
spread over the ground rubbed over with cow-dung 95 and mutter
their prayer. Hindus would at the outset set apart a small
portion of their food as a humble homage to the gods. 96 Akbar
also used to put apart the share of dervishes before he com-
menced his meal. 97
In the case of ordinary people, pattals, i.e. the leaves of
trees stitched together with rushes, were placed before them to
serve as plates. 98 The diner rubbed thspattal with a little salt
.and butter, over which were poured rice, boiled without salt,
with some vegetables and curd; 99 As soon as diners had finished
their meals, the leaves were removed and the ground rubbed
afresh. 100 In the case of rajas and other rich men the food was
brought from the kitchen in bowls or vessels of silver or gold. 101
To begin with, they took, out rice (cooked without salt or other .
condiments) according to choice and placed it in a large dish
"adding some stew to it." Next they partook of vegetables and
other dishes according to taste and, mixing a part of them with
ri.ee, ate them in small morsels. 102 Akbar used to commence
his meals with milk or curd. Table manners required not to
use the left hand or to lick the fingers. 103 Wives did not
38 DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
make it a custom to join their husbands at table. They took
meals separately. 104
While drinking water, the Hindus would not allow the cup^
to touch their lips, 105 but would pour water from it straight into
the throat from a distance. The tumblers were made of
copper, 106 gold or silver according to the owner's position.
After dinner they would clean their mouths, hands and.
feet. 107 ,
Table manners of the Muhammadans
The Muhammadans did not attach importance to these
formalities. Their kitchens and table manners were quite simple,,
though not always as clean as those of the Hindus. They were
free to cook and eat wherever and whatever they liked, except the
flesh of a swine. A dastarkhwan was spread on the floor and dishes
arranged thereon. 108 The whole family sat around and partook
of the dishes jointly. The butler placed before each guest a
round dish and a portion of food 109 and covered it with fig or
other leaves. 110 No napkins were used and even the procedure
of washing was not always adhered to. 111 The more well-to-do-
among them used a superior embroidered silken dastarkhwan
with artificial flowers of gold and silver. They sometimes made
use of spoons, 112 though this was not the usua] custom. 113
The manner of cooking in the royal kitchen, the process of
sending in of plates, the measures adopted to check poisoning,
and their complete success speak well for those who devised
them. The curious reader can read the details about these*
measures in the pages of Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari. 11 *
INTOXICANTS
Prohibition of wine
Wine, called araq by Babar, 115 was a drink forbidden to
Muslims by their religion. Custom forbade it for the generality
of Hindus also. So it was not surprising that the masses were
opposed to intemperance which was looked upon as a vice and
even a sin. Terry rightly observes about the temperance of the
common people, Hindus and Muslims, that they would "rather
die than eat or drink anything their law forbids." 116 They looked
upon drinking as a second madness and, therefore, there is the
DIET, TASTES AND- INTOXICANTS 39
same word in their language for a drunkard and a madman. 117
Wine was considered unwholesome and ruinous for health. 118
The strict prohibition enforced by almost all Mughal kings '
was no less a factor in discouraging the use of wine among the
people. Severe punishment was inflicted for excessive drinking
and disorderly conduct. 119 Akbar, more catholic in his approach,
relaxed his rules in the case of Europeans because, as he said,
"they are born in the element of wine, as fish are produced in
that of water... and to prohibit them the use of it is to deprive
them of life." Though himself addicted to drinking, Jahangir
discouraged its use among his subjects. He himself abstained
from wine on Thursday nights and Friday evenings. He found
it bad for the temperament, and strictly forbade all kinds of
intoxicants which "must neither be made nor sold. 120 Of course,
Aurangzeb, who "drank nothing but water," could not tolerate
wine. 121 In 1668 he issued orders strictly prohibiting the use of
all intoxicating liquors. 122 European travellers confirm the
strictness of the measures adopted to enforce prohibition. 123
During his three months' sojourn in Masulipatam, Norris did
not hear of a single case of drunkenness. 124 While acknowledging
the occasional excesses of certain individuals here and there, we
may accept the verdict of Terry as to the general sobriety of all
ranks of the population except \he nobles attached to the court
who formed a class by themselves. In spite of the strict orders
of the Mughal kings, nobles indulged in drinking and many of
them fell victims to alcohol. 125 This over indulgence and dis-
regard of the prohibitory orders were primarily due to the weak
policy followed by the Emperors who, in order to keep com-
pany, would invite many of their grandees to attend the royal
drinking-parties which were held quite frequently, and thus
encouraged its use. 126 Akbar is said to have lost control on
himself in one of these parties and was "saved in the nick of
time by Raja Man Singh when, under the influence of liquor, the
Emperor tried to demonstrate his bravery in Rajput fashion."
Even Aurangzeb, who was very abstemious, failed to "keep the
Mughal aristocracy back from drink." Sir Jadunath Sarkar
notices in the news-letters of the court "many reports of wine-
selling, wine-drinking in the camp bazars and houses of his
nobles and among the garrisons of the forts." 127
40
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
Mughals' addiction to drink
several times "fay ^B^j'T? Auraii S zeb > took wine
Drunkards. The former used t ^ ^ reputed
to say
no
he latter
' of which he drank Zl^ .uT f doub] y disti ^ d
aight- Humayun was ^ fe^' ^ thereStat
ae.* Akbar and Shahjahan M Pmm a " d Seldom took
decency. The former usually " S ob * P3SS the limits of
rarely drink to excess Shahjahan rl ^ m hlS C " PS " would onl y
the arduous Deccan campaigns th abargave u P wi ne during
thrown into the Chambal and t ^^ stoclc of wine was
*'lver were broken and distribute^ I**"*"* ^ f g ld and
needy.-iw Aurangzeb total I h f T g the Pr and the
assertion that he saw Auranieh H , fr m ^ Tave ier' s
wholly fabulous."* We cammt K , " three occasions is
authentic contemporary records! ^ in the face of the
Wines
trees ' 135 Heasant
taste and flavour it was
Cocoa juice was
a J iquor which
Particularly the oanese .
water.^B It was very strL j , m " ch and
tion.^o Nim wa r a 'T h ? r g V Sp f Cially after the
tree and was sweet like milk ? "tf ^'^ dfaWn fr m
fruit" yielded an in toxicTnf, ^ W3S an her tree
were famous for tWs Da V i" " Kherra144 a ^ Bhadwar-
ol esome unless b'oi * ^ ^-h was considered
refined Sugar by a chem - e f Wiae was prepared from
a wme called iasrrr * \ Process."^ According to Ovington
were also ^Xc t u3S raCted / r0m bkck SU ^' 148
was 2? T" 1 "^ ^ ^ ; - 1S In
prepared f rom the acua{ .
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
41
.kajang and from the tung seeds. 150 * Some superior kinds of
wines were imported from foreign countries like Portugal 151
and Persia. 152 Persian wine manufactured from grapes was
smuggled into the Mughal dominions in spite of strict
prohibition.
Opium
Opium 153 called afion was in use among a large number of
people, especially Muhammadans 154 and Rajputs. 155 According
to Mandelslo, "They take every day a small pill of it about the
bigness of a pea." 156 It stimulated the old, the weary and the
fatigued and maintained the spirits of workers so that they
would not feel the rigour of the work. 157 The messengers and
harkaras who had to traverse long distances took it in order to
"hearten themselves." 158 Rajputs were specially addicted to it
and took large quantities of a drug, called madhava-ra-peala.
Opium-eating came to be regarded as a sign of aristocracy.
Its excessive use by Rai Ganga (1515-1531) of Jodhpur led to
his death. 159 Rajput kings were mostly devotees of Hara or
Lord Shiva. As Tod says, "Hara is the patron of all who love
war and drink and is especially the object of Rajput warriors*
devotion." 160 The Rajputs would even double the dose on the
eve of a battle. 161 Bernier writes : "It is an interesting sight
to see them (Rajputs) on the eve of a battle with the fumes of
opium in their heads." Its stimulating effect animated them
with extraordinary courage and bravery to fight more valiantly
.and heroically. 162 Opium was also used as a sedative for old
men and children. 163 Some of the Mughal emperors also,
particularly Humayun and Jahangir, 164 were very fond of this
intoxicant. The former used to say : "I am an opium eater ;
if there is any delay in my comings and goings, do not be
angry with me." 165 The latter being a habitual opium eater
would repeat the dose at least twice a day. 106 The only
reference to opium in the Babarnama is in connection with
Qasim-i-Ali who is described as the "opium eater." 167
According to Father Ridolfo, "Akbar used to take post, a
preparation of opium, diluted and modified by various admix-
tures of spices." 168 Monserrate also confirms it. 169
Other drugs
Bhang was another intoxicant commonly used by the
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS '
poor, 170 who sometimes mixed it with nutmegs and mace, 171
whereas the rich added cloves, camphor, ambar, musk and
opium to it. 172 It kept one in a pleasant mood. Sometimes
green areca was put into it to increase its effect. It was taken*
to increase appetite. Under its intoxicating effect one could,
undertake hard labour without feeling exhaustion. But an-
excessive dose of it would make one unconscious. RajaBhagwan
Das of Amber begged mercy from the Emperor Akbar for his
brother Rupsi who had defied the Imperial authority under the
influence of bhang. Jahangir prohibited the use of
bhang and buza altogether, declaring that they were injurious to
health. 174
Tobacco
Tobacco 174 * gained rapid popularity among common peo-
ple soon after its introduction into India in 1605 by the-
Portuguese. 175 In spite of the advice of his physicians, Akbar
enjoyed it sometimes. Asad Beg gives us a beautiful description
of the pipe and the presentation ceremony. 176 Smoking became
so habitual with one and all in the short interval of a decade or
so that Jahangir had to order its prohibition by a special enact-
ment in 1617 on account of the disturbance that "it brings-
about in most temperaments and constitutions." 177 But the-
decree remained a dead letter and was more honoured in its-
breach than observance. 178 Thevenot refers to its frequent use
by the nobles. 179 Its wide popularity among the lower strata of
society may be estimated from Manrique's account. While-
a prisoner at Multan, he had to accede to the request of Ms
guards for some money to enable them to satisfy their craving:
for tobacco. 180
Muhammadans were specially accustomed to it and con-
sumed a major quantity of the intoxicant by frequent smok-
ing. 181 It was their chief and customary entertainment after
meals. 182 A long brass pipe adapted to a large crystal hubble-
bubble fixed in a brass frame was used for smoking. 183 It was^
usual to see people sitting cross-legged at their doors with hukka.
pipes m their mouths. Sometimes women, too, indulged in
smoking. 18 * The consumption of the drug increased so much
that Manucci mentions Rs. 5,000 as tabacco duty for a day in
Delhi alone. The abolition of the Act, according to him, came
DIET/TASTES AND INTOXICANTS 4 "
as a great relief for the poor class. 185
Betels
Betel leaf called pan was in most common use throughout
India among all classes of people. 186 The pan consisted of the
beta! leaf, an areca-nut or sitpari 1 * 1 cut into small pieces, lime-
water and kattha. 188 The rich added camphor and musk to it
and tied both its leaves with a silk thread. There were several
species of betel of which the choicest were JBilhari, Kakar,
Jaiswas, Kapurl, Kapur Kant, and Bangalah^ Makhi l9Q leaves
of Bihar and Keroah 191 of Orissa were much sought after by
betel lovers. The former held the reputation of being delicate
in fragrance, strong in taste and good in colour. 192 Betel was-
necessarily chewed after meals, but most of the people went on
taking it throughout the day. 193
Tea auct coffee
Tea and coffee were taken by quite a good number of
people, especially those of the Coromandel coast. 194 Brahmans
and Banias were particularly fond of it. Thevenot asserts that
Banias and Brahmans drank nothing but water, "wherein they
put coffee and tea." 195 Ovington makes us believe that tea was
taken by Banias without sugar or mixed with a small quantity
of conserved lemons. 196 He further writes: 'Tea, with some
hot spices intermixed and boiled in the water, has the repute
of prevailing against the headache, gravel and griping in
the guts." According to Delia Valle, many people in
India used a liquor called coffee which was made "from a
black seed boiled in water which turned it almost into the same
colour." Tea and coffee were not taken as beverages but as
intoxicants. 197 Certain special vessels made of tin covered with
cases and cloth wrappings were used to keep the tea hot. 198
The rich and the nobles took delight in partaking of coffee with
their friends. Hamilton was invited by the Nawab of Tatfah to
"take a dish of coffee" with him. 199 There seem to have been
coffee shops, if not coffee houses, in some of our principal
cities like Delhi and Ahmedabad. 200
44 DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICAOTS
NOTES
1. Oviagtotfs remarks (p. 303) that "neither delicacy of taste
nor dread of sickness or even death could possibly tempt a
Hindu" to take meat, are based on misconception and may
be true in the case of the orthodox ones.
2. Varthema, p. 45!
3. Camoes in Canto VII, Est. XL writes about Brahmans :
"To crown their meal no meaner life expires ;
Pulses, fruit and herbs alone their board requires/'
(India in Portuguese Literature, p. 54)
Badaoni (II, p. 103 ; Tr., II, p. 313) rightly observed
that most of them would not take even garlic and onions
because their view of life was to eat to live and not to live
to eat. (Delia Valle, p. 406). Britto in his letter of
1683 A.D. praised the nobility of Tamilham for abstaining
from meat and fish. "It is however something to be able
to raise oneself above this gross sensuality which puts us
near the heart." R. Sathianathailer, Tamilham in the
17th Century, p. 176.
4. Pelsaert's India, p. 76 ; Mandelslo, p. 58 ; Orme's Frag-
ments, p. 469. Some of the Rajputs took swine's flesh (Delia
Valle, p. 435). According to Mukundram, a poet of the
16th century, some of the Kshattriyas adopted the sale of
game as a regular profession and had little difficulty in
finding customers. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 181.
The king and nobles of Vijayanagar took all kind of flesh
excepting beef. Barbosa, I, p. 203 ; Saletore, op. cit.,
Vol. II, p. 311.
5. Akbar abstained from meat on Fridays, and subsequently
on Sundays, first day of every solar month, whole month
of Farwardin and the month of Aban in which he was
born. The killing of animals was stopped on Sundays by
Akbar's orders. Ain 9 I, pp. 61-62* Jahangir later on
added Thursday, the day of the birth of his father. Tuzuk,
Lowe, p. 184.
6 A.N, I, p. 351 ; Tr., I, p. ^634. When a beef broth and
curry was brought before Humayun, his words were :
"Oh unfortunate Kamran, was this the mode of your
existence ? Did you feed the asylum of chastity jOn the
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS 45
flesh of cows ? What ! Could you not afford to keep a
few goats for her subsistence?" Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat 9 .
Stewart, p. 83.
7. Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat, Trans. Stewart, pp. 83-84.
8. Am, I, p. 64.
9. Badaoni, II, p. 103 ; Tr., II, p. 313. This is an exaggera-
tion. Akbar did not give up meat altogether. The Ain r
I, (Persian), p. 59, mentions the days on which he abstained
and the total number of these sufiyanah days comes to
about nine months in a year. Thus for three months, he
took meat. Also see Tuzitk, I, p. 45 ; Badaoni, II, p. 531.
30. Jahangir gave up fish-eating altogether. Tuzuk, Lowe,
p. 188.
1 1 . Jahangir had also stopped the killing of animals from the
8th of Rabi I every year for the number of days corres-
ponding with his age. R. & B., I, pp. 185, 310. His
orders were so strictly observed that once the Id-uJ-Zuha
fell on a Thursday and the customary animal sacrifice
could not be performed by Muslims. R. & B., I, pp. 185,.
189.
32. Manrique, II, pp. 186-87 ; Bernier, p. 250.
33. Manrique, II, p. 387.
14. Ibid, II, pp. 156-57.
35. Roe's Embassy, p. 92.
36. Ain, (I, p. 57) says a hundred dishes can be prepared in art:
hour. On page XXVIII of the Preface of the A in, it is
written that in Abul Fazl's camp in the Deccan, one thou-
sand dishes were served daily, but it seems to be an exag-
geration. According to Maasir-ul-Umra, (Vol. I, Trans.,
p. 385) 200 sheep were daily used for Baqir K. Najmsanfs
table. On marches 40 strings of camels carried his
kitchen, and 33 silver cauldrons (degs) were in cooking;
when on march to Transoxiana.
17. Ain I, Preface, p. XXVIII. The seer of that time was one
half of its modern successor.
18. Abul Fazl (Ain, I, p. 57) lays great stress on proper care
being shown for appropriate food. Also see Ain, l y
(1873), pp. 56-59.
19. Ain, I, p. 57. According to Manucci (Storia, II, p. 332) y
one thousand rupees were spent every day as expenses of
6 ' DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
the king's kitchen in Aurangzeb r s reign. Storia, II, p. 332.
20. Rankings' Historical Researches, p. 266.
21. MoreJatuTs India at the Death of Akbar, p. 272.
22! Tavernier, p. 133. Also see Kavicharita, II, pp. 336-37
for corrboration by Annaji, a poet of early 17th century ;
Saletore, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 316.
23. Delia Valle, p. 135. According to Grose, ''Hindus were
very" fond of sweetmeats and many of their varieties were
unknown." Grose's , Voyages, Vol. I, p. 233.
24. Manrique, II, pp. 156-57.
25. Bernier, p. 250.
.26. Ibid, p. 249.
27. Manrique, II, p. 127 ; Pyrard, I, p. 328 ; Roe s Embassy,
pp. 241-42; Delia Valle, p. 408.
28. R. &B.,I, pp. 100-101.
29. Waqyat-i-Jahangiri, E. & D., VI, p. 349 ; Ain, I, p. 65 ;
also see Storia, VI, p. 151.
30. Bernier, pp. 203-4.
31. Ain 9 I, pp. 65-66.
.32. Ain, I, pp. 65-66.
33. First Englishmen In India, p. 100; Ovington, p. 310;
Pyrard, I, p. 259 ; Bernier, p. 356 ; Ain 9 I, p. 58.
34. Ain, I, p/55. Tavernier (I, p. 95) writes : "The principal
reason why the Ganges water is so much esteemed ^is that
it never becomes bad and engenders no vermin." Even-
Aurangzcb drank it. (Bernier, pp. 221, 364). Orme's
Fragments, p. 469. For the use of Ganges water by
Muslim rulers see Annals of Sri Venkateswara Oriental
Institute, Vol. I, Pt. Ill, pp. 1-15.
35. Ain, I, (1873), p. 56. A seer of ice cost 5 dams and only
15| jitals if brought by carriage.
36. ThVprice of saltpetre varies from 3/4 to 4 maunds per
rupee. Ain, I, (1873), p. 56.
37. A.N.,1, p. 207; Tr., I, p. 42 1.
38. Bernier, p. 249.
39 Mandelslo, p. 64 ; Travels in India in the 17th Century,
p 263 ; Delia Valle, p. 409 ; Tavernier, p. 124 ; Thevenot
Chap XXIX ; Hamilton, T, p. 162 ; Ovington, pp. 310-11.
Kliichari seems to have been more common in eastern and
southern India.
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
47
40. Hamilton (I, p. 162) found in it a 'pleasing nourishment.'
De Laet's (p. 89) contention that this dish was taken in
the evening is doubtful. A special type of preparation
called Gujarati khichari was reserved for special occasions.
J.U.P. Hist. Sec., XV, Pt. I, p. 67.
41. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 76.
42. Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri, (Urdu Trans.), p. 105.
43. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384 ; Mango-
pickle was very much liked. Linschoten, p. 209. Some-
times the inhabitants of Kashmir and Orissa would steep
the cooked rice in cold water to eat it the next day. A in,
II, pp. 128, 349.
43*.Subah-ul-Din : Hindustan Ke Musaltnano Ke Tamadni
Jalwe, Azamgarh, 1963, p. 367.
44. Mandelslo, p. 64 ; Delia Valle, p. 409 ; Tavernier, II,
p. 70.
45. Am, II, p. 240 ; Delia Valle, p. 409 ; Stavorinus, II,
p. 386.
46. Tavernier, p. 124.
47. Moreland's India at the Death of Akbar, p. 271.
48. Tavernier states that khichari was their evening meal,
p. 124 ; Pelsaert's India, p. 61.
49. Ovington, p. 313 ; Tavernier, I, p. 324 ; also see De Laet,
p. 86.
50. Reference may be made in this connection to an interesting
work Bhojana-Kutuhala by Raghunatha compiled in about
1700 A.D. The MS. exists in Baroda Oriental Research
Institute. Also see Annals (B.O.R. Institute), Vol. XX1 7
pp. 254-63. For dishes in Rajasthan as sev, suhali, laddu,
manda, fried pappads, khaja, salan, pad!, lapsika of the
panchadhari variety, kansar, dhan and others refer to
Kanhadadeprabandhu, J.I.H., April, 1960, p. 106.
51. For vegetables see Ain, I, pp. 58-60. For incredibly low
price of the menu at the dinners given to Chaitanya at
Pun in about 1520 A.D. -refer to his biography by Krishna
Das Kaviraj. The History of Bengal, Vol. II, University of
Dacca, p. 218.
52. Padmavat, (Hindi), pp. 90-92.
.53. For reference to milk, their favourite food, see Ovington,
ij
:
48 DIET, TASTHS AND INTOXICANTS
p. 303 ; Monserrate's commentary, p. 8 ; Mandelslo,.
p. 68.
54. According to Ovington (pp. 310-12) it is a delicious dish
prepared by boiling rice to which is added proportionate
sugar, dry nuts and almonds.
55. Mandelsio, p. 13. Another well-known preparation of
milk.
56. Delia Valle, p. 435.
57. Bernier, (1891), p. 354.
58. Mandelsio, p. 68 ; Travels in India in the 17th Century*.
p. 380 ; Bernier, p. 250 ; Storia, III, p. 43.
59. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384.
60. Ovington, p. 335,
61. Linschoten, II, p. 75 ; Manrique, II, p. 109.
62. Linschoten, II, pp. 75-77.
63. Am, I, (1873), p. 61.
64. Roghuni is a bread with a great deal of ghee. Manrique r
II, p. 188.
65. Manrique II, p. 188.
66. Padmavat, (Hindi), pp. 90-92.
67. A.N. 9 I, p. 207; Tr., I, p. 421.
68. Am, I, p. 61 . Khushka was also the name of a dish which
had rice, salt, etc. as its ingredients. (Ain, I, p. 62).
69. Birinj means rice cooked with certain vegetables, etc.
70. R. & B., I, p. 419. Aurangzeb liked khichari-i-biryani for
which a special cook was employed in the royal kitchen..
Ruqqat-i-Alamgiri, (ed. Muhammad Abdur Rahman),
p. 4; Bernier, (1916), p. 381. Also see Capt. Cope, A
New History of the East Indies, London, MDCCLIV. -
71. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 181.
72. Zard birinj, shir birinj\ khichari and bandinjan were the
special preparations of rice. For their details see Ain, I,.
p. 59. Also see Padmavat, ed. by Ram Chandra Slmkla,
(Hindi), PL II, pp. 90-92, for various dishes prepared on.
the marriage of Ratna Sen.
73. For their composition see Ain, I, (1873), pp. 59-60. Also
see Hobson Jobson Pilau, Roe and Fryer, p. 279.
74. A.N., I, p. 208 ; Tr., I, p. 423. Herklots App. 5. "A
jelly strained from boiled wheat, and eaten with the-
expressed juice of fruits and ice to which cream is also
BiET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS 49
sometimes added." Also see Badaoni, Tr., Ill, p. 215 ;
R. & B., I, p. 387.
75. Pyrard, I, p. 328.
76. Waqyat-i-Jahangiri ; E. & D., VI,. p. 343.
77. Bernier, p. 252.
78. Purchas, IV, p. 421. Delia Vaile (pp. 407-8) says he was.
present at Asaf Khan's banquet to Sir Thomas Roe, which
is nothing but falsehood.
79. Mandelslo, p. 69.
80. ,4/XI, (1873), p. 61.
81. Mandelslo, p. 68 ; Delia Valle, p. 409.
82. Ornie's Fragments, p. 472.
83. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 181. About the poorer sort
Mandelslo writes : 'Their dishes, drinking-cups and nap*
kins are made of fig leaves of which they also make
pitchers and oil-pots." Mandelsio, p. 85.
84. Bernier (p. 356) says that the water was stored in earthen
jars.
85. Linschoten, I, p. 188.
86. Ain, I, (1873), p. 593.
87. Ibid.
88. Ovington, p. 312.
89. Pyrard, p. 377.
90. Macauliffe, I, p. 239. Also see Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 24 ;
and Storia, III, p. 87.
91. Pyrard, I, p. 377.
92. Ovington, p. 312.
93. Pyrard, I, p. 377. "To eat twice in the day or night is not
approved." Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 325.
94. Pyrard, I, p. 377 ; Jahangir's India, p. 76 ; Travels of
Nikitin In India in the 17th Century, p. 11 ; Delia Valle,
p. 440.
95. J.R.A.S., Bengal letters, Vol. IV, 1938 ; Description of
Indostan and Guzamt (1611 A.D.) Trans, by Rev. H.
Hosten, S. J. ; Pyrard, I, p. 377 ; Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 324 ;.
Jahangifs India, p. 76 ; Storia, III, pp. 41-42.
96. Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 325 ; Storia III, p. 3.
97. Ain, I, (1873), p. 58.
98. Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 325 ; Delia Valle, II, p. 327 ; Taver-
nier, I, p. 60 ; Bartolomeo, p. 159.
50
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123,
124,
Storia, III, p. 42.
Pyrard,!, p. 391.
Storia, III, p. 41.
Storia, III, p. 42.
DeLaet,pp. 91-92.
Storia, III, p. 42.
Linschoten, I, pp. 261-62 ; Dela Valle, pp. 81-82.
Pyrard, I, p. 378 ; Delia Valle refers to it as "drinking in
the air" Delia Valle, p. 43.
Storia, III, p. 43. Muhammadans would use pea-flour to
remove grease from their hands. Storia, II, p. 41.
Mandelslo, p. 28. Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat, Stewart, pp. 82-83.
De Laet, pp. 91-92.
Early Travels in India, p. 96.
No traveller has referred to their washing of hands, etc.
before meals. Mandelslo, p. 68.
Spoons made of Hindi nuts. The Arabs call it narjij,
Hindustanis nalir. B.N., p. 509. Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat,
Stewart, pp. 82-83 ; Linschoten, I, p. 207.
"They eat with fingers/' writes De Laet, pp. 91-92.
Ain,I, (1873), pp. 58-59. It will be interesting to recall
that during Aurangzeb's time when expenses of the royal
kitchen had been considerably reduced due to the austere
habits of the king, the monthly expenses came to Rs. 1,000
daily. Storia, II, p. 332.
B.N., pp. 385-86.
Terry in Early Travels, p. 317.
Ibid ; Storia, IV, p. 208 ; R. Sathianathailer, Tamilham in
the 17th Century, p, 176.
R. & B., I, p. 306. -
Badaoni, II, pp. 301-2 ; Tr. II, p. 311.
Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 7. For Akbar see Badaoni, II, pp. 301-2;
Tr., II,p. 311.
Tavernier, II p. 124.
Muntakhab-ul-Lubab in Elliot and Dowson, VI, p. 283.
Petermundy, II, p. 134 ; Storia, II, p. 6 ; Bernier, p. 253 ;
Ovington, p. 296. The Governor of Masulipatam announ-
ced a fine of Rs. 10 on any Hindu who disobeyed this
order. Norris, Embassy to Aurangzib, p. 149.
Morris, Embassy to Aurangzib, p. 119.
'DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS 51
125. Early Travels, p. 783 ; R. & B., I, pp. 35, 134, 141, etc. ;
Am, I, pp. 340-91. Shaikh Abdur Rahim of Kakhnar
drank so heavily that he frequently got insane. Ain, I,
pp. 524-43.
126. B.N. 9 p . 406 ; Am, I, p. 207 ; Storm, II, p. 6.
127. History of Aurangzib, Vol. V, p. 461 ; Storia, II, pp. 157,
313. According to Manucci, "the pots and pans in which
the beverage was prepared were broken daily by
muhtasibs." Storia, II, pp. 57. A.N., III, p. 43.
128. B.N., pp. 385-86, 414-15.
129. R. & B., II, p. 35.
130. "The new year, the spring, the wine, and the beloved are
pleasing ;
Enjoy them Babar, for the world is not to be had a second
time."
131. "At first it was 6 cups every evening, each cup being 1\
tolas ; altogether 45 tolas. The wine was usually mixed
with water. Now I drank 6 cups each of which 6 tolas
and 3 mashas ; altogether 37i tolas." R. & B., II, p. 35.
132. "Humayum enjoying a wine party." Painting No. 630,
I.A.E.
133. Qazvini, pp. 90-91 quoted in Saksena's Shahjahan, p. 27.
134. Ta vernier, p. 124.
135. B.N.,p.5Q9. Nicholas Downton (1614-15) thought the
Indian wines to be not very strong. William Foster, The
Voyage of Nicholas Downton to East Indies, p. 146.
136. Thevenot, Pt. Ill, Chap. VIII, p. 17 ; Pedro Teixeria,
p. 198 ; Ovington, p. 239.
137. Mandelslo, p. 27.
138. First Englishmen in India, p. 77.
139. Linschoten, II, p. 47.
140. Ibid.
141. Ovington, p. 239.
142. Called Gilaundah. Ain, I, (1873), p. 70.
143. DeLaet, pp. 28-29. Manuel Godino de Eredia (1611)
mentions a wine which the Indians made from a certain
fruit called mauh mixed with the bark of babuli tree and
tasted very well. J.R.A.S.B., Vol. IV, (1938), p. 541.
144. Petermundy, IT, p. 98.
145. De Laet, pp. 28-29.
52 DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS'
146 . Ibid.
147. Bernier, p. 253.
148. Ovington, p. 238.
149. Pedro Teixeria, p. 197.
150. Ovington,' p. 238 ; De Laet, pp. 28-29.
150* Karim, A., Social History of Bengal, Dacca, 1959, p. 191..
151. First Englishmen in India, p. 77.
152. Pedro Teixeria, p. 197. Shiraz wine was much liked (E.F.,.
1934-36, p. 166). Babar speaks of Bukhara wine as the
strongest of all. B.N., pp. 83-85.
153. Opium was planted in Bihar and Malwa from ancient
times. Moreland's India at the Death of Akbar, p. 158.
Date of its introduction in India is unknown. (Tod, I r
p. 507).
154. Pyrard, I, p. 200. According to Manual Godino (1611)
it was much used in Muhammadan medicines. J.R.A.S.B. y
IV, p. 551,
155. Tod, I, (1877), p. 508.
156. Mandelslo, p. 67.
157. Linschoten, II, p. 114 ; Grose, I, pp. 122-23.
158. Mandelslo, p. 67.
159. Marwar Ka Itihas, Rev. V. I., p. 115.
160. Tod, op. cit., V. I., p. 87.
161. Bernier, p. 40.
162. Ibid.
163. Ain, II, p. 196. Also see Ain, I, p. 417 f.n. 2.
164. R. &B., I. p. 310.
165. H.N. G. (Bev.), p. 131. A.N., I, p. 363 ; Tr., I, p. 654.
166. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 310. See painting No. 637 Mughal,
17th century, lent by Rampur State Library, "Bust of
Jahangir." He holds an opium bowl in his hands. Tuzuk,
Lowe, Tr., pp. 44-49 ; Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri (Urdu),
p. 204.
167. B.N., p. 385. There is a manuscript, Risala-i-Afion in
Hamdard Dawakhana Library, Delhi, which was compiled
by one Umad-ud-Din during Akbar's time.
168. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, p. 336.
169. Monserrate, p. 199.
170. Linschoten, II, pp. 115-16.
XHET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS
53
172. Ibid. Babar was fond of this intoxicant. Macauiiffe, I,
p. 120.
173. R. & B., I, p. 157 ; Petermundy, II, p. 247.
174. A.N., III, (Bev.), p. 70.
174* According to Moreland, tobacco plant was first established
in the province of Gujarat where the leaf was obtainable
in 1613.
175. Manrique, II, p. 250 ; Moreland's India at the Death of
Akbar, p. 158.
176. "Stem three cubits in length was the finest to be procured
at Achin beautifully dried and coloured both ends being
adorned with jewels and enamel, the oval-shaped mouth-
piece of Yaman cornelian betel leaf of very superior work-
manship and a golden burner all elegantly arranged in a
silver tray and presented to the emperor." See Painting
No. 525, 1.A.E., middle of 18th century, lent by C.A.A.
Museum, for a good hukka of those days. See E. & D.,
VI, pp. 165-67.
177. R. & B., I, p. 374.
178. R. & B., I, p. 370 ; A.N., III, p. 103 ; Badaoni, II, p. 357.
179. Thevenot, Chapter VI, p. 103.
180. Manrique, II, p. 250 ; Storm, II, p. 175.
181. See Hobson Jobson.
182. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 280 ; Storia, I,
p. 63. For painting of a "Nawab smoking a hukka" see
painting No. 681, I.A.E., 18th century.
183. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 189. In the
Central Asian Antiquities Museum, New Delhi, there is a
hukka of Mughal days probably used by the emperors.
184. Painting No. 524, middle of the 18th century, I.A.E., lent
by C.A.A. Museum.
185. Storia,!!, p. 175.
186. Mandelsio, p. 33.
187. Linschoten says that Malabaris and Portuguese called it
"arecea", the Gujaratis and Deccanis supari, and the
Arabians tauffel; Linschoten, II, p. 64.
188. Betel leaves are mixed with a sort of "lime made by
oyster and areca." A collection of voyages undertaken
by Dutch East India Company, p. 1; Linschoten, II, p. 64.
54
DIET, TASTES AND INTOXICANTS'
For a special type of pan called birah see Ain 9 I, (1873) r
pp. 72-73.
189. Ibid.
190. Ain, I p. 151.
191. #wf, p. 126.
192. Petermundy, II, p. 96.
193. Storia, I, p. 63. For a painting see "Lady holding plate*
of betel nuts." Painting No. 670, I A.E., Deccani, 1700
A.D. ; Pyrard, I, p. 200. Also see Tod, I, (Crookes), pp.
346, 481, 552, 570 ; II, pp. 969, 1040 ; Linschoten, II,.
p. 64. For Sipandan of 17th century refer to Ananda K.
Coomaraswamy, The Arts and Crafts of India and Ceylon y
p. 229. Pan was offered to a courtier by the king as a
mark of royal favour. Petermundy, II, pp. 96-97 ;.
Storia, I, pp. 62-63 ; Roe's Embassy, p. 453 ; M.A.
(Persian), p. 262.
194. Pyrard, I, p. 202.
195. Thevenot, III, Chap. XLVII, p. 81.
196. Ovington, p. 306.
197. Delia Valle, p. 365.
198. Pyrard, I, p. 202.
199. Hamilton, I, (New Edition), p. 119.
200. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 460. Also see Mughal Literature
by M.A. Ghani, Pt. Ill, p. 196.
CHAPTER 3
Games, Sports and Other
Amusements
Leaving aside twentieth-century amusements like cinema-
going, flying, etc. that have come to us through contact with
the West, the pastimes in vogue during Mughal times were
similar to those commonly found today. The difference, if
any, lies in details only. Chess, chaitpar and playing cards were
the chief among indoor games and were accessible to the rich
and the poor alike. The various types of tiger-play, the games of
gutis and the games of sheep and goats were favourites with the
rural population. Of the outdoor diversions, hunting, animal-
fights and chaugan were the privilege of the few, while ishq-bazi*
wrestling, etc. were enjoyed by one and all. Strangely enough,
no reference to kabaddi is traceable in early records. But.
the game must have been played in villages, as it is even
today. Jugglers and magicians formed a class by themselves.
Boys amused themselves, as narrated by Mukundram in his
poem Chandi, with the flying of kites, 1 mock fights, blind man's
buff, climbing of trees, bag chal and such other common pas-
times. 2 Manned sums up the amusements of the princesses and
other high-class ladies thus :
"They have the permission to enjoy the pleasure of the
comedy and the dance, to listen to tales and stories of
love, to recline upon beds of flowers, to walk about in
gardens, to listen to the murmuring of the running waters,
to hear singing or other similar pastimes." 3
Playing cards
This is an old game and was in vogue in India long before
the advent of the Mughals. M. AshraPs view that "it appears
56 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
to have been first introduced into Hindustan by the Mughal
emperor Babar" 4 is not conclusive. The external as well as
internal evidence is against it. The names of all the 12 suits
were in the Sanskrit dialect instead of Persian till the time of
Akbar, 5 who introduced a change by renaming the last seven
suits and reconstituting dhanpati, the fifth, out of a total of
12. 6 Moreover, Abul Fazl's remark that "the ancient sages
took the number 12 as basis and made the suit to consist of
12 cards" shows that the game was practised in pre-Mughal
days. 7 From the few stray references available about this
game in contemporary Mughal records, it appears that the game
was favoured by the rich and the poor alike. 8
The pack consisted of 12 suits of 12 cards each making a
total of 144 with different kinds of kings and followers. 9
Ashraf s contention that the "old Mughal pack of cards was
made up of eight suits of 12 cards each" (instead of 12 suits)
is not borne out by documentary evidence. As is clearly
mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari, the ancient game of 1 2 suits,
each of which had 12 cards, was not altered. What Akbar
did was to make "some suitable alterations in the cards," 10
and to reconstitute the last eight of the suits of the original
pack. The first four, namely ashwapati (lord of horses),
gajpati (king of elephants), narpati (king of infantry) and
gadhpati, (king on throne over a fort), remained intact. 11
Ashraf, under some misconception about this, appears to have
omitted to count the first four and miscalculated the number
as reduced from 12 to eight. This view is further confirmed
by the fact that none of the new names have been given the
assignments of the first four.
As distinguished from our present-day cards, they were
all in pictures, the highest represented the king, the second
highest a wzir and the rest were followers from one to ten.
In the topmost suit of ashwapati, for example, the king was
shown on horseback with the umbrella (chhatra), the standard
and other imperial ensigns. The second highest card of the
same suit represented a vazir on horseback and the rest were
with pictures of horses from one to ten. 12 The superiority of
suits seems to have been observed in the order given in the
Ain4-Akbari by Abul Fazl the first six of these suits were
called bishbar (powerful) and the six last were kambar or
OAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
57
weak. 13
The game continued to be a favourite with the successive
emperors, Aurangzeb being the only exception. Hurnayun
played this game with his stepmother and sisters at Kabul. 14
During one of his visits, 15 Thomas Roe found Jahangir im-
mersed in it. The game was equally popular with the common
people., 16 who displayed several tricks at cards.
Chess
Chess has all along been one of the most common diver-
sions of the Indian people. Alberuni, who visited India during
Sultan Mahmud's time, refers to this game. He writes : "They
(Indians) play chess four persons at a time with a pair of
dice." 17 Hasan Nizami, author of Taj~ul-Maasir, Amir
Khusrau and Malik Muhammad Jayasi, author of Padmavat,
frequently refer to this game. During the Mughal period the
king, nobles and commoners all took great delight in playing
this game. 18 Akbar is said to have played the game of living
chess with slave girls as pieces moving on the chequered pave-
ment of the Pachisi Court at Fatehpur Sikri. 19 The Mughal
aristocrats were specially interested in it, and Manucci, who was
a frequent visitor to their palaces, writes that by playing chess
"they learn to govern, place and displace, give and take with
discretion to the glory and gain of their projects." 20
The chess-table preserved in the Archaeological Museum
in Delhi Fort shows that the chessboard was divided into 64
squares, eight on each of the four sides. 21 Each player had at
his command a little army of 16 men, from the king down to
a foot-soldier. The game could be played both 22 two-handed
and four-handed. Akbar was an expert in both. Sometimes
international matches were held and bets offered. Jahangir's
courtier, Khan-i-Khanan, was deputed to combat Shah Shaft of
Persia. The game lasted for three days, but the poor ambassa-
dor lost it and had to carry out the bet that the "loser should
bray like an ass." 23
Chaupar
The antiquity of chaupar is undisputed. It continued to be
In vogue in India throughout the Mughal period. 24 In the
17th century, chaupar became the favourite game of the court.
J GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
Zeb-im-Nisa, the eldest daughter of Aurangzab, spent most of
her spare time in playing chaupar with her girl friends. 25
Sometimes as many as 200 Mughal nobles used to take part in
the play. 26 A match, it appears, used to be of 16 games. The
game, at times, lasted for three months.
Betting was usual. Any player might depute a subsitute,.
who was entitled to 2% of all winnings and had to share 1%.
it he lost a bet. 27 It appears, however, that the Mughals were
not familiar 28 with the game as it existed in India till the time
of Akbar, who framed special rules and regulations and made
it popular. 29
The description of the game in the Ain-i-Akbari leaves us
*n little doubt that no ready-made tables for the game were ,
available in those days. 30 The people themselves used to draw
on the floor or on some paper two parallel lines of equal
length, with two others bisecting them at right angles, forming a
little square at the centre and four rectangles, each divided into
four equal spaces of three rows on its (four) adjoining sides.
The game was usually played by four players, two contending
against the other two. But it could also be played by two
persons only. Each player had at his command four pieces of
the same shape, but different in colour from those of his
companions. Three dice were used with dots marked from one
to six. To begin with, each player was required to place two
of his pieces in the sixth and seventh places of the same middle
row, while the seventh and eighth spaces of the right row were
occupied by the other two pieces. The left row was left empty.
Each moved his pieces according to his throw till he arrived at
the row to the left of the place of his start. He would then move
to the empty space in the middle when he threw the exact
number required to carry each of his pieces to the empty
square. He was now rasida or arrived. If any of the four
players had brought his four pieces into the empty square, even
then he continued to throw for his companion in his turn "to
get him out too." 31
Chandal Mandal
Chandal mandal was a modified chaupar so designed as to
increase the number' of players to 16 with 64 pieces divided
equally among them. The pieces were moved as in chaupar.
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 59
The game could be played in 12 different ways.
It consisted of 16 parrallelograms, each divided into 24
equal fields, each having three rows and three spaces. These
parallelograms were arranged in a circular form around a
centre. Betting was allowed. The first player who was out
received the "stipulated amount from the other 15, the second
from the other 14 and so on.'* 32
There is. a reference to another game called Bisat-i-Nishat
(the carpet of enjoyment) during the reign of Humayun. The
circles on the board were named after planets and "different sec-
tions of men, Sayyids, Ulemas and Indian officers, were asked to
sit in accordance with one of the seven planets which were
appropriate to it in the circle which corresponded therewith."
The dice carried human figures in different postures. The
player had to sit in the position shown on the dice after he had
thrown it. 33
Nard
Nard or backgamnon has been mentioned as a game
introduced into Hindustan by the Muslims. It was played with
30 pieces in two sets of 15, each set having its distinct colour
on a square wooden board divided into 24 squares of equal
sizes. 34
PacMsi
Pachisi was another ancient Hindu game enjoyed frequent-
ly by Akbar. The boards of this game were marked out on a
marble square in a quadrangle, in the Agra Fort and Fatehpur
Sikri. Akbar is said to have used slave girls as pieces to play
this game with. 35
The games of gutls^ were popular with the rural as well
as the urban population. Do gut I, tre gut I, nau gutl and bar a
guti were the names assigned to its different types. Two pieces
were used in do guti and placed alternately on any one of the
cjross-points until the movements of the adversary were check-
mated. !><?&#/ was played with three pieces and nine pieces were
employed in nau guti. The Madhya Pradesh game of gutisr
resembles closely the bara guti* 1 of the Punjab. Of the 23 cross-
points 22 are filled with ballets of two different kinds, each
player having eleven, leaving the central point vacant. The
60 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
usual rule of jumping over, if there be a vacant place in the
next, hold good in all these games.
Some light has been thrown on the sedentary games of
India by H. C. Dasgupta 38 and Sunder Lai Hora. 39 The investi-
gations of Jotinder Mohan Datta 40 and others confirm the view
that these games were prevalent in India from very early times
with slight variations in names and details in various parts of
the country. In tant-fant**- , called tin-guti pait pait by
Dasgupta, the game is played between two persons each having
his three distinctive pieces on the three cross-points of his side
of the square, moving one to the centre to begin with. The
game is won when all the three pieces belonging to a player lie
in a straight line horizontally, vertically, or obliquely anywhere
excepting the starting line. In lau kata kati**, 18 pieces are
used, each player has nine distinctive pieces on the nine cross-
points of the triangle, and shifts a piece to the centre and then
follows the usual rules of draughts with the exception that only
one piece he captured at a time. He who captures all the
pieces of his opponent wins the game.
In mughal pathan^ either player has 16 distinctive pieces
.arranged in his half of the board leaving the centra] line vacant.
The usual rules of capture by jumping over a piece to an empty
point opposite in a straight line apply and two or more captures
are permitted at a time. In some places a horizontal line is
drawn in each triangle necessitating 19 pieces for each player.
Lam turki** is played with nine pieces on a board of ten
cross-points. The game consists of two stages : in the first, the
player has to get all his nine pieces on the board, then in the
second by the usual method of jumping over the piece to a
vacant place in a straight line, he has to capture all his oppo-
nent's pieces except one. The pieces can be placed on the
board in any way except that when a certain piece is placed on
a cross-point, it has not to be moved from its place. Sat go!
which resembles the khasia game known as mawkarkatya and
another gamefawaos have also been described by Dasgupta. 45
Bhag chal*\ bhag chakar, chakrachal, bagh band!, bagh
batti or chhabis guti bhag chal is a kind of tiger-play. The
game was very popular among boys in Mughal days. The
contest is between two players, one of whom usually plays with
four tigers and the other xises twenty goats. The four tigers
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
6!
are placed at the four points of the square and one by one the
goats are brought on the board. As soon as the first goat
appears on the board, one of the tigers rushes to capture it
which is only possible when the goat is between the tiger and a
vacant point in a straight line. No goat, according to the rules,
is to be moved from its place on the board till all the twenty
goats have been placed on the board one by one. Then the
pieces move forward and backward on adjacent vacant places.
The effort of the player in possession of the goats is to check-
mate the movements of the tigers. The play is finished when
either all the goats are annihilated or tigers checkmated. 47
Golekwsh* 8 , another game, consists of seven concentric
circles divided by three diameters thus having 42 points in
which the diameters meet the circles. Two players play the
game ; one has a large number of goats and the other plays
with only one tiger. The rest of the rules are similar.
Bheri-bakri (sheep and the goat) which is an interesting,
game deserves mention. The game was played between two
players, each having eight pieces (black for sheep and white for
goats) arranged in his eight compartments. The four pieces of
cowries regulate the movements of the pieces. A player can
move his pieces from his original home only if he gets a poet to
his credit and then advances it according to the numbers
gained by the throw of the cowries. If, according to the num-
bers shown by the cowries, one player's piece is to be moved to
a place in possession of his adversary, the latter' s piece is cap-
tured. Some of the rules are : one player can play with one
piece only at a time unless it is captured. For all points of one
poa, it is usual for the player to move the pieces from the ori-
ginal compartments. The pieces are moved from right to left
in the neutral row and left to right in that of his adversary.
The player who captures all the pieces is the winner. 49
Cfaaugao
Chaugan, called polo today, was an all-absorbing recreation
for the Mughal kings 50 and nobles. Ladies of the royal house-
hold also sometimes took part in the game. 51 Commoners,
could be spectators only and not participants. 52 It appears that
certain internal and external troubles during the reigns of Babar
and Humayun brought about its temporary suspension. Akbar
62 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
later on revived it. 53 Of all the games he liked it most, and
Abui Fazl writes : "The occupation of chaugan acquired a pre-
dominance over other forms of pleasure and the Emperor spent
most of his time in it." 54 He invented fiery balls (illuminated
balls) a device which made the playing of the game on dark
nights possible. 55 All the Mughal emperors showed keen
interest in the game and chaugan playing-fields were marked out
and reserved at several places. The most famous of them all
were at Fatehpur Sikri and Agra. 56 Two players of outstanding
distinction, Mir Sharif and Mir Ghiasuddin, made a name for
themselves during Akbar's reign. 57
It was the usual practice that not more than ten pla}'ers,
five on each side, should take part in the game at a time. But
many more were kept on the waiting list, two of whom replaced
another two in the field after every twenty minutes. The game
was played on horseback, each player holding in his hand a
chaugan stick with a crooked end. The ball was taken hold of by
that end and was either slowly taken to the circle by the players
or was forcibly hit, the horseman galloping after it to pass it
"between the posts which was "equivalent to goal." 58 The other
party would oppose the man hitting the ball and then the two
parties "struggled together and there was wrestling between
them. It was indeed a wonderful spectacle. 59
Hockey
In Bengali literature there is a reference to the playing of
dhophari. This was in fact a hockey game played with a
crooked stick and a ball in the rural areas. 60
A game known as gem was very popular among children
in Bengal. It was played by two parties of boys with a ball.
One party threw the ball and if the other party was able to
catch it, they scored a point. It may have some resemblance
with the present game of volleyball. 01
The late Sir Denison Ross had a painting of the reign of
Jahangir which shows a game of hockey in progress with pole-
sticks, while the Emperor is watching it. 62
'Wrestling
Wrestling or kushti was considered to be not merely a pas-
time in Mughal times, but a real necessity for the daily exercise
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 63
of the limbs and the body. It was pursued by the king, nobles
and commoners alike. In Vijayanagar even women took part
in wrestling contests. 63
There was a certain set of rules to be observed by the
participants at a wrestling contest and those who broke them
were not only debarred from future matches but also, some-
times, given exemplary punishment. Many wrestling matches
took place under the royal patronage and the Mughal kings
and princes took delight in seeing them and heartening the
contestants by their presence. The winners were profusely
rewarded. 64
Boxieg
Boxing, too, was a favourite pastime during the Mughal
age. According the De Laet, "they enjoy looking at boxing
matches and at conjuring. 65 Akbar was specially fond of this
sport. 66 He kept a large number of Persian and Turani boxers
at the court. Manucci also refers to this game. 07 Stone-
throwers were also encouraged and kept on regular monthly
.remuneration. 68
Races {
Horse-racing 69 was a source of entertainment prevalent
among the high-class Mughal nobles who took part in the game
and "rode their fiery steeds."
Dog-racing 70 was also not unknown. Akbar took great
delight in it. 71
Martial sports
Martial sports had a special fascination for the people.
Archery 72 and swordsmanship 73 were the order of the clay. Every
young man with ambition was expected to be good at the bow
and the sword. Matches and contests were held, and rewards
offered. Annual - v ham fights on On am festival were held in
Kerala and some other parts of South India. 74
Hunting
Hunting 75 was one of the best means of amusement and
recreation during the Mughal times- and was indulged in by
the king, nobles and commoners. 76 Costly and dangerous
64 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS-
expeditions were the privilege of the chosen few and the quarry
consisted of elephants, lions, tigers, buffaloes and wild goats..
Being Muhammadans, the Mughal monarchs refrained from
hunting boars. 77 Jahangir had made it a custom to hunt mate
tigers only. 78 Lion-hunting was exclusively reserved for the
king. 79 Elephant-hunting, too, could not be indulged in without
the special permission of the king. Permission was granted
sparingly and usually to professional hunters only. 80 All sorts
of beasts, such as dogs, deer, elephants, etc. were especially
trained for hunting purposes. According to Hawkins, the king
used to keep 3,000 deer, 400 ounces, and 4,000 hawks for
hunting. 81 If we are to believe Manucci, Daud Khan, a noble,
spent two hundred and fifty thousand rupees every year for
the maintenance of his animals. 82 Dogs were in great demand
and Jahangir imported dogs of excellent breed from England 83 -
and Kabul.
Akbar invented a special kind of hunting called qamar-
gha M hunt which became very popular with the Mughal kings. 85
Every successive emperor took a lively interest in it and asso-
ciated nobles as well as the people in this sport. 86 A special site,
where wild animals of various kinds could be found in abun-
dance, was selected for this great hunt. Sometimes the hunt
was arranged exclusively for only one kind of game, like
Jahangir's red-deer hunt in Kabul. 87 The animals were driven
ordinarily from an area of 40 kos in every direction, 88 by a large-
number of beaters, sometimes as many as 50,000, 89 and the ring
was contracted gradually till it became so narrow as to enable-
the king to go alone mounted on a horse 90 and accompanied
by one or two attendants "to kill them with various weapons."
Subsequently the nobles and after them the people 91 were
permitted to take part in this chase. Ultimately the whole party
would "give the jreins to their horses." This sport used to last
for a week or more. 92
Elephant-catching, an ancient game, was enjoyed by the
people from a very early time. 93 It was, like tiger -hunting 94 , an
exclusive royal game during Mughal times. But special per-
mission was granted to professional hunters. 95
Four methods of elephant- catching 96 and of tiger-hunting 97
have been described in the Ain, which may be read by the
curious reader in the English translation of that book. The
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 65
methods of hunting of various other animals like leopards,
asses, 98 antelopes," cheetas water-fowls. 101 khargoshes
buffaloes, 103 deer, 104 roe bucks and does 105 are described in.
detail in various records of the period. An interesting method
of catching sparrows has been described by Baizid Biyat in his
work MukhtGsar. 106
Shooting of birds 107 was a common hobby and a source
of entertainment both for the rich and the poor. The former
sometimes used guns, but bows and arrows were most commonly
employed. According to Terry, their bows were actually made
of buffalo horns, glued together, and the arrows were of light
reeds 108 (little canes) "excellently headed and feathered." 109 They
were skilled archers and would even kill flying birds. 110 *
Hawking, too, was common and trained hawks would "strike
the wild fowl in mid air" and bring the p'rey down. 111 Baz^
shahin, shungar, burkat, and falcons v/ere trained and made-
use of in the hunting of birds, such as doves, pigeons, etc. 112
Fishing
Fishing was much in vogue in India during the Mughal
period both as a recreation and as a profession. The use of
nets for catching fish was not totally unknown, 113 but profes-
sional fishermen did not have recourse to it. A special type of
net called safra (or bhanwar jal in Hindi) was used. 114
Of all the Mughal emperors, 115 Jahangir enjoyed this
sport most. On one occasion he caught 766 fish. 116 He was
specially enamoured of rahu, "which is the best of all the-
fishes found in India." But the real amusement of ail the
Mughal emperors consisted in "stocking the canals with tame
fish."
Boating
Boats were, no doubt, used mostly as a means of trans-
port for crossing rivers, but sometimes nobles did refresh
themselves by boating on rivers and lakes. 117 Pleasure boats
called more pankhs or bajras were constructed for this purpose
for the nobles. 118 They were extraordinarily low, slender and
long with 20 to 30 beautifully painted oars on either side. 119 The
noble took his seat either in front or in the middle on an
elaborately constructed platform with a covering overhead as a
6 ' GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
protection asainst sun and rain. When rich men 320 moved out
with their families they used great lighters (boats) with houses
for the womenfolk in the middle.
Riding
Horse-riding 121 was a common sight -a means of transport
and a recreation for the rich who sometimes also enjoyed elephant-
riding, a common and favourite pastime of the Mughal kings. 122
Princesses also used to enjoy horse-riding. Akbar would some-
times ride a camel. 123
Animal-lights
Getting animals to fight was one of the popular amuse-
ments and recreations of the age. The people had to content
themselves with the less expensive fighting of goats, rams,
cocks, quads, stags, 124 antelopes, dogs and bulls 125 to entertain
their friends with. 126 Young boys favoured fights among hul~
buls and sometimes quails which "make some sport." 127 The
king and nobles amused themselves with costly ard dangerous
combats between elephants, 128 tigers, deer, cheetas, boars, 12 *
leopards, bulls and other wild beasts. 130 The hazardous fight
between a tiger and a bull has also been referred to in the
Tuzuk-i-Jahangin. 1 * 1 Camel-fights 332 were an extraordinary
sport for which camels were imported from Ajmer, Jodhpur,
Bikaner, and Gujarat. 133
The Mughal kings also took delight in seeing men with-
out arms engaged with beasts at their own free will. 134 The
volunteers, if successful, had a chance to make their life's
fortunes. Those brave men who firmly stood their ground were
enlisted among the mansabdar\. lz * Convicts condemned ,to
death were sometimes given the option to light a hungry lion or
an elephant, specially kept for the purpose. They were supplied
with a dagger and, if victorious, their lives were usually
spared. 136
Betting on animal-fights was allowed and the people often
indulged in it. The stakes on royal deer-combats were fixed for
.mansabdars from two rupees to eight muhurs, according to the
status of the opponents, the deer-keeper, and the classes of the
deer engaged. 137
The harmless and cheap fights between goats, rams, cocks,
-GAMES, SPORTS AND OTflER AMUSEMENTS
67
etc. v.ere enjoyed by the common people in an open compound
in front of their nouses. Cock-fighting was very common among
the higher middle class. Varthema witnessed a five-hour con-
tinuous fight at Tenasserim "so that at the end both remained
dead." 138 Spacious grounds were reserved in important cities
like Agra, Delhi, Fatehpur Sikri, etc. for the amusement of the
urban population. 139
A special amphitheatre 140 for animal-lighting was pre-
pared under the command of Akbar. It was quite visible
from the balcony of the royal palace over the Darshani Gate in
Agra Fort. The king used to witness and enjoy the animal-
fights through the "golden windows" of the gallery of his fort
palace. 141
Akbar took personal interest in elephant-fights and many
a time "did apply himself to this sport and even engaged his
royal elephants Fauha and Lauga in a tough encounter." 142 The
fighting elephants would meet each other face to face on oppo-
site sides of a wall, about four feet wide and six feet in height.
The wall would give way after some spirited attacks and then
there followed a fierce fight between the beasts under the direc-
tion of their mahavats^
Ishq-bazl or pigeon-flying was primarily a sport of the
common people. Mukundram's reference to it corroborates the
view. 144 Nobles, too, enjoyed it and brought excellent pigeons
from foreign countries, like Turan and Iran, to be trained for
the game. 145 Akbar was very fond of it. 146 He studied the
details of pigeon-flying and used to "scatter grain to allure the
birds. 147
Charkah and bazl were the names given to the two delight-
ful performances staged by the royal pigeons.
Magic shows and acrobatics
Jugglers, mountebanks, dancers, conjurers and magicians
were all a source of recreation for the people. They were
spread over the length and breadth of the country and formed
the chief source of enjoyment for the rural population.
The "clever jugglers and funny tumblers" thronged the
open places and streets of Agra 148 to exhibit their dexterity
and agility. 349 Dr. Fryer saw everywhere a crowd of jugglers
accompanying a group of yogis. 150 All such merry-makers y
68 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
according to Bernier, gathered in large numbers near the great
royal square in Delhi 151 and showed their wonderful tricks.
Tlievenot, 152 Terry 153 and John Marshall 154 have described some-
remarkable feats of ihese-bazigars. Babar was full of praise for
Indian jugglers. Some of them would swallow the sword and
thrust a knife into their nostrils.
The rope dancers called nats entertained the audience
with their "wonderful acrobatic feats." 155 Some of them would
train a monkey or two who showed some pleasing performan-
ces at the instance of their master. 156 Babar also refers to-
these ape-tricks. A juggler from Bengal brought an ape which
performed wonderful tricks in front of Jahangir. The emperor
took a ring from his finger and gave it to one of the boys to
conceal. The ape at once spotted the boy "that had it." 157
There is also a reference to the class of tiger-tamers in
Bengal. They went about villages and towns with a tiger held
by an iroo, chain and entertained the people by its perfor-
mances. 157 *
Dancing snakes, 158 usually deprived of their teeth and
kept in baskets three or four in each, were taken around the
streets by their masters to amuse the' ladies and the children
who gathered ; to see the snakes dance at the sound of the-
flute. ..,:;.<:
Dancing * !
Dancing served as a pastime for the rich. It was usual to
send for dancing girls on festive occasions. 159 They would play,,
sing and dance and entertain the guests. 160 Female dancers
and public' women were available in big cities at reasonable
rates, 361 The paten*** and rope-dancing 163 were very popular.
Akhara was a special type of dance enjoyed by nobles. 164
Aurangzeb did away with this luxury. He ordered public
women and dancing girls either to marry or to "clear out of his
realm." 165
Music
Music, called the "talisman of knowledge" by Abull
FazI, 166 formed one of the most favourite pastimes. 167 Rural
as well as urban people enjoyed it. 168 A few sweet stanzas-
from a holy book would .lessen the hard task of the labourer
-GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 69
at work. 169 While laying bricks, repairing old shoes or making
new ones, or engaged in other manual work, a group of
labourers would repeat the "sacred ballads sometimes alter-
nately, sometimes by the single persons, the rest answering in
chorus."
A delightful and sweet-sounding rhythmical melody sung
in chorus by the seamen busy with their oars would "keep up
their spirits." 170 Young women of the countryside with
pitchers on their heads would go to a well in the village early in
the morning to fetch water. All the way to the well and back,
they would sing in chorus, sometimes in batches of 20 or 30. 171
The rich and the nobles were good at music, both instrumental
and vocal. 172 Among the different varieties of music, dhrupat,
chind, chruva, bangula, qawl, chutkalahi, taranah, lahchari,
chhand, sadara and desakha were the most prominent. 173
.Kanchani was the most favoured class at the court. All the
Mughal kings, with the solitary exception of Aurangzeb, 174
were great patrons of music. Babar himself excelled in music,
and composed songs. Bairam Khan, the well-known grandee
-of Humayun's court, was an expert musician. Akbar's reign
produced Tan Sen 175 of immortal fame, besides Ram Das and
many other front-rank musicians. 176 The reigns of Jahangir 177
and Shahjahan 178 were remarkable for the progress of vocal
and instrumental music. The most famous musicians of Shah-
jahan's court were Lai Khan and Sawad Khan of Fatehpur.
Rauza Qawal and Kabir surpassed in qawalis. 1<79
Theatrical performances
People had various other means of amusements also, such
as theatrical performances. They were no doubt crude in
character. 180 Smooth-faced boys were dressed up as women to
take part in the drama. 181 In ancient and early medieval India,
.sometimes women also played the role of male actors but this
practice was perhaps given up. It was usual to give dramatic
representation to -some scenes from the Mahabharata depicting
the sterling qualities of Lord Krishna. 182 Ram Lila or
the theatrical representation of scenes from the holy Ramayana
were common during the annual Hindu festival of Dasehra. 183
Often Muslims also witnessed with their Hindu neighbours the
musical play of the Rdmayana. 18 * There are also references to
70 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
the performances from the story of Parshwanath Charitra and
Harish Charitra in Rajasthan. Love of the theatre was pro-
found among the Mughals. The theatre, dance, ^ and
music had their prescribed hours. Some actors from Gujarat
performed a piece before Shahjahan showing the maladministra-
tion in that kingdom. 185 A reference to buffoons is also found
in the Babarnama. 1 **
Jashans 1 were celebrated with great pomp and show, be-
fitting such an occasion. After the dance and music came
wine, which was served by beautiful maidens as the climax of
the entertainment.
Mushairas
Mitshairas or poetical symposiums were frequently
arranged. Renowned poets and guests were invited. 188 It
served both as an education and a recreation for the guests and
the spectators.
Story-telling
Educated men and women and there were ni any would
sometimes relax themselves by reading light literature, short
stones, novels, poetry, etc. Gulistan, Bostan and diwans of
various Persian poets were great favourites with those \\eli-versed
in Persian, 189 while stories from the Ramayana and the Maha--
bharata were studied by others both as recreation and
religious instruction. It was usual to listen to stories of adven-
tures, heroes and lovers before going to bed at night. Short
stones were related to children by their mothers to allure them
to early sleep.
It was common practice, especially among the rural folk,.
to pass their idle hours in solving riddles put to them by their
friends. Mirza Haider was a famous riddle-writer in Akbar's
reign. 190
Witty persons 191 amused others with their humour. The
kings also used to keep a jester at the court. The title of
Amir-ul-Zutfa was granted to Maulana Shihab-ud-Din Ahmad
by Humayun. 192 Jalal Khan was a "complete master of mirth
and wit" 193 during Akbar's reign. Birbal was another out-
standing figure remembered even new for his witty remarks.
OAMLS, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 71 '!<
Gardening
Gardening was a hobby with kings and nobles. 194 Babar ]
laid out symmetrical gardens and fitted them with fountains. 19 * it
Akbar's beautiful gardens around Fatehabad are still remem- jj
bered. 196 Jahangir and Shahjahan, too, planted many gardens |
and used to refresh themselves by occasional visits. 197 The J
people, particularly Kashmiris, took pleasure in skiffs upon the |j,
lakes. 198 ' |
Fairs ,!;
"The visits to periodical fairs and seats of pilgrimage ii 1
were," writes Sir Jadunath Sarkar, "the sole joy of the Indian |
village population and men and women were passionately eager |
to undertake them/' 1 " Mathura, Allahabad, Banaras, Nasik, |
and Madura were the main religious centres of the Hindus, while !,
Ajmer, Galbarga, Nizamuddia Auliya and Burhanpore were
the seats of Muslim pilgrimage.
Smoking
Smoking the Iwkka and chewing betels were innocent
amusements of the rural folk, particularly of the Muhamma-
dans. Grose rightly observes : "Moors are much addicted to
smoking" and frequently indulged in. this luxury. 200 After their
hard morning duties in the fields, Hindus, too, would sit cross-
legged on their cots under some shady tree or in their homes
and enjoy the hubble-bubble.- 01
NOTES
1. Painting No. 537, I.A.E., 'Girls flying kites,* lent by
C.A.A. Museum (Treasurywala collection). Kites are of
fine flowery paper and triangular-shaped. Also see Life
in Rajasthan in the 14th and 15th Centuries as depicted in
the Kaiiliailade-prabanclhu, J.I.H., April 1960, p. 16.
2. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 186.
3. Storia, II, pp. 352-53.
4. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the People of Hindustan,
p. 296.
5. Viz., ashwapati, gajpati, narpatl, gadhpati, dhanpati, dalpati
72 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
nawapati, tipati, surpati, asurpati, banpati and ahipati.
(Ain, I, 1939, pp. 318-319).
6. The last seven were renamed and reconstituted during
Akbar's reign from dhanpati as king of assignments*
padshah-i-qimash, padshah-i-chang, padshah-i-zar-i-safid,
padshah-i-shamsher, padshah-i-taj and padshah-i-ghulaman.
Am, I, p. 319.
7. The earliest reference to it, as Erskine notes, in oriental
literature is in Babarnama when Babar sent a set of play-
ing cards (ganjafd) to Shah Hasan in Tattah at the
latter's repeated requests. B.N. (Bev.), p. 584, f.n.
8. B.N., p. 584 ; Ain, I, pp. 318-20 ; Roe's Embassy, (1926),
p. 293.
9. Ain, I, p. 319.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid, p. 318.
12. Ibid. For later 18th-century Mughal cards, see "Ten
Ivory Playing Cards" by Ajit Ghose, Calcutta, Painting
No. 653, 1.A.E.
13. Ain, I, pp. 318-19.
14. Gulbadan, Humayunnama (Persian), p. 77.
15. Roe's Embassy, (1926), p. 293.
16. John Marshall in India, p. 273 ; Delia Valle, p. 405 ;
Mandelslo, p. 66 ; De Laet, p. 405 ; Ovington, pp. 267-
68.
17. Alberuni's India, Trans., Edward C. Sachu, Vol. I
p. 183.
18. Mandelslo, p. 66.
19. History of India, Lane Poole, Vol. IV, p. 37.
20. Storia, II, p. 460. For reference see Badaoni, II, pp. 25
and 314 Tr., II, pp. 18 and 324. Also Badaoni, III, pp.
298 and 339 ; Tr., Ill, pp. 408 and 467 ; Maasit, I, pp.
811-12..
21. For picture see "Indian Information", Oct. 1946.
22. Ain, I, p. 320.
23. Storia, II, pp. 460 : 61.
24. J.P.AS.B. (1893), Pt. 1 ; Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 328. Early
Travels in India, pp. 312-13 ; Macauliffe, I, p. 162.
25. Sarkar, Studies in Mughal India, p. 82.
26. Ain, I, p. 316.
"GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 73-
27. Ibid.
28. No reference to the game in contemporary Persian records
of Babar and Humayun is available.
29. A.N., II, p. 368 ; Tr., II, p. 534.
30. See description, Am 9 I, p. 315, which confirms the fact.
31. Ain, I, p. 316. For a reference to another game called
SWtfA, see 4/, III, (Sarkar), p. 328.
32. Ain, I, pp. 316-18.
33. A.N., I, p. 361 ; Tr,, I, p. 649 ; Qanoon-i-Humayw 9
pp. 80-81.
34. Khwandamir, pp. 155-56. Persians call it Takht-i- Nadir
Shah. For the game see Burton Sindh, p. 292. Accord-
ing to Ferishta (I, p. 150) it was invented by Buzruj Mihr,
minister of Nausherwan, a Persian king. Herklots' Islam in
India, p. 333.
35. The game is also represented in a painting in the caves of
Ajanta, Agra : Historical and Descriptive by Syed
Muhammad Latif, pp. 86, 142.
.36. These games in stone exist even now in the palaces at
Agra Fort, Fatehpur Sikri, and Chittor. They have been
described here on the basis of the above, and tally with
the account given by Mr. Dasgupta in his articles "A
few types of Indian Sedentary Games" in Journal and
Proceedings of Asiatic Society of Bengal and Calcutta
Review. A reference has therefore been made to it.
37. Calcutta Review, 1923, (Jan.-March), pp. 510-13.
38. Dasgupta, Journ Proc. Asiatic Sac., Bengal (N.S.), XX,
(1924), pp. 165, 167, ; XXII, (1926), pp. 212-13.
39. Journ. Proc. Asiatic Soc., Bengal, XXIX, (1933), p. 5.
40. Ibid. Article No. 17 ; and J.P.A.S.B., IV, 1938, Article
No. 10. Also see Dr. Bhandarkar's article in Journ,
Bombay Branch R.A.S., Vol. 17, Pt. 2, pp. 7-8.
41. Mr. B. Dasgupta has described this type of game from
Vikrampore (Quart. Journ., Bangiya Sahitya Parishad,
XIV pp. 242-43), under the local name of tin-guti pait
pait.
42. Humphries (Journ. Proc. Asiatic Soc., Bengal, II, p. 123,
1906), refers to an identical game played at Bargarh in
Uttar Pradesh. A similar game is played in Madhya
Pradesh described by H.C. Dasgupta, Journ. Proc. Asiatic
74 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
Soc, Bengal, XXII, (1926), p. 212, though board is different
and 22 ballets are needed.
43. In the vernacular reference is made to the well-known
wars between the Mughals and the Pathans in Bengal. The-
game described by Mr. B. Dasgupta (Quart. Journ. 9 .
Banglya Sahitya Parishad, XIV, pp. 239-40.) under
the title of sola gun niangal pata in which reference
is made to 16 pieces. Similar game is atharah gut I of
Uttar Pradesh described by Humphries (J.P.A.S.B., II,
1906, p. 121), atharajutiala teora of Madhya Pradesh.
The game is called 1am pur si or sipahi kat in Teesta valley
where each player has 18 distinctive men. (J.P.A.S.B.*
N.S., XXIX, p. 103.).
44. Humphries describes a similar game under the name kowwa
dand in Uttar Pradesh, kaooa is another game described by
Mr. Dasgupta (J.P.A.S.B., N.S., XX, 1924-25, p. 167) as
prevalent in Madhya Pradesh, uses the same figure but
played differently. J.P.A.S.B., N.S., II (1908), p. 126.
45. J.P.A.S.B., II (1924), pp. 168-69.
46. J.P.A.S.B., II (1906), pp. 123-24, 145 ; XIII (1927), p. 297.
47. in chakrachal the movements of the pieces in all direc-
tions, backward, forward and sideways, but always in a
straight line, are indicated,
48. Dasgupta, J.P.A.S.B., N.S., XX, 1924-25, P p. 166-67.
49. J.P.A.S.B., N.S., XIX, 1924, pp. 71-74.
50. Badaoni, II, p. 70 ; Tr, II, p. 69. The game is said to have
been played differently in Gujarat where they had "two
sets of goals" and the ball was "made of Paribhadra tree".
B.P. Mazumdar, Socio-Economic History of Northern India
p. 255. J
51. Quoted in Humayim Badshah by S.K Banerii
52. ^,ni,p.l73;Tr.,IH,p.242.
53. A.N I, p. 219 ; Tr., I, pp. 443-44, "The game of chaugan
and wolf-running for which Tabriz was famous, stopped
due to riots, was revived again." A.N., I, p. 219 ; Tr., I r
54. T.A.JI, p. 315.
55. Ibid.
56. Ain 9 lI 9 p. 180.
57. Abul Fazl (A.N., II, p. 151 ; Tr., II, p. 233) mentions the
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
playground just outside the fort of Agra ; Badaoni (II,
p. 70 ; Tr., II, p, 69) refers to Kirawali near Agra \\here
. Akbar used to play polo. For Fatehpur see Am, II, p. 180.
Beglar Khan was another well-known player. M.U. f
Trans., Vol. I, p. 399.
58. Ain,l, pp. 309-10 ; T.A., II, p. 315.
59. T.A. 9 II,p. 315.
60. "A Few Aspects of Social History of Bengal," Journal of
Department of Letters, 1922, p. 215. Also see Mazumdar,
B.P., Socio-Economic History of Northern India, p. 255.
61. Ibid., p. 216.
62. A.K. Majumdar, The Chaulakyas of Gujarat, p. 359 ; also
see B.P. Mazumdar, Socio-Economic History cf Northern
India, p. 254 ; Abhayatilaka Gani, the commentator of
Hem Chandra's Divyasraya tells us that the game \vasquite
popular in the Mathura region, and Shri Krishna played
It in his early life. Ibid, p. 255.
63. K.A.N. Sastri, A History of South India, p. 313. For wrestl-
ing grounds in Vijayanagar and gymnasium at Tanjore,
refer to Saletore, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 420.
64. B.N., pr , 656, 660, 683 ; A.N., I, pp. 226 and 248 ; Tr., I r
pp. 456 and 487 ; A.N., 111, p. 329 ; Tr., Ill, p. 4S2. Also
see A in, I, p. 263. For Jahangir's interest in wrestling, see
R. & B., I, p. 335 ; for Shahjahan, Storia, I, p. 191. Also
see Journal of Jnclia Art, April 1916, Vol. 17, plate 12.
65. De Laet, p. 82.
66. JVfonserrate, p. 198.
67. Storia, I, p. 191.
68. Am, I, p. 263.
69. Badaoni, II, p. 70 ; Tr. II, p. 69. Deccanis (Marathas)
were famous for their horsemanship. (Tuzuk, Lowe,
p. 92 ; Nicholas Downton in Purchas, IV, p. 225). Rajputs
and Gujaratis have also been praised for their skill in
horse-riding. (Padmavat, Hindi, p. 285 and Barbosa, !
p. 109). Also see K.A.N. Sastri, op. cit., p. 313.
70. Badaoni, II, p. 70 ; Tr. II, p. 69.
71 . Ibid, p. 84 ; Tr., II, p. 84.
72. "It was ordered on Monday that a party of young nobles
and the army should practise archery." Intkhab-i Jahangiri,
E. & D., VI, pp. 449-50. His Majesty shot at qabag, "the
1:
76 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
arrow struck the ligature of the golden ball which expe-
rienced marksmen had failed to hit." A.N., I, p. 335 ;
Tr., I, p. 613. Humayun practised archery vide Tazkirat-
ul-Waqyat, Stewart, p. 69. Humayunnama, Khwandamir,
p. 149 ; and for Akbar's interest in archery, Am, I, p. 262.
73. See Ato, I, pp. 262-63 ; Bernier, p. 263 (1891).
74. Forbes in his Oriental Memoirs. Also see P.K.S. Raja,
Medieval Kerala, Annamalai University, pp. 266-67. For
hunting at Vijayanagar refer to Saletcre, op. cit., Vol. II,
pp. 421-23.
75. For rules and regulations for hunting expeditions see.ffJV.,
' Gul, p. 197 ;Ain, I, (1873), pp. 64-65, 116;A.N. a II,
p. 164 ; Tr., II, p. 253 ; A.N., III, p. 220 ; Tr., III ; p. 3Q9 ;
R. & B., I, pp. 184 and 384 ; E. & D. VI, p. 435 ; Hawkins
in Early Travels, pp. 106, 108; Purchas, IV, p. 47;
Tavernier, p. 125. For hunting grounds see Pelsaert's
India, pp. 33-34 and R. & B. ? I, p. 137.
76. For a beautiful painting of Shikar by Night see plate
XXIII (Persian 1569) -in Influence of Islam on Indian
Culture. Another painting of Royal hunting may be seen
at Indian Art Exhibition. Painting not numbered but is
of Bikaner Palace collection.
77. Tavernier, p. 125 ; Storia, IV, p. 255.
78. R. & B., I, p. 286.
79. Bernier, p. 218. Painting No. 609, I.A.E., Mughal Period :
"The Emperor Jahangir hunting lion on an elephant."
80. See T.A., II, p. 349 for tiger-hunting.
81. Hawkins in Early Travels in India, p. 104.
82. Storia, IV, p. 255.
83. Roe's Embassy, p. 182.
84. Qamargha is a Turkish word denoting a great battle in
which a large number of wild animals are driven .into an
enclosure and killed. Phillott describes it in Ain-i-Akbari
as a "chase for which drivers are employed/' The game
is apparently enclosed in a living ring. Ain, I, (1873),
p. 282.
85. Being a Turkish game, qamargha must have been in
vogue during the reigns of Babar and Humayun, but no
documentary evidence is traceable.
86. Badaoni, II, p. 94 ; Tr., II, pp. 93-94.
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 77
87. R. &B., I, p. 120.. For qamdrgha hunting expeditions-
see Badaoni, II, p. 93 ; Tr., II, pp. 93-94 ; Tuzuk, Lowe,
pp. 69-70 ; M.A. (Urdu), p. 26.
88. T.A., II, p. 315. Jaliangir's courtier Ilavardhi Khan
invented a special net called bawar (rope) for this hunt..
For details refer to Maasir, I, p. 668.
89. Tarikh-i-Alfi, p. 627 quoted in Tabqat-i-Akbari, Trans.,.
B. De, II, p. 328 f.n.
90. T.A., II, p. 328.
91. Ibid.
92. Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri (Urdu), p. 41.
93. Ain, I, p. 295.
94. Pelsaert's India, p. 52 ; Petermundy, II, pp. 126-28 ; T.A.,,.
II, p. 349 ; Ahkam-i-Alamgiri, Sarkar, Persian, p. 23 ;
Tr., p. 60.
95. A New History of East Indies, I, pp. 60-61.
96. Ain, I, pp. 284-85, 296 ; Storia, III, pp. 76-77 : Thevenot,.
Chap. XXIV, pp. 45-46.
.97. Ain, I. p. 293. Also see Storia, I, pp. 192-94.
98. T.A., II, p. 363 ; A.N., II, pp. 359-60 ; Tr., II, p. 522.
99. Thevenot, Chap. XXI, p. 38 ; Petermundy, II, p. 112;
Bernier, p. 218 ; Ovington, p. 271 ; R. & B., I, p. 129.
100. A.N., II, p. 121 ; Tr., II, p. 186 ; Ibid, II, p. 156 ; Tr., II,.
p. 242.
101. Ain, I, pp. 307-8. For Jahangir's skill in shooting birds
see Tuzuk, Lowe, pp. 36-37.
102. Storm, III, p. 90.
103. Ain, I, p. 304.
104. B.N., pp. 491-92 ; Storia, III, p. 85.
105. A New History of East Indies, I, p. 86.
106. J.I.H., Vol. IV, 1925, p. 49.
107. Ain, I, p. 304 ; Thevenot, III, p. 38.
108. De Laet, p. 82.
109. Early Travels in India, p." 312.
110. Ibid ; De Laet, p. 82 ; Godino in J.P.A.S.B., IV, 1938,,.
p. 541.
111. Ain, II, p. 351.
132. Early Travels, p. 104 ; Tuzuk, pp. 36-37.
113. There is a reference to the use of nets in fishing by Jahangir
in Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri : "I went for fishing in boats. Two
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
hundred and eight large fish came into one net, half of
them species of rahu" R. & B., I, p. 342.
Waqyat-i-Jahfwgiri, E. and D., VI, p. 311.
For reference to fishing see B.N.. p. 406 ; Tazkirat~ul-
Waqyzt, Stewart, p. 109. Am in silent about this amuse-
ment, but Akbar did enjoy it. See A.N., II, p. 76 ; Tr.,
If, p. Ill ; Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 188. For a description of
the niethod of catching fish in those days see Iqbalnama-i-
Jahangiri (Urdu), pp. 1 15-16 and Manrique, II, p. 232.
Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 188.
A.N.,IL p. 76;Tr. II, p. 117: Ain, II, p. 112 ; John
Marshall 'in India, p. 170 : Godino In J.P.A.S.B., IV,
Letters, p. 55 1 .
Petermundy, II, p. 158. Painting No. 513, I.A.E., early
18th century shows a prince boating with his beloved and
hunting black buck. Note the tine wooden boat and the
oars.
Petermundy, II, p. 158. For contemporary boats and
shikaras see a beautiful painting "Jahangir crossing a lake."
Plate XIV of "The Court Painters of the Grand Moghuls"
by Lawrence Binyon.
For boating excursions of kings see 5JV., pp. 387, 406 ;
Khwandamir, pp. 135-37; R. & B., II, p. 151.
For horse-riding see Early Travels, p. 312. Delia Valle.,
p. 405 ; Ain, II, p., 122. For a painting see photo facing
p. 15 of the Lady of the Lotus, Rupmati, Queen of Mandu,
by Ahmad-ul-Umri, trans., L.M. Crump.
For elephant-riding see A.N., II, p. 151 ; Tr., II, p. 234 ;
A.N., III, p. 92 ; Tr., Ill, p. 129 ; Storia, I, p. 133 ; Sir
William Foster, The Voyage of Nicholas Downton to the
East Indies (1614-15), Series II, Vol. LXXXII, London,
1939, p. 144.
-4 M, II, pp. 71-72. ;Tr., II, p. 111.
Thevenot, Chap. XXI, p. 38.
Badaoni, II, p. 392 ; Tr., If, p. 406
B.N., p. 259.
Petermundy, II, p. 128.
Even in Babarnama camel, and elephant fights have been
mentioned at Agra. B.N., p. 631. For elephant-fights
refer to Ain (Block), p. 131 ; Early Travels in India (ed.
OAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 79
Foster), p. 108 ; Pelerminidy, II, pp. 126-28 ; .Bernier,
pp. 177-78. Elephant- fights were a royal prerogative
and Muhammad Muazzam who once enjoyed it at Sirhind
was severely rebuked by Aurangzeb. J.N. Sarkar, Anec-
dotes of Aurangzib, p. 57.
129. Badaoni, II, p. 392 ; Tr. II, p. 406.
130. Mandelslo, p. 43.
131. R. & A, I, p. 157. A beautiful painting No. 640, I.A.E.,
17th century shows "Jahangir witnessing a deadly fight
between a snake and a spider/' This incident actually
occurred on the emperor's journey from Kashmir, A.D.
1607.
132. For a painting of a camel -fight see painting No. 605,
I.A.E.
133. Ain 9 I, (1873), p. 143.
134. Mandelslo, p. 43.
135. Intikhab-i-Jahangir Shahi, E. & D., VI, pp. 449-50.
136. Waqyat-i-Jahangiri, E. & D., VI, p. 347 ; Delia Valle,
pp. 450-51.
137. Ain, I, (1873 j, pp. 218-20. j
138. Varthema, p. 75. In this connection see Islamic Culture,
Vol. XXXV, No. 1, Jan. 1961 : '"'Amusements and Games
of the Great Mughals." p. 23.
139. Petermundy, II, p. 50.
140. Ranking's Historical Researches, p. 284.
141. De Laet, pp. 39-40 ; Hawkins in Early Travels, p. 184; for
Delhi and Burhanpur, Thevenot, III, Chap. XXII, p. 42
and Petermundy, II, p. 50 respectively.
142. A.N., II, p. 60 ; Tr. II, p. 91 ; Nizamuddin (T.A., H,
p. , 223, f.n. 2 and p. 224) mentions fight between the
royal elephants which he names Fatuha and Baksha.
Refer to Maasir, I, p. 183 for a fight between Jahangir's
elephant Giranbar and Khusrau's elephant Aprup. For a
favourite elephant of Jahangir see painting No. 623,
I. A.E., Mughal, 17th century. For the days usually
reserved for animal-fights refer to Early Travels, pp. 108,
184; Roe's Embassy, p. 107 ; Petermundy, II, p, 127 ;
Manrique, II, p. 162 ; Mandelslo, p. 43. f
143. Bernier, p. 277 ; Early Trails, p. 301 : Petermundy, II,
p. 127. For a picture see Storia, I, p. 208 ; and Bernier,
80 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
p. 276. Also see Ranking's Historical Researches, p. 284.
144. Bengal in the 16th Century, pp. 185-86.
145. An, I, p. -310.
146. Ghani, III, p. 7. In fact, it is said, he was engaged in
pigeon-flying when the news of the death of Abu! Fazl was
conveyed to him. A.N. (Persian), Vol. Ill, p. 7J3.
147. A.N.,I,p. 318;Tr., I, p. 589. Afcbar was said to have
kept 20,000 pigeons, out of which 500 were declared Mas.
Am (Block), pp. 299-302. The number increased to 10,000
in the reign of Jahangir. Also see Early Travels in India,.
pp. 103-4.
148. Pelsaert's India, p, 72.
149. Ain,L (1873), p. 157.
150. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 443.
151. Bernier, p. 243.
152. Thevenot, III, Chap. XLV, pp. 77-78.
153. Early Travels, pp. 312-13 ; Terry, p. 190.
154. John Marshall in India, p. 254 ; Norris, Embassy to Aurang-
zib, pp. 166-67. For feats of these jugglers see Peter-
mundy, II, p. 254 ; Ovington, pp. 258-59 ; B.N., pp. 633-
34;Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 132, also f.n. 3 ; Badaoni, II,
pp. 367-68; Tr. II, pp. 378-79 ; R. & B., I, p. 143.
155. Ain 9 III, p. 258. Norris, Embassy to Aurangzib, pp. 166-
67.
156. Early Travels, pp. 312-13 ; De Laet, p. 82 ; B.N., p. 492.
157. Delia Valle, p. 460.
157*. Visva Bharati Annals, 1945, Vol. I, pp. 118-19.
158. Ovington, p, 261 ; Early Travels, pp. 312-13 ; Delia Valle*
p. 405 ; De Laet, p. 82 ; Pedro Teixeria, pp. 224-25.
159. For a nautch in celebration of Akbar's birthday see photo-
facing p. 160 of Humayunnama.
160. Petermundy, II, p. 216. Trade in India by Charles.
Lockter, p. 234. For a photo of dancers see Petermundy,.
II, p. 217.
161. Storia, II, p. 9. For good dancers of Multan see Thevenot,
III, Chap. XXXII, p. 55 ; of Masulipatam, see Travels in
India in the 17th Century, p. 182 ; of Vijayanagar, refer
to Saletore, op. cit. 9 Vol. II, pp. 169-71. A dancing-hall
for the ladies of the royal household has also been referred
to. Ibid, p.m.
GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS 81
162. Ain, III, p. 258.
163. BadaonI, II, p. 95 : Tr., II, p. 97.
164. See for details Ain 9 III, p. 258.
165. Storia, II, p. 9 ; Norris, Embassy to Aurangzeb, p. 149.
166. Ain, I, (1873), p. 611.
167. Mandelslo, p. 310. "They delight much in music."
168. De Laet, p. 82.
169. Ovington, pp. 291-92.
170. Ibid.
171. Purchas* //idi'fl, p. 12.
172. For Baz Bahadur see A.N., II, p. 136 ; Tr., II, p. 211. For
Ghani Beg of Sind, see A.N., III, p. 260 ; Tr., Ill, p. 378 ;
Maasir, I, p. 806.
173. Ain, III, p. 252 ; Manrique II, p. 196 ; Early Travels,
p. 144. For a list of musical instruments like naqqarah,
dhol, daf, vina kinar, rabab, sarbin, shahna, etc. refer Ibid,
pp. 255-56.
174. Mirat-i-Alam, E. & D., VII, p. 158 ; M.A. (Urdu), p. 384.
175. Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 174.
176. Ain, I, (1873), pp. 611-12.
177. R. & B., I, pp. 331, 292, 303 ; II, p. 148 ; Iqbalnama-i-
Jahangiri, p. 308.
178. Mandelslo, p. 23 ; Qazwini, Badshaknama, p. 160a. For
Krishna Deva Raya of Vijayanagar's patronage of music
refer to Epigraphia Indica, I, p. 401.
179. Islamic Culture, 1945, pp. 356-59. S. Mazumdar, B.P.,
Socio -Economic History of Northern India, p. 252.
180. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 187. For dramatic perfor-
mances a little before our period refer to B.P. Mazumdar,
Socio-Economic History of Northern India, Calcutta, I960,
pp. 251-54. For theatres at Vijayanagar refer to Saletore,
op. tit., II, p. 416.
181. Ain, III, p. 257.
182. MacaulifFe, I, p. 57. Chaitanya once played the role of
Rukmini in a play "Krishna Yatra". Kennedy, The
Chaitanya Movement, p. 18.
183. About ten days before this great festival, which marks the
victory of Sri Rama over Ravana, the whole story of Sri
Rama's adventures is shown,
g2 GAMES, SPORTS AND OTHER AMUSEMENTS
184. Quoted from Chaitanya Bhagavata, in Indian Culture,
' Vol. X, 1943, p. 121.
185. B.N., p. 400.
186. Storia, I, pp. 198-99.
187. B.N., p. 330b. ; G., p. 28-29 ; A.N., II, p. 309, quoted in
Ashraf's Life and Condition of the People of Hindustan.
188. H.N., G., pp. 113-124. Also see Qanun-i-Humayun, p. 28 ;
' Am, \ p. 276 ; R. & B., I, p. 121.
189. Storia, II, p. 331.
190. H.N., (Bev.) Introduction, p. 7.
191. The inhabitants of Bilgram were reputed for their quick
wit and humour ; Ain 9 II, p. 173.
192. Qanun-i-Hitmayun, p. 42.
193. Badaoni, II, p. 186 ; Tr., II, p. 189.
194. Early Travels in India, p. 303.
195. Am, I, (1873), p. 87 ; Badaoni, II, p. 385 ; Tr., II, p. 339.
196. A.N., II, p. 365 ; Tr., II, p. 531.
197. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 89. For a beautiful garden at Sirhind,
refer to Early Travels in India, p. 158 ; Manrique, II,
p. 182 ; R. & B., I, p. 113 ; Nurbagh at Agra, R. & B., II,
p. 76 ; Bagh-i-Izzabad or Shalimar at Delhi, Thevenot,
p. 49 and Chahar Chatnan, pp. 70a, 67.
198. Thevenot, III, Chap. XXII, p. 42 ; Ain 9 II, p. 351, Mon-
serrate, p. 31, says, "King descends to the lake (in Fateh-
,pur Palace) on holidays and refreshes himself with its
many beauties."
For Bagh-i-Farahbaksh at Srinagar refer to Qaz-
wini, Badshahnama ; Bernier, pp. 399-400 ; Lahori,
Badshahnama, (1866), pp. 179, 315. Also see Stuart,
Gardens of the Great Mughals, and Islamic Culture, Jan.
1959, pp. 50-72.
199. History of Aurangzib, V, pp. 471-73 ; also Macauliffe, I,
p. 144.
200. Grose, I, p. 146.
201. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 181.
CHAPTER 4
Festivals and Fairs
Festivals 9
In medieval times a considerable portion of the year was
set apart for public festivals. Hindu festivals exceed those of
the Muslims in number and gorgeous celebrations. Shastras
suggest only a few, Puranas add a large number, and tradition
supplies the largest group. Most of the Hindu festivals are
based on mythological, historical and astronomical considera-
tions, while others, like Vasant Panchami, Holf, Ganesh and
Gaur, etc. are observed owing to the change of seasons.
Ramnavami and Janmashtami commemorate the birthday anni-
versaries of two of the greatest Hindu avatars. There was general
uniformity in their observance throughout the country. But
they enjoyed various degrees of popularity in different places
and were celebrated with certain local modifications.
Muslim festivals, on the other hand, are few in number,
but are celebrated with equal enthusiasm. As a matter of
fact, they are the anniversaries of some of the most important
events in the early history of Islam. The Mughals could not
escape the reaction of Hindu culture. Under its dominating
influence, coupled with a keen desire to bring the two commu-
nities nearer, they adopted some of the Hindu festivals and
gave them a place in their court calendar. Decorations, illumi-
nations, fireworks, splendid processions, abundant display of
gold, silver, pearls, diamonds and jewels by Mohammadans in
India, unheard of in their native lands, were the natural conse-
quences of their contact with Hindu culture.
With the advent of the Mughals, a new era dawned over
the social and political horizon of India. They took keen
interest in the feasts and festivals of the people. Humayun
adopted the tula-dan., i.e, the weighing ceremony of the Hindus,
84 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
Akbar went further and associated Eoli, Dasehra and Vasant
with court celebrations. Jahangir and, to a certain extent, Shah-
jahan continued the noble tradition.
Aurangzeb followed a reverse course. He banned most
of the Hindu and Persian festivals in the court, making them
Islamic, as far as he could, in Hindu surroundings. Some of the
important festivals, national as well as religious, have been
dealt with in the following pages.
Nauroz
Nauroz, 1 or the New Year's day, the greatest national
festival during the Mughal times, was borrowed from the
Persians. 2 It falls on the 1st Farwardin, the first month of the
Persian year (20th or 21st of March) when the sun enters the sign
Aries. 3 It marks the advent of the spring in India. 4 The
Mughals extended the period of its celebrations to 19 days 5
(from the 1st Farwardin to 19th Farwardiri) as against twelve in
Iran. The first and the last days were considered most auspicious
when "much money and numerous things are given away as
presents." 6
Grand preparations for the festival were made months
ahead 7 at the imperial cities. 8 Bazars, porticoes, the public and
private audience halls, were profusely decorated with costly
stuffs such as satin, velvet, clothes of gold, 9 etc. Lofty pavilions
were erected and incomparable paintings drawn. The common
people whitewashed their entrances and decorated the doors of
their houses with green branches. 10 A large number of people
in their best clothes 11 flocked from their neighbouring cities and
villages to the capital to "amuse themselves by the sight of this
great festival" and indulged in merry-making for full eighteen
days, 12 visiting gardens, playing various games and attending
parties. 13 Restrictions on gambling were relaxed for the
duration of the festival 14 and the public was allowed free
access to the presence of the king once a week during this
period. 15
The king and his court celebrated the greatest national
festival 16 in a right royal manner. Special .kinds of coins
called nisars were struck by Mughal emperors from Jahangir
onwards for distribution among the people or for offering
tribute to the king on the occasion of certain festivities such as
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 85
New Year's day, or the anniversary of their coronations. 17 It
is interesting to note that some of the coins issued during the
period bear the images of Hindu deities. During these 19 days
"wine flowed in rivulets, verse and ode flew in hundreds, gaiety
and merriment ruled everything." Singers and musicians
flocked to the court from all quarters, particularly from Persia. 18
Nautch-girls with their wonderful and attractive performances
thrilled the hearts of all those present. 19
Several European travellers 20 have given a picturesque des-
cription of the lavish display of wealth and magnificence on
this occasion. Manrique, perhaps copying from somewhere or
depending on hearsay, gives a detailed account of the ornamen-
tation of the Imperial palace at Agra. The first courtyard,
according to him, was "rendered gay by a large body of ff
glittering cavalry numbering 4,000 horses, all dressed in
coloured embroidered silk, while the horsemen wore brilliant \jj
silken robes, followed by 600 royal elephants with golden
towers." Another hundred elephants dressed in "gay silver
mounted coverings" and decorated with silken flowers and
carrying silken and golden howdahs formed the second guard.
The first hall was all covered with pictures and paintings of
battles, riding parties, , hunting-scenes, etc. The bases of the
four columns of the gallery in the next hall were decorated with
hollow silver pedestals in which "different sweet perfumes were
burnt." 21 The nobles would adorn their places with
jewels, pearls, diamonds, their richest treasures, and the greatest
rarities so that, to quote Nizam-ud-Din, "the spectators on see-
ing them were filled with wonder and admiration." 22 Arrange-
ments were also made where the ladies of the royal household
could sit and see the celebrations in purdah.
The main function usually took place in the Diwan-i-Am
which was "richly decorated with Gujarat and Persian gold
cloth, brocaded velvet, brocades from Constantinople and
China, and European curtains and screens." The king's tent,
about 50 paces long and 43 paces broad, 23 was fixed there in the
middle, having an area of about two acres around it. 24 This
"curiously wrought" 25 tent "the like of which cannot be found
in the world" was covered all over with shamiyanas of most
delicately embroidered velvet, silk and cloth of gold. Pearls,
jewels, diamonds, hollow fruits of gold, such as pears and
86
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
apples, pictures set in silver frames, and paintings were hung
over fringes. The floor was spread over with most magnificent
carpets of the richest silk. Bernier saw the pillars of such a
tent overlaid with silver, "which were as thick and as high as
the mast of a barque." The outside of such a tent was usually
red and the inside was lined with "elegant flowery Masulipatam
chintzes." A jewelled and golden throne 26 (and from the
time of Shahjahan the famous peacock throne 27 ) adorned this
royal tent.
The rest of this vast area around the royal tent was covered
all over with the tents of nobles who rivalled each other in dis-
playing their wealth, pomp and splendour. 28 Sometimes the
galleries around the court, walls or pillars of the halls of the
public and private places, were allotted to the amirs for deco-
ration at their own expense. 29 Hawkins writes: "The wealth
and riches are wonderful that are to be seen in decking and
setting forth of everyman's room or place." 30 The emperor
was invited by each of these nobles, who after placing before
him sumptuous dinner, presented him with gifts of jewels, pearls,
diamonds, and other rarities. 31 Jahangir once visited the house
of Asaf Khan at a distance of about one kos from the palace
for a dinner. "For half the distance he had laid down under
foot velvet woven with gold." His presents included jewels,
gold, ornaments, cloths of delicate stuff worth about
Rs. 114,000, and four horses and one camel. 32
Itimad-ud-Daulah, after entertaining the king on another
occasion, presented him with a throne of gold and silver worth
Rs. 450,000, jewels, ornaments and cloths of the value of
Rs. 100,000. Jahangir writes: "Without exaggeration from
the beginning of the reign of the late king until now not one of
the amirs has presented such offering." 33
On the first and the last day of this festival the king took
his seat on the throne in the midst of great rejoicing. The
nobles and other great men stood in rows in order of their
rank 34 and offered presents. 35 The king would then bestow
jagirs, robes of honour, stipends, titles 36 and promotions in
ranks. Money was distributed 37 and a fancy bazar held. 38
Birthday celebrations
The birthday 39 of the ruling monarch was celebrated
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS . 87
throughout the empire with great pomp and show. Akbar
introduced the custom of observing both his lunar and solar
birthdays. 40 There were great rejoicings in the capital for five
days. Presents were offered and gifts exchanged. Special dances
were arranged at the court. 41 Feasts were given and bonfires
lighted. Poets thrilled the hearts of the assembly with poems
specially composed for the occasion. 42 All ranks of society
indulged in gambling throughout this week. The royal palace
and the courts were decorated as on the occasion of the Nauroz
festival. The elephants and horses bedecked with rich trappings
and glittering robes were brought before His Majesty for
review. 43 A good part of the day was spent in these ceremonies
after which the king paid a visit to his revered mother to |<f
"receive her felicitations" on this auspicious day. 44 He was |>
accompanied by all the high nobles, everyone of whom presented ^'
her with rich gifts. 45 ';jj
In imitation of the Hindu fashion the king was weighed ,1
against certain precious metals and commodities on this \M
occasion. 46 The ceremony was performed most solemnly with m
prayers, and was intended to afford an opportunity of dispens- } jf
ing charity to the poor 47 to ward off the evil effects of the 'jjj;
stars. 48 Humayun had the distinction of being the first Mughal \>
emperor to adopt this custom. 49 Akbar observed it twice a f{
year on his solar as well as lunar (birthday) anniversaries. 50 j'/v
This practice was continued by Jahangir and, with slight altera-
tions, by Shahjahan. Aurangzeb, however, reverted to the
old custom of having himself weighed only once a year and
even this was dispensed with in his 51st year. 51 But he allowed
it in the case of his sons on their recovery from illness on the
specific condition that the money and articles would be distri-
buted among the poor. 52 On his solar birthdays, the king was
weighed 12 times against different commodities such as gold,
quick silver, silk, perfumes, copper, rubi, drugs, ghee,
iron, rice, milk, and some kinds of grains. On lunar birthdays
the king was weighed against silver, tin, cloth, lead, fruits,
mustard oil, and vegetables. 53 The first weighing was usually
against gold followed by silver and other less costly articles. 54
The weight was carefully noted and there was much acclamation,
if the king had gained in weight. 55 The princes and their sons
were also weighed on their solar anniversaries. 56 The weighing
88 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
commenced at the age of two years against one commodity, an
additional one being added each year, till the number reached
generally seven or eight, but in no case it was to exceed 12. 57
The articles against which the king and the princes were
weighed were distributed among the Brahmans, fakirs, and other
deserving persons. 58 Cows, sheep, horses and goats, too, formed
a part of the charity. 59 A large number of small animals were
also set free on this occasion. 60 The doubts of European
travellers whether such large quantities of gold and silver were
actually given away to the poor 61 are wholly unjustified and
need no consideration against authentic contemporary records. 62
After the ceremony the king ascended the throne in the later
part of the day and received presents (from his nobles) which,
according to Thevenot, were valued at millions of rupees. 63
The king then distributed among his courtiers newly coined
rupees, and fruits such as almonds, nuts and spices made of gold
and silver. 64 He elevated the mansabs of some .and bestowed
gifts and jagirs. A sumptuous dinner or a wine-party would
mark the close of the function. 66 The wives of the nobles as
well as chief ladies of the court also attended the palace on this
day and offered gifts to the queens and princesses, who in turn
bestowed upon them costly saropas and jewels. 67
Humayun introduced another festival to be held on the
anniversary of the coronation of the emperor. 68 It was observed
with great public jubilation for a week. 69 Soldiers and officers
also took part in the celebrations. 70 The bazars and chief
public places were decorated. Fireworks were displayed and
gaudy shows held throughout the length and breadth of the
empire. 71 Tournaments in archery were arranged and rewards
given to the winners. 72 The nobles offered presents and received
grants in the form ofjagirs, horses, etc. Large sums of money
were distributed among the poor. Aurangzeb abolished the
customary rejoicings on this occasion in the 21st year of\his
reign 73 (November 1677), but otherwise continued to observe
the festival.
Mina or fancy bazars
Humayun was the first among the Mughal emperors to
introduce what later came to be known as Mina Bazar. The
first of this kind was held on boats near the king's palace after
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 89
the customary mystic feast. 74 Akbar, who continued the
practice in a modified form, exalted such days as khushroz or
joyful days. 75 Shahjahan's popular amusement was "a species
of fair which was held for eight successive days in the gallery
of the harem." 76
No fixed interval seems to have been observed for holding
such a bazar. According to Abul FazI, it was held once a
month. 77 Shahjahan -used to hold such a bazar on the
occasion of every festival. 78 It invariably followed the Nauroz
celebrations. 79
The stalls in the specially constructed bazar were distribu-
ted among nobles to be arranged by their wives or daughters who
acted as traders. 80 These ladies usually were "the handsomest
and most engaging wives of the umm" 81 Rajput ladies also
attended the show. 82 The shops were usually of goldsmiths,
grocers, cloth merchants, etc. 83 The articles exhibited were costly
ornaments, silk and other fabrics. 84 The king with princesses
and the ladies of the royal seraglio would pay visits to the
bazar, and make his bargain, frequently disputing to the value
of a dam. According to travellers, jocular expressions were
exchanged the lady at the counter would call the king a miser,
or a trader quite ignorant of the price of the merchandise. 85
Immensely pleased, the king would not hesitate to pay double
the price asked for. After the women's bazar, a bazar for men
was held and merchants brought their merchandise from all |lj
parts of the world. 86 ' ) !
I
Ab-t-Pasfaan !/
A festival very similar to Holi, called Ab-i-Pashan* 1 by ^
Jahangir and Id-i-Gulabi (rose-water festival) by Lahori, was "',
celebrated at the Mughal court with great elegance on the '"|
commencement of the rainy season. Princes and prominent |-j'
nobles would take part in the festival and they greatly t
delighted in sprinkling rose-water over each other. It was I
customary to present the king with jewelled golden flasks
containing rose-water, jujube-tree flower juice and the aroma ,!|
of orange flowers on this festival. 88 ('
Si'
Vasant Panchami
Vasant Panchami, which falls on the fifth lunar day in the
90 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
bright fortnight of Magh^ (January-February) and marks the
advent of spring, 90 was observed at the Mughal court. Hindus
all over the country celebrated it even more enthusiastically than
they do now and worshipped Sarasvati, the goddess of learning
and art. 91
Holi
Holi, one of the ancient festivals of the Hindus, 92 was the
most popular day of rejoicing, music and feast, as it is today.
Colour-throwing was a lively part of the celebrations. The Euro-
pean travellers 93 who visited our country during the Mughal age
describe the celebrations of this festival at great length. Their
description shows that it was observed in much the same
manner as it is in the 20th century.
Rakshabandfaan
Rakshdbandhan^ the greatest festival of the Brahmans, is
observed on the full moon day of Shravana (July- August). 95
Rakhi 9 called Nighadasht by Jahangir, 96 made of twisted linen
rags, 97 or silk cord (in the case of the rich) was tied round the right
wrist by one's sister. It was supposed to ward off the evil eye. 98
The brother who received the rakhi was bound to protect the
life and honour of his sister. Purohits, or the royal priests,
fastened the rakhi on tho right wrists of their patrons. 99 The
custom became an important institution with a moral appeal,
the value of which cannot be exaggerated. When a lady sent a
rakhi to someone, however different in caste and religion from
her, he became her 'brother' with a moral obligation to stand by
her in times of need.
Akbar made it a national festival and had a rakhi tied on
his wrist. 100 It became a custom for the courtiers and others
to adorn the emperor's wrist with beautiful strings of silk,
bejewelled with rubies, pearls and gems of great value. 101
Jahangir during his regime revived it and ordered that the
"Hindu amirs and the head of the caste should fasten rakhis
on my arm.'* 102
Dasehra
Vijaya Dashami^* popularly known as Dasehra, considered
to be of the greatest significance for the Kshatriyas, 104 is
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 9 1
observed on the 10th lunar day of Asoj (September-Octbber) in
commemoration of Lord Rama's victory over Ravana. 105 It was
observed then, as now, all over the country, and theatrical shows
were held to commemorate the war between Rama and Ravana.
It was considered an auspicious day for undertaking a military
expedition. 106
Dasehra was also celebrated at the Mughal court. Early in
the morning, all the royal elephants and horses were washed,
groomed and caprisoned to be arrayed for inspection by the
emperor. 107 Jahangir describes the festival held on the 24th of
Mehr (1619) thus :
"After the custom of India, they decorated the horses and
produced them before me. After I had seen the horses,
they brought some of the elephants." 108
It was the usual custom to offer presents on this festival
and the king would bestow the royal favour on the deserving.
Diwali
DiwaJi or'Dipawali, meaning a row of lamps, is observed
on the 15th day of the first half of the Hindu month of Kartika
(October-November). 109 It is preceded by annual whitewashing
and cleaning of the houses, so essential on sanitary grounds. 110
On the Diwali day, Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth and pros-
perity, is worshipped after which illuminations take place. Some-
times fireworks were discharged and sweets and other presents
were exchanged. 111 Dipawali in Vijayanagar, it seems, was
observed to commemorate the victory which Vishnu scored
against the Asuras and Narakasuras and since, as they say, it
was won in the evening, there is universal illumination of houses
and temples in the land. 112
Gambling was considered auspicious on this occasion. 113
People kept awake the whole night trying their luck at dice. 114
Akbar was interested in the festive aspect of the cele-
brations, while Jahangir preferred gambling and sometimes
ordered his attendants to play the games 115 in his presence for
two or three nights. 116 Goverdhan puja followed Diwali. It was
observed as cows' day when cattle were washed, ornamented,
fed, and worshipped. Akbar also took part in the celebra-
tions and several adorned cows were brought before him. 117
Both the solar and lunar 118 eclipses 119 were observed with
92
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
all sanctity by the Hindus. They kept a strict fast 24 hours
before the actual eclipse and passed the day in prayers. 120 A
bath in the Ganges on this occasion was regarded as having
special merit and large numbers resorted to Hardwar, Kashi and
Prayag. Charity was bestowed on the poor and the needy. 121
Shivaratri
Shivaratri, or the festival of Lord Shiva, falls on the 14th day
of the waning moon at the end of Magh (January-February) or
beginning of Phalguna (February-March). It is observed for the
atonement of one's sins and fulfilment of one's desires "during
life and union with Shiva or final emancipation after death. "
Fasting, holding a vigil, or worshipping the Linga during the
night are special requisites on this occasion.
It was observed with all solemnity during the Mughal
times. Akbar participated in the celebration, and Jahangir also
took interest in it. Abul Fazl writes : "Once a year also during
the night called Sivrat a great meeting was held of all the yogis
of the empire when the emperor ate and drank with the princi-
pal yogis who promised him that he should live three or four
times as long as an ordinary man." Jahangir also refers to this
festival in the Tuzuk. 12 *
Other Hindu festivals
Other important Hindu festivals were, as they are now,
Ramnavami and Janmashtami. The former is the anniversary of
the day of birth of Lord Rama, which falls on the 9th lunar day
in the bright fortnight of the month of Chaitra (March- April). 123
The latter is the anniversary of the birthday of Lord Krishna.
It is celebrated on the 8th of the dark fortnight of the
month of Bhadaun (August-September). 124 Reference may be
made also to the celebrations at Puri when Lord Jagannatha was
brought out in his car. Huge crowds from all parts of the
country attended the festival. 5124 *
Muharrara
The Muslim month of mourning called Muharram 1 ' 25 is the
anniversary of Imam Husain 126 whose death at Karbala is one
of the most tragic events in the history of Islam. The first ten
days of this month are observed as the days of lamentation by
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 93
Muslims in general and Shias in particular. 127 The Mughal
emperors, though Sunni in belief, put no restrictions on Its
observance. 128 Monserrate gives an account of its celebration
during the time of Akbar. He writes that Muslims kept fast
during the first nine days of the month eating only pulse, and
recited the story of Hasan and Husain from a raised platform.
The audience was stirred with emotion and wept. On the tenth
day they would erect funeral pyres which were burnt one after
another and the glowing ashes scatterred with their feet.
Mandelslo gives a description of Muharram processions during
Shahjahan's time. He writes : "These are carried about the
city (Agra), coffins covered with bows and arrows, turbans,
scimitars and garments of silk, which the people accompany
with sobbings and lamentations. Some among them dance at
the ceremony, others strike their swords one against another ;
there are those who cut and slash themselves, so as that the
blood comes out in several places, wherewith they rub their
clothes and by that means represent a very strange procession.
Towards night they set up several figures of men, made of straw,
to personate thejmurderers of those saints (Hasan and Husain) ;
and having shot a great many arrows at them, they set them on
fire and reduce them to ashes." 128 * Aurangzeb, however, stopped
the practice of Muharram processions throughoutpiis dominions.
But though the tazia processions were never given up and
Muharram assemblies, mourning, and distribution of charity
continued to be practised all over the country, sometimes
Muharram celebrations were marred by riots between the Sunnis
and the Shias in which considerable lives were lost. 129
Id-i-Milad
Id-i-Milad or the feast of the Prophet's nativity, was
celebrated on llth of Rabi-ul-Awwal with great solemnity at the
court. Special lectures were delivered narrating the chief
incidents in the Prophet's life. A meeting of the Sayyids,
scholars and saints was arranged in the palace at Agra. 131 That
day Shahjahan, leaving the throne, took his seat on the carpet.
Reciters read ' the holy Quran. Rose-water was profusely sprinkled
and sweets and halwa were distributed among the people. On
one occasion a sum of twelve thousand rupees was given in
charity by Shahjahan,
94
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
In Gujarat and Bengal this festival was observed with
great enthusiasm. The capital cities of Ahmedabad and
Murshidabad were illuminated. Ulemas, Shaikhs and saints
were invited to discuss Hadis and were presented with gold and
clothes. 131 *
Shafo-t-Barat
The night 132 of the Prophet's ascent to heaven is celebrated
on the 14th of Shabban, the 8th Arabic month. The genera]
belief is that on this night, the lives and fortunes of the mortals
for the coming year are registered in heaven. 133 Muslims pre-
pared 'stew, curds, sweetmeats, etc. in the name of theii
deceased relations on 13th Shabban either during the day or ir
the evening and offered fatihe over some portion of these
dishes. 134 Sweets and presents were exchanged. 135 The actual
festival is celebrated on the evening of the 14th. 136
The Muslims, during the Mughal days, illuminated then
houses and shops and displayed fireworks. 137 Jahangir 138 anc
Shahjahan 139 were very particular about this festival and observec
it regularly with great pomp and show. Shahjahan was ai
Lahore in 1639 when Shab-i-Bamt was celebrated during th<
night of llth Shabban A.H. 1049. The spacious courtyard o
the public audience hall was illuminated in the Persian styl
under Ali Mardan Khan who was in charge of the arrange
ments. 140 The palaces, Government buildings, gardens, reservoirs
etc. were all illuminated. Temporary wooden structures, sue]
as walls and domes, were raised and set with beautiful lamps. 14
Royal as well as private barges on the Ravi were beautifull;
decorated and outlined with coloured lights. 142 There was grea
display of fireworks in the court of Diwan-i~Am and the plan
under thzjharokha-i-darshan. 1 ** The emperor sat on the thron
and distributed Rs. 10,000 among the poor as gifts out of th
gold of weighing (<zz zar-i-wazri).
Id-uI-Fitr
Id~ul-Fitr M or the festival of breaking the fast, also knowi
as Id~ul-Saghir, or the minor feast, begins on the first day o
Shawal and continues foQdays. 145 This day of rejoicin,
comes after the long-drawn-out fast of Ramzan^ and i
therefore particularly welcome,
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 95
During the Mughal age the sight of the new moon, which
preceded the Id-ul-Fitr, was proclaimed by firing of guns and
blowing of trumpets. 147 On the morning of the Id, Muslims per-
formed careful ablutions 148 after which they dressed themselves
in their best clothes. 149 Friends and relatives exchanged dainty
dishes and visits and wished each other good luck. 150 Then
followed enjoyments, including display of fireworks. It was
customary to call on elders and superiors to offer greetings. 151
Princes, nobles, courtiers and other high state officials 152
gathered in the audience hall to offer their greetings to the
emperor. 153 In the afternoon they assembled in the Idgah to
offer prayers. 154 During the first year of his reign Jahangir went
to the Idgah to offer his thanks and prayers. 155 He set apart a
large sum of money to be distributed among the poor and the
needy. Shahjahan followed the practice of his father and on
one such occasion (in 1628) gave Rs. 30,000 in charity, besides
grants in land and daily allowances to the deserving. 156 An idea
of the royal procession to the Idgah can be formed from the
picturesque description given by Rai Chandrabhan Brahman. 157
Even parsimonious Aurangzeb used to celebrate this festival with
great enthusiasm. In the provincial capitals the governors
presided over the Id celebrations. 158
Id-ul-Zuha
Id-ul-Zuha or Bakr Id 159 is the feast of sacrifice held on the
day or the evening of the 10th Zu-i-Hijja, the 12th month of
the Muslim year. 160 The sacrifice of a quadruped, such as a
goat, a sheep or even a cow perfect in all parts, made on this
occasion is in commemoration of the ram which "redeemed
Ismail when his father Abrahim was ready to make him a
sacrifice" as an offering to God. 161 Jahangir once sacrificed
three goats with his own hand 162 at this festival.
The festival was observed with ceremonious display during
the Mughal times. The king used to participate. Preparations
were made both in the capital and in the provinces well in
advance. The people assembled in large numbers in the Idgah
at the appointed hour. The emperor would ride in procession
and sometimes even take up his quarters at the Idgah , 163 The
sacrifice of a camel would be performed in his presence with
due ceremonials. 164
9 6 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
In the provincial capitals the governor acted in place of
the king, visited the Idgah with no less pomp, and sacrificed a
ram or a goat with the usual rites and ceremonies. 165 The people
who could afford it performed the same ceremony at their
homes by solemnly killing a ram or a goat in memory of the
ram offered for Ismail. 166 They also cooked stew, sweetmeats,
and griddle-cakes and offered fatihe in the name of their
deceased relatives. 167
Otfter Muslim festivals
Another equally important Muslim festival, namely Bora
Wafat 1 was observed on the 12th of the month of Rabi-ul-
Awwal in commemoration of the Prophet's birth and death.
Bengali Muslims celebrated another festival known as
Bern festival. It was in honour of Prophet liyas or Prophet
Khwaja Khizr, who is supposed to be the patron of all waters.
Houses were illuminated and fireworks were displayed. The
peculiar feature of this festival was the construction of mosques
of paper which were set up on illuminated housetops. 168 *
A few other festivals such as Akhiri Chahar Shamba,
Chahellum, etc. were observed, but they were not so important
or popular as the two Ids, Shab-i-Barat and Bara Wafat.
Fairs
Periodical fairs were held at numerous seats of Hindu pil-
grimages to which Hindu men, women and children used to
throng. In medieval times, religious fairs served a double
purpose religious and social. To the devout, a visit
to holy places and a dip in the holy waters were the means of
attaining religious merit, but to the common man they had a
social and economic significance also. In those days of slow
and primitive means of communications, the fairs afforded a
meeting-ground to the Hindus of all castes and provinces. They
served as a means of obliterating minor local and provincial
differences. They also reminded the Hindus of the essential
unity of their faith and culture.
There were too many local fairs in every province, hallowed
by the memory of some great personality and associated with
some events in the lives of Hindu avatars. The most important 169
of these fairs were held at Hardwar, Prayag, 170 Mathura,
v,"
V-
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 97 > r '\
' I '
Ayodhya, Gaya, Garhmukteswar, Ujjain, Dwarka, Puri, Nagar- , <
kot, and Rameshwaram. The Kumbh fairs at Prayag, ' ! ';
Hard war and Kurukshetra were considered particularly impor- i \ |
tant and attracted lakhs of people, as they do even today. \ ' f
Muslim fairs were held at Ajmer, Panipat, Nizamuddin ,!!
Auliya, Sirhind, Ajodhan, etc. They, too, attracted a large ;; .
number of pilgrims from every part of the country. I ' ]
NOTES '
1. Badaoni (II, pp. 172, 175n, 268, 343) terms it as Nauroz-
i-Jalal'i-Jahangir. Tuzuk, Lowe (pp. 39-40) calls it Roz-i-
Sharaf. For earlier references see Alberuni, Sachau, p. 2 ;
B. N., p. 236 ; Qanun-i-Humayun, p. 69 ; Khwandamir,
p. 95 ; see an article in Oriental College Magazine, Lahore,
August 1940.
2. Its history and antiquity dates back to the days of Jamshid
of "the seven-ringed cup" who is said to have fixed the
Persian calendar. Hindu-Mukammadan Feasts, p. 110.
Alb eruni's Chronology of the Ancients., p. 199 n.
3. Badaoni, II, pp. 261-62 ; Tr., II, p. 269 ; T.A., II, p. 556 ;
Ain, I, pp. 276-77.
4. Hindu- Muhammadan Feasts, p. 110.
5. Ain, I, (1873). pp. 276-77.
6. Ain, I, (1873), p. 183.
7. For travellers' accounts of the celebration of this festival
during Mughal days see Early Travels, p. 119 ; Monserrate,
pp. 175-76 ; Roe's Embassy, pp. 142-144; Petermundy, II,
pp. 237-38; Manrique, II, pp. 195-200 ; Mandelslo, p. 41 ;
Storia, I, p. 195 ; Bernier, pp. 272-73 ; Thevenot, III,
pp. 49-50. Also see Ain, I, (1873), pp. 276-77 ; A. N., Ill,
pp. 32, 200-1, 385-86, 436 ; R. & B., I, pp. 48-49. For
painting see Ratan Tata's collection, Prince of Wales
Museum, Bombay.
8. Badaoni, II, p. 301 ; Tr., II, p. 310.
9. R. &B. I, pp. 78, 130, 199, 230, 254, 294 ; T. A., II,
p. 556.
10. Manrique, II, 193.
11, Monserrate, pp. 175-76 ; T.A., H, p. 556,
98 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
12. Tuzuk, Lowe, pp. 39-40. According to Monserrate, it
lasted for nine days.
13. Monserrate, pp. 175-76.
14. Badaoni, IT, p. 338; Tr., II, pp. 348-49. Accordingto Theve-
not, "They are so eager at it in Delhi and Banaras that
there is a vast deal of money lost then and many people
ruined." Thevenot, Chap. XXVX, p. 48.
15. T.A., II, p. 556.
16. Even in Dabistan this festival is mentioned by an angel
who says : "Mah Payah (a lunar sphere) is also one of the
spheres of the Paradise in which are those who perfor-
med every kind of meritorious deeds except observing the
Nauroz." Dabistan (1843), Trans. James Ewing,
p. 289.
17. These coins weigh 43 to 44 grains. Perhaps these coins
were struck on economic grounds as they were intended
for distribution. Compare J. P. A. S. B., 1883 (History of
Mughal Emperors of Hindustan illustrated by their
Coins.)
18. East India Factory Records ( 1646-50), p. 299. For other
references to Nauroz see E. F. (1624-29), p. 127 and E.F.
(165 1-54), pp, 244-45.
19. T. A.. II, p. 559.
20. Manrique, II, pp. 195-200 ; Early Travels, p. 119 ; Roe's
Embassy, p. 144 ; Bernier, p. 270.
21. Manrique, II, pp. 195-200
22. T. A., II, p. 556 ; Bernier, p. 270.
23. Roe's Embassy, p. 144. Also see Lahori, I, pp. 186-87,
191-193.
24. Early Travels, p. 119.
25. Ibid.
26. T. A., II, p. 556.
27. Bernier, pp. 268-69 ; Manrique, II, pp. 200-4 ; Storia, II,
pp. 348-49.
28. T.A., II, p. 556
29. Bernier, p. 270.
30. Early Travels, p. 119.
31. T.A., II, p. 570.
32. R. & B., I, pp. 319-20.
33. Ibid, II, p. 80,
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 99
34. T.A., II, p. 556.
35. Thevenot, III, Chap. XXVII, p. 50.
36. For award of titles, etc. on Nauroz see T.A., II, pp.
637-38 ; R. & B., I, p. 320.
37. Badaoni, II, p. 172 ; Tr., II, p. 175. A sum of one lakh of
rupees was distributed.
38. Bernier, p. 272 (Constable Edition, 1891).
39. Ain, I, pp. 266-67.
40. Ibid.
41. Thevenot, Chap. XXVI, p. 47.
42. Badaoni, II, p. 84 ; Tr. II, p. 85.
43. Thevenot, Chap. XXVI, p. 47.
44. Manrique II pp. 200-4. See also R. & B., I, p. 78. jj,,,
45. De Laet pp. 101-2. Hawkins says that each noble pre-
sented a jewel. Early Travels, p. 119 ; Mandelslo, p. 42. H ! ;
46. For details see Early Travels, p. 119 ; Roe's Embassy, pp. ijjjj
378-80(1926); Delia Valle, p, 459; Manrique, II, pp. $
200-4 ; De Laet. pp. 101-2. Mandelslo, p. 42 ; Tavernier, j||
p. 122 ; Storia II, p. 348 ; Bernier, p. 272 ; Thevenot, jj \
XXVI, p. 47 and Qanuni-i-Humayun, p. 76 ; Ain, I, (1873) I
pp. 266-67 ; R. & B., I, pp. 78, 115, 160 ; Badshafmama, ! j!
I, p. 243 ; M. A. (Urdu), p. 51. ' ||'
47. Roe's Embassy, (1926), p. 379 ; Ain, I, (1873), pp. 266-67 If?
43. R. &B., I, pp. 115-116. ;J
49. Qanun-i-Humayun, p. 76. iJ! (
50. Ain, I, (1873), pp. 266-67. /'j
51. In March 1670, Aurangzeb forbade the festivities which \\\
used to be held on his birthday. /il
52. Sarkar (History of Aurangzib], III, pp. 85-86 ; Aurangzeb \ >
is said to have advised his grandson Muhammad Azim to ( ! ;
get himself weighed against different metals twice a year ! jj
to safeguard against spiritual ills. Bibliography of Mughal j 1 <
India by S. R. Sharma, p. 19. \\
53. Ain, I, (1873), p. 266. Lahori retains gold also. (Lahori, ;
I, pp. 243-44) ;'
54. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 64 ; Roe's Embassy, p. 379. ;,
55. Ovington, p. 179; Tavernier, p. 122 ; Bernier, p.270. j;
56. Ain, I, 267 f. n. Jahangir once weighed Khurram on his ; ;
lunar birthday against the established custom because of ^
100
FESTIVALS AND FAI1
the latter' s indisposition. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 96 ; R. & B,,
p. 115. Also see Sharma's Bibliography, p. 19.
57. Ain, I, p- 267 f.n. Occasionally the courtiers were weighs
for important personal services. Jahangir had his con
doctor Ruhulla weighed once against silver and the sui
was given to him besides three villages. R. & B., I, p. 28;
Talib Kamil was once weighed against gold by Shahjahan
orders. Lahori, I, pp. 243-44.
58. Ain, I, (1873), pp. 266-67. Sometimes even courtiers gottt
share. Badaoni, II, p.84; Tr., II, p. 85; R. &B., I, pp. 71
112 ; Lahori, I, pp. 243-44 ; De Laet, pp. 101-2.
59. Ain, I, (1873), p. 267. "According to the number of yeai
His Majesty has lived, there is given away an eqw
number of sheep, goats, fowls to people that breed them.
R. &B,I, p. 183.
60. Ain I, (1873), p. 267.
61. Roe, like other travellers such as Hawkins (p. 440), Man
delslo (p. 42), and Tavernier (I, p. 379), disbelieves tha
such large sums were given away in charity as it was sel
dom done publicly. Manrique rightly understands th
nature of the Indians who believe that "charity which i
done from the love of God should be made in secret."
-62. Badaoni, II, p. 84; Tr,, II, p.85; Ain,I 9 (1873), pp. 266-67
Lahori- 1, p. 243-44 ; M.A. (Urdu), pp. 21, 51, 54; Storia
II, p. 348.
63. Early Travels, p. 119; Thevenot, XXVI, p. 47; Storia
II, p. 348.
64. Thevenot, XXVI, p. 47 ; Roe's Embassy (1926), p. 379
Delia Valle, p. 459 ; De Laet, pp. 101-2 ; Mandelslo
p. 42.
65. R. & B., I, p. 73. Qutb-ud-Din Koka was promoted tc
a rank of 5,000 personnel and horse.
,66. WaqyaM-Jahangiri, E. & D., VI, p. 356.
67. Storia, II, p. 345.
68. Qanun-i-Humayun, pp. 19-20. It fell into disuse after
Humayun, but was not stopped. R. & B., I, pp. 1,3, 10.
History of Jahangir by Beni Prasad, p. 136. Also see
History of Shahjahan by Saksena, p. 246. Maasir (I, p.
42) refers to the practice of colour-sprinkling. For
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 101
coronation celebrations at Vijayanagar, refer to Saletore,
op. cit. 9 II, pp. 219-20.
69. Ovington, pp. 178-79. Painting No. 629, I.A.E., 2nd
half of the 17th century shows Emperor Shahjahan at the
time of his accession.
70. Travels in India in the 17th Century, pp. 305-6.
71. Ovington, pp. 178-79.
72. Qanun-i-Humayun, pp. 19-20.
73. History of Auragzib, III, p. 87.
74. H.N. (Bev.), p. 126. According to the author of the
DarbaH-Akbar (Urdu) this custom was borrowed from
Turkistan where such bazars were held once or twice in a
week in every village and town. But there women, as
well as men, attended it to buy and sell merchandise.
75. Ain 9 I, (1873), p. 277. For conflicting views regarding the
motives of holding these bazars see Ain, I, (1873), p. 277;
Petermundy, I, p. 238; Bernier, p. 273.
76. Storia, I, p. 195.
77. AinI, (1873), p. 277.
78. Bernier, p. 273.
79. Ibid, p. 272.
80. Petermundy, II, p. 238.
81. Bernier, p. 273.
82. Tod, I, pp. 401-2 ; Petermundy, II, p. 238.
83. Bernier, pp. 272-73.
84. Petermundy, II, p. 238. If we are to believe Badaoni,
stalls in the fancy bazar were sometimes conducted by
nobles themselves. He mentions one Shah Fatehullah who
in his stall "exhibited all sorts of skill such as the dragging
about of weights and other storage contrivances."
Badaoni, II. p. 322; Tr., II, p. 331.
85. Thevenot, III, Chap. XXVIII, p. 50.
86. Am, I, (1873), p. 277.
87. Persian festival in memory of the rain which fell on the
13th of the Persian month of Tir and put an end to the
famine. (Bahar-i-Ajam). R. & B., I, pp. 265, 295. A
very illustrative painting No. 636, I. A. E., Mughal, early
17th century shows "The Emperor Jahangir celebrating
the festival of Aab-Pashi or the sprinkling of rose-water,"
painted by Govardhan on the 5th Amardad Day.' Flasks
102
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
full of rose-water, white, yellow and blue are before
Jahanngir while around him stand courtiers and some
ladies.
88. Lahori, I, p. 204; Amal-i-Salih, p. 374; R. & B., I, pp. 265
295.
89. Am, III, pp. 317-21.
90. Hindu Holidays, p. 238.
91. On this day pens, ink and books are revered and in Bengal
Sarasvati puja is observed. Flowers and prayers are offered
for the boon of knowledge, temporal and spirititual. See
Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Granthavali (Hindi) by Ram-
chandra Shukla, pp. 90-92. See a painting Raga Vasanta
Rajasthani, 1700 A.D., numbered 400, I.A.E. Also see
Hindu-Muhammadan Feasts, p. 77.
92. Am, III, p. 321 ; Am, II, p. 173 ; R. & B., I , pp. 245-46 ;
Faiths, Fairs and Festivals, pp. 85-86 ; Hindu Holidays,
p. 88 ; Hindu-Muhammadan Feasts, p. 38 ; Crooke's Popular
Religion, II, pp. 313-22; Punjab Notes and Queries, III,
No. 553.
93. Monserrate, p. 22 ; Petermundy, II, p. 292 ; English
Factories (1624-29), p. 246 ; (1634-36), p. 136 ; (1637-44),
p. 13; Mandeslo, 58; Storia, II, p. 154 ; Thevenot, Chap.
XXXI, pp. 57-58 ; Hamilton, I, pp. 128-29 ; Delia Valle,
I, pp. 122-23. For a Holi scene see Painting No. 482,
Kangra, 18th century. Also see History of Aurangzib, III,
p. 91. In the time of the later Mughals, some Muslim
grandees like Khanjahan Bahadur Kotaltash took lively
interest in its celebrations and Bhim Sen, the author of
Nuskha-i-Dilkusha, refers to the two sons of the Khan,
Mir Ahsan and Mir Mushin,.who "were more forward
than Rajputs themselves." Nuskha-i-Dilkhusa by Bhim
Sen, p. 64.
94. Raksha literally protection, and Bandhan tying.
95. Ain, III, pp. 317-21 ; Hindu Holidays, p. 178.
96. R. & B., I, p. 224.
97. Badaoni, II, p. 361 ; Tr., II, p. 269.
98. Hindu Holidays, p. 178. Also see Hindu-Muhammadan
Feasts, p. 65.
99. Ain 9 III, pp. 317-2i; R. & B., I, p. 244.
100. Badaoni, II, pp. 261-62 ; Tr., II, p. 269.
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 103
101. Am, III, p. 319 ; R. & B., I, p. 246.
102. R. & B., I, p. 246.
103. Victory 10th day. For Mahanavami festival and Vijaya
Dashami celebrations at Vijayanagar refer to E. & D., IV,
pp. 117-18 ; Saletore, op. eft., II, pp. 372-80.
104. Am, III, p. 319.
105. For Durgapuja in temple see R. & B., I, pp. 224-25.
106. R. & B., I, p. 245 ; II, pp. 100-1 ; For the Rajput celebra-
tion of the festival see Ain, III, pp. 317-21.
107. R. & B., II, p. 176. This custom still prevails in some
states. See Hindu Holidays, pp. 185-88.
108. R. &B., II, pp. 100-1; R. & B., I, p. 245. See also
Alamgirnama, p. 914.
109. For general description see Hindu- Muhammadan Feasts,
p. 18 ; South Indian Festivities, p. 152 ; Hindu Holidays,
p. 42. For contemporary evidence see Bengal in the 16th
Century, pp. 186-86 ; Travels in India in the 17th Century,
p. 309 ; Petermundy, II, p. 146 ; Ain, I, (1873), p. 216 ;
III, pp. 305-7 ; R. & B., I, p. 246. For earlier reference
see Alberuni's India, II, p. 182.
110. Faiths, Fairs and Festivals, p. f06.
11 1. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 309. Hindus
would open fresh accounts on this day. R. & B., I,
p. 246.
112. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
Vol. XXVI, 1945. For some more details of the festival,
see Major, India, p. 28.
113. Ain, I, p. 321 ; for earlier reference see Alberuni's India,
II, p. 182.
114. R. & B., I, p. 246.
115. Ibid, p. 268.
116. Ibid, Bengal in the 16th Century, pp. 185-86. Shahjahan
did not take any interest in these festivities. K.R.
Qanungo, Historical Essays, p. 67.
117. Ain, I, (1873), p. 216. During the time of the later
Mughals (1738 A.D.), it appears, the permission of the
Governor was necessary to hold the Diwali fair, for which
a poll-tax was asked sometimes. (Macauliffe, Introduction,
pp. Ixxi-lxxvi).
118. Bernier (1891), pp. 301-3 describes in detail the ceremonies
104 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
performed by the Hindus on the occasion of an eclipse at
Delhi in 1666 A.D.
119. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 308 ; Hindu-
Muhammadan Feasts, pp. 28-30.
120. Ibid.
121. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 308 ; Badaoni, II,
p. 95 ; Tr., II, pp. 94-95, Jahangir used to get himself
weighed on solar and lunar eclipses and distributed money
among the poor. R. & B., I, pp. 160, 1 83, 281.
122. R. & B., I, p. 361 ; also see Ain 9 I, p. 210 ; Saletore, op.
eft., II, pp. 404-5.
123. Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 350 ; Hindu Holidays, p. 194 ; Hindu-
Muhammadan Feasts, p. 67.
124. Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 352 ; Hindu Holidays, pp. 95-96 ;
Hindu- Muhammadan Feasts, p. 41.
124*. For the festival of Jagannath refer to Kennedy, The
Chaitanya Movement, p. 43 ; Saletore, op. cit., II, pp.
383-89 ; Ashraf, K.M., Life and Conditions of the People
of Hindustan, p. 204 ; Orissa Historical Society Research
Journal, July 1951.
125. For general account see Islami Teohar aur Utsav, p. 40 ;
Crooke's Islam, pp. 159-61 ; Hindu- Muhammadan Feasts,
pp. 106-9 ; Outlines of Islamic 'Culture, p. 717. For
contemporary description see Monserrate, p. 22 ; Travels
in India in the 17th Century, p. 307 ; Pelsaert' s India,
p. 75 ; Petermundy, II, p. 219 ; Mandelslo, p. 42 ; Van
Twist's "Description of India," J.I.H., April 1937, pp. 70-
71. Also see Badaoni, I, p. 481 ; Tr., I, p. 623 ; K. K.,
II, p. 214 and History of Aurangzib, III, p. 91 ; Norris,
Embassy to Aurangzeb,pp. 165-66.
126. The son of Ali and grandson of the Holy Prophet. He died
fighting at Karbala against Yazid, the son of the usurper
Moaviah to the khali faship of Islam. Outlines of Islamic
Culture, p. 717.
127. Hindu-Muhammadan Feasts, p. 106.
128. Humayun had Shia tendencies, but remained a Sunni.
Rulers of the Deccan, as Bahamanis, Adil Shahis, Nizam
Shahis, Qutab Shahis, etc. belonged to Shia sect. Nur-
jahan's relatives were Shias. Naturally they influenced
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 103
the Mughal rulers and, consequently, no bar was imposed
on the celebrations of Muharram. Islaini Teohar, p. 40.
128*. Mandelslo, p. 42.
129. A similar riot occurred at Burhanpur in 1669 in which 50
persons were killed and 100 injured. Khali Khan, II,
p. 214 ; History of Aurangzib, III, p. 91.
130. Lahori, I, A, pp. 230-31 ; Amal-i-Salih (I, p. 617) men-
tions 20,000 to have been given in charity.
131. Akbar held every year a Majlis-i-Urs on this occasion and
people were entertained. T.A., Trans., II, p. 520.
131*. Rahim, A., Social and Cultural History of Bengal, op. cit.
pp. 276-77.
132. Lahori calls it Lailat~ul-Barat. For general account
see Hindu-Muhamrnadan Feasts, pp. 111-12 ; Faiths., Fairs
and Festivals, pp. 199-200 ; Island Teohar, pp. 68-72 ;
Crooke's Islam, pp. 203-4. For contemporary accounts
see Mandelslo, p. 46; Thevenot, III, p. 31. Also see
R. & B., II, pp. 22, 94, and Lahori, II, pp. 167468.
133. Islami Teohar, pp. 68-72,
134. Crooke's Islam, pp. 203-4. Islami Teohar, pp. 68-72.
135. Thevenot, Ilf, p. 31, wrongly calls this festival the feast
of Choubert.
136. Crooke's Islam, pp. 203-4.
137. Thevenot, III, p. 31. Mandelslo, p. 46.
138. R. & B., II, pp. 22, 94.
139. Lahori, II, pp. 167-68.
140. Lahori, II, pp. 167-68.
141. Ibid.
142. Ibid. Amal-i-Salih, pp. 285-86.
143. Lahori, II, pp. 167-68.
144. For general account see Faiths, Fair sand Festivals of India,
p. 201 ; Hindu-Muhammadan Feasts, p. 102 ; Islami
Teohar, pp. 72-78 ; Herklots' Islam, pp. 211-13. Outlines
of Islamic Culture, p. 704. For contemporary evidence
see Roe's Embassy, p. 72 ; Travels in India in the 17th
Century, p. 306 ; Pelsaert's India, p. 73 ; Delia Valle,
p. 428 ; Bernier (1914), p. 280 ; Ovington, p. 243 and
Letters received by East India Company, Vol. IV, p. 10.
Also see B.N., pp. 235-36, 311, 410, 584, 683 and 689 f
106 FESTIVALS AND FAIRS
T.A., II, p. 605 ; Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 37 ; Lahori, I, p. 259
and M.A. (Urdu), p. 28.
Islami Teohar, pp. 72-78. Crooke's Islam, pp. 211-14.
Outlines of Islamic Culture, p. 704.
146. Ovington, p. 243 ; Storia, I, pp. 158-59. See also Letters
received by East India Company, Vol. IV, p. 10. In the
Akhbarat of the reign of Aurangzeb, there are stray
references to the fact that Hindu officers sometimes
invited Muslim friends to break their fast at their resi-
dences.
147. Roe's Embassy, p. 72. Travels in India in the 17th Century,
pp. 305-6. According to Delia Valle, "They set lamps on
the tops of their houses and on all other most conspi-
cuous places near their great tanks that are surrounded
with buildings where those lights are doubled by
reflection upon the water." Delia Valle, p. 428 ; Norris,
p. 145.
148. B.N., pp. 235-36. On another place Babar says: "Ramzan
was spent this year with ablution and tarawih in the gar-
den of eight paradises." T.A., II, p. 605.
149. Pelsaert's India, p. 73.
150. Ibid.
151. Norris, Embassy to Aurangzeb (1699-1702), p. 144. Also
see William Foster, The Voyage of Nicholas Downton to
East Indies, London, 1939, p. 144.
152. M.A. (Urdu), p. 28.
153. Lahori, I, p. 259 ; Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 37.
154. Here in the Idgah some selected parts of the Holy Quran
are "publicly read unto them" (Delia Valle, p. 429) by the
Imam. (Hindu- Muhammadan Feasts, p. 102.)
155. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 37.
156. This is the amount distributed during Ramzan and the Id.
Lahori, I, p. 259.
157. See Chahar Chaman for details.
158. For Aurangzeb see M.A. (Urdu), p. 28. For celebration
in the provinces and cities see Roe's Embassy, p. 72 ;
Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 306.
159. For general account see Islami Teohar, pp. 78-88 ;
Crooke's Islam, p. 214 ; Faiths, Fairs and Festivals, p. 201 ;
Observations on the Mussulmans of India, I, p. 259 ; Hindu-
~
FESTIVALS AND FAIRS 107
Muhammadan Feasts, pp. 102-3. For contemporary
evidence refer to Early Travels in India, p. 318 ; Travels in
India in the 17th Century, p. 306 ; Petermundy, II, p. 196 ;
Storia, II, pp. 349-350. Also see A.N., II, p. 31 ; Tr.. II,
p. 51 ;R. &B., I, p. 189.
160. Crooke's Islam, p. 214. Faiths 9 Fairs and Festivals, p. 201 ;
Observations on the Mussulmans of India, I, p. 259 ;
Hindu-Muhammadan Feasts, pp. 102-3.
161. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 306.
162. R. & B., I, 189 ; Petermundy, II, p. 196.
163. A.N., II. p. 31 ; Tr., II, p. 51.
164. Storia, II, pp. 349-50 ; Badshahnama, I, pp. 226, 430 ; II,
pp. 95, 191, 283, 332, etc.
165. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 306.
166. Terrry in Early Travels in India, p. 318.
167. Crooke's Islam, pp. 214.
168. Barah means twelve and wafat means death. (Hindu-
Muhammdan Feasts, p. 98). In private houses and mosques
meetings are held at which the story of the birth, miracles
and death of the Prophet is recited. Ibid, p. 98.
168*. Sen, K.P., Bangular Itihas, p. 71.
169. Ain, III, (Sarkar), pp. 332-36.
170. Manrique, II, p. 146.
CHAPTER 5
Position of Women in Society
The purdah system
Woman held an honoured position in the Vedic age , an
was quite competent to take part in every aspect of the so cia
intellectual and spiritual life of the race. 1 During the perio
that folio wed the Vedic age there was gradual deterioration c
her position, but she still retained a large measure of freecioi
in the disposal of her own person and fortune. 2 As a girl, sh
was under the guardianship of her father, as wife under he
husband, and as a widow under the care of her son.
Nowhere in all these periods is there a definite suggest io
of the existence of any seclusion of women or of child marriage.
With the advent of Islam new social forces appeared oil th
Indian horizon. It is true that polygamy was not unknown t
the ruling classes of the Hindu population before the advent c
Muslims, but this received great encouragement owing to th
impact of Muslim ideas. Strict veiling of women was th
common practice among the Muhammadans. The adoption c
the latter custom by the Hindu women under the stress c
circumstances brought about their social, political and intellec
tual stagnation. Their position as girls, wives and widows wa
reduced to that of dependents and subordinates.
The purdah system in all probability was unknown i
ancient India. 4 Mazumdar 5 and Rashid 6 in their recently put
lished works have not been able to cite even isolated instil nee
of its prevalence in ancient India. Its general adoption, aceord
ing to Dr. Altekar, is subsequent to the advent of Muslim rul
in India. 7 Purdah was strictly observed in their native la.rids.
Naturally in a foreign country like India greater stress was lai
upon it. Even a liberal king like Akbar had to issue orders thai
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 109
"If a young woman was found running about the streets
and bazars of the town and while so doing did not veil
herself or allowed herself to become unveiled... she was to
go to the quarters of the prostitutes and take up the
professsion." 9
Hindus adopted purdah as a protective measure 10 to save
the honour of their womenfolk and to maintain the purity of
their social order. 11 The tendency to imitate the ruling class
was another factor which operated in favour of introducing
purdah among Hindu families.
Purdah was strictly observed among high-class families of
both the communities during the Mughal period. 12 It was
prevalent in Bengal and U.P. among rich Hindu families, as
has been noted by Jayasi, 13 Chaitanya and Vidyapati. Seclusion
ame to be regarded as a sign of respect and nobility. Wives
of nobles lived in spacious houses surrounded by high walls
with tanks, gardens and other luxuries inside. 14 Eunuchs were
frequently employed as the medium of communication between
the male and female members of a royal or noble family. 15
Ovington writes : "All the women of fashion in India are closely
preserved by their husbands who forbid them the very sight of
strangers." 16 Even male doctors were not allowed to face the
ailing ladies of noble and princely families. A curious method
was adopted for diagnosing the disease without seeing the
patient's face or feeling her pulse. A handkerchief was rubbed
all over the body of the patient and then put into a jar of
water. By its smell the doctor judged the cause of illness and
prescribed the medicine. 17 1 1
Ladies of high families thought it improper to move out ' ? (
without aristocratic veils. 18 Delia Valle writes : "For these '
(Muslim ladies) unless they be dishonest or poor never come !
abroad. 9 ' 19 They thought it derogatory to stir out except on ! !
special occasions and even then in closely covered palanquins I ,
surrounded on all sides by servants and eunuchs. 20 Princesses f
would go out rarely and that, too, only with the previous per- ''
mission of the king. They went out usually in the morning in t
palanquins accompanied by slaves. At the entrance of the ' <
residence, palanquin-carriers would be replaced by females to I \
carry them further inside. 21 When a princess desired to ride an '''
elephant, the animal was made to enter a Jent near the palace-
110
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
gate and the mahout covered his face with a cloth so that he
might not see the princess when she entered the covered hawdah^
None dared to pass on the road when the royal ladies went out
in a procession. Bernier rightly observes : "It is indeed a pro-
verbial observation in these armies that three things are to be
carefully avoided, the first getting among the choice and led
horses where kicking abounds, the second on the hunting-
ground, the third a too near approach to the ladies of the
seraglio." 23 If for any reason a Muslim lady of rank discarded
purdah even for a temporary period, the consequences for her
were disastrous. Amir Khan, the governor of Kabul, felt no
scruple in renouncing his wife when her purdah was broken in
an attempt to save her life by leaping from the back of the
elephant who had run amuck. 24
Nurjahan was a noble exception. Beni Prasad writes :
"She broke the purdah convention and did not mind to come
out in public." Purdah was gradually spreading in Rajputana,
but it was less vigorously observed in Rajput families, where
the ladies, trained in all the arts of warfare, would frequently
take part in hunting parties and other expeditions. Barring
notable Muslim families there, South Indians did not adopt
purdah. In Malabar, wives welcomed guests and talked fami-
liarly with them. 25
Purdah was no less strictly observed among middle-class
Muslim ladies who dared not move out of doors without a veil, 26
which consisted of&burqa or a chadar and hid her from top to
toe. She was thus able to see others through the thin layer of a
net, but could not be seen by them. 27 Hamilton writes : "The
Muhammadan women always go veiled when they appear
abroad." 28 Muslims, according to Ovington 29 and Dr. Fryer, 30
were very jealous of their wives. Even the meanest among them
would not allow his wife to stir out uncovered. Those among
them who could afford it, went out in palanquins and coaches
covered on all sides. 31 If we are to believe Delia Valle, the
Muslims would not allow their wives to talk even to their
relatives, except in their presence. 32
No purdah for common women
No such coercive purdah system seems to have been
observed among the Hindu middle class and certainly not
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 1 1 1
I
among the Hindu masses. Hindu ladies could move out of ^
doors with little or no restriction. 33 Delia Valle writes :
"Hindus take one wife and of her they are not so fearful jj
and jealous as the Muhammadans are of their several ;i
wives and women, for they suffer their wives to go abroad |u
whither they please." 34 |j j
Both the sexes had sufficient liberty to go out and enjoy the y
open air. 35 It was the usual custom for husbands or some *;'F
other male relations to accompany, women when going out of {'
doors. 36 Unlike Muslim women they did not cover themselves 7
from head to foot. 37 It was enough to have a sheet or dopatta \]
to cover their heads. '';
Women of the lower stratum, of our society, such as ! f
peasant and working classes, were entirely free from the bond- < ?
age of purdah. They were expected to help their husbands in j j!,i
all "external pursuits and internal economy." 39 They used to \\y
take their bath publicly at river-sides 40 and would visit shrines
travelling on foot without any restriction whatsoever. It was
everywhere a common sight to see women water-carriers walking
along the streets without any purdah* 1
Unwelcome daughters
The birth of a daughter was considered inauspicious. The
very silence with which a female child was received was indica-
tive of disappointment. 42 She was not as welcome as a boy.
Even in the royal family the difference was clear and well-
marked. Only women rejoiced and feasted on the birth of a
daughter, while the whole court took part in the celebrations
if a prince was born. 43 We can well understand the anxiety of
Akbar who had "resolved within himself that if Almighty God
should bestow a son on him, he would go on foot from Agra to
Shaikh Muin-ud-Din Chishti's mausoleum, a distance of about
140 Aroy." 44
A wife who unfortunately happened to give birth to girls
in succession was despised and even sometimes divorced. 46 The
deplorable custom of infanticide was luckily confined only to a
very minor section of the less cultured Rajput families. 48 The
scarcity of suitable matches due to the prohibition of inter-
marriage between families of the same clan and continuous
wars and feuds with the remote tribes, together with the
112
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
sentiment that an unworthy match lowers the prestige of a
bride's father, led them to resort to this practice. 47
Polygamy among rich Muslims
The Quran, no doubt, permits a Muslim to marry four
wives 48 at a time, but monogamy seems to have been the
rule among the lower stratum of society in both the communi-
ties during the Mughal period. 49 In spite of the decision of the
ulema in the Ibadat Khana that a man might marry any number
of wives by mutah but only four by nikah Akbar had issued
definite orders that a man of ordinary means should not possess
more than one wife unless the first proved to be barren. 51 He
considered it highly injurious to a man's health to keep more
than one wife. 52 Polygamy was the privilege of the rich Muslims,
each of whom kept three or four wives at a time. Mirza Aziz
Koka's well-known proverb deserves mention. He used to say
that "a man should marry four wives a Persian to have some-
body to talk to, a Khurasani for his housework, a Hindu
woman for nursing his children, and a woman of Mavarunnahr
to have someone to whip as a warning for the other three." 58
The co-wives rivalled each other and used all devices to excel
one another and thereby win the love of their husband. 54 Each
of them received fixed monthly allowances in addition to clothes,
jewellery, and other household necessities. Polygamy naturally
brought many evils in its train. 55 A single husband could
hardly be expected to satisfy his several wives who wore the
most expensive clothes, ate the daintiest food and enjoyed all
worldly pleasures. 56 Domestic unhappiness and immorality,
in some cases at least, was the natural consequence.
Hindus monogamous
Hindus, with the exception of a small number of princes 57
and very wealthy persons, strictly restricted themselves to mono-
gamy as enjoined by their social custom. Delia Valle writes :
"Hindus take but one wife and never divorce her till death,
except for the cause of adultery." 5 * Mandelslo, 59 Hamilton, 80
Orme 6 * and Stavorinus 62 corroborate it. In the extreme case if
a wife proved to be barren, they had the liberty to marry an-
other with the consent of the Brahmans, 63
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 113
Child marriage
As a general rule, a girl of either community was brought
up under close parental supervision. 64 Higher education was
denied to middle-class and ordinary ladies, and learning was
restricted to primary subjects. Their training was confined to
home and domestic affairs, such as needlework, embroidery,
dressing the victuals, cooking, 65 etc. Life-long celibacy for girls
was discouraged and every girl had to be given away in marri-
age. On account of this and political and socio-religious
circumstances of the time, parents tried to marry off their ']
daughters as early as possible. The custom in those days did ]]
not allow girls to remain in their parents' home for more >!;
than six to eight years after their birth. They were married /"
even before the age of puberty usually when six or seven years !;<!
old. 66 One of the Brahman generals of the Peshwa was ! j
filled with great anxiety because his daughter's marriage
could not be arranged at the age of nine. "If the marriage
is postponed to the next year," he wrote from the battlefield,
"the bride will be as old as ten. It will be a veritable
calamity and scandal." 67 A father, according to Mukundram,
"who could get his daughter married in her ninth year
was considerd lucky and worthy of the favours of God," 68
The rigidity of the custom, coupled with the celebration of
the marriage at a very tender age, left no room whatsoever for
either the bride or the bridegroom to have time to think of a
mate of her or his own choice. The custom left it solely to the
discretion of parents, or of the nearest relatives and friends
to arrange the match. 69 Seldom was there a wish expressed
by any female relation of the bridegroom to see the bride before
the marriage. 70 As for Muslims, it was contrary to their
acknowledged custom. 71 The marriage had to be settled on
hearsay reports with an advantage to the bride's parents who
had an opportunity to see the boy and satisfy themselves about
him, if they so desired. Dowry was demanded, and sometimes
parents disregarded the suitability of the match 72 and cared
primarily for a rich dowry. It seems that the "evils of the
dowry system prevailed with greater vigour in Bengal. There
was also a curious custom of giving away a younger sister of the
bride to the bridgroom as a part of the dowry." 72 * In some
castes and localities the bridegroom had to pay money to the
114 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
bride's guardians. 73
Money played an important part when a marriage was
arranged between persons of unequal ages 74 or social status.
Sometimes for the sake of wealth a young man would marry a
woman older than himself. The evil grew so much that Akbar
issued orders that if a woman "happened to be older by twelve
years than her husband, the marriage should be considered as
illegal and annulled." 75 In some cases betrothals were fixed, as
we see even today, among the rural folk before the actual birth
of their children, if "death or sex disapproves not." 76 Akbar
tried in vain to bring home to his people that the consent of the
bride and the bridegroom as well as permission of the parents
was essential before the confirmation of the engagement. 77
There seems to have been greater liberty for girls belong-
ing to high-class Rajput families to choose their husbands.
The princess of Rupnagar, charmed with the gallantry of Rana
Raj Singh of Mewar, invited him "to bear her from the im-
pending union with the Moghul Emperor Aurangzeb." Some-
times a romantic lady would fix the price of her hand. Tarabai,
the daughter of Rao Surthan, promised to marry the youth who
would recover her 78 father's domain Todah from the Pathans.
Jaimal, the brother of Prithvi Raj, won her. 79 Karamdevi, the
beautiful daughter of the Mohil chieftain, took the risk of re-
nouncing her betrothal with the heir of the Rao of Mandor and
chose to be the bride of Sadhu, heir of Pugal, whose admira-
tion she had won. Tod writes : "The passion of the daughter
of the Mohil was fostered at the risk of the destruction not
only of her father's house but also that of her lover." The
returning bridal party was attacked by the slighted heir of
Mandor and the brave Sadhu was slain, and Karamdevi, "at
once a virgin, a wife and a widow" followed her lover and be-
came sati. SQ
As a wife
As already narrated, the ordinary Indian girl had no choice
in the selection of her husband. When married, the mother-
in-law would exercise control over her and her commands must
be carried out. If she failed to come up to her standard, she
might be divorced in a Muslim family, and her life would be-
come miserable ia a Hindu home. Her position was no better
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 1 1 5
than that of an ordinary maid. She had to please each and
every member of her husband's family by rendering every possi-
ble domestic service. She would perform all the household
duties dusting, sweeping, and washing the floor and cleaning
cooking-pots and utensils She had to look after cows
and other domestic animals, besides supervising the other work
entrusted to her. But when grown up and away from the
dominating influence of her mother-in-law, a middle-class lady
had large powers in the management of the household. She
would control its expenditure and supervise the general arrange-
ment of the kitchen and furniture and perform periodical reli-
gious and secular functions. 81 She had to prove herself a
devoted wife who would not take meals until her husband
had dined. 82 When in childbed she had enforced rest, and
retired to a separate room during her periods.
Bartolomeo notices with appreciation the great respect
paid to a pregnant woman ; not only her husband and relations,
but all the inhabitants of the place belonging to her caste
prayed for her health and safety. 83 But for a certain number of
days after delivery she was not considered fit to be touched by
anyone except the midwife who attended to her needs. Her
food, according to Manucci, would be left at a distance and rj
none would approach her lest he or she should be defiled. 84
The position of a woman with regard to her husband was
that of a dependent, 85 in honourable subordination, at least as
long as mutual relations remained cordial. Jahangir writes in
the Tuzuk :
"It is a maxim of Hindus that no good deed can be
performed by men in the social state without the partner-
ship or presence of the wife whom they have styled the
half of man." 86
Both would give way to accommodate each other to prevent
their domestic happiness from being marred. Her counsels
carried weight, especially when she had become a mother. But
still the last word was that of her husband. Even "the daughter
of a hundred kings" who had contemptuously refused to fetch
a glass of water for her lord and thus become a "cup-bearer to
the chieftain of Sadri" had to be reminded by her father, the
Rana of Mewar, of her position as a wife with respect to her
husband, the Chief of Sadri. The heir-apparent of
116 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
stood at the edge of the carpet spread in the darbar hall "per-
forming the menial office of holding the slippers of the chief," 87
who had been invited to the court by his s6vereign. Tod
writes : "Shocked at such a mark of respect, he stammered forth
some words of homage, his unworthiness, etc." To this the
Rana replied : "As my son-in-law no distinction too great
can be conferred. Take home your wife ; she will never again
refuse you a cup of water." 88
Some of the husbands, however, it is to be regretted,
treated their wives very harshly. Such men, however, suffered
from some mental defect, such was Khwaja Muazzam, the
maternal uncle of Akbar. 89
But with all this, the ladies belonging to high and respect-
able old families, especially Rajputanis, were reluctant to com-
promise when their self-respect was at stake. Raja Jai Singh of
Amber once cut a joke with his wife, the princess of Haraoti,
about the simplicity of her dress. He began playfully to "con-
trast the sweeping jupe of Kotah with the more scanty robe of
the belles of his own capital, and taking up a pair of scissors
said he would reduce it to an equality with the latter." Greatly
annoyed, she spoke in words which clearly bring forth the true
sex relations prevalent among high Rajput families. "Mutual
respect is the guardian not only of happiness but of virtue,"
and if again she was insulted, he would find that "the daughter
of Kotah could use a sword more effectively than the prince of
Amber the scissors." 90 Bernier rightly remarks that many girls
would have led a happy married life if their parents had con-
nected them with a family less noble than their own. 91 Hamida
Banu's attitude in this respect is admirable. She declined to
enter into a matrimonial alliance with a monarch, exclaiming :
"I would rather marry a man whose lapel I can hold than one
whose pedestal I cannot reach. 9 ' 92 Rajputanis had the courage
even to admonish their husbands, when they went astray from
the path of duty. When Jaswant Singh, the king of Marwar,
retreated after fighting the deadly battle of Dharmat with
Aurangzeb, his wife, according to Ferishta, "disdained to
receive him and shut the gates of the castle." She cried out
that he could not be her husband, "the son-in-law of the Rana
cannot possess a soul so abject. I am deceived, my husband is
certainly killed. It cannot be otherwise," 93
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 117
Whatever might have been the respective positions of wife
and husband, it is a fact beyond dispute that most of the
Hindus managed to lead a happy domestic life. The woman
adored her husband with passionate reverence and in return her
husband rendered her all tenderness and protection. As a
natural consequence, the true love and affection of the husband
for his wife was unfailing. He would stick to monogamy and
seldom fall a victim to adultery. 94 Tavernier rightly observes :
"Banias (Hindus) when married are seldom untrue to their
wives." 95 He would address her as "O thou mother of our son,
I desire not paradise itself, if thou art not satisfied with me."
Vulgar equality had no meaning. It was a love reciprocated.
The result was a happy conjugal life in most cases. 96
As a widow
Divorce 97 and remarriages, common among Muslims,
were prohibited to Hindu women. The Hindu husband could
remarry 98 in certain circumstances, as on the death of his wife
or if she proved to be barren. 99 But a Hindu woman had no
such privilege. Dr. Altekar rightly observes : "No divorce was
allowed, even if the husband was a moral wreck or he grievous-
ly ill-treated his wife." 100 Even when the husband died, the
woman had no choice even if she desired to remarry. "Nor
could she find any of her own race who would take her, because
she would be accounted as bad, as infamous in desiring a
second marriage." 101
Widow remarriage except for the lower-caste people had
disappeared almost completely in Hindu society during the
medieval age. 102 This custom suffered little change during the
Mughal days and was even more rigorously enforced. Hindu
ladies, according to Ovington, disliked and abhorred the very
idea of remarrying and preferred to maintain their fidelity even
after the death of their husbands. 103 Seldom did a woman
desire to outlive her husband unless she was big with a child.
Sati was a prevalent practice, in spite of the efforts of the
Mughals to check it. 104 Linked as they used to be from their
infancy, separation was intolerable. 105 In sati they saw hidden
the symbolic meaning, the deep passionate joy of the sacrifice
and the expression of love stronger than death. Even the
betrothed girls had to commit sati on the funeral pyre of their
118
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
would-be husbands. 106
Far from being well disposed towards them, society treat-
ed Very unfairly those widows who would not burn themselves
with their dead husbands. Society looked down upon them. 107
They were not allowed to wear their hair long or to put on
ornaments. 108 Widowhood was considered a punishment for
the sins of one's previous life. 109 These unfortunate creatures
had to put up with their parents, who treated them no better
than ordinary maids, doing all the menial jobs in the house,
hated and despised even by their "family and caste as being
afraid of death." 110 The very few who desired to remarry dis-
regarding the custom were turned out of their caste and com-
munity and finding it impossible to find a husband in their own
community had "recourse to Christians and Muhammadans." 111
Widow remarriage was allowed by Muhammadan law and was
practised by the rich and the poor alike. However, it seems
that many widows, particularly those belonging to respectable
families, preferred not to marry again due to the impact of
Hindu ideas. 111 *
As a mother
Whatever might have been the position of a woman as a
girl/bride and widow, she certainly occupied a most respectable
position in society as a mother. Manu emphatically asserts
that a mother "is more to be revered than a thousand fathers." 112
Apastamba writes : "Women as mothers are the best and the
foremost preceptors of children." 113 The Muslim religion, too,
enjoins upon its followers to revere their mothers for "Paradise
lies at the feet of the mother." 114 From the king down to the
peasant, all had the greatest respect for their mothers and for
elderly women whose commands were invariably obeyed. We
have numerous instances recorded in the contemporary records
of the period of Mughal kings who would travel some stages to
receive their mothers. They would perform kornish, sijdah and
taslim, when entering their presence. 115 Jahangir writes :
"I went to meet my mother at Dhar (near Lahore) and
performed kornish, sijdah and taslim with all obedience
and then took leave of her." 116 % *
On his birthday the Mughal emperor, accompanied by
princes and nobles, would necessarily pay a visit to his
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 119
mother to receive her felicitations, and present her with rare
gifts. 117 Sometimes the weighing ceremony took place in her
palace. 118 It is interesting to recall in this connection that,
according to Indian etiquette, the first lady of the realm was not
the Empress Consort (except in the case of Nurjahan and
Mumtaz Mahal) but the royal mother or royal sister. 119 ,
Perhaps no people showed greater regard for their mothers^
than the Rajputs. The Rajput mother occupied an honoured i]
and exalted position in society. She claimed a full share in the
glory of her sons who "imbibed at the maternal fount their
first rudiments of chivalry, the importance of paternal instruc-
tions." 120 We can find no better illustration than to quote the
ever recurring simile ; "Make thy mother's milk resplendent."
Rana Sangram Singh II of Mewar had made it a principle to
pay his respects to his mother every morning before taking his
meals. He would not go against the wishes of his mother, how-
ever unreasonable they might have been. 121 The call of the mother
to her sons was irresistible. Sixteen-year-old newly married Fatta
who commanded the Chittor fort during the famous assault by
Akbar put on the "saffron robe" at the command of his mother
and he and his bride died fighting against heavy odds. 122
There are several recorded instances when ladies acted as
mediators and successfully settled disputes. Khan Mirza was
let off on the recommendation of Khanum. 123 Mubhib Ali was
generously received at the court through the intervention of his
wife, Nahib Begum. 124 Badaoni employed the services of the
mother of Muqarrab Khan to settle his differences with the
Khan. 125 Jahangir, who had been for years in rebellion, was
forgiven by Akbar on the intercession of Salima Begum. 126 It
was due to the pleadings of Jahanara that Aurangzeb was par-
doned in 1653 and restored to the dignities and emoluments of
which he had been deprived by Emperor Shahjahan. 127
Her economic position
So far as property rights were concerned, Muslim ladies
were much better off than their Hindu sisters. A Muslim
lady was entitled to a definite share in the inheritance 128 with
an absolute right to dispose it of. Unlike her Hindu sister
she retained this right even after marriage. Another method
adopted to safeguard the interests of Muslim ladies after
120 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
marriage was Mahr or antenuptial settlement, 129 whereas a Hindu
lady had no right to the property of her husband's parents. A
Hindu lady was entitled to maintenance and residence expenses 130
besides movable property like ornaments, jewellery, costly
apparel, etc. 131 About the immovable property, Orme writes :
"No property in land admits of disputes concerning them.
The slavery to which the rights of parents and husband
subject the female abolishes at once all fruits of dowries,
divorce, jointures and settlements." 132
It appears that constant seclusion brought about the social,
political and intellectual stultification of women who could not
exert themselves for their legitimate rights. From the legal stand-
point they were reduced to a position of dependence in every
sphere of life.
Indian women mostly confined themselves to house-
hold work. Those belonging to the agricultural and labour-
ing classes helped their menfolk in agriculture, breed-
ing of animals, spinning, weaving, 133 tailoring, etc. Some
of them engaged themselves in independent professions like
medicine, midwifery, and the like. The women at Surat earned
money by unknitting woollen and silken fabrics after their colour
had faded off, 134 Some of them even kept shops. 135 Many took
up dancing and singing as a profession. 136 Stavorinus writes :
Ci Moors and Bengalese take great delight in having women
dance before them who are kept for that purpose and are
educated from their infancy in the pursuit of this function." 137
They were extremely supple and were adepts in the art of
dancing. 138 Muslim women usually liked to take up this pro-
fession, and some Hindu women were employed as musicians. 139
Prostitution was regarded as a disgrace though some of
the meaner sort adopted it and lived in separate quarters,
usually outside the city. 140 There were many who took to
medicine and were freely employed as niidwives. In fact there
was a separate caste that followed this profession. They could
be recognised by the "tufts of silk on their shoes or slippers,
all others wearing plain." 141 The more educated among them
adopted teaching as a regular profession. Manucci writes:
"Among them (royal household) there are matrons who teach
reading and writing to princesses." 142
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 121
HerTole in literature, art and administration
In spite of the purdah which obstructed high-class ladies
from participating in the social life of the nation, quite a large
number of talented women made a mark in different spheres
during the two centuries of Mughal rule in India. The women
of the richer classes were well-educated and many of them were
not only patrons of the learned but themselves were poetesses
of distinction and authoresses of scholarly works. 143 Gulbadan
Begum, the author of the Humayunnama, and Jahanara, the
biographer of Shibyah and Munisul Arwah, hold an enviable
position among the literary figures of that age. Jan Begum,
the daughter of Khan-i-Khanan, is said to have written a com-
mentary on the Quran* Mira Bai, Salima Sultana, a niece of
Emperor Humayun, Nur Jahan, 145 Siti-un-Nisa, the tutoress of
Jahanara and renowned as '"the princess of poets" and Zeb-
un-Nisa, the eldest daughter of Aurangzeb, were poetesses of
distinction. The authorship of Diwan-i-Makhfi is ascribed to
her. Ramabhadramba, the author of Raghunathabhyudayam,
Madhuravani, translator in verse of the Andhra-Ramayana,
Tirumalamba, author of Varadambikaparinayam, and Mohanangi,
author of the love poem Marchiparinayam, are well-known
Sanskrit poetesses of the period. 146 In Maharashtra Aka Bai
and Kena Bai, disciples of Ramdas Swami, were considered
important literary figures in the 17th century.
In the administrative sphere, too, they did not lag behind.
Some of the greatest women administrators of all ages belong
to this period. Maham Anaga, the chief nurse of Akbar,
controlled the affairs of the state for full four years (1560-64) 147
by sheer audacity and cleverness. Rani Durgavati, the Chandel
irincess of Gondwana, "famous for her beauty and accomplish-
ments," 148 governed her country with great courage and
capacity. 149 Her country was better administered and more
prosperous than that of Akbar the Great. 150 Rani Karmavati,
wife of Rana Sanga, almost ruled Mewar after the death of
her husband. It was her tact and administrative ability which
saved Mewar during the regime of her incompetent son,
Vikramaditya. 150 * Chanel Bibi's 151 name shines brilliantly in the
annals of Ahmednagar, and Makhduma-o- Jahan ruled the
Deccan very ably as a regent on behalf of Nizam Shah of the
Bahmani family. 152 Sahibji, the daughter of Ali Mardan, was a
122
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
wonderfully clever and able lady. She was the actual governor
of Kabul during her husband's viceroy alty. She displayed her
great administrative qualities after the death of her husband by
ruling over the turbulent Afghans without allowing any serious
opposition. 153 Nur Jahan, "the light of the world," was the real
power behind the Jahangiri throne. So supreme was her sway
over the emperor, who had for all practical purposes sold the
empire for "a bottle of wine and a piece of meat/' that even the
proudest peers of the realm paid their homage to her, knowing
full well that a word from her would make or mar their career.
"When in power she ruled everything, when out of power she
abstained religiously from all active life." Such was her nature.
The Maratha king Raja Ram's widow, Tarabai Mohite, as
regent for her son Shivaji II, a boy under 10 years, became
the supreme guiding force in Maharashtra. 154 She displayed
such marvellous capacity and administrative ability in en-
countering the Mughal onslaught that threatened to engulf the
Maratha state that all the efforts of Emperor Aurangzeb
failed miserably. As Sir Jadunath Sarkar has observed, "Her
administrative genius and strength of character saved the
nation in that awful crisis/'
Indian women belonging to royal and noble families,
particularly the Rajputanis, were trained as soldiers and often
displayed great bravery, courage and heroism. We have already
referred to the part played by Fatta's mother in the defence of
Chittor. 155 The valiant Durgavati was India's Joan of Arc.
She fought and won many a battle against Baz Bahadur and
the Minas. 156 Her end was no less noble. Seated on a fiery
elephant, clothed in armour and a steel helmet on her head,
she calmly yet resolutely directed her army against Akbar's
hordes with utmost zeal and ability. When despaired of victory
she said : "It is true we are overcome in war but shall we be
ever vanquished in honour" 157 and stabbed herself to death. 158
Chand Bibi, a famous Muslim heroine, personally defended
the fort of Ahmednagar against the mighty forces of Akbar. 159
Nurjahan gave ample proof of her martial capabilities in leading
an attack against Mahabat Khan. 160 Such examples can be
multiplied. But these are enough to show that medieval Indian
ladies could defend themselves and their country. 161
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
123
HSgti character of Hindu women
The chastity of Hindu women was proverbial. Several
travellers on different occasions have made a special mention
of the high character of Hindu ladies. Thevenot presents it as
an example to all the women of the East. 162 Akbar held
a high opinion of the chastity of the Hindu women, who, in
spite of being sometimes neglected, "are flaming torches of love
and fellowship." 163 Jahangir, too, admired the chastity of
Hindu ladies who would not allow "the hand of any unlawful
person touch the skirt of their chastity and would perish in
flames/' 164 Jayasi in his famous work, Padmavat, admires the
high character of Hindu women and their love and adoration
for their husbands. He says : "Sati burns herself for the
devotion to her lord ; if there is truth in her heart then the
fire is cooled." Adultery and other immoral practices were
rare among both sexes. 165 Tavernier writes : " Adultery is very
rare among them and as for sodomy I never heard it mention-
ed." 166 Death was the usual punishment for those who indulged
in such vices. 167 Sometimes the guilty were deprived of their
noses. 168 Ovington rebukes husbands for keeping a strict
watch over their wives in spite of the latter's unfailing
modesty. 169 If anyone looked at them deliberately in the
bazar or even while they stood at their doors, they resented it
as an affront and uttered "Dekh na mar" (Look here and don't
you die), so writes Grose. 170
Death had no terror for these heroic ladies when their
honour was at stake. It was certainly less dreadful than dis-
honour and captivity. With patriotic pride and songs of their
country's glory on their lips, they would desperately resort to
Jauhar when despaired of victory. "Jauhar, according to Hindu
custom," so writes Jahangir, "is the fire of fame and chastity,
so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of
their chastity." 171 Such was the ideal of India's womanhood
during the Mughal age.
NOTES
1. Hymns of the Rigveda, I, pp. 96, 106, 172, 182, 463;
Hindu Law by H.S. Gour, p. 1174 ; The Position of Women
in Hindu Law by D.N. Mitter, pp. 600-1.
122 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
wonderfully clever and able lady. She was the actual governor
of Kabul during her husband's viceroy alty. She displayed her
great administrative qualities after the death of her husband by
ruling over the turbulent Afghans without allowing any serious
opposition. 153 Nur Jahan, "the light of the world," was the real
power behind the Jahangiri throne. So supreme was her sway
over the emperor, who had for all practical purposes sold the
empire for "a bottle of wine and a piece of meat," that even the
proudest peers of the realm paid their homage to her, knowing
full well that a word from her would make or mar their career.
"When in power she ruled everything, when out of power she
abstained religiously from all active life." Such was her nature.
The Maratha king Raja Ram's widow, Tarabai Mohite, as
regent for her son Shivaji II, a boy under 10 years, became
the supreme guiding force in Maharashtra. 154 She displayed
such marvellous capacity and administrative ability in en-
countering the Mughal onslaught that threatened to engulf the
Maratha state that all the efforts of Emperor Aurangzeb
failed miserably. As Sir Jadunath Sarkar has observed, "Her
administrative genius and strength of character saved the
nation in that awful crisis."
Indian women belonging to royal and noble families,
particularly the Rajputanis, were trained as soldiers and often
displayed great bravery, courage and heroism. We have already
referred to the part played by Fatta's mother in the defence of
Chittor. 155 The valiant Durgavati was India's Joan of Arc.
She fought and won many a battle against Baz Bahadur and
the Minas. 156 Her end was no less noble. Seated on a fiery
elephant, clothed in armour and a steel helmet on her head,
she calmly yet resolutely directed her army against Akbar's
hordes with utmost zeal and ability. When despaired of victory
she said : "It is true we are overcome in war but shall we be
ever vanquished in honour" 157 and stabbed herself to death. 158
Chand Bibi, a famous Muslim heroine, personally defended
the fort of Ahmednagar against the mighty forces of Akbar. 169
Nurjahan gave ample proof of her martial capabilities in leading
an attack against Mahabat Khan. 160 Such examples can be
multiplied. But these are enough to show that medieval Indian
ladies could defend themselves and their country. 161
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 123
High character of Hindu women
The chastity of Hindu women was proverbial. Several
travellers on different occasions have made a special mention
of the high character of Hindu ladies. Thevenot presents it as
an example to all the women of the East. 162 Akbar held
a high opinion of the chastity of the Hindu women, who, in
spite of being sometimes neglected, "are flaming torches of love
and fellowship." 163 Jahangir, too, admired the chastity of
Hindu ladies who would not allow "the hand of any unlawful
person touch the skirt of their chastity and would perish in
flames." 164 Jayasi in his famous work, Padmavat, admires the
high character of Hindu women and their love and adoration
for their husbands. He says : "Sati burns herself for the
devotion to her lord ; if there is truth in her heart then the
fire is cooled." Adultery and other immoral practices were
rare among both sexes. 165 Tavernier writes : "Adultery is very
rare among them and as for sodomy I never heard it mention-
ed." 166 Death was the usual punishment for those who indulged
in such vices. 167 Sometimes the guilty were deprived of their
noses. 168 Ovington rebukes husbands for keeping a strict
watch over their wives in spite of the latter's unfailing
modesty. 169 If anyone looked at them deliberately in the
bazar or even 'while they stood at their doors, they resented it
as an affront and uttered "Dekh na mar" (Look here and don't
you die), so writes Grose. 170
Death had no terror for these heroic ladies when their
honour was at stake. It was certainly less dreadful than dis-
honour and captivity. With patriotic pride and songs of their
country's glory on their lips, they would desperately resort to
Jauhar when despaired of victory. "Jauhar, according to Hindu
custom," so writes Jahangir, "is the fire of fame and chastity,
so that the hand of no unlawful person should touch the skirt of
their chastity." 171 Such was the ideal of India's womanhood
during the Mughal age.
NOTES
1. Hymns of the Rigveda, I, pp. 96, 106, 172, 182, 463;
Hindu Law by H.S* Gour, p. 1174 ; The Position of Women
in Hindu Law by D.N. Mitter, pp. 600-1.
124 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
2. The Spirit of Indian Civilization, p. 157 ; Majumdar, The
Vedic Age., pp. 512-13 ; The Position of Women in Hindu
Law, pp. 63, 79, 97, 100 ; Women in the Sacred Scriptures:
of the Hindus, p. 71.
3. Rigveda, X, 85, 27 ; The Position of Women in Hindu
' Law, pp. 170, 196-98.
4. The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization by A.S.
Altekar,p. 206.
5. Mazumdar, B.P., Socio-Economic History of Northern
India, I960, p. 141.
6. Rashid, A., Society and Culture in Medieval India, 1969,
pp. 141-42.
7. Ibid, p. 206 ; The Position of Women in Hindu Law, p. 170.
8. Arabia and Turkistan. Persian Women and their Ways,
pp. 60-64.
9. Badaoni, II, pp. 391-92 ; Tr., II, pp. 404-6.
10. The Spirit of Indian Civilization, pp. 163-64.
11. Cooper, Elizabeth, Harem and the Purdah, p. 65.
12. Mandelslo, p. 51 ; Delia Valle, p. 461 ; Bernier, p. 413.
13. Padavali Bangiya of Vidyapati Thakur (Tr. Coomara-
swami and Arunsen, London, 1915).
14. Pelsaert's India, p. 64.
15. Ovington, p. 211.
16. Ibid.
17. John Marshall in India, p. 328.
18. Mandelslo, p. 51.
19. Delia Valle, p. 411.
20. Mandelslo, p. 51 ; Bernier, p. 413.
21. Tavernier, p. 125.
22. Storia, II, pp. 333-34.
23. Bernier, p. 374.
24. Studies in Mughal India, p. 116.
25. Ovington, p. 213.
26. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 384 ; Hamilton, I,
p. 163.
27. Persian Women and Their Ways, p. 61.
28. Hamilton, I, p. 163 (New Edition) MX CCXXVII).
29. Ovington, p. 211.
30. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 181.
31. Mandelslo, p. 66 ; Delia Valle, p. 24 ; DeLaet, p. 81.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 125 , I
* I]
Jl
32. Delia Valle, p. 430. |
23. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 182. j|
34. Delia Valle, p. 434. Wheeler's History of India, IV, Ft. II, ! |
(London, 1881). |f i
35. DeLaet, p. 81. _ ,:,|
36. Grose, I, p. 193. 'j i'j
37. Mandelslo, p. 51. , |
38. D. Laet, p. 81. <|
39. Tod, II, pp. 710-11. |
40. Grose, I, pp. 114-15. ^
41. Ovington, p. 320. |
42. A Rajput is often heard to say : " Accursed to the day /j
when a woman child is bora to me." Tod, II, pp. 739-40. ,/
A verse of the Atharv-Veda rightly echoes the general j } ;
desire of the birth of a son and not a daughter. "The birth <;!
of a girl grant it elsewhere, here grant a boy." Atharv-
Veda, VI, 2-3.
43. Storia, II, p. 343.
44. R. & B., I, pp. 1-2.
45. A.N., III, pp. 58 and 260 ; Tr., Ill, pp. 83 and 378. Also
see Storia, II, p. 343.
46. Altekar, p. 9.
47. Tod, II, pp. 739-40.
48. "Marry whatever woman you like, three and three, four
and four," the Quran instructs.
49. Badaoni, II, p. 356 ; Tr., II, p. 367.
50. Badaoni, II, pp. 208-9 ; Tr., II, p. 212.
51. Badaoni, II, p. 356 ; Tr., II, p. 367.
52. Ain, I, (1873), p. 277.
53. Saying of Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Koka vide LN., p. 230;
Ain, I, (1873), p. 327.
54. Mandelslo, p. 64 ; Thevenot, Ch. I, p. 88.
55. Ibid. Pelsaert's India, p. 66.
56. Pelsaert's India, p. 66.
57. According to Mukundram, polygamy prevailed in Hindu
society at that time, though it was not highly favoured.
Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 178.
58. Delia Valle, (Ed. Edward Grey), I, pp. 82-83.
59. Mandelslo, p. 52.
60 f Hamilton, I, p. 157 (New Edition).
126 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
61. Orme's Fragments, p. 408.
62. Stavorinus, I, p. 440,
63. Ibid ; Mandelslo, p. 52.
64. Orme's Fragments, p. 438.
65. Storia, III, p. 55 ; Tod, II, p. 712.
66. Hindus, as a protection against Muslim raiders who would
not usually carry off married women, resorted to early
marriage of their daughters. It also acted as a safeguard
against vices and helped the bride to knew her husband
before physical consummation. Tavernier, XXIV, p. 181.
Persian Women and Their Ways, p. 109. Akbar abhorred
marriages before the age of puberty. Am, I, (1873), p. 277.
European travellers write about the early marriages of
young girls. Manned (III, pp. 59-60) writes : "They
married off their girls even before they were able to
speak." "Married before the age of ten years," (Early
Travels, p. 17) ; "Several years before the age of puberty,"
Am, I, (1873), p. 277 ; according to Thevenot, at the age
of four, five or six years ; while Tavernier puts the
marriage age at seven or eight.
67. Altekar, p. 73.
68. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 178. Akbar's orders prohibi-
ting marriage of girls before 12 years and boys before 16
did not stop this practice ; Badaoni, II, p. 338 ; Tr. II,
p. 349.
69. Pelsaert's India, p. 82.
70. Storia, III, p. 55.
71^ Ibid, pp. 152, 155.
72. Altekar, p. 49. For dowry refer to Purchas' India, p. 191 ;
Saletore, op. tit., II, pp. 190-91.
72.* Dasgupta, T.C., Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 3 as quoted
in Misra, Rekha, Women in Mughal India, p. 131.
73. Storia, III, p. 55.
74. Ibid.
75. Badaoni, II, p. 391 ; Tr., II, p. 405.
76. Purchas' India, p. 90 ; Early Travels, p 221
77. Ain, I, (1873), p. 277.
78. Tod, I, p. 441.
79. Tod, II, p. 783.
80. Tod, II, pp. 731-32,
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 127
81. Altekar, p. 396 ; while going to enrol his son in the school,
we find Kalu, the father Guru Nanak, asking his wife for
some money ; Macauliffe's Sikh Religion, I, pp. 2-3.
82. Storia, III, p. 155.
83. According to the traveller, they considered pregnancy to
be a very clear proof of the blessing of Goddess Lakshmi.
Bartolomeo, pp. 253-54.
84. Storia, III, p. 155 ; Macauliffe, I, p. 242.
85. Stavorinus writes : "The women live in the strictest sub-
jection to their husbands." Stavorinus, I, pp. 440-41 ;
Matla-ul-AIwar of Amir Khusrau, pp. 192, 117. See
Padmavat edited by Grierson and Dvivedi, p. 256.
86. R. & B., I, p. 359.
87. Tod, II, p. 713.
88. Tod, II, p. 713.
89. A.N., II, p. 217 ; Tr., II, p. 336. Also see Tod, II, pp. 784-
85 for another instance.
90. Tod, II, pp. 728-30.
91. Bernier, p. 259.
92. H.N., G., (Bev.), p. 151.
93. Bernier, p. 41.
94. Tavernier, III, p. 181.
95. Ibid.
96. Ovington, p. 331. According to the traveller, sometimes
husbands would burn themselves with their wives out of
sheer love, p. 343.
97. High dowries, no doubt, prevented rash divorces, but
Akbar disapproved high dowries. Am, I, (1873), p. 277.
For high dowries prevalent in those days, T.A., II, trans.,
p. 616.
98. Delia Valle, (Ed. Edward Grey), I, pp. 82-83.
99. Stavorinus, I, p. 440 ; Mandelslo, p. 52.
100. Altekar, p. 102.
101. Delia Valle, (Ed. Edward Grey), I, pp. 82-83.
102. This prohibition was complete in the higher section of the
society, while those belonging to the lower stratum conti-
nued to remarry ; Altekar, p. 183.
103. Ovington, pp. 323-24.
104. "Force is not applied as they say and it may be true at
least in the countries where Mohammadan commands, for
128 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
there no woman is suffered to be burnt without leave of
the Governor of the place to whom it belongs if not to
examine whether the woman be willing and because there
is also paid a good deal of money." Delia Valle (Ed.
Edward Grey), I, p. 85 ; Storia, III, p. 156 ; Waqyat-i-
Jahangiri, E. & D., VI, p. 376.
105. Ovington, p. 323.
106. Tod, II, p. 865.
107. Mandelslo, p. 86 ; Bernier, p. 314 ; Thevenot, III, Chap.
XLIV, p. 84 ; Stavorinus, I, pp. 440-41.
108. Nicholas Withington (1612-16) in Early Travels, p. 219;
storia, m, p. 91.
109. Delia Valle, p. 435 ; Bernier, p. 314.
110. Storia, III, p. 60 ; Thevenot, III, Chap. XLIX, p. 84.
111. Thevenot, III, Chap. XLIX, p. 84. According to Oving-
ton (p. 332) sometimes Brahmans left large amounts of
money for the maintenance of their widows.
111.* Haft Tamasha (Urdu), pp. 138-39, quoted in Burhan, Oct.
1969, pp. 282-83.
112. The Spirit of Indian Civilization, p. 158.
113. Apastamba, II, 541-7.
114. Muhammad is reported to have said. Women under Islam,
p. 13.
115. Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 62. Also see Macauliffe, I, p. 96.
116. Ibid. For another instance see R. & B., I, p. 78 ; for
Babar's respect for his step-grandmother see A.N. 9 I,
p. 90; Tr., I, p. 231.
117. Ain 9 I, pp. 256, etc.
118. See Chapter on Festivals.
119. Aurangzib, Sarkar, Vol. Ill, p. 57.
120. Tod, I, p. 642, quoted in Hindu Superiority, 1917, p. 99.
121. Tod, I, p. 479.
122. Tod, I, p. 326.
123. A.N., I, pp. 90-91 ; Tr., I, pp. 232-33.
124. JBadaoni, II, p, 136 ; Tr., II, p. 138.
125. Ibid. 9 p. 87 ; Tr., II, p. 88.
126. Takmil-i-Akbarnama (E. & D.), VI, pp. 108-9 ; K.K., I,
pp. 223-25.
127. Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal ; Introducing India, Part I,
1949, p. 101.
POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY 129
128. "A daughter was absolutely assured of one-half a son's
share of an inheritance. Under all conditions women
received a half share." Harem and the Purdah, p. 67.
129. Women under Islam, p. 27. "Of a deceased husband's
property, the wife received 1/8 if there were children, 1/4
if there were none and with right to dispose of as she
pleased.'' Harem and the Pardah, p. 88. AH Sher, ruler
of Srinagar (ascended 1342 A.D.), abolished the custom
under which a childless widow, though unchaste, obtained
a share of her husband's property from her father-in-law.
Delhi Sultanate, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, p. 376.
130. The Position of Women by Menon, p. 25.
131. Altekar, p. 259. This is called Stri Dhan.
132. Orme's Fragments, p. 438.
133. "They would make veils called frinis." Tavernier, II,
p. 127. Maasir refers to a woman who used to make
bracelets ; Maasir, I, p. 532.
134. Ibid, p. 132.
135. Badaoni, II, pp. 301-2 ; Tr., II, p. 311.
136. Ain, III, p. 257 / Malwa in Transition by Raghubir Singh,
p. 335.
137. Stavorinus, I, p. 437.
138. Bernier, p. 274 ; Delia Valle, I, (Ed. Edward Grey), p. 71.
139. Storia,ll,p. 337.
140. For details refer to P.N. Chopra, "Experiments in Social
Reforms in Medieval India," Ramakrishna Cultural Heri-
tage of India, Vol. II. Also see Saletore, op. cit., Vol. II,
pp. 165-66 ; Stavorinus, I, p. 409.
141. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 281.
142. Storia, II, pp. 330-31.
143. See Chapter on Education.
144. Akbar rewarded her 50,000 dinars for her work.
145. For specimen see K.K., I, pp. 270-71.
146. History of Sanskrit Literature by Das-Gupta and S.K. De,
pp. 417-18. The unfinished version of the Ramayana by
Chandravati, a Bengali poetess of the 16th century, is still
widely known in parts of East Bengal (Tara Ali Beg,
Women of India, p. 183). Also see Saletore, op. cit., II,
p. 163.
147. A.N., II, p. 100 ; Tr,, II, p. 151,
j 30 POSITION OF WOMEN IN SOCIETY
148. Badaoni, II, p. 66 ; Tr., II, p. 65 ; E. & D., V, pp. 169,
288. The Spirit of Indian Civilization by D.N. Roy, p. 161.
149. According to Abul Fazl, she distinguished herself by her
courage, counsel and magnificence. A.N., II, pp. 209
and 214 ; Tr., II, pp. 224 and 230.
150. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, pp. 69-70.
150.* Sharma, G.N., Mewar and the Mughal Emperors, p. 50.
151. Queen Dowager of Bijapur, sister of Burhan-ul-Mulk of
Ahmednagar. Ferishta, III, p. 312.
152. Outlines of Islamic Culture by A.M. A, Shushtery, Vol. II,
Appendix A, p. 771.
153. Studies in Mughal India, pp. 114-117.
154. K.K., II, pp. 469, 516 ; Sarkar, Aurangzib, pp. 199-201 ;
History of the Mahrattas by James Grant Duff, Vol. I,
pp. 323-24.
155. Tod, Vol. I, p. 381.
156. A.N., II, p. 325 ; Smith's Akbar, pp. 69-70. For the
bravery of Kashmiri ladies, a little before our period,
refer to Dr. D.C. Sircar, Great Women of India, p. 290 ;
Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan (ed. Crooke),
Vol. I, p. 242.
157. Ferishta, II, p. 218.
158. Tarikh-i-AIfi, E. & D., V, p. 169.
159. Ferishta, III, p. 312.
160. Iqbalnama, pp. 262-63 (E. & D.), VI, pp. 425-26.
161. R. & B., II, p. 268.
162. Thevenot, III, Chap. XXIV, p. 47.
163. A.N., III, p. 256 ; Tr., Ill, p. 372.
164. R. &B., II, p. 268.
165. Stavorinus, II, p. 487.
166. Tavernier, III, p. 181.
167. Stavorinus, II, p. 497.
168. Mandelslo, p. 95.
169. Ovington, p. 211.
170. Grose, I, p. 240.
171. Tod, I, p. 363.
CHAPTER 6
Education
In the words of a modem Indologist, "Education is no
exotic in India. There is no country where the love of learning
had so early an origin or has exercised so lasting and powerful
an influence. From the simple poets of the Vedic age to the
Bengali philosopher (Rabindranath Tagore) of the present
day, there has been an uninterrupted succession of teachers and
scholars." 1
Primary education
Primary schools, in the modern sense of the word, prob-
ably did not exist in ancient India. But the teaching system,
whatever it might have been, received a great impetus after the
establishment of Buddhist monasteries. Pathshalas or schools
attached to temples, Hindu or Buddhist, and maintained by
grants or endowments made for that specific purpose came
into prominence. 2 These continued to exist even up to the 19th
century in Bengal, Bihar and the Punjab, 3 and most probably
in other parts of the country also. Mandelslo writes: "Brahmins
have also the oversight of schools where they teach children to
read and write."
These were mostly private schools. Students and scholars
resorted to these teachers who established schools at their own
expense, but solicited contributions not only to raise the
building but also to feed their pupils. Usually made of clay,
these schools consisted of three rooms and sometimes eight or
ten in two rows with a reading-room open on all sides at the
farther end.
Hindus would introduce their children to regular educa-
tion by a formal ceremony called upanayana, the normal age
for which differed for various castes and for different ideals aji<i .
!32 EDUCATION
aims. 4 The capacity and aptitude of the boy were also taken
into consideration. However, generally speaking, a Hindu
child had his first lessons at about the age of five either from his
father at home or from a teacher at school. 5 The Mughals,
too, would send their children to school before they were five
years of age. The maktab ceremony was usually performed
when a child was four years, four months, and four days old, 6
usually after circumcision. Both Hindus and Muslims put their
children to school at an auspicious hour after consulting the
astrologer. 7
It was essential for the service-class people to edu-
cate their sons in the court language. Brokers, bankers, and
merchants sent their children to school to enable them to
grasp the fundamentals of elementary arithmetic which were of
importance to them in their daily transactions. Muslims, on
the other hand, were less enthusiastic about the education of
their sons. The views of a 17th-century traveller 8 that Muslims,
who held high government posts or who were big businessmen,
were "proud, scorn to be taught, jealous of the baseness of
mankind durst not trust their children under tuition" and that
"they were by nature slothful and would seldom take pains"
seem to be an exaggeration, whereas Mandelslo's contention that
Muslims took special interest to educate their sons as soon as
they reached the school-going age appears to be true only in
the case of the highly placed class of Muslim nobles, 9 who
could also afford to keep a good many Hindu accountants to
look 'after their business and estates. 10 These nobles would not
necessarily send their children to schools, but usually employed
tutors to teach them at home. 11 But so far as the common
Muhammadan was concerned, the fact remains that he was
reluctant to attend to his studies and preferred to be trained in
the art of warfare and to be enlisted in the imperial army 12
where he could hope for a bright future.
Pathshalas and maktabs were the primary institutions
which a beginner attended. The beginner received his first lesson
there in the alphabet from a pandit or a maulavi. Maktabs were
a very common sight during the Mughal period. Cities and
towns and certain villages swarmed with them. Delia Valle
probably refers to them when he writes that in Jahangir's time
there were private schools in every town and village. 13 There is
EDUCATION 133
also a reference to a public school run by a Hindu teacher in
Madura in 1660 A.D. 14
There was no printed primer, but the children were
made to write the alphabet and figures on wooden
boards or on the dust of the ground with their fingers. 15 Usually
the pupils assembled under the shade of a tree where they
arranged themselves in rows on the ground, and their master
attended them standing or sitting on a mat or deer-skin." 16
Combined letters were practised later and difficult words selected
from a standard book, usually the Holy Quran, were dictated.
Thus they perfected their spelling and were also made to under-
stand the meanings of the words they wrote. Great importance
was given to calligraphy and students were instructed to imitate
and practise the style of the best calligraphists of the day. 17
As soon as the boys could read and write, 18 grammar
followed by the text of the Holy Quran, was invariably intro-
duced in every maktab. Every child had to learn it (the
Quran) by rote. 20 Most of the boys could read even if they
did not understand the text. 21 No evidence is available about
the nature of religious instruction given to Hindu children in
pathshalas?* Growse, however, thinks that the Ramayana form-
ed the chief text in primary schools. 23 But as the Ramayana
was put in Hindi garb by Tulsi Das at the end of Akbar's reign,
that could not obviously have been a textbook till the end of
the 16th century. According to Bernier, the Puranas were taken
up after learning the alphabet. 24 Malik Muhammad Jayasi
corroborates it in his Padmavat^ The teaching of elementary
mathematics also went side by side with literacy. The Hindus
were particularly proficient in it. There was and still is in
vogue among them an interesting and useful way of committing
to memory the multiplication tables called Pahare which were
practised in a class or by a group of class-fellows. A boy
sang his lesson : Ek Duna Duna, Do Dune Char that is, one
time two makes two and two times two make four. The others
repeated it jointly and wrote after him in the like manner. 28
After learning the Quran, Muslim students took lessons in the
Gulistan, Bostan and poems of Firdausi. 27 Sanskrit scholars,
on the other hand, studied the Puranas, Upanishads and Shastras
and sometimes the Vedas. 28
There were three kinds of schools : in the first, grammar,
134
EDUCATIOM
poetry and the Puranas and the Smritis were studied ; in the
second, the law and the Puranas, and in the third, Nyaya
Darshan or logic was taught. At Banaras there were in exis-
tence different colleges for specialization in different subjects
such as the Vedas, grammar, poetry, logic, law and astro-
nomy. 29
It appears that classes were held twice a day, in the
morning and evening. Some interval was allowed in between
for meals. AbduH-Haqq informs us that his house was two
miles from the school and he used "to go twice a day to college,
morning and evening, during the heat of one season and the
cold of another, returning for a short time for a meal to his own
house." 30
The average number of pupils with each teacher was
usually four or five but it seldom exceeded the maximum of
fifteen. A teacher was usually helped by his senior pupils who
acted as assistant masters. 31
No fee was paid, as to give and receive instruction is
enjoined by the sacred books of the Brahmans. The Saura
Purana condemns a teacher who teaches for money. Manu also
declares him to be guilty of a sin. 32 The tradition continued
during the Mughal age. "Hindus," writes Marshal, "never
teach their children for money ; those they teach they give
(them) victuals, too, besides their learning which is esteemed as
a gift." 33 The teacher, naturally, had to look to the rich, the
nobles and merchants for his subsistence, which was gladly
made available.
The teacher was received with the utmost respect by his
pupils who would humbly touch his feet and speak respectfully
and only with his permission. If someone misbehaved, he was
sure to be expelled from the school. "By these means/ 9 writes
Bartolomeo, "the preceptor always receives that respect which
is due to him, the pupils are obedient and seldom offend against
rules which are so carefully inculcated." 34 Students were
punished for their faults. Hindu law and custom did not
allow severe punishment or torture. Negligence in doing the
day's work, wilful mischief and bad manners were punished by
detention after school hours or by ordering the delinquent
student to write a lesson ten or fifteen times or by mild physical
punishment like a slap on the face, boxing the ears, or making
EDUCATION 135
him sit on the tips of his toes and hold his ears with his hands
from under his thighs. 35
The relations between the class-fellows and even school-
fellows were very friendly. They would hold their class-mates
in high esteem even when old and thought it a privilege to be of
some service to them. 36 The teachers who could lecture without
the help of notes or books were highly respected and remem-
bered for generations. Badaoni is full of praise for Mian
Shaikh Abdullah of Badaon whom "I never saw in the course
of his teaching to be under the necessity of referring to a book
for the purpose of solving those questions and obscure subtle-
ties, for whatever he had once seen he had on the tip of his
tongue." 37 / The promptness in solving knotty problems as well
as ready wit in answering complicated questions was considered
another qualification. 38
Higher seats of Hindu learning
A university came into existence where a number of
colleges were established (usually in a town of special sanctity).
Banaras and Nadia are the examples. Bernier writes :
"Banaras is a kind of university, but it has no college or
regular classes as in our universities, but it resembles
rather the school of ancients, the masters being spread over
different parts of the town in private houses. 39
Other university towns were of the same type.
The chief centres of learning or universities, if we may call
them so, were at places where the renowned scholars had made
their homes. Muslims invariably liked capitals, provincial or
imperial, whereas Hindus preferred shrines and sacred places
where pilgrim traffic supplied a subsidiary source of income to
the famous teachers residing there. Thus free from the worries
of making a livelihood, they pursued their studies undisturbed.
Banaras (Varanasi), Nadia or Navadvipa in Bengal, Mithila,
Prayag, Ayodhya, Srinagar, Tirhut, Thatta, Madura, Multan,
Sirhind, etc. were the famous seats of Hindu learning.
Banaras
Banaras as a pre-eminent centre of learning in the East
suffered considerably for three centuries (A.D. 12001500)
when the crescent banner was first planted on this land. Fearing
136 EDUC
religious persecution, many of the learned families sought s'
in safer places. However, a new era dawned with the adv<
the Mughals. We find once again "the lamp of Sanskrit bu
luminously at Banaras from the 16th century." It began
more to draw scholars from the remotest corners of In
Several learned families shifted again to this place. 41 Dl
adhikari, Sesa, Bhatta and Mouni were the families i
figured prominently for more than three centuries (1500-1
Nana Pandit (1570 1630), author of Dattaka-Mimamsa
Khanderaya, author of Parasurama-Prakasa, both belong
Dharmadhikari family. Sankarbhatta, author of Davitan
Vratamaynkha and many other works, Gangabhatta, authi
a dozen works on Mimamsa-Sisavishnu, and Chintamani, a
of Rasamanjari-Parimala, belonged to Sesa family. Kabii
Tulsi Das carried on their literary activities at Banaras
Guru Nanak and Chaitanya paid visits to this holiest of I
shrines. Raja Jai Singh founded there a college for the e
tion of the princes. 42 There were other, seminaries 43 i
renowned pandits interpreted and expounded the fundam<
of Hindu religion and philosophy. 44
Nadia
Nadia in Bengal was, after Banaras, the greatest <
of Hindu learning in the country during the Mughal
Students from all parts of the country gathered at Nadia.
grand old university, which rose to importance after the de
tion of the Buddhist universities of Naianda and Vikran
gave Brahmanical learning an opportunity to renew its wo
new foundations during Muslim rule (1198-1757). It r
boasted of its three branches at Navadvipa, Santipura
Gopalpara. In Navadvipa alone there were 1 00 student
not less than 150 teachers. The number rose to 4,000 ]
and six hundred teachers in 1680. 45 Vasudeva Sarvabh
(1450-1525), the great scholar of the 16th century, w;
founder of the famous Nadia school of Nyaya which
outrivalled Mithila when its first student, Raghunatha, dej
in argument /the head of the Logic Department at M:
Raghunatha Siromani was also the founder of a schc
logic which produced many scholars of repute. Among
Mathuranatha (AJD. 1570), the author of many works on
EDUCATION 137
known by the general name Mathuri, Ramabhadra, himself the
founder of a school, and Gadadhara Bhattacharya (A.D. 1650),
"the prince of Indian logicians" and the author of a special
literature "Gadadhari," all deserve mention. Raghunandana
created a Chair of Smriti in the 16th century along with the
Chair of Logic at Nadia. The Chair of Astronomy was added in
1718 by Ramarudra Vidyanidhi. 46 Godavari, too, has been
mentioned as a centre of Hindu learning. 47
Mithila
Mithila' s reputation as a centre of learning dates back to
the times of Upanishads. It retained its importance throughout
and made notable contributions in the realm of difficult and
scientific subjects. Even during the Mughal days, it used to draw
students from all parts of the country for specialized study in
logic. Raghunandandasa Rai, a pupil of this college, performed
intellectual digvijaya at the instance of Akbar. The Emperor
|- was so much pleased with him that he gave him the whole town
f of Mithila as a gift. The obedient pupil in turn offered it to
\. his teacher, Mahesa Thakkura. 48
i
{ Madura
[ Madura was the chief centre for studies in Indian
I. philosophy. There were several colleges of Brahmans where
I over 10,000 students specialized in its different branches.
I Bisnagar and the great Nayaka had made splendid foun-
;' dations whose revenues were allotted for the remuneration
; of the teachers and subsistence of the students. 49
l. : Other centres of learning
i Tirhut 50 was a famous centre of Hindu learning, and Go-
i karanhad was a great university of the Brahmans. 51 Thatta was
| no less important and, according to Hamilton, there were about
I 400 colleges there. Theology, philology and politics were some
|. of the special courses of study there. 52 Another big centre was
[ Multan where Hindus had established several schools. 53 Students
f crowded Multan from all parts of India to study and specialize
|: in difficult sciences like astronomy, astrology, mathematics,
1 medicine, etc., of which the Brahmans had complete mastery. 54
, Sirhind had the distinction of having a very famous school of
133 EDUCATION
medicine, most probably Ayurvedlc. It was the main centre
which supplied doctors to the whole empire. 55
In the South there were a number of centres of Hindu
learning. Madura was the most important among them.
Kanchipuram in Chingleput, Adayapalam, Vetur, Virnicipuram
and Vepu in North Arcot were some of the other centres of
Hindu learning in the South. Rajas of Kerala were great
patrons of learning.
In Assam the most important centre of Hindu learning
was at Kamarupa. The renowned scholars from this place
visited Nalanda and other centres and held debates with them.
The rulers of Kachari, Kamata and Koch were great patrons
and helped in the advancement of learning.
Higher seats of Muslim learning
Madrasas were secondary schools or colleges for higher
learning. Sometimes they were attached to a chief mosque of
the city. 36 No exact information can be had of the actual
number of madrasas at these places. Few and scatterred refer-
ences are to be found here and there in the biographies of the
learned employed in teaching. Jahangir is said to have repaired
even those madrasas that had been in ruins for thirty years, 57
He issued a regulation that all property "not legitimately claimed
on the death of a rich man would escheat to the Crown to be
used for building and repairing madrasas"
Agra
Muslim divines and scholars, unlike Hindu pandits, chose
for their permanent dwellings big cities where they could easily
find suitable jobs, admirers, followers, and pupils. Agra, Delhi,
Lahore, Jaunpur, Gujarat, Sialkot, Ahmedabad, etc. attracted
their attention and became the main centres of Muslim learning.
Agra enjoyed a pre-eminent position as an educational
centre throughout the Mughal period. Many colleges of Islamic
learning were established there by the Mughal emperors, 58
nobles and learned scholars, such as Maulana Ala-ud-Din Lari, 69
Qazi Jalal-ud-Din of Multan, 60 Shaikh Abul Path of Thaneswar,
Sayyid Rafi-ud-Din Safawi, 61 Mir Kalan Hariwi, 62 and others.
A large number of advanced scholars used to gather to take
EDUCATION 139
lessons from Sayyid Shah Mir of Samana who had his dwelling
on the other side of the river Jamuna. His hospice assumed the
appearance of a big college. 63 Mirza Muflis, the Uzbeg, taught
for four years in the Jami Masjid of Khwaja Muin-ud-Din
Farrukhabadi in Agra. 64 Petermundy mentions that there was
a college for Jesuits at Agra. 65
Belli!
Delhi, the imperial seat of a long line of ruling dynasties,
was an older educational centre. It kept up its tradition during
the Mughal regime and many new institutions were founded
there. 66 On the bank of the Jamuna, Humayun built a school
in honour of Zain-ud-Din Khafi. 67 Maham Anaga, too, estab-
lished a madrasa, called Khair-ul-Manzil, 68 or Madrasa-i-
Begam, 69 opposite the western gate of Purana Qila. 70 It was a
residential madrasa. The students resided in the rooms of both
the storeys, and the classes were held in the hall. Shaikh
Abdullah of Talna's residence, a little before our period, was a
famous resort of students. Hundreds of students gathered
from distant places to take lessons from him. He could count
some forty distinguished scholars among his pupils, including
Mian Ladan andJamal Khan of Delhi, Mian Sheikh of Gwalior,
and Mian Sayyid Jalal of Badaon. 71 There was another
madrasa, built on the roof of Humayun' s tomb. Shaikh Abdul
Haq, a contemporary of Jahangir, also refers to a madrasa in
Akhbar-ul-Akhyar. Shahjahan built a magnificent royal
madrasa known as Dar-uI-Baqa on the southern side of the
Jama Masjid. 72 Madrasa-i-Rahimyya, known after the name
of Abdur Rahim, father of Shah Waliullah, was built during
Aurangzeb's time. It produced a number of well-known
teachers, such as Abdul Aziz, Shah Ismail, and Abdul Qadir.
Lahore
Lahore 73 was not such an extensive centre of learning as
Delhi or Agra. However, it supplied teachers to a few colleges
in other parts of India. Among the notables there Maulana
Jalal of Tala and Mulla Imamuddin 74 may be particularly men-
tioned. Lahore's importance as an educational centre dates
from the time of Aurangzeb when the reputation of its scholars
"attracted many a pupil from far and wide." 75
EDUCATION
Jausper and Gujarat
Jaunpur and Gujarat were two other centres where learned
scholars had taken up their residence. Jaunpur, rightly called
the Shiraz of India, came into prominence during the reign of
Ibrahim Sharqi (1402-40) when it came to have several colleges
and mosques. It retained its importance throughout the Mughal
period. Scholars from far and wide came to study there.
Mughal emperors up to the time of Muhammad Shah (1719-48)
took keen interest in the progress of the institutions and ex-
horted the teachers not to relax in their scholarly efforts.
Regular reports were asked for and enquiries made before
making grants to them. 76 According to Mukundram, maktabs
were set up in Gujarat where young Muhammadans were given'
instruction by pious maulavis? 1 such as Mian Wajih-ud-Din,
Shaikh Gadai Dehlvi, the renowned scholar of Humayun's
reign, who used to teach logic and philosophy to scholars that
came from distant parts of India and abroad. 78 Aurangzeb
issued instructions to Diwan of Gujarat to appoint every year
teachers at the cost of the state and to pay stipends to
students according to the recommendation of the Sadr of the
province and the attestation of the teacher. 79 The Madrasa
Faiz Safa was founded in Naharwara Pattan in Gujarat in
1092 A.H. It was attached to a mosque. Burhan Nizam
Shah I built a college called Langar-i-Duwazda Imam, 80 at
Ahmedabad for imparting Shia learning. He imported deeply
learned men from Iraq, Arabia, Persia and upper India to teach
in this college. 81 Akram-ud-Din also built there a magnificent
college in 1697 A.D. at an estimated cost of Rs. 124,000.
Kashmir
Kashmir, with its pleasant and refreshing climate, was a
good centre of learning. Some rich scholars resorted to that
valley to write their works in that cool and calm atmosphere. 82
Mulla Shah Badakhashi, a spiritual teacher of Jahanara, the
eldest daughter of Shahjahan, took his early lessons in Kashmir. 83
Mirza Abu Talib Kalim went to Kashmir to complete his work
on the poetical records 84 of the reign of Shahjahan.
Other centres of Islamic learning
There were various other centres of learning and education.
EDUCATION 141
Akbar built colleges at Fatehpur Sikri. 85 Abul Fazl also built
here a madrasa which is still known after his name. 86 The
grammarian Shaikh Sadullah's hospice in Bayana became a
famous resort of students and religious men. 87 Aurangzeb con-
fiscated from the Dutch the building called Farhangi Mahal in
Lucknow, allotted it to an ulema family and so the Farhangi
Mahal Madrasa was founded. 88 Shaista Khan, a noble, and
Muhammad Azam, son of Aurangzeb, built madrasas at
Dacca. 89 Sher Shah's madrasa at Narnaul, established in 1520
A.D., may also be mentioned. 90 Hamilton saw schools at
Madras of the English, the Portuguese, the Hindus and the
Muhammadans where "were taught their respective languages." 91
To other centres of learning, Ajmer, Burhanpur, Sambhal,
Gwalior, 92 Sialkot, 93 Ambala and Thaneswar may also be-added.
Dacca in Bengal held a pre-eminent position as a centre of
learning. Khan Muhammad Mirdha's mosque had a maktab
and a madrasa attached to it.
Mixed schools
There is some evidence to show that here and there some
Muslim students attended the schools kept by Hindu teachers
for instruction in subjects like astronomy, astrology mathema-
tics, medicine, etc. 94 Till the time of Akbar, it seems, Hindus
did not like to attend madrasas. But when Persian became
the court language in the time of that monarch Hindus had to
attend Muslim institutions to learn Persian.
Duration of courses, tests and certificates
The courses of study usually varied from ten to twelve
years for graduation. 95 Some more years were required for a
doctorate after studying under a renowned scholar. Waman
Pandit of Satara after getting some education from his father
went to Banaras at the age of 1 8 to study Sanskrit and re-
mained there for not less than twelve years and then returned
home, 98 having completed his education in all the departments of
knowledge. 97 Sur Das, the renowned Hindu poet of the 17th
century, remained engaged in his studies at Banaras till he had
attained the age of thirty. 98 Sayyid Abdullah, the author of
Tazkirah-i-Shushtar, was a brilliant exception. He is said to
have completed his full course of study at the age of fifteen, then
142 EDUCATION
travelled to Isfahan, Azarbaijan and other parts of Persia and
Turkey."
No regular annual examinations were held in those days.
A good mastery of certain specified courses of which the teacher
was the sole judge was sufficient for promotion to the next
standard. Thus it was not unnatural or surprising to see a boy
promoted to the next class within six months of his joining.
An unusual type of examination called Salakapariksha to judge
the capacity of the pupil marked the termination of the gradua-
tion course in Mithila. A candidate was expected to explain
correctly that page of the manuscript which was pierced last by
a needle run through it. 100 No regular degrees were awarded.
To have studied in a reputed institution or under a renowned
teacher was the greatest qualification one could have. I have
come across some instances of diplomas awarded or certificates
issued by the great scholars of theology to their pupils after
successful termination of their courses, which conferred upon
the latter the authority to give instruction thereon. Shaikh-ul*
Hidya of Khairabad held a diploma from his tutor Shaikh Safi,
the spiritual successor of Shaikh Sai'd, authorising him to give
instruction. 101 Shaikh Yaqub received from Ibn-u-Haja a licence
to give instruction in the traditions of Muhammad. 102 Sayyid
Yasin, who studied the traditions in Hijaz, received the
authority to give instruction thereon. 103
Some sort of a certificate or diploma was also awarded in
certain Hindu institutions. Graduates from the university of
Mithila were allowed only to leave with their diplomas, but not
with any manuscript. Raghunatha, a student of the Nadia
university, was deputed to "exact from Mithila a charter to
confer degrees." Chhurika Bandhanam resembles our present-day
convocations. The occasion meant the tying of a dagger to the
dress of the pupil as a token of his graduation. 104 Sometimes a
title was conferred on a distinguished pupil. The great scholar
Vasudeva after the completion of his course at Nadia was
honoured by the title of Sarvabhauma in "recognition of his
supreme merit." 105 Peeyushavarsha, Pakshadhara and Akbariya
Kalidasa were also the titles conferred on Sanskrit scholars.
Jayadeva, who was deeply learned in Sutras and Sastras, was
honoured by the former titles. 106 Sri Hari, who flourished
during the reign of Akbar, received the title of Akbariya
EDUCATION 143
Kalidasa. Rambhadra, a sound grammarian, was known among
his friends as Pratvagra Patanjali. 107 Raghunatha, who had
completed the studies of Vedyatan, earned the title of Sandak
Scholarship judged by reputation of one's teacher
After graduation the students who desired to go in for
higher studies would spend some years undef a renowned
scholar to specialize in certain specific branches. Muslims
invariably studied theology. It was not an easy affair to get
oneself admitted to post-collegiate studies, as the teachers were
reluctant to have more than a limited number of students and a
selection had to be made. Mulla Shah Badakhashi refused to
take Jahanara Begum as his pupil. It was only after several
efforts that her request was granted.. 309 Maulana Usman of
Samana was a pupil of HaJkim-ul-Mulk, 110 while the historian
Badaoni studied under Maulana Mirza of Samarkand. 111 Nizum-
ud-Din, the author of the Tabqat-i-Akbari, studied under Mulla
All Sher. 112 Shaikh Yaqub of Kashmir obtained higher know-
ledge under Shaikh Hussain of Khwaraizm. 113 Badaoni used to
take pride in the fact that his father had the privilege of study-
ing under such a renowned scholar as Mir Sayyid Jalal, the
saint, who had studied the traditional sayings of the Prophet
under Mir Sayyid Rafi-ud-Din. m Chandra Bhan Brahman was
a pupil of Mulla Abdul Karim. 116 /
For still higher studies eager scholars visited the chief
places of Muslim learning in Western and Central Asia, such
as Mecca, Medina, Basra, Kufa, Yemen, Damascus, Cairo,
Nishapur (Iran), Baghdad, Hijaz, Khurasan, etc. Many an
Indian Muslim and one or two Hindus also repaired to these
places and spent years in study and observation. 116
Learned disputations
Debates and disputations were held frequently on contro-
versial topics of theology, 117 law, grammar, etc. The learned of
the day would take part in them. This was one of the methods
for the advancement of education as well as determining the
scholar's place among the learned. 118 Venkatanath won the
admiration of Yajnanarayana Diksita of the Tanjore court when
he came out successful ia a disputation with a celebrated scholar
144
EDUCAT
who had commented upon Sulba Sutras. 11 * Later on he v
quished his opponent in a disputation over the Kakataliya
Whenever two are more scholars met they discussed sc
controversial points. Arguments were advanced and quotati
from standard works frequently mentioned in support of tl
contentions. Raghunatha, the first student of Nadia, defea
the teachers of Mithila in an open debate. 121 An appointin
to the professorship in Nadia University was made after k
debate between the selected candidates on certain speci:
controversial topics in an assembly of scholars who actec
judges. 122 The scholar who could hold his own against oti
got the appointment.
The courses of study
Very little information about the curriculum then in vo
is available. All contemporary records are silent on the pc
Badaoni, while giving biographies of eminent persons, scho
and poets in his Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh frequently refers me
to their having studied all the books included in the ordir
curriculum of the time, 123 but never mentions the names of
actual texts or the courses prescribed. Whatever little infor
tion we can collect is from stray accounts of the books stu<
by certain princes.
Badaoni differentiates the sciences which require the exei
of the reasoning faculty, such as philosophy, astronomy, gee
try, astrology, geomancy, arithmetic, the preparation of t;
mans, incantations and mechanics from the rest, 124 which dey
upon memory. 125 Abul Fazl, who was fully acquainted with
more systematic classification of the Hindus, is more spec
He distributes all the subjects in three categories. 126 Ilahi
divine science includes everything connected with theology
the means of acquiring knowledge of God. Riyazi, as its
name suggests, comprises the sciences which deal with quan
as mathematics, astronomy, music, mechanics, while the Tt
sciences comprehend all physical sciences. 127
The courses of study in Mxislim institutions usually c
prised grammar, rhetoric, logic, theology, metaphysics, liters
and jurisprudence. 128 Astronomy, mathematics and med
were included, and here Hindu influence was perceptible,
specialize in these difficult sciences Muslims j.often prefbrrec
EDUCATION 145
attend Hindu institutions. The Dar-i-Nizamiyyah of Mulla
Nizamuddin of Shali, who lived during the reign of Aurangzeb,
gives us a detailed list of the Arabic curriculum in vogue during
the Mughal days. It includes, besides grammar, syntax,
rhetoric, philosophy, logic, scholasticism, tafsir, fich, usulu-i-fich,
Hadis and the science of mathematics. The detailed list of the
Persian texts used in madrasas given in the KhuIasatu-i-Maktib 129
written in 1688 A.D., presumably by a Hindu writer, agreeably
coincides in a large measure with the list of the books prepared
by the present author from various sources. The curious reader
is referred to Appendix A for a list of these books.
Apart from modern experimental sciences, such as surgery,
physics, chemistry, biology, zoology, etc., subjects of study in
Hindu institutions were almost the same as in the present-day
universities. The courses, especially in grammar and philoso-
phy, were more comprehensive than in similar institutions of the
contemporary world. It was, therefore, but natural for an
individual to specialize only in certain branches of this vast
field of knowledge. It must, however, be admitted that there had
been a great deterioration in the standard of Sanskrit teaching
and examination since the days of Harsha, and the students of
Mughal India could not boast of that high level of scholarship
of which their ancestors were proud. The Vedic studies had
almost disappeared and after Sayana there was no commentator
of the Vedas. Ganga Bhatta of Banaras was one of the few first-
rate masters of the four Vedas and the six systems of Hindu
.philosophy 130
Grammar was a full-fledged separate subject of post-
graduate study like literature and philosophy. It was taken
up at a very early age. Panini's classical sutras containing the
rules of grammar in eight books called Ashtadhyayi were no
longer commonly studied and their place was taken by Sid-
dhanta Kaumudi of Bhattoji Dikshit. 131 Other popular grammars
were Katantra and Mugdharodh of Bopadeva.
Logic was from very ancient times a very popular subject
of study with Hindus, who made notable contributions to this
science. The well-known six systems of philosophy were also
studied. 132
The chief subjects of study during the Mughal period have
been dealt with briefly in the following pages,
146 EOUC,
Mathematics ranked first among the sciences indue
the curriculum. Akbar issued a farman making it
compulsory subjects 133 to be taught in madrasas.
particularly proficient in this subject and travellers liave,
fore, called them a "counting nation." 134 European visitors
wonder-struck 135 to see the skill and ingenuity of the Hindu:
could solve orally difficult sums with the same accuracy
facility as the "readiest arithmetician can with his pen."
of the Muslims, too, distinguished themselves in this scieru
Astronomy and astrology were subjects of faith wit
people and the court, and their study was encouraged
hands. 137 It formed part of regular courses in schools
colleges. Astronomy was a compulsory subject, while asti
was an optional one. Badaoni also remarks that some ]
ledge of astronomy was considered essential, 138 and Akbar
& farman commending its study. 139 Brahmans 140 were fame
their skill in both these sciences and they never failed, evei
minute in predicting the time for the eclipse of the STO.II or
moon. 141 Among the famous astrologers of the period m
mentioned Jotika Rai, 142 Kanjar Beg, 143 Nuruddin IMuha
Tarkhan, and Imam Abul Muhammad of Ghazni. 144
Farid Munajjim, the great astronomer who lived in Shahj
reign, prepared an astral chart and named itZich-i-Shahja/\
Medicine was another important subject. 146 Akbar
a farman that people should study medicine. 147 Accorc
Badaoni, medicine 148 was cultivated and thought necessai
appears that both Ayurvedic and Unani systems were tang'
by side. 149 The most famous centre of education In me
was at Sirhind. 150 Usuully this profession was hereditar;
those physicians whose forefathers had practised, the c
very well in this profession. Some of the experienced )
had opened private institutions for training students. 151
of them wrote books on this subject. 152 Education in s
was abhorred by Hindus as the dissecting of limfos was
dered to be inhuman. But the Muslims had no siach av
and they practised inoculation and performed operati
Jarrahs or surgeons, though not as skilled as theii
temporaries in Western countries, were nevertheless a
perform some remarkable operations and could, provic
ficial limbs. 154 Hindus of Calicut 155 were particularly ws
EDUCATION 147
in all branches of medicine and practised "the apothecary's art
after the manner of Portuguese and Europeans.'' 156
Veterinary science was not unknown. Though no regular
teaching in this subject seems to have existed for the public,
ancient books were available for guidance in the treatment of
elephants and horses. 157 Shaikh Bina, son of Shaikh Hasan,
was the most skilful surgeon of the time so far as the treatment
of elephants was concerned. 158 Raibari was a class of Hindus
well-acquainted with the treatment of camels. Tatbya 159 and
Tajri 1G were the popular preventive measures adopted to avoid
sickness among camels. 161
Physics and chemistry were studied, but were regarded as
a part of the science of mathematics. 162 People knew the uses
of various metals and other chemical compounds. Belief in
alchemy was universal in that age. Akbar is said to have learnt
this so-called science from a yogi. U3 Hindus had a complete
mastery over the science of meteorology and correctly foretold
when the "wild clouds, winds and fighting occur." 164
Philosophy, history, poetry, etc. were taught in schools
and practised by the learned. Hindus, especially Brahmans,
were interested in philosophy and mathematics, which were very
ancient sciences in India. Abul Fazl mentions nine schools of
Hindu philosophy. 165 History was a favourite subject of study
with Muslims and it reached a high degree of excellence even
when compared with contemporary Europe. Some of the
ablest historians of all ages were born in this period. The
names of Abul Fazl, Badaoni, Nizammuddin Ahmad, Abdul
Hamid Lahori, Khafi Khan and a score of others illuminated
this period.
Very little attention was paid to geography in schools and
colleges. In fact this subject was almost excluded from the
dars^ Aurangzeb heaped abuses on his tutor for wasting his
time on the subtleties of Arabic metaphysics to the neglect of
practical subjects, such as geography and politics. According to
Bartolomeo, they had little desire to be acquainted with foreign
countries as they considered their country to be the most
beautiful and the happiest in the world. 167 People were ignorant
about the geographical position of even the neighbouring
countries. Roe was much surprised to know that no regu-
lar communication existed between India and China, 168
148 EDUCATION
Map-drawing was ignored altogether. A map of the globe was so
rare a thing that Roe included it among the presents he offered
to the governor of Surat. 169 But some of them had a good
knowledge of the interior of the country. Humayun is said to
have possessed a wide geographical knowledge. 170 The Ain-i-
Akbari and Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh give us detailed and accurate
information about the different subas and cities of the empire.
Talib of Isfahan presented Abul Fazl with a treatise on the
wonders of Tibet. Abul Fazl included it in his Akbarnama.^
A notable geographical work of the period was Dosavali- Vivriti
by a Sanskrit scholar, Jagan Mohan. It deals with the geography
of 56 countries, both old and new.
Women's education
Women's education was not ignored in Mughal days. But
it was confined to princesses and upper-class ladies. The
society accorded an honourable place to educated women, some
of whom rose to the high position of the king's advisers and
counsellors by dint of sheer merit. Durgavati, 172 Chand
Bibi, 173 Nur Jahan, 174 Jahanara, 175 Sahibji, the wife of Amir
Khan, 176 and Tarabai 177 played important roles in Indian
history. Mira Bai, 178 Gulbadan Begum, 179 Salima Sultana, 180
Rupmati, 181 Zeb-un-Nisa 182 and Zinat-un-Nisa 183 distinguished
themselves in the literary sphere. A well-known work of the
period entitled Mahila-mriduvani gives us a list of no less than
35 women all of importance, "not minor Indian poets but
prophetesses who have left their mark on the literary sphere." 184
There were many other ladies of fame whose names can be seen
in the Poems by Indian Women edited by Margaret Macnicol. 185
These distinguished names suggest the existence of a high level
of education for women.
No regular separate schools seem to have existed for
imparting education to girls, 186 who had their early lessons
usually from their parents. Girls in their childhood attended
schools along with boys, and learnt the Quran (if they were
Muhammadans) and one or two other lessons by rote. The
rich appointed tutors to teach their daughters at home. The
author of Qanm-i-Islam speaks of girls being taught the Quran
and elementary reading. 187 A Malayan work Chandrotsavan
gives us an idea about the general reading of educated women
EDUCATION 149
in the South and this includes Sakuntalam, Malavikagnimitram
and other Sanskrit dramas. 188 There is no doubt about the
literacy of high born and well-to-do women. The daughters of
Rajput chiefs and of some Bengali zamindars were usually able
to read and write. Special care was taken for the education of
Mughal princesses, 189 almost all of whom daily read the Quran
and occasionally corresponded 190 with their relatives. Some of
them composed verses and were well-versed in music. The
average Mughal princess received but a limited education. 191
Her regular studies came to an end with her marriage which
usually took place at an early age. So the opportunities to
acquire a mastery over the language were few. Later on she
had no cultural or educational activities to keep up her interest
in letters. Few specimens of letter-writing by Mughal princesses
exist. The husband of Gulbadan did not even recognise his
wife's handwriting. Her Humayunnama, according to Banerji,
"abounds with spelling mistakes and clumsy sentences." Even
the poems of Zeb-un-Nisa and Zinat-un-Nisa do not rise so
high in poetic excellence as those of the contemporary male
authors.
There is, however, little doubt about the literacy of the
average middle-class woman who had sufficient knowledge of
either Hindi, Persian or of the native provincial language to
enable her to study scriptures. Mukundram, a 16th-century
poet and author of the poem Chandi Mangal, throws light on
the education of the average Hindu lady in those days. He
relates how a middle-class lady found out a forged letter She
at once recognised that the writer was not the person by whom
it purported to have been written. 192 The knowledge of Sanskrit
was widespread in the south, and Vico in his letter of 1626
refers to a female neophyte who astonished him by the extent of
her knowledge and the solidity of her judgment. She spoke
Sanskrit with elegance and facility and cited appositely the bet
authors on the verses of the celebrated poets. 193 Special stress
was laid on the education of widows, some of whom even be-
came teachers for instance, Hati Vidyalankara who migrated
to Bihar from Bengal and became a teacher there. 194 We con-
cur with the poet's concluding view :
"There is evidence to show that women belonging to the
lower ranks of society, such as housemaids, were
150 EDUCATION
illiterate, but there is nothing to discountenance female
education." 195
Writing-paper
Paper was in common use in India long before the Mughal
period. 196 Most of the manuscripts written during our period
have flowery borders and the paper used is also of good
quality. 197 Sialkot was famous for paper, especially Man Singhi
and silk paper which "were good in texture, clear and durable."
It was also used in the courts of Mughal emperors 198 for keep-
ing records. The best quality of paper was manufactured at
Shahzudpur and thence exported to other parts of the country. 108
Inscriptions and grants of land, etc. were written on metal plates
for permanent preservation. 200
Paper was seldom used in primary schools. Children
either used wooden boards or the ground for writing on. 201
Sometimes the poor used palm-leaves 202 for writing letters.
These leaves were "dressed, dried and then used as paper. 203
The innermost part of the palm-tree, which was plaited into
about 50 or 60 folds, 204 served as paper. The letters were then
folded and made round like a rod or ribbon. 205 Abul Fazl, 206
Pyrard, 207 and Thevenot 208 corroborate this. Some people of
Kashmir, however, used, instead of paper or palm-leaves tuz,
that is, the bark of a tree worked into sheets. 209 According to
Abul Fazl, most of their ancient manuscripts were written on
this type of paper.
Calligraphy
Printing 210 was not in vogue in India at that time ; so,
books had to be written in manuscript by skilful calli-
graphists. 211 The pen called persian qalam was used. It was a
piece of reed mended like a quill. 212 They used brass inkstands
for holding the pens and the ink. 213 The rich used golden ink-
pots, but Aurangzeb ordered that men of literary taste should
use china inkpots. 214 The poor employed iron pens for writing
on palm-leaves "holding it with the clenched fist." 215 According
to Pyrard, the people of Calicut wrote with "iron bodkins upon
palm-leaves" when green. 216 No sooner did they get dry than
it was impossible to "get the printed letters out of it." 217 A
sharp iron instrument was used for writing on cocoa-leaves. 218
EDUCATION 151
The colour of the ink was usually black and sometimes white
as these "colours best prevent any ambiguities in reading." 219
Kashmiris prepared such a fine ink that the letters once written
could never be washed away. 220 Lead-pencils (qalm-i-sarb) were
also not unknown. 221
Penmanship was considered to be a fine art and good
writers were given high salaries. Eight calligraphical systems
were in vogue 222 and of these Naskh and Nastaliq were the most
important. Babar introduced a new style called Khat-i-Baburi.
He transcribed the Quran in that very script and sent it to
Mecca. 223 Experts in each of the above systems were available
in India. 224
Books, rare and costly
Being written by hand, books were naturally rare and
costly. Every student could not be expected to have a copy of
his own. Most of them depended upon libraries of which there
were quite a large number. Some of them, especially students
attending higher courses in Persian, possessed books besides the
one in the custody of the teacher. 225
We have little information about the actual price of the
books included in the curriculum except what we can gather
from the amount paid by the kings and nobles for certain pre-
cious manuscripts. It must be observed, however, that the
rich decoration and binding, which were usual in the presenta-
tion copy intended for a rich patron, greatly enhanced the price
of the book. 226 Tuhfat-us-Salatin by Mir Ali was purchased
perhaps by Humayun for Rs. 2,500 as an inscription on the
title-page shows. Nur Jahan purchased a diwan of Mirza
Kamran for three mohurs. Munim Khan paid Rs. 500 as a
reward to Bahadur Khan who had sent him a present of the
copy of Kulliyat (naturally richly bound and with illustrations
and flowery borders) of Hazrat Shaikh Sadi in 976 228 A.H., and
as is apparent the latter must have been paid by his rich
'patron a sum large enough to have no comparison with the
actual cost of the book. Manrique and De Laet mention 24,000
richly bound and rare manuscripts in the Imperial Library and
estimate their value at about Rs. 6,463,731, 229 that is, about
Rs. 260 per book. These books were usually adorned with the
paintings and illustrations so dear in these days. 230 Jahangir
152 EDUCATION
would not have distributed books so liberally among the elite o:
Gujarat if they had been unprocurable. 231 It appears tha
ordinary books were available in the market at reasonabl<
prices. Badaoni's remarks testify to this :
"There is no street or market (in the Imperial capital) ir
which the. booksellers do not stand at road-sides selling
copies of the diwans of these two poets (Urfi of Shiran
and Hussain Sanai) and both Persians and Indians bu]
them." 232
We have little knowledge about the availability and the
prices of Sanskrit books and manuscripts, but it is probable
that a small number of copies of each work were either in indi-
vidual hands or in possession of the institutions which quite
naturally "rigidly guarded these treasures of knowledge, b)
never permitting out the copies of the texts they t aught. "
Mithila University had prohibited its students from taking
away from its school any of the books or even notes of the
lessons taught there. Vasudeva finding it impossible to get z
copy of the work Tatta Chintamani and the metrical part oj
Kusumanjali anywhere risked his own life by committing tc
memory both the works while studying in Mithila, and ther
fleeing thence and reducing them to writing at Nadia. 233
Libraries
Quite a large number of libraries existed during the
Mughal times. Every madrasa usually possessed a library
big or small, attached to it. The big library attached to the
madrasa at Ahmedabad, called Sham-i-Burhani, existed up tc
980 A.H. when Akbar conquered Gujarat. 234 Wali or Dai's
madrasa started at Ahmedabad in 1654 A.D., Madrasa Fai;
Safa (founded in 1681 A.D.), Madrasa Hidayat Baksh (comp-
leted in 1699A.D.) and another madrasa started by Shaikt
Ibrahim at Kutiana in Kathiawar (1689 A.D.) possessed big
libraries. Sultan Ahmad Khatwi built a mosque, a khanqah, 2
madrasa and a tank in Sarkahaiz in Ahmedabad, and a library
was also housed in one of its apartments. 235 These libraries
were meant for students and teaching staff, but there was nothing
to prevent scholars known to the authorities from borrowing
books. These libraries may be regarded as public libraries in
that sense. _ The biggest of these libraries was the Imperial
EDUCATION 153
Library. Though meant exclusively for royal use, scholars
could have access to it. 236
All the Mughal emperors 237 from Babar to Aurangzeb
were men of literary taste and took keen interest in the develop-
ment of the Imperial Library. They were very eager to collect
and preserve rare books, and they valued presents of scholarly
books from learned authors. Their examples were followed by
nobles and courtiers, who had their own libraries. 238
As in every other sphere, Akbar also introduced reforms
in the management, classification and storage of books which
had by that time increased enormously. He brought it to the
level of efficiency which compares favourably with the modern
standard of classification. The library was divided into diffe-
rent compartments according to the value of the books and the
estimation in which the different sciences were held. They
were further divided according to different languages in which
they were written, such as Hindi, Persian, Greek, Kashmiri,
Arabic, etc. Each section was subdivided into prose and
poetry and the books were arranged accordingly. 239 The
library was managed well and had experienced officers to super-
vise and direct its affairs. An officer called nizam was in charge
of the library. 240 Next to him was the muhtamim or darogha.** 1
The nizam had several assistants under him to "enter the books
in the register and to keep separate registers for separate
subjects and number the books." He was also responsible for
the selection and purchase of books for the library. The people
who were employed for the care, upkeep and correction of
books, such as the scribe, warraq shhaf, m book-binders 243 and
painters, 244 were masters of their art. Skilful copyists, khush-
navis, gilders and cutters were always employed to do various
specialists' jobs. Jadwalsaz's duty was to make "plain,
coloured, silvery, golden, original and artificial marginal draw-
ings round the page." Translators were also kept on a
permanent basis. They were usually well-versed in Arabic
and Persian. 245 The books after being copied by scribes were
sent to the muqabalanavis who compared the copy with the
original and corrected mistakes. 246 The issue and restoration of
each book was watched carefully and any defects immediately
detected. 247
Private libraries were common. Almost every learned
154
EDUCATION
scholar or rich patron possessed a library of his own. The
nobles vied with each other in adding rare books to their
libraries. These manuscripts sometimes were bought at high
prices/ 48 Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan possessed a big per-
sonal library. The staff employed in its upkeep, preservation
and management totalled ninety-five. It included a librarian,
khushnavis, painters, book-binders, scribes and warraq shhaf, all
kept in service on a permanent basis. The famous book-binder
of Mashhad and inventor of Abrl paper, Muhammad Amin
Khurasani, was employed in this library on a salary of
rupees four hundred per month. Most of the books in the
Khan-i-Khanan' s library were illustrated by a Hindu painter. 249
Many learned men and scholars used to come to the library for
"study and self-improvement." 250 Shaikh Faizi had a grand
library. It contained 4,600 books 251 which were either in "the
handwriting of the author or had been written in the author's
time." These books were on various subjects such as poetry,
medicine, astronomy, music, philosophy, science, etc. Mahrnud
Gawan, vizir of Muhammad Shah Bahamani, left a huge library
containing 35,000 volumes. 252
Maharaja Chhika Deva Raya of Mysore (1672-1704) was
an author of repute. He collected in his library the rarest
Sanskrit and historical works which were unfortunately subse-
quently destroyed by Tipu Sultan. 253 Maharaja Sawai Jai
Singh of Jaipur (fl. 1699-1743) possessed an unrivalled library
containing all the astronomical treatises such as Ptolemy's
Almagest, the astronomical tables of Ulug Beg, La Hire's
Tabulae Astronomical, Flamsteed's Hist or ia, Coelestis Britain-
nica, also certain Western mathematical works such as Euclid's
Elements, a treatise on plains and spherical trigonometry, and
the construction of logarithms. It is impossible to give a
detailed list of the books in his library as most of the books
were destroyed after his death. However, it has been clearly
recorded that he procured most of the books from Europe,
besides those available in India. 254
Hindus possessed big libraries at their famous seats of
learning, such as Banaras, Tirhut. Mithila, Nadia, etc. These
libraries stocked huge piles of rare authentic ancient works on
philosophy, medicine, religion, history and many other sciences.
According to Dr. Fryer, several libraries of Hindus were filled
EDUCATION 155
with rare and precious Sanskrit manuscripts, "unfolding the
mysteries of their religion/' 255 When the traveller Bernier paid
a visit to Banaras, Kavindra received him warmly in the Uni-
versity library. 256 Bernier saw there a large hall "entirely filled
with such scripts." 257 Thevenot writes : "They have many
ancient books all in verse of which they are great lovers." 258
These libraries were later on destroyed by the Muhammadans. 259
The Brahmans of Kashmir held a sufficient stock of books
which they regularly studied. 260
NOTES
1. History and Prospect of British Education in India (1891),
p. 1.
2. Besides mathas and Buddhist viharas, Jain pallis also
played an important part in educating people.
3. For education in ancient times refer to R.K. Mookerji,
Ancient Indian Education ; S.K. Das's Educational System
of Ancient Hindus ; Dr. A.S. Altekar's Education in
Ancient India. Also see Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. 12,
p. 167.
4. According to Apastamba, "The age of upanayana is to be
seven when the objective is Brahmavarchasa, eight where
it is Ayu, nine where it is Teja or physical vigour, ten
where it is vital force, and 12 where it is increase of live-
stock." Manu is nearer the truth when he fixes the age
of five for a Brahman student whose aim is Brahmavar-
chasa.
5. Guru Nanak was sent to school at the age of seven.
Influence of Islam on Indian Culture, p. 136. Padmavat
began her studies at the age of five. Padmavat, Trans.
Grierson, p. 26.
6. A.N., I, p. 518 ; III, pp. 105-6, 922, 1122 ; Badaoni, II,
p. 173. E. & D., V, p. 370.
7. Abul Fazl writes : "Humayun fixed an auspicious hour
for the initiation of Akbar's instruction after consulting
the renowned astrologers of the day." A.N., I, pp. 271-
72;Tr.,I,p. 519.
8. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 312.
9. Mandelslo, p. 62.
10. Travels in India in the 17th Centwy, p. 312.
11. Bernier, p. 228 ; Manuel Godino in J.R.A.S.B., Vol,
Letters 1938, Art. No. 23, p. 546 ; M.U. (trans.), Vc
p. 546.
12. Mandelslo, p. 62.
13. Account of Sadiq confirmed by Delia Valle, (ed. Ed 1
Grey), II, pp. 227-28.
14. R.S. Sathianathailer, Tawflham in the 17th Cen
p. 111.
15. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 312.
16. Bartolomeo, p. 263.
17. Dara Shukoh by Dr. K.R. Kanungo, p. 5 ; Imp
Gazetteer, II, pp. 408-9.
18. Bartolomeo, p. 263. "Grammar was regarded as acha
for opening the highest gateway of culture including
study of human life and of the mysteries of exister
Indian Culture through the Ages by S.V. Venkatesv
p. 235.
19. Badaoni, III, p. 28 ; Tr., Ill, p. 48 ; Ibid, II, Tr., p. ]
Dara Shukoh, p. 5.
20. Humayun Badshah, I, p. 4.
21. Hedges' Dictionary of Islam, p. 106.
22. According to Bartolomeo the method of teachin
schools was as follows : (i) "The children were first tai
the principles of writing and accompts; (ii) San
Grammar also called Sarasvada or the art of speech 1
elegance; (iii) The second part of this grammar w!
contains syntax or the book Vyakarana; (iv) Brahm
dictionary called Amarasinha followed by shalokas,
Then comes detailed and specialized study of var:
sciences as astrology, medicine, poetry, logic, etc." Ba
lomeo, pp. 262-63.
23. See his remarks about the early education in the Prole
to the Ramayana of Tulsi Das by F.S. Growse in A.&
I, (1876), pp. 22-23.
24. Bernier, (1891), p. 335.
25. Padmavat, Trans., Grierson, p. 26.
26. Delia Valle quoted in Wheeler's History of India, Vol.
Pt. II 9 p. 486, Babar praises the Hindu manner
EDUCATION 157
reckoning, and writes : "They have a very clear mode of
calculation. They call a hundred thousand a lakh, a
hundred Mrfo a crore, a hundred crore an arab . . . ."
B.N., Caldecott, pp. 188-89.
27. Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, E. & D., IV, p. 311.
28. Bernier, (1891), pp. 335-36.
29. Leitner, History of Indigenous Education in the Punjab,
p. 1 ; William Ward, A View of the Hindus, II, pp. 483
ff.
30. E. &D., VI, pp. 176-77.
31. 'Sahabia' by Jahanara Begum, article in Oriental
College Magazine, Lahore, August 1937, Vol. XIII, No. 4,
p. 11.
32. Ancient Indian Education by R.K. Mookerji, p. 202.
33. John Marshall in India, p. 386. According to Barto-
lomeo, a traveller to the Indies in the 18th century, "A
schoolmaster in Malabar receives every two months from
each of his pupils for the instruction given them two
Fanon or Panam. Some do not pay in money but give
him a certain quantity of rice .... There are some teachers
who instruct children without any fee and are paid by the
overseers of the temples or by the chief of the caste."
Bartolomeo, pp. 261-62.
34. Bartolomeo, p. 263.
35. See painting No. 3 in N.N. Law's Promotion of Learning
in India. It shows Haqiqat Rai in the above-mentioned
posture. See also Imperial Gazetteer^ II, pp. 408-9.
36. Mirza Husain once saved the life of Ferishta respecting
the latter's claims as a school-fellow. Storey, II, Fasc.,
Ill, pp. 443-44. Ferishta, Bombay Edition, II, p. 288.
37. Badaoni, III, p. 56 ; Tr., Ill, p. 93.
38. Ibid.
39. Bernier, (1891), p. 341. Classes were held in these private
houses particularly in the gardens which the rich merchants
and philanthropists had endowed upon the Brahmans, the
greatest repository of knowledge and learning among
Hindus. Badaoni, II, p. 267 ; Tr., II, p. 264,
40. History of Banaras by Dr. A.S. Altekar, pp. 39-41.
41. Ain, II, pp. 158-59 ; Tavernier, p. 160.
42. Bernier, (1891), pp. 341-42, also f.n. ; Tavernier, Vol. II,
158
EDUCATION
(1889), pp. 234-35.
43. Hamilton, II, pp. 22-23.
44. Ibid.
45. Calcutta Monthly for 1791. See also History of Navy a
Nyaya by Manmohan Chakravarti and Satis Chandra
Vidyabhushana's History of Indian Logic.
46. Ancient Indian Education by R.K. -Mookerji, pp. 598-601.
47. J.U.P. Hist. Soc., Dec. 1943, Art. on "History of Raghu-
natha Mahadeva Ghati" by P.K. Gode, p. 76, and f.n.
p. 78.
48. History of Mithila by Manmohan Chakravarti and also see
History of Navy a Nyaya.
49. Bertrand La Mission du Madura, III, quoted in Tamilham
in the 17th Century by R. Sathianathailer, p. 177.
50. Ain, II, pp. 152-53.
51. In Goa probably. Travels in India in the 17th Century ;
p. 384.
52. Hamilton, I, p. 127.
53. M.A. of Saqi, E. & D., VII, p. 184.
54. Ibid.
55. Monserrate, p. 102. For universities in ancient India with
special reference to Ayurvedic studies, see, /. U.P. Historical
Society, July 1942, Vol. XV, Pt. I, pp. 12-43. Aricle by
Radha Kumud Mookerji.
56. Al Minhaj, p. 3.
57. Jan Jahan Khan MS. in A.S.B., quoted in N.N. Law,
p. 175.
58. For Akbar' s college at Agra see Keay's Ancient Indian
Education, p. 119. Akbar is said to have invited a scholar
from Shiraz Chalpi Beg to teach there (Abul Hasan
Nadvi : Hindostan ki Qadimi Island Darsgafien, p. 29).
No remains of this madrasa are found excepting that the
locality in which it was situated is still known as Madrasa
Mohalla. For Shahjahan's college see Asar-us-Sanadid by
Sir Sayyid, p. 69. It appears Shahjahan only repaired the
old college of Akbar. Jahanara also built a madrasa
attached to Jama Masjid.
59. His school was known as Madrasa-i-Khas. Badaoni, II,
pp. 55-56 ; Tr., II, p. 53.
60. He was a well-known teacher. Badaoni, III, p, 78 ; Tr,,
EDUCATION 159
III, p. 124.
61. According to Badaoni a school was founded after his
name. Badaoni, III, p. 129 ; Tr., Ill, p. 181.
62. T.A., II, Trans., B. De., pp. 694-95, Sayyid Ahmad in
. his Tarikh-i-Agra (p. 120), mentions a Madrasa-i-Shahi
of which no trace remains except a masjid called Masjid-i-
Shahi.
63. Badaoni, III, p. 119 ; Tr., Ill, pp. 174-75.
64. Ibid, pp. 156-57 ; Tr., Ill, p. 218.
65. Peteramndy, II, p. 208.
66. Khwaja Muin was the founder of a madrasa where Mirza
Muflis used to teach. T.A., II, (trans.), p. 686. For
reference to another college see Badaoni, III, p. 130 ;
Tr., Ill, p. 188. For Shahjahan's imperial college at
Delhi, refer to Nadvi, Hindostan ki Qadimi Islami Dars-
gahen, p. 23.
67. Badaoni, I, p. 471 ; Tr., I, p. 471 ; Maulana Ismail was a
teacher there ; Am, I, p. 607.
68. It bears an inscription ending with
For a photo of her madrasa see Promotion of Learning in
India, p. 166. Also see the Archaeology and Monumental
Remains of Delhi by Carr Stephen (1876), p. 199. Banerji
has refuted Brown's view that the madrasa was intended
for girls. According to him, the Muslim girls in medieval
times did not move outside the house. The walls were
erected to let the students continue their studies undis-
turbed by external noise. S.K. Banerji's article entitled
"The Historical Remains of Early Years of Akbar's
Reign" in the J.U.P. Historical Society, December, 1942,
Vol. XV, Pt. II.
69. Badaoni, II, p. 60 ; Tr., II, p. 62.
70. Hindostan ki Qadimi Islami Darsgahen by Abul Hasan
Nadvi, p. 22.
71. Badaoni, I, p. 324 ; Tr., I, p. 427 ; III, pp. 77, 111 ; Tr.,
Ill, pp. '124 and 165.
72. Nadvi, op. cit., p. 23 ; Carr Stephen's Archaeological
Remains of Delhi, p. 255 ; Sayyid Ahmad, Asar-us-Sanadid,
160
(1900), Vol. HI, p. 12 ; A. A. A. Fyzee, Islamic Studi
India, 1957, pp. 202-3 ; For Madrasa Ghazi-ud
built during the reign of Ahmad Shah and Alamgi
refer to Sayyid Ahmad, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 31.
73. See Badaoni, III (Trans. Haig). Index page 534
Tabqat under Lahore.
74. T.A., Tr., II, p. 696.
75. Storia, II, p. 424 ; Nadvi, op. cit. 9 pp. 40-42.
76. Tazkirat-ul-Ulema, MS., in A.S.B., leaf; 310 quote
N.N. Law, p. 103, Faruki's Aurangzeb, p. 312.
77. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 91.
78. Ghani II, pp. 38-39.
79. Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Calcutta Review, Oct. 1940, p. 311.
80. Now it is called Bar a Imam ka Kotla.
81. Bulletin of Deccan College of Research Institute, Vo
June 1941, p. 383 ; Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Vol. I, p. 363.
82. History of Shahj ahan by Saksena, p. 208. Accordir
the same author, Kalim and Qudsi took residence
to verify Padshahnama. Mulla Fani belonged to Kas
and Khwaja Khudavand Muhammad settled in that
province.
83. Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, August 1937
No. 4.
84. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 572.
85. A.N., II, p. 365 ; Tr., II, p. 53 L
86. Nadvi, op. cit. 9 p. 31.
87. Badaoni, HI, p. 108 ; Tr., Ill, p. 160.
88. Mulla Nizam-ud-Din, originator of Dars-i-Nizami, it
here. For details refer to Middle East Journal, 195^
168-69 ; Al Minhaj, p. 67.
89. Nadvi, op. eft., pp. 55-57.
90. Al Minhaj, p. 52.
91. Hamilton (New Edition), I, pp. 365-66.
92. During Akbar's time Muhammad Gaus Gwaliori bi
monastery there and "busied himself completely in ins
ing his students." Badaoni (Trans.), Ill, p. 103.
93. S&i:ka.r'$IndiaofAurangzib,p. 98. In one of its
madrasas was employed the great Arabic scholar ]
Abdulla Hakim. Students came even from foreign
to study under him. Nadvi, op. cit., pp. 26-27.
161
EDUCATION
94. For a
Cheli at Thaneswar in
334 The period of studentship was
a, ,2 '
96
97.
98.. Hindi Shabd Sagar, Vol. I,
Indian Culture, p. 176.
99. Tazkirah-i-Shustar, p. VIII.
100.
101. Badaoni, III, p. 27 ; Tr., HI, p. 45.
102. Ibid, p. 142 ; Tr. Ill, p. 200.
M.
s-
XIII, No. 4, p. 8,
110. Badaoni, III, p. 118; Tr. Ill, p. 173.
111. Ibid,p. 148 ;Tr., Ill, P- 209.
112. E. &D., VI, p. 116
113. /4m, I,
414.
other famous
their
post-collegiate studies under renowned teachers.
; 115 . Mamie Culture, XIII, **,*,** and 200 .
ii6.*^,w,pp.w^^->; XIII) No _ 4j
III, p. 76 ; Tr., Ill, p. 122,
-462 EDUCATION
117. Refer to Nobiali's letter of 1627 (Bertrand La Madura, II,
p. 263) in which he refers to a Kammalan who participated
in a religions disputation with a facility, eloquence and
strength of reasoning that disconcerted the most learned.
Tamilham in the 17th Century, op. cit. y p. 178.
118. Son of Govinda Diksita, Minister to Acyutappa who trans-
lated the Pancanada-Mahatmya in 1605. He flourished
between 1615 and 1645.
119. Ibid.
120. Dig. Vijaya, VI, 17. Karnatika Hist. Review, V, Pt. II,
July 1938, pp. 23-24.
121. Ancient Indian Education by R.K. Mookerji, p. 600.
122. Ibid.
123. Badaoni, III, p. 119 ; Jr., Ill, p. 176.
124. Ibid, p. 154 ; Tr., Ill, p. 215.
125. Ibid, pp. 113 and 129 ; Tr. ? III, pp. 167 and 187.
126. Ain, I, pp. 288-89.
127. Ibid.
128. Badaoni, III, p. 155 ; Tr., Ill, p. 216 ; and also see p. 232.
129. MS., Khuda Baksh Library, Patna.
130. Bartolomeo gives an exaggerated account of the courses of
study followed in 1796. Bartolomeo, pp. 263-64.
131. S.R. Sharma's Bibliography of Mughal India, p. 158.
132. Indian Culture through the Ages by S.V. Venkateswara,
p. 235.
133. Badaoni, II, p. 363 ; Tr., II, p. 475.
134. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 442.
135. Pyrard, II, p. 250 ; Tavernier, II, pp. 161-62 ; Thevenot,
Chap. XXXVIII ; Ovington, p. 280 ; India in Portuguese
Literature, p. 121.
136. Khwaja Amir-ud-din Mahmud of Herat (A.N. 9 I, p. 449),
Mulla Nur-ud-din Mohammad-i-Tarkhan alias Nuri
(Badaoni, III, pp. 197-99 Tr., Ill, pp. 273-75), Fatehullah
of Shiraz (Badaoni, II, p. 315 ; Tr., II, p. 325) and Hafiz
Muhammad Khiyab were famous mathematicians.
Ataullah wrote a treatise on mensuration and algebra
v (Reiu add 16744).
*<: ' 137. For Humayun's interest in astronomy, see Humayun
>i\ , Badshah 9 U 9 p. 353.
[ I 138. Badaoni, II, p. 307 ; Tr., II, p. 316.
EDUCATION 163
139. Ain, I, (1939), pp. 288-89 ; Badaoni, II, p. 307 ; Tr., II,
p. 316.
140. Pyrard, II, p. 250 : Pelsaert's India, p. 77 ; Hamilton, I,
p. 276 ; Ovington, p. 351 ; and Ain, II, pp. 351-52.
141. Pelsaert's India, p. 77.
142. Ain 9 1, p. 442n.
143. Badaoni, III, pp. 224-27 ; Tr. til, pp. 310-15.
144. A.N. 9 IL 9 p.6;TT. 9 TL 9 p. 11.
145. Tabqat-i-Shahjahani, B.M. (Or. 1673), f. p. 320 b.
146. Ain, I, pp. 288-89.
147. Badaoni, II, p. 363 ; Tr., II, p. 375.
148. Ibid.
149. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 315. He thinks
chemists' shops were no better than perfumery stores.
150. Monserrate, p. 102.
151. Badaoni, III, pp. 161-62; Tr., Ill, pp. 224-25; Ibid,
pp. 167-68 ; Tr., Ill, pp. 234-35 ; E. & D., II, p. 2.
152. Badaoni, III, pp. 167-68 ; Tr., Ill, pp. 234-35 ; Bernier,
p. 335.
153. Elphinstone, I (MXCCCXLIII), p. 280. Elphinstone
remarks : "Their surgery is as remarkable as their medicine
especially when we recollect their ignorance of anatomy.
They cut for the stone, conched for the cataract and
extracted the foetus from the womb and in their early
work enumerate no less than 127 sorts of surgical works."
Ibid.
154. TStoria, II, p. 301.
155. Ovington, p. 351.
156. Pyrard, I, p. 377.
157. Gayshastra and Salhotra deal with the diseases of the
elephants and horses respectively. Ain, III, pp. 271-79.
It is said that there was hardly any wild bird, strange
beast, or reptiles, a specimen of which was not kept by
Faizullah Khan Faujdar of Moradabad in Aurangzeb's
reign, Maasir-ul-Umra (trans.), Vol. I, p. 513.
158. Badaoni, III, p. 170 ; Tr., Ill, pp. 237-38.
159. Oiling of camels as anointing.
160. Injecting oil into their nostrils.
161. Ain, I, (1939), pp. 154-55,
162. Ain, pp. 42-43,
164
EDUCATIO
163. Badaoni, too, relates a story that certain Shaikh Nasir-ud
din turned all the copper utensils into gold when Humayur
was in great straits after his defeat at Chausa. The
chemical used was given to the Shaikh by a certain yogi
it is related. Badaoni, I, p. 109 ; Tr., I, pp. 161-62.
164. John Marshall in India, p. 233. Pelsaert's India, p. 77.
165. Am, III, p. 127, Thevenot, III, Chap. XXXVIII.
166. Bartolomeo, pp. 265-66.
167. Ibid.
168. Roe's Embassy, p. 63.
169. Ibid. Tavernier, however, observed that the Brahmir
teacher of Jai Singh's sons had two globes of the world
which the Dutch had presented to him. Tavernier, Travel*
in India, Vol. Ill (1889), London, pp. 234-35.
170. Ferishta, II, p. 530 ; Briggs II, p. 178 ; Manucci's (Vol. II
p. 51) story that once Humayun enquired from Sidi Ali
Reis whether Turkey was larger than India, seems to be
pure imagination.
171. Badaoni, III, p. 265 ; Tr., III, p. 369.
172. A.N., II, pp. 324-25 ; E. & D., V, p. 169.
173. Ferishta, III, p. 312.
174. Beni Prasad's Jahangir, pp. 182-85.
175. Oriental College Magazine, Lahore, Vol. XIII, No. 4,
August 1937.
176. Studies in" Mughal India by J.N. Sarkar, pp. 111-18.
177. Sarkar, V, pp. 199-201 ; K.K., II, 469-516.
178. Mira Bai, the sweet singer of Rajputana, is, according tc
J.C. Ghosh, "the best woman poet of India before the 19rt]
century." The Legacy of India by Garatt, p. 383. Hei
Radha Krishna lyrics in Braj are very famous. Religiom
Literature of India, p. 306.
179. Author of Humayunnama.
180. Badaoni, II, p. 377 ; Tr., II, p. 389.
181. Romantic wife of Baz Bahadur, ruler of Malwa, during
Akbar's time. She was a poetess and composed sweei
verses. In this connection see an interesting book or
Rupmati, Lady of the Lotus, by Ahmad-ul-Umar, tran.
L.M. Crump.
182. Daughter of Aurangzeb, pen-name 'Zeb', author of Diwan*
EDUCATION 165
Makhfi. B.O.R.S., Jan., 1927. Studies in Mughal India,
pp. 70-90.
183. Daughter of Aurangzeb. She was also a poetess.
184. Bulletin of School of Oriental Studies, I (1917).
185. Poems by Indian Women edited by Margaret Macnicol
(Heritage of India Series), pp. 24, 26, 30, 32.
186. In the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, there is, how-
ever, a painting showing "A Zenana School in the Deccan"
(late 17th century). A History of India by J.C. Powell-
Price, Plate 41, facing page 281.
187. Qanun-i- Islam, ed. Crookes, p. 51. For a painting showing
a Mughal princess taking her lesson see Promotion of
Learning in India, p. 206, Plate I.
188. This work was compiled in the 15th century.
189. Qanun-i-Islam, ed. Crookes, p. 51.
190. H.N.G. (Bev.), p. 150,
191. R. & B., II, p. 277 ; E.& D., VII, p. 162 ; Islamic Culture,
July 1937.
192. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 180.
193. Bertrand La Mission du Madura, II, p. 257, quoted in
Tamilham in the 17th Century, op. tit., p. 178.
194. Keay's Indian Education, p. 77.
195. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 180.
196. The Antiquity of Writing in India by Bishnu Swamp,"
J.B.O.R.S., Vol. VIII, Pt. I, pp. 45-57.
197. See manuscripts in Khuda Baksh Library, Patna ; and the
Punjab University, Lahore.
198. India of Aurangzib, p. 95.
199. Petermundy, II, p. 98.
200: Storia III, p. 112.
201. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 312. Delia Valle
quoted in Wheeler's History of India, Vol. IV, Pt. II,
p. 486.
202. Thevenot, III, Chap. I, p. 90 ; Travels in India in the
17th Century, pp. 185-86.
203. Linschoten, II, p. 50.
204. Ibid.
205. Thevenot, III, Chap. I, p. 90.
206. Am, II, p. 126.
207. Pyrard, II, p. 408.
166 EDUCATION
208. Thevenot, III, Chap, I, p. 88.
209. Ain, II, p. 351. Babar refers to paper made of 'tar'
(B. AT., p. 510).
210. The earliest Indian printing was done by the Jesuits in
presses at Goa and Rachol, about the middle of the 16th
century. Smith's Akbar, pp. 424-25.
211. It was impossible to cut satisfactory types of Persian and
Arabic alphabets many a decade after its adoption in India
in the 16th century. The best Persian and Arabic types
cannot stand comparison with the beautiful calligraphy
of the Mughal Persian manuscripts. Smith's Akbar, pp.
424-25.
212. Ovington, p. 249.
213. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 442.
214. M.A., Trans. (Urdu), p. 111.
215. Ain, II, p. 126.
216. Pyrard, I, p. 408.
217. Linschoten, II, p. 50.
218. Travels in India in the 17th Century, pp. 185-86.
219. Ain. I, p. 105.
220. Ain, II, p. 351.
221. For reference to the use of lead pencils (qalm-i-sarb) see
Maasir, I, pp. 256-57.
222. Ain, I, pp. 105-08.
223. Badaoni, I, p. 343 ; Tr,, I, p. 450.
224 Badaoni, III, p. 273 ; Tr., Ill, p. 378 ; Ain, I, p. 107 ;
Badaoni, III, p. 181-82 ;Tr., Ill, p. 254-55 ; T.A., II,
p. 658, Tuzuk, Lowe, p. 76. Tazkira-Khushnavisan-i-Hind,
pp. 57 and 125.
225. Badaoni relates that when a certain student came to Shaikh
Bhikan (certainly with a book) to set him a task, the
Shaikh replied: "Better read some work on divinity."
Badaoni, III, p. 148, Tr., Ill, p. 209. No less than 101
copies of a book like Nal wa Daman were still left in
Faizi's library after distribution. It shows the large
number of books transcribed. (Badaoni, III, p. 306).
Also refer to Macauliffe, I, p. 163.
226. The huge amount spent by Aurangzeb to decorate a set of
the Quran to be sent to Mecca may well serve as an
example. M.A. (Urdu), pp. 388-89.
EDUCATION 167
227. MSS. of Diwan-i-Kamran, Khuda Baksh Library, Patna.
228. Islamic Culture, Oct. 1945, p. 343.
229. See 'The Treasury of Akbar," J.R.A.S., April 1915,
Mandelslo, p. 37.
230. Jahangir purchased a copy of Yusuf-Zulaikha, evidently
a book with paintings and illustrations, for 1000 gold
mohrs. Copy in Bankipore Library, another copy in
Shantiniketan. "From notes and calculations I have made,
miniatures by Bihzad were worth hundreds of pounds each
and certain of his manuscripts were worth ten times than
now." Martin, Vol. I, p. 58.
231. R. &B., I, pp. 439-40.
232. Badaoni, III, p. 2.85 ; Tr., Ill, p. 393.
233. Ancient Indian Education by R.K. Mookerji, pp. 597-600.
234. Zafr-ul-Walih, V, I, p. 32. Islamic Culture, October 1945,
p. 339.
235. Tuhfat-ul-Majalis, MS., section 38.
236. See Badaoni, II, p. 377 ; Tr., II, p. 389.
237. For Babar : B.N., p. 460 ; H.N., Gul (Beveridge), p. 76.
For Humayun ; Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat (Stewart) p. 107 ;
H.N., Gul (Beveridge), p. 154 ; A.N., I, pp. 309-10 ; A.N.
II, p. 442 ; Von Noer's Kaiser Akbar I, p. 136 ; Elphin-
stone, II, (MDCCCXLIII), pp. 126-27. For a photograph
of his library see Promotion of Learning in India opposite'
p. 133. For Salima Sultana's Library see Archaeology and
monumental Remains of Delhi, pp. 139-40. For Akbar:
Ain, I, pp. 110-12 ; A.N., I. p. 94 ; Tr. p. 290 ; II, p. 202;
Tr., II, p. 205 ; Badaoni, II, p. 319 ; Tr., II, p. 328 ; III,
p. 305 ; Tr., Ill, p. 421 ; E. & D.,V, p. 519 ; Mandelslo,
p. 37 ; Smith's Akbar, p. 424 ; Mellson's Akbar, p. 169 ;
Tarikh-i-Agra, p. 75. For Jahangir : R. & B., I, pp. 439-
40 ; Waqyat-i-Jahangiri, E. & D., VI, p. 360 ; E. & D.,
VII, p. 74. For Shahjahan : Shahjahannama, II, p. 505 ;
Journal Islamic Culture, October 1945. For Aurangzeb :
M.A., (Trans. Talab), pp. 387, 394 ; Fergusson's Archi-
tecture at Bijapur, p. 75. For Zeb-un-Nisa's library see
M.A., (Trans. Talab), p. 394 ; B.O.R.S., Jan., 1927, art.
on Zeb-un-Nisa ; Diwan of Zeb-un-Nisa by Magan Lall
(Wisdom of the East series), Introduction.
238. Badaoni, III, p. 305 ; Tr. Ill, p. 421 ; E. & D., V, pp. 548-
168
EDUCATION
49 ; Maasir-i-Rahimi, III, p. l696(Maarif 9 Vol. XIV,
Islamic Culture, October 1945.
239. Am, I, p. HO.
240. Shahjahannama, II, p. p. 505, in Islamic Culture, January
1946, p. 18.
241. Ibid. Mir Baqi was appointed daroga in Khan-i-Khanan's
library. Maasir-i-Rahimi, III, p. 1680.
242. Their duty was to clean the books.
243. Maasir-i-Rahimiy III, p. 1680.
244. Ibid 9 p. 1682.
245. See Maarif, Vol. XIV.
246. Maasir-i-Rahimi, III, p. 1696.
247. Badaoni, II, p. 376 ; Tr., II, p. 389.
248. Martin in Miniature Painting and Painters of Persia, India
and Turkey, Vol. I, p. 58.
249. See Sayyid Sulaiman's article in Islamic Culture, p. 426,
entitled "Literary Progress of the Hindus under Muslim
Rule."
250. Maasir-i-Rahimi, MS. in A.S.B., Leaf 407.
251. The books were on literature, medicine, astronomy, music,
philosophy, tasauwuf, science, mathematics, commentary,
jurisprudence, Hadis, etc. (Ibid). E. & D., V, pp. 548-49 ;
Badaoni, HI, p. 305 ; Tr., p. 421.
252. Nadvi, op. eft., pp. 60-61.
253. Poems by Indian Women, edited by Marcinol Margaret,
Heritage of India Series, p. 26.
254. Astronomical Observatories of Jai Singh by G. Kaye. It
is said that Jai Singh's son Jagat Singh gave this valuable
library to a courtesan and it was thus destroyed and its
books distributed among her 'base relations.'
255. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 392.
256. "Bernier and Kavindracharya at the Mughal Court,"
Oriental Institute of Research, December 1945.
257. Bernier, p. 335.
258. Thevenot, III, Chap. I, p. 90.
259. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 392.
260. Iqbalnatna, Tr. (Urdu), p. 107.
CHAPTER 7
Customs, and
PRE-NUPTIAL CEREMONIES
Genera!
The purificatory rites of a Hindu begin before his birth. 1
Of the sixteen principal ceremonies 2 prescribed by Hindu law-
givers for a person, only six important ones, 3 viz., Jatakanna
(birth ceremony), Namakarana (name-giving ceremony), Chuda-
karana (hair-cutting ceremony), Upanayana (initiation) and
Vivaha (marriage), and certain obituary rites 4 are observed by
the majority of the Hindus. The observance of these rites differs
in various parts of this country in details only, the fundamental
principles being the same everywhere.
Few references to these ceremonies are traceable in the
contemporary records of the period. 5 Not unexpectedly, foreign
travellers, who could not have an access to the inner apartments,
are silent about these domestic rites excepting, of course, the
marriage ceremony which was celebrated with all possible pomp
and show. However, from the few and scattered references
here and there in the works of the contemporary Persian
chroniclers of the period as well as in the accounts of the
foreign travellers, we may safely conclude that these ceremonies
must have been observed in much the same manner in Mughal
times as they are today. 6
Birth ceremonies
Abul Fuzi describes the birth ceremony 7 when honey stirred
in ghee is put into the mouth (of the infant) by means of a gold
ring. 8 In Bengal the womenfolk would pour down and shower
grains of paddy and tufts of green grass on the head of the
new-born, praying for its long life. 9 Tulsidas and Surdas refer
170 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
to the performance of Nan dimukh Shraddha 10 just after the birth
when offerings of gold, cows, plate and jewels were made to the
Brahmans. 11 A cord made of durba 12 grass interwoven with
mango-leaves was usually hung over the main door as a mark
of festivity. It was the usual practice in the well-to-do families,
as it is now, to celebrate the birth anniversary when a knot was
added to the silk thread till the formal ceremony of Upanayana
took place. 13 The horoscope of the child was invariably got
prepared soon after its birth. 14
Ovington describes at some length the Namakarana Sams-
kara^ b Usually the child was named 16 after the expiry of the
period of confinement lasting forty days. 17 Fryer corroborates
it. 18 Surdas refers to the practice of putting a tilak on the
child's forehead after mixing curd, milk and haldi. 1 * The custom
of ascertaining on this occasion the natural bent of the child by
placing several articles such as paddy, fried rice, clod of earth,
gold, silver, etc. before it and inducing it to choose any one
of them was also observed particularly in Bengal. 20
Jayasi 21 as well as Surdas 22 refers to some ceremonies obser-
ved on the sixth day after birth. But it appears that they were
in vogue among rich families only. Surdas writes that on
this occasion "the gardener's wife offers a garland of flowers
while the goldsmith presents a necklace studded with diamonds
and pearls. The barber's wife applies mahur of nine colours on
the feet of the mother while the carpenter's wife brings a cradle
made of sandal-wood for the newly born." 23
Annaprasana
Surdas describes the ceremony of Annaprasana when solid
food was given for the first time to the infant, 24 The ceremony,
it appears, was usually performed six months after the birth of
the child when relatives, friends and neighbours would assemble.
Khir, honey and ghee., according to the poet Surdas, 25 would be
placed before the child whose father helped him to taste them
after due ceremonies. 26
Hair-cutting ceremony
The hair-cutting or Mundan ceremony was celebrated with
the customary rites not earlier than the age of three, leaving one
lock on the top of the head. 27 The ears of the child were also
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 17 1
bored usually on that day. 28 Surdas describes the Karnavedha 2 *
ceremony of Shree Krishna who was fondled with a purl and a
piece of gur while his ears were being pierced. 30
Upanayana
The important ceremony of the "Sacred Thread" or Upa-
nayana attracted the attention of many contemporary writers
who present a fairly accurate account of its observance during
Mughal days. Emperor Jahangir, while describing the four
modes of a Brahman's life, refers to this ceremony 31 which
has been the exclusive privilege of the three higher castes. 32 He
fixes the age for the Upanayanam as prior to eight years 33 when
a special function was held, and a large number of Brahmans
were invited. 34 A cord of munja grass 35 or of cotton, 36 usually
2J yards long, according to Jahangir, was made into three strings
to be tied round the waist of the boy after reciting certain
prayers over it. 37 The sacred thread, 38 consisting of three
threads, each composed of three finer threads interwined into
one and costing about four damn's^ was then hung on the
left shoulder of the boy, the ends tied round the right arm. 40
Abul Fazl wrongly puts its length to be 26 times the circum-
ference of the fist. 41 Its length is usually ninety-six times the
breadth of the four fingers of a man, which is equal to his
height. 42 The three threads represent the Trinity, the Hindu
gods, Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh, 43 and the white colour
signifies purity. 44 The curious reader may refer to Hindu
Samskaras by R.B. Pandey for details.
School-going ceremony
Being thus invested with the sacred thread, the boy began
his studies 45 in right earnest under some teacher. Surdas
refers to the practice of being initiated to a mantra (Gayatri)
from the Guru before commencing studies. Brahmans were
offered presents and the poor were given alms. 46 Phillips in
his Account of the Religion, Manners and Learning of the People
of Malabar gives a detailed account of the customs followed
by the Hindus while putting their sons to school. 47 On an
auspicious day fixed after consultation with an astrologer, the
boy's parents would invite the N school-teacher and all his pupils
to their home where, after some ceremonies had been gone
172
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMOI
through, the teacher wrote down some letters of alphabet o
leaf perfumed with incense and sprinkled over with cucum re
It was taken round to be touched and blessed by those pres<
After the boy had repeated these letters after the teacl
and made obeisance before the gods, sweetmeats were distribu
among those assembled. The teacher and his pupils were ser
with rice, and some presents were offered to the former. 48
ceremony of Samavartana was performed when the stuc
returned home after the completion of his studies. 49
Desire for a mate child among Muslims
The craving for a male offspring was quite intense ii
Muhanimadan 50 who often employed various devices to achJ
that end. 51 Even Emperor Akbar did not hesitate to take
vow of undertaking an arduous journey to Ajmer, the sh.:
of Khwaja Muin-ud-din Chishti, if he was blessed with a so
Babar was equally anxious to have male children. Just beJ
the birth of Hindal, the Emperor inscribed two papers,
with a boy's name and the other with that of a girl. Encloj
them in clay he set them in water. The name first revealed,
the Emperor's joy, was that of a boy. 53 Only the ladie
the seraglio would celebrate the birth of a princess while
whole court and even the Empire took part in the jubilati
if a prince was born. 54 Manucci relates in detail the rejolc
which followed the birth of a son in a rich family. 55
Muslim ceremonies
Of the numerous ceremonies and rituals which now att
a Muhammad an's birth, only Aqiqah^ has been enjoined ~u
by Prophet Muhammad. The other important rituals, 57 sue
the naming ceremony, BismiUah (initiation), 58 Sunnat (circ
cision), 59 etc. owe their origin either to the "Traditions'
other Muhammadan works on ethics. Many more 60 1
been added, especially in India, through the influence of 1
customs, prejudices and superstitions. These ceremonies "
from country to country and in India from province to provi
but there is general agreement in the number of the 11
observances everywhere.
Custom of cord-cutting
No connected account has been left of the customs
superstitions that attended a child's birth in Mughal days.
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 173
can, however, form an idea of these from the stray references
found here and there. For instance, on pregnancy, it was
. thought to be a good augury to change the residence; Salim's
mother was sent from Agra to Shaikh's house at Fatehpur
Sikri. 61 Manned relates the peculiar custom of cord-cutting 62
. followed in the royal family. 63 The cord was severed by means
of a thread and put in a small bag which was kept under the
child's pillow with certain cabalistic writings on the bag for
forty days. 64
Ceremonies at birth
It was customary to pour honey into the infant's mouth 65
immediately after birth and to press his mother's breast so that
"a drop of milk comes out." 66 Azan or the Muslim call to
prayer was sounded in the ears of the infant. 67 Akbar not
only followed the Hindu mode of preparing horoscopes 68 (on
the birth of his sons and grandsons) but also postponed his visit
to Fatehpur to see his new-born son, Salim, in deference to a
belief prevalent among the Hindus that "whenever God, after
long expectation, has bestowed an auspicious child, he be not
produced before the honoured father till after a long delay." 69
There is sufficient evidence to corroborate the fact that Muslims
generally followed the Hindu practice of preparing the horo-
scope of the newly born child. 09 *
Naming ceremony
The naming ceremony of a child was usually performed on
the day of his birth 70 when the grandfather would give the
name. 71 Akbar was named Badr-ud-din immediately after his
birth. 72 John Marshall, who visited Bengal in 1688 A.D., writes
in detail about the ceremonies connected with the birth of a
child. Referring to the naming of the new-born, he says :
"The father or the nearest relation sends for the Mulva (maulavi)
or priest who shutting the Book, the father pricks between the
leaves of the Book, where when opened, the Mulva takes the
first letter in that leaf and the meaning thereof, called the
child." 72 * This practice of consulting the Holy Book still pre-
vails among the Muslims. It was not considered proper to
have a name comprising more than four words. 72 !
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMC
Birthday anniversaries
Birthday anniversaries were celebrated by the rich
great rejoicings. It was the usual custom to add a knot
year to a yellow silken or cotton string allotted to the child
his birth. 73 The birthday of the ruling monarch was celebr
throughout the Empire with great pomp and show. 74 f
the time of Humayun onwards, on this occasion the Emj
was weighed against certain precious metals and articles ^\
were given away in charity. 75 Aurangzeb stopped this pra
in the 51st year of his reign. 76 The princes were also weij
on the solar anniversaries of their birth. 77
Chhathi or the sixth day
Chhathl or the sixth day 78 is also an important
Manucci mentions great celebrations on this day. 79 F
were held, illumination was arranged and fireworks wei
off. 80 It was customary, after bathing the child, to put <
shirt made of any article of dress worn by some ancient wort
Akbar's first clothes were made out of the garments of the
Sayyid Ali Shirazi. 82
Aqiqah rite
The Aqiqah rite was usually performed on the se>
day. 83 It consisted of a sacrifice of two goats for a bo}
one for a girl. The first shaving of the child was also
on this day. Abul Fazl alludes to a Turkish custom inc<
rated by the Mughals. When a child began to walk, it
usual for the father or the grandfather to strike it wit
turban so that it might fall down. Mirza Askari perfo
this rite when Akbar was one year and four months old. 8
was supposed to ward off the evil eye. 85 There seem
have been no hair-cutting ceremony among the Muslims.
author of Darbar-i-Akbari, however, mentions that A
was specially taken to the Dargah of Hasan Abdal for this i
Maktab ceremony
The Bismillah (initiation) or more properly the Me
ceremony was performed when a boy was four years,
months and four days old, 87 Most of the Mughal pr
175
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
begantheireducationatthisage- It is similar to the Hindu
ceremony of Upanayana.
a that Sunnat or the circumcision ceremony** was
perfoat a very young age ^ great P^**
during Mughal days. Ashraf s view tha^ a M
circumcised usually alt ^J^^ad and Daniyal were all
documentary evxdence. 91 ^^' " 92 Akbar prohibited
circumcised before they were five years old^ ^ ^ ^
this rite before the age of 12 and even ^
MARRIAGE CEREMONIES
of ^
significant: "When so many axe a
should marry.
shal,
the
sand."
" 104
Early marriages
in vogue
those days.
105
176 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
of a Brahman general of the Peshwa who could not get his
daughter married at the age of nine may well be imagined : "If
the marriage is postponed to the next year," he wrote from the
battlefield, "the bride would be as old as ten. Tt will be a
veritable calamity and scandal." 107
Abul Fazl also alludes to this custom when he writes :
"It is held expedient that the bride should be under eight and
any age over ten is thought improper." 108 The assertion of
European travellers like Pelsaert, Mandelslo, Thevenot and
others that the barbarians would marry off their children in
teens may further corroborate it. 109 Gandharb Sen, the Raja of
Sangaldip, according to Jayasi, made preparations for the
marriage of his daughter at the age of two, 110 But Varadraja,
a pupil of Bhattoji Dikshit, considered it an evil practice among
the southerners to marry off a daughter before she had attained
the age of four. 111 An enlightened king like Akbar was fully
conscious of the dangers inherent in such early marriages and
issued orders that the boys were not to marry before the age of
sixteen, nor girls before fourteen. 112 It was the duty of the
Kotwal to verify and note down the ages of the couple before
giving his consent to the marriage. The remark of Badaoni 113
that "in this way corruption became rife... large profit found
their way into the pockets of the police officers" may be true
but it was indeed a bold venture a,nd must have put some check.
This order was neither rigorously enforced nor renewed by the
later emperors. 114 It appears, however, from the accounts of
the contemporary travellers that in many cases this early
marriage, especially among the urban population, used to be
a formal function as the actual cohabitation took place much
later. 115 Ferishta 116 and Bartolorneo, 117 a later traveller, des-
cribe it as a betrothal function. Ferishta writes : "Nehal, a
farmer-girl, had been betrothed to a young man of her own
caste in childhood agreeably to the custom of Hindustan."
The girl would be brought up usually in her parents' home after
the ceremony till ,the age of puberty when after great ceremony
she would go back to her husband's home. 118 Manned, Purchas,
Linschoten, besides many other contemporary travellers, corro-
borate it. It is interesting to note, however, that the Mughal
princes were married when fairly grown up. 119
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 177
Intercaste marriages
Intercast e marriages were cut of fashion. 120 In addition
to the consideration of varna, the particular family to be related
was thoroughly examined. The reason for this, as Abul Fazal
asserts, was the desire for best progeny for which physically,
mentally and morally fit matches were necessary, as the children
inherit the good or bad qualities of their parents. 121 The
curious reader may refer to the Ain for details regarding caste
restrictions. 122 Careri 123 and Manucci 124 have also dealt with
this topic at some length. The rules were, however, not rigidly
edhered to as is evident from a perusal of the Duracaras by
Varadaraja, a pupil of Bhattoji Diksita. 125
Marriage among Muslims
No such restrictions exist among Muslims. Barring a
few close relations such as mother, grandmother, sister, niece,
aunt, etc. they have complete freedom of choice. 126 But in
spite of this, it is to be noted, marriages between Shias and
Sunnis, Turks and Indians were very rare. 127 Mughals, too,
maintained their distinction. Siadat Khan, a noble of Aurang-
zeb's reign, refused to marry the daughter of a Shiah courtier,
Ruhullah Khan. 128
Marriages between near relations were common among
Muhammadans. 129 Akbar, however, disliked this custom and
thought it highly improper to get into a matrimonial alliance
with near and dear ones. 130 Abul Fazl commends it in certain
circumstances when it is to be regarded as a "slight evil for a
great good." 131 Among Hindus it was thought improper for a
younger brother or sister to marry so long as the elder was
unmarried. 132 Some Maharashtrians, however, did indulge in
it for practical convenience. 133
Age of husband and wife
Hindus followed Manu's edict that a bridegroom should be
older than his bride. 134 There was no such restriction under
Muhammadan law. Sometimes a young man attracted by the
wealth of an old lady would marry her, disregarding the
abnormal difference in age. 135 The evil spread so much that
Akbar had to issue strict orders declaring such marriages
illegal. He further l&id it down that if a woman happened tQ
178 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
be older by 12 years than her husband, the marriage should be
considered illegal and annulled. 136 It is to be noted, however,
that neither any social custom nor any statutory law prevented
an old man from marrying a girl of tender years.
Widow marriages were not looked upon with favour in
Hindu society. So the difference in age between husband and
wife became enormous when an old widower had no other
choice than either to marry a girl of tender years or not to
marry at all. 137
Number of wives
Monogamy was the rule among the generality of the
Hindus, 138 who "would take to a second wife only if the first
wife is sick or proves barren or if the children die." 139 Saint
Tukaram, whose first wife was afflicted with asthma, had to be
married again. 140 Abul Fazl 141 and Badaoni, 142 besides several
European travellers, 143 testify to it. Polygamy was, however,
not unknown. Princes and the richer classes of men did indulge
in it. For example, Bhavananda Majumdar of Bharat Chandra's
Annandamangala had two wives. Nityananda, a disciple of
Chaitanya, had two wives who were sisters. 143 * But, as Mukund-
ram notes, public opinion did not look upon it with favour.
In spite of the freedom granted by their religion to marry
"whatever woman you like, three and three, four and four," 144
the common Muhammadan, it appears, preferred to have one
wife. 145 Akbar was in favour of monogamy and considered it
highly injurious to a man's health to have more than one
wife. 146 He issued orders that a man of ordinary means should
not possess more than one wife unless the first proved to be
barren. 147 The wealthy people kept several wives 148 and some-
times even exceeded the prescribed limit of four fixed by the
Prophet. 149 There were many discussions over this controver-
sial issue in the Ibadat Khanna 150 and the final decision reached
by the ulema was that a man might marry any number of wives
by mutah but only four by nikah. 151
Negotiations of marriages
The selection of a match was left solely to the discretion of
the parents. 152 The boy had a little say while the girl, with the
exception of upper-clas Rajput virgins, had none ^t $ll 153
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES ' 179
Usually there were Purohitanis or female match-makers who
knew of "all eligible parties and suitable matches" and could
suggest many for selection. 154 Badaoni calls such persons
qawwals. 1 -^ Chaitanya's marriage to Lakshmi Devi came
through the mediation of the Brahman match-maker Banamali. 156
Rarely would a mother-in-law in Hindu families express a wish
to see the prospective bride. 157 People in general and Muslims
in particular married on "reports, interest and respects/' 158 A
liberal king like Akbar was of the opinion that the consent of
the bride and the bridegroom and the permission of the parents
should be essential before the confirmation of the marriage. 159
He appointed two government officers, "sober and sensible men"
called Tuibegs, to look into the circumstances of both parties. 160
A tax ranging from one dam to ten mohrs, according to the
status of the parties, was also charged by the government. 161
Royal consent had to be obtained before a marraige amongst
the children of the nobles could be arranged. As Khoja
Barkhurdar, the eldest son of Nakshbandi, had been married
to the daughter of Mahabat Khan without the king's know-
ledge, the Emperor felt greatly offended, sent for the young
man and had him thrown into prison. 162 It is interesting to
note in this connection that the usual practice among the
Mughal kings was not to marry off their daughters. Aurangzeb,
however, gave it up probably under the influence of Muslim
faqirs 1 ^ and got married two of his daughters Mihr-un-Nissa
and Zubdat-ud-Nissa. 164
Expensive weddings
Marriage has always been an expensive affair in India, 165
Hedges found Muslim weddings very magnificent and expen-
sive. 166 Grose, a later 18th-century traveller, writes about
the Indians' lavish expenditure on feasting, ornaments on their
horses, processions, music, dancing girls, fireworks, etc. 167 A
Hindu of ordinary means, according to Bocarro, a 17th-century
traveller to Sind, would spend four or five thousand rupees on a
marriage. 168 Grose saw some of the Bengali merchants spending
about a lakh of rupees besides making innumerable presents. 169
The total expenditure on Dara's marriage came to be about
Rs. 32 lakhs out of which 1$ lakhs wa$ contributed by
180
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
The marriage ceremony
When both parties had agreed to enter into a matrimonial
alliance the betrothal or tilak ceremony was celebrated. 171 An
auspicious day was fixed for the marriage ceremony after con-
sulting astrologers. 172 Humayun, when in exile and himself a
great believer in astrology, took the astrolabe in his own hand,
waited for the appointed time, summoned Mir Abul Baqa, one
of his learned nobles and .relation of the bride Hamida Banu,
and asked him to "bind fast the marriage bond." 173 Invitations
were issued (by Hindus) on palm-leaves dyed with saffron to
mark the jubilation and the solemnity of the auspicious
occasion. 174 We shall now briefly survey the Hindu and
Muslim rituals separately.
Hindu marriage rituals
(a) The Procession. It is difficult to give a comprehensive
description of the marriage ceremonies among Hindus which
differ from caste to caste, from tribe to tribe and from province
to province. 175 But religious and social conservatism is so
strong in India that the outlines of the Samskaras, as Abul Fazl
notes, are observed in much the same manner everywhere as in
Vedic times. Abul Fazl refers to eight forms of marriages 176
recognised by the Smritis but the Brahmya form seems to have
been the most in vogue. It was essential for the bride to put on
bracelets of red colour. 178 Tulsi das refers to the ceremony of
binding round the wrist of the bridegroom a piece of cloth
containing minute particles of different things. It is taken off
after the marriage on an auspicious day with due ceremonies. 179
A " mandapa was set up in the bride's house. 180 Jayasi 181 and
Manucci 182 give a description of the arbour which, as the latter
says, "is essential for everybody from the king down to a
shepherd." 183 It was decorated with wedding wreaths of flowers,
and festoons of mango-leaves were hung before its doors.
When the relatives and friends had gathered and necessary
preparations for the marriage had been made, the richly clad
bridegroom with a veil of gold net hanging down from his
head, 184 seated on a gorgeously caprisoned and beautifully
decorated horse and supported by a grown-up man seated be-
hind him, started for the house of the bride. 185 His relatives
and friends in thejr best attire either followed him on foot or
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 181
in coaches according to their status. 186 Ladies, too, accom-
panied the procession usually in palanquins. 187 Hindus would
put on yellow clothes on such an auspicious occasion. 188
Several European travellers have described the glamour of an
Indian procession which was headed by a musical party with
"drums and wind instruments and some mixed pastimes to
increase the merriments." 189 Delia Valle was much attracted
by these oddly clothed bandmen whose bodies above the
gridle were all painted and who decorated themselves with
bracelets and necklaces of gold, silver and flowers, the skirts or
their multi-coloured turbans trailing behind them. 190 Torches,
lamps and candles usually preceded a procession at night. 191
As the procession moved on, it was usual to let off bombs and
fireworks and "cast squibs and crackers into tha air." 192 On
arriving at the destination, the party was heartily welcomed by
the bride's people and accommodated in well-decorated and
furnished rooms. 193 They were served with sumptuous meals
according to the host's position. 194 While Malik Muhammad
Jayasi 195 and Tulsidas 196 describe the meals served at a prince's
wedding, Manucci 197 confines himself to those provided by a
common man.
(b) The Nuptials. After such preliminary ceremonies 198
as presentation of garments for the bride, 199 etc., the principal
marriage rituals commenced at a fixed hour in the booth where
the pair had been brought and seated on a raised platform. 200
A fairly comprehensive account of the marriage rituals may be
found in the Padmavat^ Ram Charit Manas 202 and Sur Sagar.*
The narrations of the European travellers, usually based on
hearsay, are not reliable. 204 Of these rituals, which were long and
tedious, the most important and widespread were the solemn
handing over of the maiden by her father (kanyadand), the
joining of the right hands of the bride and bridegroom (pani-
grahand) respectively, the recitation of the Vedic formulae in-
cluding speech by the bridegroom to the bride assenting to their
union, the making of libations to the fire, and the threefold
circumambulation of the fire, the seven steps taken together by
the wedded pair and, finally the taking away of the bride to her
new home by the bridegroom. 205 The bride and the bridegroom
would also put garlands around each other's neck. 200 Manucci 207
and Bartolomeo 208 refer to the Malabari custom of tying a little
182 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
piece of gold called tali by the bridegroom around the neck
of the bride. It was usual for all respectable persons present
to touch the tali before it was passed on to the bridegroom. 210
Jayasi refers to the practice of applying turmeric paste to the
bodies of the bride and the bridegroom. It was removed after
the conclusion of the marriage. 211
It was a custom in Bengal and even in some other parts of
India that the bride and the bridegroom played dice after the
marriage had been celebrated. In Bengal, the game was usually
played in a specially decorated apartment known as Basar
(c) Gifts and Presents. Reference may be made here to
another ceremony called tamol 212 in which presents were offered
in cash, gold, clothes by bride's father to the bridegroom and
some of his relatives at a joint meeting of the two parties. 213
As a gesture of goodwill to his Hindu subjects Akbar is said to
have ordained that the village officials should present two
nariah' (coconuts), one on their own behalf and the other on
behalf of the Mughal Emperor, to the parties. 214 The Bhat
would stand up and exclaim :
Akbar Shah Badshah de ghar da narial
Raja Todar Mai Tanan de ghar da narial
Misr Chhabildas Brahman de ghar da narial
Kishne Mangle de ghar da narial
Rain Ram Prithvipat Narule de ghar da
Tulsidas refers to the interesting sport of mess of rice-milk
indulged in during the marriage. 216
(d) Simplified Nuptials. Sometimes the marriage was
celebrated in a simpler way. The bride and the bridegroom,
together with a priest, a cow and a calf, were taken to the
waterside, the Brahman holding a white cloth 14 yards in length
- - and a basket crossbound with diverse things in it. The bride-
groom held the hand of the priest, the bride that of her husband
and all held the cow by the tail. Water was poured on the
/ ; cow's tail and they went round the cow and the calf which were
\ handed over to the priest together with some money. 217
1 ,5
?', * Muslim weddings
; 4 , Muslim weddings 218 have been described at some length
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
by the European travellers Pelsaert, 219 Thevenot 220 and
Manucci. 221 Scattered references to the marriages of the princes
are also available in the Persian chronicles 222 of the period. The
marriage celebrations which, according to Pelsaert, lasted from
three to four days, began with the sending ofsachaq (four precious
gifts usually along with the red dye) for the bride. 223 In
Bengal, however, it is known as the halud (haldi or turmeric)
ceremony when the turmeric is pasted on the body of the
bride. 223 * Fruits and sweetmeats, arranged in beautiful trays, to-
gether with some cash were also sent. 224 A sum of fifty thousand
rupees was sent by Jahangir as sachaq on the marriage of
Khurram to the daughter of Muzaffar Husain, 225 while a sum
of Rs. 2 lakhs was spent on the sachaq of Dara Shukoh. 225 *
The gifts would be carried to her house by a party of the
bridegroom's friends, accompanied with music. 226 Ladies of the
royal household, the mother, sisters and paternal aunts of the
late Empress (Mumtaz Mahal) took sachaq worth about Rs.
2 lakhs to the house of the bride on Dara's marriage. 227 The
actual wedding celebrations came off after a few months when
the hennabandi ceremony was performed with due rituals. 228
The groom's hands, according to a custom, were dyed red with
henna 22 * (Lawsoma alba) by ladies concealed behind the curtain.
The hands of the guests were also stained with the auspicious
henna. They returned after receiving suitable presents. 230
The hands of the bridegroom were washed with rose-water
after an hour when he would drink, according to Manucci, a
glass of water in confirmation of the marriage. 231 The rest of
the ceremonials in connection with the nikah were invariably
performed by the Qazi~ Z2 or his deputy who would appoint
two men of full ages as witnesses. 233 Then followed the usual
cermonies, the formal consent of the bride to the match, the
recitation by the bridegroom of the usual prayers, the Astagh-
farul-lah^ the four Quls, the Kalma, the Sifat-i-Imam, and the
Dua-i-qunut?^ etc. and the announcement of the mahr or
marriage settlement, 236 which was of great importance. Hindal
was not agreeable to the marriage of Hamida Banu to Humayun,
as the latter, being in exile, was not in a position to fix a proper
maash (subsistence allowance). Shahjahan fixed as allowance
of the bride the same amount, i.e., Rs. 5 lakhs, which he
had promised to Mumtaz. 238 A chapter from the Quran invoking
184
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
God's blessings on the couple would conclude the marriage
rituals. 289
The huge expenditure on the occasion of the marriage
celebrations in upper-class families has been frequently referred
to by foreign travellers and contemporary chronicles. For
example, on the marriage of Akram-ul-Daulah, brother of
Siraj-ul-Daulah, the expenditure on scents, illumination and
fireworks was 12 lakh rupees. 239 * The festivities continued for
three months.
Dowry
Dowry system was rather rigorously observed in Mughal
days. Several European travellers have referred to this
custom 240 which was harsh to the poor 241 who found it difficult
to get their daughters married on account of their inability to
pay handsome dowries. 242 Sometimes a poor father could not
afford to procure even a wedding outfit for his daughter. 243
Tukaram could get his daughters married only through the
contribution of the villagers. 244 Ballabhacharya was hesitant
to let his daughter be engaged to Chaitanya as he was poor
and not in a position to pay a handsome dowry 245 which might
include, in a middle-class family, household articles of various
kinds, utensils, clothes, gold or silver ornaments. 246 Huge
dowries have been referred to by Jayasi, 247 Tulsidas, 248 and
Surdas 249 in addition to several travellers. On the marriage of
Salim, for instance, Raja Bhagwan Das, the father of the bride
Man Bai, gave as dowry several strings of Persian, Arab,
Turkish and Cutch horses together with one hundred elephants
and many male and female slaves Abyssinian, Circassian and
Indian besides all sorts of vessels of gold and other costly
stuff. He offered to each of the amirs present Persian, Turkish
and Arabian horses with gold saddles. 250 Sometimes whole
villages were given as dowry. 251 Akbar was, no doubt, against
high dowries/ 52 but the made no effort, it seems, to check this
evil practice. It will be interesting to relate that Princess Zinat-
un-Nisa, who loved a maiden's life, begged the amount of her
dowry from her father and spent it in building a mosque at
Delhi known as Kunwari
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 185
FUNERAL CEREMONIES
Hindu funeral ceremonies
Antyesti or the funeral ceremonies are of great importance
to the Hindu to whom the value of the next world is higher
than that of the present one. 254 Of the huge mass of
prescriptions to be found in the published and unpublished
texts or of the variations presented by the usage of different
schools of worship and families we may enumerate the most
important ones, 255 viz., Udakakarma, Asaucha, Asthi Sanchayana,
Santikarma and Sapindikaran which are common to different
parts of this sub-continent.
Cremation 256 or burning of the dead body was the most
recognised mode of the disposal of the corpse during the
Mughal period. It was motivated, according to Terry 257 and
Ovington, 258 by a desire to avoid the "corpse being devoured by
worms and putrefaction." Abul Fazl enumerates certain classes
to whom this privilege was denied. 259 In special circumstances, if
wood and water were not available, Hindu law-givers allowed the
corpse to be buried. 260 But in Assam 261 and Malabar 262 burial
proper seems to have been quite common. Inhumation (burial
proper), preferably water-burial, was, however, resorted to, 263
as prescribed by the scriptures, 264 in the case of small children,
usually under three, 265 and ascetics 266 who did not need purifi-
cation. 267
Last functions
The rituals commenced, as related by Abul Fazl, from the
moment a person was in articulo mortis when he would be lifted
from the cot and carefully placed on the ground, 268 rubbed all
over with cow-dung and strewn with green grass, 269 with the
head pointing to the north and the feet to the south. 270 Abul
Fazl wrongly reverses the position. 271 Holy Ganges water 272
with a ruby, pearl or gold in it was poured into his mouth
while sectarian marks were drawn on his forehead and a tulsi
leaf (ocytnum sanctum) was placed on his breast. 273 The gift of
a cowto act as his conductor over the stream marking the
boundary of the other world 274 in addition to several sorts of
edibles 275 is regarded as very auspicious for his further welfare.
The omission of any reference by Abul Fazl and others to the
186
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONI
burning of a diya by the side of the sick man is surprising. 276
curious custom called Antarjali referred to by Careri, 277 Tave
nier 278 and Delia Valle, 279 corroborating Abul Fazl, 280 was som
times followed, particularly in Bengal. 281 A person in a dyii
condition would be carried to a nearby river where the low
half of his body 282 would be immersed in water at the mome
of his death. 283 The usual Indian lamentation would folio 1 '
the females standing in a customary circle and beating the
naked breasts and singing doleful songs. 284 Guru Nanak refe
to the Indian custom of tearing the top of a letter when announ
ing the death of a relative. 285 There would be no such lamei
tation at the death of an aged person. Delia Valle, Petermund
Ovington and Manucci have described in detail the great merr
making and feasting which took place on such an occasion/
as he "hath so well performed his time and arrived to such
good age." 287
Cremation rites
The preparations for the cremation started immediate:
after death as, according to the Hindu belief, it was essenti
for the salvation of the soul of the deceased that the corpi
should be disposed of as early as possible. 288 After the usu;
purificatory ceremonies like painting of nails, shaving of hair, 2
etc. the body was given a cold bath (known as Abhisinchar,
ceremony) and wrapped in a new sheet or suit, 290 the colour <
which differed according to the age, sex, position and oth<
circumstances. 291 The corpse of a married woman, according 1
Abul Fazl, was dressed in her usual daily robes. 292 Sanda
wood paste, white clay, jasmine-oil, mixed with saffron, esseru
of roses, etc. were used for his or her last toilet, in accordarn
with the deceased's means. 293
The funeral procession which started for the crematio
ground, usually situated near a river bank, 294 was headed by tl
chief mourners ; the bier 295 (made of sandal- wood in the case <
the rich) 296 shouldered by four persons followed it. 297 A music
band, however, headed the funeral procession of an aged perse
and conches were blown. 298 Relatives and friends followed t]
corpse bareheaded and barefooted, crying "Ram Ram." 299 TJ
carrying of the fire brand kindled from the domestic fire s
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 187
did not escape the notice of an astute observer like Delia
Valle. 301
The kind of wood used, the size and the orientation of the
pyres and the details relating to them are regulated by sacred
texts and nothing is left to the whims of the mourners. 302
Ordinary wood was used for the pyre of a commoner while
sandal and lignum aloes was employed by the rich. 303 Ghee
was put into the eyes, nostrils, ears, etc. of the deceased before
it was set fire to by his nearest male relation the eldest son, or
the youngest brother in the case of a female, and the husband
in the case of a wife. 304 The mourners would now retire, 305
leaving a few professional persons called Bettiao (Battyai) or
burners who employed sticks, etc. to help the body to be burnt
completely. 306 After the Udakakarma ceremony 307 which consist-
ed in offering water to the deceased and purifactory bath, 308
the relatives returned home chewing leaves of pichwnanda
(Azadirechta indicd) or the neem tree before entering the door. 309
The sons and grandsons of the deceased 310 and the widow, too,
if she survived her husband, would get their heads shaved. 311
The subjects would do likewise on the death of a kind ruler. 312
Mourning observances
Asaucha (uncleanliness) period varied from one to ten
days 313 and even month 314 according to caste, age, sex, relation-
ship and also circumstances and usages of different schools. 315
John Nieuhof describes in detail the mourning observances as
followed in Malabar on the death of a king. 316 The generality
of the Hindus, it appears, followed the prescribed rules which
forbid certain things during this period of defilement such as
the cutting of the hair and beard, study of the Ve das, offerings
to deities, etc. 317 The positive rules, which enjoin for a period
of three days continence, sleeping on the ground, living on
begged or purchased food, eating only in the daytime, were also
observed. 318 All the earthen vessels in the house were broken
and thrown away. Gaudy dresses were avoided and the
women covered their heads with white dopattas as a sign of
mourning. 319 Various charitable acts, such as freeing oxen
purchased from the market, the bestowing of milch cows and
heifers on the poor, etc., were also performed. 320
Sanchayana or the ceremony of collection of bones and
188 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
ashes would take place with due rites, after an interval varying
from four to ten days according to different castes. 321 The
bones would be washed in milk, 322 deposited in an urn or a bag
of deer-skin, 323 and thrown into a river 324 preferably in the
Ganges. 325 It was the practice to make daily an offering usually
of rice cooked in milk to the deceased 326 from the cremation
day till the 10th or 12th day when the food ceremony of
Pitramedha^ 1 (Sapindikaran or uniting the Preta with the
Pitaras) would be usually performed. Then the soul of the
deceased is said to have reached its heavenly abode. Manucci
refers to the custom of offering a petticoat to the widow by
each of the relatives and some cash, ornaments, and clothes by
brothers on the 13th day when the period of mourning ended. 328
Shraddha^ which Abul Fazl describes as the charity given in
the name of the deceased, was observed usually on the death
anniversary. 330 Jahangir also refers to this practice which was
according to the Emperor one of the standing rules and customs
in Hindustan. 331 Its significance and mode of performance have
been described at some length in the Am?** Four or five
Brahmans would be properly fed and money and dresses and
gifts in kind would be bestowed on them in the name of the
deceased. 333 Tukaram would not forgo this solemn ceremony
even though there was not a penny at home. 334 It was thought
more efficacious 335 if the ceremony could be performed at a
shrine.
Muhammadan funeral ceremonies
Funeral ceremonies of the Muslims vary little in different
parts of the Muslim world and are almost similar for men and
women. 336 Most of the rituals are based on the traditions of
the Prophet but two customs the wailing of women and the
recital of the praises of the dead are observed in direct defiance
to his commands. 337 No detailed account of the rituals is
traceable in the contemporary works of the period. It is
certain, however, from the few and scattered references to be
found here and there in the accounts of foreign travellers that
these ceremonies must have been observed in much the same
manner as they are today. The curious reader may refer to
the Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Vol. IV, pp. 501 ff.)
for details.
189
CUSTOMS, RITES, AND CEREMONIES
Muslims are great believers in fal
practice. The Quran of the ^ * mang
consulted for the purpose. Dunn g the last U es oi 8
Mohammad Akhlas took out the/*/ ^** The Yasin
which ^^ MO ^ 1 5'^t^by ^e sick-
chapter of the Quran (or ChapJJ : XXXVI) * J^ ^^
bed of the dying person and his lace is usu 3
qibla (direction of Mecca).- 9 Sharbat or holy J^e rl
LmzL well at Mecca, if available, may^ be poured dow
throat to "facilitate exit of vital spark.
Manner of announcing great man's death
blue handkerchief tied around his
announced to Akbar in this manner.
,
aloud as ordinary people do Uvi g ; f decom position by
skill of Indians in preservmg a corpse fro md ^ P Hke
of some words and nc of the
ptof es sional washer, *,, baffle ttem, it wa,
r^rart
through an opening in the wall.
The bier
190
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMO1
(if'
&"
by four from the near relatives, every now and then relieved
an equal number. 352 Akbar escorted the body of Maham An;
for some distance. 353 Hamid-ud-din Khan Bahadur, Govern
of Ahmadnagar, carried the body of Aurangzeb on
shoulders to the outside of the Diwan-i-Adalat*^ and tl
followed the bier on foot, pulling out his hair in grief. 355
nobleman's bier, covered with flowers and heavily perfumed
was carried with befitting honour and dignity. The decease
insignia of rank, flags, elephants, cavalry, etc. accompan:
it. 357 Relatives and friends following the bier of a male
deceased would go on repeating the creed or the benediction. 3
But no such prayers were uttered in the case of fema
who, as Manucci writes, "have no entry into heaven" accordi
to Muhammadan belief. 360 People showed great respect to 1
dead in deference to the wishes of the Prophet. 361 The passers-
stood up in reverence to the right of a bier and said prayers J
the soul of the deceased. 362 The main funeral service to
e in the mosque where prayers were recited by an Imam a
his attendant high, 863 the bier lying on the ground with t
deceased's right side towards Mecca. 364
Internment rites
The body was gently lifted out of the bier and placed wi
its back in the deeply dug grave, 565 its head pointing to tl
north, and its face kept towards Mecca in the belief that 1
might arise, as Sir John Marshall writes, on the Day of Jud
ment "with his face towards that holy place." 366 A lit
earth was sprinkled, chapter CXII or XX of the Qur<
recited and the grave was closed. Then the fiqih or t]
theologian would repeat the five correct answers 367 to 1
given by the deceased to the examining angels on that nig
(Lailat al wagha night of desolation) and, after saying
fatihe for the deceased and also for all the dead in the cemete
twice, 368 all returned home, took a bath and washed th<
clothes. 369
Period f mourning
Mourning was observed for forty days according
70 ft was Quaternary with the Mughal kings to press:
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 191
mourning dresses to the heirs on the death of a noble. 371
Dainty dishes and gaudy dresses were avoided during this
period. 372 Jahangir refused to change his dress for some days
on the death of Qutb-ud-Din Koka's mother whom the
Emperor regarded as his own mother. 373 Shahjahan, too, gave
up the use of coloured garments on the death of Mumtaz
Mahal. 374 He would not listen to music and even abandoned
the customary feasts. 375 Prince Azam Khan, although he was
greatly fond of music and dance, gave up both the entertain-
ments on the death of his beloved wife Jahanzeb Banu Begam. 376
On hearing of Shahjahan's death, Aurangzeb and the princes
royal and the ladies of the harem put on white clothes. 377 The \, K U>
Hindu custom of getting oneself shaved after the death of a *
dear one seems to have been followed by Muhammadans also. 378
It was customary for a widow belonging to a high-class family to
cover her palanquin with green cloth as a sign of mourning for
her deceased husband. 379 The relatives would visit the grave
on the third, 10th and 19th day after death to perform certain
rites. 380 It was usual to read certain chapters from the Quran
and recite the fatihe on these occasions. 381 Badaoni particularly
refers to the ceremonies on the third day or Ziarat when sharbat,
betel-leaves, and food were distributed. 382 The mourning ended
on 40th day when the relatives visited the grave and distributed
food, clothes, and money to the poor and the needy in the name
of the deceased, 383
Anniversaries of death
The death anniversary was observed in a befitting
manner. 384 Jahangir also refers to this custom which the
Muslims borrowed from the Hindus, 385 Food was prepared
according to the survivors' means and distributed among the
poor after reciting the fatihe?** It is interesting to recall how
one Naith recipient disliked the food distributed in memory of
Nawab Shahid and remarked that had the Nawab been alive he
would not have relished it. 387 The rich would illuminate th e
tombs of their ancestors, 388 while the common people set lamps
at the former or at the house of the deceased. 389 It was custo-
mary to hold assemblies of respectable and learned men on these
occasions. 390 The tombs of the saints built through the generosity
of the rich 391 were places of reverence, where maulavis were
192
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
employed by philanthropists to recite the Quran by the side oi
the grave. 392 Devotees, especially women, visited these tombs
frequently 393 and soon they became notorious as centres oi
immorality. 394 Aurangzeb, like Firoze Tughlaq, 395 a little earlier,
was opposed to the visit of women to the cemeteries. 396 The
orthodox Emperor did not even like roofs being set up over
structures containing tombs and the white-washing oi
sepulchres. 397
NOTES
2.
Garbhadhana (the ceremony of impregnation or conception)
performed on the fourth day of the marriage and Pum-
savana (a rite quickening a male child) celebrated in th(
third month of gestation and before the period of quicken-
ing deserve mention. R.B. Pandey, Hindu Samskaras
pp. 79-104 ; P. Thomas, Hindu Religion, Customs one
Manners, p. 87. Also see G.P. Majumdar, Some Aspect
of Indian Civilization, p. 301.
For details of these observances refer to R.B. Pandey, op,
cit., pp. 79-480 ; P. Thomas, op. cit., pp. 87-96 ; G.P
Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 295-408 ; Abbe J.A. Dubois
Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies (Oxford, 1897)
pp. 155-72 ; James Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religioi
and Ethics, Vol.11, pp. 650-51 ; Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson
The Rites of the Twice Born, Ch. I, pp. 1-26 ; W. Crookes
The Natives of Northern India, pp. 1 94-203 ; and fo]
"Hindu Observances in the Punjab" see H.A. Rose'j
article in the Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute
of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XXXVII (1907)
pp. 220-36. For "Some Beliefs and Customs relating tc
Birth among Santals" by WJ. Culshaw refer to J.R A.S.B
Letters Vol. VII, 1941, pp. 115-27. For the ceremony o:
the sacred thread in the Punjab, see Indian Antiquary
Vol. XXXI (1902), p. 216.
3. The rest of the ceremonies performed after birth are Siman
tonnayana known as Simanta (hair-splitting) in Soutl
India performed on the woman when she bears her firs
child, Niskramana (first outing) performed in the third o;
fourth month of a body's birth^ and Annaprasana (solic
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 193
food giving ceremony) performed in the sixth month are
observed by the orthodox only. R.B. Pandey, op. cit. 9
pp. 105-15, 146-50, and 151-57 respectively. Also see
Birth, Childhood and Puberty Ceremonies among the
Birhors, pp. 214-31, Bihar and Or issa Research Society
Journal, Vol. IV, 1918.
4. The rites relating to marriage are Vaghana (pre-nuptial),
Vivaha (nuptial) and daily life (post-nuptial) while those
relating to death are Antarjali (pre-obituary), Antyesti
(Obituary) and Shraddha (post-obituary). For details the
reader may refer to G.P. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 367-408
and R.B. Pandey, op, cit., pp. 407-80.
5. Bartolomeo (pp. 253-60) describes some of the ceremonies
observed in Malabar in the 18th century.
6. "A Few Literary Glimpses of Social and Religious Life in
Medieval Bengal," Indian Culture, Vol. X, No. 3, Jan-
March, 1944.
7. For Tulsi's description of birthday ceremonies refer to
F.S. Growse, The Ramayana of Tulsidas (Allahabad, 1883),
pp. 97-98 ; also see Sur Sagar, published by Kashi
Nagari Pracharini Sabha (Prayag, 1916), Vol. I, p. 263 ;
B.P, Tiratha, Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, pp. 271-72 ;
Padmavat (Urdu), p. 25.
8. Am, III, p. 317.
9. Chaitanyabhagavata, 1, 3, 17, quoted in Indian Culture,
Vol. X, No. 3, p. 99 ; Sur Sagar, op. cit., I, p. 263.
10. The Ramayana of Tulsidas (English translation) A.G.
Atkins, Vol. I, p. 246. The Nandimukh Shraddha is a com-
memorative offering to the Manes preliminary to any
joyous occasion such as initiation, marriage, etc. in which
nine balls of meat are offered to the deceased father,
grandfather, great grandfather, to the maternal grand-
father and to the mother, paternal grandmother and
paternal great grandmother. Growse, op. cit., p. 97, f.n. 1 ;
Pandey, op. cit., p. 123.
11. Growse, op. cit., p. 97.
12. Sur Sagar, op. cit., I, p. 263.
13. Ain, III, p. 317.
14. Guru Nanak's horoscope was prepared by Hardial.
Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. I, p. 1. For Chaitanya
194
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONI1
refer to J.N. Sarkar, Chaitanya' s Life and Teaching,
p. 20 ; Padmavat (Urdu), p. 36, Sur Sagar, op. tit., Vol. :
.p. 290.
15. Ovington, A Voyage to Sur at (ed. H.S. Rawlinson), 192!
p. 197 ; Gauda-Lekhamala, I, 6, 38, quoted in "Socii
and Religious Life in Medieval Bengal," Indian Cultur<
Vol. X, No. 3, Jan-March, 1944 ; Sarkar, Chaitanyd
Life and Teachings, p. 20 ; Bartolomeo (pp. 258-5$
describes the rites performed in Malabar inthelSt
century. Also see B.P. Tiratha, Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhi
pp. 271-75.
16. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 282 ; Ain, II
p. 317 ; Growse, op. eft., p. 99. According to Ovingto
(p. 197), this ceremony may be performed after ten days
The naming ceremony may be performed from the tent
up to the first day of the second year. Pandey, op. eft
p. 142.
17. During this period, the house was regarded as unclean
18.
Macauliffe, op. cit., I, p. 242.
Fryer (old), p. 94. According to the traveller, the child i
named without much ceremony.
19. Sur Sagar, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 290. Also see A.G. Atkins
The Ramayana of Tulsidas, trans., Vol. I, p. 251.
20. For details refer to B.P. Tiratha, Sri Chaitanya Maha
Prubhu.
21. Padmavat (Urdu), p. 25.
22. Sur Sagar, op. cit. 9 Vol. I, pp. 274-75.
23. Ibid.
24. Pandey, op. cit.,pp. 151-57,
25. Sur Sagar, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 291.
26. Ibid., p. 291.
27. Alberuni refers to the hair-cutting ceremony in these
words : "The ceremony on the occasion of the firsl
cutting of the hair is offered in the third, the perforation
of the ear takes place in the 7th and 8th year." Alberuni.
II, (Sachan) p. 157. De Laet, p. 80. Also see Pandey,
op. cit., p. 162 ; Growse, op. cit., p. 102 ; Sanyal, Shre'e
Krishna Chaitanya, Vol. I, p. 304 ; P. Thomas, op. cit.,
p. 89 ; G.P. Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 335-37,
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 195
28. IndianCulture, Vol. X, No. 3 9 p. 98. Compare Pandey
op. cit., pp. 173-74.
29. Sur Sagar, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 321. Also see Sanyal, op. eft.,
p. 304 ; Growse, op. cit., p. 102.
30. Sur Sagar, op. eft., Vol. I, p. 321.
31. R and B, I, p. 357. For details see Macauliffe, I, pp. 16-
18.
32. S.N. Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 385 and
pp. 4, 15. Asiatick Researches, V, pp. 16-17. On the
Janeo ceremony of Guru Nanak, the priest explained :
"Before this ceremony and the investiture of the sacred
thread, a boy of any of the three higher castes is not
recognised as belonging to his proper caste but a Sudra."
Macauliffe, op. cit., I, p. 17. Also see P. Thomas, op. dt. 9
p. 90 ; Pandey, op. cit.,, p. 49.
33. Careri (Sen, op. cit., p. 259) raises the age to nine or even
ten years. Guru Nanak was invested with the sacred
thread at the age of nine years. Macauliffe, op. cit., p. 16.
Padmavati was sent to school at the age of five. Padmavat
(Urdu), p. 25. This ceremony varies for different castes
and for different purposes, but usually takes place between
the age of seven and ten, but may be postponed till the age
of 1 6 in the case of a Brahman, 22 in the case of a
Kshatriya and 24 for a Vaisya in special circumstances.
Pandey, op. cit., pp. 198-204 ; P. Thomas, op. cit., p. 90 ;
Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 345-47.
34. R and B, I, p. 357.
35. "The girdle of a Brahman was made of munja grass, that
of a Kshatriya of a bow-string and that of a Vaisya of
wool." Pandey, op. cit., p. 224 ; Dubois, op. cit., Vol. I,
p. 167.
36. Guru Nanak refers to it. Macauliffe, op. cit., I, p. 17 ;
Careri (Sen, op. cit.), p. 259 ; Pyrard, I, pp. 372-73.
Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 392. Brahman
should have a girdle of munja grass, Kshatriya of kusa
grass and Vaisya of urna-sutra, avlsutra, hemper of murva
fibres. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 346.
37. R. and B., I, p. 357 ; Ain, III, p. 274 ; Pandey, op. cit.,
p. 224 ; J. A. Dubois, op. cit., Vol I, p. 167. Guru
\^
\ P. 29.
196 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMC
Nanak refers to the ceremony of killing and cooki
goat on such an occasion. MacaulifFe, op. cit., I, p. 1
38. The scriptures provide that cotton cords should be \
by the Brahmans, woollen by the Kshatriyas and line
the Vaisyas. Pandey, op. cit., p. 225.
39. About one pice of Indian money. Macauliffe, op.cii
p. 16.
40. Delia Valle, I, pp. 88-89 and f.n. 3, p. 88 ; Jah;
(R and B, I, p. 357) wrongly says that it was hung on
right shoulder. For other contemporary reference!
Ain, III, pp. 128, 272-73 ; Purchas' India, p. 112 ; C
(Sen, op. cit.), p. 259 ; Herbert's Travels, p. 46. Wl
person decided to take up the life of a casteless horn
Sannyasi he would destroy his sacred thread an<
tuft of hair on the crest of his head. Sarkar, Chaitc
41. Ain, III, pp. 272-73.
42. Pandey, op. cit., p. 226 ; Sinclair Stevenson, op. eft., p
J.A. Dubois, op. cit., I, pp. 165-88 ; Indian Antiq
Vol. XXXI (1902), p. 216.
43. Careri (Sen, op. cit.) p. 260 : Thomas, op. cit., j
According to one authority, the triple cord symbolize!
body, speech and mind and a person has got control
these when the knots are tied. Dubois, op. cit., I, p.
Also see Majumdar, op. cit., pp. 346-47.
44. For its symbolism and significance see Pandey, op.
p. 226.
45. Growse, op. cit., p. 102 ; Padmavat (Urdu), p. 25.
details refer to P.N. Chopra, Society and Culture d
the Mughal Age, p. 120. Also see R.C. Majun
History of Bengal, Vol. I, pp. 599-600.
46. Sur Sagar, op. cit., II, pp. 1317-18.
47. Phillips, An Account of the Religion, Manners and Lea
of the People of Malabar, pp. 67-69.
48. Ibid. ; Pandey, op. cit., pp. 187-260. Isan Nagan
author of the Advaitaprakasa, composed in A.D.
describes in detail the initiation ceremony of the (
son of Advaita Acharya at Santipura. Indian Cu
Vol. X, -No. 3 (Jan,-March 1944). There is a
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 197
reference to this ceremony in Chaitanya Bhagavata
(i, 5, 27).
49. Pandey, op. tit., pp. 249-60 and R.C. Majumdar, History
of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 600.
50. Storia, III, p. 150 ; Herklots' Islam in India, p. 17. Bur-
han's Tuzuk-i-Walajahi, English translation by Muham-
mad Husayn Nainar. pt. I, p. 19. For Hindus see Indian
Culture, Vol. X, No. 3, Jan.-March, 1944, pp. 92, 99.
"The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digamber"' by Justin
E. Abbot in Journal of American Oriental Society, Vol. 42,
pp. 267-68.
51. Herclots' Mam in India, pp. 17-18.
52. A.N., II, pp. 350-51, 1 tr., II, pp. 510-11 ; T.A., II, pp. 358,
' 361.
53. Gulbadan, Humayunnama, p. 9.
54. Storia, II, p. 343. A.N., II, pp. 345-48 ; Tr., II, pp. 504-8.
There were festivities for seven days on the birth of
Jahangir. T.A., II, (trans.), p. 358. A beautiful painting
in "A Catalogue of the- Indian Miniatures" by Sir Thomas
W. Arnold revised and edited by J.V.S. Wilkinson, Vol.
II, Plate No. 21 shows "Akbar rejoicing at the birth of
Salim." Plates Nos. 22 and 23 show "Akbar receiving
congratulations on the birth of Murad." Also see Plates
III- VI of "A Catalogue of Indian Collections" Part VI,
Mughal Painting.
55. Storia, III, p. 150. For beautiful paintings depicting the
birth of a prince see plates III- VI of Catalogue of Indian
Collections in Boston Museum, Part VI by K. Coomara-
swamy.
56. Aqiqah literally means "the hair of the new-born" but the
term has been applied by Metonymy to the shaving
sacrifice usually observed on the seventh day. Two goats
for a boy and one goat for a girl are sacrificed on this day.
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 50 ; Hastings' Encyclo-
paedia, II, p. 659 ; Herklots' Islam in India, p. 38 ;
Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali's Mussulmauns of India, Vol. II,
p. 9.
57. For various observances on this day see Hughes' Dictionary
of Mam, p. 51 ; Hastings, op. cit., II, p. 659 ; Herklots'
Islam in India, pp. 21-23 ; also see H.A. Rose's article on
198
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMON
"Muhamroadan Birth Observances in the Punjat
pp. 237-60 mJ.R.A.L 9 Vol. XXXVII, 1907.
58. Lit. "pronouncing the name of God/' i.e., to recite t
inscription which occurs at the commencement of t
Quran "Bismillah-ir-rahman-ir-rahirn" : In the nai
of God the Merciful, the Gracious. Crookes' Islam
India, pp. 43-44.
59. Arabic Khitan or Khatna. Usually the operation is pe
formed between the ages of seven or ten years, but it
lawful to circumcise a child seven days after the birt
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 51. Hastings' Encycl
paedia, op. tit., II, 660 ; III, p. 659. Herklots' Islam
India, p. 48 ; Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali's Mussulmauns .
India, Vol. II, p. 12. Also see G.B. Frazer, The Mag
Art, I, p. 96. The authenticity of a tradition allowii
circumcision has been disputed. For information on th
topic see Punjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I, p. 86 ; E.R.I:
II, p. 223 ; Vol. HI, pp. 667 ff ; Bray Deny's The Li.
History of a Brahui and A Glossary of the Tribes ai
Castes of the Punjab and N. W.F.P., Vol. I, pp. 778 ff ; II
p. 228. Also J.R.A.I., Vol. XXXVII, p. 255. Accordir
to Muhammad Shah-dullah, the custom of circumcisio
prevailed among the Dravidians. He quotes passages froi
Kamasutra and Vatsyayana in support of his theon
J.A.S.B., New Series, Vol. XVII, 1921, pp. 237-60.
60. For various customs borrowed from the Hindus se
Herklots' Islam in India, Chapters IHX. Also J.R A I
Vol. XXXVII (1907), pp. 237-60.
61. Maasir, p. 169.
62. For the various modes of cord-cutting followed in Indig
see Herklots' Islam in India, pp. 22-23.
63. Storia, II, p. 346.
64. Ibid. Also notice Akbar's instructions to convey Prino
Danial to Amber when he was a month old. A.N. 9 I1
p. 345 ; Tr., II, p. 505.
65. A.N., I, p. 43 ; Tr. 5 I f p. 129. This custom was perhap:
borrowed from the Hindus.
66. Jafcangir relates this custom. Tuzuk (Lowe), pp. 16,28.
67. Mirat-i-Sikandri (trans.), p. 121.
68. For Akbar's horoscope see A.N., I, pp. 27-28, 43 and
CUSTOMS, RITCS AND CEREMONIES 199
232-33; and Tr., I, pp. 36, 129 and 464 ; and A.N., II,
p. 347 ; Tr., II, p. 507 ; T.A., II, p. 505. For Jahangir's
horoscope A.N., II, p. 347 ; Tr., II, p. 507. For a paint-
ing showing astrologers casting the horoscope of a prince
on his birth, see A Catalogue of Indian Collections, pt. VI,
Mughal Painting by A.K. Coomaraswamy, Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, Cambridge, 1930, Plates III-VI. For
Murad's horoscope A.N., II, p. 356 ; Tr., II, p. 515.
69. A.N., II, p. 345 ; Tr., II, p. 505.
69.* Rahim, M.A., Social and Cultural History of Bengal,
pp. 280-81.
70. Sometimes it is observed on that day. Herklots' Islam in
India, p. 26 ; Hughes' Dictionary, p. 51 ; Hastings, 0p. cit.,
II. p. 659.
71. Storia, II, p. 343. Immediately after her birth Jahanara
was presented with due ceremonies to Jahangir to receive
name. G. Yazdani, ''Jahanara," Journal of Punjab
Historical Society, Vol. X, p. 1.
72. Smith, Akbar, p. 18 f. Later on he was renamed Jalal-
ud-din Akbar. Nizamuddin, however, mentions the name
of Jalal ud-din given to Akbar just after his birth. T.A., II
(trans.), p. 92.
72 .* John Marshall in India, p. 405. Also see Rahim, M.A.,
Social and Cultural History of Bengal.
72+Ain, II (Urdu Trans.), p. 290 quoted in Burhan, March
1969.
73. Storia, II, p. 346 ; Ain 9 I, p. 267 ; E. & D., V, p. 307.
74. Ain, I, pp. 266-67 ; Badaoni, II, p. 84 ; Tr., II, p. 83 ;
Thevenot, Chapt. xxvi, p. 47 ; De Laet, pp. 101-2 ;
Mandelslo, p. 42. For details see Early Travels, p. 119 ;
Roe's Embassy, pp. 378-80 (1926 edition) ; Delia Valle,
p. 459 ; Manrique, pp. 200-4 ; Mandelslo, p. 42 Tavernier,
p. 122 ; Storia, II, p. 348 ; Bernier, p. 272 ; Thevenot,
xxvi, p. 47 ; Qanun-i-Humayiin, p. 76 ; Ain, I (1873),
pp. 266-67 ; R and B, I, pp. 78, 115, 160 ; Padshahnama,
I, p. 243 ; M.A., p. 51.
75. See a beautiful painting (Plate No. 33) showing "Akbar
being weighed" in & Catalogue of the Indian Miniatures,
by Sir Thomas W. Arnold revised and edited by J.V.S.
Wilkinson, Vol. II. *
200 CUSTOMS, RIFES AND CEREMONIES
76. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib, III, pp. 85-86.
77. Ain, I, p. 267 f.n. ; R & B, I, p. 115 ; Sharma's Biblio-
graphy, p. 19.
78. For various rites observed on this day, see Crookes' Islam
in India, pp. 36-37 ; J.R.A.I. (1907), Vol. XXXVI, p. 244.
79. Storia, III, p. 150.
80. Ibid.
81. Herklots' Islam in India, p. 36.
82. Ibid.
83. Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 51 ; Hastings' E.R.E., Vol.
A,, II, p. 659 ; Herklots' Islam in India, p. 38. In South India
and Punjab it is observed on the sixth day or put off to
^ some other convenient date. Herklots* Islam in India,
V p. 38 ; J.R.A.I., op. cit., p. 244.
"V s 84. Azad, Darbar-i-Akbari (Urdu), pp. 7-8.
^ 85. A.N., I, p. 194 ; Tr., I, 397.
^ ^ 86. Azad, op. cit., p. 8.
87. Hughes, Dictionary, p. 51 ; Herklots' Islam in India, p. 44.
Xs ^ 88. For Jahangir see A.N. (Bev.), Ill, pp. 105-6 \T.A. 9 II,
pp. 423-24 ; E. and D., V, p. 370 ; Badaoni (Lowe), II,
p. 173.
89. Travels in India in the 17 th Century (p. 281) refers to the
observance of this custom. According to Sir Saiyid all
the Mughal Emperors up to the time of Humayun had
been actually circumcised. Akbar, owing to the adverse
circumstances of his father, when he was born, could not
be circumcised. Later on, he was far advanced in age for
that ceremony. (Refer to Latif, Agra : Historical and
Descriptive, Calcutta, 1896, p. 205, f.n.) Both Abul Fazl
and Nizam-ud-din, however, refute this assertion.
90. Jahangir was circumcised at Fatehpur in 1573 A.D. There
were great festivities and all the nobles, sayyids and shaikhs
were Invited. T.A., II (trans.), p. 422 ; Travels in India in
the 17th Century, p. 281. Akbar's age at that time was
three years and some months. Gulbadan writes five years,
M.A. andMirat-i-Jcthan-Numa and Tazkirat-us-Salatin-i-
Chaghtai, two years and ten months ; S.K. Banerji,
Humayun Badshah, II, p. 152, f.n. i.
91. Ashraf, Life and Condition of the People of Hindustan,
p. 249.
CUSTOMS, kITES AND CEREMONIES 20 1
92. A.N. (Bev.), HI, pp. 102-3 ; T.A. in E. & D, V, p. 370 ;
Badaoni (Lowe), II, p. 173 ; Roe (ed. Foster), p. 313 ;
Coryat and Salbancke (Letters Received by East India
Company, VI, pp. 183-85) wrongly assert that Jahangir
was never circumcised. According to Salbancke (Ibid.)
and Sir Roe (ed. Foster, p. 312), the term Mughal meant
circumcised. For circumcision ceremony of the sons of
Nizam-ul-Mulk of Deccan refer to Hadiqatul Alam by
Mir AbuTurab, Vol. II, Haiderabad, p. 71.
93. Ain 9 I, (1873), p. 207.
94. Fryer (old edition), p. 94.
95. Storia, If, p. 221.
96. Pandey, op. cit., p. 261 ; Dubois, I, p. 208 ; Altekar,
Position of Women, p. 37.
97. Even the marriage ceremonies have found expression in
the Rig-veda and the Atharv-veda. Pandey, op. cit., pp. 261,
264.
98. Storia, III, p. 54 ; Herbert's Travels, p. 31.
99. Orme's Fragments (1805), p. 408; T. V. Mahalingam,
Social Life under Vijyanagar, University of Madras, 1940.
100. Usually Brahman priests. Hedges' Diary, II, p. cccxiv ;
Stavorinus, I, p. 433.
101. M.G. Orr, A Sixteenth Century Indian Mystic Dadu and
His Followers, p, 37.
102. Herklots' Islam in India, p. 56.
103. Ibid.
104. A.N., III (Bev.), p. 677.
105. For deterioration of Hindu society during medieval times
refer to Altekar, Position of Women in India, pp. 68-73 ;
Grose, I, p. 194 ; First Englishmen in India, p. 102.
106. P.N. Chopra, Society and Culture during the Mughal Age 9
p. 111.
107. Quoted in Altekar's Position of Women, p. 73.
108. Chopra, op. cit., p. 112.
109. Ralph Fitch, First Englishmen in India, p. 102 ; Herbert's
Travels, p. 38 ; Terry, Early Travels, p. 221 : Pelsaert,
Jahangir } s India, p. 84 ; Thevenot, Chapt. XLVIII, p. 83 ;
Linschoten, I, p. 249 ; Mandelslo, p. 51 ; Grose, A
Voyage to the East Indies, I, pp. 193-94 ; Phillips' Account
of Malabar, op. cit., p. 103 ; Tavernier, II, p. 197. Also
202 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
see Altekar's Position of Women, p. 68 ; T.V. Mahaiingam,
Vijayanagar Administration, p. 257 ; Majumdar, History
of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 602.
110. Padmavat (Urdu), p. 96.
111. Bhartiya Vidya, Feb. 1945, Vol. VI, No. 2 (New Series),
p. 23.
112. The Emperor was of the opinion that off-spring of such
early marriages was weakling. Ain, I, (1873), pp. 195,
203 ; Azad, Darbar4~Akbari, pp. 79-80.
113. Badaoni, II, p. 391-92 ; Tr., II, p. 404-6.
114. Jahangir was no doubt of the view that the marriage
should not take place before the age of 12. But he did
not enforce it. A.N., III, pp. 381-84; Tr., Ill, pp. 561-
66.
115. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 185 ; Linschoten
(I, Hak. Soc., p. 249), writes : "When the woman is seven
years old and the man nine years, they do marry, but they
come not together before the woman be strong enough to
bear children." Storia, III, p. 65 ; First Englishmen in
India, p. 101.
116. Ferishta (Briggs), II, p. 380.
117. Bartolomeo, p. 275.
118. Storia, III, p. 65 ; Bartolomeo (p. 275) writes: "Bride-
groom after the betrothal returns home and the kanya is
left at her own house, for the consummation does not
actually take place till the bride has had her monthly
purifications...." Even Altekar observes that post-puberty
marriages continued as local custom and in some of the
areas that continued to be under the influence of the old
pre-Aryan culture, for example in Malabar. Altekar, op.
cit., p. 69.
119. Khurram was 17 years old when his marriage to the
daughter of MuzafFar Husain Mirza was celebrated in
1610. His second marriage with Arjumand Banu came
off at the age of 20 years 3 months. R. & B., I, p. 224,
f.n, 2. Dara Shukoh was over 18 when he was married.
K.R. Qammgo, Dara Shukoh, pp. 13 and 9. Aurangzeb
was married at the age of 18 years 7 months (Sarkar,
Studies in AurangziVs Reign, pp. 1-2), Kam Bakhsh at the
age of 14 (Ibid.) and Prince Muhammad Azam at the age
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 203
of 15J years (Ibid., p. 62). Amongst Aurangzeb's sons,
Muhammad Akbar was married before he was 15 (Sarkar,
Aurangzib, Vol. Ill, p. 52), and Muhammad Sultan at the
age of 20 years (Ibid., p. 44). As regards others, Guru
Nanak was 14 years old when married to Sulakhani,
daughter of Mula (Macauliffe, Vol.1, pp. 18-19). Sayed
Ghulani Husain Khan, author of Siyarul Mutakherin was
married to his maternal cousin at the age of 18. Calcutta
Review, Vol. 84, No. I, July 1942, p. 75.
120. The marriage was thought to be unlawful "if the genealo-
gical lines of either of the paternal and maternal ancestory
unite within fifth degree of ascent, if in the two paternal
genealogies they unite in any generation, if in the paternal
genealogies of both parties consanguinity through female
occurs in the sixth generation by mother's side." Ain 9
III, p. 310. It was from 10th century that inter-caste
marriages began to go out of fashion. Altekar, op. cit.,
p. 90. Gardizi wrote in 1048 A.D. : "The Indians are
very fastidious in maintaining the rules of relationship and
will not take a wife from anywhere or give a girl away
unless the match suits their origin." B.S.O.S. London,
Vol. XII, 1948, p. 627. For contemporary accounts see
Early Travels, p. 221 ; Orme's Fragments, p. 415 ;
Herbert's Travels, p. 45 ; Sen, Travels of Thevenot and
Careri, p. 255.
121. A.N. (Bev.), Ill, p. 677 ; Orme's Fragments, pp. 415, 465 ;
Thevenot, p. 67 ; Herbert's Travels p. 45 ; Pandey, op.
cit., pp. 306-14 ; Dubois, I, p. 214 ; Stavorinus, I, p. 410.
When Tukaram's daughters were of marriageable age he
selected boys of his own caste and got them married.
J.R.A.S, (Bombay), Vol. VII, p. 21.
122. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 339.
123. Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 255.
124. Storia, III, p. 55.
125. Some provincial social customs and manners mentioned
as duracaras by Varadaraja (A pupil of Bhattoji Diksita
(A.D. 1600-60) in Bhartiya Vidya, Feb. 1945, Vol. VI,
No. 2 (New Series), p. 28.
126. The prohibited degrees include consanguinity mother,
grandmother, sister, niece, aunt, etc., affinity mother-in-
204 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONlBS
law, step daughters, grand-daughters, etc., foster-age, with
wife's sister during lifetime of the wife unless she is
divorced of the wife of another until the period of pro-
bation (Tddai) has expired, three months after divorce,
four months ten days after widowhood with polytheists
who do not include Jews or Christians. Herldots' Islam
in India, p. 56.
127. The first notable marriage of this kind before Humayun
and Hamida Banu was of Babur and Mehar Begum.
Indian Culture, IV, No. 1 (1937).
128. Outwardly Ruhullah Khan had adopted Sunnism to
please the orthodox Aurangzeb and also wrote in his will
that his two daughters be wedded to Sunnis. Aurangzeb
ordered : "Give his elder daughter to Prince Muhammad
Azim and the younger to Siadat Khan." The latter sub-
mitted : "This hereditary servant is unwilling to marry
Ruhullah Khan's daughter. How do we know that she,
too, holds the creed of the Sunnis ? In case she presses
in her own faith what can I do ?" J.N. Sarkar, Anecdotes
of Aurangzib, p. 122.
129. Marriages between first cousins (may be children of
brothers and sisters) is considered very suitable. Herklots'
Islam In India, p. 52.
130. Ain, I, p. 217 ; E.R.E., VII, pp. 866-67 and Vol.V,
p. 743.
131. A.N., III, p. 245 ; Tr., Ill, p. 352.
132. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 339.
133. Varadaraja, pupil of Bhattoji Diksita (A.D. 1600-60),
refers to it. Bhartiya Vidya, Vol. V, No. 2, p. 28.
134. Pandey, op. cit., p. 336 ; Storia,lll, p. 55 ; Ain, II,
p. 311.
135. Though Humayun was 19 years older than Hamida at the
time of marrying, she did not raise that question. She,
however, objected to his tall stature. S.K. Banerji,
Humayun Badshah, Vol. II, 1941, p. 37.
136. Ain, I, p. 277 ; Badaoni, II, pp. 391-92 ; Tr., pp. 404-6.
137. Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 84.
138. Hamilton, I, 159 ; Delia Valle (Edward Grey), I, p. 83.
Also see Herbert's Travels, p. 39. Guru Nanak also
refers to monogamy when he writes to Kabir : "Father,
CUSTOMS, RITJES AND CEREMONIES
205
dear it is God who arrangeth marriages. He maketh no
mistakes and those whom He hath once joined, He joineth
forever." Macauliffe, op. cit. 9 I, p. 100.
139. Ain, III, p. 311 ; Mandelslo, p. 52. A second wife is
allowed if the first dies and the second is usually "a maid
of the same race or tribe." (Sen, Travels of Thevenot
and Careri, p. 248), Chaitanya remarried after the death
of his first wife. The Chaitanya Movement by Melville T.
Kennedy, p. 16. For custom in Malabar, see Phillip's
Account of East India, p. 27.
140. J.R.A S., Bombay, Vol. VII, p. 15.
141. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 311.
142. Badaoni, II, p. 208 ; Tr. 5 II, p. 212.
143. Sen, Travels of Thevenot an d Careri, p. 248 ; Mandelslo,
p. 52 ; Stavorinus, I. p. 440 ; Delia Valle (Edward Grey),
I, p. 83 ; Herbert's Travels, p. 36 ; Hamilton, I, p. 159.
143* Bharat Chandra Annadamangala quoted in Rahim, M.A.,
op. cit., p. 285.
144. Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 314. "Of women who
seem good in your eyes, marry two or three or four and
if you still fear that ye shall not act equitably then one
only or the slaves whom ye may have acquired." (Quran,
Surah iv, 3). Herklots' Islam in India, p. 86 ; E.R.E., V,
p. 742 under Family (Muslim).
145. Badaoni, II, pp. 208-9 ; Tr.. II, p. 212.
146. Ain (Bloch), p. 277.
147. Badaoni, II, p. 356 ; Tr., II, p. 357.
148. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 185.
149. Careri (Sen, op. cit.\ p. 248.
1 50. Mutah marriages were considered legal, according to Imam
Malik, but Imam Shafi looked upon them as illegal.
Badaoni, II, pp. 208-9 ; Tr., II, p. 212.
151. Badaoni, II, pp. 208-9 ; Tr., II, p. 212.
152. Hamilton's East Indies, 1, p. 159. Sometimes a sister
would be married by her brother without the permission
of the guardian, which was, however, disliked. T.A., II,
p. 291.
153. Storia, III, p. 55. Padmavati also refers to it. Padmavat
(Urdu), p. 148. In the absence of the parents or on their
206 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
demise the nearest relations or intimate friends did the
job.
154. It is interesting to recall the incident of Humayun's marri-
age to Hamida Banu in this connection. Hamida, a girl
of tender years, "resisted, discussed and disagreed for 40
days to a proposal for marriage from Humayun as the
latter happened to be a tall person." The marriage
ultimately came through the mediation of Dildar Begam.
This was a very rare case when the childish objections of
a minor girl were respected and only persuasions were
applied to obtain her consent. This may be partly due to
the fact that the girl was a relation of the Emperor and
partly because of the instigation of Askafi. For details
refer to J.U.P. Hist. Soc., Vol. VII, Ft I, Jan. 1934,
pp. 36-41 and Journal Sind Historical Society, August
1940, Vol. IV, No. 4, pp. 149-99. When Hazrat Begam,
the daughter of Muhammad Shah, reached her 1 6th year
(February 1756), Alamgir II who was 60 years old
demanded her in marriage. The reply of the girl was :
"I prefer death to such a marriage. I regard you as my
father and you, too, should look upon me in the same
light as your three daughters. If you use force, I shall
kill myself." Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, Calcutta,
1934, Vol. II, p. 4.
155. Badaoni, II, p. 62 ; Tr., II, pp. 60-61.
156. Sanyal, Chaitanya, pp. 365-66. Jayasi refers to mediatory
Pandits. Padmavat (Urdu), p. 146.
157. Storia, III, p. 155.
158. Ibid, p. 152.
159. Ain, I (1873), p. 277.
160. Ibid., p. 278.
161. Ibid.
162. Tatinnna-i-Wakiat-i-Jahangiri by Muhammad Hadi. E.&D.
Vol. VI, pp. 396-97.
163. Sarkar, Aurangzib, III, p. 55.
164. Ibid. Arjumand Banu was 19 years and one month old
when her marriage to Khurram took place. R. and B.,
I, p. 224, f.n. 2. Mihr-un-Nissa and Zubdat-un-Nissa
daughters of Aurangzeb, were married to Izad Baksh and
Sipihr Shukoh at the ages of 12 and 23 years respectively.
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
207
Irvine, Later Mughals, pp. 2-3 ; Sarkar, Aurangzib, Vol.
Ill, p. 55.
165. For contemporary accounts refer to 6 A Few Literary
Glimpses of Social and Religious Life in Medieval Bengal,'
Indian Culture, Vol. X, No. 3, January-March 1944,
p. 92 ; Hedges' Diary, pp. cccx (Hak. edition) ; Antonio
Bocarro's 'Description of Sind' translated and annotated
by Fr. Achilles Meers, Journal Sind Historical Society,
August 1949 ; Grose, I, pp. 234-35.
166. Hedges' Diary, p. cccx.
167. Grose, op. cit., I, pp. 234-35.
168. Journal Sind Historical Society, August 1940. The well-
to-do would spend about forty or fifty thousand rupees.
169. Grose, op cit., I, pp. 234-35.
170. Qanungo, Dara Shukoh, p. 14.
171. Padmavat (Urdu), p. 140.
172. Ibid., p. 141 ; Storia, III, p. 59 ; Bartolomeo, p. 273 ;
Bernier, pp, 161-62 ; Tulsi's Ramayana, p. 150. Hindus
as well as Muhammadans consider some months to be
inauspicious. Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the
Mussuhnaims of India, I, pp. 352-53.
173. J.U.P. Hist. Soc., Vol. VII, Pt. I, January 1934.
174. Storia, III, p. 59.
175. T.V. Mahalingam, Social
University of Madras, 1940.
176. Ain 9 III, pp. 338-39.
177. Pandey, op. cit., p. 375.
178. Macauliffe, I, p. 145.
179. Ramayana ofTuhidas (Growse), p. 175.
180. Storia, III, p. 62 ; Padmavat (Urdu), p. 147 ; Ramayana of
Tulsidas (Growse), p. 158 ; Sur Sagar, I, p. 631.
181. Padmavat (Urdu), p. 147.
182. Storia, III, p. 62.
183. Ibid., p. 55.
184. Qanungo, Dara Shukoh, pp. 14-15.
185. For a picturesque description of a contemporary marriage
procession refer to Storia, III, pp. 150-51 ; Jahangir's
India, p. 83 ; Delia Valle, I (ed. 1664), pp. 430-31 ;
Mandelslo, p. 62 ; Sen, op. cit., p. 248. For a wedding
procession refer to Plate LXII of the Catalogue of Indian
Life Under Vijayanagar,
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
208
Collection in Boston Museum, * VI by Coomaras.amy.
18 6. Delia Valle (edition 1664), pp. 430 31.
187. Jahangir's India ,p.^ 3. ^ ^ ^ . Q za/rfln
188. Careri refers fte J ? _ ^
1664), pp. 430-31 ; Sen, o, ,,,
190 De^Valle, II (ed- Edward Grey), p- 428.
3. Ramayana ofTulsidas (\jiovf**j 9 F
194 .
rrr
195 PaJmrn-flf (Urdu), PP- 145-47. .._
196. Ramayana ofTulsidas (Growse), pp. 157,
197. Storia, III, p. 57. 94.95 ; Ishuree Dass,
,
Pandey, .. W- 3 455 7 IBo
175 ; P^mav^ (Urdu), pp. 141-49 ;5r
versions refer to
5 ; P^mav^ (Urdu,
" df Vol. I, pp. 631-32 ; >lin. HI, 307-8. Chattanya's
Sog Shy wriZ several years after his death may not
Sain a reliable account of the ntuals. Refer to
C Krishna Chaitanya, Vol. I, by Nisjkant a Sanyal
Bhaktishastri, Pub. Tridandi Swami Bhakti, l933, PPp 368-
69 For a few references in Tukaram's verses see Psabns
ofMaratha Saints by Nicol Macnicol, pp. 56-58 For
European travellers' contemporary accounts refer to
Herbert's Travels, p. 45 ; Storia, III, pp. 55, 62, 150-51 ,
Hamilton's East Indies, I, P- 159 ; Manx's Ind^y
Pelsaert, p. 82 ; Grose, I, pp. 234-35 ; Delia Valle (1664),
pp. 430-31 ; Careri (Sen), p. 248 ; Bartolomeo, p. 280;
Mandelslo, p. 62,
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 209
199'. Called vari in Punjab.
200. Ramaycma ofTuhidas (Growse), p. 158.
201. Padmavat (Urdu), pp. 147-49.
202. Ramayana of Tulsidas (Growse), pp. 156-58.
203. SurSagar, I, pp. 631-32 ; II, pp. 1665, 1671, 1678.
204. For accounts of European travellers refer to f.n. 198 above.
235. E.R.E., VIII, pp. 450-51 ; Padmavat (Urdu), pp. 147-48 ;
Ain, III (Sarkar), pp. 337-42 ; Ramayana of Tulsidas
(Growse), pp. 157, 162.
206. Padmavat (Urdu), p, 148.
207. Storia, III, pp. 54 ? 63.
208. Bartolomeo, pp. 273, 281 ; Dubois, I, pp. 226-27.
209. M.N. Srinivas (Marriage and Family in Mysore, Bombay,
1942, p. 75) describes tali as a small plate of gold with a
dome-like eruption in the middle crowned by a ruby. It is
considered to prolong the life of the husband. Dubois, I,
pp. 226-27.
210.. Storia, III. p. 63.
211. Padmavat (Urdu), p. 162.
21 1.* Rahim, M.A., Social and Cultural History of Bengal.
21?. It has been described in the last paragraph, Pt. I, Punjab
Civil Code (ed. 1854).
213. Journal Punjab Historical Society, Vol. X, pp. 1-3.
214. The custom was in vogue in the Utradhi also Dakhna and
Dahra Sects of Arora community of Multan. Ibid.
215. A coconut of (or sent by) the house of Emperor Akbar.
A coconut of (or sent by) the house of Raja Todar Mai
Tanan.
A coconut of (or sent by) the house of Misr Chhabildas,
A coconut of (or sent by) the house of Kishne Mangle. ,
A coconut of (or sent by) the house of Rain Ram Prithvi-
pat Narule.
Journal Punjab Hist. Soc. Vol. X, pp. 1-3. The Khatris of
Bahawalpur also observed this custom (Bahawalpur Gazet-
teer, 1904, p. 114). But since 1922, on account of Hindu-
Muslim tensions, they changed one sentence "Akbar Shah
Badshah de ghar da narial." J.P. Hist. Soc. Vol. X, p. 3.
216. Ramayana of Tulsidas (Growse), p. 161.
217. Purchas' India, p. 9. For Nayar's marriage customs refer
to Asiatlck Researches, Vol. V, pp. 13-14. Sometimes the
210 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
bride's price was paid. See Sen, Travels of Thevenot and
Carer!, p. 257. For marriage customs of Korkus of the
forest villages of Melghat refer to J.R.A.S.B. letters. Vol.
XII, 1946, No. 2.
218. For modern works refer to Hughes' Dictionary of Islam,
p. 318 ; Herklots' Islam, pp. 56-88 ; E.R.E., Vol. VII,
pp. 815-59. Mrs Meer Husain Aii Observations on the
Mussulmauns of India, pp. 367-69. According to the
Quran and the traditions, marriage depends on three facts:
the assent of the parties, the evidence of two witnesses and
the marriage settlement. If any of these is wanting, the
marriage is void. Herkiots' Islam, p. 79. For a beautiful
painting refer to Shivalal, Studies in Indian Painting,
p. 107, Plate No. 48.
219. Jahangir's India, p. 82.
220. Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Cared, pp, 31-33.
221. Storto, m,p. 152.
222. R. and B., I, pp. 159, 224-25 ; Padshahnama, I, A, pp. 328,
453 ; Qanungo : Bar a Shukoh, p. 14.
223. Jahangir's India, p. 82.
223.*Rahim 5 M.A, Social and Cultural History of Bengal
pp. 286-87.
224. Jahangir's India. "Amongst the bride's presents with
mehndi may be noticed everything requisite for a full-dress
suit for the bridegroom, ami the etcetras of his toilette,
confectionery, dried fruits, preserves, the prepared pawns,
and a multitude of trifles too tedious to enumerate."
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 319.
225. R&B.,I,p. 159.
225*. Subah-ul-Din, Hindustan Ke Musalman Hukamrano ke
Ahd ke Tamadani Jalwai, p. 504.
226. Herklots 5 Islam, p. 70.
227. Qanungo, Dara Shukoh, pp. 14-15.
228. Ibid.
229. With this is usually combined the rubbing with haldi or
turmeric. Herklots' Islam, p. 66.
230. Ibid. Kamarbands were offered to the guests on Dara's
marriage,
231. Storia, III, p. 152.
r
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 211
232. Qazi Muhammad Ishan officiated at the marriage ceremony
of Dara. Qanungo, Dam Shukoh, pp. 14-15.
233. Herklots' Islam, p. 74; Hughes' Dictionary oflslam,p. 318
Badshahnama refers to the prevalent custom that the father
of the bride was not expected to be present at the time of
the nikah. Badshahnama, I, Pt. II, p. 270.
234. i.e., "I claim forgiveness from God." Hughes' Dictionary
of Islam, p. 318,
235. Ibid., p. 318 ; Herklots' Islam, pp. 75-76.
236. Storia, III, p. 152. This term originally meant the price
which was paid to the wali (guardian) of the bride. E.R.E.,
VII, p. 865. For details refer to Ibid., pp. 865-66 ; Ibid.,
Vol. V, p. 743.
237. J.UJP. Hist. Soc., Vol. VII, Pt. I, Jan. 1934, p. 38. Hindal
is reported to have said, "Heaven forbid, there should not
be a proper maash and that so a cause of annoyance should
arise." Ibid. Rs. 2 lakhs was paid by Humayun as
mahr. Ibid., pp. 36-41. According to another version,
Humayun gave Rs 3 lakhs of ready cash for the dower.
J. Sind Hist. Soc. August, 1940, Vol. IV, No. 4. For
another controversial point whether the above-mentioned
sum was given as a dower or as a fee to the Qazi, Mil
Abul Baqa, refer to f.n. 3 of S.K. Banerji, Humayun
Badshah, Vol. II, p. 37.
238. Qanungo, Dam Shukoh, pp. 14-15. On Salim's marriage
to the daughter of Raja Bhagwan Dass, Akbar fixed a
sum of two krors of tangahs as the marriage settlement.
(T.A., II, p. 599 ; A.N., Bev., pp. 677-78). Maasir, l t
p. 404, writes two krors of rupees.
239. Mandelslo, p. 62 ; Herklots' Islam, pp. 77-78.
239.* Rahim, M.A. Social and Cultural History of Bengal,
p. 287.
240. Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 248 ; Mandelslo,
p. 62 ; Storia, III, p. 152 ; Herbert's Travels, p. 45 ; Barto-
lomeo. p. 272.
241. Macauliffe, I, p. 145 ; J.R.A.S. (Bombay), III, p. 15 ;
Sanyal, Chaitanya, p. 366.
242. Bartolemeo, p. 272 ; J.P.U. Hist. Soc. Vol. V., April 1938,
p. 27.
243. Macauliffe, I, p 145. A man in straitened circumstances
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
appealed to Gum Nanak to procure a wedding outfit for
his daughter. Ibid.
244. Tukaram in J.R.A.S. (Bombay), III, p. 1 5. -
245. Sanyal, Chaitanya, p. 366.
246. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 281 .
247. Padmwat (Urdu), pp. 148, 203.
24! Ramayana of Tulsidas (Growse), p. 159. "The enormous
dowry was beyond description gold and jewels, shawls,
robes, and silks of all kinds in the greatest profusion and
of immense value, elephants, chariots, horses, men
servants and cows with gilded horns and hoofs." Ibid.
249. Sur Sagar, II, p. 1 664.
250. Maasir, I, p. 404 ; T.A., II, p. 599 ; A.N. 9 III (Bev.),
pp. 677-78 ; Badaoni, II, pp. 342-43 ; Tr., II, pp. 353-54.
251. For an earlier reference in Tamil refer to Saletore's Vijaya-
nagar, Vol. II, pp. 188-89.
252. Am (Bloch), I, p. 278 ; Bartolomeo (p. 272) a little later
laments the lot of those parents whose daughters could
not be married as they could not afford to pay high
dowries.
253. Sarkar's, Aurangzib, III, p. 54.
254. The Baudhayana Pitremedha Sutras says : "It is well-
known that through the Samskaras after birth one conquers
earth, through the Samskaras after death the heaven."
Quoted in Pandey's, Hindu Samskaras, p. 407 ; E.R.E.,
IV, p. 476.
255. Caland divides the whole ceremonial into 1 14 acts not to
speak of variations in each of these. For details refer to
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics 9 Vol. IV, pp. 476-78 ;
Sinclair Stevenson, Rites of the Twice Bom, pp. 136 ff and
Pandey, op. clt.
256. The earliest literary mention, of the funeral ceremonies is
found in the Rig-Veda and Atharva-Veda. Also seePandey,
op. ciL 9 p. 421. Cremation is regarded as offering into
the sacred fire conducting the corpse to heaven as a
sacrificial gift. (A.G.S. IV, 1-2; Bh. G.S. 1-2) quoted in
Pandey op. cit,, p. 443.
257. Early Travels, p. 323.
258. Ovington, p. 342. Also see Herbert's Travels, p. 46.
213
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
-
JRU^5 o/ me i w/c , F if pers on
-
1 ' /I O
270 Lria, III, P- 72 ; Pandey, o^. ctt., P- 430.
271- Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 354.
214 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
272. Herbert's Travels, p. 45 ; Samuel Purchas' India, p. 2.
273. Ain 9 III (Sarkar), p. 354,
274. Ibid. It is only by holding the tail of a cow that the dying
man hopes to cross the horrible river of blood and filth
called Valtarani. Sinclair Stevenson, op. cit. 9 p. 141.
275: For details refer to Pandey, op. cit. 9 p. 476 ; Sinclair
Stevenson, op. cit. 9 pp. 140-41.
276. For reference to this custom see Sinclair Stevenson,
op. cit. 9 p. 142.
277. Sen, op. cii., p. 249.
278. Tavernier, Chapter VII, p. 168.
279. Delia Valle (1664 edition), p. 435.
280. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 354.
281. It is still prevalent in some parts of that province. Pandey,
op. cit., p. 431.
282. Tavernier, Chapter VII, p. 168, says up to the chin.
283. Ain 9 III (Sarkar), p. 354. Ralph Fitch relates another
interesting incident : "If a man or 'woman be sick and like
to die they will lay him before their idol and he shall help
him. Failing which he will take it to the riverside and
set him on the raft made of weed. 5 ' Early Travels, p. 22.
284. Storta, III, p. 72 ; Ramayana (Growse), p. 458.
285. Macauliffe, Vol. I, p. 115. "Those whose letters hath been
torn in God's court must die, my brethren." Ibid.
286. Delia Valle, Vol. II (Ed. Grey), p. 271 ; Petermundy, II,
p. 220 ; Ovington, p. 243 ; Storia, III, p, 156.
287. Petermundy, II, p. 220.
288. Sen, Travels ofThevenot and Cared, p. 34. In Malabar
the body of the king must be burnt within three days after
his death. NieuhofPs Voyages 9 p. 288.
289. Pandey, op. cit., p. 439.
290. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 355 ; Tavernier, Chapter VII, p. 168 ;
Herbert's Travels, p. 45 ; Alberuni, II, p. 169.
29 1 . Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 355, says white sheet of fine linen.
Mrs. Sinclair writes as follows : "A middle-aged man is
wrapped in red, a dearly loved young man in red brocade,
a married woman usually in a gaily coloured garment but
a widow invariably in white, blue or black cloth.*' Sinclair
Stevenson, op. cit., p. 144.
292. Am, HI (Sarkar), p, 355.
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES *
293. Storia, III, pp. 72, 155. If a woman died before her
husband, she is considered so lucky that her face and
especially her forehead was smeared red. Sinclair Stevenson,
op. cit., p. 143.
294. Am, in (Sarkar), p. 356 ; 5/ona, III, p. 71 ; Tavermer,
Chapter VII, p- 168 ; Sen, op. ri/., p. 249 ; Delia Valle
(1664 edition), p. 435.
295 Cot is usually made of bamboo though it should be ot
udumbara wood (Fieus Glemaratd). Pandey, op. cit., p. 432.
296. Storia, III, p. 155. . _
297. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 294 ; Storia, 111,
T")
298. Storto, III, p- 156 ; Petermundy, II, p. 220 ; Delia Valle,
II (ed. Grey), p. 271 ; Sen, op. cit., p. 249.
299. Ovington, p. 342. Also see Petermundy, II, p. 22U.
300. Pandey, op. cit., p. 434.
301. Delia Valle, II (ed. Grey), p. 271.
302. Pandey, op. cit., p. 439.
303 Herbert's Travels, p. 451. Nieuhoff's Voyages, p. 229;
Ramayana (Growse), p. 257 ; Sinclair Stevenson, op. cit.,
304. P Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 393. For details also see Grose,
op. cit., I, p. 228.
305. Storia, III, p. 73-
306. Ibid., p. 154.
307. For details refer to Pandey, op. cit., p. 447.
308 Storia, III, p. 73. On hearing the death of Dasrath, Rama
and all his people took a bath in the stream. Ramayana
(Growse) p. 293. All the relatives of the dead down to
the seventh or tenth generation bathe in the nearest stream
and purify themselves by it. Pandey, op. at., p. 447.
309 Ibid p. 448. Other prescriptions are : rinse the mouth,
' touch water, fire, cow-dung, etc., inhale tlhe smoke of a
certain species of wood, tread upon stone and then enter.
ERE IV p 478. These are supposed to act as a barrier
to the hiau'spicious spirit of the dead and symbolize the
severance of relations with the deceased. Pandey, op. cit.,
p. 448,
310. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 355.
216 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
311. Early Travels, p. 217. She would abstain from putting
on ornaments and luxurious garments until her death. Ibid.
"312. Storia 9 TLI,p.72* Recently about 40,000 people offered
themselves for hair-cut on the death of their ruler, the
Raja of Gwalior.
313. Ain, III, (Sarkar), p. 357 ; Herbert's Travels, p. 45 ;
Nieuhoff, Voyages, p. 228, mentions 13 days.
314. Fandey , op. cit., p. 450.
315. Ibid.
316. NieuhofFs Voyages, p. 228 ; Asiatick Researches, Vol. V,
p. 12.
317. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 356 ; Ovington, p. 243; Travels in
India in the 17th Century, p. 294. On the death of Dasrath,
Bharat gave Brahmans abundant gifts, cows, horses,
elephants, all kinds of carriages, thrones, jewels, robes,
grains, lands, money, houses, for his purification.
Ramayana (Growse), p. 257.
118. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 356. According to Herbert (p. 45),
during these ten days they would "neither use wife, nor
laugh nor take opium or betel, put on no clean clothes
nor oyle one's head." Also refer to Contfs Travel in India
in the 15th Century, p. 25 and Asiatick Researches, Vol. V,
p. 12. The women passed this period in singing mournful
songs, crying, scattering and pulling their hair, then singing
again etc. and off and on beating their breasts in the
company of female friends, relatives and neighbours,
Petermundy, II, p. 220; Travels in India in the 17th Century ,
p. 294. Rama fasted the whole day on hearing the death
of his father. Ramayana (Growse), p. 293.
319. Burhan's Tuzuk-i-Walajahi, Pt. I (English Translation),
p. 77 ; Herbert's Travels p. 45.
320. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 294.
321. On the fourth day after the death of a Brahman, the fifth
after the death of a Kshatriya, the ninth and tenth after
that of a Vaisya and Sudra respectively. Ain, III,
(Sarkar), p. 356.
322. "In order to cool the soul of the deceased," according to
Manucci. Storia, III, p. 154*
CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES 217
323. Storia, III, p. 154 ; Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Careri,
p. 294 ; Delia Valle (1664 ed.), p. 435 ; Grose, op. cit., I,
p. 227.
324. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 356. Herbert's -Travels,', p. 45.
Alberuni. II, p. 169. Also refer to Islamic Culture, July
1934, p. 430.
325. Storia 9 ISI 9 p. 154 ; Sen, op. dr., p. 249 ; Delia Valle (1674),
p. 435; Alberuni, II, p, 169.
326. Ramayana (Growse), p. 257 ; Grose, op. cit. 9 I, p. 227.
327. Am, III (Sarkar), p. 357. It is supposed to nourish the
soul of the deceased who is regarded as still living in a
sense and the efforts of the survivors are to provide him
with food and guide his footsteps to the paramount abode
of the dead. Pandey, op. tit., pp. 464-75 ; E.R.E. p. 810.
328. Am, III (Sarkar), p. 357. For details of this ceremony
refer to E.R E., Vol. IV, p. 479. According to Hindu
belief when the body dies, the soul takes a subtle
form which they call Preta. This is properly the spirit of
the deceased which meets its Pitaras after the obsequial
rites are performed. E.R.E., II, p- 810.
329. Storia, III, p. 73. Tukarara also refers to this ceremony.
J.R.A.S., Bombay Branch, Vol. Ill, p. 19.
330. To feed the ancestors to propitiate or keep them away or
to summon their aid are the purposes served by the
Shraddhas described in ritual and law. E.R.E. , Vol. IV,
p. 479.
331. Tuzuk (R & B), I, pp. 246-47.
332. Abul Fazl adds the following days. Also on the first day
of the first quarter of the new moon, on the 6th lunar day
of the month of Kuar, and bestowing charity in a place of
worship in the name of the deceased. Ain 9 III (Sarkar),
p. 307. Also see Sinclair Stevenson, op. cit. 9 pp. 171-81.
333. Ain 9 III (Sarkar), pp. 307-8 ; J.R.A.S., Bombay Branch,
Vol. Ill, p. 19.
334. "I shall go and procure some vegetables. We shall cook
them." J.R.A.S., Bombay Branch, Vol, III, p. 19.
335. Melville Kennedy, The Chaitanya Movement, p. 18.
336. For details refer to Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and
Ethics, Vol. IV, pp. 501-2 ; Hughes' Dictionary of Mam,
pp. 80-82 ; Herklots' Islam in India, pp. 90.
21 1 CUSTOMS, RITES AND CEREMONIES
337. E.H.E., IV, p. 501.
338. M.A. (Urdu), p. 381.
339. Herklots' Islam in India, p. 90.
340. Hughes' Dictionary of Mam, p. 80.
341. Also see Storia II, p. 342 ; IV, p. 436. If a great man died,
the fact was communicated to the emperor in the phrase
"Such or such a one hath made himself a sacrifice at Your
.Majesty's feet/' A Voyage to East Indies, reprint of 1777,
p. 382.
342. Maasir-ul-Umra, I, trans,, Beveridge, p. 123.
343. Ibid.
344. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 282. Delia Valle
(1664 edition), p. 432.
345. Irvine, The Later Afughals, Vol. I (ed. Sarkar), p. 7.
346. Ovington, p. 246.
347. The Prophet gave the following reason for it : "If he
was a good man, the sooner he is buried, the more quickly
he will reach heaven ; if a bad man, he should be speedily
buried so that his unhappy lot may not fall upon others in
his house." Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 81.
348. It consists of three pieces of cotton for men, five for
women. Only white colour is admissible in India. E.R.E.,
IV, p. 501 ; Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 81.
349. Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzlb, p. 124.
350. Delia Valle (1664 edition), p. 431 ; Storia, 111, p. 153;
E.R.E..IV, p. 501.
351. Storia, 0, p. 126; IV, p. 431. Smith's Akbar, p. 327. While
removing the corpse, the head was taken out first in order
to baffle the ghost and to prevent its finding its way back.
See W. Crookes 9 Popular Religion and Folklore, second
edition, ii, p. 56 Also see Macauliffe, op. cit., VI, p. 385.
352. Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 44.
353. Maasir, I, p. 148 ; Gulbadan Begam, Humayunnama, trans.
Beveridge, p 62.
354. Maasir, I, p. 613.
355. Ibid. Azam Shah carried the dead body of Aurangzeb on
his shoulders up to the main entrance gate. W. Irvine, The
Later Mughals, (ed. Sarkar), Vol. I, p. 7.
356. Ovington, p. 245 ; Storia, III, p. 153.
357. Storia, III, p 153.
CUSTOMS, R'TES AND CEREMONIES
21$
358 . "A turban bound with gold is laid upon the outside as a
token that inside is a body.'* Storia, III, p. 153.
359. Storto,IH,p. 153.
360. Ibid,
361. RR.E.,IV,p. 501.
362. Storia, III, p. 153.
363. E.R.E., IV, p. 510 ; Qanoon-i>-lslam> pp. 96-97.
364. Ibid. ; Sir John Marshall in India, p. 404.
365. Delia Valle (ed. 1664), p. 401 ; India in the 17th Century,
p. 382. "The grave of a woman should be the height of
a man's chest, if for a man to the height of the waist."
Qanoon~i-Islam, p. 98 ; Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 45.
On Kam Baksh's death, Qazi and Muhammad Ghauz,
the chief Mufti, with other religious men, were entrusted
with the grave. Irvine, The Later Mughals, Vol. I (ed.
Sarkar), pp. 64-65 .
366. Sir John Marshall in India, p. 404.
367. "When the angles come and ask the dead his catechism,
he must reply that God is Allah, His Prophet, Muhammad,
his religion, Islam, his Bible, the Quran, and his qibla the
Kdba" Also see Irvine, The Later Mughals (ed. Sarkar),
Vol. I, pp. 64-65.
368. E.R.E., IV, p. 502.
369. Stor/0,111, p. 153.
370. Ibid.,, Also see Gulbadan Begam, Humayunnama, trans.,
p. 62 ; Qanoon-i-lslam, p. 105.
371. Maasir, I pp. 255, 563, 723.
372. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p, 282.
373. Tuzuk (R & B), I, p. 85.
374. Maasir, I, p. 295.
375. Ibid., p. 246.
376. Daughter of Dara Shukoh. Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzib's
Reign, p. 81. Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah stopped drum-
beating for three days to show respect to the memory of
his kinsman. Hadiqatul-Alam, II, p. 123, quoted in
Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah, I, p. 140.
377. Latif, Agra, Historical and Descriptive, p. 40.
378. On the death of Jiji Anaga, Akbar, besides her sons and
in fact the whole tribe, got their heads and moustaches
220 CUSTOMS, fcrr-ES AND CEREMONIES
shaved. Maasir, I, p. 327. Sometimes a widow would
also get her head shaved. Maasir, I, p. 812.
379. Storto, III, p. 253-
380. Qanoon-i-Islam % p. 101 .
381. ]&M.
382. Badaoni, I, p. 248.
383. Storto, III, p. 153. Akbar attended the chihlum of his
story-teller Darbar Khan. Hodivala's Studies in Indo-
Muslim History, p. 580. A sum of Rs. 2 lakhs was
spent in furnishing the corpse, distributing alms and
despatching coffin to Delhi on the death of Jahanzeb Banu
Begam. Sarkar, Studies in AurangziVs Reign, p. 81.
384. Delia Valle (1664 edition), p. 432 ; Ovington, p. 245;
India in the 17th Century, p. 282.
385. Tuzuk (R & B), I, p. 247.
386. Storia, III, p. 153 ; Ovington, p. 245.
387. Tuzuk-i-Walajahi by Burhan Ibn Hasan, English translation
by S. Muhammad Husayn Nainar.
388. Ovington, p. 245.
389. Fetermundy, II, p. 229.
390. Tuzuk~i-Jahangiri, R & B., I, pp. 148, 247, 249.
391. Delia Valle (1664 edition), p. 432.
392. Ibid.
393 Ibid. I
394. Sarkar, Aurangzib, III, p. 101.
395. E. & D., Ill, p. 380.
396. Sarkar, Aurangzib, III, p. 101.
397. Ibid.
CHAPTER 8
Social Etiquettes and Manners
oc ial cal.s have neve, been in
Our individualistic outlook wh.ch ^/ for it . Our
prevalence of the caste ^f^'^SC imposed by society,
women's inability, on account of rest ncUons ^ ^ ^
to attend to male guests or t >tdk a ^ however) in
have been another factor. Men me .01 , ^ ^
the past and they do W$^S# or even leisure to
the villages but women had little oppon > . Q urban
l pay a visit to thdrfcn^fi^^^^ foun d .till
areas met only briefly to talk busme^ a n & ^^ ^ ^
few er opportunities to vjsU on e^ row ^ ^ Ifldia . H o W -
observance of the jtofc dumg ^ funerals , etc. or
b
their friends and relatives.
Formalities for receiving a guest _ lities dur i ng Mughal
Visitors were received w ^many o ^^ for ^
days . Whenever a visitor _ arnvea, ^ ^ ^^ 3 The shoes
master of the house to receive ^^ If he happened to be
were usually put * ' usual in a Hindu home
an elderly or spiritual person it w sanda i-paste, flowers,
...1. v,;c f^t wih water mixed wuu hmise-
an e
to wash his feet W1 h wata nuxed j ^
and-rice.' lf there ^ ^Jto welcome him. 6 He
keeper would rise from his seat t ^ ot a
theJt^tothctowmff^J^ aQd costly ca r f ets
family, was spread f er T^ i ster their backs and sides.'' 7 A
D '
222
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS
Chairs were thought to be uncomfortable and were rarely used. 1
Even the Governor of Surat had no chairs and one was brough
specially for Roe on his insistence. 10 A person who let his
legs or feet be seen while sitting was considered to be devoic
of manners. 11 Nobles and governors would usually receiv<
their visitors in their daily darbar held in the Diwan Kham
richly decorated with handsome rugs and costly tapestry. 12 Th<
visitors took their seats on his either side according to thei:
rank or dignity after the usual salams}-* Strangers were aliowe<
to visit by permission and left after their business was over. 1
Intimate friends might stay on till the noble retired to tfa
zenana. 15
Visit to king difficult and expensive
A visit to the king was both difficult and expensive. Hig
and influential nobles had to be approached and even bribe*
before the royal permission could be had. 16 Sir William Norri?
who came to India as the British king's ambassador to tfa
great Mughal, rightly formed the opinion that man
"generous and great men" besides the Mughal would have to b
"gratified," and as the presents sent from London were much to-
few, so he asked his men to make local purchases. 17 Th
ceremonies to be observed at the court required a goo
deal of training. Sir Thomas Roe, 18 Bernier 19 and Mamicci 5
have referred to the formalities an ambassador had to observ
while paying a visit to the Indian sovereign.
Reception of an ambassador and king
A. noble was specially despatched to receive the ambassado
at an earlier stage of his journey and present him with khilat o
behalf of the king. The ambassador was expected to preset
his credentials to the king clad in this robe of honour. Persia
ambassadors were shown special courtesy while others wei
allotted an inconspicuous place in the darbar. 21 A few ambasss
dors had the good fortune to be received by the king in th
private audience.
A foreign ruler was received with due ceremonies. Raj
Bhagwan Das was sent by Akbar to receive Mirza Sulaimai
the ruler of Badakshan at the Nilab River. 22 M. Jani Beg, tt
223
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS
, rt f Qinrf was received by Abul Fazl at the gate. 23 Khusrau
L f !on rfS Khan, ruler of Baikh and Badakshan,
by Ali Mardhan Khan at the edge of his carpet.
a great man- a king, a prince,
no hle"It was the usual custom to offer
I t onsidered highly discourteous
ry - call upon a superior dignitary
The presents meant for the nobles were of
ue but those offered to the king mcluded rare
an cost heavily- Tavernier's presents to Aurangzeb
instance included "a battle-mace of rock crystal all the
tnstance me . emeralds ^
o b
toein ,ho pre nd,o,he so,e possessioa of i,
there is aujwiiu fc sincerity which even
but jMom ^32V ^ot rightly" ridicules the
attends it in the u a ^ India Company
ign0f ' to a cepTS 30 offered to them as a present by
Unawar of the Indian custom, the envoys thought
were belgTeated as beggars and got annoyed. Thevenot,
*ere bemg ; t ^ ^^ |he prOper
wel! aware :rf the^ nd an ^ ^ ^ a preseat . Either
and civdart P ted the money and
the envoys, he wntes sho oiven the money back after
'touched and then returned ,.-
kings rarely paid visits to their nobles. Even these
f Sly confined to those families which were in
rar e r ^r^^Site royal house.- It was the highest
ever dream of. Huge presents had
224 SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS -
to be offered to the king as nazrana. 35 Sometimes, however,
the king would call on an ailing noble of a very high rank to
inquire about his health. 36 Hawkins describes in detail the
ceremonies to be observed by a nobleman while paying his
respects to the king after two or three years' continuous
absence from the capital. 87
Politeness of Indians
The Indian manner of conversation has elicited much praise
from the travellers 38 who describe them as "past masters of
good manners." 39 Polite and modest in their conversation,
they were at the same time very civil and reserved. 40 Even
friends gossiped in a dignified manner. 41 While talking to their
elders or superiors, they were very careful and would not let
their heads be uncovered, 42 as this was considered to be a sign of
disrespect. They applauded the elders' performances and dared
not contradict or even question the authenticity of their
statements. 43 They would not usually take their seats in their
presence, as it was taken to be a gesture of disrespect to the
elderly fellow. Religious teachers, Brahmans 44 and the Qazis
were specially cared for and respected. Akbar stood up to
receive the saint, Dadu. 46 Aurangzeb was annoyed to learn
that Ibrahim Khan, the Governor of Bengal, sat on a couch in
the darbar while the Qazis and other jurists took their seats on
the floor. 46 Babar, who calls the Pathans rustic and tactless,
goes on to quote an instance : "Biban waited on me s this
person sat although Dilawar Khan, his superior in rank, the
son of Alam Khan who are of royal birth, did not." 47
Respect shown to elders
Everyone greeted his elders with the utmost respect. Akbar
had just gone to bed when his aunt Nigar Khanum arrived.
Half asleep, he at once got up and saluted her. 48 Careri relates
3aow sixity-five years old Shah Alam alighted from his horse at
the sight of his father Aurangzeb and paid his respects. 49 On
receiving a letter from Jahangir, Khiirram even when in rebel-
lion, kissed and lifted it to his eyes and head and while reading
he bowed down at every word. 50 At an interview the prince,
according to etiquette, would walk round the emperor twice
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNEPS 225
and present nazar and nisar to him. 51 Raja Ram Singh, as a
token of respect, touched the feet of the older Shaista Khan
who embraced the Raja and kissed his head. The sons of the
Nawab in turn touched the feet of the Raja and accompanied
him for a considerable distance. 52 How a Mughal king bade
good-bye to his son going out on an expedition or welcomed
him on his victorious return is very well illustrated in various
paintings of the period. 53 While the king embraces his son out
of paternal affection, the latter bows his head with all respect. 54
Court etiquette
Elaborate rules had been laid down regarding appearance,
salutation and conduct in the darbar. 55 , Every noble at the
court was obliged to attend the darbar twice daily. 56 It was
strictly forbidden to come in a palki within the enclosure of the
royal palace. 56 * Except with the permission of the king, no
one could come armed to the darbar. 66 " 1 " Even the offering of
betel-leaves by the nobles to each other was not permitted. 56 % As
a general rule, barring a few specially privileged notables 57 or
princes of the royal blood, 58 none could dare to sit in the court.
The highest dignitaries of the state, ambassadors from foreign
lands and even dethroned princes seeking military or financial
aid, were no exception to it. When Ambassador Sir Thomas
Roe demanded a chair, he was frankly told that "none has
ever sat in this place." 59 The princes stood within a few
yards of the royal throne. Next came the most favoured
grades who stood within an enclosure of silver railings. The
red-painted wooden railing enclosure was meant for the lesser
mansabdars.* No one was permitted to leave the darbar till the
king had retired. The king was addressed as Hazrat Salamat,
Qihlah-Din-wa-Duma, Qiblahi-Din~i-Jahan> Alam Panah, etc. 61
Aurangzeb was called Pir-i-Dastgir** The king would reply
in a dignified and majestic tone. 63 Linschoten's observation
that the king would talk to an ambassador even though he
could understand his language only through an interpreter
is based on hearsay 64 . Serious notice was taken of any mis-
conduct. Lashkar Khan, the Mir Bakshi, once appeared in
the court drunk and misbehaved. He was ordered to be taken
round the city tied to a horse's tail and later sect to jail 65
'226 -SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MAN KIRS
Behaviour in assembly
The decorum maintained in an assembly was exemplary. 66
They made 'no gestures and were never loud In their discus-
sions. 67 There was a certain gravity in their mode of speaking. 88
If there happened to be something confidential to be conveyed
to the other person, they would hold a handkerchief or scarf in
.-front of their mouths to avoid the other's breath. 69 None of
them would move from his seat 70 or do anything which might
be against the recognized etiquette. 71 Ovington, after admiring
the Hindu merchants for their innocence, humility and patience,
writes : 'The Orientals are generally much more tender and
. . . more prompt and easy in their deportment than those
bred in Europe." 72
Orme's praise of the dignified manner in which the
courtiers of the Nawab behaved in face of the indecent jokes cut
by the Europeans regarding their manners, etc. may well serve as
an example. 73 They would, no doubt, make a loud noise when
quarrelling but rarely did they come to blows. 74
Offer of a betel significant
Visitors were usually entertained with betels 75 which
were brought in wooden trays. 76 The offering of a betel also
indicated that the visitors might now leave. 77 When offered
by the emperor, it meant great honour and had to be eaten in
his presence. 78 The greatest honour, however, consisted in
partaking of the half-chewed betel of the emperor. He
would sometimes bestow a jagir, khilat, or other gifts on the
visitor." 79
Greetings and salutations
Hindus and Muslims differ in their mode of greeting
friends, relatives or superiors. The handshake, 80 the present
mode of salutation, common among the x educated classes of both
communities, was never in vogue during the ancient 81 and
medieval periods. Its general adoption is primarily due to
India's contact with the West during the last two centuries.
Manucci describes five kinds of salutation prevalent among
the Hindus in Mughal days. 82 "Ram, Ram/' 83 the most popular
form of greeting among equals, has been referred to by many
travellers. 84 Quite frequently the palms of the hands would be
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS 22?
folded 85 and raised up to the stomach as a mark of respect for an
elderly friend. An embrace might also follow specially when
they had not met for a long time. 86 A person of higher status,
a governor, a minister or a general, was greeted by raising the
folded hands above the head. 87 Greater respect was paid to an
elder, father, mother or a spiritual teacher. The younger would
greet an elder by bowing down, touching his or her feet and
raising the hand to his head. 88 He would even prostrate himself
before his teacher. 89 The king was also greeted in the same
manner by all classes 90 except the Brahmans who would only
raise their folded hands. 91 Brahmans, as a class, were held in
high esteem and none would dare to pass by them without bowing
his head in reverence. 92 The superior would greet the inferior
by displaying the palm of the right hand raised high. 93 Guru
Nanak, the founder of the Sikh religion, is said to have advised
his followers to return the salutation with the words "Sat Kartar"
(the True Creator). 94
Muhammadaii salutations
Salain^ was the usual salutation among all classes of
Muhammadans who are religiously bound to greet each other
with the words al-Salam alekum^ the other responding Wa-
lekum-al-Salam.^ Strangely, the travellers fail to refer to the
use of the latter form of greeting by Indian Muslims
during Mughal days. Nizamuddin, however, refers to its use
while relating the incident of Shaikh Ali who had adopted the
practices of Mahdism. The latter did not observe taslim while
paying a visit to King Salim Khan. Shaikh Ali made the
salutation permitted by the sham to which Salira Khan indig-
nantly replied alek-al->Salam? B Aurangzeb, however, made it
obligatory in April 1670. 99 Friends would greet each other by
raising the right hand to the forehead, 100 and would even
embrace 101 or grasp each other's hands in token of love. 102 A
little inclination of the head or body also served the same pur-
pose. 103 When greeting a superior, the performance of both
the above-mentioned modes together was necessary. 104
High personages were greeted by raising the right hand to
the forehead and bending the body forward. 106 It was custo-
mary for a person of lower status to get down from his horse
at the sight of a superior one and let him pass first. 106 The
228
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNEI
latter acknowledged the greeting of the Inferior person with a
inclination of the head. 107 The nobles would dismount at tt
sight of the royal ladies and greet them with a bow. Ravin
received a betel-leaf, they again bowed and withdrew. 108
Korhish and Taslim
Kornish and taslini have been mentioned by Abui Fazl *
the recognized modes of salutation to the king. 109 Kornish 1
consisted in placing the palm of the right hand on the forehca
and bending down the head. 111 While offering taslim, 11 * tl
person placed the back of his right hand on the ground, raise
it slowly till he stood erect when he put the palm of his han
on the top of his head. 118 After raising the hand from ti
ground, it was usual, as Ovington remarks, to place it on tl
breast before taking it to the forehead. 114 Delia Valle corn
borates it. 115 It was the usual custom, as Babar relates, t
kneel thrice before the king 116 upon taking leave, or upo
presentation, or upon receiving a mansab, ajagfr, or a dress c
honour or an elephant or a horse but only once on all othe
occasions. 117 Akbar issued orders that taslim should I
repeated thrice. 118 He 9 however, exempted Sh. Gadai Kami
and Mirza Sulaiman, 119 ruler of Badakshan, from this customar
salutation. These modes of salutations were strictly reserve
for the king during Akbar's reign. 120 Taslim, however, becam
a common mode of greeting among nobles during the succeed
ing reigns but Aurangzeb forbade it in April 1 670 and introduc
ed Salam-alekum instead. 121
Sijdah
Akbar, the founder of Din-i-llahi, introduced another salu
tation called Sijdah, 1 ** perhaps at the insistence of his friends
admirers and disciples. 128 As it consisted in bowing down th
forehead to the earth, it was looked upon as man-worship b
the orthodox. 124 Akbar thought it wise to forbid this practic
in Darbar-i-Am but allowed it in private assemblies 125 Thi
custom appears to have been continued during the reign o
Jahangir when the subjects prostrated themselves before th
king in grateful return for any royal favours conferred on then
and also on receipt of royal mandates, 126
S )tl AL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS 229
Kissing the ground
It was, however, found to be objectionable and Shahjahan
introduced instead Zaminbos or the practice of kissing the
ground which was also abandoned after some time and the
usual mode of salutation by bowing and touching the head -was
restored with the addition that it was to be observed not less
than four times. 127 Bernier describes how this custom was
observed by all the ambassadors when attending the Mughal 1:is
court but the Persian ambassador would not do so in spite of
all the machinations of Shahjahan. 129 Aurangzeb completely
did away with these so-called pretensions to idolatory and
ordered that the usual mode of salutation, al-Sala?n-alekuin,
be observed. 130
Defection, if any, was immediately detected and the
offender was suitably punished. Aurangzeb was highly displeased
when Zulfiqar Khan's knees touched the royal throne while he-
was bowing to- kiss the Emperor's- toe. The Khan was ordered
to attend the court for three days with spectacles on as "he had
forgotten the court etiquette due to long absence." 131
The custom of performing taslim thrice continued without
any change during the reigns of the later Mughals as is clearly
borne out by the despatches of Johan Ketelaar, the Dutch
ambassador to Shah Alara. 1232 * Whenever the ambassador
received a present from the king, he would "turn his brow
towards his tent in the Moorish, fashion and perform three
s a lams." 133
It is interesting to note here that Jharoka darshan or the
practice of the king appearing before the public, which began
during Akbar's time, became so popular that many Hindus would
start day's work only after having a look at the auspicious face
of the king. It was continued during the reign of Jahangir and
Shahjahan but was given up by the orthodox Aurangzeb. 133 *
NOTES
1. See The Mirza-Nama of Mirza Kamran, English transla-
tion by M 5 Hidayat Husain, J.R.A.S.B.', New Series,
Vol. IX, 191 3, p. 5. "
2. Macauliffe, I,p. 65 ; Y.H. Khan, N&am-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah,
r, pp. 9, 144 ; Maasir, I, p. 723.
230 SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNEB
3. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 280 ; Fryer (old
p. 95.
4. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 280 ; Storia,. II
p. 39 ; Tavernier, II, p. 233.
5. Ain, III, p. 38 L Ramayana ofTulsidas (Growse), p. 172
Storia, III, p. 38. Jhanda, a carpenter of Bisiar (in ol
Bushahir State) received Guru Nanak in his house, washe
his feet and drank the water used for this purpos<
Macauliffe, op. at., I, p. 93.
6. Maasir, I, p. 127 ; M. Jan! Beg, the ruler of Sind, w;
greatly displeased when Abul Fazl did not rise to recen
him (Maasir* I, p. 127). Khan Jahan Lodhi used to ri:
in honour of Fazil, Dewan of Deccan, but would n<
do so for Asad who used to say : "He rises for a Moghi
and does not rise for me who am a Saiyid." (Maasir,
p. 270).
7. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 280.
8. Mandeislo, p. 27 ; Jahangir's India, p. 61.
9. Tavernier, II, p. 233.
10. Roe's Embassy, p. 65.
11. Travels in India In the 17th Century, p. 280. Tavernier sa
Mir Jumla sitting on a carpet and wrote that "People s
in this country as in Turkey and as our tailors do.
Tavernier, IT, p. 233. Various paintings of the peric
depicting darbar scenes corroborate the above versioi
Even see "A drinking party" (Plate 88, Vol. Ill, Chest*
Beatty). Akbar is also seen sitting in the same postui
with his legs underneath in the presence of Baba Bila
(Plate 89, Vol. I, Chester Beatty).
12. Jahangifs India, pp, 67-68 ; De Laet, p. 91 ; Mandelsb
p. 64 ; Ornie's Fragments, p. 426.
13. Ibid.
14. Mandeislo, p. 64.
15. Jahangir's India, p. 68.
16. Tavernier had to offer presents worth about . 1,739 t
the grandees including Shaista Khan, Jaffar Khan, chii
treasurer, the stewards, the captains of the palace gate
etc. Tavernier, I, pp. 106, 114, 115 (ed. 1925). Also refi
to Sir William Norris at Masuiipatam, J.I.H., Vol. V
1927, p. 59. The consul at Surat told Sir William Norr
SOCrAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS 231
. - that not to speak of the nobles and others even the king
himself "values nothing so much as a good sum of money
paid into his treasury/' J.I.H., Vol. VI, 1927, p. 59.
17. Sir William Norris at Masulipatam, J.I.H., Vol. -V,
p. 211, 1926, and Vol. VF, 1927, p. 59.
18. Roe was refused a chair in the court on the plea that "no
man ever sat in that place" but he was -allowed, as a
privilege, to recline against a pillar. Roe's Embassy,
pp. 92-93.
19. Bernier (ed. Constable), pp. 117-18.
20. Storia, I, pp. 87-89. - '!
21.. Bernier, pp. 119-20 ; I.N., I, 336-37 ; M.A. (Persian), 37 ; '!
Roe's Embassy, pp. 295-297. Also see Sir Norris at
Masulipatam, J.LH., Vol VI, p. 65. - (
22. T.A., II, (trans), p. 475. i
.23. Maasir,I,p. 127. .- (
24. Ibid., p. 822. j
25. Hamilton, I, p. 119 ; Fryer (old), pp.- 80-81 ; Tavernier, I, |
p. 115 ; Thevenot, p. 100 ; Mandelslo, p. 33 ; Storia, II, |
pp. 344, 52. Manucci writes that this habit was borrowed
by the Indian kings from Persia. Storla, II, p. 52. T.A., [
II, pp. 263, 302, 325, 346-47. Also see extract from the !'
"Letter Book of Thomas Pitt 1 ' (1699-1709), J.LH., Vol.
XX, pt.- Ill, p. 315.
26. Hamilton, I, p. 119. Geleynssen rightly observes : "Here [
(India) as in most parts of the world, the great men afe j
eager for presents, firstly for the respect and recognition . f
they imply (for they stand very strictly on their reputation) !
and secondly, for the gratificatian because most of them ,
are exceedingly covetous and avaricious. Geleynssen' s
Report, trans., J.LH. Vol. Ill, Pts. Ill and IV, p. 80. j;
Also Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzib's Reign, pp. 1 lO-Il.
27. Tavernier, I, p. 114. j>
28. Ibid. For Sir William Norris' presents to Nawab of
Masulipatam refer to J.LH. 3 Vol., V, p. 219.
29. Thevenot, op. cit., p. 100. /
30. Despatches of Dutch Ambassador Ketelaar, J.P.H.S.,
Vol.1, p. 15. M
? t
31. Ibid. Also see extract from the "Letter Book of Thomas ''
232 SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS
* Pitt" (16994709) by Dr. A.G. Pawar in J.I.H. 9 Vol. XX,
PL 3, December 1941, p. 319.
32. Mandelslo, p. 33.
33. Thevenot, Chap, xxxviii op. cit., p. 100. Manrique men-
tions how Tulsidas, a trader of Multan, received his gift.
After kissing it a number of times, he touched it with his
head thrice. Manrique, II, p. 224.
34. Shahjahan honoured Afzal Khan with a visit. Maasir: I,
p. 152.
35. Ibid.
36. Akbar visited Abul Path, the Sadr, during the latter' s
illness. Maasir, F, p. 108. Aurangzeb called on Jaffar
Khan to enquire about his health. Maasir, I, p. 723.
Also see Y.H. .Khan, Nizam-ul-Mulk Asaf Jah, I, p. 9.
Khan Khanan went to the house of Maulana Pir Muham-
mad, his Vakili-Mutlaq, when the latter was ill. T.A.,
II, p. 230.
37. Hawkins' Voyages (Hak. Soc.), p. 441. Also see Bernier,
p. 266.
38. Jahangir's India, p. 67 ; Mandelslo, p. 64 ; Orme's Frag-
ments, pp. 427-29 ; De Laet, p. 91 ; Ovington, pp. 232,
313.
39. De Laet, p. 91.
40. Mandelslo, p. 64 ; De Laet, p, 91 ; Ovington, p. 231.
Also see Am, III (Sarkar), p. 8 ; Mirza-Nama, English
Translation, M. Hidayat Husain, A.S.B. New Series,
Vol. IX, 1913, p. 4,
41. Orme's Fragments, p. 426.
42. Storia, III, p. 39. Sannaysis and Brahmans were an
exception.
43. Orme's Fragments, p. 426.
44. Nieuhoff's Voyages, p. 222 ; Ornie's Fragments, pp. 432,
434.
45. W.G. Orr, A Sixteenth Century Indian Mystic : Dadu and
His Followers, p. 35. Also see T.A., II, p. 46$.
46. Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzib, p. 118.
47. B.N. (Beveridge), p. 466.
48. A.N., I, p. 90 ; Jr., I, p. 231. Also see Badaoni, II, p. 64 ;
Tr: II, p. 63.
49. Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Careri, p. 219.
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS
233
50. Padshah Buranjis, Islamic Culture, January 1934, p, 71.
51. Sarkar s Studies in Aurangzib's Reign, p. 74.
52. Islamic Culture, April 1934, p. 91.
53. Plate II, Indian Drawings, 'Shahjahan leaving for an
expedition to Balkh in 1647 A.D.' and 'Jahangir receiving
Prince Khnrram on his return from Deccan' (Plate XXIII,
Catalogue of Indian Collections, Par! VI, Mughal Paint-
Ings).
Ibid. For a painting depicting Jahangir welcoming
Shahjahan, refer to Percy Brown. Indian Paintings Under
the Mughals, Plate LVIII, p. 150.
Ain, I, (1939) pp. 168-69.
Tavernier, I, pp. 114-15 ; Sir William Norris at Masuli-
patam, J.I.H., Vol. VI, 1927, p. 59.
56*. Ali, M. Athar, Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, p. 138.
54.
55
56.
56+ Ibid.
57. Abdur Rahim was allowed to sit in the darbar by Jahangir
and a little later by Shahjahan. For details see Tuzuk,
p. 416 ; Badshahnama, I, i, p. 194 quoted in Thrones*
Chairs and Seats used by the Indian Mughals by Abdul
Aziz, p. 182 ; Ovington, p. 194.
58. This honour was conferred on Prince Khurram after his
return from a victorious campaign in the Deccau. Tuzuk,
p. 195 ; R. & B., I, 395. Dara Shukoh was allowed to sit
in the darbar on the Nauroz festival in 1060 A.H.
Badshahnama, III, p. 108a, vide Abdul Aziz, op. at., p. 183.
59. Roe's Embassy, Foster, 1926, p. 71.
60. Early Travels, p. 115 ; Manrique (Hak. Soc.), pp. 192-98 ;
Petermundy, II ( Hak. Soc.), p. 200 ; Roe's Embassy, p. 93 ;
A.N., I, p. 358 ; M.A., pp. 88, 128.
61. Storia, II, p. 346.
62. Ibid.
63. Storia, II, p. 401.
64. Linschoten, II, p. 67. Monserrate (p. 204) praises the
courtesy and kindness shown by Akbar towards foreigners
and ambassadors.
65. A.N., II, p. 364 ; Jr., II, p. 529.
66. Referring to the assemblies usually held in the Diwan
Khana of a noble, Pelsaert writes : "It is more like a
. . SOCIAL ETIQUETTES ANt> MANNERS
234
school of wise and virtuous philosophers than a gathering
of false infidels." Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 67. Also
refer to Orme's Fragments, 431.
67. Orme's Fragments, p. 426. Mandelslo, p. 64 ; Ovmgton,
275 313- This was considered one of the main tenets
of Mirza. Mirza-Nama, English trans, in J.A S.B., N.S.
India, p. 67. See Plate 79 (b), Vol. Ill,
68
of the Library of Chester Beatty for "A saint conversing
with a young noble. 1
69. Linschoten, II, p. 56 ; Jahangir's India, p. 67 ; Mandelslo,
p. 64.
70. Jahangir's India, p. 67.
71 ' Orme's Fragments, pp. 428, 432 ; Ovmgton, .p. 275.
72 Ovington, p. 275. "Banias are most innocent and obse-
quious, humble .... "/Wd.
73 Orme's Fragments, p. 427.
74 Thevenot, Chap, xxxviii, p. 72 ; Ovington, p. 275.
75* -Sen, -op. cit., p. 205 ; Mandelslo, p. 33 ; Storia, I, p. 63 ;
Pieter Van Den Brocke at Surat (1620-29), translation in
JLH. Vol. XL It is oifered as a glass of wine among
Europeans. Grose, op. cit., I, p. 237. Mir Jumla enter-
tained Tavernier and his party with betels. Tavernier, I,
239 ; Y.H- Khan, Nizam-ul-Mulk AsafJah, I, p. 144 ;
History of East Indies, p. 364.
76. Linschoten, II, p. 64 ; Grose, op. cit., I, p. 237.
77. Feterinundy, II, p. 97 ; Storia, I, p. 63 ; Linschoten, II,
p. 68 ; Sen, op. cit., p. 205 ; Travels of Pedro Teixeira,
p 200. According to the latter traveller it was served
twice on the arrival of a guest and at the time of his
departure.
78. Beraier, p. 13 ; Linschoteii, II, P- 68 ; M.A. (Taiab),
p. 199 refers to the offering of three biros of pan by
Aurangzeb to Sikandar Adil. Also see T.A., II (trans.),
p. 371 ; Travels of Pedro Teixeira, p. 200. Pieter Van Den
Brocke at Surat (trans.), W.H. Moreland, J.I.H. Vol. XI,
1932, p. 4.
79. T.A., p. 263 ; India in the 15th Century, p 31.
80. Alberuni refers to it when he writes : "In shaking hands
they grasp the hand of a man from the convex
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS 235
. Alberuni (Sachau), Vol. II, p. 182. Nizam-ud-din refers
to It in Mughal times. Bairam Khan was killed by a
Nuhani Afghan, when the former was shaking hands with
the latter.
81. For various modes of Hindu salutations refer to Bulletin
of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. VI, (1930-32),
359-83.
82. Storia, III, pp. 37-38. . : ..
83. Name of a Hindu avatar, Lord Rama, the hero of the
Ramayana. P. Thomas, Hindu Religion, Customs and
, . Manners* p. 80.
84. First Englishmen in India, p. 105; Thevenot, Chap.
XKXvii, p. 65 ; Herbert's Travels p. 45.
85. Namaste meaning "greeting to you" is the modern epithet I
for the same,. "The Maratha Poet-Saint Dasopant Digam-
ber" by Justice E. Abbot, Journal American Oriental
Society, Vol. 42, pp. 268 and 278. There is a reference
to Sashtanga Namaskara, Ibid., p. 278. See Thomas,
op. cit., p. 80 ; Dubois, Hindu Manners and Customs,
Vol. I, pp. 329-30 ; Baboo Ishuree Dass, Domestic
Manners and Customs of the Hindoos of Northern India,
p. 131.
86. Storia, III, p. 38 ; Early Travels, p. 19 ; De Laet, p.. 81.
87. Storia, III, p. 38 ; Thevenot, Chap, xxxvii, p. 65.
88. Ovington, pp. 183-84 ; De Laet, p. 81. For Dasopant
Digamber, the Maratha poet, prostrating before his mother,
refer to Journal American Oriental Society > Vol. 42, p. 268.
Thomas, op. cit., p. 80 ; Ishuree Dass, Domestic Manners
and Customs of the Hindoos, pp. 130-31.
89. Storia, III, p. 38 ; Bartolomeo, p. 161 ; Bhakta Lilanirita,
J.R.A.S., Bombay Branch, Vol. Ill, p. 127. For a disciple
prostrating before his Guru see Plate XII, Indian Drawings
by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy.
90. Storia, III, p. 38.
91. Ibid. Bulletin of School of Oriential and African Studies,
Vol. XII (1948), p. 627. Ramesvar Bhatt of Wagholi,
we are told in Bhakta Lilamrita, felt his whole body
burning due to a curse from a Muslim fakir. He was
advised to ask for the fakir's forgiveness. He reply, how-
236
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNEkS
ever, was : "How can I. a Brahman, fall at a Musalmairs
feet ?" J.R-A S. Bombay Branch Vol. Ill, p. 22.
92. Storia, III, p. 38 ; Nieuhoff's Voyages, p. 222 ; Orme's
Fragments, pp. 432-34 ; Bartolomeo, p. 160, Brahrnans
would then bless him. For an earlier reference see Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. XII,
p. 627, "Gardizi on India."
93. Storia, III, p. 38.
94. Macauliffe, Sikh Religion, Vol. I, p. 49.
'95. r.^.,II,p- 193 (Trans.).
96. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 138 ; Hughes' Dictionary
' of Islam, p. 563; Crooke's Islam in India, p. 186. It
means "Peace be on you."
97. " And on you be the peace, too. "
98 T.A., II, p. *92 (trans.)- Also see Macauliffe, I, pp. 52-53.
99. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 138.
100. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 181 ; Sen, Travels
ofThevenot and Careri, p. 247 ; Ovington, pp, 183-84;
Jahangifs India, p. 67 ; De Laet, p. 91 . This custom of
lifting the hand to head or any motion of the body in
salutation is not in accordance with the tradition.
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 563.
101. Mandelslo, p. 64.
102- De Laei, p 81.
103 Mandelslo, p. 64 ; De Laet, p. 91 ; Jahangir's India,
p. 67.
104. Ovington, pp. 183-84 ; De Laet, p. 91 ; Jahangir's India,
p. 67 ; Storia, III, p. 37.
105. Jahangir's India, p. 67.
106. Ovington, p. 195.
107. Tavernier, I, p. 234.
108. Storia, II, p- 354.
109. Whenever a picture of the king was brought, the noble
would leave his seat and bow down in all reverence. Pad-
shah-Buranjis, trans, in Islamic Culture, April, 1934, p, 434.
110. As to its beginning Akbar is said to have related to Abul
Fazl as follows ; "One day my royal father bestowed upon
me one of his own caps which I put on. Because the cap
of the king was rather large, 1 had to hold it with my
(right) hand whilst bending my head downwards and thus
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNERS 237
performed the manner of salutation (kornish) above des-
cribed. The king was pleased with the new method and
from his feeling of propriety, ordered this to be the mode
of kornish and taslim" Am, I, p. 167.
111. Ain, I, p. 166. According to Abul Fazl the saluter thus
places himself at the complete disposal of the king. He
writes : ''His Majesty's sons and grandchildren, the gran-
dees of the court and all other men who have admittance
attend to make the kornish" Ain, I, p. 166.
112. Lit, the act of praying for peace. (Hughes' Dic-
tionary, p. 563). It is also the benediction at the close of
the usual form of prayer (Hughes' Dictionary of Islam,
p. 628). Also see Bernier, p. 214; Darbar-i-Akbari,p. 132.
Akbar is said to have originated this mode of salutation.
In other Muslim countries the mode of salutation
consisted in folding the arms over the breast and then
bending the head. Ain, I, p. 158 ; Sarkar, Mughal
Administration, p. 138.
113. Ain, I (1939), p. 167. It signified, according to Abul Fazl,
that the person is ready to give himself as an offering.
Delia Valle also refers to it. Delia Vaile, I, p. 38 ; Maasir,
I, p. 585.
114. Ovington, pp. 183-84.
115. Delia Valle, I, p. 38.
116. B.N. 9 p. 641.
117. Ain, I (1939), p. 167. Maasir, 1, p. 586. Bernier relates
how every noble on guard used to perform taslim thrice on
receiving the meals supplied by the royal kitchen. Bernier,
p. 258 ; Sen, op. cit,, p. 243.
118. Ovington, pp. 183-84.
119. T.A., II, p. 477 ; Maasir, }, p 570.
120. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 137.
121. M.A., pp. 98, 272, quoted in Ibid.
122. Lit. prostration. '"'As a religious observance the prostra-
tion is ... on the forehead, the two hands, the two knees
and the toes of both feet. Women must touch the ground
with the elbows, men on the contrary must keep the
elbows up." Badacni, I (trans.)* P- 612, f -D . 3.
123. Ain, I (1939), p. 167, f.n. 1, It was invented by Nizam
238
SOCIAL ETIQUETTES AND MANNER
of Badakshan. Ibid., p. 487 ; Maasir, I, p. 585.
124. ^/7i,I (1939), p. 167. Aziz Koka hated this custom am
was reluctant to attend the court. Maasir, I, p. 325. Als<
see Chester Beatty, Vol. II, Plate 26 f. 157b, "Akbarreceiv
ing homages of nobles of Gujarat. One of the noblei
prostrates before him."
125. Ibid; Maasir, I, p. 586.
126. Lubb-ut-Tawarikh of Rai Bhara Mai. E & D, VII, p. 170
Darbar-i-Akbari, p. 133. It was observed at the court o
Siraj-ud-daulah even in 1757. Refer to J.R.A.S., Bomba]
Branch, Vol. XXIV, p. 324. Anquetil Du Perron of Paris
India as seen by him (1755-60) by Shams-ul-Ufma Jivanj
Jamshedji Modi.
127. Ibid. Maasir, I, p. 586, says that taslim was ordered to be
observed four times. Rai Bhara Mai of Lubb-ut-Tawarikh
i-Hind says this act was ordered to be performed several
times. E & D, Vol. VII, p. 170.
128. Bernier, pp. 117, 204.
129. Bernier, p. 152.
130. M.A. (Urdu), p. 98.
131. Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzib, p w 75.
132. Despatches of John Josua Ketelaar, Ambassador of Dutch
East India Company, translated Into English in Journal oj
the Punjab Historical Society, Vol. X, pp. 14, 16.
133. -Ibid., p. 18.
133*.Khafi Khan, Vol. II, p. 213 ; Tuzuk, III, p. 45 ; Guldasta,
Munshi Chandra Bhan, p. 4 ; Sharma, S.R., Religious
Policy of the Mughals, p. 43.
CHAPTER 9
Charity and Fasts
CHARITY
A virtue of both communities
Charity 1 has been enjoined upon their followers by the
religious scriptures of both the communities. 2 Rig- Veda says: "He
who gives charity goes to the highest place in heaven." Mann*
and Prophet Muhammad 4 lay down definite rules to be followed
for acquiring this religious merit. The grant of precious metals,
especially gold and silver, estates, buildings, and cows is
considered highly meritorious among Hindus. 5 Zakat, the
annual legal alms* of five things, viz., money, cattle, grain,
fruit and merchandise, is obligatory on every Muslim. 7 The
building of temples 8 and mosques 9 had its own merit among
Hindus and Muslims respectively.
People seem to have been more charitable of disposition in
Mughal days than in the twentieth century. Abul Fazl admires
the Indians who were always ready to come to the succour of
anyone in distress and would "grudge neither property, life nor
reputation in his cause/' 10 Alms were frequently bestowed on
the needy and the deserving. Mirat-i-Ahmadi says : "Let
them be charitable, according to their means, to all religious
mendicants, and to all poor, indigent, and naked persons who
will not open their mouths to ask for the means of subsistence
and have secluded themselves from the world/ ' u Guru Nanak
said : **The wealth of those who have not given alms shall
slip away/' 12 Though no hard and fast rules were adhered, to,
Hindus preferred to give away edibles like rice, wheat, etc.
in charity, 13 while Muslims believed in offering garments,
blankets, sheets, and shoes, 14 ...
240 CHARITY AND FA
Liberality of the Hindus
The liberality of the Hindus has particularly been cc
mended by several travellers 15 including Alberuni who menti
alms-giving as the daily routine of a Hindu 16 "who stron
believed that such acts would atone for all his sins." 17 Taverr
corroborates : "They would gladly offer to the travellers wh
ever they required anything to eat or drink." 18 Guru Nana
travels afford several instances. 19 Brahmans, the usual recipie
of such alms, were never refused. 20 Even Tukaram did i
hesitate to part with his hard-earned money when demanded
a Brahman. 21 Most of the alms-houses were attached
temples and they catered to the needs of the pilgrims and ne<
scholars. In fact, villages had been endowed for the purpose
Rajas and other rich persons. 21 * Money was also offered
the needy and the deserving. 22 Monthly allowances were fc
for widows, the pious and the needy. 23
Abul Fazl used to visit the houses of the derveshes at ai
to distribute money. 24 Sometimes an ascetic oifaqir undertc
a fast unto death to compel a rich bania or a pious audie:
to give him a fixed sum of money, 25 or even to accede to so
other demand. 26 When on a pilgrimage, it was customary
give as much money in aims as possible. 27
Charity by Mughal Mugs
Mughal kings were very particular in giving away a ia
sum of money in charity. Akbar had fixed daily, monthly 2
yearly allowances for the deserving. 28 Abul Fazl writes that
crore of dams was kept ready in the audience hall for distrii
tion among the poor and the needy. 29 Haji Begam, wife
Humayun, is said to have paid maintenance allowance to ab<
five hundred needy persons. 29 * Nurjahan helped the poor 2
orphan girls by providing dowries for their marriages. S9 * Moi
and bread were freely distributed to the poor on the fulfilm
of a desire such as the birth of a son. 30 Jahanara distribu
fifty thousand rupees to the poor on the recovery from illn
of her father Shahjahan. 30 * Festivals like Nauroz? 1 Salgirat
Ids?* Shab-i-Barat^ etc. were the special occasions for a k
to show his generosity, and Mughal emperors were never feu
lacking.
Charity was also resorted to in order to avert the evil effe
CHARITY AND FASTS 241
of the stars, especially on eclipse days. 33 On his death-bed,
Aurangzeb refused to give an elephant and a diamond in
charity as desired by the astrologers, as he considered it to be a
practice of the Hindus. The Emperor, however, sent Rs. 4,000
to be distributed among the poor. 36 In his last will he wrote
that the three hundred and five rupees earned by him as wages
from copying the Quran might be distributed among the
faqirs on the day of his death. 37 Akbar, on the other
hand, is said to have given to the Jain monks 500 cows in
charity after his recovery from' serious illness. 38 The
custom of Zakat, it seems, was not observed by the majority
of Muhammadans, who would try their best to avoid it
Badaoni relates the instance of Makhdum-ul-Mulk who made
over his property to his wife at the end of the year for this
purpose and took it back. 39
Provision of drinking-water fey the roadside
Hindus and Muslims, the former in particular, considered it
highly meritorious to make arrangements for drinking-water on
roadways especially during the summer season. 40 Linschoten
found large water-pots left on the roads in Cambay for this
purpose. 41 The rich would spend huge amounts of money to
dig wells 42 and construct tanks 43 for storing water to be availed
of during times of scarcity. Jahangir in the 14th year of his
reign ordered that wells should be dug at every three kroh
(12,000 yards) from Agra to Delhi. 44 Jahangir's mother,
known as Maryam-uz-Zamani, built a baoli or step-well in the
pargana of Jasut. A sum of Rs. 20,000 was spent on its
construction. 44 * Bernier 45 and Thevenot 46 refer to the existence
of these wells. Gopi Talao in Surat has been referred to by
many a traveller. 47 Thevenot writes about it thus : "It is a
work worthy of a king and it may be compared to the fairest
that the Romans ever made for public benefit." 48
Provision of wayside rest-houses
The Brahman wife of Abdur Rahim of Lucknow built
houses, made a garden, a sarai and a tank after her husband's
demise. 49 Rai . Gaurdhan Suraj Dhwaj, who flourished during
the reign of Jahangir, is said to have built sarais and tanks on
the road from Delhi to Lahore. 50 Sarais or inns were also
CHARITY AND F,
constructed by rich Hindus and Muslims as a charitable mea
at all important places for the convenience of travellers. 51 5
Shah's sarais, 52 Salim Khan's later additions, 53 Nurjah
Nur Mahal-ki-Sarai at Agra 54 and a similar one at Patna 55
Begam Sahib's famous caravan-sami at Kirki 56 deserve sp
mention. The famous Arab Saraf was built by Haji Beg
wife of Humayun. It was meant to serve as a resting-place
Arab travellers and merchants. 56A There is evidence to si
that Sher Shah constructed or repaired about 1700 sarau
Akbar issued orders to kotwals to build sarais when
necessary. 560 Arrangements for drinking-water were also IT
at regular intervals. For example, wells were dug on A:
Ajmer road. 560 Zinat-un-Nisa Begam is said to have built at
fourteen sarais in different parts of the country. 665 Fruit-t
were planted on roadsides for the benefit of the public. 57
order to earn spiritual merit the pious people got small j
forms, about 3 yards in length, constructed near these sara
These were meant to help weary porters to put off and take
the luggage conveniently without anybody's help. 59 Rudolf
two other Christian fathers saw such stone-tables at aln
every step after crossing the Tapti River on their way to
court of the Great Mughal 60 Two poor houses were cc
tructed by Akbar in 1583 A.D. 61 Jahangir ordered the prep;
tion of ghawar khanas throughout the length and breadtl
this country. Cooked food WHS to be kept ready for dervesi
devotees and pilgrims in these places. 6 ' 2 The author of
Maasir-ul-Umra praises Farid Murtuza KhanBukhari,a cour
of Akbar, for his magnanimity. Several sarais and mosq
are ascribed to him. He had made it a custom to feed <
thousand persons daily. 63 Husain Ali Khan's bulghur kha
(barley-houses) where he served the shaikhs and faqirs person?
were well-known. 64 Similarly Bakhtawar Khan, a noble
Aurangzeb's court, built a number of inns, bridges, we
tanks, and mosques. Shaista Khan and Mir Jumla built
number of inns or rest-houses and bridges. 64 * During the ac
famine conditions in Kambhalmir, Nawazish Khan \
generous enough to sell his dishes of gold and silver for help
the people. 65
CHARITY AND FASTS 243
Charity to birds and beasts
Strict believers in the transmigration of souls, 66 the Hindus
were particularly charitable towards birds and beasts 67
Hospitals were constructed at some places, especially in southern
India, 85 for (heir treatment and maintenance. Manrique saw
cows and calves "clothed in fine coats buttoned and tied over
their chests and bellies" in Gujarat. 69 Quite frequently a bania
would be seen scattering flour and sugar to feed little ants. 70
Stables for cows, buffaloes, mares, camels, goats and sheep were
also built by munificent persons. Rai Gaurdhan, who got them
constructed on the style of those in a foreign land, deserves
special mention. 71
Hospitals for the public
Public hospitals, too, are referred to in Mughal records.
Jahangir 72 ordered their establishment in the principal towns
of the Empire where physicians were to attend upon the sick.
All the expenses were to be defrayed from the royal
exchequer. Mirat-i-AhmadF* gives some details about their
working. 74
QtaritafeSe funds of the slate
We may refer here to Bait-ul-mal 7 * which was in fact the
charitable department's store-house. It looked after the belong- x
ings of those left without heirs and escheated property of the
nobles. 76 Its funds, according to Muhammadan law, could
be spent only in works of charity. Jahangir's farman of 1605
clearly laid it down that its funds should be spent in building
mosques arid sarais, repairing broken bridges and digging
tanks and wells,. 77 Aurangzeb refused to lay his hands upon
this source even when his treasury had been emptied during
the Deccan wars. 78 He made elaborate arrangements for the
proper conduct of this department. 79 The Qazi of Ahmedabad
was instructed to supply 150 coats and 150 blankets to
beggars every winter out of this account besides Rs. 6,000
allotted for the clothing of the poor. 80 The Emperor
(Aurangzeb) in his religious zeal went to the length of pardon-
ing Mir Habibullah of Jaunpurj the Amir of poll-tax on non-
Muslims, who had misappropriated over Rs, 40,000 from the
Imperial treasury as "the money of this sharer (Aurangzeb)
244 CHARITY AND
sunk in sin has been spent by means of this my agent in
of charity." 81
'Charity in' holy places
Among Muhammadans it was considered meritoric
spend money in charity at their holy places like Mecca, M
Mesliad, etc. There are numerous instances when the IV
kings 82 and their nobles 83 would send money besides c
blankets, etc. to be distributed among the needy there. 84
^Koka was liberal enough to undertake to bear the cost
maintenance of the tomb of the Prophet for fifty years. 85 1
Haji Mohammad Anwar-ud-din Khan 86 distributed nine
of rupees among "the great men and the gentle" of holy ]
Sahibji, 'the wife of Amir Khan, also spent large si
Mecca. 87 Lashkar Khan, a noble of Aurangzeb's court, f<
- sarais in Meshad. 88
. . FASTS
.'...,.'
Fasts among Hindus
From ancient times fasts have been observed with r<
fervour in the Indian society. 89 The purposes of fas
a. religious, magical or social custom are various. As
of penitence 90 or of propitiation, as a preparatory rite
some acts of sacramental eating or an initiation or a m<
ceremony or one of a series of purifactory rites., 91 as a mi
inducing dreams and visions and a method of adding f<
magical rites, 92 it has has been resorted to by both comm
Alberuni describes at length this custom which he dec
be "voluntary and supererogatoy" with the Hindus. 93
Fazl has written about its 12 different kinds, and enu:
29 days on which a Hindu was obliged to fast for 24
every year. 94 It includes the anniversaries of the ten av\
well as the eleventh day of each lunar fortnight oi
month. 95
Besides these o bligatory fasts, most Hindus abstain*
food frequently as a means of self-discipline 96 and on 1
grounds. 97 Thevenot corroborates it, though with
exaggeration, that "none of them let a fortnight pa
without mortifying himself by abstinence." 98 They
CHARITY AND FASTS " 245
even resort to this practice to cure several diseases." la fact,
a fast or even the practice of austerity in life was considered
to be of religious merit. 100 Brahmans 101 and women 102 were
naturally more particular about it. These fasts might be
complete or partial and for a longer or shorter period, 103 in the
case of either category of people The longer fasts might last
for a month 104 or even six weeks which Mandelslo rightly
regards as nothing less than a miracle. 105 It was usual to take
water sometimes mixed with chiraeta 1 ** 5 on all these fast days.
Fruits, sweetmeats and milk preparations were allowed to be
taken during certain obligatory fasts. 107 The curious reader
may refer to the Ain-i-Akbari for a contemporary account ot
all the details. 108 It was forbidden to take meat, pulse (ados
cicerlens), the bean lobiya (dobchos sinesis), honey and molasses
during the fast days. 109 It was equally objectionable to anoint
oneself with oil, to shave or to have sexual intercourse. 110 The
playing of games like chaupar or solah, was also prohi-
bited. 311 It was considered highly meritorious to give alms and
sleep on the ground on fast days. 11 -
Fasts among Muslims
Though Islam is not an ascetic religion, the value of fasting
as discipline and a good deed is clearly recognised and it is said
that **the very smell of the mouth of a keeper of fast is more
agreeable to God than the smell of musk." 113 Penitential
fasting was highly commended by Prophet Muhammad him-
self. 114 Every Muslim is obliged to fast during the whole month
of Ramzan 115 when none may eat or drink between dawn and
sunset. 119 The fast was rigorously and strictly observed during
Mughal days. 117 They would neither drink nor smoke nor
have sexual intercourse. 118 The orthodox prayed day and
night. 119 The sick, infirm, travellers, idiots, and young children
were, however, exempted. 120 In 1650 A.D., when Shahjahan
was over sixty and could not bear the rigours of the Ramzan
fast, learned maulavis declared after consulting the Quran that
the king should give money in charity instead. A sum of
sixty thousand rupees was distributed among the poor that
year. 121 Akbar was not used to fasting, as a remark of a
Christian missionary, Rudolf, suggests. 122 Aurangzeb strictly
observed ail the fasts and would abstain from food even oa
246 CHARITY AND FASTS
Fridays. 123 A fast was sometimes undertaken to give solemnity
to an occasion. Humayun fastecl for a day when oaths of
confederacies were taken. 124
NOTES
1. It implies aims-giving as well as kindness and affection.
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 50.
2. Hindus and Muslims.
3. E.R E. op. cit., Ill, p 388. A chapter of Skanda Parana
and the second part of Hemadri deal with the rules for
aims-giving. Abul Fazl enumerates 16 kinds of dana or
alms, viz , Tula-dar.a. Hiranyagarbha-dana, Brahmanda-
dana, Kalpa-tani-dana, Go-Sahasra-dawa, Hiranya-Kama-
dhenu-dana, Hiranyasva-dana, Hiranyasva-raiha-dana, He-
mahashti-ratha-dana, Panchalcngala-dana, Dhara-dana,
Visva-chakm-dana, Kalpalaia-dana, Sapta-sagara-dana,
Ratna-dhenu-dana, Mahabuta-ghata-dana. For details refer
to Ain, III (Sarkar), pp. 305-7 and E.R.E., III, pp. 387-89
(under Charity).
4. E.R.E, V., p, 502 ; Hughes, op. ell., pp. 14, 50, 699;
Baiilie NBE, A Digest of Muhammadan Law, 2nd edition,
London, 1875, p. 555. Herklots' Islam in India, pp, 113-
14.
5. The mahadana (great gifts) are sixteen in number, E R.E.,
III, p. 389. Phillips in his "An Account of the Religion,
Manners and Learning of the People of Malabar" details
the various acts regarded as virtuous by the natives. It
includes "alms consisting of boiled rice to feed the poor,
the Brahmans, other holy men (or alms consisting in
garments), Kamatanitm (when a rich man gives his daughter
to a poor man or helps a poor man to settle his daughter
in marriage), Fischoranatanum (alms consisting of money)
to build places of worship, to make ponds of water
for the convenience of men and beasts, to build homes for
travellers, to build hospitals, to plant gardens, to set up
piaos for drinking-water, to plant trees on the high-
ways and to bring up orphans, and assist learned men
to live comfortably that they may be able to instruct the
CHARSTY AND FASTS 247
ignorant/' (pp. 18-19). Also see _ Orme's Fragments,
p. 434.
6. For details see Herkiots' Islam, pp. 113-14; E.R.E.,
V, p. 502. Legal alms may be given to the following
classes of pilgrims who are unable to defray the cost of
their journey ifaqirs and beggars, debtors unable to pay
their debts, champions in the cause of God, travellers who
are without food, proselytes to Islam. Herklot's Islam,
p. 114,
7. The duty is not incumbent oa a man who owes debts
equal to or exceeding the whole amount of his property
nor is it due on the necessaries of life such as dwelling
houses, clothes, furniture, etc. Herkiots' Islam, p. 114.
8. Maasir, I, p. 526 ; Orme's Fragments, p. 434. Even
Marathas levied special occasional contributions to build
public works like temples. Raghubir Singh, Malwa in
Transition, p. 332.
9. Maasir, I, pp. 423-25, for a mosque built during Babar's
reign refer to J.L&. Vol. XI, pp. 190-91. ForMahabat
Khan's mosque at Peshawar, Islamic Culture, Vol. XIV,
No. 1, January 1940, pp. 30-32. Also see Oriental College
Magazine, Lahore, Vol. 16, Pt. I, November 1939, pp. 59-
60. For mosque built by Jahanara Begani at Kashmir
refer to P. Saran's Provincial Government of the Mughals*
p. 418 ; Phillips 1 Account of East Indies, pp. 18-19.
10.. Ain 9 III, p. 9.
11. Mirat-i-Ahmadi, translated from Persian by James Bird,
London, MDCCCXXXV,
12. Macauliffe, op. cit. 9 I, p. 14.
13. Delia Valle, p. 69 ; Travernier, I, p. 225 ; Thevenot,
p. 93 ; Phillips' Account of East Indies, pp. 18-19 ; Macau-
liffe, I, pp. 14, 206. Orme's Fragments, p. 434.
14. Maasir, 1 9 pp. 525, 693, etc. It was the general practice
but should not be taken as a rule. During the Deccan
campaigns Abul Fazl used to distribute cooked khichri
among the poor and the needy throughout the day.
Maasir, I, p. 127.
15. Tavernier, I, p. 225 ; Delia Valle, I, p. 69 ; Thevenot,
p. 93 ; Orme's Fragments, p. 431.
248 CHARITY AND FASTS
16.- Alberuni's India, II (Sachau), p. 149 ; Orme's Fragments,
p. 434.
17. Orme's Fragments, p. 431.
18. Tavernier, I, p. 225. Also see J.R.A.S. Bombay, Vol. HI,
! p. 18.
19. Guru Nanak and Shaikh Ibrahim were served with a basin
of milk by an unknown villager in Pak Pattan where they
stayed for a while. Macauliffe, I, p. 88.
20. Asiatick Researches. Vol. IV, p. 332.
21. J.R.A.S., Bombay Branch, Vol. Ill, pp. 16, 23.
21.* Refer to Mazumdar, B.P , The Socio-Econornic History of
North India, pp. 262-63.
22. Tavernier, I, p. 52.
23 r . Maasir, I, p. 526. Even marriage expenses of the poor
children were defrayed. Ibid.
24. Maasir, I, p. 126.
25. Tavernier, II, p. 173 relates how a Brahman priest at
Patna demanded Rs. 2,000 and 27 cubits of cloth under a
similar threat. Also see Thevenot, p. 93. Even Muslim
mendicants obtained alms from Hindus by resorting to
this practice. M.S. Commissariat, History of Gujarat.
For the Hindu custom of "Dying to redress a grievance"
refer to Journal of American Oriental Society, Vol. 21.
-26 Asiatick Researches, Vol. IV, pp. 332, 334. Sometimes
Brahmans. were employed even for realising the debts by
calling upon the debtor to discharge his debt within a
stipulated period.
27. Storia, II, p. 244 ; Ramayana ofTulsidas (Growse), p. 272.
28. Ain, I (1939), p. 276. For Gulbadan's charities refer to
her Hwnayunnama, trans., pp. 16-11.
'29. Ain, I, p. 14. A separate treasurer had been appointed
for charitable donations. Ibid. Also see Ain, I (1939),
p. 276.
29.* Monserrate, p. 96.
29. + 'E & D, VI, p. 405. Also see Beni Prasad, p. 185.
' 29.-Qazwini, Badshahnama, Vol. Ill, f. 572.
30. See Plate 21, "The Library of Chester Beatty," Vol. II.
31. P.N. Chopra, Society and Culture during the Mughal Age,
second edition, 1963, pp. 84-89.
32. Ibid., pp. 89-93.
CHARITY AND FASTS
249
33. Ibid., pp. 103-61.
34. Ibid., p. 102.
35. R & B, I,- pp. 160, 267. When Begam Sahiba was con-
fined to bed due to burns, various charitable measures were
adopted. Prisoners were released ; debts were remitted ;
maintenance allowances were restored. Maasir, Vol. I,
p. 739. Also see Journal Punjab Historical Society, Vol.
X, p. 4.
36. E & D, VII, p. 386. Also see M.A. (Urdu), p. 28.
37. Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzib, p. 46.
38. A.N. Vol. Ill (trans), p. 313, quoted in A.L. Srivastava,
Akbar the Great, Vol. I, p. 398.
39. Badaoni, II, p. 203 ; Tr. II, p. 206.
40. Early Travels, p. 325 ; Storia, I, p. 214 ; Linschoten, I,
p. 254 ; Ketelaar, the Dutch ambassador in 1711 saw a
baoh or step-well built at Shazpur in Gwalior state
in memory of a dog by a Hindu merchant. Travels of
Dutch Ambassador Ketelaar, trans, into English in Punjab
Historical Society Journal, Vol. X, p. 85. Phillips' Account,
op. dt: 9 pp. 18-19.
Linschoten, I, p. 254. Also see Tavernier, I, p. 225.
Early Travels, p. 325 ; Thevenot, Chapter XXXIV, p. 81,
and Francis Goldie, The First Christian Mission to the
Great Mogul, p. 60.
Delia Valle, I, p. 32 ; Linschoten, I, 254 ; Storia, III,
p. 242. For a pond built by .Raja Todar Mai refer to
A.N. III, p. 569 ; Tr. Ill, p. 862.
R & B, II, p. 100. A well ascribed to Humayun's reign
has been discovered in a village called Pilakhnab about 14
miles from Aligarh. For details refer to J.I.H. Vol. XI,
pp. 190-91. For a well built by a copper-smith from the
money he received in chanty refer to J.R.A.S., Bombay,
Vol. Ill, p. 16.
44.*R&B, II, p. 111.
45. Bernier (Smith's edition), p. 284.
46. Thevenot, III, pp. 42-43.
47. Delia Valle, I, p. 32 ; Thevenot, p. 34 ; Fryer (old),
p. 104 ; T.A., II (trans.), p. 384 ; Anup Talao has also
been referred to vide Babarnama, II, Tr., pp. 204, 212,
. 219 and the A.M., Ill, p. 246 ; Tr, III, p 384 ; Jahangir
41.
42.
43.
44.
250. CHA&ITY AND FASTS
mentions a similar tank called Kapur Talao ; Tuzuk\ Tr.,
II, pp. 68-69 For controversy regarding the site of the tank
- see- Hodivala's Studies in Irido- Muslim History, pp. 533,
545.
48. For details see Thevenot, pp. 25, 35. For the construc-
tion of a great bath at Lahore by Farid Murtaza Khan,
Akbar's courtier, see Maasir,.!, p. 526.
49. Haasir, I (trans), p. 50. For reference to sarais, tanks,
mosques, etc. built by Shaikh Farid see Maasir, I, p. 525.
50. Maasir, I, p. 574. For another tank built by Raja Bir
Singh Dev Bundela, see Ibid. y pp. 423-25.
51. Thevenot, Chap, xxxiv, p. 81 ; Storia, III, p. 242 ;
Bernier, p, 233 ; Gareri (Sen 5 op. cit.) 9 p. 246 ; Early
Travels, p. 325 ; John Marshall in India, pp. 112, I 18, 125.
He says that one can stay in a sarai for a month at
the rate of 4 or 5 pice per month, p. 118. Edward Terry
in Early Travels, p. 31! ; De Laet, p. 32. Also J.I.H.>
Vol. X, 1931, p. 245.
52. T.A., II, pp. 174-75. For details see K.R. Qanungo,
Sher Shah, pp. 389-91. E & D, VI, p. 188 ; IV, p. 418.
P. Saxon's Provincial Government of the Mughals, p. 410.
Also see Storia, I, p. 116
53. T.A., II, p. 190. He is said to have added another room
to each of the sarais of Sher Shah from Nilab to Bengal.
T.A., II, p.. 190.
54. Peteramndy, II (Hak. Society), p. 78.
55. Ibfd., p. 159.
56. Journal Punjab Historical Society, Vol. II, No. 2, p. 15.
Tavernier, I, p. 41. For sarais built by Akbar refer to
A.N., III (Tr.), P- 155 ; Ain, I (Bloch), p. 222.
56. A Monserrate, p. 96.
56. 3 Cambridge History of India, IV, p. 57.
56. c Ain, II, p. 44.
56. D A.N., III, 156.
56. E Norris, op. cit., p. 236.
57. Ain> II, p. 353 ; Phillips' Account, op. cit., pp. 18-19. For
Jahangir refer to Thevenot, Pt. Ill, pp. 42-43 ; Bernier
(Smith), p. 284 and for a sarai built in Aurangzeb's reign
at Nurabad (14 miles from Gwalior along Delhi-Gwalior-
. Bombay Trunk Road) refer to Indian Historical Quarterly,
CHARITY AND FASTS.
251
Vol. XVI, No. 3, Sept. 1940, pp. 592-95. For sarals at
Surat refer to Godhialio's Travels (1663), Calcutta Review,
.Vol.XCIII,p.69.
58. R&B-.I, p, 420.
59. Thevenot, Chapt xxxiv, p. 81.
60. Francis Goldie, The First Christian Mission to the Court
of the Great Mogul, p. 60.
61. Ib id., p. 95. They were named Khairpura- and Dfaarm-
pura. Later on another place called Jogipura was built.
Atn, I, (1939), p. 210.
62- Tuzuk (Lowe), pp 35, 61.
63. Maasir, 1 9 p. 526.
64 Ibid., p. 638.
64,* Maasir-i-Alamgiri. op. eft., p. 223.
65. Maasir. I, p. 400.
66. Mandelslo, p. 58.
67. Particularly cows. Travels in India in the 17th Century,
p. 216 ; Thevenot, Pt. Ill, p. 36. Purchas' India, pp. 92-
93. Orme's Fragment^ p. 431 Also see E.R.E., op cit. 9
III p. 389.
68. Particularly at Canibay. Samuel Purchas' India, pp. 92-
93. Linschoten, 1, p. 254. For a hospital in Surat for
the treatment, of cows, horses, goats and other animals see
Ovington, p. 390. The traveller refers to another hospital
there meant for preservation of the bugs (Ovington,
p. 30 1). Also see Stavorinus, II, pp. 489-90, who mentions
the yearly revenue of the hospital in A.D. 1774-75 when
it had suffered considerably to be Rs. 6,000. Also see
"Notice of a remarkable hospital for animals at Surat
(June 1893)." Journal Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain and Ireland, Vol. 1, pp. 96-97. Also see J.R.A.S 9
Bombay Branch, Vol. XXIV. p 356 for a reference to the
hospital in 1756.
69. Manrique, II, p. 102.
70. Linschoten, I, p. 254 ; Ovington, p. 30. Travels in India
in the 17th Century, p, 2 1 6 ; Thevenot, op. cit , p. 36 ;
Stavorinus, II, p. 486. Once Tukaram would not drive
away the bees settled on his body, saying : "One should
not spare one's own body when one can do others good."
(J.R.A.S. Bombay, Vol. Ill, p.. 20). For Tukaram's other
252
CHARITY AND FA!
charitable acts refer to Bhakta Lilamrita, trans ir
English, J.R.A.S., Bombay, Vol. Ill, p. 18.
71. Maasir, I, p. 574.
72. Tuzuk (Lowe), p. 8. The Eighth Institute.
73. Mirat (l.o) fol. p. 7 3 la in Saran's Provincial Government
'the Mughals, pp. 419-20.
74. Elliot's views (V, p. 513) have no justification in view
the contemporary records.
75. Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol I, p. 598. Akbar hims
supervised the Religious and Charity Department. Sar
op. tit., p. 404.
76. Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 170. Mirat-i-Ahma
Vol. I (G.O. Series, 1927), pp. 266-67.
77. Tuzuk, 4, quoted in Sarkar, Mughal Administration, p. 1'
78. Manucci, quoted in Ibid., p. 178.
79. In 1690, Aurangzeb appointed provincial qazis as trust*
of the branch of the Bait-ul-mal of their provinces. Ibi
p. 167,
80. Ibid., p. 177.
31. Sarkar, Anecdotes of Aurangzib, p. 93.
82. Akber sent 5 lakhs of rupees and 10,000 robes throu,
Abu Tarab Gujarati to be distributed among the needy
Mecca. Shahjahan likewise sent 5 lakhs of rupees a
goods worth 2 lakh and 40 thousand rupees to be sold a]
the money distributed among the needy there. Maasir,
pp. 143, 825. Kh. Abid was appointed leader oft
Haj party in 1676 by the Emperor. He was to take ro}
presents to Mecca and Medina. Maasir-i-Alamgiri (Bi
Ind) 1871, p. 143. Also see Burhan's Tuzuk-i-Walaja
English trans., part 1, p. 17.
83. Maasir, I, pp. 326-27 and 834. Kh. Abid visited Mecca
1657 A.D. Nizamul Mulk Asaf Jali 1, by Dr. Yusuf Kha
p. 2.
84. Rs. 60,000 was sent to Najaf and Karbala as a prese
on the recovery of Muhammad Azam. Rs. 120,000 w
distributed among the poor of Mecca and Medina. Sarfc
Studies in Aurangzib' s Reign, p. 72.
85. Maasir, I, pp. 326-27.
86. He received the title of the Fairashi (one who sprea
CHARITY AND FASTS
carpets). Burhan's lta*-MK-W*.
253
Iran,,
. ,
nam a (trans.), PP- 69 ' 72 -
88. JMA, P- 834. Hastings > Encyclopaedia of Religion
89. For this custom see Hastings A > ^ ^^
fife, Vol. V, pp. 259 '64 m , u)j
rSaSrPP 327-28 ; and PhiUips'
, . , PP. 8 8-93. Brahman
90 . For details regarding the to
Asia* Society, January, "J^ltt P-
91 . acj-doP"^ o/*" 1 " " f ^cloke's to, p. 220,
. 233-40.
/in rit DP. 88-93.
95. S, (SarSr), HI. p. 326 ; Dubois
96. GantarLekhmala, I, pp. 6, 31 , *
r - 1 n
. x> No .
97 . .
9, Ibid. ; Pyrard, I, p. 479.
99. Careri (Sen, o/, O, P
(MDC c3tXVn), p. 129
ver, parar
254 CHARITY AND FAS
[04. Thevenot, Chap. XLVII, p. 82; Mandelslo, p. 54. Purcte
: India, p. 92. Tavernier, II, p. 173.
105. Mandelslo, p. 54,
106. A bitter root. It is said to be useful against ditempei
and it also strengthens the gums. Thevenot, Chap. XLV]
. . . p. 82. Mandelslo, p. 54. Also see Pyrard, !, p, 379.
.107. Hedges, IT, p. cccxiv f.n. ; also see Aim (Sarkar), III, p
326-27.
108. Aln (Sarkar), III, pp. 327-28.
109. Ibid, p. 328.
..110. Ibid; Dubois, I, pp. 272-73.
111. Ain (Sarkar), III, p. 328.
112. Ibid.
113. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. V, p. 76
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 124.
114. For details see E.R.E., V, p. 764.
115. The 13th, 14th and 15th day of each month area'
generally observe^ as fasting days and also the day
Ashum, the 10th day of the month of Muharram, E.R.
?i Vol. V. p. 764. Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 124. 1
1 " , other fasts observed by the devout are the six d*
following the Id-ul-Fitr, Monday and Thursday
every week, the month of Shaban .and on alternate da
Hughes' Dictionary of Islam, p. 124. For fast after
death, see Herk lots' Islam, pp. 91 and 105,
.116, The sick, infirm, travellers, idiots and young children a
however, exempted. Also see Ovington, p. 243 : E.R.
V } p. 764 ; Herklots' Islam, p. 112.
117. Ovington, p. 243 ; Delia Valle, p. 429 ; Storia, I, pp. I:
59. Letters received by East India Company, Vol. '.
p. 10 ; Jahangifs India, p. 73.
118. Delia Valle, p 429 ; Herklots' Islam, p. 205; Ovingt
p. 243 ; Jahaugifs India, p. 73. The use of betel-lea^
tobacco or snuff is also forbidden. Herklots 9 Islam, p. 1
119. Ovington 9 p. 243.
120. B.R.E., V, p, 764.
121. Inayat Khan, Shahjahannama, E & D, VII, p. 97 e
122. Rudolf, the Christian missionary, is said to have indu
Akbar to fast for a day. First Christian Mission to G?
Mogul, p. 95. Also refer to "The Annual Relatior
CHARITY AND FASTS
123.
124.
. 99.
255
CHAPTER 10
Houses and Furniture '
HOUSES
General
Houses in India have always been built with due co
tion to climatic conditions. As most of the coun
within the tropics, it has ever been the endeavour o
architects to use architectural devices like pierced sc
lattice windows to act as a mitigator of excessive light a
As in Assyria and Persia, the flat-terraced roofs, used ft
ness, sleeping and even exercise, predominate 1 here al
astute observer like Bernier righlty reprimands the El
who overlooked this basic fact in the construction o
homes and complained of the architectural inferiority of
buildings as compared to those in the West. "What
and proper at Paris, London or Amsterdam," he writes,
be entirely out of place in a different climate like that of
The comfort and convenience of the dweller was the ms
sideration while planning construction of buildings. 8
Mughal palaces
The dwelling of a king, a raja or a prince was the chie
tion in a capital or a city in which such royal residen
situated. Fortified by a wall and moat, these fortress
were usually situated on the bank of a river or a stream
of these were situated on rocky eminences "just turning
overhanging lakes or artificial pieces of water" 4 and c
most picturesque combination. 5 These palaces consiste
parts inner and outer, The inner part contained the
of the queens, and the princesses, the private coui
the retiring-rooms, etc., while the outer part cc
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
257
Diwan-i-Am, Diwan-i-Khas, the arsenal, the store-house, etc.
The palaces also contained pleasure-gardens, flower-gardens,
groves, tanks, etc. in their proper places. The Mughal gardens
-copied from earlier gardens of Turkestan and Persia were
invariably square or rectangular in shape with fountains and
pavilions. Running water or canal was another feature of the
Mughal gardens. The principal pavilion, such as the exquisite
black marble baradari in the Shalimar garden of Kashmir or
the octagonal building which once adorned the great tank of
the ruined garden at Bijbehara, served as retreats from the glare
of the midday sun. 6 There were also pavilions for witnessing
animal-fights and for musical entertainments. Stables for horses,
elephants, cows, etc. were also provided. Akbar's 7 palaces at
Agra, 8 Allahabad 9 and Lahore may serve as good examples of
the Mughal conception of royal palaces. 10 Percy Brown describes
these palace fortresses at some length in his Indian Architecture.
All these palaces had gardens with running water which flowed
in channels into reservoirs of stone, jasper and marble. In all
the rooms and halls, there were fountains and reservoirs of
proportionate size.
Akbar's palace-fortress at Agra was the first to be construc-
ted, 11 as is evident from its irregular grouping of halls and
rooms and the want of symmetry in its lay-out It is said to
have contained "500 edifices of red sandstone in the fine style of
Bengal and Gujarat." These were, however, subsequently
destroyed by Shahjahan to make room for his more sumptuous
marble pavilions. 12 From the vestiges of the two palace
buildings, Akbari Mahal and Jahangiri Mahal, it appears
that they were designed on the usual scheme of a range of
double storeyed chambers surrounding a central courtyard. 13
Similar in conception, though smaller in area, was the Lahore
Fort. This rectangular-shaped palace-fortress was divided
longitudinally into two approximately equal spaces, that
"towards the south being reserved for the official and service
buildings while in the space at the rear were grouped the royal
palaces." In between these two parts were a row of buildings
acting as a screen. 14 Akbar's palace-fortress at Allahabad is
mostly in ruins and there now remains only a baradari known
as the zenana. The chief features of the buildings at Fatehpur
Sikri-- "the planning, the wide-projecting drepstones and their
258 HOUSES AND FURNITURE'
supporting brackets, for shade and protection from rain, the
double roofs domed or vaulted for coldness" are all dictated
by considerations of comfort and convenience rather than
imitation of other buildings. 16 The palace enclosure in the
fort of Delhi 17 is symmetrical in its arrangements. It has four
partsa large central quadrangle containing the Diwan-i-Am
or Hall of Public Audience on each side of which are orna-
mental gardens ; and there is a range of marble palaces on one
side facing the gardens, the other side commanding an open
view of the river. As originally planned, there were to be six
marble structures on the outer side the pavilions were closed
except for screened windows and other similar openings.
Included in this range of buildings were a hall of private audience
and a luxurious hammam or bathing establishment and between
each structure there were wide courts and terraces. The finest
of all these buildings were the Hall of Audience and the Rang
Mahal. 18 The spacious gardens were often elaborate and
comprehensive compositions and were a special feature of the
Mughal architectural projects. 19
Hindu palaces
Most of the Hindu palaces built during the 16th and 17th
centuries, particularly in the capitals of the native states in
Rajputana, viz., Bikaner, Jodhpur, Jaisalmir, Orchha, Datia,,
Udaipur and the city of Amber (Jaipur), do not follow any
particular style, 20 ancient or modern, and appear to be, as
Fergusson notes, "a vast congeries of public and private
apartments grouped as a whole more for convenience than
effect." 21 But their situation on "rocky eminences, jutting
into ,or overhanging lakes or artificial pieces of water" makes
them "one of the most picturesque combinations.' ' 22 These
palaces, as already stated, are unsystematic in their compositions
and are built more for convenience and comfort than for
architectural considerations. As is but natural, the Mughal
style (Indo-Persian) dominates the planning, composition and
construction of these royal residences which were usually
situated "at the mouth of a rocky gorge, and around a petty
lake, the whole securely reposing under the protection of a
range of fortresses on the ridge above. ID the central position
is the great pile forming the open courtyard or darbar square.
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 259
which is approached by means of a fine staircase and through
an imposing gateway. Two halls within the square were promi-
nent, the Diwan-i-Am or Hall of Audience and the entrance to
the palace itself both of which in style are apparently improvi-
sations on the existing architecture of the Mughals. Almost
facing this Diwan-i-Am but depicting an entirely different
aspect of the building is the facade and entrance hall to the
palace apartments. Beyond this darb&r square and leading out
of it is one range of structures consisting of minor palaces,
zenana apartments, courtyards, terraces and gardens, covering a
large space and forming the minor precincts of the palace." 2S
From this an idea may be formed of the general character of the
palaces. Jahangir Mandir built at Orchha (Bundelkhand) by
Raja Bir Singh Deo (1605-26) is a fine example of an Indian
medieval castle. It is "picturesque., artistic, and romantiA c
besides being a superb example of the builder's art. A door-
way on the southern facade leads into a ground floor hall.
Passing through it, one finds oneself in a square courtyard of
1.25 feet side around which the entire interior structures are
arranged. The interior quadrangle has no large structures;
it is a wide open space containing a raised platform with a
fountain playing in the centre."- 4 It is in reality a simple
composition. This great palace was obviously so designed that
every part fulfilled its function and expressed purpose; its
rooms were devised for seclusion, its terraces for the cool
air, its corridors for convenience, each compartment, court, hall
and passage had its specific use and was introduced into the
scheme in accord with the requirements of its inmates. 25 In
order to maintain communication with the various parts, each
group of rooms were approached by a continuous hanging
balcony. The palace at Gwaiior is an interesting example of
a Hindu palace. The dimensions of the palace are 300 ft. by
160 ft. On each side it is 200 ft. high and has two under-
ground storeys. 26 Raja Bir Singh's palace at Datia, built in the
year 1620, is slightly smaller than the Jahangir Mandir. It
consists of a congeries of large subterranean hails, descending
to several storeys. A complete suite of underground apartments
or tahkhana for retreat during summer, of almost the same size
as the structure above, was another feature of this palace. In
the middle of the courtyard was the five-storeyed building
260 HOUSES AND FURNITU5
containing the royal dwelling apartments. The central edifi<
was connected to the "ranges of rooms by which it w
surrounded, by means of four flying corridors or bridges
double storeys carried across from the middle of each side." 27
Prominent among medieval Indian palaces is that of Amfo
once the seat of the rulers of Jaipur state. Its construction \v
started by Man Singh in 1592 and was completed by Jai Singl
(1625-66). In the richness of its architecture this pala
rivals Akbar's contemporary palace at Fatehpur Sikri. With
drawing and dining rooms, its kitchens, lavatories, 28 arrani
ment for sprinkling water on khas tattis by means of iron pij
having holes, etc., it gives a complete idea about a medie 11
Indian palace. 29
Palaces in the south
The south is not so rich in secular architecture. There a
however, four palaces in Madras built in the 16th and 1'
centuries. Lotus Mahal, a garden palace, was built in Vija;
nagar about 1575 A.D. It was followed by the erection o
palace in the fort at Chandragiri by the Vijayanagar rulers. 1
lower portion of this "rectangular palace is of a solid constr
tion of stone masonary but the upper storeys are of br
strengthened with a certain amount of wood work ; finally
surfaces were coated with stuco." There is a palace at Madi
built about 1645 A.D. The last group of palaces built ab
1700 A.D. at Tanjore are much of the same style 30
Mansions and villas of the upper classes
No uniform pattern was followed by the nobility in
construction of their houses in various parts of the coun
The climatic conditions in a particular region, the availability
materials and the taste of the builder were the main factors
the design of a building. A house, however, in a country '.
India which is in the tropics was considered to be beautiful,
Bernier remarks, "if it be conspicuous and if the situatior
airy and exposed on all sides to the winds, especially to
northern winds." 31 The traveller observed that "many
their houses are built high and fiat on the top from whc
in the cool season of day they take in fresh air. They have
chimneys to their houses for they never use fire but to d
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 261
their meat. In their upper rooms they have doors and windows
to let in the air but use no glass." An ideal house situated in
the middle of a flower-garden would have courtyards 3 trees,
basins of water, "small ejects de eauin the hall or at entrance
and handsome sub-terraneous apartments" which were provided
with large fans. It served as a retiring-place during the
summer noons. 32 Mandelslo's remark that "there is no house
almost but hath its garden and tanques" shows the general
popularity of the gardens. 33 The outer appearance of such a
house might not be so impressive but inside there were all
sorts of luxuries including tanks, private recesses for their
women, etc. During summer these tanks were filled with water
"drawn by oxen from wells-" The water thus drawn was some-
times raised through the device of a wheel in such great quantity
that it rose like a fountain when passed through a lead pipe. 34
The roofs were generally kept fiat, so that the dweller might be
able to enjoy the evening breeze. Khas tattis were also used
during summer.
Division of two wings
These houses had large enclosures in the middle of which
were situated the dwelling apartments, so that no one could
approach directly the place where the women resided. The
house had to be so constructed as to provide for two wings
known as the mardana and zenana. A drawing-room where
the noble received visitors and held court, a khwabgah or the
bed-room, a kitchen, lavatories, etc., besides a courtyard, 35 were
the necessary requisites. 36 Quite frequently, however, there were
three to four diwans or large rooms raised high from the ground
for fresh air to come in. The climatic conditions also necessi-
tated a terrace where the family could sleep during nights. 37
The roofs of the buildings were kept fiat for this purpose. A
barsati or a spacious room was also built on the terrace where
"the bed-stand is easily moved in case of rain, when the cold
wind is felt at the break of day or when it is found necessary to
guard against the light but penetrating dews" which, as Bernier
notices, "frequently cause a numbness in the limbs and induce
a species of paralysis." 38 The European travellers are full of
praise for the houses of the rich which were "noble and ele-
gant," 39 spacious and pleasant. 40 Nieuhoff, however, observed
? HOUSES AND FURNITURE
that their houses were not as high as similar buildings in Europe.
The traveller noted that at the entrance of their houses, whether
of the rich or the poor, were courtyards surrounded with high
walls which were meant for the reception of the visitors. 41
Hindus, unlike Muslims, paid more attention to the
outer look of their houses which were built of "stone and
cemented with lime up to the first storey above which carpenter's
work was to be seen with sculptures in relief in teak wood
painted in various colours." 42
Merchant's houses at Sorat
The houses of the merchants at Surat were fair and stately.
Built of brick and lime, they were several storeys high. Stone
being unavailable, timber imported from Daman was exten-
sively used in their windows with chicks or lattices carved in
wood. Externally they were purposely kept plain and simple
to avoid the avaricious eyes of the Mughal Governor, but
"were ornamented without displaying gold-embroidered tapes-
try." Mandelslo saw beautiful gardens and fair country houses
in the suburbs of Surat. 43
Houses in Kashmir
These houses were seldom three or four storeys high 44 except
in Kashmir, where, as Tarikh-i-Rashidi points out, most of these
houses were at least five storeys high, 45 each storey containing
apartments, halls or galleries or towers. 46 Khulasat, which puts
the number of storeys in Kashmir at four, elaborates : "On the
ground floor are kept animals and furniture, the second storey
is the residence, the third and fourth are used for keeping
articles." 47 Due to frequent earthquakes, houses in Kashmir
were built of wood. 48 Pelsaert praises the ''elegant look" of
these houses which were ventilated with handsome and artistic
open work instead of windows or glass. 49 On the roof of these
houses, which were all made of wood, were planted tulips which
presented a nice spectacle to look at in spring. 50 Pelsaert
mentions that people grew grass or onions on the flat-roofed
houses so that during the rainy season the "green roofs and
groves, usually situated on the river side, make the city most
beautiful on a distant view." 51 Khulasat also mentions floating
houses in Kashmir. 52 Most of these houses possessed a garden
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
263
and sometimes even a small lake which at a distance joined
the main canal where they enjoyed boating. 53
Mansions at Agra
Bernier saw at Agra the mansions of nobles interspersed
with "luxuriant and green foliage in the midst of which the
lofty stone-houses of the Banias or Hindu merchants have their
appearance of old castles buried in forests,'' 54 Birbal's house
at Fatehpur Sikri represents a "superb example of a residential
building remarkable for its balance and harmony of design."
It was a two-storeyed building raised on a plinth, the first
floor was reached by two staircases. The ground floor had a
suite of four rooms, each with a flat ceiling. Tavernier was
greatly impressed by the houses of the nobles at Agra which he
regarded as "the biggest city in India.'' 55 Nicholas Withington,
however, regarded Agra as inferior to Lahore. 56
Monserrate had nothing but admiration for the "well-built,
lofty and handsomely decorated residences of the rich men at
Delhi." 57 He particularly refers to the abundance of green
trees. 58 Khulasat praises the "heart-ravishing" houses of the
nobles at Delhi which had ' 'perfect grace and happiness." 59
Mansions at Delhi and Lahore
There were lofty and spacious houses of the upper classes
at Delhi, Lahore and Masulipatam. They had balconies and
folding windows. Some of them had a tank in the middle of
the courtyard which served as a retreat during summer. 60 These
mansions, to quote Khulasat, reposed in the midst of "extensive
gardens or clusters of trees." 61
In Malabar, the houses of the rich, as Bartolomeo noted,
were built of teak wood and consisted of not more than two
storeys. In front of the lower storey, there was a small hall
which served as a verandah or parlour. The upper storey
was used for study, as a bedroom or for any other private
work. 62 He saw several houses which were 400 years old and
had not suffered any decay.
Verandah was a speciality of houses in Sind. Bocarro found
.50,000 well-built houses in the "Kingdom of Cande" (Sind). 63
In Cambay the houses of the well-to-do were built of brick and
stone and had flat roofs with "ceilings of tiles and cisterns." 64
264 HOUSES AND FURNITURE
The houses of the rich in Gujarat were built of brick and lime
on broad stone-foundations. Most of the houses had secret
passages for escape in an emergency. 65 Some among the
wealthy people, having built vaults, covered their buildings with
lime mortar.
The houses of the rich in Dacca were no doubt built of wood
or bamboos but most of them contained a tank. The tanks
were considered essential, as the Muslim women observed purdah
and would not like to go out for bathing. Unlike the present-
day houses, however, they were flat-roofed and were incon-
venient during the rainy season. 65 *
Houses of the middle class
The houses of traders, merchants and petty umras
were modest in their appearance as compared to those of the
nobles. They lacked elaborate carvings, embellishments
and beautiful gardens. Some of them, were built of brick,
burnt tiles and lime, 66 others of clay and straw. 67 In the
villages, the well-to-do zamindars had several huts grouped
together. The thatched rooms were supported by long, hand-
some pillars of cane. The walls were covered with a fine white
lime. 68 These houses were very airy and commodious. Some
of them were two storeyed and had beautiful terrace roofs. 69 In
Agra most of the houses were two or three storeys high during
Jahangir's time. 70 The majority of the houses in Varanasi^
according to Tavernier, were built of brick and cut-stone. 71
The houses of the merchants in Malabar were two-storeyed
and could be had at 20 crowns while those of the commoners
cost two crowns. 72
Arrangement of the houses
If the building happened to be in the main street, the lower
storey of it was fronted with awnings and similar expedients to
form traders' booths. But in the quieter alleys of such towns as
Bikaner, Jodhpur, Lashkar (Gwalior) and Ajmer, such dwellings,
two or three storeys high, would have a flat roof enclosed
with a balustrade or perforated parapet, thus converting it into
a terrace for use in the hot weather. Outside on the ground
floor was a platform approached by steps. It would serve as
a chabutara or sitting-out place for the use of the master to
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 265
conduct his business and entertain Ms friends.- There was
usually only one strong wooden doorway in the centre for
protection. The middle storey might consist of a wide and
continuous balcony supported on clusters of carved brackets.
The windows were screened with stone-lattices. It enabled the
occupant to see without being seen. Another feature was the
eave or chhajja, above the cornice of each storey, with its great
width, its cast and shadow which helped to keep the entire
building cool during summer. 73 In Gujarat and Kathiawar,
the same general description held good except that in those
parts wood took the place of stone. In Kashmir the face of
the houses wore picturesque compositions of wood in which
arcaded balconies were a special feature.
In Ahmedabad the houses were generally built of brick and
mortar and the roofs tiled. Ferishta wrote about its 30 mohallas,
each mohalla having a wall surrounding it. He thought it to be
the "handsomest city in Hindostan." 74
Huts of the poor
No traveller has a good word to say about the houses of
the lower classes. These have generally been described as . I
thatched huts, without any cellars and windows. Each hut
had only one apartment. The addition of a second hut and a
granary was considered as making a house a comfortable
abode. 75 These huts had only a single opening for air, light
and entrance. It was impossible to enter without stooping. 76 ""
The floors of the houses were of pounded earth spread over
with cowdung. 77 To keep them clean, pasting with cowdung
was done afresh almost every day. 78
The mod huts
Such huts could be easily built in a few days; the mud walls,
six or seven feet high, did not take much time to harden due to
the -intensity of the heat. Orme was misinformed when he
wrote that these houses, constructed with bamboos and pack
thread, and covered only with the mat of palm-tree leaves,
would last for six months. 79 In fact they lasted much longer as
Abul Fazl mentions. 80 These thatched cottages were, however,
subject to frequent fires. Bernier refers to a fire in Delhi
which burnt down 60,000 huts. 81 The traveller particularly
266 HOUSES AND FURNITURE
observed that the houses and cities were crowded ; large
families stayed in a single hut. 82 In their huts they had only a
mat to sleep upon and a pit or hole in the ground to beat their
rice in. They had only a pot or two for cooking purposes. 83
Building materials of the poor
Bamboo canes, branches of trees, ropes and grasses of
diverse kinds constituted the main building materials of the
houses of the poor. Abul Fazl found the houses in Orissa
made of reeds, 84 while bamboo was used in the construction
of houses at Ajmer. 85 The houses at the latter place were
tent-shaped. 86 Manucci's remark regarding the houses at
Patna (Bihar) that they were thatched with leaves of palm-tree
finds corjoboration from Tavernier. 87 During his travels from
Varanasi to Patna, Ralph Fitch found that most of the houses
of the poor were of "earth covered with straw." 88 Due to the
frequent changes in the course of the Jhelum River, the people
in Multan (West Punjab) had their houses built of wood and
grass. 89 Tavernier was struck by the "miserable huts" of the
poor at Dacca which were made of "bamboo with mud spread
over them." 90 The bamboo houses in Bengal used to last for a
very long time. 91 The houses in Khandesh looked a little
better. They were made of earth like the houses in other parts
of the country but were covered with varnished tiles. Many
of them were surrounded by trees which made them look
beautiful. 92 Most of the houses in Kashmir were made of
wood. However, many people lived in large boats as in
Bassein, 93 Tavernier, Thevenot and Cared have referred to the
houses of the poor at Surat. Like those in Malabar, they were
made of bamboo canes covered with branches and leaves of
palm-trees, the interstices being filled up with cowdung mixed
with clay to "prevent those outside from seeing between the
reeds what goes on inside." 94 The houses of the lower classes
in Sind were made externally of poles covered with a mixture
of straw and mud. 95 The houses of the working classes in the
south were "nothing but huts covered with Cajan leaves."
These were so low that a person could not stand upright in
them. The houses in Vijayanagara were arranged according to
occupation in long streets with many open spaces. They were
usually of straw and mud but the wood of coconut was used '
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 267
wherever it was available, particularly in coastal areas. 96 The
houses of the poor in Cochin were, according to a 17th-century
traveller, nothing but hovels. They could not be called even a
booth. 97
Love for trees
The foreigners praise the Indians for their love for trees.
They were planted all around their villages and towns. In
fact, from a distance their villages looked like forests or groves. 98
Every Hindu would have a tulsi plant in his house. It was
tended reverently and worshipped."
Use of cowduog
Pietro Delia Valle noticed in A.D. 1 623 a universal custom
which escaped the attention of the previous travellers. "When
we arriv'd at this Town (which he calls Tumbre) we found the
pavements of the cottages were varnish'd over with cowdung
mix'd with water ; a custom of the Gentiles in the places
they are wont to eat, as I have formerly observ'd. I took it
for a superstitious Rite of Religion ; but I since better under-
stand that it is us'd only for elegancy and ornament, because
not using, or not knowing how to make, such strong and lasting
pavements like ours, theres, being made sleightly of Earth
and so easily spyl'd, therefore when they are minded to have
them plain, smooth and firm, they smear the same over with
cowdung temper'd with water in case it be not liquid (for if it
be there needs no water), and plaining it either with their
hands, or some other instrument, and so make it smooth,
bright, strong and of a fine green colour, the cows whose dung
they use never eating anything but Grass ; and it hath one
convenience, that this polishing is presently made, is soon dry
and endures walking, or anything else, to be done upon it ; and
the Houses wherein we lodg'd we found were preparing thus at
our coming, and presently dry enough for our use. Indeed
this is pretty Curiosity, and I intend to cause tryal to be
made of it in Italy, and the rather because they say for certain
that the Houses whose pavements are thus stercorated, are good
against the Plague, which is no despicable advantage. Onely
it hath this evil, that its handsomeness and politeness lasteth
not, but requires frequent renovation, and he that would have
268 HOUSES AMD FURNITURE
it handsome must renew it every eight, or ten days ; yet, being
a thing easier to be done and of so little charge, it matters not
for a little trouble which every poor person knows how to
dispatch. The Portugals use it in their Houses at Goa stud.
other places of India ; and in brief, 'tis certain that it is no
superstitious custom, but onely for neatness and ornament ;
and therefore 'tis no wonder that the Gentiles use it often and
perhaps every day, in places where they eat, which above all
the rest are to be very neat." 100
FURNITURE .
General
Furniture, in the modern sense of the word, has never been
very popular in India. It does not imply, however, that its
various forms were not known to our ancestors. The refer-
ences to pitha 101 (stool), protha 10 ' 2 (a broad couch over which
women lay down to sleep), and talpa 10 * (a bed or a couch) in
Vedic texts and to khatta (bedstead), and pithamasana (chair or
stool) in the Amarakosa^ besides many others, may very well
serve as examples. Even a cane-bottomed seat or vetrasana
finds a reference in Hemachandra. 105 There is no denying tfa.e
fact, however, that these articles, including the khatta, were of
course never in common use and the Mughals did not bring
about any radical change in this long-established custom. 106
Chairs superfluous and uncomfortable
The Indian mode of sitting 107 did not necessitate chairs wtdcii
were rightly regarded in Mughal days as superfluous and
uncomfortable. 108 Leaving aside even that, there was no place
for them in the royal darbar as all, including the highest
dignitaries of the state, ambassadors from foreign lands and
even the princes of royal blood, except the privileged few, had to
keep standing. 109 Fryer's 110 and Pelsaert's 111 observations
regarding the complete absence of chairs are rather exaggerated.
The Governor of Surat, we are told, at once sent for chairs
when Roe called on him. 112 The use of elbow-chairs by the
rich has been stressed upon by another seventeenth-century
traveller. 113 Abdur Razzaq, the Persian ambassador, who visited
Vijayanagar a little prior to our period, also, testifies to the
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
269
use of chairs and settees by courtesans of Vijayanagar. 13 - 4
Several contemporary paintings depict Mughal kings 115 and even
their nobles 116 sitting on chairs having arms and high backs.
The seats, sometimes cushioned, were always wider than those
of today. The legs of the chairs were sometimes carved out
and the feet were connected by wooden planks. 117 Some of
them got their chairs covered with ivory. 118 Couches, usually
made of precious wood 119 or even metals, 120 were well cushion-
ed with costly carpets and rugs. Monserrate writes : "Akbar
generally sits with cross-legs upon a couch covered with scarlet
rugs." 121 Sometimes made of wood, they had diamond-set
handles with garlands of flowers on them. 1 ' 22
Furniture for sitting
Stools were used in those days. Usually covered with
leather or cloth, they could be interwoven with cane also. 123
Pidis also find reference in old Bengali literature. 124
Those made of suitable wood such as kanthal (yellow wood)
and mandar (the coral trees) were articles of luxury. 125 Mundas
of reed have also been mentioned by M. Ashraf in his Life
and Condition of the People of Hindustani
Tables were not much in demand during Mughal days. 127
Hamilton hints at it : "They lack wooden dishes and tables but
not so well as in China." 128 But tables were in use among the
merchants on the West Coast. 129 Linschoten refers to the use
of plantain leaves for making table-cloths and napkins. 130 Sind
leather was also employed to cover tables. 131
Royal thrones
Thrones have always served as the usual seat for the Indian
kings. 132 Besides the imperial thrones in the darbar, it was
customary to have one provided in every room of the palace.
A nicely designed golden foot-stool was invariably placed
beneath the throne. 133 Mughal emperors spent large sums of
money on design and construction of their golden thrones, 134
which were used like chairs. Abdul Aziz has described some
of these thrones in a chronological order in his monograph
"Thrones, Chairs and Seats used by the Indian Mughals." 135
Whenever the king visited any of his subjects, some minor throne
usually moved ahead of him. 136 Marble platforms were usually
270
HOUStiS AND FURNITUB
constructed in the courtyards and in the lawns oftheroy
palaces for seating purposes.
t or bedstead, the most common article of furnitv
very particu ar aou ^ ^
JS^^iS^^^ inlaid with f d '- has:
diamonds. A oe bedsteads used to be unpo:
been mentioned." Lac ^ ere ^ _ Light and easily port
were spread over the floor of the swing.
Bedding
of the poor was very scanty and consisted
P bed-cloths- of the rich ^ were
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 271
mattresses were much in demand in those days. 161 Rich Hindus
preferred to use beautiful mats called sitalpatis 1 ^ which were
perhaps more exquisitely made than now. They had the
reputation of being exceedingly cool when slept upon. 163 A
costly blanket called Indra Kambal 164 and pillows filled with
mustard seeds were regarded as articles of luxury. 165 Manrique
also refers to the use of Sind leather for beds. 106 Quilts were
also used in winter, particularly in northern India. 167 Manrique
admires those of Sind for their excellent back stitches. 168 Fine
quilts of Cambay were exported to Europe. 169
Mosquito curtains
Mosquito curtains were also freely employed, particularly
in Bengal, by the well-to-do who got them prepared of silk
cloth. 170 Chandua curtains, their special form, find reference
in Mymensingh ballads. 171 The use of the word ^g^t both for
a mosquito curtain and a fishing net in a verse in the Sabdaratna-
samanvaya composed by King Shahaji of Tanjore (A.D. 1683-
1711) testifies to the use of nets in mosquito curtains. 172
Achy uta Raya, king of Vijayanagar, had a mosquito curtain with
a frame of silver. 173
Mats usually made of straw 174 or the leaves of palm or
coconut trees 175 were used by the poor to sit and lie upon. 176
These finely woven mats were spread over a place smeared over
with cowdung. 177 Muslims of Bengal, according to Mukund-
ram, preferred to use reed mats. 178
Carpets
Diwan khanas or drawing-rooms of the nobles were deco-
rated with costly carpets 179 usually imported from Persia, 1 "
Carpets of Turkish leather were also used, 181 Akbar caused
great improvements to be made in the carpet-weaving industry
as a result of which "wonderful varieties and charming tex-
tures" were produced. 18 " Terry considered Indian carpets to
be as good as those made in Turkey or Persia. 183 Lahore and
Kashmir 184 carpets were particularly famous. Pyrard admires
the pile carpets of Bengal which they "weave with great
skill." 185 But the carpets of Goshkan (Joshaqan, a town in
Iraqi-i-Ajam), Khuzistan, Kirnian and Sabzwar still retained
their popularity and were imported in large numbers. 180
272
HOUSES AND FURNITt
Mugs and spreads
Galims (or rugs) and takya namdas (or woollen coverlets) w<
in great demand among the nobles who had them import
from Kabul and Persia. 187 India-made qalins were equa
handsome and durable ; they were surprisingly cheap.
Srinagar and Masulipatam 189 were particularly famous for th
fabrics, fine closely woven and beautifully designed rugs.
The Indian Hunting Rug of the Boston Museum of Fine A
is one of the best carpets now extant in the world. It vi
manufactured in A.D. 1640. 191
Jajams, shatrinjis and baluchis were sometimes spread w
the mattresses. 192 In the drawing-room of the Governor
Dacca, Fryer saw the floor spread over with a soft bed o^
which was laid "a fine white Calicut, the pedestals were mas
silver." 193 Big cylindrical cushions were a part of the furniti
and no drawing-room could be considered complete withe
them. 194 Whether on the throne, in the chair or even on t
-carpeted floor, cushions were there to support one's back a
even sides if necessary. 195 Delia Valle describes the drawii
room in the provincial palace at Ikkeri, The king, he writ
sat upon a little quilt having at his back two great cushions
fine white silk. Curtains were also used to decorate t
rooms. 196 Some of them carried pictures of men, houses a
scenery. 197 Gujarati 198 and Banarsi curtains were particula
liked. The latter were embroidered with silk. 1 " Sind ha<
reputation for leather hangings. 200 The^ king and the nob
used to import costly tapestry hangings from abroad. 201 Pet
mundy gives a fairly accurate description of the khas tatt
which were used in summer, 202 and helped to keep the roc
cool.
.Drawing-room of a noble
Bernier's description of the diwan khana of a noble is qu
informative.^ 3 The gilt ceiling of the drawing-room as w
as the walls was beautifully painted. 204 The floor, 205 cover
with a carpet usually four inches in thickness, had spread o^
it a white cloth in summer and a silk carpet in winter. Ru,
too, were used to enhance its beauty. 206 Ome or two mattress
with "fine coverings quilted in the form of flowers and on
.mented with delicate silk embroidery interspersed with gc
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 273
and silver" were also laid at some conspicuous corner where
distinguished visitors were accommodated. There was a big
pillow of brocade at each of these mattresses while many more
of velvet or flowered satin were placed round the room.
Beautiful porcelain vases and flower-pots decorated the several
well-cut and well-proportioned niches at the sides of the room.
Chinaware was also used for decorative purposes in Mughal
interiors. 207 Jahaagir also refers to the use of Chinese porcelain
in the Tuzuk. Sir Thomas Roe, who was conscious of its
growing popularity, 203 relates how a Dutch ambassador
brought a nice present of chinaware "sanders, parrots and
cloves" for the Emperor. 209 Barbosa writes about the Muham-
madan merchants of Reynel 210 that in their " well-kept and
well-furnished houses they have many shelves all round the
front room which are filled with fair and rich porcelain of new
styles." 211
Fans
Fans have been in use in India from time immemorial. 212
During its long history the fan has been -made of palm-leaf,
ivory, silver filigree, as well as of vellum, silk, tulle, lace, kid,
chicken-skin, paper and of a score of other materials. 213 The
king of Vijayanagar sent for a fan called khatta for the use
of Abdur Razzaq, the traveller who visited the court in 1443
A.D. 214 During Mughal days, however, the common people
used fans made from the leaves of palm and coconut trees. 215
But the rich had broad fans, made of stiff leather, 216 or even of
ivory. 217 Ovington refers to the use of murchals or fans of
peacock feathers and leather which were four to five feet long.
Padmavat refers to the use of fly-whisks (chowries) by the well-
to-do. 218 The Emperors and the nobles must have used diamond-
studded fans fitted with golden handles. We find a reference
to a similar fan called Lakeer Biyani in old Bengali literature. 219
It has been described thus: "It was nicely made, of round
shape resembling the moon. Its handle was made of gold. Even
the wind god was afraid of it and bowed to its will at its very
sight. There were ornamentation of gold on the fan and golden
lotuses all around it.... The thread that was used in the fan was
golden. The fan was a valuable one and was full of pictorial
decorations." 220
214 HOUSES AND
Swinging fans
There is also a reference to the use of swinging fans i
houses of the rich. Usually made of linen, they could be
by means of a string from outside. 221
Royal furnishings on tours
Tents, marquees and wooden partitions may also be in
in the royal furnishings which usually accompanied kin
tour. 222 Eleven types of such camps, viz., bargah with twi
poles, chubln rawati raised on ten pillars having one o
doors, do-ashiyana manzil or house of two storeys raisec
18 pillars, zaminbos, a tent made, of various forms, the
consisting of nine awnings on four pillars, the mandal con
of five awnings joined together, ath-khamba> consisting of
teen awnings, khargah?^ a folding tent made in various
the shamiancP^ with awnings made of various sizes, anc
parda made of carpeting are described in detail in the
Abul Fazl. 225 Gulalbar, which may also be added, w
grandest of them all, never occupying an area of less th
hundred square yards. 226 Gulalbar was a wooden screei
its parts joined together with leather straps, so that it cc
folded when necessary. 227 Qalandari, a covering made of
cloth or any other lighter material , was also used to
protection from the rain and the sun. 228 Even the poor i
umbrellas sometimes made of leaves. 229 Manrique evalua
total cost 230 of the rugs, carpets, wall hangings and tents
Imperial palace, pavilion, etc. to be Rs. 9,925,449.
Cabinets and cfeests
Cabinets, chests, boxes, etc. were also to be found
houses of the merchants on the West Coast. 231 C
manufactured at Surat were said to be the best in the w
Tattah had a reputation of making fine cabinets, usually
with ivory. 233 Paes, a traveller, saw a room in the p*
Vijayanagar decorated with ivory carvings of lotus, roi
other flowers. 234
Utensils
Strictly speaking, utensils do not form part of the fu
But European travellers of our period include them
HOUSBS AND FURNITURE 275
list. 235 The poor among Muhammadans could only afford a few
earthen wares, 236 while Hindus had them made of brass or
coppr. 237 A "few flat dishes of copper or brass, drinking-
vessel with a spout, a pot~kdHie in which they boil their rice,
a viMacea,or round lamp of iron or brass fastened to a chain
by which it can be suspended in the middle of the hut'* and a
wooden mortar were, according to an 18th-century traveller,
their only vessels. 238 Golden and silver vessels were used by the
kings and the nobles. 239 Bengal was reputed for black and red
pottery wfiich was made, according to Pyrard, like the finest
and most delicate terresigillee.^ U( > Manucci also refers to
baskets made from branches of palm or coconut trees. 241
NOTES
1. Barrister Fletcher and Barrister F. Fletcher, A History of
Architecture on the Comparative Method) 4th edition,
London, pp. 440-41.
2. Bernier, p. 240.
3. Fryer (old edition), p. 199. For a painting, 'Masons build-
ing a walP refer to Plate, LIX, Fig. 1 , Indian Museum
Collection, No. 201. - f
4. Fatehpur Sikri had a large artificial lake on the north-west
to mitigate the dust and stifling heat of an Indian summer.
E.B. Haveli, Indian Architecture, London, 1913, p, 164.
5. Fergusson, James, History of Indian and Eastern Archi-
tecture, Vol. II, p. 170.
6. See CM. Villiers Stuart, Gardens of the Great Mughals.
7. Nothing of importance now remains of Babar's buildings.
Haveli, op. cit., p. 153.
8. This great stronghold takes the form of an irregular semi-
circle. One of its most remarkable features is the massive
enclosure walls which consist of a solid sandstone rampart
just under 70 feet in height and nearly one and a half miles
in circumference. Its dimensions allow a number of com-
modious rooms to form the interior, providing quarters
for a considerable guard. Within the area enclosed by
the walls of this fortress there were built, according to the
Ain 9 more than 500 edifices of red standstone, in the fine
276 ' HOUSES AND FURNITUJ
style of Bengal and Gujarat. Percy Brown, Indian Are 1 *
lecture, The Islamic Period, Bombay, p. 100.
9. It is now however partly dismantled. There now remar
only a baradari or pavilion known as zenana.
10. Akbar's buildings strictly speaking are Rajput rather- tto
Mughal. Havell, op. cit. 9 p. 163. Akbar's palace at Ag
and buildings at Fatehpur Sikri are essentially a new dev
lopment of the same Buddhist-Hindu craft tradition whi
had created the architecture of the preceding Mussalmj
dynasty. Ibid.
11. It was completed in eight years (1565 A.D. 1573 A,E
at a cost of 33 lakhs of rupees. A. Goswami and S.:
Saraswati, Glimpses of Mughal Architecture, p. 23.
12. Jahangiri Mahal was perhaps the residence of the he
apparent. Percy Brown, op. tit , p. 100.
13. Goswami and Saraswati, .op. cit. 9 p. 23.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. HaYell, op. tit., p. 171.
17. "Neither Jahangir nor Shahjahan had Akbar's genius i
constructive statesmanship and so far the persona! inf
ence went they only helped Indian craftsmen to clothe
more costly materials the creative ideas of the precedi
century. Sumptuous decoration and lavish expenditure
material rather than intellectuality in design were the ch;
acteristlcs of the later period of Mogul avchiiecturi
Havell, op. eft., pp. 199-200.
18. Percy Brown, op. tit., p. III.
19. Ibid., p. 118.
10. Fergusson, op. tit.. Vol. II, p. 170.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid.
23. Percy Brown, op. tit., pp. 127-30
24. Ibid., p. 130.
25. Ibid.
26. Fergusson., op.cit., I, p. 175.
27. Strange to say, writes Percy Brown, it was never OCCUDK
No royal family even lived within its precincts Per
Brown, op. cit. 9 p. 131.
28. These were similar to the one built at Agra Fort where t
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
277
sewage and sullage dropped directly below into a drain
carrying the refuse in the Yamuna.
29. Man Mandir built by Maharaja Man Singh (1486-1516)
a little earlier on the heights of Gwalior Fort seemed
to have served "more a retreat for the royal ladies than
a permanent residential palace." Percy Brown describes
it thus : "The main bedy $f the building is in two storeys
but on the eastern face agaimt the retaining wall of
the fort there are two additional ranges of underground
apartments for use in the hot weather. The rooms of the
uppermost floor have balconies overlooking the open courts
beflow and above there are roof terraces in which to take the
air, while around the whole are narrow screened passages
for communications. The whole structure is unscientific."
Percy Brown, op. cit. 9 p. 129. See also Ferguson, op. tit.,
I, p. 177.
30. Percy Brown, op. at,, p. 132.
31. Bernier, p. 247. In 1 677 A.D. Aurangzeb put a ban on
the construction of pucca houses by mansabdars above
400 without special permission. Sarfear, Maa$ir-i-Alaingiri 9
(Urdu) p. ICO, /
32. Ibid., p., 248.
33. Mandelslo, p. 54 ; Ejivard Terry, Early Travels, p. 301.
34. Pelsaert, Jahangir^s India, p. 67.
35. Nieuhoff's Voyages, p. 221.
36. Mandelslo, p. 64.
37. As Pelsaert says, "Their houses are noble and pleasant
except a flat roof on which to enjoy the evening air."
Jahangifs India, p. 66.
38. Bernier, p. 247.
39. Jahangtr's India, p. 67.
40. Mandelslo, p. 64.
41. Nieuhoff's Voyages, p. 221.
42. "Travels of Pedro Godinho" (1683), Calcutta Review, Vol.
XCIII (1891), p. 67.
43. Ibid., p, 67 ; Fryer (old), p. 92 ; Travels in India in the
17th Century, p. 225 ; Edward Terry in Early Travels,
pp. 301-2 ; Ovington, p. 216 ; Thevenot (Sen, op. tit.),
p. 22 ; Careri (Sen, op, eit.), p. 163 ; Hamilton, I, pp. 161-
278 - HOUSES AND FURNlTt
62 ; Thomas Herbert's Voyages, p. 31 ; Tavernier (Bg
I, p. 6; Mandelslo, p.. 12.
44. Nieuhoff s Voyages, p. 221. .
45. Tarikh-i-RasMdi, trans. E. Denison Ross, p. A
Khulasat writes four or more storeys. Khulasat, extn
translated in India t of Aurangzib (Sarkar), p. 1
Thevenot says three storeys high. Thevenot, p. 82.
46. Tarikh-i-Rashidi, translation E. JDension Ross, p. 425.
47. Khulasat, India off Aurangzib (Sarkar}, p. 112.
48. Ain, (Sarkar) III, p. 352.
49. Jahangir's India, p. 3.4.
50. Khulasat, op. tit. (Sarkar), p. 112.
51. Jahangir'slndia,p.34.
52. Khulasat, op. cit. (Sarkar), p. 70*
53. Thevenot, p. 82.
,54. Bernier, p. 285. . . * *
55. Tavernier, p. 76, I, p. 86, -
56. Nicholas Withington in Early Travels, p. 244.
57. Monserrate, pp. 97-98. "
58. Ibid.
59. Khulasat, extracts translated in Sarkar's India of Aurang
p. 5.
60. Travels in India in the 17th Century, pp. 174-75 ; Taveri
(Ball), I, p. 141 ; For Lahore see Early Travels, p. 2
"It was said to be one of the largest cities of the wh
universe for it is xv miles in compasse and exceei
Constantinople itself in greatness.'" I hid.
61. Khulasat, op. cit. (Sarkar), p. xxxviji. >
62. Bartolomeo, op. cit., pp. 155,158.
63. Bocarro's 'Description of Sind,' translated and annota
by F. Archilles Meersman, Journal of Sind Histor
Society, August, 1940, Vol. IV, p. 201. The title of
worF is 'Livro das plantas de fortalezas cidades
paroacoes da Estado de India Oriental composed in 1
A.D.
64. Delia Valle, I, p. 67 ; Pieter Van Dan Brocke at Su
J.I.H., VoLX, 1931, p. 246
65. Khulasat, op. cit. (Sarkar), p. 61 ; also see A in,
(Sarkar), p. 246.
65.* Karim, Abdul, A Social History of the Muslims in
HOUSES AND FURNITURE ' 279
Dacca, 1959, p. 190.
66. Saletore, Social Life in the Vijayanagar Empire, Vol. II,
p. 293.
67. Ain, Jarrett (1891), Vol. II, p. 122.
68. Bernier, p. 246.
69. RennelFs Memoir of a 'Map of Hin dostan, p. 58.
70. Tuzuk, Rogers, I, p. 7 ; Latif, Agra, Historical and Descrip-
tive, p. 24.
71. Tavernier, p. 96. ;
72. History of&utch East Indies, p. 314 ; also see A. Sarada
Raju, Economic Conditfons in Madras Presidency (1800-
1850) , University of Madras, 1941, p. 279.
73. Percy Brown, op. cit,, Islamic Architecture, p. 133.
74. See Thornton, Gazetteer of India, Vol. I, p. 28. x
75. Linschoten, I, p. 261. For houses in Narwar (Gwalior),
Tavernier (Ball), I, p. 51 ; Roe's Embassy, p. 90 ; Masuli-
patam, Tavernier (Ball), I, p. 141 ; Patna, Purchas'
India, pp. 6, 10, and Hamilton, II, p. 22. For a thatched
hut of Sadhus late 17th century, refer to Plate LX,
Catalogue of the Indian Collection in the Museum of
Fine Arts, Boston, Part VI, Mughal Painting by Ananda
K. Coomaraswamy.
76.-.Nieuhoff's Voyages; p. 221 ; Tavernier (Ball), I, p. 100.
77. Storia, III, p. 41 ; also see Orme's Fragments, pp. -407-8.
78. India in the 17th Gentury, p. 451.
79. Orme's Fragments, p. 472.
80. Ain (Jarrett), II (1891), p. 122 ; Pelsaert, Jahangir's India,
p. 67.
81. Bernier, p. 246. , v : < '' N
82. Bocarro's account in Journal of Sind Hist., Soe., Vol. IV,
August 1940.
83. Linschoten, Purchas' India, X, p. 262.
84. Ain, III (Sarkar), p. 138.
85. Ibid, p. 273.
86. Ibid.
87. Tavernier (Ball), I, p. 100.
88. Ralph Fitch, Early Travels, pp. 23-24.
89. Khulasat (Sarkar), India of Aurangzib, p. 79.
90. Tavernier, op. cit., I, p. 86.
91. Khulasat (Sarkar), op. cit. 9 p. 41.
280 HOUSES AND FURNIT1
92. Thevenot, p. 100.
93. Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 34 ; Ralph Fitch, Ea
Travels, p. 30.
94. For Surat see Sen, Careri, p. 163-; Thevenot, p. J
Tavernier (Ball), I, p. 6 ; for Malabar refer to Nieuho
Voyages, p. 221 ; Bartolomeo, p. 155 ; Padre Godii
(1663), Calcutta Review, \ . . XCIII (1 891), p. 67.
95. Bocarro's Description of Sind, Journal of Sind Hist. S
Vol. IV, August, 1940.
96. Saletore, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 295.
97. India in the 17th Century, p. 215.
98. Sen, Travels of Thevenot and Carerf, p. 246.
99. Fryer (old), p. 199.
100. Saletore, op. cit., II, pp. 296-97.
101. Vaj Sam, XXX, 21. Also refer to The Industrial Arts
India by C.M. Birdwood, p. 203. For reference to ch
and tables during the reign of Chandra Gupta Mai
(322 B.C.), V.A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 12?
102. Rig-Veda, V, VII, 55, 8.
103. n>id,VU 9 55, 8, A. V., V, 17, 12 ; XII, 2, 31, 41.
104. Some Aspects of Indian Civilization, pp. 18-19. Also
T.N. Mukharji, Art Manufacturers of India, p. 232 ; I
Majumdar (ed.), History of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 615.
105. Ibid.
106. The houses of the merchants on the West Coast, hov/e
were well furnished. Moreland, India at the Deal
Akbar, pp. 161-62, 273.
107. Cross-legged or knees bent inwards. The latter pos
was usually adopted by Muhammadans in the Mu;
darbar. See Chester Beatty, op. cit., VoSs. I-III" and Sh
III, p. 41.
108. Particularly when sitting with their legs dangling dc
Thomas's Customs and Manners, p. 75. Also see Ain
(Sarkar), p. 324 and Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 67.
109. Studies in Indian Paintings, Plate No. 39, clepicl
European ambassador in the Court of Shahjahan. Al
Aziz, Thrones, Chairs and Seats used by the Indian Mugi
p. 182 ; Storia, I 5 pp. 88 (middle) and 89, The not
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
281
exceptions were, Abdur-r-Rahim (vide Tuzuk, 416;
Badshahnamc: , I, 194), Prince Khurram (Tuzuk, 195,
R & B, I, 395) and Dara Shukoh (Badshahnama, III,
I08a). This unique privilege was not in recognition of
one's position as an ambassador or royal prince, but was
meant as a royal tribute to his personality and descent.
Abdul Aziz, op eft., p. 182.
110. Fryer (old), p. 200.
111. Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 67.
112. Roes Embassy, p. 65.
113. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 456.
114. Mahaiingham, Administration and Social Life under Vijaya-
nagar, p. 268.
115. A little prior to our period we see Tiraur sitting on an
armed chair (Plate No. 44, p. 102 of Studies in Indian
.Painting) ; for other two pictures depicting Timur in a
similar chair refer to No. 44 and the other unnumbered
both in possession of Delhi Museum of Archaeology. For
a painting of Akbar's time depicting a woman with a tall
Chaghtai cap sitting on a chair refer to Plate III. Catalogue
of Indian Collections, Part VI, Mughal Paintings. Plate
XLVIF depicts a princess seated on a chair with water and
lotuses in the foreground. In Stochoukine (La Peinture
Indienne, Plate XXXI) we see Jahangir sitting on a jewelled
chair. Aurangzeb is depicted sitting on a chair in Storia,
II, Frontispiece. Plate LXII and LVI (Catalogue of
Indian Paintings, Part VI, Mughal Paintings, A.D. 1712)
depict Jahandar Shah on a beautiful chair.
116. For Sadullah Khan, the Prime Minister of Shahjahan,
sitting on a chair administering justice see Stochoukine, La
Peinture Indienne, PL LV and for Fakhir Khan, another
noble, on a chair see PL XXXII (Binyon, Court Painters),
Abdul Aziz, op. cit. 9 p. 228.
1 17. Refer to the footnotes 115 and 116 above.
118. For illustration of two chairs belonging to 17th and
1 8th centuries refer to figure 1 37 of The Arts and Crafts
of India and Ceylon by Coomaraswamy.
119. Several contemporary paintings depict these couches ; see
for example Plate 58, Vol. 111,'Chester Beatty ; Also refer
to Maasir, I, p. 64.
282 HOUSES AND FURNITURE
120. Sometimes of gold. Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 27.
121. Monserrate's Commentary, p. 199.
122. Ibid.
123. Delia Valle, pp. 245-46. Also see Capt. Cope, A New
History of the East Indies, p. 37.
124. Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 300.
125. Ibid.
126. Ashraf, op. cit. 9 p. 274.
127. The writer has come across at least one beautiful con-
temporary painting (Chester Beatty, op. dt. 9 Vol. Ill,
PL 58) which depicts a nice little table with a single leg in
the centre. Nuniz also refers to the use of a three-legged
stool by Achyuta Raja of Vijayanagar. His dinner was
served on this table made of gold. Mahalingham, Adminis-
tration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, pp. 282-83.
128. Hamilton, I, p. 126.
129. Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar, pp. 161-62 ;
Mandelslo, p. 27.
130. Moreland op. cit., p. 273.
131. Manrique, II, p. 239.
132. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, The Arts and Crafts of India
and Ceylon, p. 169 ; Mukharji, Art Manufactures of India,
pp. 231-32. Thrones are mentioned in Rig-Veda, the
Ramayana and Mahabharata. Birdwood names .them
rajapatra and rajasana (The Industrial Arts of India, p. 204).
133. Refer to Plate No 31, Chester Beatty, op. cit., Vol. II, fol.
201 for example. Also refer to Ramayana of Tulsidas
(Growse), p. 369.
134. Refer to Abdul Aziz, Thrones, Chairs and Seats of Indian
Mughah, pp. 183-87.
135. For Babar's thrones Plate XXXIV (b) of Loan Exhibition
of Antiquities, Delhi, 1911 ; Plate XIV of Percy Brown's
Indian Paintings under the Mughals ; For Humayun's throne
Tarikh-i-Khandan-i-Timuriya (Bankipur Library) facing
page 158. For Akbar's Plate facing p. 164 of Humayun*
nama ; Plate XIV of Stochoukine's La Peinture Indienne,
Plate XLVII (c) of Loan Exhibition, Delhi; Chester Beatty*
Vol. II, Frontispiece, and Plates 6, 16, 17, 31, 65. For
Jahangiri thrones, Percy Brown, Plate XLIV, PI. LVI,
No. 2 ; Binyon, Asiatic Arts in the British Museum, R & B ? '
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
283
,o T> * TT 80 For Shahjahan, Plate XXV of
137.
Society, p. Til.
,,.
Exhibition, p. 119.-
, P
and Ceylon, p. 169.
146. Beraier, p. 359.
147. Felsaert ^ /
pp. 21-22 ,
148. Ap* of Be
Wh
While
ieces
O f
126 .
P
India,
fc Q/ molo C onti,
society, p. 298. .
. Paes and Nuniz give a
^ & fa ^ palace at
a bed-room the former
of cane . work over
284 HOUSES AND FURNITURE
the heart-shape and interweaved between one and another
is a twist of thick seed-pearl work, on the dome are
pendants of the same. In this chamber was a bed which
had feet similar to the porch, the cross bars covered with
gold and there was on it a mattress of black satin ; it had
all around it a railing of pearls a span wide, on it two
cushions and no other covering." Nuniz writes about
Achyuta Raya : "The bedsteads in which his wives sleep
are covered and adorned with silver plates. Every wife
has her bed in which she sleeps and that of the king is
plated and toed and has all its legs of gold, its mattress
of silk and its round bolster worked round the ends with
large , seed-pearls. It has four pillows of the same pattern
for the feet and has no other sheet than a silk cloth on
top." Mahalingham, Administration and Social Life under
Vijayanagar, pp. 289-90.
149. Ibid., p. 290.
150. Mentioned in Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar,
pp. 161-62.
15 i. Bernier, p. 353.
152. Quoted in Saletore, op. cit., II, p. 290. Also see Travels in
India in the 17th Century, p. 280.
153. Ovington, A Voyage to Swat in the Year 1689, ed. by H.S.
Rawlinson. O.U.P. 1929, pp. 197-98.
154. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p. 280. ?
155. Mandelslo, p. 27; De Laet, p. 89; Pelsaert, p. 61 ;
Hamilton, p. 126 ; also see Plate XVI, Indian Drawings.
156. The bedding of the well-to-do, according to old Bengali
Literature (Storia, III, pp. 39-40), comprised rough
cloths, cMonpachhras, still used in Tipperah side, a bed-
sheet and winter cloth, Khua fabrics, Bhutan! blankets,
silk fabrics, velvets, and red blankets. Aspects of Bengali
Society, p. 299.
157. Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 298 ; Ashraf, p. 273 ; Bernier,
p. 353. Tattah coverlets were quite well-known. A New
History of East India, p. 225.
158. Refer to Plate XIV of Catalogue of Indian Collections,
Part VI, Mughal Paintings.
159. Bernier, p. 353.
160. Tavernier, I, p. 51.
HO ISES A.ND
, . n 739 Catalogue of Delhi
161. Mannque, II, ? ^ } -
P ' 4 f ' r to
162. XfiM/asfl* refers to
285
i Art Edition,
it Vide I N Sarkar, India of Aurangzib,
it. VidcJ. mats
164
165. Airf., P- 299
166. Manrique, II, P-
,
pp. 271-72.
asser tion that instead of
168 . Mannque^ ^ /M
169. Cope Capt, A "
. 225
in his
. 590, edition 1903.
173 . Mahalingham,
r, p. 289
Mat-manufacturmg
Palghat (Malabar). Birdwood, op. cit., pp.
175 . Sforifl, HI, p. 187. fa of mcolo
176. Samuel Purchas' /wfa, pp. >*,
MOUSES AND FURNlTURfc
Conti (Travels in India in the 15th Century], pp. 21-22 ;
Storia, III, p. 42 ; Mandelslo, p. 85.
177. Travels in India in the 17th Century, pp. 392, 456 ; Storia,
III, p. 41.
178. Bengal in the 16th Century, p. 93.
179. Early Travels, p. 311 ; Jahangifs India, p. 61; Careri
(Sen, op. cit.), p. 248.
180. De Laet, p. 91 ; Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 296.
181. Mandelslo (p. 28) saw such a carpet also at the residence o]
the Governor of Ahmedabad.,
182. The carpet in possession of Vincent Robinson and showr
in the Indian Section of the South Kennsington Museun
was made in the 16th century or early 17th century. I
contains 3,500,000 knots in its entire surface or 400 knot
to the square inch. Its pattern was so complicated that i
change of the needle was required for every knot. T.N
Mukharji, Art Manufacturers of India, Calcutta, 1888
Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 9. Also see Journal q
Indian Arts and Industry, Vol. XI, April 1905. Ar,
Islamica, Vol. VII, pp. 93-94 (for a Persian garden-carpe
in Jaipur Museum), and Vol. VIII, pp. 121-212. 'Th
Art of Carpet- Making and a Survey of Persian Art" b;
Von Kurt Erdmann ; "On the Origin f the Persian Carpe
Pattern" by Ernst Cohn- Wiener, Mamie Culture, Vol. XI
No. 4, Oct. 1937. H. Hendley, Asian Carpets, 16th
]7th century designs from Jaipur palaces, London, 1905
Handbook of the Jeypore Courts by H. Hendley, Calcutta
1886, and Martin's A History of Oriental Carpets befor
1800, Vienna, 1908.
183. Early Travels by Foster, p. 308.
184. Plate No. 57 of Indian Arts at Delhi (1903) shows twc
wonderful carpets believed to have been made in Kashmi
about three hundred years ago. The carpets are preserve*
in the Asar Mahal, an old palace in Bijapur. An ol<
manuscript Haft Kursi-i-Padshahan gives the date of thei
arrival from Kashmir in the year A.H. 1067 (1657 A.D.)
Indian Arts at Delhi, p. 432. Some of the carpets use<
to cost a hundred rupees a yard. Maasir, I, p. 715. For i
Bijapuri Jainamaz of the same period refer to Ibid., p. 433
Ain, I (Bloch) 1939, p. 57. Agra, Fatehpur and Lahor<
MOUSES AND FURNITURE 287
were the main carpet-weaving centres, Banaras too was a
well-known centre. John Marshal writes : "They have
excellent carpets (rugs) of 100 rupees each." John Marshall
in India, p. 170. For present-day centres see Birdwood,
Industrial Arts of India, pp. 294-98.
185. Pyrard, I, p. 328.
186. Ain, 1(1939), p. 57. Pyrard writes: "From Ormus to
Goa came carpets the most exquisite and the best made in
the world." Pyrard, II, pp. 239-40.
187. Ain, I (1939), p. 57. For Persian rugs, see Churchill Mary,
The Oriental Rug Book, pp. 172-205, 102-160.
188. Ain, I (1939), p. 57. Abul Fazl relates that a single galim
20 gaz 1 tassujes long and 6 gaz 11| tassujes broad would
cost Rs. 1810, though its estimated price by the experts
would not be less than Rs. 2715. For Indian rugs see :
Churchill Mary, The Oriental Rug Book, pp. 228, 240 ;
and Hawley A. Walter, Oriental Rugs, pp. 253-76.
189. Catalogue of Delhi Art Exhibition, p. 440.
190. Amritsar, Agra, Lahore and Multan were also rug manu-
facturing centres. Walter, Oriental Rugs, p. 256. The
well-known carpet now in possession of the Girdler's
Company of London, was manufactured at Lahore in
1634. Ibid.
191. Eight feet three inches long and five feet three inches wide,
it contains about three hundred and sixty knots to the
square inch. It depicts a hunting scene and its predomi-
nant colour is red. For details refer to Walter, Oriental
Rugs, pp. 335-36.
192. Ain, 1(1939), p. 57.
193. Fryer (old), p. 131.
194. Ibid. ; Bernier, p. 248 ; Travels in India in the 17th Century,
pp. 456 and 280 ; The Arts and Crafts of India and Ceylon
by Ananda Coomaraswamy, London, 1913, p. 169 ;
Ovington, pp. 31344.
195. Bernier, p. 248 ; Fryer (old), p. 200. Mughal nobles have
been depicted propped up by large cushions in innumerable
contemporary paintings for which refer to Chester Beatty's
Vols. Mil ; Percy Brown's Plates XV, XXVII of Catalogue
of Indian Collections, Part VI, Mughal Paintings ; Studies in
288
HOUSES AND FURNITURE
Indian Paintings ; Plate No. 39 ; Travels in India in the 17th
Century, p. 456.
196. Delia Valle, II, pp. 250-52 quoted in Saletore's Social and
Political Life in the Vijayanagar Empire (1346-1646 A.D.),
Vol. II, p. 292.
197. There is a painting on stuff in possession of Bedford
College for Women, London, which was probably used as
a temporary decoration in the King's Camp while on
expedition. It dates back to the Mughal period, A.D.
1600-1620. For details refer to 'A New Mughal Painting
on Stuff' by Basil Gray in Ars hlamica, Vol. IV, pp. 459-
60. Futuhat-i-Firuz Shahi, vide f. 10-11 quoted in Ashraf,
op. cit., p. 273. For curtains refer to the various darbar
paintings of the period.
198. Gul, IB, 20-23 quoted in Ashraf, op. cit., 273. The house
of a noble called Khalifa where Gulbadan was received at
Koli (Aligarh) by the Mughal Emperor was decorated with
Gujarati curtains. Ibid.
199. William Finch in Purchas, IV, p. 66.
200. Manrique, II, p. 239.
201. East India Company Records, Vol. IV, p. 286. Sometimes
it would cost 18 shillings per stitch. Ibid.
202. Petermundy, II, p. 191 ; Bernier, p. 247 ; Maasir, I, p. 602.
203. Bernier, pp. 247-48.
204. Or plastered with line white lime. Early Travels, p. 311.
Also refer to "The Annual Relation of Father Fernao
Guerreiro," J.P.H.S., Vol. VII, pp. 58-59.
205. Usually paved with stone or else made with lime sand.
Early Travels, p. 311.
206. Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 2.97.
207. Abdul Aziz, The Imperial Treasury of the Great Mughals,
J.I.H., Vol. XIV, 1935, p. 67.
208. Roe's Embassy, pp. 445,. 459.
209. Ibid., p. 68.
210. Rander near Surat.
211. Barbosa, trans. Dames, I, pp. 147-48.
212. Some Aspects of Indian Civilization, pp. 125-26. "The
daughter of king Nila," a famous Sanskrit poem tells us,
<s was the first who fanned the sacred fire with a decorated
palm-leaf." Its objects are to relieve "the effects of heat,
HOUSES AND FURNITURE 289
sweating, thirst, fainting and excess of fatigue." Susruta
Samhita, IV, xx, iv, 82.
'213. Some Aspects of Indian Civilization, pp. 125-26. Some-
times they were made of mica. Aspects of Bengali Society 9
p. 290,
214. Major, R.H., India in the 15th Century, p. 31. According
to Nuniz, the greatest honour which the Raja of Vijaya-
nagar could confer on a noble consisted of two fans
made of the white tails of certain cows, and orna-
mented with gold and precious stones. Mahalingham,
Administration and Social Life under Vijay ana-gar 9 p. 277.
215. Orme's Fragments, p. 471 ; Storla III, p. 187. Also see
Petermundy, II, p. 191.
216. Early Travels, p. 313.
.217. An ivory fan probably of the 17th century is in the Kuns-
thistorisches Museum, Vienna, and is referred to in the
Burlington Magazine, LXXV (1949), 64, pi. I. C. Ars
Islamica, Vol. IX, Parts 1-2, p. 94, f.n. 7.
218. Padinavat (Hindi), p. 269. Ramayana of Tulsidas
(Growse), p. 171. These were usually made of the tail-hair
of a wild ox, peacock-feathers or grass roots.
219. Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 292. Other fans mentioned
are Danda Pakha, Aber Pakha. Ibid., p. 289.
220. Aspects of Bengali Society, p. 292. For a painting depict-
ing a big round fan of 12th century see **An Indian
Prince," Illustrated Weekly of India, p. 35, July 20, 1952.
221. Petermundy, II, p. 191. The early swinging fans consisted
of "a large frame of wood covered with cloth or painted
paper. "
222. For the encampment on journeys [see Ain 16 of Ain-i-
Akbari, I (1939), pp. 47-49.
223. Bernier (p. 359) writes as Karguais.
224. Called Chandoas (canopies) in Bengal. Aspects of Bengali
Society, p. 296.
225. For details refer to Ain, I (1939), pp. 55-57. For illustra-
tions see Plates X and XI, p. 54.
226. Ain. I (1939), p. 47.
227. Ibid., p. 57.
228. Ibid., p. 50.
229. Petermundy, II, p. 126,
290 HOUSES AND FURNITURF
230. Manrique, II, p. 248.
231. Mandelslo, p. 27 ; Moreland, India at the Death of Akbar T
pp. 161-62.
232. Capt, Cope, A New History of East Indies, p. 246.
233. Ibid., p. 225. There, are two Ivory caskets in the
. Residenz Museum, Munich, and two ivory caskets and
an ivory fan in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
The first dates from the second half of the 17th century
vide Burlington Magazine, LXIX (.1936), 275, Pi. 3. The
second Vienna casket probably dates from the 17th
century. Burlington Magazine, LXXV (1939), 64, PL I A.
An ivory casket in British Museum, early 17th century,
South India., etc. ATS Islamica, Vol. IX, p. 94, f.n. 7.
234. A.K. Commaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian
Art (London, 1927), p. 123.
235. De Laet, p. 89 ; Pelsaert, p. 61 ; Bartolonneo, p. 156.
236. Pelsaert, p. 61 ; De Laet, p. 89.
237. Bartolomeo, pp. 156 and 159. Cups, spoons and dishes of
the Malabaris were usually made of coconuts. Travels in
India in 15th Century, p. 221 . Also see Mandelslo, pp. 64
and 85.
238. Ibid. ; Mandelslo, p. 64.
239. De Laet, p. 91 ; Pelsaert, p. 67 ; Storia, If, p. 53 ; Man-
delslo, p. 74.
240. Pyrard, I, p. 329.
241. Storia, III, p. 187.
CHAPTER 1 !
Mode of '["ravelling and
Conveyance
MEANS OF TRANSPORT
General
Though travelling was recommended by the learned of the
age as a source of profit and a means of success, It was not
much indulged in during Mughal times. Except for certain great
highways, the permanent bridges over even the smaller rivers
were rare. 1 It was reported to the East India Company in 1666
by their agents in India that "there were no better roads or
mending of highways, but the first carts that travail must cut
them anew, with their wheels, that makes it very tedious and
troublesome travelling in the first of the year.'* 2 There were
few efforts by the Mughal emperors to improve the condition of
the roads. Sher Shah Sur was, however, an exception. 3 It was
not safe to travel withoul a proper escort, as the highways
swarmed with robbers and thieves. 4 Along the way there was
scarcity of provisions and goods for both men and cattle and
officials made the conditions still worse by demanding illegal
gratification. Ordinary people, merchants and travellers preferred
to accompany a carvan which, to quote a contemporary, was
"a great multitude of people, travelling together on the way
with camels, horses, mules, asses, etc. on which they carry their
merchandise from one place to another." 5 Thousands and
thousands of people would join the king's entourage whenever
he moved out. And as a writer says : "Akbar's court, even
- when quartered in a city, was a camp or his camp was a
travelling city." 6
292 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
Means of transport
Modern technical devices being unknown, the means of
transport in those days were confined to human carriers, beasts
of burden, and wheeled traffic on land, boats on rivers, and small
sailing ships in the coastal seas. It took months and sometimes
even years to traverse long distances. India's transport, how-
ever, compared favourably with the contemporary world, and
there is some truth in Tavernier's observation that the "manner
of travelling in India is more commodious than anything that
has been invented for ease in France or Italy." 7
Oxen
The ox was the conveyance of the poor In villages and even
in towns. "They ascended the ox," remarks Ovington, "with
equal ease as we do our horses.'" 8 Instead of saddles, however,
they put on a soft cushion and, with the strings of the reins
passing through the nostrils of the animal in their hands,
"travelled longer and shorter journeys at a good, round, easy
rate."** Terry and Thevenot both confirm that some of them
would go "as a fast as a horse" and covered 20 miles a day. 10
The bullocks of Vijayanagar were known for their "commodious
pace" 11 and people rode them with panels, girts and bridles. 12
It was the practice to shoe the oxen especially when they were
to cover long distances. 13 They put a thick scarf around their
necks and a collar of leather a little above, before they were
yoked to the wagons. 14
Bollock-cart
Horses, ponies, mules and even donkeys were used for
riding purposes. In sandy places like Rajasthan and Sind
camels were employed to cover distances. The traditional
bail-gari or the bullock-drawn cart was much more in use then.
It carried passengers as well as luggage. Its structure and
shape have not much changed during all these centuries. Drawn
by two or even three oxen, it could cover 20 miles a day. 15
These carts were covered completely when ladies travelled. 16
Manrique travelled in a similar cart from Agra to Patna. They
could be had on hire. 17
Chariots
Samuel Purchas saw in the country many fine carts
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 293
gilded and covered with silk and fine cloth. 18 In Vijaya-
nagar, it appears, carts were not used on a large scale owing
to the bad conditions of the roads. 19 Thevenot refers to
the use of chariots which were flat and even, having a border
four fingers broad with pillars all round. The number of the
pillars depended upon the taste of the owner but normally it
did not exceed eight. It had two wheels, each having eight spokes
four or five fingers thick. Those who could afford it covered the
wooden floor of the chariot with a nice carpet, and "thongs of
leather were interwoven from pillar to pillar to keep one from
falling out." Some of the rich had their chariots ornamented
with ivory. They were covered like the rooms of a house,
their windows adorned with gilded leather or silk hangings,
their mattresses made of silk quilts. Cushions were also used.
Even a beautiful canopy was used sometimes as a protection
against the sun. 20
White oxen 21 were in great demand and were used by the
nobles to draw their carriages.- 2 To make them look more
beautiful and impressive, they would "deck the ends of their
horns with sheaths of copper and even clothe them." 23 These
oxen were well fed and looked like elephants. 24 Some of the
ordinary oxen were also very strong and would cover 12-15
leagues a day. They could travel for about two months at this
speed. 25 The hire of such a coach was a rupee per day. 26 Theve-
not found these chariots very comfortable. The finest chariots
were built at Tattah. 27 Akbar preferred to drive in a two-horse
chariot "wherein he would sit cross-legged upon a couch covered
with scarlet rugs." 28 Among the presents sent by the East India
Company to Jahangir, there was an English coach which created
some sensation at the court and was used as a model by local
craftsmen. 29 Jahangir presented it to Nurjahan. Its English
lining was taken off and the coach was covered with gold, velvet
and decorations. 30
Horses, mules, and ponies served as a quicker form of trans-
port. 31 The poor rode donkeys, too. 32 In sandy parts like Rajas-
than an Sind 33 and even in Multanand Gujarat 331 camels were
used. The swiftest camels came from Ajmer, 34 Ths jammaza
breed was considered to be the best. It was followed closely by
M;. 36 These varieties surpassed even those imported from Iran
and Turan. 36 The ordinary kind came from JodhpuTjINagor,
294 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
Bikanir, Jaisalmir, Bhatinda, Bhatnir and Gujarat. The Am
describes in detail the trappings. The poorer sort had the
barest possible, a mahar kathi'^ (saddle), an afsar (head-stall), a
dum-afsar (crupper), etc. The rich had kuchi (saddle-cloth), a
qatarchi, a sarbachi (a sort of quilt), a tang (a girth), a sartang
(a head-strap), ashehband, (a loin-strap), &jalajil (a breast-rope
adorned with shells or bells), a garadaband (a neck-strap), three
chadars (or coverings) made of broadcloth or variegated canvas
or wax-cloth. Besides these, there were jewels, trimmings, silk
and various other articles to adorn. 38
Elephants
Elephants with beautiful howdahs were quite often used as a
conveyance by kings and nobles. 39 Princesses would also move
about on elephants. Bernier refers to Roshan Ara Begam's
trips seated in a golden howdah on a Pegu elephant. 40 The best
elephants came from Pannah. 41 Elephants were also found in
the Suba of Agra, forests of Bayawan and Narwar, Suba of
Allahabad, in the confines of Pannah, Ghora, Ratanpur,
Nandanpur, Sirguja and Bastar, in the Suba of Malwa, in
Hindiyah, Uchhod, Chanderi, Santwas, Bijagarh, Raisin,
Hoshangabad, Garha, Haryagarh in Bihar, in Rohtas and
Jharkhand, and in Bengal, Orissa and Gurgaon It was
perhaps during the reign of Shahjahan that white elephants
from Pegu were first imported. 42 During Akbar's time there
were 101 elephants in the royal stables reserved for the King's
use. They were known as khas elephants. Whenever the King
mounted an elephant, it was customary for him to grant to
the mahavat a sum equal to his one month's wages. 43 Of the
many articles prescribed by the Ain as the harness of the
elephants, the important ones were dharna, a large chain of
iron, gold or silver, loh-Iangar, a long chain which prevented
the elephant from running, gadela, a cushion, a chaurasi 9 a
number of bells attached to a piece of broadcloth tied before
and behind with a string passing through \t,pitkachh, two chains
fastened over the elephant's sides for beauty, qutas (the tail of
the Tibetan Yak), about sixty, more or less, attached to the
tusk, the forehead, the throat and the neck for ornamentation,
and the tayya, five iron plates, each a span long and four fingers
broad, fastened to each other by rings. Gaj-jhamp was a
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 295
covering put as an ornament above the pakhar. It was made
of three folds of canvas, put together and sewn, broad ribbons
being attached to the outside. Meghdambar, an awning to
shade the elephant-driver, was invented by Akbar. The ranpiyat
was a fillet for the forehead made of brocade or similar stuffs,
from the hem of which nice ribbons and qutas hung down.
The gateli which consisted of four links joined together with
three above them and two others over the latter was attached to
the feet of the elephant. Its sound was very effective. Pay-ranjan
consisted of several bells similarly arranged. 44
Moles
Mules were used particularly for travelling on an uneven
ground. According to the Ain^ it possessed the "strength of a
horse and the patience of an ass and though it has not the
intelligence of the former, it has not the stupidity of the latter."
It never forgot the road on which it had once travelled. Akbar
encouraged its breed. The best mules in the country came
from Pakhali (a. little town north of Rawalpindi) and its
neighbourhood. 45 They were also imported from Iraq-i-Arab
and Iraq-i-Ajam and cost about Rs. 1 ,000 per head. For the
poor, a saddle and a rope or a chain sufficed as the equipment
for riding a mule. The rich, however, had a large number of
accessories which included a palan (pack-saddle), a shaltang
(shawl-strap), palastang (blanket-strap), a horse-hair saddle, a
sardoz (common head-stall) a inagasran (to drive away flies), a
currycomb, a hair-glove, etc. 46
Horses
Horses were preferred to other beasts for their swiftness,
impressive look and comfortable ride. Horses were also used
for drawing carriages. Special attention was paid to their
proper breed. Horses were imported from Iraq-i-Arab, Iraq-i-
Ajam, Turkey, Turkestan, Badakhshan, Shirwan, Qirgluz, Tibet,
Kashmir and other countries. Punjabi horses called Sanjui
(or Satuji) resembled Iraqi horses. Horses of Pati Haibatpur,
Bajwaral, Tihara (in the Suba of Agra), Mewar and Ajmer
were much sought after. Gut horses of northern mountains
.and tanghan (or taghari) horses of Cooch-Behar were known for
their strength. 47 Kashmir horses were small, strong and capable
296 ' MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
of covering difficult tracts. Bengalis rarely took to horse-riding. 4 *
The trappings of horses included an artak or horse-quilt, a
yalposh (or covering for the mane), a woollen towel, the saddle-
cloth, a magasran (a horse-tail fan to drive away flies), a nukhta
and qayza (the bit), etc. 49
Palanquins
The nobles and the wealthy, however, preferred to travel
in palanquins which were very comfortable. Several European
travellers have described in detail these conveyances which were
in fact box-litters with a pole or two projecting before and be-
hind and which were borne on the shoulders of four or six men. 50
But when the journey was long, there were relays of bearers to
take over. 51 The palanquin-bearers belonged to a special caste of
Hindus known as Kahars. These palanquins were covered all over
with cloth. In case of rain, wax-cloth was placed all over the
palanquin. 52 There were several types of this conveyance.
Doli and do la were ordinary types of palanquins. The former
was specially hired for women to cover short distances. 53 It
is still customary to carry home the bride in a doli which is
covered with a red cloth. 54 It was covered with a rich cloth
known as Pater Dola in Bengal 55 It was hung on a single
pole projecting before and behind and was borne on the
shoulders of three men on each side.
Sukhpal
A palanquin was similar to a doli in shape excepting the size
which was bigger. 56 In Bengal the rich used sukhasan orsukhpal,
a crescent-shaped litter covered with a camlet or a scarlet cloth,
the two sides of which had fastenings of various metals. 57
Abul Fazl calls sukhasan as a "boat of dry land.'* 58 It was
conveniently adapted for sitting in, lying at full length or
sleeping on during travel 59
Chandol
Chandol was perhaps the most luxurious litter. It was closed
and covered like the room of a house ; the windows were
adorned with gilded leather or silk hangings ; the mattresses-
were made of silk. Sometimes they spread a tiger-skin on the
floor. 60 Some decorated them with plates of carved silver while
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 297
others had them painted with flowers and other curiosities or
set round with gilt balls. 61 There also hung in the palanquin a
beautiful vessel containing drinking water.
This litter had two beautifully decorated poles projecting
before and behind and was borne on the shoulders of 12 persons,
three persons at each pole, i.e., six persons on each side. 62
The following is a poet's somewhat exaggerated description of
a richly furnished palanquin of a noble, raja or a rich merchant :
"The handles were made of gold and gems, besprinkled with
liquid sandal. The roof of the palanquin was covered with a
piece of thick silk. Precious gems decorated its skirts. Peacock
feathers were used to adorn the palanquin. The silk tufts
around it gave it a dazzling look. The merchant sat on the
palanquin on one side and both on his right and on his left his
attendants were fanning him with chowries." 63 According to
the Ain, finely built carriages were called bahals.^ There is a
reference to the invention of an extraordinary carriage by
Akbar. It was large enough to hold several apartments with a
bath-room and was drawn by an elephant. 65
Elephant- litter?
Sometimes elephants were employed to carry the litter which
was suspended between two elephants. In summer the nobles
had khas tatties (screens made of fragrant khas grass) fixed on
all its four sides in order to have coolness inside. Petermundy
refers to the growing of barley on the outer side of tatties to
give it a pleasant look. 66 The noble Saif Khan's sister-in-law
travelled in this type of litter to Agra to see the Taj Mahal. 67
There are frequent references to the use of camel and elephant
litters. Manucci's Storia Do Mogor has a beautiful painting
showing a litter fitted on the back of a camel by means of
ropes. Petermundy describes imari (Petermundy, ambarre) or
an elephant-litter as a "little coach made fast with strong
ghirsees (ghirnees or pulleys) and ropes on the elephant's
back standing on pack-saddles . . .at least a foot above
his chine, which is a great height from the ground." These
litters used by the king and the nobles were highly decorated
and ornamented with all sorts of silk stuffs and jewellery. The
curious reader may make a reference to Manucci's Storia^ Do
298 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
Mogor for having an idea about the fine kind of howdahs used
by the Mughal emperors.
Ships and boats
Ships and boats were the principal means of water transport.
There was a network of navigable rivers covering the provinces
of Smd, Multan, Lahore, Kashmir, Delhi, Agra, Oudh, Allaha-
bad, Bihar and Bengal. The Ganges, the Yamuna and the
Indus were mainly employed near the coastal regions.
There was a fleet of 300 to 400 sea-going ships plying between
Cambay and Goa and another of 250 sailing from Goa to the
South, besides numerous ships plying on the eastern coast of
Bengal and Orissa. 69 Mandelslo's view that some of the largest
ships could carry 1,000 persons seems to be exaggerated.
Hamilton is more reasonable when he says that the largest of
the ships could accommodate 200 persons. 74 Each ship had a
number of cabins, which were hired out to passengers. A lock
and a kishii (boat) were provided with each cabin. The lower
part of a ship was constructed with triple planks, so that it could
withstand the tempests. Some of the ships were built in
compartments. If one part was damaged, the other parts
enabled the ship to continue the journey. 71 Manucci is full of
praise for the Indian ships which, according to the traveller,
lasted much longer than those built in Europe. 72 Indians were
quick to learn the British technique of building ships and
quickly adopted it. 70 The ship-building centres in India were
at Allahabad, Lahore, Multan, Kashmir and many places on the
West Coast. 7 *
Boats and rafts were used as a means of conveyance on the
rivers. Akbar travelled in a boat from Agra to Allahabad.
There is also a reference to Akbar's journey from Delhi to
Agra by boat. 75 In Bengal, travelling was by boats, especially
during the rainy season. They built different kinds of boats
for purposes of war, carriage and swift sailing. 76 There were
in Bengal alone about 4,200 big boats and 4,400 smaller ones,
.according to Chahar Gulshan. 11 Larger boats could carry even
an elephant. 78 Boats on the Indus were provided with all
amenities of life. 79
The boats meant for the royalty were highly artistic. Abul
Fazl refers to the "wonderfully fashioned boats with delightful
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
299
quarters and decks and gardens."' The stern of the boats was
made In the shape of animals so as to amuse and interest
spectators. 80 To Humayun goes the credit of inventing Jasr-i-
Rowan or a moveable bridge. It served both as a bridge
and a boat. Several boats were joined together with hooks
and. iron chains. It was covered with wooden boards and
was so firmly fixed with iron nails, etc. that passengers on foot
and even riders could cross over it. Whenever the King
planned a journey by river, the bridge was divided into several
parts and steered on the water. 81 Petermundy refers to lighters
and gabares at Agra of 300 to 500 tons which were used to
transport great men and their families down the river to
Allahabad. Patna and even Dacca.
In Vijayanagar brigantins or fustas were used for rowing.
The people also used harigolus or coracles or round basket
boats covered with hide. These basket-boats, made of cane,
were covered with leather outside. They carried 15 to 20
persons. Even horses and oxen could cross in them. In the
Tamil districts boats called parisus, made of wicker and leather,
were used. In the Coromandel Coast there was in use a type of
boat called mxxala. Besides rafts, hollowed trees and canoes
were used. 82 The fishermen used catamarans (several pieces of
wood fastened together in the form of rafts) to sweep the rivers
and the seas.
MODE OF TRAVELLING
Several European travellers have made a special mention of
the manner of travelling in Mughal times. The custom required
that all the able-bodied umras who were "not exempted by a
peculiar office" should accompany the King when he moved
out on his takht-i-ra*an or the throne which was carried on the
shoulders of eight men. Sometimes, however, as for example,
paying a visit to the mosque for prayers, he would dispense
with this large retinue and only the umras on duty accom-
panied him. 83
A noble's procession
It was a pleasure to see a noble going to attend the darbar.
In his rich palanquin, he would sit cross-legged against a thick
300 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
cushion of brocade, chewing his betel, sweetening the breath
and reddening his lips. Some of them had a hubble-bubble to
keep themselves busy. On one side of the palanquin was a
pikdan or spitoon of porcelain or silver; on the other side, there
were two more servants to fan the lord, flap away the flies or
brush off the dust with a peacock-fan. A few footmen marched.
In front to clear the way, and a soldier on a stately steed followed
in the rear. 84
If a long journey was intended, it was usual to send an
advance party two days ahead to make necessary arrangements
for stay at the first halting stage. The noble's procession was
led by elephants and with flags, followed by the measurer of
way and a contingent of horses. Drum-beaters on elephant's
back came next. Trumpets were sounded off and on. Footmen
carrying the noble's insignia or flags followed. 85 At night
mashalchis with their lighted mashais (pots filled with oil in an
iron hoop and emitting light with a lot of stinking fumes),
marched ahead of the palanquin. 86 The noble was seated in a
palanquin if the weather was bad, otherwise he rode on the
back of a horse or an elephant. He was surrounded by servants
some of whom were busy beating away the flies, others carried
fans and cold water. The rear was made up of horsemen and
foot-soldiers who acted as an escort. Their number varied from
200 to 500, according to the status of the noble. 87
Armed escorts for travellers
It was equally necessary for merchants and travellers
to engage an escort, particularly when they carried some
merchandise. These people, armed with bows, arrows and
muskets, were a deterrant to robbers. 88 European travellers
lavish high praise on these escorts for their faithfulness to their
masters and for their honest dealings. Their services could be
had for Rs. 4 or Rs. 5 per month. 89 Sidi Ali Reis, who visited
India during Humayun's reign, refers to a particular tribe called
Bats who had taken it up as a regular profession. 90
Princesses' mode of travelling
Bernier has left for us an eye-withess account of the pro-
cession of Roshanara Begam. He could not conceive of an
"exhibition more grand and imposing." She sat in a beautiful
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 301
golden meghdambar on. a Pegu elephant. It was followed by five
or six other elephants, carrying other ladies of the royal house-
hold, in equally resplendent meghdambars. Surrounding the
princess were the chief eunuchs beautifully dressed and finely
mounted, each with a wand of his office in his hand. Her
female bodyguards, Tartars and Kashmiris, richly attired, rode
their handsome steeds. There were, besides, a large number of
eunuchs on horseback and foot-soldiers with canes in their
hands to clear the way, and whip away the intruders, if any.
These princesses were followed by the principal lady of the
court, mounted and attended to much in the same manner.
Fifteen or sixteen ladies of high rank would thus pass by with
"grandeur of appearance, equipage, and retinue more or less
proportionate to their rank, pay and office."
Jahanara, however, preferred to travel in a palanquin which
was covered with a rich cloth or net of gold. It was sometimes
ornamented with precious stones and pieces of looking-glass.
The eunuchs around it had peacock-feathers with handles of
enamelled gold-work or adorned with precious stones. The
palanquin moved very slowly and there were watermen in front
who sprinkled water to lay the dust. Scents and perfumes were
also kept by near the palanquin. The male attendants with
sticks of gold or silver in their hands called out : "Out of the
way, out of the way." 91
No one could dare cross till the royal procession had
passed, otherwise he was sure to be beaten back. Bernier
once escaped with his life with great difficulty. It was indeed
proverbial that three things were to be carefully avoided, the
first being getting among the choice horses where kicking
abounds, the second, intruding on the hunting-ground, and
the third, a too near approach to the ladies of the seraglio. 92
If any noble with his retinue happened to pass that way,
he would dismount and stand aside with his hands crossed
till the palanquin of the prince or princess came close ;
he would then respectfully bow and depart. It was customary
in Mughal times for a person of junior rank to show the same
civility to his superiors. Sometimes even the emperor and
the princes alighted from their palanquins as a mark of respect
to devout persons and waited deferentially till their carriage had
passed by. 93 Sometimes the emperor or the prince would send
309 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
a gift of several pieces of betel In a gold brocade bag ornamen-
ted with precious stones as a mark of honour to the noble
who waited. 94
Procession of an ambassador
An accredited ambassador's procession to the court of the
Great Mughal to present his credentials and have an audience
with the King was equally picturesque. The procession of William
Morris 95 included State horses richly caparisoned, trumpeters,
State palanquins, peons, lancers, players on hautboys, kettle-
drums and bagpipes, musketeers and archers in due order.
These were followed by a person of rank carrying a naked
sword and liveried servants on horseback. The Sword of
State was carried before the palanquin carrying the distinguished
ambassador. As many as 30 peons followed, bearing silver
lance and swords with scarlet scabbards. Close to this palan-
quin, on the left hand side, was carried a shield emblazoned
with the King's arms. There were in attendance two chief
peons carrying silver-gilt fanning feathers. Behind them were
members of the embassy seated in coaches. Some gentlemen
were on horseback. 96
POSTAL SYSTEM
General
The Indian postal system during medieval times did not
cater to the needs of the common man. There was no regular
provision for the carrying of public mail. But there were
excellent arrangements, as Le Bon puts it in his Civilization of
India, for carrying the King's mail. Letters and information
reached them quickly and properly. Ibn Batuta describes in
detail the postal system as it prevailed in or about 1324 A.D.
There were two kinds of couriers, horse and foot, posted at regular
intervals. Foot-couriers carried a whip in their hands about
two cubits long and small bells on their heads. 97 Nizam-ud-din,
author of the Tabaqat, praises the postal system of Sikandar
Lodi. 98 The King received daily the report of prices and
occurrences in parganas of his dominions." Babar tried to
improve upon it and ordered a tower to be built at every ninth
kuroh. At every 18th kuroh (13 or 14 miles) were to be kept
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 303
ready six post-horses for carrying the maii. 1(1 Its maintenance
expenses were to be borne by the master of the neighbouring
pargana. To facilitate communications Babar also ordered a
road to be built from Agra to Kabul. 101
Dak-chaukis
Sher S hall's sarais were also the stations of dak-chaukis
(mail stages). Two government horses were kept ready in each
sarai for carrying persons and despatches. By dak-chaukis
news reached him every day from Nilab and the extremity of
Bengal. 102 Akbar improved upon Sher Shah's system and
established throughout his dominions two horses and several
runners at every fifth kuroh. They were employed to convey
letters from and to court. Whenever a loyalfunnan or a letter
from a nobleman reached a chaukf, it was immediately conveyed
to the next chanki by a rider. According to Ferishta, 50 kurohs
were thus covered in 24 hours. A letter reached Ahmedabad
and Gujarat, a distance of about 500 miles, in five days. 103
Runners under Akbar and Jaliangir
Akbar had in his employment for an emergency 4,000
runners, some of whom would cover a distance of 700 miles in
ten days. 101 Pelsaert was surprised at the incredible speed with
which the royal letters were transmitted during Jahangir's lime.
Runners had been posted in the villages four or five kurohs 10 *
apart and they took their turn of duty day and night. As soon
as a letter was delivered, he would run wirh it and hand it over
to another messenger at the next chauki who would deliver it
to the next one, and so on. According to Tavernier, it was
thought inauspicious to hand over the letters. In fact, they
were thrown at the feet of the runner who would run with them
to the next stage. 106 The letters thus travelled day and night at
the speed of about 80 kos in 24 hours and reached their desti-
nations. 107 In some cases they covered as many as 50 to 100 /cos a
day. 1071 It is no wonder, then, that melons and oranges from
Karez and Bengal, situated at a distance of 1,400 and 1,000
miles respectively, were received in Delhi quite fresh. 108
Aurangzeb issued strict orders that postal runners were to
cover one jaribi m kuroh in one ghari. If a runner failed to
cover the fixed distance or reached the destination late, he
304 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
was fined. The fine amounted to one-fourth of his salary. It took
12 days for a runner to reach Delhi from Ahmedabad. In an
emergency, however, the distance was covered in a week. Tfye
local zsLmin&a,rs,faujdars and police officials were responsible
for the safety of these runners. Each province had a large
number of these posts or dak-chaukis. For example, there
were 20 dak-chaukis between Ahmedabad and Ajmer and 62
runners; 110 between Ahmeciabad and Bharoach, there were 16
posts and 35 runners. 111
Pigeons as letter-carriers
The Mughals did not practise the ancient custom of sending
letters through pigeons on any large scale. However, there
is a reference in the Ain to a special variety of pigeons known
as the "rath pigeons" which were trained to carry letters from a
great distance. 112 Jahangir observes that they would deliver
messages from Mandu (Malva) to Burhanpore normally in three
hours. But if the weather was bad, they took five to six hours. 113
Quli Ali of Bukhara, Masti of Samarqand, Mullazada, Sikandar
Chela, Haji Qasim of Balkh, Abdul Latif of Bukhara, Habib
of Shiraz were some of the famous pigeon-trainers during
Akbar's time. 114
Pigeons were also employed by the nobles to bring them
the news of the King's arrival at the Public Hall While the
noble kept himself in readiness at home, a servant with two
pigeons of different colours waited at the Hall. As soon as
the King left his palace, he would release a pigeon of a parti-
cular colour, thus conveying the news to his masters. 115
The Central Government was kept informed of happenings
in different parts of the country by the following agencies :
Public reporters
Waqai-navis : He was a public reporter, appointed by
the Central Government in each province to report to the
King the occurrences of those places. He received reports
from his agents appointed in the various parganas and incorpo-
rated what he thought suitable in the weekly provincial news-
letter. He had his clerks appointed in the offices of the subedar,
diwan 9 faujdar, kotwal, etc. The contents of his letters were
cpmmunicatcd to the subedar, and if he was posted to a field
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 305
' .army, to the genera! in .command, before they were sent to the
Emperor.
'Secret reporters
Sawanih nlgar or Khufia-navis (a secret news-writer) repor-
ted matters to the Emperor without any knowledge of the
provincial authorities. They resided and worked secretly in the
subas and sent their reports.
.Spies
Harkara literally, carrier of news was in fact a spy who
kept his agents in the office of the local authorities like waqai-
navis and sawanih nlgar. The harkara reported the news to
the governor of the suba and also sent closed envelopes to the
court.
Waqai was sent once a week, sawanih twice and the akhbar
of harkaras once a month. All these news-reporters worked
under the direction of darogah-i-dak-chauki or Superintendent
of Posts and Intelligence. All reports were received by him
and handed over to the wazir unopened for submission to the
Emperor. 116
Classes .of official letters
There were the following classes of official letters :farman 9
shuqqa, ahkam any letter addressed by the Emperor directly
to any other person, subject, prince, contemporary sovereign
was included ia this category ; nishan* a letter addressed by a
prince to anyone except the Emperor ; arzdasht, a letter from
any subject to the Emperor or a prince and also from a prince
to the Emperor ; hasb-ul-hukm, a letter written by a minister
under the directions of the Emperor ; ahkam and ramz 9 notes
and points dictated by the Emperor as material for official letters
to be later on drafted in the conventional style ; sanad, a letter
of appointment ; parwana, an administrative order or ruling to
a subordinate official, usually the result of a suit at court ;
dastak, a short official pass or permit for transit of goods ; and
ruqqa, a private letter. 117
The royal far mans, written in a large and beautiful hand on
paper sprinkled with gold dust, were sealed and rolled up and
put in a bag of cloth of gold, the mouth of which was tied with
: 306 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE:
' coloured strings and sealed with wax with seals of the Wazir^
Such bags were called khimtas. 11
Letters abroad
Special measures were adopted for the security of the letters-
sent ' abroad to emperors or principal ministers. Letters-
were enclosed in a large hollow cylinder of bamboo, with an
opening at one end and about two inches long. After putting in
the letter, this opening was sealed. Thus the letter was carried
neat and clean unaffected by rain or dust. 119
Royal treasury
- The royal treasury was transmitted to the Centre from the'
various parts in much the same manner as the mail. Unlike the'
mail, however, it changed posts on the frontiers of the provinces
only. The Sitbedar received it on the border of his province
and carried it to the fort under special supervision. He then
loaded the treasury into, another carriage and sent it onward
under heavy guard. 120 The same practice was followed by all
the Subedars till the treasury reached the Centre.
Private post
There were no regular arrangements for private post. It
was either entrusted to these agencies or in some cases des-
patched through special messengers, Hawkins refers to the
- news sent by the merchants of Goa about the arrival of English
'ships at the port. Three days after, news came of their arrival
at Surat. 121 Badaoni refers to regular correspondence and
even exchange of gifts between him and his friend Yaqub of
Kashmir. 122 The rich people and merchants had their own
special messengers. With a plume on their heads and bells
fixed to the belt, they would run at a steady pace. To avoid
fatigue, they took large quantities of opium. 153 Private individuals
utilised the services of a touring acquaintance to send letters*
to their friends or relatives in the areas he was likely to visit.
Despatch of money
An individual despatched money to distant places through
sarrafs who were scrupulously honest in their dealings. He
would hand over the amount to the sarraf who wrote on a
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 307
slip of paper in Hindi, without any seal or envelope 9 Instruc-
tions to their agents who worked in different parts of the
country. This paper was called kundi. On showing it, pay-
ment was at once made by the agent without any argument or
hesitation. Sometimes a person would sell the hundi at a small
discount. The purchaser would himself get the amount from
the proper place. 124 The traders would also sometimes place
their goods at the disposal of the sarrafs who would arrange to-
send them to their destination safely on some payment.
Sarais
Our study of the means of communication during medieval
time would not be complete without a reference to the sarais
or rest-houses. They were, in fact, means tor postal com-
munication and a halting stage for weary travellers. 125 "These
sarais/' to quote Dr. Qanungo, "were the veritable arteries of
the Empire, diffusing a new life among its hitherto benumbed
limbs. " lii6 European travellers pay handsome tributes to the
Mughal emperors for the construction and maintenance of
sarais throughout the length and breadth of the empire. 127
Some philanthropists also built sarais as an act of charity. 128
Akbar had given orders for the building of sarais throughout
his dominions. 129 Ain corroborates it. 130 Nicholas Withington,.
who visited India during Jahagir's time, found a sarai or a
lodging-house at every 10 kos. v There .were arrangements
for cooking and provisions for cattle. 131 The Emperor gave
orders for the construction of a milestone at each, kos and the
sinking of a well at every third mile. 132 He was very particular
that a sarai or a mosque be built near all those roads which
had been the scene of thefts and robberies. 133 Manucci, during,
Aurangzeb's time, saw these sarais on almost every route. But
they seemed to have been greatly neglected, for Norris found
them "dirty and nasty, fit for nobody but carters and camel
drivers." Bernier, too, is critical of these sarais where "men,,
women and animals were all housed together.'* 134 Manucci,
however, admires some of the big sarais which were like "forti-
fied palaces with their bastions and strong gates." They were
made of stone or of brick. Mandelslo praises the sarais
built at Agra where excellent arrangements had been made for
the stay and safety of the belongings. 135 Some of these sarais
3P8 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
were spacious enough to accommodate as many as 1,000
persons, camels and carriages. There were separate quarters
for men and women. 136 But perhaps the best sarai was that of
Begam Sahiba built at Delhi by Jahanara, the eldest daughter
of Shahjahan. 137 Bernier compared it to Palace Royale at'
Paris. 188 It had upper chambers, lovely gardens and orna-
mented reservoirs. 139 In this sarai stayed mostly rich merchants
from foreign countries with their merchandise from Persia,
Uzbekistan, etc. in complete safety. 140 Each sarai was under
the charge of an official who would close the gates at sunset
calling upon everyone to check his belongings. Before opening
the gates next morning, be would again request the inmates to
take care of their property. Gates were opened only after
everyone had satisfied himself about his things. If anything
was reported missing, gates were kept closed and a thorough
search was ordered and the thieves caught red-handed. 141
NOTES
1 . Rennei, Memoir of a Map of Hindostan or The Mogul
Empire, London, 1788, p. 255. For important routes see
Foster, Early Travels, p. 53 ; Purchas, India, Vol. X,
pp. 172-81.
2. Foster, English Factories in India (1665-67), p. 570. Also
see Sleeman, Rambles and Recollections, edited Smith,
1915, p. 301. As late as 1824 Bishop Heber wrote about
the miserable condition of the roads in Upper India.
"There are no roads at all and the tracks which we follow
are often such as to require care even on horseback."
3. For Sher Shah see T.A. 9 p. 232, Badaoni, I, p 472,
E & D, Vol. IV, p. 417 ; for Akbar's measures to build
bridges refer to Smith, Akbar, the Great Mogul, p. 413.
4. Roe's Embassy, 1899, p. 298 ; Tavernier, I, Chap. Ill,
p. 29 ; Foster, Early Travels, p. 314 ; W. Foster ; English
Factories (1646-80), p. 193.
5. Foster, Early Travels, p. 260.
6. Smith, op. tit., p. 357.
: 7. Tavernier, I, p. 28.
8, Ovington, p. 254 ; Early Travels, p. 311.
9. Ibid.
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 30?
10. Early Travels, p. 311 ; Sen, Travels ofThevenot and Careri,
p. 73.
11. Caesar Frederick, quoted by T.V. Mahalingham, Economic
Life in the Vijayanagar Empire, p. 153 .
12. Purchas, X, p. 98.
13. Thevenot, edition 1681, Chap. xxix.
14 Tavernier, p. 29.
15. De Laet, p. 83.
16. Terry in Early Travels by Foster., p. 312,
17. Manrique, II (1629-43), p. 145,
18. Samuel Purchas' India 9 pp. 78-79 ; also for Gujarat, Ain II
(Jarrett), p. 240.
19. T.V. Mahalingham, Life in the Vijayanagar Empire.,
p. 153.
20. Sen, op. cit., p. 75.
21. Each ox, according to Thevenot,. cost about 200 crowns*
Thevenot (Edition 1681), Chap. XXIX.
22. Mandelslo, III, p 122.
23. Sen, op. at., p. 73 ; Mandelslo, III, p. 65. For a beauti-
ful contemporary painting of a 'Bullock Chariot' by Abul
Hasan Nadiruz Zaman, the greatest painter of Jahangir's
time, refer to Shanti Swarup, The Arts and Crafts of India
and Pakistan, Taraporevala, 1957, facing page 14.
24. History of East Indies, Vol. I, pp. 288-89.
25. Tavernier, Chap. Ill, p. 29.
26. From Surat to Agra was 40 days journey and would cost
about Rs. 40 to Rs. 45. Tavernier, Chap. Ill, p. 29.
27. Sen, op. cit., p. 25.
28. J.S. Hoyland, The Commentary of Father S.J. Momerrate
on the Journey to the Court ofAkbar,p. 199.
29. Roe's Embassy, edited by Hakiuyt Society (1899), p. 6,!
30. S.M. Latif, Agra, Historical and Descriptive, p. 28.
31. Mandelslo, p. 65.
32. For a drawing showing a woman riding an ass refer
to Petermundy, II, p. 192. The ass is adorned with a
"collar of cocker (coche shell) bells almost as big as a hen's
eggs, a frontlet of netting work and beads, their horns tip-
ped with brass, etc." Ibid.
33. Roe's Embassy, p. 298.
310 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
33. 1 Sorley, H.T., Shah Abdul Lot if Bhatti, Oxford, 1941,
p. 89.
34. Petermundy, II, pp. 245, 291 .
35. Ain I, (1939), p. 151.
36. Ibid. i
37. Petermundy, II (p. 190) has kojavas (camel pannier)
covered with red.
38. Ain, I. pp. 152-53.
39. 76/rf., p. 138 ; also see Mandeislo, III, p. 65.
40. Ranking's Historical Researches, p. 286 ; for the use of
elephants in State processions refer to H.H. Das, Norrti*
Embassy to-Aurangzeb, Calcutta, 1959, p. 152.
4L Ain 9 I, op. cit., p. 129, The price of an elephant varied
from one lakh rupees to one hundred rupees. Ibid.,
p. 124-25.
42. fadshahnama, I, p. '967.
43. Ain, I, op. cit., p. 138.
44. Ain, I, op. cit., pp. 134-36.
45. Ain, I, op. cit,, p. 160.
46. Ibid., pp. 161-62.
\ 47. -4fti, 1, o/i. eft , p. 140,
48. Abul Fazl quoted by T.K. Raychaudhari, Bengal under
Akbar and Jahangir, 1953, pp. 1 92-93 ; Ain, Jarrett, II,
p. 350.
49. Ain, I, op. cit., pp. 143-44.
50. See Hobson-Jobson, p. 503 ; also see Sen, op. cit., p. 76.
51. Ibid. -i Ta vernier, I 9 Chap. Ill, p. 29.
52. Tbid.
53. For a contemporary painting refer to Plate XLII, Storia,
Vol. IV, facing page 122 ; also see Petermundy, II, p. 192.
54. Sen, op. cit., p 12 ; also see H.H. Das, Norris' Embassy
to Aurangzeb, Calcutta, 1959, p. 162.
55. T.K. Raychaudhuri, Bengal under Akbar and Jahangir,
1953, p. 192.
56. Storia, Vol. IV, Plate XLI $ facing p. 92.
57. Ain,.U 9 Jarrett (1891), p. 122 ; T.K. Raychaudhuri, op. cit.,
p. 192.
58. A.N., I, p. 203 ; Tr., I, p. 315.
59. Ain,-TL, revised Sarkar, p. 134.
60. Travels in India in the 17th Century, p, 187,
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 311
6L Sen, op. cit. 9 p. 76.
62. For a contemporary painting of Chandol refer to Plate
XXXIX, Storia, Vol. IV, facing page 32.
63. T.C. Das Gupta, Aspects of Bengali Society from Old
Bengali Literature, Calcutta, 1935, pp. 301-2.
64. Ain, I (Bloch), p. 275.
65. Ibid.
66. Petermundy, II, p. 19L
67. Ibid, p. 190 ; for a contemporary painting refer to Storia,
Vol. II, Plate XL, facing page 62.
-68. Storia, Vol. I, pp. 112, 158, etc ; also see Lalit Kala
Akademi, Miniatures, Paintings of Sri Moti Chand
Khajanchi Collection, Plate 68.
-69. Balakrishna, Commercial Relations between England and
India (1600-1757), pp. 279-81. Also see Moreland, India
at the Death of Akbar, p. 171 ; Tavernier, I, p. 128 ; II,
pp. 266-67 ; Voyagev ofPyrard De Laval, p. 182 ; Com-
missiarfs History of Gujarat > p.. 534,
70. Hamilton, I, p. 124.
71. Major, India, p. 27 ; Varthema, p. 154 quoted in T.V.
Mahalingham, Economic Life in Vijayanagar, 1954, p. 146.
72. Storia, I, p. 162. Also see Hamilton, I, p. 236.
73. Ovington, p. 280.
74. Chahar Gulshan, p. 40.
75. A.N., II, p. 76 ; Tr., II. p. 118.
76. 'Ain, Jarrett, II, 1891, p. 122., , ;
77. Chahar Gulshan, Cbalterman, p. 40 (MS.)
78. A.N., I, p. 360 ; Tr. 9 1, p. 364, f.n. 2.
79. Pinkerton's Voyages (Collections) ; Hamilton (1688-1723),
Vol. VIII, p. 307.
80, A.N., III, p. 85 ; Tr. HI, p. 120. Also see Qanom-U
Hwnayun, trans., pp. 42-44*
81. Qanoon-i-Humayun, trans., p. 45.
82. Mahalingham, op. cit^ p. 148.
83. Bernicr(189I),p. 215.
84. Bernier (edition revised by Smith), pp. 213-14.
85. Tavernier, I, Chap. Ill, p. 29. ;
,86. Travels in India in the 17th Century % p. 187.
312 ^ MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE
87. Roe's Embassy, p. 29S.
88. Tavernier, I, Chap. Ill, p-. 29, . ' :
89. Terry in Early. 'Travels; by Foster,, p. 31-4 ; Tavernier, I,.
Chap. Ill, p. 29,
90. Travels ofSidi All Reis, p. 351 .
91. Storia, I, pp. 220-21.
92. Bemier (1891), pp. 373-74. IB Persia, according to ther
traveller, things were much worse,
93. H.H.- Das, .Atoms' Embassy to.Aurangzeb, p. 207.
94. Sioria,'l 9 pp. 220-21... . .
95. Ambassador of King' William III of England to the Court
of Aurangzeib.
96. H.H. Das, ''Norr'is 9 Embassy, p. 206.
97. S. Lee, Travels oflbn Batuta, pp. 101-2.
98. The institution of dak-chaukis. is, however, attributed ' to-
Ala-ud-din Khalji. Whenever he sent an army or an
' expedition, it . was his ' practice to establish posts
on the road, and at every post relays of horses were
stationed. At every half or qiiarter kos runners were
posted, and officers and report- writers were appointed
The King would thus receive the news of his army's march
daily or after two or three days. Tarikh-i-Firoze Shahi,
E.&D., Vol. in,p,203., *. .
99. T.A., I, pp. 337-38.
100. B.N. (Bev.), II, pp. 629-30, ' .-
101. Also see #/., p. 626.
102. Ferishta, p. 228, quoted by' Qanumgo,. Sher Shah* p. 392. ;
103. Ferishta, Brigg^.'V6l II
104. Ferishta, I, p. 272: , , , , , .. v ;.-, ;,
1,05, : According t0 Hamilton,, at every 10th. mile. A New Account
of East Indies, Vol. I, p. 150. ;
W6.'.. Tavermer, p*. 100.;,;,; - . , . -. . ?
107. Jahangifs India, p. 58.
107. x Aw, I, p. 150. ,
108. Tuzuk, pp. 173-74, 21 1'. . . ;
109. One jaribi equalled 25 dham and. one-dhara amounted "to
42 fingers. . ' . ' . f !
110. The total pay of the./- tUnners between these chaukh,
amounted to Rs. 255.
MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCE 31$-
111. Mirat-i-Ahmadi (Bombay Edition), Vol. II, pp. 117-18*.
quoted In Islamic Culture, Vol. XVII (1944). % . -
112. Ain, I(Bloch),pi3l4.
113. Tuzuk (Lucknow Edition), p. 192,.
114 ^w(BIoch), p. 302. . ,
115. Storw, II, p. 407. '. ;
116* Mirat-i-Ahmadi 9 Sup. 185, Baharistan-i-Ghaibi (Paris. MSj
lOla) ; Alamgirnama, 1081, quoted In Sarkar, Mughal
Administration, pp. 71-75.
1 17. Sarkar, Mughal Administration,- pp. 233-34.
118. Ain, I, (1873), p. 264, Purchas, IX, 50 ; Sarkar, Mughal
Administration, pp. 235-36.
119. Ovington, p. 250.
120. Riyed-us-Salatin (Cal. ed.), p. 257. The royal treasury was.
shifted to Agra from Delhi on 1,400 Irabas or carriages
drawn by bullocks in the 9th year of Aurangzeb's reign,
S.M. Latif, Agra, Historical and Descriptive, p. 42.
121. Hawkins' "Voyages, Hak. Soc. 1877, pp. 81, 94.
122. Badaoni (MS.), pp. 44-45.
123. Pelsaert, Jahangir's India, p. 62.
124. See Khidasat-ut-Tawarikh. Also see Tavernier's Travels in
India, ed. by Ball, Vol. I, pp. 36-37 ; William Foster, The
English Factories in India (1637-1641), p. 84.
125. De Laet, p. 55,
126. Qanungo, Sher Shah, p. 392.
127. Foster, Early Travels, p. 311 ; Mandelslo, p. 65; Ovington,
p. 312 ; William Hawkins in Early Travels, p. 144 ; Storia,
I, p. 116; The Voyage of M. Joseph Salbancke through
India, Persia, part ofTurkie, the Persian Gulf and Arabia ;
Purchas' India, Vol. 3, p. 262.
128. Thevenot, Chap. XXXV.
129. A.N., III, p. 262 ; Tr., Ill, p. 381. Also see Storia, I,
p. 116.
130. Ain, I (Bloch), p. 232.
131. Early Travels, op. cit., p. 225. Also Finch in Ibid p. 179.
132. Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri (Urdu), p. 88.
133. Tuzuk4-Jahangiri (Lowe), p. 6,
134. Berruer, p. 235.
31.4 MODE OF TRAVELLING AND CONVEYANCB
135. Mandelslo, p. 35.
136. Storia, I, p. 68.
137. It was razed to the ground after the Mutiny.
138. Bernier, p. 28.
139. Storia, II, p. 83.
140. Bernier, p. 28.
141. Storia, I, p. 68,
CHAPTER 12
Literature
PERSIAN POETRY
Introduction
Persian poetry attained new heights under the inspiring
patronage of Mughal monarchs and their nobles. There is
hardly a chronicle of the period which does not refer to the
poetic celebrities that throve during the age. In fact, the period
was so deeply permeated with the spirit of poetry that every
educated person attempted versification of a fairly good order.
The unprecedented recognition of art by the Mughal court and
the Deccan rulers encouraged migration to India of a large
number of poets from Persia, Bukhara, Samarqand, etc., con-
vertijng the country into a veritable nest of singing birds.
It is interesting to note that Jami, the leader of the poetic
galaxy, was keen on visiting India during the reign ofBabar.
Even Hafiz could not resist the temptation of such a visit, and
would have certainly reached India but for a cyclone that made
him change his mind. The experience is effectively epitomised
in the following couplet:
The hope of finding pearls made the hazards of voyaging
appear insignificant in the beginning. But sorry, I have
erred, for even a hundred pearls are not worth the perils
of a single stormy wave.
Abul Fazl enumerates 75 poets who came to India dur-
ing Akbar's time. This influx of poets continued during, the
reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan. Some of the immigrant
316 LITERATURE'-
poets, were weighed In silver. The Mughal emperors were extre-
mely liberal in their patronage of poetry. Some of the
poets were even appointed commanders of 5,000 for example,
Ghaznavi, and Zaya Khan. Jagirs were granted to Ghazali,.
Faizi, Hayati and many others for the excellence of their poems.
Huge rewards in cash were also given. Besides the emperors,
nobles and grandees patronised poetry. Abul Path Giiani, Abdur
Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, Ali Quli Khan, Khan-i-Zaman, Zafar
Khan, Khan-i-Azam Kokaltash, ( and the famous Ibrahim Adil
Shah II of Bijapur were known for their liberal patronage of
poets and scholars. Zafar Khan, Governor of Kashmir, is said
to have prepared a bayaz which contained the selective poems of
each poet in his own hand with his .photograph on the reverse.
It was in this congenial atmosphere that Persian poetry
thrived and lured Iranian poets to come to India and enjoy th*
admiration which was withheld in their own country.
Ali Quli Salim of Tehran says:
Iran hardly offers palpable means for achieving perfection;
Henna acquires no colour
until it finds its way to India.
Kalim says : :
LITERATURE 317
A captive of India that I am,
I regret this enforced journey.
But whither shall this wing-flutttering
cany the lacerated bird ?
Kalim goes lamenting towards Iran
dragged by the company of eager fellow-travellers,
covering like the camel bell
each stage of the journey as on others" feet.
Drawn by love and fondness for India.,
I look back with such intense longing
that even if I set my face unto
the road nothing meets my eye.
Mirza Saib 9 who flourished during Aurangzeb's reign
when the patronage of Persian poetry had certainly received a
setback due to the orthodox views of the Emperor, says:
Like the desire to go to India which prossesses every heart,
there is not a head which does not dance to the tune of
thy love.
Thus there were quite a large number of poets to illumine
the Indo-Persian poetry during the Mughal period. The con-
temporary Safavi court could not boast poets of equal merit or
originality. It was not lack of genius, but of court patronage that
was mainly responsible for this setback. To borrow the words
of Dr. Hermann Ethe, these poets of the 16th and 1 7th centuries
produced the "Indian Summer of Persian Poetry." Strong
national sentiments of the Persians had made them rather
chary of recognizing the poetic talents of the Indians Hadi
Hasan in his Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical Value
has examined the views of Iranians and the Europeans about
Mughal poetry. He comes to the conclusion that. "Persian criti
cism of Mughal poetry is altogether vague." Browne has tried
to analyse the reasons for the denunciation of Mughal poetry by
Persians "disparagement of national heroes and monuments,
the use of unfamiliar words, the distortion of the meaning of
318 LITERATURE
familiar words, the coinage of new words, and above -all, the
hair-splitting subtlety of the Indian mind which makes the
sweetheart's mouth the end of a hair and then literary splits the
hair." The disapprobation of the Persian works Atashkada by
Lutf Ali Beg Azar and the Majma-ul-Fusaha by Riza Quli
Khan is sweeping in the case of poets who came to
India.. They praise all those poets who stayed on in Iran and
find fault with such well-known masters of style as Faizi,* Urfi,
Zuhuri and Saib. In most cases no critical account is given
about the poetical demerits of these poets except advancing the
plea that "they were not liked by Persians in that age." How-
ever, there were independent critics who did riot hesitate to pro-
perly evaluate the contribution of these poets of Mughal India.
"After Jami," writes Gibb, "Urfi and Faizi were the chief
Persian influences on Turkish poetry." Nefi, the greatest Tur-
kish poet of the 17th century, is seen vying with Urfi, and it is
significant that some of the best qasidas and diwans of Urfi are
found in the libraries of Ankara and Instanbul.
The main themes of the Persian poets in India were : my-
sticism ; divine love ; beauty of the sweetheart ; praise of God,
Prophet and the beloved.
Waqai-goi, masalia, mazmun afrini and khial bandi were
the chief features of the poetry produced during the period. All
forms of poetry ghazals, qasidas, qitas were produced in abun-
dance during the Mughal period. Most of the poets, however,
expressed themselves through the medium of ghazal. Shibli rightly
calls it the "age of ghazals. 9 "
In the sphere of ghazals, Urfi of Shiraz, Saib Tabrizi,
Naziri Nishapuri, Hakim Shafai, and Ali Naqi excelled others.
Among the qasida writers, Urfi, Zuhuri and Talib Amuii distin-
guished themselves. In the sphere of masnavis there was some
definite deterioration. It was no longer the medium of expres-
sion for moral or historical themes in a simple and unrhetorical
style. Kalim's Shahjahan-Nama, written In a highly ornamental
style, may' be cited as an example. Rubai (quatrain) provided
a convenient medium to the poets to tackle different philoso-
phical themes, There was, however, a significant departure
from the traditional style. An attempt was made to express an
idea in one verse which was usually done in two or three verses.
It made it difficult for the reader to comprehend the true
LITERATURE 319*
meaning. Naziri and Sarmad were the two well-known rubai
writers of the period.
Urfi, Qudsi, Talib Amuli, Anwari and Muhammad Ian
excelled in the composition of qasidas. Urfl was the creator of
anew style in this particular branch of poetry. -The "novelty
in this style lay, apart from the introduction of a number
of fresh terms into the conventional vocabulary of poetry, in the
deposition of rhetoric from the chief seat and the enthronement
of loftiness of tone and stateliness of language in its stead."
Shibli -gives him the lofty title of the "king of qasidas: 9 Qudsi
no doubt lacked Urfi's forceful diction and Amuli's metaphors-
and similes. Yet he surpassed both in his originality of themes.
Qudsi presented a beautiful qasida to Shahjahan in 1145 A.H.
The Emperor was so much pleased with his performance that
he was weighed in silver. Talib Amuli's compositions are
characterized by the novelty of themes, figurative language, and
fine allegories and metaphors. I have taken note of some of
the important Persian poets during the Mughal times in the
following pages.
Babar
The first of the Mughals, Babar (1483-1530), 1 was not
only a very successful warrior and ruler, but also a man of
letters, a poet and calligrapher. He was "the last point of
connection between Turki and Persian and a singular exception
to the almost recognised practice of the literature of his time
in leaving his memoirs in the Turki dialect." Fresh from
Turkistan, his partiality for Turki, his native tongue, was but
natural. He tried to keep Turki on a par with the acknowled-
ged Persian of his court. He was* however, fond of Persian,
and quoted frequently from well;known classical poets of Persia,
such as Firdausi, Nizami, Saadi, Hafiz, Jam! and others. He
also composed verses in Persian. Some of his verses written
in refined, elegant and simple Persian have come down to us-
under the pen-name of Babar:
320 LITERATURE
The New Year, the spring, the wine and the beloved
are joyful ;
' Babar, make merry 9 for the world will not be there
for you a second time.
Sometimes, however, this lively Padshah expressed feelings
of repentance in his verses. When he fell ill in 1525 A ; D., he
considered his illness to be divine punishment for his frivolous
poetry, and after having asked God for mercy, "I broke my
pen." Addressing Khwajah. Nasir-ud-Din Ubaidullah, he says :
f 4 ^
We have frittered our life away
pandering to our misdirected passions
And are really ashamed of
our actions before godly beings.
Abul Fazl and Nizara-ud-Bin, the author of the Tabaqat-
i-Akbari, praise him for his very ''charming verses." Babar's
language is chaste, simple and fresh. Nizam-ud-Din calls him
master of the art of poetry. According to Abul Fazl, he also
wrote Masnavi-i-Mubin (Mubayyan), a didactic masnavi in
Persian. It was a versified treatise on Muhammadan Law and
Theology. Babar was also an anthologist and is said to have
collected some of the choicest poems both in Persian and Turki.
The poetical talent of Babar was inherited by most of his
, children.
Qandhari and Wafai
The most important among the talented poets who had
accompanied Babar to India were Atashi Qandhari 2 and Zain-
ud-Din Wafai. 3 Atashi wrote beautiful verses. Badaoni quotes
several of them in his Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. Here is a verse
composed by him :
- -
LITERATURE 32!
.Behold, my tears in thy absence
have by and by swelled into a sea.
Come, seat thyself in the boat of my eye
and go promenading all over,
He died in Lahore in 1565 A.D. Wafai excelled in chrono-
grams and enigmas. According to Badaoni, Wafai was one of
the greatest scholars of the age. He translated Turk! memoirs.
of Babar into Persian and wrote a commentary on Mubayyan,
a treatise written, by Babar on Hanafi jurisprudence.
MulJa Shihab-ud-Din, better known as Mulia Shifaab, 4
was reputed for his enigmas. According to Nizara-udDin P .
his poetical name wasHaqiri. Maulana Baqai 5 is also said to
have written a masnavi in the metre of the Makhzan-i-Asrar.
With the accession of fHuraayun, 48 a new era bcgaa in
the history of Persian literature. It marked a distinct break
with Turki, the native language of the Timurids and gave a
new impetus to Persian.. Humayun used Turki rarely and that
too only in his confidential talks. The Emperor had a metrical
turn of mind, and according to Nizam-ud-Din, he wrote beauti-
ful verses. He had composed a diwan which was in. the Imperial
Library during Akbar's time.. His diwan consists of 246 verses,
comprising l6ghazats,'6Q quatrains, a masnavi and fords* The
Patna manuscript of the diwan of Humayun is perhaps the world's
solitary copy. He composed all kinds of poetry except qasidas
and qitas, but was specially good at rubai and ghazal Simplicity ^
brevity and compactness are the features of his poetry.
Humayun was a mystic and had some foreboding of his
death when he composed this verse :
O God, with Thy infinite grace , make me wholly Thine :
make me a gnostic of Thy Special Substances (Names and
Attributes). I am sore oppressed by the tyranny of reason :
322 LITERATURE
call me Thy madman and rekase me from earthly bondage.
(Translation by Ha di Hasan)
His poems abound In metaphors. When Humayun was
in exile,, he wrote to Shah Tahmasp :
All kings desire the shadow of the huma but here is Huma
(Humayun) who fs seeking the shadow of a king.
Sometimes Humayun corrected the compositions of other
poets. A few instances have been cited by Badaoni in his
Muntakhab'iit-Tawarikh.
aid
Gulbadan Begum compoesd verses. Beveridge quotes
one of her couplets from the Tazkirat-ul-Khawatin :
A beauty that is unfahhful to the lover
Believe me, she will always find life untrue to her.
; Kamran 7 also was a poet of some distinction. Hadi
Hasan quotes his congratulatory poem presented to Humayun
when he ascended the throne in 937 A.H. :
May thy realm perpetually increase; may thy star
continue to rise !
May the dust of thy road be the antimony for my eyes
dejected as I am !
. , May the dust which rises from the road traversed by
the beloved (Lay la) settle in the eyes of the lover
(Majnuri), its proper place !
May a hundred Dariuses and Fariduns be thy slaves,
like me I
Whosoever doth not encompass thee (with his love), may
he be expelled from the vault of heaven /
Kamran, so long as the world lasts, may Humayun be
the king of the world !
Humayun gathered around him a galaxy of poets.
Maulana Wahid-ud-Din Abu Wajid 8 excelled all in the compo-
sition of poetry and was given the title of Amir-ul-Shoara or
LITERATURE 323
chief of the poets. His poetry Is full of pathos and pangs
.of spiritual love.
Maiilana Qasim-i-Kahi 9 wrote simple and sweet verses.
Abu! Fazl counts - him among the. foremost poets of Akbar's
court. Badaoni considered him to be unrivalled in the coin-
position of chronograms. His poems were very popular among
the Sufis. Here is a beautiful verse composed by Kahi:
Over my grave it is not the Narcissus that
appears to have blossomed. In fact ft is
my very eye that has turned white after long waiting.
He compiled a diwan consisting of qasidas, masnavis,
rubais and ghazah. He wrote a masnavi, Gul Afshan y in reply
to the Boston of Saadi. Both Badaoni and Abul Fazl admire
the simplicity and sweetness of his verses.
Kahi flourished during the reigns of Humaynn and Akbar,
.and is said to have attained the age of 1 20. He received a
reward of one lakh tankas (Rs. 5 5 000) from Emperor Akbar for
an ode in which the word 'fiF elephant occurred in each
verse. ^ . '.'-..
Hadi Hasan has quoted the entire' Ode in his work A
Golden Treasury of Persian Poetry :
Seeing the fondness of my beloved for elephants, / have
spent the cash of my life on the path of the elephant.
Like an elephant I throw dust on my head wherever I go,
if I do not -sec i.iy mahout on my head.
So that ^my love imy wax every moment that mahout drives
his raging ei-phaat very close to me.
I want to trumpet like a mad elephant all the time so that
I my disclose my hidden secret.
I repeat, 'tis better to hide love : 'tis best to control my
tongue like an elephant.
At the feet of the king's elephant (Bishop), Qasim-i-Kahi
324 LITERATURE
laid his face (castle) : this was his final move on the
chess-board of life.
The king who overthrows elephants is Jalal-ud-Din Muham~
mad Akbar he who bestows golden elephants on
his poets.
May the elephant of the sky be under the goad of his.
authority so that it may recognise its master^ the Lord
of Conjunction,
Kahi had no scruples to steal Ideas from others. When
someone pointed It out to him, he replied, "I have never asked
you to believe that my poems were wholly mine. If they please
you not, take a pen-knife and erase them from the copies of
my diwan." He led a free and unconventional life and earned
the enmity of the orthodox Badaoni and others.
Manila Janubi
Maulana Janubi 10 (Januni, according to Badaoni) was-
known for his qasidas and the 38 couplets he wrote in honour
of the Emperor,
According to Professor Ghani, "the tendency to create-
subtleties in the use of figures of speech and exhaust skill on
the artful devices, which is a striking feature of the later Mughal
age, is also visible in his writings." For example, .he says:
The Emperor of Faith and the King of the Age
Became victorious through his good fortune,
Tdrir
Shah-Tahir Dakhan 11 was well-versed in natural and des-
criptive poetry and also composed astronomical verses. He was,
according to Ghani, an excellent poet and author of several-
poetical works consisting mostly of masnavis and qasidas in
praise of Humayun and Nizam Shah BiharL
Shaikh Abul Wajid and Khawaja Ayub 12 were
the other two well-known poets of the period. The for-
LITERATURE 325
met had specialised in ghazals, while the latter wrote all kinds
of poetry ghazals, masnavis, rubais and qasidas.
'Bairam Khan
Bairam Khan lS could compose verses both in Turki and
Persian. He compiled -a diwan containing verses in both these
languages. Though a few IB number, his poems touch the heart,
.and leave a lasting impression. Bairam patronized many a
poet. It was under his patronage that Naziri Samarqandi took
up the writing of Shaknama-i-Httmayim.
Akfesir
Akbars reign 14 marks a new epoch in India's literary
history. The rapidly dwindling influence of Turki reached its
final sjage. The break with Turfd was complete. It no longer
enjoyed the patronage of the Emperor who hardly understood it.
We find no Turkish work included in the inventory of books
given by Abul FazI, nor Is there any recorded instance of his com-
posing verses in Turki or even reciting one from the works of
others. The same is true of the contemporary works of Bada-
onL Nizam-ud-Din and a score of others.
Akbar was a great lover of Persian literature and himself
composed verses. Abul Fazl writes: "The inspired nature of
His Majesty is strongly drawn to the composing of Hindi and
Persian poetry and is critical and hair-splitting in the niceties of
poetic diction "
Here is a verse composed by Akbar:
In Majnun's neck is not a chain to restrain Ms madness :
love hath put the arm of friendship round his neck.
(Translation by Hadi Hasan)
On the assassination of Abul Fazl, the Emperor cried
-out in grief:
LITERATURE:
Shaykh comes to us
with such intense fondness
That he has literally prostrated
himself in eternal service for us,
Akbar also quoted verses from standard Persian poets and
knew the Diwan-i~Hafiz by heart. Once a poet quoted the
verse of Fighani:
Messiah as comrade, Khizr as guide and Jesus
riding by his side
in such fashion comes my glorious sun, Fighani.-
Akbar at once corrected:
7w such fashion comes my glorious horseman^ O Fighani
Akbar's patronage attracted a galaxy of poets and scho-
lars from far and wide. Shibli Nuarnani, author of Sher-ulr
Ajam, gives a list of 51 poets who were attached to the court. 16
Most of them had migrated to India from Persia. Sprenger
gives a still longer list. 16 Abul Fazl informs us that -"thou-
sands of poets are commonly at the court and many among them
have compiled a diwan or have written a masnavi.^ He men-
tions the best among them numbering 59 ? 17 while Tabaqat-i~
Akbari is gives a list of 81 and Badaoni 19 enumerates no less-
than 168 poets,
Mulla Ghazali Mashhadi (c. 974-980 A.M.) 20 was the first
Malik-ul-Shoara or poet-laureate of the great Mughals. He
was reputed for his great talent and unrivalled poetic expression.
LITERATURE 327
He composed several masnavts of which Mashhad-i- Anwar,
MiraUut-Safat and Naqsh-i-Badi are well known. Khan
Zaman enjoyed the latter work'so much that he gave ten thou-
sand gold mohrs to the poet. A copy of his diwan called Asar-ul-
Shahab is available in the Asiatic Society of Bengal Library.
Mirat-ul-ulam mentions two books written by him, namely
Asrar-i'Maktum and Rashhat-ul-Hayat to which Haft Aqlitn
adds a third: Mirat-ul-Kainat. Badaoni and the Mirat estimate
his verses at 40 to 50 thousands, Haft-Aqlim at 70,000 and
Tabaqat-i- Akbari at 100,000. Here is a verse by Ghazali :
Ghazali, I avoid the friend who speaks well of the evil
Ido^
1 'prefer the simple-hearted fellow who, like a mirror, reveals
my faults to me,
Faizi- '-. "
Shaikh Abui Faizi (A.D., 1547-1595) 21 is by common
consent among the three greatest Persian poets of the century,
the others being Baba Fighani and Urfi of Shiraz. He represents
a synthesis of the Iranian and Indian poetical traditions. Accord-
ing to Shibli Nuamani, he was "one of the two Indian poets
who wrote Persian which would, pass as the work of a genuine'
Persian." Saib, the greatest poet of Shahjahan's reign, calls him
Shirin Kalam. Gibb, in his History of Ottoman Poetry, says
that "after Jami, Urfi and Fayzi were the chief Persian influences
on Turkish poetry until they were superseded by Saib." The
title of Malik-ul-Shoara was conferred on him after Ghazali.
He composed a diwan entitled Tabashir-us-Subh which
consisted of qasidas, ghazah\ tarikh bands, elegies, qitas, qua-
trains, etc. The first edition of this diwan contained about
6,000 verses ; the second was enlarged,, and it consisted of
9,000 verses. The third edition, containing 12,000 verses, was
perhaps compiled after Faizi's death. Paizi also took up the
composition of khamseh, the five poems being Markaz-ul-Adwar
written after the style of Nizami's Makhzan-u!~Asrar y Sulaiman-
32 8 LITERATURE
o-Bilqis to correspond to Nizam i's Shirin-u-Khusrau, Nal-Daman
x>f 4,000 verses in imitation of Laila-Majnun, Haft-Kiskwar in
imitation of Haft Paikar, and Akbar-Nama 9 but the last two
works remained incomplete. He also composed a masnavi on
the conquest of Ahnaedabad by Akbar in 1573 A.D. and eiititled
it Zafamama-i-Ahmedabad.
Faizi's poetry, mostly lyrical,, is tinged with mysticism and
abounds in philosophical ideas. He introduced historical
material which helped to widen its scope. There is emotion
and strength in his poetry. He rightly says :
This wine that bubbles forth from my cup
fs in fact the very blood welled up from intellect.
Even Badaoni, his bitterest critic., could not help praising
Faizi for his remarkable composition of Nal-Daman. According
to him,
f^^
(This is in fact, a masnavi, the like of which has hardly
been written all these hundred years following Amir Khusrau.)
On the death of his 3-year-old child, Faizi says :
O light of my bright eyes, how art thou ?
Without thee my days are dark, without me how art thou ?
My house is a home of mourning in your absence
Thou haih made thou abode beneath the dust^ how art thou?
Urfi SMrazi
Maulana Jamal-ud-Din Muhammad "Urfi" (A.D. 1556-
1591)2-2 j s "p ro |5 a |3]y on the whole the most famous and popular
LITERATURE 329
poet of his century." Badaoni concurs with this view and adds
that fci there is no market, nor street where booksellers do not
stand holding in their hands poetic collections of Urfi. The
people of Iraq and India buy them as a token of blessing."
Urfi had attached himself to Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan
after the death of his former patron, Hakim Abul Path. His
fame rests chiefly on qasidas. Important features of his poetry,
according to Shibli, are forceful diction, new and original
combination of words, fine metaphors and similes, lofty
thoughts and vigorous themes. Faizi praises him for the sweet-
ness of words, rapidity of thoughts, and minuteness of ob-
servations.
Urfi's diwan comprising 26 qasidas, 270 ghazals and 700
qitas and quatrains was compiled in 1598 A.D. According to
Shibli, there were 14,000 verses in. his diwan. His first diwan,
consisting of 6,000 couplets, was lost.
Besides a diwan, Urfi's works include a number of treatises
called the Nafslyya dealing with mysticism, a short masnavi in
imitation of Nizami's Makhzan-ul-Asrar and another in imita-
tion of KJmsrau-wa-Shirin of Nizami.
In spite of his undoubted talents, Urfi was not able to
gain favour in higher circles due to his intolerable conceit and
arrogance.
Rahim
Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan 2s wrote under the pen-name
of Rahim. According to Shibli Nuamani, he would have com-
peted with Urfi and Naziri, had he devoted himself to poetry.
Abul Fazl writes that he was a versatile man who composed
verses in Persian, Arabic, Turki, Sanskrit and Hindi.
Khan-i-Khanan was famous for his patronage of men of
letters not only in India but also in Iran and even in Turkistan.
Many Persian poets, such as Rasmi Qalandar and Kausari, paid
him compliments even in the face of Shah Abbas of Persia.
Kausari said that among the aesthetes of the age, there was
no such purchaser of words as Khan-i-Khanan. Urfi, Shakibi,
Hayati, Rasmi, Naui, Sanai, Kafavi and even Naziri, Zuhuri,
Qumrai, and Kahi received handsome rewards for their
330 LITERATURE:
poetic talents from Khan-i-Khanan. He got Naui Shirazi
weighed in gold. When Nazlri desired to see a heap of OBC
lakh silver coins, Khan-i-Khanan not only arranged such a heap-
but also sent the money to him.
Zuhuri
Mulla Nur-ud-Din Zuhuri (died 1616 A.D.), 24 the cofort
poet of Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur, has been highly
praised by Saib and Ghalib. He has been hailed asa
saviour who gave a "new foundation to the dilapidated struc-
ture of the old style of prose and poetry and saved it from total
collapse." He played an important role in bringing about a
literary revival in India and as such occupies a high place both
among its contemporaries and earlier writers. Faizi calls him
"an extremely elegant poet." Zuhuri's works are marked by
imagination and subtleties which he created by giving figurative .
touch to his composition.
Zuhuri was a great stylist. Although it is not easy to
understand his writings,' Ali Quli Walih Daghistani (author
of Riyaz-us-Shoara) calls him, "a master of language like of
whom not seen or heard of." Saib, the great Persian poet,
pays him the following tribute:
Saib, we were rather aliens to the ornate style of ghazal .
And it is, indeed, Zahuri whom we all owe our knowledge-
ability in the genre.
Among the poetical works of Zuhuri are Saqi-Nama in
praise of Burhan Nizam Shah, a masnavi and kulliayat or a
diwan comprising qasidas, masnavis and rubais totalling 417
folios of large foolscap size. The manuscript of the diwan is
available in the Rampur State Library. It is said that Burhan
Shah was so much pleased with his Saqi-Nama that lie sent to
the poet a reward of several elephants loaded with gold, silver
and other presents. Zuhuri was sitting in a coffee house at that
LITERATURE 33 T
time, smoking tobacco. He distributed the whole amount there -
and then, and wrote back:
They surrendered and I surrendered.
Qummi
Mulla Qummi (died 1615 A.D.) 25 produced some of his -
finest works under the patronage of Murtaza Nizam Shah
(1565-86 A.D.). He is the author of several masnavis as Asrar-i-
Aimma, Manba-ul-Anhar 9 a masnavi divided into 17 nahrs*&
mystical masnavi in the style of Sanai's Hadiqa, another name-
less masnavi besides a bulky diwan of poems.
Abu Talib Kalim, the poet-laureate of Shahjahan's court,
pays tribute to Malik Qumnii by acknowledging him the king
of kings of the realm of ideas, and the chief of the masters of
speech. Iskander Munshi, the famous author of the Alamara-
i-Abbasi calls both Zuhuri and Malik Qummi "lustre of
the poets of the age and distinguished among their contempo-
raries." There is an elegance and polished force and vigour of
expression, skill in the technique of versification, spontaneity
and sincerity of utterances which mark the poetical works of
Qummi. His Saqi-Nama is a piece of unpassioned utterance...
It is surcharged with lyricism and subjectivity and is knit up
into a perfect literary piece of artistic effect.
Naziri
Muhammad Hosain Naziri of Nishapur (d. 1612 A.D.), 26
the chief lyric poet at the time of Akbar, flourished under the
patronage of Khan-i-Khanan. He wrote qasidas in praise of
Akbar, Jahangir, Murad and Khan-i-Khanan. Jahangir re-
warded him with a robe of honour and a purse of one thousand
rupees when he recited a qasida on his coronation. But it is in
the sphere of ghazals that he gained celebrity. According to
Ghani, the chief merits of his ghazals are : the use of simple,
sweet and colloquial words; the coining of new words and sugges-
tive compositions; and consistency in thought and. expression. Like-
a clever painter, he gives a lively touch to love, its joys and..
332 LITERATURE
passions, grief and happiness. Saib, the poet-laureate at the
1" court of Iran, says in one of his verses that he could not
compete with Naziri. He preferred Naziri to Urfi.
What is r his wild idea, O Saib, of becoming Naziri ? Even
Urfi could not compete with Naziri in poetry.
Naziri, who was eager to visit Mecca, wrote to his patron
KJhan-i~Khanan:
Through thy beneficence I have enjoyed all the pleasures of
this world.
What wonder if through thee, 1 should (also) obtain provision
for the other world.
Khan-i-Khanan provided him with the money.
Saib, Mirza Jala! Asir, a poet of the later period, and
Mirza Ghalib all have praised Naziri for his wonderful odes.
He was a man of orthodox views and sometimes wrote verses
attacking "the heretic Abul Fazl."
Jahanglr and Nerjaliae
Jahangir 27 was a gifted poet. Like Babar's memoirs, his
autobiography Tusuk-i-Jahangiri is full of quotations from the
classical poets and gives specimens of the Emperor's own poetry.
The Emperor's love of wine is well known. He refers to it in
one of his verses :
The cup of wine is enjoyed best amidst vegetation,
LITERATURE
And the dense clouds ab&ve call for wine galore.
Here is another verse by Jahangir :
Numerous poetic exchanges have been recorded between
Jahangir and Nurjahan, though contemporary authorities are'
silent on this point. For example, expressing the intensity
of his love, Jahangir once said :
/ am not the nightingale to fill the air with my plaintive
cries ;
I am a moth that dies without uttering a single fnoan,
Nurjahan replied :
/ am not the. moth that burns itself instantaneously;
I -suffer a lingering death like the candle which bums through
the night without a murmur.
Once Jahaagir said :
Whv d<* <>ld
backs be, it ?
Nurjahan at once replied :
experienced people go about with their
334
the days of their youth under dust.
neatly fond of rhymed ghazals and could
rt demerits of a poem. According to Maulana
judge the mer^s ana dements ol r ^ on a poetical com .
Shibli Naurnam, his *as
position.'
TalibAnsuli AD) 28 was the greatest poet of
Talib Ann* (d. 162,^ ^ ' ureate was conferred on
( he was only 20 years old. He was well
but his chief claim lies in ghazal-
^tccmedin India for his marvellous
i the invention of fresh and picturesque
ome of them very sweet and delicate.
e the chief features of his poetry. "His
removed from the highly coloured
him m
wri tmg.
a nd
sidles and
Simplicity
M
01
sh od compose 50 to 60 verses in two
hours. His famous qaS ida of 50 to 60 verses m pra.se
his proposed visit to
India.
(He says that one should not take a black thing to India.
Therefore, black luck should be left in Pers.u itself.)
LITERATURE 335
After his initial failure In India, he went to Qandhar to
seek service under Ghazi Khan, the governor. In touching
verses he gives expression to his feelings on leaving Lahore and
.Delhi. About Lahore he says :
Talib was a great favourite of Itmad-ud-Dawlah, who
made him Keeper of the Seal. It was a respectable post. But
Talib was born only for poetry.' As he performed his duties
carelessly, many irregularities were committed by him, and he
was ashamed of his conduct. Ultimately, he presented a qasida
to his patron, requesting him to relieve him of his duties. He
says. : . '
1 am thy old and trusted servant ; and now thou art entrust-
ing me with thy seal
When I have thy love, do I need thy seal ?
Better far to have thy mihr (love) ihan to have thy muhr
' (seal).
(Translation by Hadi Hasan)
Once, under the influence of liquor, Jahangir ordered that
his favourites and intimate friends should attend his bazm (assem-
bly) clean-shaven. Talib did not obey this order, and wrote to
the Emperor :
LITERATURE
336
Thy bazm fe a paradise ; and I, an umhaved fellow, have no
place in it.
A. few other selected verses by Talib AmuK :
To the abuses hurled at me I reply with blessings, lam like
a cloud which takes up salt water (or bitter water) and
returns sweet water.
The world is an insipid place. It is, ihou wouldst my, the
mouth of a patient,
A helpless person should be attended to immediately. A
pitcher having a broken handle should be lifted with both
hands.
Shahjahan and Mumtaz Mahal
Though Shahjahan's main interest was in architecture and
he left a number of magnificent buildings including the world
famous Taj Mahal for the posterity to admire, he was a great
patron of learning. Many a poet flourished during his time.
Shahjahan is also said to have composed verses. Hadi
Hasan has quoted some of these verses in his works Mughal
Poetry : Its Cultural and Historical Value and A Golden Treasury
of Persian Poetry,
Shahjahan and Mumtaz Mahal were once watching the
River Jamuna from their palace. The water of the river leapt and
foamed on the stones below. To pay tribute to his wife, the
Emperor said:
LITERATURE
337
To see the lustre of thy face the river cometh all this way.
Mumataz Mahal replied :
And because of the awe of the king of the world (i.e.
Shahjahan) it dasheth its head against the stones.
The duty to awake Shahjahan from sleep was entrusted to
a maid-servant of Mumtaz Mahal.. Once misjudging the time,
she awoke the Emperor before dawn. Shahjahan lost his
temper. He said to Mumataz Mahal :
Her head (the maid-servant's) must be chopped off.
Mumtaz Mahal replied :
I/
The head of that bird should be chopped off which has sung
before its time, for what does this fairy-creature know of
dawn or dusk ?
Qudsi
A native of Mashhad, Haji Mohd Jan Qudsi (died 1646
A.D.) 29 came to India after finishing his education in Mecca
and Madina, and attained the coveted position of poet -laureate
after the death of Talib Amuli. Shahjahan once honoured
Qudsi by filling seven times his mouth with jewels as a reward
for his verses. He was weighed against silver in 1045 A.H. for
.a qasida. Inside the famous Peacock Throne were inscribed in
enamel Qudsi's 20 verses by Shahjahan's order. Had! Hasan
338
LITERATURE
quotes them in full along with their English translation in his-
work, Mughal Poetry : its Cultural and Historical Value.
Hail the auspicious throne of the King, completed by the
grace of God !
For its construction, Heaven melted, first of all, the gold of
the sun.
By the Emperor's order, the blue of the sky went to the
enamelling of the throne. Of what use are jewels and gold
save to embellish this throne ? For this purpose were the
sea and the mine created.
Qudsi contributed much to Persian poetry by composing
qasidas and ghazals of a lofty nature. His poetry, however
lacks the depth of Faizi
He' wrote a masnavi on the exploits of Shahjah?n It
was later on completed by Kalim. He was also greatly fasci-
nated by the Valley of Kashmir and wrote a poem beginning
LITERATURE 339
Talib Ealim
Abu Talib Kalim (died 1651 A.D ), 3 bom at Hamadan,
lived mostly at Kashan before he migrated to India where he
became poet-laureate at the court of Shahjahan after the death
of Qudsi in 1046 A.H. Shibli discusses his poetical achieve-
ments at some length in Sher-ul-Ajam. On one occasion the
Sultan of Turkey wrote a letter to Shahjahan reproaching him
for' his title Shahjahan or "King of the World,'* when in reality
he was only the "King of Hind." Shahjahan seemed 10 agree
with the views of the Sultan of Turkey and in fact consulted
Zamin-ul-Daulah for an alternative title. Kalim's ready wit came
to the rescue of the Emperor. The poet explained :
Since both Hind (India) and Jahan ( World) are numeri-
cally identical, the right of the King to be called "King of
the World" (and not merely King of India) is demonstrated.
Kalim wrote a beautiful poem on Shahjahan's second
coronation on the Peacock Throne. For his 63 couplets he
received six gold pieces per couplet.. Novelty of topics, original
conceits and aptness of illustrations are the chief merits of his
poetry. According to Browne, he resembled the more famous
Saib in this respect.
Kalim wrote all forms of poetry qasidas, masnavis and
ghazals. His masnavis described the buildings erected by
Shahjahan, besides mentioning some of the important events of
his rule. He also completed the epic poem Padshah-Nama
commenced by Qudsi describing the exploits of Shahjahan.
As a man, he was of most amiable disposition. He was.
not jealous of his contemporary poets and writers/ and had
special affection for Saib and Mir Masum.
He loved the valley of Kashmir where he migrated, and
lived there till his death in 1651 A.D. He lies buried at the
Mazar-i-Shoara in Kashmir along with Qudsi Mashhadi and
Mohsin Fani of Kashmir.
340 LITERATURE
Saib
Mirza Muhammad Ali Saib 31 of Tabriz (died 1677-78
A.D.) is by common consent the greatest of the Iranian poets
of the 17th century. Shibli, his admirer, says that the Persian
poetry which began with Rudaki ended with Saib, He considers
him "superior in originality to Qaani of Persia, the greatest and
the most famous of the moderns." On the other hand, Riza
Quli Khan, author of Majama-ul-Fusaha, does not rank him so
high, and says : "He has a strange method in the poets' path
which is not now admired." Thus, he is one of those Persian
poets who were "esteemed in India and Turkey but who were
not honoured in their own country."
Saib visited India in 1629-30 A.D. and stayed here for
two years. He enjoyed the patronage of Shahajahan and Zafar
Khan, Governor of Kashmir. The former conferred upon him
the title of Mustaid Khan. On his return to Isfahan he became
poet-laureate of Shah Abbas. He, however, annoyed his
successor, Sulaiman, and lived a quiet life until his death in
1678 A.D.
Except Kalim, no other poet of that period could rival
Saib. He was known for his originality and the simplicity of
his style. Here is a verse from one of his poems :
It is highly magnanimous ro remember friends distantly
placed,
Else, every tree drops its fruit down to its own feet.
His diwan is said to have a poetic collection of 100,000
verses. A manuscript copy of it exists in Hyderabad. Saib was
also an anthologist and collected the best verses of his pre-
decessors, both ancient and modern. His bayaz contains a
wonderful collection of poems, and favourably compares with
the well-known compilation of the great Arabic poet Abu
Tammam. Shibli had a manuscript copy of this bayaz in his
library.
LITERATURE 341
Like Kalim, Saib was generous In his praise of Persian
poets Faizi, Zufauri, Qumrai, Naziri, Shakibi, Talib Amuli,
Nawai and others. He was a great admirer of Naziri, whom
he ranks not only above himself but also above Urfi. He was a
great admirer of Hafiz also. He praises Faizi thus :
o^
It is this ghazal of Faizi that shows his lucid style at Ms-
best and which strikes both the eye and the heart alike.
Brahman Labor!
Chandra Bhari "Brahman" (died 1662 A.D.) 32 flourished
during the reign of Shahjahan, who honoured him with the
title of Rai. He was a favourite of Prince Dara Shikoh, who
appointed him his chief scribe. After the execution -of Dara>
Brahman was able to win Aurangzeb's favour, but after some
time he retired and lived in seclusion till his death in 1662.
Brahman was greatly impressed by Islamic culture and
he imbibed its best features. He was at the same time a devout
Hindu.
I possess the heart of an infidel.
Many a time I took it to Kaba
but brought it back a Brahman.
He was a talented poet His diwan consisting of ghazah
and quatrains is regarded, as a valuable contribution to Persian
literature. His verses are clear and pure like those of the classi-
cal poets. Some of his ghazah are adorned with rhetorical arti-
fices and are written in flowery and ornate Persian, His com-
positions frequently contain novel comparisons and similes:
LITERATURE
Saib honoured Brahman by including some of his verses
in his i0j>flz. Most of his ghazah are based "on Vedantic
philosophy and strike a very high note of rhetoric and mysti-
cism." His letters have been written in an elegant style. For
a critical review of his work, reference may be made to Guhar-
i-Bahar or Bazam-i-Nazm Brahman (Urdu), edited by Bhagwant
Rai.
Dara Shikoh
Darn Shikoh, 38 the eldest son of Shahjahan, was not only
an author of repute but also a poet of considerable merit. He
wrote under the no m de plume of QadirL Mullah Shah, his
spiritual guide ar.d a gifted poer, acknowledges the prince's
poetical genius and describes his verses as "incomparable and
pleasing/* The author of Khazinat-ul-Ascifiya (written in 1280
1 A.H.) corroborates the above view and recommends his ghazah
as excellent. He adds: "His poetry is like the ocean of unitarianism
flowing out of his pearl-scattering tongue like the sun of mono-
theism rising from the horizon in the manner of his luminous
opening verse (matla)" Without a discernible eye and intui-
tion it would not be possible to comprehend Dara's composi-
tions and grasp their sense. His flight of imagination is lofty,
His poetry is important for the revival of Sufistic outlook in
Persian poetry.
The author of Khazinat-ul-Asafiya has styled his diwan as
Aksir-i-Azam, but it is popularly known as Diwan-i-Dara
Shikoh. It contains 1 33 ghazals and 28 rubaiyats (quatrains).
His style is prosaic and his poems lack lyrical touch and polite
emotionalism. The language used is neither graceful nor poli-
shed. This is natural, for his poetry deals with philosophical
Sufi and .mystic themes. He composed in imitation of Jami,
LITERATURE 343
who was his favourite. His verses clearly bring out his charac-
ter, his dislike of narrow-minded mullas and his reverence for
the saints. Some of his selected verses are as follows:
Ara
Jaliao Ara, 34 the talented daughter of Shahjahan, was not
only a gifted poet but also a fine prose-writer. Her Munis-ul-
Arwah is the biography of Khawaja Muin-ud-Din Chishti.
Another well-known work of hers is Sahabia. It is the life
history of her Pir, Mulla Shah Badakashi. She gives us the
minutest details about his dress, food, etc. Mullah Shah, the
spiritual teacher of Dara Shikoh and Jahan Ara Begam, wrote
a commentary partly in Persian and partly in Arabic on Surahs
(i-iil and xil) and. named it Shah-i-Tafsir.
Aurangzeb^s dislike of poetry
Aurangzeb 35 was devoid of all artistic tastes. He aboli-
shed the post of Malik-ul-Shoara and stopped stipends of many
.a poet.
It is however, surprising to find some of Ms ruqqats
(letters) interspersed with verses of contemporary poets, and
some of these are even ascribed to him. Rawlinson writes:
"Though an accomplished poet, Aurangzeb discouraged
poetry- on the ground that poets dealt in falsehood." It
appears that the Emperor's liking for poetry increased with
.advancing years. Bernier makes a reference to it.
Bedii
Mirza Abdul Qadir "BediP of Patna (died 1721 A.D.) 36
was a reputed poet of the time of Aurangzeb and is said to
have composed 90,000 verses. He wrote all forms of poetry
excepting qasida. He never praised anybody and led an inde-
344 LITERATURE
pendent life. For that he was respected by nobles like Nizam-
ul-Mulk and Nawab Mir Shakar Ullah Khan. In ghazal-
writing, he was without a rival In his age.
He was perhaps the first to introduce philosophical subtle-
ties in his poetical compositions,. He was a mystic poet and
introduced spiritual and realistic themes in his poetry. He is
esteemed in the Soviet Central Asia and Afghanistan.
His works include Unsur, a collection of prose and poetical-
writings ; Muhit-i-Azam, a masnavi, on the lines of Zuhuri's-
Saqi-Nama, Irfan, another metaphysical m.asnavi, Tur-i-Marafat,
dealing with natural occurrences, and a masnavt, Tilism-i-Hairat*
His diwan was published by Nawal Kishore Press in 1865 A.D.
"Bedil brought the Indian style to its culmination in
poetry, and this style Is often linked with his name* It is a
difficult style, with involved metaphors and Intricate syntax,
although the language is itself simple/' (A Dictionary of
Oriental Literature, Vol. Ill, p. 32).
Knnjahi
Ghanimat Kunjahi (died 1695 A.D.) 87 had not the privilege
to be associated witk the literary circle in the Mughal darbar.
In fact, he lived away from the capital His masnavi, Nairang-i~
Ishq, was not in conformity with the prevalent notions at the
Mughal court. The masnavi throws light or, the highly
luxurious way of living in the time of Muhamad Shah. The
striking features of Ms compositions are new and original
similes, and metaphors, and an escapist view of life. "New
traditions and terminology brought about search of new style'
and original thoughts and as a result, the styie acquired a
special appeal and delicacy in the presentation of lofty ideas and
imagery."
Zeb-un-Nisa, the cultured and scholarly daughter of
Aurangzeb, was a mystic poet. It Is said that she spent 20 years-
imprisoned in Salimgarh fort. She never liked, the cold ortho-
doxy of her father and tried to weld Islam and Hinduism, to-
gether, Her diwan, compiled 35 years after her death, contains
many ghazals and rubais. Her poems show traces of Sufi
pessimistic thinking and express the feelings of a suffering soul,
LITERATURE 345
Some of the poems show a remarkable liberality of ideas. The
poetess speaks of the temple and the mosque in the same breath
and sometimes combines them both.
Here are a few selected verses by Zeb-un-Nisa :
An attendant said :
By chance the Chinese mirror is broken .
Zeb-un-Nisa replied :
It is all right. An object of vanity is broken.
O waterfall, for whom dost thou mourn P For whom dost
thou hang thy head in grief? What pain was it that, like
me, thou didst dash thy head against the rocks all night
and weep ?
Nur-ud-Din
Mirza Nm>ud-Din Muhammad Ail 38 was famous for his
satire and wit. He was granted the title of Danishmand Khan.
The Waqai is the best known of his satirical compositions. His
verses and ghazals are not excellent but his satire is pleasing
and pungent. He is remembered, and admired for his florid
style, but sometimes he is very obscure and beyond the compre-
hension of the common reader. His diwan has been published
besides Husn-o-Jshq in which he wrote in imitation of
Fattahi's Husn-o-DiL
Wai!
BanwaliJDass Wall (1680 A.D. - 1720 A.D.) was another
poet of Aurangzeb's time. His kulliyat or complete works
have been published with notes and translation of selected
passages.
Mulla Bihishti Shirazi wrote Ashobnama-i-Hindustan 9 a
historical r.iasnavi on the war of succession between Shahjahan's.
346 LITERATURE
sons, from the rising of Murad Baksh in 1657 to the death of
Dara Shikoh. The style of the book is exceedingly interesting
and fluent. The language is simple. The author's poetic skill,
especially in the description of clashes and battles, is of a very
high order. He writes sometimes very boldly :
Nemat Khan
Nemat Khan "AH" (died 1709 A.D.) was attached to the
Mughal court. From the position of a darogha he rose to the
post of treasury officer and was honoured with the title of
Muqarrab Khan. Himself a Shia, he did not like Aurangzeb' s
victories over the Shia kingdoms of Golkunda and Bijapur. He
also disliked the dry, severe and serene atmosphere of Aurang-
zeb' s court and. his lack of patronage of poetry. In his writings
he ridiculed the victories of Aurangzeb and found fault with
the army as well as the set-up of the government. With a
discerning eye he pointed out the defects and inherent weak-
nesses in the system which were to become so very apparent
after the death of Aurangzeb, He lamented the degradation in
the national character. His ghazals are elevated and his des-
cription of events critical. A verse from him :
This community is so deeply engrossed in selfishness that
none has ever had time to know what Islam really means.
Tek Chanel
Among the Hindu poets of Persian, Tek Chand "Bahar"
held a pre-eminent position. According to a biographer, "he
wrote pleasing verses and his writings reached the highest pitch
of excellence." He was a distinguished pupil of Siraj-ud-Din
.Ali Khan "Arzu."
LITERATURE 347
Khatri
Wainiq Khatri, who subsequently embraced Islam, was
greatly admired by Aurangzeb. He was master of sprightly
style and the beauty, flavour and sweetness of his verses were
greatly applauded. He gave up poetry later on at the suggestion
of his patron, Aurangzeb, and devoted himself to serious
branches of learning.
Jaswant Ray was another Hindu poet who composed a
diwan in the later years of Aurangzeb' s reign.
NOTES
i For Babar's poetical attainments refer to Babarnama,
II, p. 470; Akbarnama, I, pp. 118-19, Tr. 1, pp. 278-
78; Tabaqati-i-Akbari, II, Tr., p. 40: Badaoni, I, 343;
Tr. I, pp. 448-49; Shama 9 -i-Anjwnan 9 p. 78; Indo-
Iranica, June 1963; Ghani ? M.A., A History of Persian
Language and Literature at the Mughal Court, I, p.
46; Hadi Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and
Historical Value, p. 66; The diwan of Babar Padshah
has been edited by Dension Ross (Calcutta 1910).
According to Hadi Hasan, the genuine Persian verses
of Babar are only 19.
2. For Atashi Qandhari refer to Badaoni, 111,180-81,
Tr. Ill, 253-54. He is not mentioned in Tabaqat or
Ain.
3. For Zain-nd-Din Wafai refer to Badaoni, I, 341-42,
Tr. I, 448; Ibid. Ill, 471-77, Tr. Ill, 610-18.
4. For Mulla Shihab see A.S. Beveridge, Memoirs of
Babur, p. 605, Badaoni, I, 342, Tr. I, 449; A.N., I,
119, Tr. I, 280 (London, 1920).
5. For Baqai refer to Badaoni, I, 342, Tr. I, 449;
Akbarnama,!, 119, Tr. 281.
6. For Humayun's poetical attinments, refer to Akbar-
nama, I, 368, Tr. I, 665; Qanun-i-Humayun, 36, Tr.
26; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, II, 138; Mamie Culture, Vol.
XXV, Jubilee Number, pp. 212-276; Ghani, op. cit,
II, pp. 10-26; Hadi Hasan, op. cit., p. 69.
7. For Kamran's poetry refer to Hadi Hasan, p. 69.
348 LITERATURE
8. Qanun-i-Humayun, p. 42.
9. For Qasim Kahi refer to Badaoni, III, 242-48, Tr.
Ill, 173-76; Am, (Bloch), II, 55-62; Hadi Hasan, p.
8 ; Diwan-i-Kahi was published by Iran Society,.
Calcutta, in 1956.
10. For Maulana Janubi refer to Badaoni, I, 469-72, Tr,
I, 605-609.
11. For Shah Tahir Dakhan refer to Badaoni, I, 483;.
Tr. I, 626; Ghani, op. cit., II, p. 70.
12. For Abul Wajid and Ayub refer to Ibid.
13. For Bairam Khan refer to Badaoni, 1, 480, Tr. I, 622;.
Armaghan-i-Paky p. 82,
14. For Akbar's poetical talents refer to A.N., I, 271,
Tr. I. p. 520; Ain (Bloch) Introduction xxvii; Urafat-
ul-Ashiqin, Bankipore MS., f. 121 b; Hadi Hasan, p.
73; Ghani, III, pp. 11-24.
15. Sher-ul-Ajam, III, pp. 4-5.
16. Sprenger, Catalogue of the Library of the King of
Oudh /, pp. 55-56.
17. 4//i (Bloch, Ed. 1939) pp. 617-680.
18. T.A., Vol. II, pp. 484-520.
19. Badaoni, III, pp. 170-397; Tr. HI, pp. 239-537.
20. For Ghazali Mashhadi refer to Ain (Bloch), pp. 617-
18; Badaoni, III, 170-72, Tr. Ill, 239-42; T.A. 9 II
(Trans.), 710-16; Shama-i-Anjuman, pp. 227-38; Hadi
Hasan, Mughal Poetry: Its Cultural and Historical
Value, p. 26; Indo-Iranica, June 1957, June 1963.
For Ghazali's diwan see A.S.B. (674); Bodleian .
Library, 1033; British Museum (661-62).
21. For Faizi refer to Ain (Bloch), pp. 618-35; Badaoni,.
Ill, 299-310, Tr. Ill, 411-29; ' T.A. (Trans.), II, pp.
716-18; Sher-ul-Ajam, III, pp. 28-72; Ikram,
Aramghan-i-Pak (Karachi 1 959), pp. 91-117; Shama-
i-Anjuman, pp. 316-64; Browne, E.G\, Literary History
of Persia, Vol. IV, pp. 163-67, 242-45; Ghani, M. A.,
A History of Persian Language and Literature at the
Mughal Court, Allahabad, 1930, pp. 39-66; Indo-
Iranica, June 1957, June 1963, September 1963; Hadi
Hasan, op. cit., p. 26. Also see Gibb, History of
Ottoman Poetrv, I, pp. 5. 127, 129. For a copy of
LITERATURE 349
Faizi's diwan refer to Bankipore Library. The diwan
was printed in Delhi in A.M. 1216 and also at Lahore
but its copies are rare. For manuscript copies see
British Museum, 450, 670; A.S.B., 692-93; Banldpore,
261-64. The copies of Markaz-ul-Adwar are avail-
able., as it was lithographed in 1831 at Calcutta and
1346 at Lucknow. Manuscript copies of it are in
the British Museum (Add 6625) and Asiatic Society
of Bengal (695). Nal-Daman has been lithographed
in India. It has also been printed in Iran. A manus-
cript is available in Bodleian Library, Oxford and
also in A.S.B. (696). In this connection also refer
to Storey, II, Fasc III, p. 540 and Oriental College
Magazine (Lahore), Vol. IV, No. 2 (Feb. 1928),
p. 13.
22. For Urfi refer to Ain (Bloch), pp. 639-41; T.A. II
(Trans.), 719-20; Badaoni, III, pp. 285-87, Tr. Ill,
pp. 392-95; Sher-ul-Ajam, III, pp. 73-\l9;Armaghan-
i-Pak, pp. 54-55; Shama-i-Anjuman, pp. 297-98.
Browne, IV, op. cit. pp. 241-49; Ghani, III, op. cit,
pp. 103-180; Hadi Hasan, op. cit., p. 4; Indo-Iranica,
Sept. 1957, pp. 28-35; Islamic Culture, Jan. 1929.
For Diwan-i'Urfi refer to India Office, 1451-1463,
Bodleian, 1051-54, 1991; A.S.B.; 683, 684; Bankipore,
253-58, quoted in K.A. Nizami's "Persian Literature
under Akbar," Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh.
23. For Khan-i-Khanan refer to Sher-ul-Ajam, III, p. 14;
Ghani, op. cit, III, pp. 220-29; Browne, op. cit.* IV,
pp. 165, 245, 252; Indo-Iranica, June 1963 June 1957,
June 1962; Badaoni, III (Trans.), pp. 351, 393, 422n,
439n. 4, 473., 495, 508; Ain (Bloch), p. 565;
Maasir-i-Rahimi (Vol. Ill) counts 106 panegyrists and
proteges of Khan-i-Khanan. According to Maasir
Khan-i-Khanan, gave Rs. 10,000 and Rs. 12,000 to
Naui and Shakibi respectively for their saqinamas,
Rs. 80,000 to the latter again for his expenses for Haj,
Rs. 12,000 to Anisi on the occasion of his marriage,
one lakh silver coins to Naziri, and to many others
he made generous contributions for their poetic talents.
350 LITERATURE.
He got Naul Shirazi weighed in gold. But the
account of Maasir is not always trustworthy.
24. For Zuhuri refer to Badaoni, III, 269-70, Tr. III,.
372-73; Ain (Bloch), p* 680; Armaghani-i-Pak 9 pp.
f , 121-27; Ghani, op. cit, Hi, pp. 181-218; Browne,
op. cit., IV, pp. 250,253, 268; Indo-lranica, June
1957 and June 1963. The MS. copy of the diwan is
in the Rampur State Library.
25. For Mulla Quir.mi refer to Badaoni, III, pp. 332-34,
Tr. Ill, 458-61; Ain (Bloch), p. 680; Indo-lranica,
June 1957; Sprenger's Catalogue, p. 482.
26. For Naziri see Armaghan-i-Pak, pp. 58-59; 'Ghani,
III, pp. 74-78; Browne, IV, p, 252; Indo-lranica, June
1963, p. 76.
27. For Jahangir's poetical attainments refer to Tuzuki-i-
Jahangiri (Nawal Kishore Edition), pp. 235, 246,
237; Sher-ul-Ajam, III, pp. 15-52; Iqbalnama-i-
Jahangiri (Urdu), pp. 91, 308; Hadi Hasan, op. cit.,.
pp. 76-77; Shama-i-Anju/nan, p. 106.
28. For Talib Amuli refer to Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri
(Urdu), pp. 91, 308; Sher-ul~AjamJll,pp.l5%, 166-67;
Armaghan-i-Pak, p. 60; Shama-i-Anjuman 9 pp. 271-73;
IndoJranica, June 1962; Browne, IV, pp. 253-56;
Hadi Hasan, op. cit., pp. 33, 37, etc
29. Hadi Hasan, op. cit., pp. 27, 57-59; Lahori Padshah-
nama, I, PL II, pp. 80-81; Armaghan-i-Pak, pp. 63,
148-153; Indo-lranica, June 1957, June 1963.
30. For Kalim refer to Sher-ul-Ajam, III, pp 184-206
Armagh an-i-Pak, pp. 63-64; Shanta-i-Anjuman 9 pp.
272-73; Hadi Hasan, 57-58; Browne, IV, pp. 258-
63; Indo-lranica, June 1957, June 1963; For Jm
versified Padshahnama see Rieu, ii, 686a and 686b.
Storey, Persian Literature, Vol. II, Fasc iii, pp.
572-73.
31. For Saib refer to Sher-ul-Ajam 9 III, 169-181; Shama-
i-Anjuman, pp. 251-55; Browne, IV, op. cit., pp.
270-7 i; Hadi Hasan, op. cit., p. 27; Indo-Iranica 9 .
LITERATURE 351
June 1963, pp. 78-79.
32. For Brahman refer to Gulzar-i-Bahar or Bazm-i-Nazm
edited by Bhagwant Rai, Delhi; Armaghan-i-PsJc 9
p. 171; Shama-i-Anjuman, p. 92; Indo-Iranica, June
1962, pp. 14-15; Islamic Culture, April 1945, 115-22.
33. For Dara Shikoh refer to Hasanat-i-Arifin, MS. No.
553, Hyderabad State Library, The endorsement in
the MS. calls it Diwan-i-Dara Shikoh. Letters of Dara
Shikoh, Indian Antiquary, '1924; Vishva Bharati Quar-
terly, Vol. VI ; Ruqqat-i-Alamgiri, Vol. I, Dar-ul
Mussannifin, Azarngarh ; Islamic Culture, XXV, pp.
52-72 ; Had! Hasan, op. cit, pp. 77-78 ; JRASB,
1939, Vol. V, Art. 3 ; Armaghan-i-Pak, pp. 64-65, etc.
34. For Jahan Ara refer to Oriental College Magazine
(Lahore), Vol. XIII, No. 4, August 1937, The MS.
of Sahabia is in the Appa Rao Bhola Nath Library,
Ahmedabad. For Badakashi refer to the Oriental
College Magazine, op. cit; Sharma's Bibliography,
pp. 86-87.
35. For Aurangzeb refer to Maasir-i-Alamgiri (text), pp.
532-33 ; M. Abdul Rahman, Alamgir (Urdu) p. 516 ;.
Ruqqat-i-Alamgiri (Trans. J.H. Billimoria), London,
1908; Bernier, Travels (1891), p. 401; Sarkar, J.N.,
Studies in Mughal India, p. 41 ; Rawlinson, India
p. 371.
36. For Mirza Abdul Qadir Bedil refer to Armaghan-i-
Pak, pp. 73-74, 194-201; Shama-i-Anjuman, pp, 82-
83.
37. For Ghanimat Kunjahi refer to Annaghan-i-Pak 9 pp,
69-70, 178. For Nemat Ali refer to Ibid, pp. 71-72,
194.
38. For Mirza Niiruddin refer to Elliot and Dowson,.
History of India as told by its own Historians, VII, pp.
200-1;' Storey, II,. fasc. Ill, p, 590.
CHAPTER 13
Literature - II
PROSE
The prose literature which developed in the Mughal court
and in the contemporary courts of the Beccan carried on the
tradition of the Persian prose of the Sultanate. Historiography
was no doubt most enthusiastically cultivated, but there is hardly
any other branch of literature bifflographies, dictionaries,
encyclopaedias, ethics, belles-lettres which was not touched.
However, there was a deterioration in the standard of prose not
only in India, but also in contemporary Iran, especially after the
, advent of the Turks, Tatars and Mongols. Most of the works
produced in. India during the period were marked by verbosity
and exaggeration. This was specially true of the official histories
compiled daring the period.
Badaoni in his Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh refers to several
works written by scholars in the times of Babar and Humayun,
Only a few of these works are now extant and it is, therefore,
not possible to know the merits of these treatises. Moreover, it
is not always safe to ascribe them to a particular period. We
may, however, take note of some of the important works.
To Abdul Wahid Bilgrami, 1 who probably flourished in
the times of Humayun and Akbar, are ascribed Jawaharnama-i-
Humayun, a work on the use of precious and other minerals,
and Sanbalf, a treatise on the technical terms of Sufism. Muslih-
al-Din is said to have written a commentary in Persian on all
Timurids, besides several Arabic works. Shah Tahir was a
prolific writer both in Arabic and Persian. His letters, contained
in a volume entitled Insha-i-Shah Tahir, deserve mention. S.K.
Banerji mentions some of the works written during Humayun's
time in his Humayun Badshah. But the real contribution in
LITERATURE II
353
Persian prose was made during the time of Akbar, who had a
number of brilliant scholars at his court.
AKBAR'S
Abul FazI and Faizi
Abul Fazl and Faizi v/ere among the best prose writers of
Akbar's time. Many scholarly works were produced by them.
Abul FazFs Iyar~i-Danish, based on the famous work Pan-
chatantrcP, and Risala-i-Akhlaq are among his well-known
works. His letters written to kings, amirs and even ordinary
people, collected by Abdus Samad, show his wonderful prose
style. The collection is named Imha-i-Abul Fazl or sometimesMafc-
tubat-i-Allami. His style as depicted in his works and letters is
quite different from that of the Akbar-Nama. The language too
is simple, though ornate sometimes. The letters are in accord-
ance with the established usages, and are on the whole easy,
graceful and sublime.
Faizi's marvellous commentary on the Quran, called
Sawatai-ul-llham 9 contains no dotted letters. 8 Insha-i-Faizi
or Faizi's letters to the Emperor and friends are of "gossiping
familiar character and are embellished with plenty of verses."
They throw light on the various aspects of the life of the people
in those days. In these letters he has used Hindi words at
certain places.
Badaoni
Badaoni, the famous historian, was a well-known author.
He translated many Sanskrit works into Persian prose. Tarikh-i-
Kashmir is ascribed to him. Another work, Najat-al-Rashid 9
described as a polemical work by Blochmann and a
Sufico-ethical treatise by Ivanow, is richly interspersed with
historical anecdotes and controversial discussions. It is written
in fine and polished Persian, but the subject-matter is dry and
uninteresting.
Abdul Haq Dehalvi, a well-known scholar, is said to be
the author of not less than 101 works. Among his best-known
works is Akhabar-ul-Akhayar 9 a collection of the biographies of
saints, scholars and holy men of India. It was completed in
1590.
354 LITERATURE II
Ilahdad and Razi
Ilahdad Faizi compiled a Persian dictionary in 1592-93
and named It Madar-al-afazil. The Haft-Aqlim of Amin Ahmad
Razi, written in 1593-94, is a gazetteer of the world, including
India. It gives a brief historical review of India- and appends
biographical notes on rulers, saints and scholars. 4 Krishan
Das composed an encyclopaedia during the reign of Akbar.
Other works of Akbar's time
Among other notable works of the period are Nusakh-i-
Jahanara of Ahmad Ghaffari, 5 a treatise on customs and
manners of people by Beg Mirza and Mulla Tabb, 6 a treatise
on Hadis by Shihab-ud-din, Wafai's work on the circums-
tances of the conquest of Hindustan and explaining its wonders, 7
Talib of Isfahan's treatise on wonders of Tibet, 8 Puru Khotam's
commentary on Khirad-i-Afza* Siyar-i-Nabawi, a collection of
traditions relating to the Prophet, Munaqib-i-Ghausiya, a bio-
graphy of Muhammad Ghaus by Shah Fazl Shattari, and Halat-
i-Hazrat Balawal, a biography of this saint of Mughal India by
one of his disciples. 10 The only prose work of Mulla Nuruddin
Zuhuri is Seh Nasr (or the three essays) which he wrote as a
preface to the book of songs composed by Ibrahim Adil Shah, 11
Idraki Beg Lari Thattawi's Belgar-Nama is a biography of
Khan-i-Zaman Amir or Shah Qasim Khan, 12
JAHANGIR'S PERIOD
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri
A king of highly refined tastes, Jahangir was the only
Mughal ruler after Babar who wrote his memoirs. Instead of
Turki, however, he used Persian. Unlike Babar, he did not con-
sider himself to be a foreigner, but a native of the land of his
birth. Jahangir as a true Indian "dwells delightfully on the
charm of Indian flowery, particularizes the palas, the bokul and
the champa and avows that no fruit of Afghanistan or Central
Asia is equal to the mango," His memoirs are "a priceless
record of his reign and are distinguished by their frankness and
lucidity. Besides the account of military and political trans-
actions, the memoirs are rich in details about the social, cultural
and spiritual life of this period and the keen observations of
LITERATURE II 355
Jahangir about men and matters." 13 The Emperor himself wrote
till the 17th year when they were continued under his super-
vision by Mutammad Khan. 14 This was done till the nineteenth
year. They were finally re-edited in the reign of Muhammad
Shah, and the account was brought up to the end of the reign
of Jahangir.
Guldasta-i-Faramin-i'Jahangin is an interesting collection
of Jahangir's letters to Shahjahan when the latter was in rebel-
lion against his father. Farhang-i-Jahangiri, a Persian dictionary,
was compiled under the orders of the Emperor. The manuscript
existed in the library of the Maharaja of Banaras. 15 Akhlaq-i-
Jahangiri or a book of ethics was written by Abdul Wahab, and
dedicated to Jahangir.
Maasir-i-Rahlmi
Maasir-i-Rahimi by Muhammad Abdul Baqi is a biography
of Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, a great patron of learning.
It includes accounts of all those scholars and poets who
flourished under the Khan's patronage. Haft-Aqlim of Amin
Razi is a detailed account of the poets of the age. 1G Paighambar-
Naina is a metrical biography of Prophet Muhammad. Father
Jerome Xavier is said to have written many works in Persian.
His Aina-i-Haqqnuma (truth-reflecting mirror) on the Christian
religion, its fundamentals, etc. was dedicated to Jahangir. 17
He also wrote in Persian a History of Christ in 1617 under
Akbar's orders. 18 Allah Masih Panipati dedicated to Jahangir
his abridged translation of the Ramayana.
Commentaries
Nur-ul-Haq, son of Abdul Haq Dehalvi, wrote three
Persian commentaries OB Sahih of al Bukhari. 20 Nizam-al-Din
Thanesari's commentary on Surahs 9 Malfuz-i-Shaikh Nizam-al-
Din Thanesari and Sharh-i-Lamaat are well known. 21
SHAHJAHAN'S PERIOD
Many prose works of great value were produced during
Shahjahan's period. The story of the adventures of Prince
Wala Akhtar of Hurmuz was composed by Munir in an ornate^
and flowery style. 22 Several works were produced by Mulla"
356 LITERATURE H
Tughrai, such as Firdausiya in praise of the valley of Srinagar,
Kanz-al-Maani and Taj-al-Madaih in praise of the princes Shah
Shuja and Murad respectively. Sadiq Dehalvi was the reputed
author of many works including Tabaqat-i-Shahjahani^ and
Asar-i-Shahjahani. A revised edition of Malfuzat-i-Timwi was
brought out by Muhammad Afza! in 1640.
Chandra Bhan Braliman's books
Chandra Bhan was a famous writer in Persian. His books
were used as text-books for advanced study. Besides a diwan,
his books include Guldasta, Chahar Chaman, Tuhfat-al- Anwar,
Karnama, Tuhfat-al-Fusahi, and Majma-al-Fuqaias.^ Chahar
Chaman, written soon after 1647 and divided into four main
chapters, gives a detailed description of the festivals at the court,
the daily occupation of Shahjahan, the author's life and his
letters, and the last chapter deals with moral and religious
matters. 25 The book is a fine example of Indianised Persian,
Innayat Allah was the author of a book of tales entitled
Bahar-i-Danish, completed in 1651.
Dabistan-i-Mazahib
A remarkable religious work of the period Dabistan-i-
Mazahib^ attempts to give an account of the various sects of
Zoroastrianism, the philosophical school of Hindus, and the
teachings of Buddhists, Jews, Christians, and Muhammadan
sects. Sir William Jones observes : "The rare and interesting
tract entitled Dabistan on 12 different religions was composed
by a Muhammadan traveller, a native of Kashmir named
Mohsani (of Fani) but distinguished by the assumed surname of
Fani." 27 Tabaqat-i-Shahjahani by Muhammad Sadiq takes brief
note of the great and distinguished men of the reign of
Shahjahan.
Lexicographies
One of the chief characteristics of the Persian prose
literature was the growth and development of lexicography
during this period. Under the patronage of the Mughal emperors
and the rulers of the Deccan, Indian scholars devoted them-
selves to the compilation of Persian dictionaries. And as
LITERATURE II 357
Dr. AH Asghar Hekmat in Glimpses of Persian Literature
says, "In a short time the number of dictionaries compiled in
India exceeded those produced earlier in Iran. Their superiority
has been such that even today students and scholars refer to
them for the solution of their difficulties/* Farhang-i-Jahangiri
was completed in A.D. 1 608-9 by Jamal-ud-Din Husayn Inju
and dedicated to Jahangir*
Farhang-i-Rashidi by Abdur Rashid, completed in A.D.
1654, forms the basis of the famous Persian-English dictionary of
Steingass. Muntakhah-al-Liighat-i-Shahjahani was also prepared
by the same author. Shahid-i-Sadiq was a voluminous encyclo-
paedia prepared during Shahjahan's reign. It took three years
(1644-47) to collect the material on religious, philosophical,
political, ethical and other allied subjects. The work,
which was dedicated to Shah Shuja, contains extracts, proverbs,
anecdotes, etc., arranged under innumerable subject-headings.
According to Professor S.R. Sharma, "Two glosssaries of equiva-
lents in Persian and Sanskrit, one of astrological data and an-
other of terms in the Vedanta and Sufisin were also prepared." 28
Burhan-i-Qate was completed in A.D. 1652 by Muhammad
Husayn. Farhang-i-Anandraj by Muhammad Badshah and
Farhang-i-Nizam by Sayyid Muhammad Ali also belong to this
period.
J>ara Shikoh's contribution
Dara Shikoh was a master of Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit
and author and translator of several well-known works. His
Safinat-al-Auliya or the lives of Muslim saints "breathes noble
sentiments, bearing testimony to his wide reading particularly in
Sufi literature." Sakinat-al-Auliya, another work by him, deals
with the various modes of Qadiri order and the life of Mian
Mir. Risala-i-Haqqnuma, a faithful mirror of Dara's character,
shows that the author held the Sunni faith as propounded by
the theologian Imam Abu Hanifa. 29 It is a primer for the
beginners in the path of Sufism. Majma-al-Bahrain, a compara-
tive study of Hinduism and Islam, Hasanat-al-Arifin, an answer
to public criticism of his Sufistic views, and Tariqat-al-Haqiqat
are some of his well-known works besides some others of which
we have no record.
358 LITERATURE IT
Bahar-i-Ajam
Tek Chand Bahar, the distinguished pupil of Siraj-ud-din
All Khan Arzu, was the celebrated author of Bahar-i~Ajam, a
well-known dictionary, and a book on philosophy, besides a
commentary on Sadi's Bostan and Bahar-i-Bostan. ZQ
AURANGZEB'S PERIOD
Aurangzeb was master of Persian prose. His letters are
of great literary value. Full of quotations from sacred scriptures
and instructive passages from well-known Persian poets, 31 some-
times interspersed with verses of his own, his letters written in
simple language mark him out as one of the greatest Persian
prose writers of his time. We shall take note of it separately.
Manuals and Encyclopaedias
UquI-i-Ishara, a scientific encyclopaedia, was compiled by
Maulana Barari in 1673-74. 32 Tuhfat-ul-Hind by Mirza Khan
is a manual of Indian literary studies. It includes discussions
on various important topics, such as prosody, similes, music,
astrology, etc. Maidnimal, a Kayastha, wrote an excellent
work based on Lilawati in the third year of Aurangzeb's reign. 33
Dastur-i-Jahan Kusha by Khair Ullah, completed in the 9th year
of Aurangzeb's reign, deals with the duties of ministers and
army commanders. Dastur-al-Amal describes revenues of
different provinces, rules and regulations for assessment, collec-
tion, etc., and is very useful. Farhang-i-Kardani by Jagat Rai
deals with the revenues of Aurangzeb's reign.
Fatwa-i-Alamgirl and oilier works
Fatwa-i-Alamgiriy a work of great authority on Muslim
Law, and an indispensable guide to the present-clay law-makers,
was prepared in Arabic by a number of theologians, and later
translated into Persian. 34 Muhammad Raza, the foremost
huntsman of Aurangzeb's reign, completed an interesting manual
on hunting and named it Saiyd-Nama.^ Mirat-al-Khayal, a
very interesting work, gives in some detail the life and works
of the Persian poets and poetesses of India. It was com-
posed in 1690-91 by Ibn AH Ahmad Khan Sirhindi. Roz-
namcha of Mirza Muhammad gives useful information about
LITERATURE II 35.9
some of the nobles who survived Aurangzeb. It begins from
the year 1707 A.D. Mukhtsar-i-Mufid is a short biography which
gives geography of Persia with historical notes relating to the
Imams and the Safavis. It was completed in Lahore in 1680. 36
Kashish-Nama by Raj Karan and Tuhfat-al-Haqiat by Brahman
Hisari were also composed during this period. Majmua-ul-
Alamgiri, a useful guide to the duties of the faithful, was com-
pleted during Aurangzeb's reign by Abdul Khaliq. Gcmj-i-
Arshadi is a collection of the sayings of Shah TayyabofBanaras.
The Aina-i-Bakht by Bakhtawar Khan gives an account of the
qazis, muftis and calligraphists together with the daily routine
of Aurangzeb. Ganj-i-Saadat is a Sufistic work of Muin-ul-Din.
It was dedicated to Aurangzeb.
Khulasat-al-Maktab, a rich collection of specimens of
refined prose-style, intermixed with verses on all possible topics,
by Sujan Singh or Sujan Rai was written in Alamgir's 42nd year
inlliOA.H. 37
IMPORTANT COLLECTION OF LETTERS
Some of the famous collections of letters written by promi-
nent and learned persons in Mughal times may be taken note
of, for they enriched Persian prose. Faiyaz-ul~Qawanin 9 com-
piled by Nawab Muhammad Ali Hasan Khan, contains letters
of Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb
besides those of Dara and Murad. 88 Insha-i-Abtfl Fazal
contains letters about Akbar's official declaration of faith
as a Muslim after he had been accused of apostasy by some of
his orthodox contemporaries. These letters were compiled by
Abdus Samad in 1602. Insha-i-Faizi is a collection of Faizi's
letters. Jarida-i-Faramin-i-Salatin-i-Delhi contains letters written
by Akbar to Khan-i-Khanan, Shahbaz Khan, Raza Ali Khan,
etc. These letters contain detailed instructions to Akbar's
officers for governing the rural country. Insha-i-Brahman is a
collection of letters of Chandra Bhan Brahman. He was well
versed in writing letters in an elegant style. 39 Munir, a famous
prose writer of Lahore, says that Brahman's letters were studied
with great appreciation even in Persia. The author of Tazkira-i-
Husaini finds his letters written to nobles and kings very simple
and easy to understand. Insha-i-Harkaran by Munsfai Har
^360 , ilTtRATURE II
Karan, son of Mathra Bass Multani and "secretary to Itbar
Khan, was completed between 1624 and 1630. It contains
references to instructions about the assessment and collection of
land revenues, etc. Ahkam-i-Shahjahani contains letters of
Shahjahan to Asaf Khan, Aman Quli of Turan, All Adii Shah
of Bijapiir, to rulers of Golkunda, Shall Abbas of Persia, besides
a letter written by Aurangzeb to Shahjahan just before the
battle of Samugarh. Bahar-i-Sukhan by Muhammad Salih
Kambhu, author of Anial-i-Salih, contains letters of Shahjahan
as also of Aurangzeb to the rulers of Basra, Balkh, Persia,
etc, 40 Insha-i-Jalat-ud-Din Tabatabai is a collection of letters
written during Shahjahan's reign. It contains congratulatory
pieces 'and other occasional 41 compositions. Ruqqat-i-Shah
Abbas Sani contains some letters regarding the sieges of Qandhar,
the Persian intrigues with Murad Baksli and the Deccan Sultans
during the War of Succession. Khatui-i-Shivaji contains
Aurangzeb's letters to Pricce Akbar and three Maratha generals
besides Shahu's letters and of other notable persons. Alikam-i-
Alamgiri (a collection of anecdotes narrated by Hamid-ud-din)
contains many anecdotes about Aurangzeb, Ms sons and officers,
and his orders on petitions usually in a caustic vein. 42 Munshiyat
contains an interesting letter of Aurangzeb to Amdit-ul-Mulk
giving him detailed instructions about the reception to be
accorded to prince Akbar and the ceremonies to be observed
between a Mughal nobleman and a Mughal prince when they
met. Insha-i-Farsi contains among other things letters from
Prince Akbar to Aurangzeb, Sambhaji to Aurangzeb, Muham-
mad Shah to Nizam-ul-Mulk, etc. Khulasat-al-Iwha by
Sujan Rai Bhandari was completed in Alamgir's 32nd year. 43
Other collections are Haft-Anjuman by Talahyar (original name
Udai Rai), secretary to Maharaja Jai Singh, and Insha-Madho
Ram by Madho Ram, who was a munshi of Lutf Allah Khan,
Naib Subedar of Lahore, in the reign of Aurangzeb. His letters
are very difficult to understand. 44
Atirangzefo's letters
There are three main collections of Aurangzeb's letters.
Ruqaat-i-Alamgiri contains 181 letters which are not fully written
out, but are a precis of points dictated, including verses and
quotations from Arabic texts. Their brevity sometimes makes
LITERATURE II 361
them hopelessly obscure. . The second is Ruqaim-i-Karaim. It is
a collection of letters, (about 166) written to Shah Alam, Shaista
Khan, and Mir Abdul Karim. It was compiled by Sayyid Ashraf
Kban. The third' collection Dastur-ul-Amal Agahi was com-
piled by Aya Mai Jaipuri in 1743. It contains a number of
stories, epigrams and maxims told by the Emperor. There is
another important collection called Adab-i-Alamgiri which con-
tains fully drafted letters of Aurangzeb from 1654 to 1658 to
his father and sons and officers. These letters (628 in number)-
form a valuable means of estiinating his character, and also
throw light on many a- vexted question. Kalimat-i- Aurangzeb
contains letters written by the Emperor during his last years. 45
Aurangzeb's letters, as already narrated, are of great liter-
ary value. According to Lane Poole, "the prose style of his
Persian letters is much admired in India." Generally the style is
simple, polite and graceful but sometimes the language is figur-
ative and too difficult to be understood by the ordinary reader. 46
They abound in domestic and homely touches, his joys and
sorrows. 47 They show birn a complete master of Persian prose
and have "a serene flow of unexceptionable diction characterised
by a distinction of phrase and thought. His words are like lancets
of steel, yet he maintains a correctiude of phraseology." They
form a best guide to the rulers and nobles and a harmless friend
to all "whether they love retirement or take delight in society." 4 **
HISTORIOGRAPHY
Ghiyasuddin-bin-Humamuddm, surnamed Khwandamir,
the grandson of the famous author of Rozat-al-Safa, held a
high position among the historians of his age. His famous book
Habib-its-Siyar, a general history brought down to the year 1524,
is the best-known source of the history of Shah Ismail, the
Safavi. The narrative, according to Elliot, "is more lively, fresh
and interesting 1 ' than Rozat-al-Safa which the author has con-
sulted and followed. His work, however, contains much
superfluous material. Other works by him include Dastur~al~
Wuzara, which contains the biographies of famous ministers,
Maasir-ul-Muluk 9 Makarim-ul-Akhlaq, Khulasat-aI-Akhbar 9 and
Qanun-i-Humayuni, also called Humayun-Nama, an account
of the early years of Hurrmyun's reign, which sheds light on the
social and cultural life in that age.
?62 LITERATURE II
Mirza Barkhurdar Turkman completed his work Ahsan-al-
Siyar in 1530-3 1 A.D. It gives in great detail the relations between
Babar and Shah Ismail. 49 Tarikh-i-Ibrahimi by Ibrahim binHarine
dedicated to Babar in 1528 A.D., is an abridged history of India
from earliest times to the conquest of the country by Babar.
Tarikh-i-MuzoffarShahiis an account of the capture of Mandu in
151 8, interspersed with many beautiful verses. Tarikh-i-Gujarat is
a history of Gujarat from the reign of Bahadur Shah(l 526-36) to
the capture of Ahmedabad by Mnzaffar Shah III. Tarikh-i-Rashidi
by Mirza Haidar Dughlat (1499-1551), first cousin of Babar,
"forms a most valuable accompaniment to the commentaries of
Babar which it illustrates in every page." It covers the history
of the Mongol Khans, the amirs of Kashgar and some of the
events of the reigns of Babar and Humayun. It provides valuable
information about Central Asian politics. Mirza Haldar's account
of Humayun's misfortunes, his character, disorders which
marked the early period of his reign, etc. is very vivid.
Among the histories written during the reign, we have al-
ready noticed Humayun-Nama of Khwandamir. "Notwithstand-
ing the high flown strain of eulogy in which the work is written,
it contains some points of interest." 50 It gives an account of
Humayun's rules and regulations and of some buildings erected
by him. Tarikh-i-Ibrahim or Tarikh-i-Humayun, a concise general
history extending to 1 549-50, was written by Ibrahim ibn Jarir.
Mir Ala-ud-Daula, the brother of the famous historian Mir
Abdul Latif Qazwini, wrote a line history Nafais-ul~Maasir.
Badaoni, Abul Fazl and almost all later historians are indebted
to this work for the later phase of Humayun's reign.
'Humayun-Nama of Gtilfoadan Begum
The most important of the histories written during Akbar's
reign on Humayun is Humayun-Nama of Gulbadan Begum,
daughter of Babar. It is divided into two parts. One part is
devoted to the history of Babar, and gives interesting details
about his family life. The other part deals with the reign of
Humayun of which she was an eye witness. It is a very valuable
work particularly for the social and cultural history of those
times. Iqbalnama Tarikh-i-Hiirnayun Padshah, ascribed to Shaikh
Faizi, Akbar's poet-laureate, is a poetical work on Humayun.
LITERATURE II 363
Tazkirat-uI-Waqiat and Tarikfa-i-Humayois
Tazkirat-ul-Waqiat (private memoirs of the Emperor Hu-
mayun), commenced thirty years after the death of the monarch
in 1586-87 by Humayun's ewer-bearer Jauhar, is a faithful record
of Humayun's private life. The style is simple and free from
"exaggeration and fulsome eulogy usually resorted to in
oriental histories." Even most trivial details are given and the au-
thor thinks "nothing too insignificant to relate of so great an Em-
peror." Jauhar, however, is not dependable as far as dates and
-events are concerned. Humayim-Shahi was the later recensions
written at Janhar's request by Shaikh Faizi Sirhindi. Tarikh-i-
Humayun of Bayazid, written in the year 999 A-H. at the request
of Akbar, is full of useful information, and contains an account of
officers and scholars connected with the Emperor from 1542 to
1 59 1 . 51 The language used is no doubt shaky and rustic and some-
times the sentences too are incomplete, yet it excels the works
of Abul Fazl and Gulbadan Begum in volume and quality. 52
Humayun-Nama by an unknown author, written after the style
of Firdausi's Shoh-Nama, is a valuable historical narrative of
the battles and conquests of Humayun and his predecessor.
Akbar-Nama and Ain-i-Akbari
Abul Fazl, author of the Akbar-Nama (the chroni-
cle of the reign of Akbar) and Ain-i-Akbari (the laws of Emperor
Akbar) gives us the minutest details about the institutions and
events of his reign with glimpses of his predecessors. Blochmann,
Jarrett and Elphinstone have commented on his style and
work. Elliot, Dowson and Jadunath also have expressed their
opinions. It is agreed by all scholars that "the work will
deservedly go down to posterity as a unique compilation." His
work, ''comprehensive and full of facts and events of his regime,
comprising statistics and gazetteer and supplying varied infor-
mation on the social, political, religious, literary, judicial, civil,
military, agricultural and economic progress of the country is
without a parallel in the whole history of Hindustan." His
language is, however, not simple. The sentences are involved
and their construction is peculiar. Sometimes he uses long
sentences covering three pages. In spite of various shortcomings
.of style and language, Abul Fazl's works deserve the highest
praise considering the times in which they were written. Abdulla
Uzbeg used to say : "I am not so much afraid of the sword of
364 LITERATURE If
Akbar as I am of the pen of Abu! Fad." Had Abul Fazi left no
records, our knowledge not only about the reign of Akbar but
about the whole Mughal dynasty would have been very
meagre. 54 Takml-i-Akbamama is a detailed account of Akbar's
reign from the 47th year to his death. It was compiled by
Innayat Ullah. 55
Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh
Muntakiiab-itt-Tawarikh of Abdul Qadir Badaoni stands
second in the list of the histories of that reign. Superior in
style to that of the contemporary Bakhshi Nizam-ud-Din, it is
certainly inferior to the Alamgir-Nama of Muhammad Kazim
and the Padshah-Nama of Hamid Lahori. Difficult in language,
it lacks proper arrangement of events. Its chief merit lies in its
exposition of the religious views of the Emperor, and ''dispar-
agement of the fulsome eulogi urn of Akbar-Nama" However,
Badaoni's approach is biased and he sees everything through
the coloured eyes of communalism. It is a general history of
India from the times of Ghaznavids to the 40th year of Akbar's
reign. It concludes with the lives of saints, philosophers, phy-
sicians, and poets of Akbar's reign. 56
Tabaqat-1- Akbar i
Simple in language, clear in thought, better in arrangement
though defective in chronology, 57 Nizam-ud-Din' s Tabaqat-i-
Akbari is one of the most celebrated histories of India. It was
written in 1592-93. This was the first history in which India
alone formed the subject-matter to the exclusion of the history of
the Arabic countries. The history actually begins with the
Ghaznavids and comes up to the end of the 38th year of Akbar's
reign. Nizam-ud-Din's account is that of a person who "ex-
presses his views without favour or prejudice as Badaoni does."
Even Badaoni lavishes praise on the author by calling his own
work a mere abridgement of the Tabaqat. Ferishta says that of
all the histories he consulted, it was the only one he found comp-
lete. The later histories, as Rauzat-ut-Tahrin by Tahir Muhammad
(compiled between 1602 and 1606), Tarikh->i-Salatin-i-Afghana}sy
Ahmad Yadgar (compiled in 1611) and Maasir-i-Rahimi 5B by
Mulla Abdul Baqi (written in 1616) copied verbatim from the
Tabaqat. Even Khafi Khan, author of the most useful
history of Aurangez's period, bases his account of the Panj
LITERATURE II 365
Hazari and Chahar Hazari amirs and of some of the religious
persons and poets on the Tabaqat** The author of the Maastr-
ul-Umra found the work to be of much use. Erskine, Elliot, Dow-
son, Ranking, Haig, Beni Prasad and Col. Lees are all fall of
praise for "this best historian of the period," 60 and consider the
Tabaqat to be "amongst the best Persian histories and the most
reliable source of our information."
Tarikh-i-Alfi and other works
Another well-known work of the period was Tarikh-i-Alfi,
a history of the Muslim world up to the 1000th year of
the Hijra era. It was written by a group of scholars. Naqib
Khan, Shah Path Ullah, Hakim Ali, Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi,
Mirza Nizam-ud-Din, and Badaoni took part in its compilation.
The first two parts of the volume were prepared under the
supervision of Mulla Ahmad Thattawi and the third part was
supervised by Asaf Khan. Badaoni revised the second
portion. 61 It suffers from a defective plan and lacks uniformity
in treatment.
Tarikh-i-Haqqi of Abdul Haq is a brief history of Muslim
India from the time of the slave-kings to that of Akbar. 62 It
is based on Tdbaqat-i-Nasiri, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Tarikh-i~
Bahadur Shahi, and from the time of Bahlol Lodhi onwards on
oral traditions and personal observations. Among other, histo-
ries written during the period were Tarikh-i-Khandan-i-Timurya,
the earliest account of Akbar' s reign 63 uptohistwenty-second year,
Tarikh-i- Muhammad Arif Qandhari by Muhammad Arif, begin-
ning from Akbar's birth, and closing with the account of a great
fire at Fatehpur Sikri 64 (1579-80), Tarikh-i-Gujarat by Tarab
Ali, based mainly on Akbar-Namaf* Tarikh-i- Sind, often called
Tarikh-i- Masumi, a history of Sind from the Muslim conquests
to its annexation by Akbar, and Tarikh~i-Tahiri 9 a history of
Thattah by Tahir Muhammad. 66
Halat-i-Asad Beg or the memoirs of the author of the last
years of Akbar's reign give a detailed account of political
transactions dating from the murder of Abul Fazl. 67 Akbar-
Nama of Illahadad Faizi Sirhindi is based on Tabaqat-i-Akbari
but sometimes copies from Akbar-Nama also. Zabd-ut-Tawarikh
of Nur-ul-Haq commences with the reign of Qutb-ud-Din and
366
LITERATURE II
ends at the close of Akbar's reign. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh
of Hasan bin Muhammad takes notice of ail the Asiatic ruling
dynasties with biographies of prophets and sultans. Ali bin
Aziz Allah Tabataba wrote Burhan-i-Maasir under the orders
of Nizam Shah (1591-95), It is a history of the Bahmanis of
Gulbarga, the Bahmanis of Bidar and the Nizam Shahis of
Ahmadnagar coming down to the year 1596. 68
Ttizink-i-JatiaEgtri
The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, as already noticed, is the main source
of history for the first 19 years of Jahangir's reign. Gladwin says
that the memoirs are "universally admired for the purity, ele-r
gance, and simplicity of style, and he appears in general to have
exposed his own follies and weaknesses with great candour and
fidelity." 69 Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri by Mutammad Khan is a very
valuable history in three volumes. The first part contains the
history of Babar andHumayun, the second deals with Akbar, and
the third is occupied entirely with Jahangir. 70 "The work does
not rank high among the critics," according to Elliot, "but still
it is our only and authentic source for the whole reign of Jaha-
gir." 71 Tatimma-i-Wakiat-i-Jaliangiri of Muhammad Hadi is a
trustworthy record of the principal events of Jahangir's early life
before his accession. 7 ' 4 * Intkhab-i- Jahangir Shahi (or historical
anecdotes of Jahangir) supplies information about Jahangir's
character and mode of life. 73 Pandnama-i-Jahangiri contains
Jahangir's maxims, sayings, his rules and regulations in private
and public life.
Tarikh-i-Ferishta
Tarikh-i-Ferishta^ (also called Gulshan-i-Ibrahimi) by
Muhammad Qasim Ferishta is "by common consent and not
undeservedly considered superior to all the other general
histories of India." It begins from the Muslim period and con-
cludes with the events up to the date of its completion in 1611.
The work, which also includes an account of minor dynasties, is
of great historical value, based as it is on all available authentic
sources. His style is generally simple and easy. 75 His work is most
authentic for the history of the Sultans of the Deccan. Ferishta is
also the author of a well-known unpublished work called Dastur-
cd-Atibba. Tawarikh-i'Jah'angir Shahi or Farhing-i-Badi- .a!
LITERATURE II 367
at-i-Jahangir, a brief chronicle of the first fourteen years of
Jahangir's reiga by Wall Sirhindi, also remains unpublished.
Shah-i-Fath-i-Kangra by Muhammad Jalal gives six stylistically
different accounts of the expeditions sent by Shahjahan as Go-
vernor of Gujarat against the rebel Suraj Mai in 1618. Fath-
nama-i-Nur Jahan Begum by Mulla Kami Shirazi is a masnavi
describing the events at the close of Jahangir's reign. It was
compiled in 1 625-26. 76 Among other histories of the same reign
are Mirat-i-Sikandari?' 1 a history of Gujarat from, the time of
Zaffar Khan, Tarikh-i-Daudi of Abdullah, an Afghan version of the
history of India under the Lodhis and Suris, Majalis-al-Salatin,
a brief history of the kings of Delhi, Deccan and Kashmir, 78
Baharistan-i-Ghaibi, a history of Bengal and Orissa divided into
four chapters, and Tarikh-i-Turkumamai 9 a flowery and almost
dateless history of Qara Quyumlu dynasty followed by a history
of Tilinga, especially of Sultan Quli Qutb Shahi dynasty. 79 Maa-
sir-i-Qutb Shahi-i-Mahmudi by Mahmud bin Abd Allah Nisha-
puri in three volumes contains a sketch of Qutb Shah's
reign along with contemporary events. Tarikh-i-Muhammad Qutb
Shah by Habib Ullah is a history of Golkunda, while Tarikh-i
All Adil Shah Saul by Nurullab is a history of Bijapur. 80 Anfa-
ul-Akhbar by Muhammad Amin is a general history full of praise
for N the author's patron, Navvab Sipahdar Khan, and
describes in detail the buildings, gardens and history of
Ahrnadnagar. 81
Histories of Kashmir, Afghans and Deccan
Makhzan-i-AfghancP* by Niamat Ullah, written in 1613, is
full of details about the Afghans, their migraton to Ghor, Kuh-i
Sulaman and Rob. His narrative comes down to 1612. 83 Haidar
Malik bin Hasan Malik wrote Tarikh-i-Kashmir mainly an
abridgement of Rajatarangini from earliest times to its conquest
by Akbar. Baharistan-i-Shahi, a history of Kashmir, particu-
larly of the Muslim period up to 1614, was written by an -anony-
mous author in 1614. Another history of Kashmir was written
at the request of Jahangir by an anonymous author. 84 Tazkirat-
al-Muluk is a history of the Adil Shahis up to. 1611-12. It also
includes contemporary Indian and Persian dynasties. 85 Among
the histories of Goikunda, Maasir-i-Qutb Shaiii-i-Mahmudi by
368 LITERATURE II
Mahmud and Hadiqat-al-Salatin, a pompous history of Sultan
Abdulla Qutb.Shah from his birth to the 16th year of his
reign (1640-41) deserve mention.
'Historical Works of Shahjahan's reign
Many famous historians adorned Shahjahan's court and
produced valuable works. Maasir-i-Jahangiri was completed in
1630 by Kamgar Husain while Mu'tamid Khan finished his
Iqbalnama in 1632. Both these works are valuable source-
material for the rebellion of Shahjahan and the events which
preceded his accession. According to Shahnawaz, the Maasir is
very important and outspoken.
Mirza Aminai Qazvini's Padshahnama, the first official
chronicle of Shahjahan's reign, covers only the first ten years.
It is written in simple and graceful Persian. It also contains an
account of contemporary scholars, physicians and poets.
Padshahnama** of Abdul Hamid Lahori covers the first two
decades (A.D. 1627-1647) of Shahjahan's reign. Abdul Hamid's
account is very exhaustive and one gets a good understanding of
the political, social and cultural life of the period. This work
was continued by Muhammad Warris. who added a list of the
saints, poets and scholars of the period but strangely enough
excluded Hindus altogether. He also gave a graphic and picture-
seque description of the buildings constructed during Shah-
jahan's reign. The book emphasizes the role of the King as
Defender of the Faith. An imitator of the style of Abul Fazl,
Abdul Hamid is not less "verbose, turgid and fulsome" than his
master. 87
Shahjahan-Narna of Muhammad Sadiq written in simple
Persian and of moderate size covers the period 1627-57 of
Shahjahan's reign. It forms one of the most reliable sources
of information for the period. Shahjahan-Nama of Innayat
Khan, and Muhammad Salih Kambhu's history of that
reign may also be mentioned. The latter was but a summary of
the existing works on Shahjahan, while the former was an abrid-
gement of Padshahnama of Lahori and Warris. 88 Amal-i-Salih
by Muhammad Salih Kambhu Lahori is a history of Shahjahan's
reign from his birth to his dealth in in 1665 A.D. It is written
in highly polished, often rhetorical and refined Persian. A list
LITERATURE I!
369
at the end takes notice of some prominent shaikhs, physicians,
poets and scholars of the period. 89 Tarikh-i-Shahjahani, a con-
cise history of Shahjahan from A.D. 1592 to 1666 was compiled
by Sudhari Lall Subhan from, Ainal-i-Salih and various other
works. Among other histories dealing with Shahjahan's
reign are : Ahwal-i-Shah Zadagi-i-Shahjahan 9 9Q an account of
Shahjahan's life until his accession (A.D. 1590-1627), by
Mutamad Khan 91 and Padshahnama of Jalaluddin Tabatabai 3
which covers only four years from 5th to 8th (A.D. 1632 to
1636) in a highly ornate style. 92 Among the general histories
written during the period were Majalis-us-Salatin by Muhammad
"Sharif Hanafi (Compiled In 1 628, it begins from Ghaznavid
period and comes down to the early part of Shahjahan's reign),
Muntakhab-al-Twarikh (Completed in 1646-47, it consists of
accounts from earlier histories and ends with the accession of
Shahjahan), and Afasah-al-Akhbar,^ general history by M. Baqir
up to the accession of Shahjahan in 1627. Other histories are
Lubb-at-Twarikh, a general history of India (1176 to 1689)
from the time of Shihab-ud-Din by Rai Bindraban, son of
Bahara Mai, 93 and Mukhtasir-ut'Tawarikh.
Provincial histories include Majmul Muffassil of M.
Muhammad, Gwaliyarnama by Shaikh Jalal Bisarl, based on a
Hindi work by a Brahaman named Shyam, Hashim Beg Astar-
badi's Fatuhat-i-Adil Shahi, a history of Adil Shahis coming
down to 1644-45, Waqiat~i-Dakhan, an account of events in the
Deccan In Shahjahan's reign, 94 and Tarkhan-Nama, a history
of the Arghun and Tarkhan rulers of Sind (1554-1592)
continued to the death of Mirza Asa Tarkhan. 95
Among the poetical compositions of historical Importance
are : Zafarnama-i-Shahjahani, an incomplete masnari on the
life of Shahjahan, HuKya-i-Shahjahani, a masnavi describing
the physical features of Shahjahan, an account of the flight and
pursuit of Jhujhar Singh in masnavi verse by Abu Talib Kalim,
Shahjahan-Nama, a metrical history of Shahjahan's reign,
Padshahnama of Mirza Abu Talib Kalim in verse 98 and Ashob-
nama-i-Hindustan, a historical masnavi on the war of succession
between Shahjahan's sons.
370 LITERATURE II
Aorangzefe against historical writings
Aurangzeb stopped the regular annals of the empire which
had been kept before by a royal historiographer, because it gave
rise, in his opinion, to feelings of undue pride. Of all the
great Mughals, he is the onljp king of whose reign we have no
official records. After the expiry of the first ten years of his
reign, scholars were forbidden to write or chronicle "the events
of this just and righteous emperor's reign."
The most important history called Muntakhab- ut-
Lubab 97 was compiled in secret by Muhammad Hashiin, better
known as Khafi Khan. It gives in a concise and condensed form
the complete history of the Timurids from Babar's invasion to
the 14th year of Muhammad Shah's reign (1719-1748). 98 The
work, completed in 1732, is one of the best and the most im-
partial histories of Muslim India. His style is reflective and
language usually simple. To quote Sir Jadunath Sarkar, "His
description of the conditions of society and characteristic anec-
dotes save his work from the dry formality of the court annals."
Here and there Khafi Khan adds some unauthentic incidents to
make his narration interesting and readable.
Alamgir-Nama and Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri
The Alamgir-Nama by Mirza Muhammad Kazim, son of
Aminai Qazvini, author of the Padshahnama, covers the first
ten years of Aurangzeb's reign. The language is difficult, tedious
and verbose. The real facts are frequently suppressed to flatter
and please the vanity of the Emperor," The Alamgir-Nama of
Hatim Khan is an account of the first ten years of Aurangzeb's
reign , abridged from the Alamgir-NamaofMiihammadKazim. m
The Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri by Ishar Das Nagar of Pattan in Gujarat
is a history of Aurangzeb till the 34th year of his reign (1690-
91). 101 The Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri by Rafat is a rhetorical account
of the victories of Aurangzeb.
Other Histories
The Muasir-i'Alamgiri of Muhammad Saqi MustaidKhan,
completed four years after the death of Aurangzeb (1710-11),
is a history of Aurangzeb's reign, (lie lirsi ten years being an
LITERATURE II
371
abridgement of the Alamgir-Nama. The style is, no doubt, too
concise to have a parallel with any other history of the period.
His language is simple and elegant. 102 Waqiat-i-Alamgiri* an
anonymous history of the first five years of Aurangzeb's reign
ended 1662, is ascribed to Aqil Khan Razi or to Mir Khan,
subedar of Kabul.
KfeoIasat-tit-Tawarikli and Dilkusha*
The Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh a general history of India from
the earliest times (beginning from the Pandavas) to the accession
of Aurangzeb was completed in the 40th year of his reign
(1695-P6) by Munshi Sujan Rai Bhandari of Batala. 104 The
opening chapter is most useful, as it gives a detailed information
about the products of the country and its geography as known
in those times. It is written in a very simple language, and
according to Col. Lees, "it is one of the most carefully compiled
general histories of India I know of." Dilkusha (Tarikh-i-
Dilkusha or Nuskha-i-Dilkusha) by Bhim Sen is a contemporary
account of the Deccan affairs. It also throws light on the manners
of the age and the character of administration, besides giving a
description of the places the author visited. 105 Among other
histories of the period are : Lubb-ut-Tawarikh-i-Hind (Essence
of History), a concise history of India from Shihab-ud-Din to
16#9-90 (abridged mainly from Ferisfata) 106 by Rai Bindraban; 107
Muntakhab-al-Tawarikh 9 a sketch of Indian history abridged
from the above by Jag Jiwan Das ; Jang-Nama by Danish-
mand Khan, an account of Aurangzeb's war against the
Maharana of Udaipur and of the hostilities between Bahadur
Shah and Azam after his death ; Mlrat-ul-Alam by Bakhtawar
Khan 108 ; Jawahir-al-Tawarikh by Salman Qazvini, a history of
the Mughals from Adam to 1627 A.D. ; 109 Tarikh-i-Shah Shuja
by Mir Muhammad Mastim, ending abruptly with Shuja's return
to Tanda; 110 Tuhfat-al-Akhyar by M. Safi, a general history up
to 1665-1666, etc.
Provincial Histories
Among the provincial histories Tarikh-i-Ashcm of
Shihab-ud-Din Talish gives an account of the expedition
to Assam undertaken in the fourth year of Aurang-
zeb's reign. Tawarikh-i-AK Adil Shah by Nur Ullah is a turgid
372 LITERATURE II
history of Ali Abdal Shah II from his birth to the Invasion of
RajaJai Singh. ll * Basatln4-Salatin by Mlrza Ibrahim Zuberi is a
history of Bijapur coming down to Aurangzeb's conquest. 112
Ahwal-f-Salatin-i-Bijapur is a sketch of Adi! Shahi history up to
the death of Sikandar in 1699. 113 Waqai-i-Niamat Khan, written
in highly florid and difficult language, deals with the history of
the siege and conquest of Oolkunda by Aurangzeb. 114 Tawarikh-
i-Haft Kursi, a sketch of the Adil Shahi dynasty up to 1686, is
by an unknown author. Waqai-i-Golkunda 9 a satirical account
of Aurangzeb's siege of Hyderabad, is in mixed prose and
verse. 115 Muhammad- Nama of Zahur bin Zahuri, began in 1641
by Adil Shah's orders (MS. in Kapurthala), throws light on
Sivaji-Afzal Khan relations. 126 Fatha-Nama, an account of
the, conquest of Sholapur by Burhan Nizam Shah, was written
"by Shah Tahir 117 while Raj Dilli is a history of the kings of
Delhi by Banwalt Das Wall. 118
Translations
Akbar ordered those "Hindu books which holy and staid
stages had written and were all clear and convincing proof and
which were the very pivot on which all their religion, faith and
holiness turned" to be translated. 119 Badaoni criticises the
intentions of the monarch who was keen to enrich Persian and
Arabic literature. The bigoted historian did not realise that it
would also help both religions to understand each other.
He attributed it to a belief (of the Emperor) that translations of
sacred Hindu works would "be the cause of circumstance and
pomp and will ensure an abundance of children and wealth,'*
which Badaoni says "is written in the preface of their books." 120
The Emperor rewarded the scholars whose services he utilized.
Badaoni was granted 1 50 ashrqfis and 10,000 tankas for translat-
ing 24,000 slokas. 1 * 1 The Mahabharata was ordered to be translat-
ed into Persian. 122 MullaSheri,Naqib, Sultan Haji l23f and Badaoni
took part in its translation. Akbar look great personal interest
in the work and spent several nights in explaining its meanings
to Naqib Khan Eadaoni would not render an unbiased account
and had to be reprimanded. 324 Faizi improved upon the transla-
tion and rendered it in "elegant prose and verse" which was
again revised by Haji. The translation with a preface by Abul
Fazl was entitled the Razm-Nama (or Book of Wars). 126
LITERATURE II
373
The Ramay 'ana 126 took four years to be translated. Naqib Khan,
Shaikh Sultan, and Badaoni were the chief translators. 127 Mulla
Sheri translated Harivansh, a book depicting the life of Lord
Krishna. 128 Atharva-Veda, one of the four divine books- of
the Hindus, was translated by Badaoni and Ibrahim Sirhindi
Badaoni found that most of the principles described therein
coincided with the fundamentals of Islam. 129
Rajatarangini, a Sanskrit history of Kashmir for 4,000
years, was translated, according to the Ain, in Akbar's reign
while the Iqbal-Nama ascribed it to Jahangir's reign. 130 Nal-
Daman was translated by Faizi in the masnavi metre of Laila-
Majnun.^ 1 It consisted of 4,000 verses. 132 Nasrallah-i-Mustaufi
and Maulana Waiz took five months to finish the translation of
Panchatantra. 1 ^ According to Abul Fazl, "the style and language
of the translation was very obscure, difficult, and it abounded
with metaphors." Singhasan Battisi, containing 32 tales of King
Bikramajit of Malwa, was translated by Badaoni and named
Nama-i-Khirad Afza, which also gives the date of its composi
tion. 134 Besides Sanskrit works in poetry and philosophy, Faizi
made aversion of Bija Ganita and Lilavati of Bhascara Acharya,
the best Hindu books on algebra and arithmetic. Muhammad
Khan of Gujarat translated into Persian the Tajak, a well-known
work on astronomy.
Todar Mai translated Bhagavata Parana into Persian to
induce the Hindus to learn that language. 135 Rajawali, a short
account of the Rajas af Delhi from King Yudishtra to the
invasion of Shihab-ud-Din, written originally by Misr Biddya
Dhar, was translated into Persian by Shahu Ram, a disciple of
Wali Ram. 136
Prince Dara Shikoh, with the help of pandits, translated
the Bhagavad Gfta. 1 * 1 Yoga Vashishta was also translated under
his supervision. However, his greatest literary achievement
was the translation of 52 Upanishads under the title Sirr-i-Akbar
or Sirrul Asrar with the help of a number of pandits of Banaras.
The translation was completed in six months. Dara writes
that " he himself rendered into Persian (the Upanishads which
are the store-house of the doctrine of unity) without any increase
or decrease, without any selfish motive, sentence for sentence,
word for word." Sometimes the translation, no doubt, leaves
374 LITERATURE II
the original text to illustrate a point by some example but "we
must say he has eminently succeeded in this attempt. The
Sirr-i-Akbar of Dara Shikoh has not only all the merit of a good
translation but also the compactness and charm of an original
work." 138 Dara's munshi, Banwali Das Wall, translated the
Sanskrit drama 'Prdbodha Chandra Vidya of Krishna Misr into
Persian under the title Gulzar-i-Hal with the assistance of the
Prince's favourite astrologer, Bhawani Dass. Chandra Bhan
Braharnan translated Atma-Vilam, a Vandanta work ascribed to
Shankaracharya. He also translated Dara Shikoh's questions
relating to Hindu beliefs and customs and their answers by Lai
Das into Persian and named it Sawal Wa Jawab-i-Lal Das Wa
Dara Shikoh. 1 "
Arabic and Turkish
Besides Sanskrit books, Arabic and Turkish works were
translated. Abu Dharr Salman translated Mukhtar-Nama,
an Arabic work, into Persian in 1539-40 in the reign of Nizam
Shah Burhan of Ahmadnagar. 140 Several Arabic scholars of
repute as Mulla Ahmad of Thatta, Qasim Beg, Shaikh
Munawar and Badaoni took part in. the translation of the
famous book Mujam-ul-Buldan or Yaqut's geographical
dictionary. Tarkh-i-Hukaman was translated by Masquid Ali of
Tabriz, Haiwat-uI-Haiwan by Abul Fazl" 1 and Jam-i-Rashidi by
Nizamuddin 142 and Badaoni. Taqi-ud-Din of Shustar 143 turned
Shahnama into prose. Badaoni translated ahr-ul-Asmar 9 a
work on the Hadis, and Zich-i-Jadid-i-Mirza was translated
under Path Ullah of Shiraz. Waqiat-i Tlmur was translated into
Persian by Mir Abul Talib-i-Turbati during the reign of Shah-
jahan. Tattqiat-i-Kisrawi was translated from Arabic into Per-
sian by Mirza M. Jalal by the orders of Prince Murad. Much
money was spent in transcribing Amir Hamza which was done
in 12 volumes in 15 years and was illustrated with wonderful
paintings by Mir Sayyid Ali Tabriz. The Chingez-Nama, Zafar-
Nama, Ain-i-Akbari, Razm-Nama,Ramayana 9 NalDaman 9 Kattlah
Damanah, Iyar-i-Danish 9 etc. were all illustrated with very beauti-
ful paintings, 144 Fatwa-i-Alamgiri was translated into Persian
by M. Abdul Hakim of Sialkot and his several pupils. By
Zeb-un-Nisa's orders, Mull Safi-ul-Din translated Tafsir-i-Kalrh
into Persian.
LITERATURE II
375
Among the important Turkish works translated into
Persian was the Babar-Nama. Shaikh Zain-ud-Din Khwafi was
said to have been the first to translate or rather to paraphrase
the Babar-Nama into Persian in an elegant style. 145 Mirza Abdur
Rahim Khan-i-Khanan later on, in Akbar's reign, made a
complete translation of the work in 1590. 146
NOTES
1. Ghani, M.A,PartII,p. 45.
2. T.A., II, p. 686. Also see Badaoni, II, p. 199, Tr.
pp. 201-02.
3. Badaoni, III, p. 215, Tr. Ill, p. 297.
4. Sri Ram Sharma s A Bibliography of Mughal India
(1526-1707 A.D.), p. 89.
5. Badaoni, III, 5. 185, Tr. p. 259.
6. Badaoni, II, p. 376, Tr. p. 388.
7. Badaoni, I, 472-73, Tr. 611-12.
8. Extracts were included in A.N., Badaoni, III, 265,
Tr. Ill, p. 367.
9. Akbar ordered the author to coin particular Sanskrit
names for all things in existence. Badaoni, II, p. 257,
Tr. p. 265.
10. Sharma's Bibliography, p. 88.
11. Islamic Culture, XIII, No. 4, p. 422
12. Extracts tranlated in E and D, I, pp. 289-99.
13. Philips, C.H. (Ed.), Historians of India, Pakistan and
Ceylon, 1967, p. 149.
14. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, pp. 556-57.
15. Beni Prasad, History ofJahangir, p. 477,
16. Beni Prasad, op. cit, p. 475.
17. The Jesuits and the Great Moglud by Sir E. Maclagan.
18. A.S.B.,1, 1888,pp.35-36.
19. The whole translation was in verse. Storey, II, Fasc.
I, p. 196.
20. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, pp. 441-42.
21. Storey, II, Fasc. I, p. 18.
22. Saksena, B.P., Shahjahan of Delhi, p. 256.
23. Storey, II, Fasc. 3, p. 568.
24. Islamic Culture, April 1945.
25. Sharma's Bibliography, p. 81.
LITERATURE II
26. Ibid, p. 131.
27. The best-known translation of the work is by Shea.
and A. Fioyer.
28. Sharma's Bibliography, p. 129.
29. A.S.B., Vol. V, No. I, Art. No. 3 by K.B. Zafar
Hasan.
30. "Literary Progress of Hindus under Muslim Rule,"
Islamic Culture, XIII, No. 4, pp. 40946.
31. Ruqaat'i-Alamgirii translation by J.H. Biliraoria,.
London.
32. Storey, II, Fasc. I, XXXIV.
33. Islamic Culture, XIII, No. 4, p. 422.
34. Maasir-i-AIamgiri by Saqi, p. 530 ; E and D, VII,.
p. 160.
35. Sharma's Bibliography, p 130.
36. Storey, II, Fasc. II, p. 237.
37. Oriental College Magazine (Lahore), Vol. X, No. 4,
August 1934, pp. 66-67 ; Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 454.
38. Sharma's Bibliography, pp. 21-22.
39. Ibid, p. 91.
40. Ibid, 21-22.
41. Islamic Culture, January 1941, p. 66.
42. Anecdotes of Aurangzib and other Historical Essays
by J.N. Sarkar, Calcutta, 1912.
43. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 454.
44. Adbiat-i-Farsi Main Hinduon Ka Hissa, p. 78.
45. Sharma's Bibliography, p. 17,
46. E&D, VII, pp. 200-201.
47. Ruqaat-i-Alamgiri by Ashraf Nadvi, pp. 54-55.
48. E&D, VII, pp. 204-206.
49. For description see A.S.B., N.S., Vol. XII, (1916),
pp. 297-98.
50. E&D, V, pp. 116-26, English translation by Sada
Sukh LalL
51. Translation of the work with omissions of Chapters
i-iii by B.P. Saksena in Allahabad University Studies,
1930, pp. 71-148.
52. /././/., Art. 22; B.P. Sakscna, op. cit., pp. 43-44.
53. A detailed history of Akbar's reign with an account
of his predecessors in three volumes.
LITERATURE II
377
54. Ain-i-Akbari or the Institutes of the Emperor Akbar,
translation by Francis Gladwin, London. Translation
Vol. I by Blochmann, Vol. II aod III by H.S. Jarrett.
Vol. II and III edited by Sir Jadunath Sarkar.
55. E & D, VI, p. 103 ; Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 547.
56. Persian edition, Calcutta, edited by Ahmad AI5 Kabir-
al-Din Ahmad and W.N. Lees. English translation,
Vol. I, G.S.A. Ranking. Vol. II, Akbar's reign by
H.S. Lowe, Vol. Ill, traslation by T.W. Haig.
57. Smith, Akbar, p. 460.
58. E&D, V, p. 177.
59. Kabiruddin's and Ghulam Qadir's text, edition in
Bib. Ind. series, Vol. I, pp. 237-243 (1869).
60. E&D, V, p. 178.
61. Badaoni, II, p. 317 ; E & D, V, pp. 150-176.
62. E&D, V, pp. 155-157.
63. Sharma's Bibliography, p. 44.
64. Ibid 9 pp. 39-40.
65. Ibid, pp. 68-69.
66. fi & D, I, 253-85.
67. E&D, VI, pp. 150-74.
68. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 740. Edition Hyderabad
(Delhi printed), 1936. Abridged English tranlation
The History of the Bahamcmi Dynasty based on
the Burhan-i-Maasir by J.S. Kings of London, 1900.
The History of the Nizam Shahi Kings of Ahmadnagar
by Lt. Col. Sir Wolesiey Haig, Bombay 1923.
69. Edition Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri edited by Sayyid Ahmad,
Aligarh, 1863-64, Lucknow, 1914. English transla-
tion of Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri by W.H. Lowe. Translation
of Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri by A. Rogers, edited H. Beve-
ridge. E & D, VI, pp. 276-39 1 .
70. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 561.
71. E&D, VI, pp. 400. Edited by Maulvis Abdul Hai
and Ahmad Ali under Major W.N. Lees, A.S.B.,
1865. Edition, Calcutta.
72. E&D, VI, pp. 392-400.
73. Ibid, pp. 446-52.
74. Edition Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Bombay, 1831-32. Edited
by J. Briggs and Mir Khairiat Ali Khan Mushtaq.
378 LITERATURE II
Tarikh-i-Ferlshta or History of the Rise of the
Mohammadan Power in India till the year A.D. 1612
by Mohammad Qasim Ferishta. Urdu translation
by M. Fida AH Talib. English translation by J.
Briggs.
75. E&D, VI, pp. 210-12.
76. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 563.
77. The Mirror of Sikandar by Fayzullah Lutfullah
Faridi. Edition Bombay, 1831, 1890.
78. Extracts in E & D, VII, p. 139-40.
. 79. Storey, II. Fasc. II, pp. 299-300.
80. Sharma, op. eft., p. 64.
81. E. & D, VI, pp. 244 250 ; Storey, II, Fasc I, p. 125.
82. Also called Tarikh-i-Khanahan Loodhi.
83. Sharma's Bibliography, p. 36. Trans, by Bernhard
Dorn, History of the Afghans, published by Oriental
Translation Fund Series. Extracts in E & D, VI,
pp. 71-115.
84. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 681.
85. Abridged translation of an extract in "The History of
the Bahamani Dynasty" by J.S. King, London, 1900.
86. Badshah-Nama of Abdul Hamid Lahori, edited by
Maulvis Kabiral Din Mohd and Abdal Rahim under
the supervision of W.N. Lees. Shahjahan does not
call the work Badshah-Nama as is clear from an
autograph reproduced by Blochmann. A.S.B.,
p. 272. Extracts E&D, VII (1870), pp. 3-72, 121-22.
87. E&D, VII, pp. 4-5.
88. Islamic Culture, January 1941, p. 73.
89. E&D, VII, pp. 123-32. Edition Amal-i-Satih or
Shahjahan-Nama of Muhammad Salih Kambhu, edit-
ed by Ghulani Yazadani, Calcutta, 1912.
90. Storey, II, Fasc, III, p. 565.
9L Ibid.
92. Islamic Culture, January 194J, pp. 64-68.
93. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 453.
94. Ibid, p. 581.
95. E & D, I, pp. 300-326.
-LITERATURE II 379
96. Islamic Culture, January 1941, pp. 64-68.
97. E & D, VII, pp. 208-10 ; Sarkar, II, p. 304 ; Sharma,
op. cit, pp. 54-58.
98. Extracts E & D, VII, pp. 207-533.
99. Edition Calcutta, 1865-73, Bib. Ind. by Khadim
Husain and Abdul Hai ; Storey, II, Fasc. II, p.
586; E&D, VII, p. 177.
100. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 587.
101. Sharma, op. cit., p. 58.
102. The History of the first ten years of the reign of
Alamgir by H. Vansittart ; E & D, VII, pp. 181-97.
103. Waqiat-t-Alamgiri, Lahore, ed. by M. Abdullah
Chagtai ; Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 585.
104.' E&D, VIII, p. 8. Col. Lees in J.R.A.S., N.S., Vol.
Ill ; Khulasat-ul-Tawarikh by Sujan Rai Bhandari,
edited by M. Zafar Hasan, Delhi 1918. Urdu transla-
tion Arayish-i-Mahfil by Mir Sher Ali "Afsos" Jafari.
English translation of Arayish-i-Mahfil or the Orna-
ment of the Assembly by Major Henry Court,
Allahabad.
105. J.N. Sarkar, Vol. II, p. 304 ; Storey, II, Fasc. Ill,
p. 589.
106. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 453 ; E & D, VII, pp. 168-73.
107. The son of Dara's diwan, Sahara Mai. Sarkax, II, p.
306.
108. E&D, VII, pp. 147-65.
109. Storey, II, Fasc. II, p. 298.
110. E&D, VII, p. 198.
111. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 744.
112. Edition Hyderabad, Urdu translation by Fazl-al-Haqq.
113. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 745.
114. E&D, VII, pp. 200-201.
115. Edition Lucknow, 1844. Oriental College Magazine,
Vol. II, No. 4, 1926.
116. Sharma, op. cit., p. 65.
117. Storey, II, Fasc. Ill, p. 741.
118. Islamic Culture, Vol. XIII, No. 4, p. 402.
119. Badaoni, II, p. 320, tr. 329.
120. Badaoni, II, p. 320, tr. 330.
121. Ain (Bloch), p. 111.
122. T.A, II, p. 562.
380 LITERATURE It
123. Sh. Sultan of Tfaaneswar.
124. Badaoni, II, 320, tr. 330.
125. T.A. 9 II, p. 562.
126. Badaoni, II. 336, tr. 346-47 ; Badaoni, II, 366, tr. 378,
127. Adbiat-i-Farsi Main Hinduon Ka Hissa, p. 88.
128. Badaoni, III, n. 2, p. 345; n. 4, p. 350.
129. Badaoni, H, p. 212, tr. p. 216.
130. Iqbalnama (Urdu), p. 102.
131. Badaoni, II, p. 396, tr. p. 410.
132. Am (Bloch), p. 113. According to Badaoni, it con-
sisted of 4200 verses. Also see Ain (Bloch), p. 1 13n.
133. ATX (Bloch), p. 112.
134. i.e. 989 A.H. Adbiat-i-Farsi Main Hinduon Ka Hissa*
p. 88.
135. Literary History of India by R.W. Frazer, pp. 364-65.
136. KhuIasat-ut-Tawarikh, p. 1 ; Storey, II, Fasc. Ill,
p. 452.
137. DaraShikoh by K.R. Qanungo, pp. 135-40.
138. Ibid, p. 152.
139. Islamic Culture, April 1945.
140. Storey, II, Fasc. I, p. 214.
141. Badaoni, II, p. 204, tr. p. 207.
142. Ibid, p. 384, tr. p. 397.
143. Ibid, III, p. 206, tr. p. 285-86.
144. Ain (Bloch), p. 115 and p. 114 n. 2.
145. A.N., I, p. 280 n ; Badaoni, I, pp. 341, 471 ; Elliot,
IV, p. 288.
146. An, (Bloch), p. 112; Elliot, IV, 218; Iqbalnama
(Urdu), p. 201.
CHAPTER 14
Literature III
HINDI POETRY
Medieval Hindi literature, according to Grierson, an
eminent linguist, is an "enchanting garden abounding in
beauties.'*
There was a cultural renaissance in India in the 1 6th
century. In literature, religion and music a galaxy of great
talents enriched her cultural heritage, The keynote of this
revival was a higher synthesis in which the soul of India was
striving to attain a new spiritual equilibrium and. the
beauty of individual life. The renaissance in literature was
primarily due to the advent of the Mughals having their own
well-developed and artistic language, namely Persian. The
benevolent attitude of the Mughal emperors also helped to
develop the Indian languages. Hindi was definitely taking shape
in the time of Humayun and Sher Shah. Mailk Muhammad
Jayasi's famous Padmavat (1540 A.D.) was produced in this
period.
Akbar took a keen interest in the cultivation of every kind
of knowledge. He is said to , have composed a few verses in
Hindi under the pen-name of Akbar Ray. His special regard
for his Hindi subjects and their learning imparted a great
stimulus to the development of Hindi literature. The greatest
poets of Hindi, Sur Das and Tulsi Das, belong to his period.
Jahangir continued to patronize Hindi poets and scholars. He
had such a good command over Hindi that he could even under-
stand the most intricate verses. In his Tuzuk> Jahangir writes
about a Hindi poet who was brought to him by Rao Surjan
Singh, a noble :
"I read his poem. Few Hindi verses of such freshness
382 LITERATURE lit
have ever reached my ears. As a reward for this I gave
him an elephant."
For the first time in his reign endeavours were made by
scholars such as Kesava Das to systematize the art of poetry.
Shahjahan kept up the traditions of his predecessors. The
Emperor himself composed verses in Hindi.
In spite of Aurangzeb's policy of religious intolerance,,
his reign was not lacking in Hindi poets and writers. But they
were truly symbolic of the period. Decadence was writ large
everywhere, and poets and scholars, with one or two excep-
tions, were mere imitators of their great predecessors.
Almost the entire Hindi literature of medieval India is in
verses. Poetry was the most accepted form of expression in the
field of literature. Prose was practically unknown and thought
to be a difficult vehicle of expression even when tackling serious
argumentative and dull topics. Besides poetry, there was some
literature of a technical nature dealing with the rules of prosody
and art of writing poetry (and also some biographies of saints)
but this too was in verse. Nakha-Shikha or detailed description
of the beauty of the beloved was a popular composition.
This literature mostly dealt with the two incarnations (of
Vishnu), Krishna and Rama. The creation of these two schools
dates back to the time of the Padmavat (1540 A.D.). The stories
of these two deities, with little difference in treatment, form the
theme of almost all poets and writers. 1 Braj, the birth-place of
Lord Krishna, naturally became the resort of Krishna poets.
Vallabhacharya and his son Vithal Nath were the foimders of
this school Of the eight disciples of this school known as
Ashta Chhap, Sura and Krishna Das are the most celebrated.
The remaining six poets of Ashta Chhap are Kumbhan Das,
Parmanand Das, Chhit Swami, Govind Swami, Chaturbhaj Das
and Nand Das. Bhaktamala of Nabha Das is the most reliable
authority on the Krishna poets. Tulsi, the greatest poet of his
age, belongs to the second school devoted to the worship and
adoration of Lord Rama. Grieson writes :
"Sura Das and Tulsi Das possessed the strength of giants
LITERATURE III
383
and were far beyond their contemporaries in polish and in
sense of proportion....'*
Both these outstanding poets belong to "Sagun Dhara,"
Rama and Krishna Bhakti cults of Hindu philosophy of India.
They believed in God through form and content and propagat-
ed universal love. But the minor poets could not keep themselves
within bounds and so there grew up another school of poets who
laid down the rules of poetic criterion. Kesava Das, Chintamani
Tripathi, and Kalidas Trivedi are well-known writers of this
class. The 16th and 17th centuries "saw the rise of some
remarkable religious sects which gave birth to a considerable
body of literature." Guru Nanank, Dadu, Fran Nath and
Guru Govind Singh belong to this class of reformers. Some
of the courtiers of Akbar, such as Todar Mai, Birbal, Abdur
Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, etc., were not only patrons of learn-
ing but also composed verses in Hindi.
Early Hindi Poets
Guru Naoak and Kabir :
Guru Nanak (1469-1 538), founder of the great Sikh religion,
composed Japji Sahib which contains hymns in the early forms
of Hindi and Punjabi. It forms a book of daily prayers for the
Sikhs. Besides this, he composed a large number of verses which
are included in the Adi Granth? which is a collection of hymns
by various authors. A few of these hymns are in Punjabi, some
in Marathi but most of them are in old western Hindi. 3 He was a
great admirer of the philosophy of life as depicted by Kabir.
The clarity and simplicity of his verses is an easier vehicle for
his teachings. Here is a verse of his : 4
?T
, srrar STRT,
*T;T Jf
'sr
f^cT
srrar i
IS
Life may cease any moment. This world is false like a
dream. We must have faith in God and practise high
morality.
3 84 LITERATURE III
Kablr (15th century) was the pioneer of Nirguna Bfaakti
cult. His verses are composed in mixed language containing
Awadhi, Braj, Poorbi (Bihari) and Persian words. He was a
reformer and stood for Hindu- Muslim . unity. His composition
Beejak is divided into three parts, Ramaini, Sabada and Saakhi.
Ramaini and Sabada consist of padas, and Saakhi is full of
couplets. The main theme of Beejak is mostly derived from the
Vedant philosophy and aims at reformation in all walks of
human life.
God is One. Allah, Rama, Karim, Keshava, Hari, Hazrat
are His synonyms.
The other known poets of Nirguna Bhakti cult are Raidas
or Ravi Das, Dharam Das, Dadu Dayal, Sundar Das, Maluk
Das and Aksliar Ananya.
Meera Bai
Meera Bai (16th century), the great granddaughter of Rana
Jodha Ji, founder of Jodhpur, was a staunch devotee of Lord
Krishna. Some of her padas are in Rajasthani mixed langu-
age and the others in pure literary Braj Bhasha. Four
granthasNarasi Ji Ka Mayara, Geeta Govinda Teeka 9 Rctga
Govinda, Raga Soratha Ke Pada are said to have been compos-
ed by her.
II
n
*ftqT5T ! 1
O 772^ Lord !
Come and live in my eyes.
You are really very handsome
witti your sweet face,
radiant blue frame and
bewitching eyes, v
the peacock-feather crown on your head,
LITERATURE III 385
ear-rings of the shape of a shell
and the red 6 tilak* on your forehead
along with the sweet flute clinging by your lips,
a garland on your chest,
small bells ringing round your waist
and making soft sounds on your ankles.
Ye ! Lord of Meera, your gracious figure fills
the hearts of your devotees with ecstasy.
In the above pada Meera describes the beauty of Lord
Krishna and desires to see this beauty for ever.
The Krishna Bhakti cult also produced a number of talent-
ed poets. Lai Das's two granthas Han Charftra composed in
1528 A.D. and Bhagavata Dashmaskandhi Bhasha 6 in mixed
Awadhi Bhasha and in dohas and chaupais are definitely of
inferior quality when judged by poetic standards. 6
Muhammad Jay&si
Padmavat 7 , the famous romantic and half historical epic
composed about the year 1540 A.D. by the celebrated Malik
Muhammad Jayasi, the most important poet of the age of Sher
Shah, derives its theme, with certain modifications in the actual
facts of the story for poetical effects, from Ala-ud-Din's con-
quest of Chitor. At the end, the poet gives an allegorical reli-
gio-philosophical interpretation of the poem. "Chitor,** accord-
ing to him, "represents the human body, Ratna Sen, the soul.
Padmavati is the wisdom, while Ala-ud-Din is a spiritual
delusion."
Padamavat, composed in the Hindi metre and Hindi
dialect but based on the Persian masnavi style, is among the
first few notable works which do not deal with either Rama or
Krishna. Though essentially a love story, the author has
succeeded in keeping before his readers lofty and pure
ideals. The original poem is difficult to understand but
its originality and poetic beauty make it "one of the master-
pieces of Hindi literature." The author, with his beautiful
couplets and chaupais, has woven a really fine poem. It is
also remarkable for the vein of tolerance which runs through it
386 LITERATURE III
in every way worthy of Kablr and Tulsi Das. Padmavat begins
thus: 8
*Ff ^ft tflr tcTTfiFra- sifr i
(the poet began the narration in 947). And some of his
concluding verses are
err f^rar, *R TFSTT sft^T i f|rar f%wsr, f 1%
s <f*r ^RT i for 5^ SPRT ^t
f ff^^T ^f^T I ^"f^T ?fff q*
f ^ftf tcfR I
vs.
Chitor symbolizes human body, the king the mind, Sinhal
the heart. Padmini the brain and the parrot a spiritual guide ,
without whom nobody can detect Absolute. Nagamati is
a symbolic figure for wordly affairs. He who has no atta-
chement with wordly affairs escapes. Raghava, the messen-
ger, symbolizes Satan, and Ala-ud-Din, the King, illusion.
Akhravata, another composition of Jayasi, is a religious
book mainly in chaupais wherein the author discusses various
points connected with Ishvara (God) worship, the world,
humanity, etc. 9
Gada! Dehalvi
In the reign of Humayun, Shaikh Gadai Dehalvi was the
first notable scholar who combined the knowledge of Arabic
and Persian with that of Hindi. He composed verses in Hindi
and often sang them.
Shaikh Abdul Wahid Biigrami and Maulana Jalali
"Hindi" were" also Hindi poets. The latter was known for
composing lyrics and enigmas.
' KirpaRam (L 1540) was the author of Hita. Tarangini,
the earliest extant work in Braj Bhasha dealing with the art of
poetry. 10 His couplets resemble those of Bihari LaFs. 11
Krishna Das and Parma
Krishna Das (16th century) was one of the Ashta
Chhaps or famous eight poets, and composed several well-
known works such as Jugal Mancharitra, containing verses
LITERATURE III 387
which depict tbe love of Lord Krishna and Radha, Bhramar Geet
&4Prem Tatvaniroopana. 1 * According to Grierson, he is "a
graceful and sweet poet'* 13 and wrote original poetry. Parma
Nand Das, who flourished in 1550 A.D., wrote very easy verses.
Dhruva Charitra and Dan-Lila are . his important works. 14
Shri Vallabha Acharya was amazed to read his verses. Narottam
Das's (fl. 1545 A.D.) granth, Sudama Charitra, discusses in a
very sweet style and simple language the hardships a poor man
has to endure due to poverty. The high character of the hero of
the story in this ocean of misery makes it a wonderful piece of
work. Shri Bhatt's (fl. 1544 A.D.) verses are in simple Hindi.
His padas (songs) are short. Yugala Shataka, a small collection
of his hundred padas, is considered sacred among Krishna
bhaktas. Adi Bani is another work by him. 15
\, sftafer
I !
/'^7/ Bhoomi is charming; so are groves, Brinda-
vana and water of the Yamuna. The ladies of the entire
Gokal are attractive. They speak in a sweet tone. Lord of
Shri Bhatt is captivating and so Is Radha Ram.
Nartiari Bandijana
Maha Patra Narhari Bandijana 16 ' (fl. 1550 A.D.) 17 was
greatly honoured at the court of Akbar, who conferred upon
him the title of Maha Patra. The Emperor was so mucli pleased
with his following verse that he s according to the poet's desire,
ordered cow-slaughter to be stopped forthwith.
srf cflf^ 5TTff[
LITERATURE
388
**/fers with a straw between his teeth,
Wtefo^*"^^^ we, thecow, eat
nobody kills him On the o w sme that m
graSS but W e are ^^'^ l four offhand W
always supply ^et milk anhe J ( ^
do not g ive Hindus Meet * * ^.^ fhe petition of
Poet Narhari \ e * uest ** h are slaughtered when even
their
Rukm ini Man g al ^a Sang**.*
His ^ is ^
Among other works of tta M*nc^
aad ^to*a Chandr *\ 5 !?l Misra (fl- 1558 A.D.),
flfflr b ^^" ffi^XoM^ato and some
ftsto, -^^^(iatarWi^ Das (fl. 1567
positions ^ <lumrln Das and a disciple of Vithal
can
hardly be surpassed/
verse,
Hamar/ 1W ^m^aj Moteto. JC Cheri
Bam Band Gulam Ray
Akbar replied in verse :
Tumhari Haiti Hamaray Mahalon Ki Ram
Turn Sab Sardar Ray
A Hindi couplet composed by Akbar on Birbal's death
LITERATURE III
389
Seeing me forlorn, he gave me everything except unbearable
dolour, which he has given me now and thus Birbal has
kept nothing with him.
Besides many works in Sanskrit, Swami Hari Das (fL 1 560
A.D.) left poems in Hindi such as Hari DasJi KaGranth, Swami
Hari Das Ji Ke Pada y and Hari Das Ji Ki Bani. Keay adds
Sadharan Siddhant and Ras Ke Pada. His verses are in difficult
language and are not so popular. According to Grierson, how-
ever, his "vernacular poems rank next after those of Sur Das
and Tulsi Das." 21
Naod Das
Nand Das (fl. 1568 A.D.) was a poet of renown.
Next to Sur Das he holds the highest place among
the Ashta Chhap poets. On Akbar's request he visited
the court and sang his favourite hymn ending with the words :
"Nandadasa Tharho nipata mikata" (My soul, thou standest
very close and near Him.) When the Emperor pressed him for
the meaning or significance of "standing very close and near
Him," he became rapt in a trance and thus freed his soul from
earthly shackles and stood as he stated "very close and near
his Lord." His poetic skill is admirable. Sweet in rhyme,
his verses at the same time are very easy to understand. The
well-known proverb 22 '
1 1
(Others poet coin and Nand Das inlays.)
is significant. A large number of works are attributed to him.
Ras Panchadhayi in Rolla chhandas is perhaps the most cele-
brated. It narrates the miracles of Lord Krishna in a very
pleasing manner. Besides Bhagavata Dash&ma Skandha, he is
said to have composed Rukmani-Mangala , Roopa Manjari, Rasa
Manjari, Biraha Manjari, Nama Chintamani Mala., Anekarth-
nama Mala, Dan Lila, Mana Lila, Anekartha-Manjari, Shyama
Sagai, Bhramar Geet, Hitopadesha and Nasikait Puran, but most
of his works are not traceable. However, four of them have
been published, namely Ras Panchadhyayi, Bhramar Geet y .
390 LITtRATURE Hi
Anekarfha Manjari and Anekarthnama. Mala?* Some of his
Hindi verses from Bhramar Geet are quoted below :
ft *r
Addressing Braj maidens, Udho spoke thus: "I have brought
a message from Lord Krishna but I did not find proper
time and place to disclose it. On conveying the message I
shall again go to Mathura."
Maeofiar
Manohar(fl. 1577 A.D.), nom de plume "Tosha," was
well read in Persian and Sanskrit. His couplets contain many
Persian words. Well chosen s they are, they add to the beauty
of the verses. Shawp'iashiwiri is a collection of bis verses." 4
Birbal
Raja Birbal (A.D. 1528-1583) or Mahesh Das,
nom de plume ''Brahma," is well-known for his short verses of
witty and humorous nature. His verses were much liked, and
Akbar conferred on. him the title of Kavi Raya or Hindi poet
laureate. He has left a collection or diwan of several hundred
verses. It is in Bharatpur. 25
The Age of Great Poets
Surdas
Surdas (16th century), the blind bard of Agra, is by unani-
mous consent the greatest lyricist of our country. He is the
foremost poet of the Krishna sect and ranks second only to the
great Tulsi.' 2 * 5 According io a well-known proverb, fc *Sura is the
sun, Tulsi the moon, Keshav Das is a cluster of stars but the
poets of today are like so many glowworms giving light here
and there."
As a poet with insight into child psychology, Sura has 00
equal. Krishna's childhood constitutes the first great theme
LITERATURE HI 3JH
of Sura's poetry. To him Krishna is the divine being God
at the helm of affairs of the universe. Some of his verses
relating to Lord Krishna's childhood are as follows :
WT
u
(1) Oh my Lord Krishna, why do you quarrel, why are you
lying like this on the floor ? / can offer you anything which
you like but your quarrelling out of anger is no good.
Krishna, the Lord of Surdas, stood fast in anger with his
small rod.
(2) Krishna is looking beautiful with butter in his hand. He
crawls on his hands and knees with dust on his body and
his face painted with curd.
(3) Yashoda prompts Krishna to walk. She supports him
with her hands and Krishna staggers along.
The second great theme of Sura's poetry is love. With
him love is a sublimated theme representing the irresistible
attraction of the gopis of Brindaban towards the youthful and
lovely Krishna. The intensity of passion displayed by the gopis
for the person of Krishna is an expression of the natural attrac-
tion of the human spirit towards the divine soul. Here the
poetic genius of Surdas bursts forth into a series of excellent
padas of great poetic merit. Surdas, convinced of the superiority
of devotion over reason, conveys his message in a series of
perfectly charming verses.
Surdas composed several thousands of lyrical songs or
padas in the most beautiful language and style. The power of
his music and the earnestness of his words wield a profound and
far-reaching influence. His songs and hymns are usually short
padas (or simple stanzas of four lines), the first line forming a
subject which is repeated as the last and the burden of the song.
392 LITERATURE III
The following is a contemporary opinion about his achieve-
ments :
snf ipffasrr, $r tfta 5^ ^k 1 1
(Gang excels in sonnets and Birbai in the kavitta metre*
Kesav's meaning is ever profound but Sura possesses the
excellence of all the three.) 27
Unlike Tuisi Das, who touched almost every aspect of
human life, Sura, while confining himself to a few, has seen it
through once for all. He has left nothing to be added to. In
the field of Shringar and Vatsalya he still remains unsurpassed.
Realism is the keynote of Sura's poetry, while Tulsi possesses.
more idealism. He wrote in the Braj Bhasha dialect of western
Hindi and his language is considered to be the purest specimen
of that form of speech. Most later writers have adopted this
dialect.
Sura's monumental work, the Sura-Sagar (the Ocean), is a
collection of 5000 padas exceeding in length the Iliad and the
Odyssey combined and yet a high level of beauty is maintained
throughout. It is a story of Lord Krishna from his birth to his
departure for Mathura. Ten important chapters of the Bhagavad
Gita are dealt with in great detail while the rest are finished in
a few padas. The Bhramar Geei (Song of the Black Bee) is a
unique literary composition unsurpassed for its metaphysical
import and poetic charm and grace by any similar com-
position in world literature. In all lie is .said to have composed
not less than 75,000 verses.
Hita Marl Vans
Hita Hari Vans of M.ulhura or ili! Ji (16lh century) is
among the few distinguished writers of the period. He had a
complete command over Sanskrit ana S Hindi. Besides u work in
Sanskrit entitled Radha Sudhanidhi, consisting of !7u xlokas, he
left a collection of Hindi VTSCS entitled Him Chauraxi, contain-
ing $4 padas. The author of The Religion.}: Literature of India
ascribes another Hindi work, Sphutapada, to him.*"-
LITERATURE III
393
Dada
Dadu Dayal (A.D. 1544-1603), ' founder of the sect
Dadupanthis, composed verses in the western Hindi dialect
mixed with Rajasthani. Persian and Punjabi words also occur
quite frequently. His Bani (poetic utterances of religious nature)
is in 5,000 verses arranged in 37 chapters, each deciding a major
religious question. Here is a verse by him. 29
STfpr
cT 5fk I !
Das
Keshava Das (c. 1565-1617 A.D.}, 30 a great Sanskrit
scholar, is ranked among the greatest poets of his age. His
huge total of verses composed in almost all the different
types of Hindi poetry, aspadas, dohas, chaupals, etc. prove
him to be master of Hindi kavita,. His verses, no doubt,
lack the simplicity and forceful touches felt in Tutsi Das's and
Surdas's verses mainly due to the frequent use of Sanskrit
words. But judged from the poetic standards, Keshava out-
shone his two great compatriots in strictly confining himself to
the limitations imposed. 31
His two celebrated granths are Kavi Priya and Rasilca
Priya. The first is on Alankaras, while the second deals with
the laws of writing poetry. Kavi or Kavi Priya has come to be
a standard authority on the art of poetry. He discusses various
topics such as Kavya-Bhedas, Alankara Bhedas, etc. and cites
original verses of great literary merit in support of his con-
tentions.
Balbhadra Misra (fL 1583 A.D.), said to be the elder
brother of Keshava Das ? ranks among the first few honoured
ones who composed their verses in conformity with the rules
of writing poetry and did not even for poetical effects go out of
the prescribed limits. Balbhadra is the author. of many scholar-
ly works including a commentary on the Bhagavata Purana.
His famous work Nakha-Shikha describes in the minutest detail
every part of the body of a hero and a heroine, citing verses to
illustrate his viewpoint. Nayaka-Nayika Bheda, another work
by him, describes various kinds of heroes and heroines, classified
under various categories. Some other works, such as Balbhadri
,394 LITERATURE III
Vyakaran, Banuman-Nataka and Govardhana Sat Sai Tika are
.also ascribed to film. Dushana Vichara is said to be another
composition of Balbhadra. 32 .
Mas Khan
Ras Khan's (fl. 1583 A.D.) two works, Premvatika
and Sujan Raskhan have been published. The purity . of
his ideas and the simplicity of his language are greatly admired. 84
He has been given a place in the discourses of 252 Vaishnavas**
Beni Madhava Das (fl. 1600 A.D.) wrote Gosain Charitra,
a biography of his roaster, Tulsi Das.
Nabha Das
Nabha Das Ji (fl. 1600 A.D.) was a disciple of Agra Das.
His most celebrated composition Bhakta Mala, completed after
1642, contains an account of about 200 Vaishnava devotees (both
the worshippers of Rama and Krishna, though the former predo-
minate) in 316 pages comprising 108 stanzas. The poem main-
ly in chhappaya metre is written in old western Hindi. The
original work, full of legends connected with the life of each
personage and his teachings, is too compressed and its style too
difficult to be understood by the average reader. Growse
observes: "A single stanza is all that is ordinarily devoted to each
personge who is panegyrised with reference to his most salient
characteristics in a style that might be described as of unparal-
leled obscurity." 36 The work, which is little more than a cata-
logue, is a useful contribution to Indian religious history.
Besides Rama Charita Sambandhi, a collection of his padas, he
wrote two Ashta-Yamas, one in Braj-Bhasha prose and the other
in dohas and chaupais on the lines of Ramacharit Manas.
Ganga KavJ
Ganga Kavi (A.D. 1533-1617) was a darbari kavi at the
-court of Akbar, who held him in high esteem. His real name was
'Ganga Prasad. His generous patron Abdur Rahim Khan-i-
Khanan is reputed to have awarded him Rs. 36 lakhs for the
following verses composed by him.
if
LITERATURE III
395^
ftra*
cf3?r
TR 1
rf^T
When Khan-i-Khanan> son of Bairam, lightens the girth
in anger, the black bee is taken aback and does no! fly to the
lotus garden. The snc.ke does' not take back the gem
into its hood. The wind does not carry the clouds. The swan
leaves the Manasarowara lake. The chakor and the
chakorl do not meet each other. The most beautiful
damsel does not want her partner and there is no
sexual passion. There is commotion In Poet Gang's mind,
and the sheen of the sun's chariot fades.
The poet eulogises Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan indirec-
tly that when Khan-i-Khanan saddles his horse in an angry
mood, the black bee is thunder-struck and does not fly to the lotus
park, the hood of snake does not take the jewel, clouds are not
borne by air swiftly, the swan, leaves the Manasarowara, the
partridge does not mate, the beautiful damsel (Padmini) does
not desire the company of her partner for copulation, the
Shesha serpent is alarmed, so is poet Ganga's mind and the
glare of sunshine is diminished.
He was well-known for his comic style and was at his best
in the description of battles. Bhikhari Das Ji praises him in the
following well-known words :
- Both Tulsi and Ganga were leaders among poets)
Complete works of Ganga have now been published under
the title Ganga Kavltta by Nagari Pracharini Sabha, Kashi.
Tulsi Das
The greatest of all the poets of northern India was Tulsi Das
(16th century), the renowned author of the immortal work Rama-
char it Manas (The Lake of the Deeds of Rama), popularly known
396 LITERATURE III: ;
as the Ramayana. He was one of the chief glories of the reign j
of Akbar. He has been truly claimed as "the greatest man of \
the age greater than Akbar himself as far as the conquest of the
minds of the people was concerned." Grierson writes: "Looking j
back along the vista of centuries we see his noble figure unap- j
proached and solitary in its niche in the temple of Fame, shining I
in its own pure radiance." [
He deserves the splendid fame which his work has brought j
him. He is loved and honoured in every town and village of \
northern India. He made the countryside ring with the simple r
name of Rama. Vedas, Upanishads, and Puranas are not read by
the majority of the people of India, who look upon Tulsi's simple
Ramayana as the only standard of moral conduct. 37
The poet began his huge epic poem at Ayodhya in the
year 1 574 and completed it on the sacred banks of the Ganges
at Banaras in 1584 A.D. It is in no sense a translation of
Valmiki's Sanskrit Ramayana but is quite independent in its
treatment. The latter work may be considered one of its
main sources. The general plan and the management of the
incidents necessarily remain the same but there is difference in
the touch in every detail. The difference in the theological out-
look, however, is great. Rama is no longer a human being of the
original text but appears as an incarnation of the supreme God
in Tulsi's Ramayana. Less wordy and diffused, it is free from
repetitions and interpolations of the Sanskrit text.
The poem was composed in the Avadhi dialect of the
eastern Hindi, also called Bafswari, which has been adopted siace
then by all later writers for writing epic poetry. Tulsi, however,
uses many words from other dialects, especially Braj Bhasha. He
frequently uses Sanskrit words aad has little hesitation in alter-
ing a word or employing a corrupt one to suit his metre and
rhyme. He has been able to produce a strange yet beautiful
combination of simple Avadhi and classical Sanskrit. Occa-
sionally Arabic and Persian words also occur.
The full force of Hindi poetry first becomes visible in his
verses, which acted like a magnet in attracting the minds of the
people revealing to them the inherent sweetness and purity of
the language. He showed himself a complete master of every
type of Hindi poetry and the highest title ofPoorana Kavi has
been given to him. 38
LITERATURE HI 397
Unlike other poets Tulsi draws his similes and metaphors
direct from nature itself. His perfect kavittas, free from the
limitations of poetic rules, containing the beautiful description
of nature, are as fresh today as they were centuries ago.
Simple in language, chaste in style, pure in sentiments and full
of lofty ideas, his works, especially the most celebrated Rama-
.char ft Manas, have been rightly regarded as the greatest contri-
bution ever made to the Indian literature. His works not only
spread far and wide the ideal of Lord Rama but also saved
people, by the tremendous influence of their chastened style and
the noble ideas underlying their theme, from falling into the
depths of that obscenity towards which the realistic rendering
of the spiritual love of Radha and Krishna was tending.
There is not an impure image or word in all his works from
beginning to end. 39
Several works are attributed to Tulsi Das. Twelve of them,
six big and six smaller ones, are well-known. Dohavali (contain-
ing more than 700 dohas,) Kavitta Ramayana (in praise of
Lord Rama), Gitavali and Vinaya Patrika* Q (poetical composi-
tions of a devotional or moral character containing a great var-
iety of kavittas and padas in honour of Rama and Sita), Rama
.Ajna Prashnavah* 1 (written at the instance of Pt. Ganga Ram
.Jyotishi), and the famous Ramacharit Manas are the big ones.
The smaller granths are Ram Lala Nahachhu, Parvati, Mangal,
Janaki Mangal, and Barvai Ramayana, composed at the instance
of Khan-i-Khanan, Vairagya Sandipani, and Krishna Gitavali.
Here are a few typical verses by Tulsi Das :
WT ^t JRSIT ?ft
cftff vTFrf| WfsPT, ^t
p Tf w 5ft ^ipq- ?rte ^ 5^Rft cfrfi n
Those who are the fish of the ocean of ignorance,, are satis-
fied with their intellect, feel vexed because of scatter-brain
and do not accept monition.
One should wish welfare of the people only when there is
.398 ' LITERATURB; III
hope for their welfare, Tulsidas says he who considers sky a
pillow is a rogue.
Either you love Rama or you are loved by Rama. Tulsidas
says: "Do what you find easier of the two"
Rahim Khan-i-Khanan
Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan (A.D. 1535-1627), nom de
plume Rahiman, the greatest Muslim poet of Hindi, was a
scholar of Sanskrit, Hindi, Persian and Arabic. His command
over Bhasha was not less than Tuisi Das's and he was good at
both Braj and Avadfai, southern and eastern dialects. He is
.claimed to be a "Poorana Kavi." 42
His verses in fine, simple and charming words have a
direct appeal to the heart. He puts his thoughts in easy flowing
Jauguage, a language which is free from the terse Sanskrit,
Persian and Arabic vocabulary. But his verses always carry a
message and have a deep meaning. In small stanzas his verses
are easy enough to be understood and remembered by casual rea-
ders. Kahirn's dohas are full of life and activity. They are
always true to nature. Even Bihari, one of the greatest poets,
could not resist the temptation to borrow some of his ideas.
His works are Rahim Dohavali or Sat Sal., Barvai Nayika
Bhed, Shrlngar Sorath, Madnashtakas and Ras Panchadhyayi.
.Some other works such as Nagar Shobha Phutkal Barvaf,
Phutkal Kavitta Savaiya and Rahim Ratnavali were also written
by him.
Ptihakara and Suadar Das
Puhakara Kavi ? who flourished in 1616 A.D. , composed
Rasa Ratana in prison and was subsequently released. It is a
love story of Rambhati and Sur Sen narrated in chhandas. It is
worth mentioning that only a few writers like Jayasi have
touched such topics. 43 Unlike other reformers, Sundar Das
(fl. 1620 A.D.), a fine poet, lacked their spiritual experience as
well as broad-mindedness. His chief work Sundaravilasa deals
with the six philosophical systems of the Hindus and also their
'different paths of knowledge. Hriday Ram's (fl. 1623 A.D.)
Hanuman Natak in savaiyas and kavittas is regarded as a unique
work of the period.
LITERATURE III
Sundar of Gwaiior (fl. 1631 A.D.) was the most celebrated
poet at Shahjahan's court. He was honoured with the title of
Maha Kavi Raya or poet laureate. Sundar Shringar, his most
admired work, is on the art of poetical composition in the Braj
dialect. Sinhasan Battisi and Barahamasa are other well-known
compositions by him. 44
Banal-si Das
Banarsi Das (A.D. 1586-1641) was a well-known poet and
author of several works. In the beginning he used to compose
verses in Shringar Rasa but later on adopted the Jnana and
bhakti kavitas. Ardha Kathanaka is his autobiography. His
other compositions are Banarsi Vilas (collection of phutkal
verses), Natak Samayasar, Nam Mala, and Banarasi Padhati.
Dhruva Das
Dhruva Das's (fl. 1643 A.D.) dohas, chaupais, padas and
savaiyas all depict pure love and devotion. He was a voluminous
writer and no less than forty granths of his on various aspects
of Ishvara bhakti are traceable. Vrindavana Sata, Shringar Sata,
Ras Ratnavall, Sukh manjari, Rati manjari, Bani Bihar and
Rang Bihar deserve mention. His celebrated Bhakta Namavali,
containing an account of the saints up to his time, was com-
posed by him on the lines of Nabhaji's famous Bhaktamala.^
Banwari mod Senapat!
Banwari (fl. 1643 A.D.) composed Shringar Rasa eulogis-
ing the bravery of Amar Singh, elder brother of Maharaja
Jaswaut Singh/ 16 Sabal Singh Chouhan was the author of the
Mahabharala in dohas and chaupais, Ritu Samhar ka Bhasha
Anuwada, Rup Vitas, and a plngal granth* 7 Kanakmanjari was
written by Kavi Kashi Ram under the patronage of Subedar
Nizamat Khan. It is a story of Dhandhira Shah and Rani
Kanakmanjari.
Senapati (A.D. 1589-1649) may rightly be styled as the
"Indian Wordsworth" in his love for nature poetry. He sur-
passed all oilier Hi: di poets in his wonderful description of the
various Indian seasons, Deva Datta perhaps excepted. Kavltta
Ramakara, said to be his last grarnh, is the most celebrated.
400
LITERATURE in
Kavya Kalpadrum is also ascribed to him. 48 Th following
verses are by him :
T | 1
5T ^TfcT ^rTPT ^F tl
/ r&e delusion and misery of the world time passes in dis-
tress. There is no trace of joy* On the contrary, there
are all sorts of troubles. That is why Senapati is saying
this distracted.
Chintamani
Chintarnani or Mani Mai Tripathi of Kanpur (fi. 1650
A.D.) is regarded as the greatest poet of his time and the
creator of a new style of poetry. He is an acknowledged authority
on the ari: of poetic composition. He wrote Chhanda Vichar at
the instance of his patron Makarand Shah Bhonsala of Nagp'ur
while at the Imperial court. He was held in high esteem by
Shahjahan, who frequently rewarded him. Kavikul Kalpatam,
Ramayana, Kavya Prakash and Kavya Vivek are his well-known
works. 49 The following is a verse from one of his poems :
f^t
*ff
TTTO
fiar ^ffe
u
On the pretext of closing his eyes, she sudddenly comes
and touches his back with her breasts.. Sometimes she
smiles and stretching her limbs flaunts her incomparable
parts. When the husband beguiles her Into allowing him to
touch her breasts, she laughingly frowns. Thereby enjoy-
ment Is augmented. The wife in the bloom of her youth
captivates the heart of her husband engagingly.
Bihari, the Incomparable
Supreme among those who gave a new turn to the old
poetry by according th-^ first place io the cultivation of art ID
^LITERATURE III
401
preference to devotion, stands Bihari Lai Chaube of Jaipur.
.Sat Sai (or seven hundred verses), his incomparable work, is one
-of the daintiest pieces of art to be found in any language. It
was composed at the instance of his patron Mirza Raja Jai
Singh whose deep respect for the great poet is ascribed to an
incident. It is said that the Raja used to remain confined to
his palace out of sheer love for his wives and consequently he
paid no heed to the business of the State. The following doha
of Bihari did the miracle, and sanity returned to the Raja. He
was so much pleased with the poet that he awarded him an
ashrqfi for each one of his dohas.
TTPT
u
There is no pollen or sweet honey on the flowers. Nor
are they in bloom. JBut the large black bee is bound to the
bud. One wonders what would happen in future.
Bihari Sat Sai is a collection of 700 dohas, all in the same
metre. Each of these verses is an independent work of art and
has no connection with what precedes or follows. No verse
contains more than 46 syllables and yet it is a complete poem in
itself. Working under such limitations, Bihari was able to
produce 700 miniature pictures of great beauty and excellence
by his sheer skill and felicity of expression. Grierson writes :
"The elegance, poetic flavour and ingenuity of expression in this
difficult task are considered to have been unapproached by any
other poet." His skill in describing a natural phenomenon is
inimitable.
He has been accused of "compression," but none can
deny the fact that it is on his brevity, his ability to fit in a word
when many would not have conveyed the sense, that the main
interest and the fame of his work rest. To borrow the words
of a critic :
ezff
u
(Dohas of Sat Sai are like small arrows which appear to be
small, but the whole body is perforated.)
402
LITERATURE III
Mat! Ram
Mat! Ram (fl. 1664 A.D.) enjoyed the patronage of
Bundi Rawal Bhava Singh. He dedicated his work Chhanda
Sara to Maharaja Shambu Nath Solanki. Ras Raj, Sahityasar
and Lakshan Shringar are some other works by him. His Sat
Sai, composed on the lines of Blhari Sat Sai,is a work of unique
interest. Free from superfluous words even for poetic effect,
written in simple yet dignified language, it strictly follows the
rules of poetic composition. 51
Bhushan
Bhushan (17th century), brother of Chintarnani, was
honoured with the title of Kavi Bhushan by Rudra, Solanki Raja
of Chitrakut. He remained for some time at the court of
Shivaji, who held him in high esteem and rewarded him im-
mensely. Shiva Bhavani and Chhatarsal Dashakas are his cele-
brated compositions. Bhushan Ullas, Dushan Ullas and Bhushan <
Hazard are also ascribed to him. 52 Bhushan holds a very
eminent position among Hindu kavis especially for his encourage-
ment to the ideas of Hindu glory for which Shivaji stood. He
excelled in "tragic, heroic and terrible style." 53
^rff[
I n
ftrarrar
^1" srat ^^fcr | n
Hearing the tumuli of the tymbals of King Sivarqja, the
emperor of Delhi startles out of his sleep again and again.
Seeing him, the ruler of Bijapur sobs,. The English ladles
suffer from palpitation. Qutb, the ruler of Golkunda, trem-
bles. Even the assembly of rulers quivers from fear. Many
a ruler feels alarmed.
Jaswant Singh '.-.;
, . Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Marwar, (c. 1625-81) was a
poet of renown. Bhasa Bhushan, his celebrated grant h on
rhetoric, is composed after the style of Chandralok. It holds the
same position among Hindi writings as Chandralok among
Sanskrit works. It has the admirable feature of containing
lakshan (signs) as well as udaharana (example) in the same doha.
His other works are AprokshSidhanta, Anubhava Prakash Anand
Vilas, Siddhanta Bodh, Siddhanta Sara and Probodh Chandrodaya
Natak. They are all in padas, and they deal with knowledge
and Vedanta philosophy. 54
Lai Kavi
Lai Kavi or Gore Lai Purohit (c. A.D. 1648-1731)
was a court poet of Maharaja Chhatrasal Bundela in whose
honour he composed Chhatra Prakash" a biographical account
of Chhatrasal, his most celebrated grant h- in dohas and
thaupais. He has given us a very graphic and truly historical'
sketch of the characters of Aurangzeb and Dara. He also gives
us an account of the services rendered by Champat Rai under
Dara at Qandhar. 56 He traces the genealogy and describes the
traditionaj exploits of the dynasty. Vishnu Vilas, another
book by him, is in barvai chhandas. 51 ' '
Sukh Dev and Guru Goyind Singh
Kavi Raj Sukh Dev Misr (c. A.D. 1663-1703) is regarded
as one of the masters of composition. His works are Chhanda
Vichar, Shringar Lata, Adhyatma Prakash, Dasarth Rava and
Mas Anarva. '
Of all the guru poets, Guru Govind Singh (AD 1666-
1708) was a true kavi. Suniti Prakash, Sarva Loha Prakash
Prem Sumarga, Buddhi Sagar, Bichitra Natak and Chandi
Charitra are his well-known works. The last work describes the
story' of Goddess Durga in simple and fine verses. 58
Alam (17th century) was another Hindi poet who flouri-
shed under the patronage of Muazzam. His most cele-
brated works mphutkal verses are on Prem and Shringar. His
beloved Rangrezan also composed verses. Aiarn once wrote
404
The beautiful lady is like a golden wand but why her waist
is slender.
Rangrezan replied :
faftr
Carving the gold from her waist the Creator inserted it In
her breasts.
Deva Datta
Deva Datfa (c. A.D. 16734745) was a great poet and one
of the most voluminous writers of his times. Not less than
thirty of his granths are even now available. He wrote in a
very flowery and ornamented Braj Bhasha. Keay writes about
him : "In his handling of rhymes, his drawing of comparisons,
his knowledge of the sayings current amongst folk and his
description of heroines who represent women typical of various
parts of India, he is considered to have shown the greatest skill* 9
Azam Shah, the eldest son of Aurangzeb, greatly admired
his verses in Bhava Vilas. Some fifty-two granths are ascribed
to him. 60 It was not an unusual thing for the poet to select
verses from his old writings and compile them into new ones.
Most of his verses are couched in fine and beautiful idiomatic
words while some are in oft-repeated words and phrases.
Bhavani Vilas, Kushal Vilas, and Prem Chandnka were composed
after the names of Bhavani Dass Yaish, Kushal Singh and Raja
Udyota Singh. Jati Vilas contains an account of the different
countries he visited while Rasa Vilas was composed after the
name of Raja Bhogi Lull. R *g Ratanakar is an account of
poets and poetesses. Some of the other works are Ashta Yama,
Sujan Vinody Prem Tarang, Ras Vilas, Sukh Sagar Tarang^
Brahamdarshan Pachlsi, Prem Dipika, Nlti Shataka, Nakha Shikha
Prem Darshan, etc.
UIHEATURB II! 405
NOTES
1. The very few who have not followed the beaten track deal
with Ishvara may a, bhakti, puja, etc.
2. The sacred Sikh granth in old Punjabi, with old Hindi
extracts included in it, contains verses of Vaishnava saints
and chiefly of Kabir and several Sufis, as Shaikh Farid
of Pakpattan. The Adi Granth was put together by
Guru Arjan. Ency Brit., II, p. 573.
3. BSOAS, Vol. I, 1, 1917-20, pp. 119-23.
4. Outline of Religious Literature of India, p. 336.
5. Hindi ShabdSagar (HSS), vol. I, p. 117; Hindi Sahitya ka
Itihas (HSI) by Ram Chandra Shukla, p. 201
6. HSS, 1, p. 117; HSI, p. 201.
7. (a) A specimen of the Padmavat by Grierson, ASB, 1893
pt. I, pp. 127-181.
(b) Vernacular Literature of Hindustan (VLH) by Grierson*
pp. 15-18.
(c) India's Past by Macdonnell, Oxford, p. 223.
(d) BSOAS, I, 1917-20, pp. 119-23.
(e) History of Hindi Literature, F.E. Keay, p. 32.
(f) HSS, I, pp. 84-87.
(g) HSI, p. 104.
(h) Translation of Padmavat by Sir George Grierson and
Pandit Sudhakara Dvivedi ia ASB, N.S., I, No. 877,
pp. 15-16. Husain Ghaznavi wrote a Persian poem
entitled Qissa-e- Padmavat on the subject.
8. HSS 9 1, pp. 84-87.
9. HSI, p. 104.
10. Keay, op. cit, p. 32.
11. HSS, I, p. 117
12. HSS, I, p. 108; HSI, p. 171.
13. VLH, p. 21 .
14. HSS, I, p. 108; HSI, p. 172; VLH, p. 25.
15. HSS, I, p. 113; HSI, p. 188; VLH, p. 28.
16. HSS, I, p. 118.
17. VLH, p. 39.
18. HSI, p. 202; VLH, p. 39; HSS, I, p. 118.
19. HSI, p. 191; HSS, I, p. 114; VLH, p. 28.
406*
20. HSS, I, p. 109; HSL p. 175; VLH, p. 25.
21. VLH,p.29.
22. "All others are simply founders but Nand Das is the
artificer." Ktff, pp. 25-26; ASO^S, 1, 1917-20, p. 109;
HSS, I, p. 107; HSI., p. 169. :
23. VLH,p.26.
24. #SS, I, p. 121; .S7, p. 210; Keay, p. 36; KLff, p. 37.
,25. ^fc, I (Bloch), p. 442; Jl/ttw/r, II, p. 161; #SS, I, p. 119;
HSI, p. 206; Fiff, pp. 35-36.
26. VLH, pp. 21-22.
27. Grierson writes: "Other poets may have equalled him in
some particular quality but he combines the best qualities
ofall."FJU7, p.25.
28. According to Grierson, he flourished in 1560 A.D. "KT,
p. 28; HSI, p. 177; Religions Literature of India, p. 318;
aSS, 7, pp. 109-1 10 for verses, etc.
29.' DaduDayalki Ban!, p. 186, FL// S p. 67.
30. According to Grierson, he flourished in 1580' A.D. VLH 9
p. 58.-
31. as/, pp. 215-16; HSS, I, pp. 121-23.
32. According to Grierson, he flourished in 1580 A.D. Keay,
p. 37; HSS, I, p. 121; HSI, p. 21 1 .
33. HS/,p. 192: VLH, p. 31.
34. FSS, I, pp. 114-115.
35. "Muslim Poets and Hindi Literature," K. Mukerjee, Art.
in New Asia, July 1940, No. 3, pp. 6-7.
36. K,#, p. 27
37. The account is based on the following sources: KLa, pp.'43-
45; IISI, p.!25;//SS, I, pp. 97-99; Smith, Akbar the Great,
p. 420: India's Past, Macdonncll, p. 226; Wilson, Reli-
gious Sects of the Hindus, p. 63; Religious Literature of
India, p. 329; BSOAS, London, Vol I, pp. 113-120 (1917-
20); The Prologue to the Ramayana of Tulsi Das "by
Growsc, ASB y 1876, p. 2; Fra/-cr, Indian Culture, p. 367.
.38. "He was a master of all the varieties from the simplest
flowing narration to the most complex verses.*' VLB,
p. 47.
39. VLH, pp. 45-46.
40. A collection of 279 hymns to Lord Rama.
LITERATURE III 407
41. Collection of omens connected with the life of Lord Rama.
42. HSS, 1, pp. 124-26; HSI, pp. 221-23.
43. HSI, p. 237, HSS, I, p. 128.
44. HSI, p. 238; VLH, pp. 60-61; Keay, p. 39. Garcin de
Tassy ascribes another work called Sundar Vidya to him.
45. HSS 9 I, p. 116; HSI, p. 195. The names of forty granths
are written.
46. HSI, pp. 366-67.
47. Ibid 9 p. 368.
48. HSS, I, p. 127; HSI, p. 232; Keay, p. 40.
49. Keay, p. 42; VLH, p. 71.
50. FLF, pp. 75-76.
51. HSS, I, p. 139; FLF, p. 62; Keay 9 p. 42; HSI, p. 263.
52. HSS 9 I, pp. 139-40.
53. VLH, p. 61.
54. JEWS, I, p. i35; Keay, p. 44.
55. Published by Nagari Pracharini Sabha, Varanasi.
56. Qanungo, Dara Shikoh, p. 416-17.
57. HSS; I, p. 175; VLH, p. 77.
58. HSS, I, p. 142; VLH, p. 66.
59. HSS, I, p. 174; TS7, 376.
60. FLF, p. 60; HSS, I, p. 144; HSI, p. 281. According to
Grierson, he wrote about seventy works.
Appendix
The following is a list of the Persian books studied in
madrasas during the Mughal period : l
PROSE
Ruqqat-i-Abul Fazl ; Letters of Chandra Bhan Brahman ;
Letters of Mulla Munir; Insha-i-Yusufi; Insha-I-Madho Ram;
Handbook of Shaikh Inayat Ullah; Insha-i- Khalifa; Bahar-i-
Sukhan by Shaikh Muhammad Salih; Kheyalat-i-Nadir; Dastur-
us-Sibyan; Epistles of Shaida and Mulla Tughra; Story of Lall
Chand; Lilavati translated by Shaikh Faizi.
POETRY
Firdausi's Shahnama. Poems of Amir KhusrauQiranu&
Sadain, Matla-ul-Anwar and Ijaz-i-Khusravi.
Mulla Jami's works Yusuf Zulaikha, Tuhfatu-i-Ahrar,
Nuzhatu-I-Abrar. Nizami's works Sikandarnama, Makh-
zanu-I-Asrar, Haft Paikar, Shirin Khusrau, Laila Majnuru
Diwans of Hafiz, Khaqani, Anwari, Shams-i-Tabriz, Zahir-i-
Faryabi, Sadi and Salih. Qasaid of Badr-i-Chach, Urfi. and Faizi.
FICTION
Tuti-nama of Nakshabi; Anwar-i-Suhaili of Husain Waiz
Kashifi; lyar-i-Danish of Shaikh Abul Fazl; Bahar-i-Danish of
Inayatullah; Seh Nasr of Zuhuri.
1. These books are not given in the order in which they were
taught. The course refers to the 17th century. The list has been compiled
from the following sources: Khulasatu-i-Maktib (MS) ; Chahar Chaman\
Gul-i-Raana-, Mamie Culture, April 1945 ; Sher-ul-Ajam 111 (1922), pp. 149-
50 ; Adbiat-i-Farsi Main Hinditon ka Hissa, pp. 239-42.
APPENDIX 409
HISTORY
Zafarnama-i-Kangra by Raja Husain; Akbarnama of Abul
Fazl; Iqbalnama-i-Jahangiri; Zafarnama of Sfaaraf-ud-din All
Yazdi; Tarikh-i-Firuz Shafai; Razmnama (translation of Maha-
bharata).
ETHICS
Akhlaq-i-Nasiri; Akhlaq-i-Jalali,Akhlaq-i-Muhasini; Works
of Sharaf-ud-din Maniri; Nuzhatu-1-Arwah; Masnavi of
Maulana Rum; Hadiqah of Sanai.
Select Bibliography
A. Foreign Travellers
1. Vartheina, Ludovico di, The itinerary from 1502 to
1508, edited by N.M. Pienzi.
2. Dom Joao de Leyma, 1518 : His letters to the king of
Portugal, Cochin, etc. Translated into English by S.N. Sen
under the title An Early Portuguese Account of Bengal
3. Reis, Sidi All (Duration of stay in India 1553-56) :
Travels and Adventures.
4. Monserrate, S. J. (1580-83): The commentary,
trans, from Latin by IS. Hoyland, annotated by S.N. Banerji,
1922, Oxford University Press.
5. Linschoten, Van John Huyghen (1583-88) : The
Voyage to the East Indies. Vol. I translated into English
by Arthur Coke Burnell, London; Vol. II by P. A. Tiele,
London, 1885.
6. Ralph Fitch (1583-91) : England's Pioneer to India,
Burma etc., edited by J.H. Riley. Also in Early Travels in
India (1583-1 6 1 9), edited by William Foster, Oxford, 1921. My
references are usually to the latter.
7. William Hawkins (1608-13): Hawkins" Voyages
during the reigns af Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth and James I
edited with an introduction by Clements R. Markhara, London.
Printed for Hakluyt Society. Also in Early Travels in India by
Foster.
8. John Mildenhall (1606): The Travels into Indies
<and in the countries of Persia and of the Great Mogor or
Mogull, Purchas, II, pp. 229-304.
9. Pyrard, Francois (1608-9): The Voyage
to the East Indies,, the Maldives, etc., translated into English
BIBLIOGRAPHY 411
from French by Albert Gray assisted by H.C.P. Bell, Hakluyt
Society, London. Two volumes.
10. William Finch (1608-11) : "Observations of William
Finch, merchant, taken out of his large Journal} in Purchas,
IV, pp. 1-77. Also in Early Travels in India edited by Foster.
I have referred to the latter.
11. Lancaster, Sir James (1610-11) : A Journal kept in
the Fourth Voyage in the Voyages of Sir James Lancester and
a Journal kept in the Sixth Voyage, April 1610-January 1611,
in the Voyages of Sir James Lancester in Purchas, IV, pp. 214-
15.
12. Middleton, Sir Henry (1610-11): Account of the
Sixth Voyage set forth by the East India Company in three
ships in Purchas, III, pp. 1 15-94.
13. Salbancke, Master Joseph (1610): The Voyage
.through India, Persia, Part of Turkey, the Persian Gulf and
Arabia (1 609-1 6 1 0) in Purchas, III, pp. 89-92.
14. Erediade Manuel Godino (1611): Description of
.Hindustan and Guzarate, edited and translated by Rev. H.
Hosten, published in J.R.A.S.B., Letters, Vol. IV, 1938.
15. Coryat, T. (1615-16) : Coryat's Crudities (Glasgow
1905), 2 Vols. Also in Early Travels in India and in Purchas,
IV, pp. 469-87.
16. Roe, Sir Thomas (161 5-1 9) : The Embassy to the
Court of the Great Mogul (1615-19), edited by William Foster,
London, 1899. A later edition is of 1936. The first edition
.is meant unless mentioned otherwise.
17. Richard Steel & John Crowther (1615) : A Journal
of the Journey of Richard Steel and John Crowther in Purchas,
IV, pp. 266-79.
18. Pelsaert, Francisco (1620-27): The Remonstrantie,
translated from Dutch by W.H. Moreland and P. Geyl, Cam-
bridge, 1925.
19. Terry (1622) : The Rev. Edward Terry's Voyage to
.East Indies, written for the most part in 1622, London 1655.
Also in Purchas, IX, pp. 1-54 and in Early Travels,
20. Delia Valle, Pietro (1623-24) : The Travels of a
Noble Roman into East Indies and Arabian Deserta, London,
412 BIBLIOGRAPHY
1664. Also The Travels ofPietro Delia Valle in India in two
volumes by Edward Grey, London, Hakluyt Society. The
former edition is mostly used.
21. Peter Mundy (1628-34) : Travels in Europe and
Asia. Vol. II, Travels in Asia (1628-34). Second series, 1914.
22. Manrique, Fray Sebastian (1628-43) : Travels, ed.
Luard and Hosten (Hakluyt, 1927), 2 Vols. Vol. II relates to
India and is meant if not mentioned.
23. Jos de Castro, SJ. (1632): His letters written in the
year 1632, edited by Rev. H. Hosten in J.R.A.S.B., 1938,
Vol. IV, Article No. 21.
24. Herbert, Sir Thomas (1634) : Description of the
Persian monarchy now being the Oriental Indies and Afrik,
1634.
25. Mandelslo, Albert (1638-39) : The Voyages and
Travels of the Ambassadors sent by Fredrick Duke of Holstein
to the Great Duke of Mitscow, etc. 9 containing a particular
description of Hindustan, the Moguls, the Oriental Island and
China (in Book III) by Adam Olearius, Second Edition, London
1669.
26. Tavernier, J.B., The Six Voyages through Turkey
into Persia and the East Indies, London, 1678. Part I is meant
unless mentioned otherwise.
27. Manucci, Niccolao Venetian (1653-1708); Storia
do Mogor or Mughal India (1653-1708). Traslated into Eng-
lish by William Irvine, Vol. I-IV, (1907-08).
28. Bernier, Francois (1658) : Travels in the Mogul
Empire (1656-68). Translated and annotated by Archibald
Constable (1891). Revised by VA. Smith, Oxford (1934). The
later edition has been used.
29. Nieuhoff, John (1665) : Voyages and Travels into
Brazil and the East Indies. Printed for Henry Lintot and John
Osborn.
30. Thevenot, Monsieur de (1667) : Travels into the
Levant, in three parts. Trans, into English, 1686. Part III relates
to India.
31. Marshall, John (1668-72) : John Marshall in India
'BIBLIOGRAPHY ' 413
notes and observations in Bengal (1668-72), edited by Sir
Shafaat Ahmad Khan. Oxford 1927.
32. Bowrey, Thomas (1669): AGeograhical Account
of the Countries round the Bay of Bengal (1669-79), ed. by
Sir Richard Carnac Temple (Hakluyt Society), 1905.
33. Fryer, John (1672-81): A New Account of East
. Indies and Persia being nine years Travels, edited with an intro-
duction, notes and an index by William Crooke, published in 3
volumes by Hakluyt Society, London, 1909.
34. Fryer, John and Sir Thomas Roe (1672-81) : Travels
in India in the 17th Century, London, Trubner and Co., 1873.
35. Hedges, William (1681-87) : The Diary of William
Hedges during His Agency in Bengal with notes by R.
Barlow, ed. by Col. Henry Yule, 2 Vols., London.
36. Hamilton, Alexander (1688- 1723): A New Account
vfthe East Indies (168S-1723), 2 Vols., London, 1724.
37. Ovingtoxi, J. (1689) : A Voyage to Surat in the year
1689, London, 1696.
38. Careri (1695) : Indian Travels of Thevenot and
Careri (1695), ed. by S.N. Sen, published by National Archives
of India, 1949.
39. Foster, William, Early Travels in India, Oxford, 1921.
Later Travellers
40. Grose, F.S. (1754-58): A Voyage to the East
Indies with general reflection on the Trade of India, London, 2
Vols.
41. Stavorinus, John Splinter (1768-71) : Voyages to
the East Indies. Translated into English by Samuel Hull
Willcocke in 3 Vols., London.
42. Bartolomeo, Fra Paolino da 'San (1776-89): A
Voyage to the East Indies containing an account of the manners,
customs etc. of the natives; notes and illustrations by John Rein-
hold Foster. Trans, from German by William Johnston.
B. Persian
1 . Baharnama or Babar-Nama or Tuzuk-i-Babari by Babar,
written in Turki and translated into English in three volumes by
414 BIBLIOGRAPHY
A.S. Beverfdge, Liizacand Co, London, 1921. Very useful for
description of India, its people, etc.
2. Tarikh-i-Rashidi by Mirza Muhammad Haidar Dugh-
lat, translated into English by E. .Denisoa Ross, London,.
1895.
' 3. Humaymnama or Huniayun-Nama by Gulbadan Be-
gam, translated into English by A.S. Beveridge, London, 1902.
Useful for harem affairs and culture.
4. Humayun - Nama or Qanun-i-Humayuni by
Khwandamir, translated into English by Beni Prasad ? 1940..
5. Tazkirat-ul-Waqyat (or Waqiat) by Jauliar. Translated
into English by Charles Stewart, London.
' ' 6. Akbarr.ama or Akbar-Nama (Persian text Bibliotheca
Indica) by Abul Fazl. Translated into English by K. Beveridge
ih three -volumes, 1904, 1912, 1939. Useful.
7. Ain-i-Akbari (Persian text Bib. Ind.jby AbuIFazl.Trans-
lated into English (Vol. 1) by H*. Blochmann (1873). Revised by
D.C. Phillott (1939). (My references are to the laier edition*
unless ' mentioned otherwise); Vol II by M.S. Jarrett (1890),
revised by Sir Jadunath Sarkar (1949) ; Vol. Ill by M.S. Jarrett
(1894), revised by Sir Jadunath Sarkar (1948). My referen-
ces are to Jarrett unless mentioned otherwise. Extremely valu-
able.
8. Takmil-i-Akbarnama by Inayat Ullah. Extracts given
in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. VI, pp. 1 13-116.
9. Tabaqat-i'Akbari (Persian text N.K. Press, Lucknow)
by Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad. Translated into English in three
volumes by B.'De, I.C.S. Useful.
10. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh (Persian text Bib. Ind.) by
Mulla Abdul Qadir Badaoni. Translated into English, Vol. I,
G.S. Ranking (1898) ; Vol. II, W.H. Lowe (1S9S); Vol. Ill'
T.W. Haig (1925). Very useful
11. Gukhan-i-lbrahimi or Tarikh-i-Ferishta (Persian text
N.K. Press, Lucknow; by MulKinimad Qasim Hindu Beg
Ferishla. Translated into English by L Brings under the title
History of the Rise of the Mahomeditn Power in India till the year
A.D. 16 12^ Vols. I-1V, London,
BIBLIOGRAPHY 4.1.5
12. Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri (Persian text N.K. Press, Lucknow)
by Jahangir. Translated into English by A. Rogers and HL
Beveridge in two volumes. Very useful.
13-. Iqbalnama-i'Jahangiri (Persian manuscript). Transla-
ted into Urdu by Maulavi Abalswala Muhammad Zakriya,
Osmania, Hyderabad-Deccan, 1928. Useful.
14. Maasir-i-Jahangiri by Kamgar Ghairat Khan (Persian
manuscript). Extracts in Elliot and Dowson, VI, pp. 439-49.
Useful.
15. Tatimma-i-Wakiat-i-Jahangiri by Muhammad Hadi.
Also see extracts in Elliot and Dowson, Vol. IV.
16. Maasir-i-Rahimi (Persian text Bib. Ind.) by Mulla
Abdul Baqi in three volumes. Very useful. :
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mad Fida Ali Talab, Osmania (Hyderabad) Publications.
26. Tarikh-i-Dilkusha or Nuskha-i-Dilkusha by Bhim
Sen (Persian manuscript).
27. Fatuhat-i-Alamgiri by Ishwar Das Nagar (Persian .
manuscript), Punjab University Library, Lahore.
28. Muntkliab-ul-Lubab by Khali Khun (Persian text Bib.;.
Ind.) ? three volumes. , _ f . .,..'...<. . .:-,
415
29. Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh by Sujan Rai Khattri (Persian
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31. Muat~i-Ahmadi by Ali Muhammad Khan. It is a
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C. Other Contemporary Works
1. Mukundram, author of the poem Chandi composed
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 419
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Index
Abdul Hamid Lahori, 147
Abdul Karim, MuHa, 143
Abdul Latif of Bukhara, 304
Abdul Rahim of Lucknow, 24!
Abdul Shaikh of Eadacn, 135
Abdur Razzaq, 268, 273
Abul Fazl, 4, 6> 12, 14, 17, 33, 35, 38,
5n, 62, 68, 39, 92, 14i, 144, 247-
48, 150, 169, 171, 17478,180,
185-86", 188-89,223, 239-40, 266,
296, 298
Achyuta R'aya, 271
Adultry, 112, 123
Agra, 11. 32-33, 62-63, 67, 85, 93,
111, 139 f 173, 241, 257, 263, 294-
95, 298-99
Agra Fort, 59, 67
Ahmedabad, 13, 36,- 43, 94, 138, 243,
265, 303-4, 328
Ahmednagar, 12^-22
Ajmer, 66,' 71, 97, 172, 266, 293, 295,
304
AkaBai, 123
Akbar, 2, 9, II, 3?.- -3, 37, 39-42, 56-
59, 61 f.4, 66-67, 69-71, 84, 87, 89-
93, 108, lfI-12, 114, 116, 119,
121-23, 147, S 72-79, S82, S84, 190,
222,. 224, 22S-29, 240-4?., 245, 257,
291, 293-95, 2%', 303-4, 325-26,
3 8 i, 383, 388-89
Akbari Mahal, 257
Akhara, 68
AH Mardaa Khan, 94, 121, 223
All Sher, Mulla, 143
Allahabad, 71, 25;, 294, 298-99
Ambassador, mode of reception of,
222
Procession of, 302
Amber (Jaipur), 42, 116, 175 S 258,
260
Annaprasana, 170
Antarjali (pre-obituary), 186
Antyesti (Obituary), 185
Aqiqah, 172, 174
Archery, 63 9 88
Arthasastra, 9
Asaf Khan, 33, 36,86
Asaocha (uncleanliness period), 185^
187
Ashta Chhap, 382
Ashtadhyayi, 145
Ask an", Mirza, 174
Asthi Sanchayana, 185
Aurangzeb, 3, 17, 36, 39-40, 57-58,
68-69, 84, 87-88, 93, 95, 114, 116,
119, 121-22, 174-75, 179, 224, 229 9
241-43, 303, 343, 382
Azam Shah, 189
Aziz Koka, 112,244
.B
Babar, 4, 6, 9, 38 5 40, 56, 61, 68-69,
71, 151, 172, 189, 224,228,302,
3 1 9-20
Badakashan, 34, 122, 228, 295
Badakhshi, Muiia Shah, 140, 143
Baghdad, 143
Bahadur Khan, 151
Bait-ul-mal (Charitable Deptt.) 9 243
Balkh, 34, 223
Ballabhacharya, 184
Balsar, 9
Banaras (Varanasi), 2,9, 71, 134-36,
145, 154, 266
Barkhurdar, Khoja, 179
426
Basra, 143
Bassein, 266
Bastar, 294
Bayana, 141
Baz Bahadur, 122
Bedding, of poor, 270
of rich, 270-71
indra kambal, 271
quilts of Cambay, 271
Begam Sahiba, 308
Bengal, 2, 4, 17, 32, 40, 62, 68, 94,
109,113, 131, 136, 149, 169-70,
173, 182-83, 271, 294, 298, 303-04
Betting, 58, 66
Bhagwan Das, Raja, 42, 184, 222
Bharaij, 33
Bharoach, 304
Bhattacharya, Gadadhar, 137
Bhattoji Dikshit, 176-77
Bihar, 17, 43, 149, 294
Bijagarh, 294
Bijbehara, 257
Bikaner, 66, 258, 264, 294
Birbal, 70, 263, 390
Bir Singh Deo, 259
Birthday Anniversaries* 174
Bisar, 9
Bismillah (initiation)
Ceremony, 172, 174
Bisnagar, 137
Boats (and rafts), 298
Boats, size of, 298
varieties of, 298-99
pleasure boats, 299
Books, availability of, 151-52
classification of, 153
decoration and binding of, 151
price of, 152
printing of, 150
style of writing, 150-51
Bostan, 173
Bullock-cart, 292
Burhanpore, 71, 304
Cairo, 143
Calicut, 6, 146, 150, 272
Calligraphy, 133, 150-51
INDEX
Cambay, 17,241, 263,271,298
Cambodia, 17
Celibacy, 113, 175
Ceremonies, Birth (of Hindus) :
Annaprasana, 170
Jatakarma, 169
Nandimukh Sradha, 170
Ceremonies, Birth "(of Muslims) :
Aqiqah, 172, 174
Bismillah, 172, 174
Chhathi, 174
Cord-cutting, 172
Ceremonies, (of Hindus) :
mundan, 170
namakarna, 169-70
upanayana, 131, 169-71, 175
Ceremonies, (of Muslims) :
maktab, 174-75
naming, 172-73
sunnat, 172, 175
Chahellum, 96
Chairs, use of, 268, 272
Chaitanya, 109, 136, 178-79, 184
Chambal, 40
Chand Bibi, 121-22
Chanderi, 294
Chandra Bhan Brahman, 143
Chariots, 292-94
Charity,
Abul Fazl's views on, 240
Alberuni's, 240
Aurangzeb's, 241
Guru Nanak's, 240
liberality of Hindus, 240
Charity, its kinds, 241
to birds and beasts, 243
baolis, 241
bulghar-khanas, 242
distribution of money and
commodities, 240-41
on festival days, 240
funds of stale, 243-44
ghawar- khanas, 242
in holy places, 244
rest-houses, 241-42
zakat 241
Chaupar, 245
Chhabildas Brahman, 182
INDEX
427
China, 85, 147, 269
Chishti,
Shaikh Muin-ud-Din, 111, 172
Chittor, 122
Chudakarana
(hair-cutting ceremony), 169
Circumcision, 172, 175
Cochin, 267
Constantinople, 85
Coromandel Coast, 43, 299
Cowdung, use of, 267-68
Cremation rites, 186-87
Curtains, 271
D
Dacca, 141
Dadu, 175, 224
Dak-Chaukis, 303
Damani 262
Damascus, 143
Daniyal, 175
Dara Shikoh, 179, 183, 342-43
Darogah-i-dak-chauki, 305
Datia, 258-59
Death anniversaries,
celebration of, 191-92
Deccan, 4, 6, 40, 121, 243, 256, 258
Dehalvi, Shaikh Gadai, 140
Delhi, 32-34, 42-43, 67, 138-39, 184,
241, 303, 308
Delhi Fort, 57
Diet,
bread (chappatis),
its kinds, 35-36
of Bajra, 35
of Jawar, 35
of Khushka, 35
luchis, 35
puris roghhni, 35
breakfast expenses of nobles, 33-
34
chauka (Kitchen), 37
cooking, mode of, 38
crockery, 36-37
dastarkhwan, 38
of AbulFazl,33
of common people, 34-35
of Gujaratis, 34
of Kashmiris, 34
of middle classes, 35-36
of upper classes, 35-36
Dilawar Khan, 224
Din-i-Ilahi, 228
Dishes :
achars, 34-35
beef, 32-35
cheese, 33, 35
comfits, 36
conserves, variety of, 36
curd, 34-35, 37
faluda, 36
fish, 35
halwa, 36
karam, 34
khichari, 34, 36
khir, 35
meat, 32-33, 36
pulaos, 36
pulses, 35-36
rishta-i-khatai 36
sweetmeats, 33
swine-flesh, 32
meals, number of, 35
meals, timings of, 35
napkins, 38
pattal, 37
rice, varieties of, 33-34
table manners, 37-38
utensils, 36-37
Diwan Khana, 222, 271-72
Dola, a kind of palanquin, 296
Doli, a kind of palanquin, 2S6
Dowry, 184
Dress of men, appreciation of, 1
of Akbar, 2
of darbaris, 1-2
of Jahangir, 2-3
of ulemas, 2
alparcas, 6
bandhi, 4
bazugiriban, 3
breeches, 3
caps, 3, 5
chakman, 3
chera, 3
coats (quilted), 4
428
INDEX
dhoti, 1-2
fargi, 3
fargui, 3
gadar, 3
katari (dagger), 4
kulhas* 5
langota, 4
inozas, 5
nadiri, 3
peshwaj, 3
pyjama, 2
qaba, 2-4
scarf, 2, 4
shah-ajidah, 3
shalwars, 3
shawls, 4
shirts, 3
shoes, 5-6
slippers, 6
stockings, 5
takauchiyah, 3
turban, 1-2,4-5,11,17
ulbagcha, 2
Dress of Women :
angiya, ft-7
badlah, 7
breecfies, 7-8
burqa.S, MO
dopatia, 7, 111
farsh-i-chandni, 7
ghagra, 7
her-dudamij 7
kamari, 7
lachaq, 8
nur-rruihali, 7
panchaiolia, 7
petticoat, 7
qaba, 7
sari, 6-7
shalwar, 7
shawl., 7
shirt, 7
silken strings, 7
slippers, 8
smock, 7
trousers, 7
turban, 8
Drinks :
coffee, 43
Ganges water, 34
lemon juice, 34
lemon tea, 33
rose-water, 34
sharbat, 34
tea, 43
Durgavati, Rani, 121-22, 148,
Education :
alchemy, 147
Arabic, 147, '-53
astrology, 137, 141, 144,146
astronomy, 137, 141, 144, 146
biology, 145
books, availability of, 151
books, cost of, 151-52
certifiuaieSj grant of, 141-42
chemistry, 45, !47
convocation, 142
courses of study, 133-34, 141,
144-45
cumculum, !3i~32, 144-46
degrees, grant of, 141-42
duration of courses, 14J
examinations, 141-42
fee, 134
gco^K'p^y, '47-48
geometry, :-44
grammar, 133, 143-45
Hindi, 133. 149, 153
hisiory, 547
inJ;s, kind'i of, 150-51
jurisprudence, J44
law, 134
io^ic, 134, 145
libraries, public, 152-53
libraries, private, 153-55
maktabs, 132-33, 140
madrasas, 133-41, 146,152
mathematics, 137, 144-47
medicine, 137, 141, 146-47
metaphysics, 144
meteorology, 147
mixed schools, 141
paper, kinds of, 1 50
pathshaias, 131-33
INDEX
pens for writing, 150-51
Persian, 14 1, 149, 153
philology, 137
philosophy, 136, 145, 147
physics, 145, 147
poetry, 134, 147
politics, 147
post-collegiate studies, 143
primary studies, 131-33
princesses, education of, 149
punishment in schools, 134-35
rhetoric, 144-45
Sanskrit, 135, 141-42,145, 148-49
seats of learning, 135-41
seats of learning abroad, 143
subjects of study, 133-34, 137-38,
143-48
surgery, 144-146
sutras, 145
teachers, appointment of, 137,
143-44
teachers, standard of, 137, 147-48
theology, 137, 143-44
veterinary science, i47
women, education of, 148-50
writing paper, 150
writing, modes of (in school), 150
writing, styles of, 133, 150-51 *
zoology, 145
Egyptians, 189
Elephant-litters, 297-98
England, 64
Etiquette, Assembly, 226
decorum, 226
mode of conversation, 224-26
Etiquette, darbar, 225
Etiquette :
elders, reception of, 221
formalities for receiving guests,
221-22
noble's mode of receiving visi-
tors, 222
Etiquette :
King's visits, 223
visit to Mughal King, 222
Eunuchs, 109, 301
Europe, 226, 262
Europeans, 223, 261
429
F
Fairs, 96-97
Fans, 273-74
chowries, 273
lakeer biyani, 273
swinging, 274
Farhangi Mahal, 141
Farid Kuriuza Khan, 242
Fasting, 52
Fasts, among Hindus, 244-45
among Muslims, 245-46
RS^Sikri,57, 59, 62, 67, 141,
173,257,260,
Fatta, H9, 122
Festivals :
Ab-i-Pashan, 89
Akhiri Chahar Shamba, 96
Bara Wafat, 96
Bera, 96
Birthday celebrations (of monar-
chs),S6
Chahellum, 96
Dasehra (Vijaya Dashami), 69,84,
90-91
Diwali, 91
Ganesh, 83
Gaur, 83
Goverdhan Puja 91
Holi, 83-84, 89-90
Id-i-Gulabi, 89
Id-i-Milad, 93
Id-ul-Fitr, 94-95
Id-ul-Saghir, 94
Id-ul-Zuha, 95
Janmashtami, 83, 92
Min.a Bazar, 88
Muharram, 92-93
Nauroz, 84, 87, 89
Nighadasht, 90
Rakshabandhan, 90
Ramnavami, 83, 92
Shab-i-Barat, 94, 96
Shivaratri, 92
Tula-dan, 8 3
Vasant Panchmi, 83-84, 89
Food, see Diet
France, 292
430
INDEX
Fruits, 32
consumption of, 34
from abroad, 33-34
Funeral ceremonies, Hindu
prescribed by scriptures, 185
lighting of diya by bedside, 186
antarjali, 186
abhisinchana ceremony, 186
procession, 186-87
udakakarma, 187
asaucha period, 187
sanchayana or collection of bones
and ashes, 187-88
pitramedha, 188
shraddha, 188
Funeral ceremonies, Muslim:
belief in fal, 189
reciting of Quran, 189
against embalming of dead bo-
dies, 189
carrying of bier, 189-90
internment rites, 190
mourning period of, 190-91
reciting of fatihe, 191
death anniversaries, 191-92
Furniture :
Bedsteads (khatta), 268, 270
of cords of cotton or silk, 270
of ivory, 270
of gilt, 270
lacquered, 270
cradles, 270
Carpets, 271
of Bengal, 271
of Goshkan, 271
of Kashmir, 271
of Kirman, 271
of Persia, 271
of Sabzwar, 271
of Turkish leather, 271
Rugs and Spreads, 272
of Srinagar, 272
of Masulipatam, 272
jajams, 272
shatrinjis, 272
baluchis, 272
cushions, 272
takyanamdas, 272
Matresses, 270-71
sitalpatis, 271
Curtains, 272
Banarsi, 272
Gujarati, 272
' of leather in Sind, 272
chandua, 271
mosquito, 271
chairs, 268-69
mundas, 269
pidis, 269
pithamasana, 268
pitha, 268
stools, 269
protha (coach), 268
Fans, its kinds, khatta, 273
of ivory, 273
of peacock feathers, 273
of stiff leather, 273
lakeer biyani, 273
chowries, 273
swinging, 274
tents, its different types, 274
thrones, 269-70
Gadai Kamlu, Shaikh, 228
GagaBhatt, 145
Games and Sports :
(See also pastime)
acrobatics, 67-68
animal rights, 55, 66
ape tricks, 68
archery, 63, 88
betting, 58-59, 66
bagh bandi, 60
bagh chakar, 60
baghchal, 55, 60
bheri-bakri, 61
bisat-i-nishat, 59
blind man's bluff, 55
boxing, 63
cards, playing, 55-56
chakrachal, 60
chandal mandal, 58
changam, 55, 61-62
chaupar, 55, 57-58
chess, 55, 57
INDBX
climbing of trees, 55
geru, 62
golekuish, 61
gutis, various games of, 55, 59-
hockey, 62
hunting, 55, 63-65
ishq-bazi, 55, 67
kabaddi, 55
lam turki, 60
matches, 57, 63
mughal pathan, 60
nard, 59
pachisi, 57, 59
races, 63
shooting, 65
stone-throwing, 63
swordsmanship, 63
wrestling, 55, 62-63
-Gandharab Sen, 176
Garhmukteshwar, 97
Gawan, Mahmud, 154
Gaya, 97 -
Ghawar Khanas, 242
Ghee, 33, 35
*Ghiasuddin, Mir, 62
Glass, 9
^Goa, 3, 36, 298, 306
Gokaranhad, 137
Gokra, 9
Golkunda, 4, 6
Gondwana, 121
Gopalpara, 136
-Gujarat, 5, 9,32,66,70,85,94,
152, 243, 257, 264-65, 293-94,
Gulbadan Begum (orBegam),
148
Gulbarga, 71
Gulistan, 133
Gurgaon, 294
Gwalior, 33, 139, 141
H
Hafiz Sherazi, 189
Haji Begam, 242
Haji Kasim of Balkh, 304
HamidaBanu, 116, 180,183
Hamid-ud-Dm Khan Bahadur,
Governor of Ahmadnagar,
431
Hardwar, 92, 96-97
Harkara, 305
Harsha, 145
.60 Hati Vidyalankara, 149
Hijaz, 142-43
Hindal, 172-183
Hindi Poetry :
Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan,
383, 394-95, 398
Akbar, 381,383, 388
Akshar Ananya, 384
Alam, 403
Balbhadra Misra, 393-94
Banarsi Das, 399
Banwari, 399
Beni Madhava Das, 394
Bhushan, 402
Bihari, 386, 398, 400-02
Bilgrami, Shaikh. Abdul Wahid,
386
Birbal, 388, 390
Chaturbhuj Das, 382, 388
Chhit Swami, 382
Chintamaai, 383, 400
Dadu Dayal, 383-84, 393
Deva Datta, 399, 404
Dharam Das, 384
Dhruva Das, 399
Gadai Dehalvi, Shaikh, 386
Ganga Kavi, 392, 394-95
Gop Kavi, 388
Govind Singh, Guru, 403
140, Govind Swami, 382
303 Haridas, Swami, 389
121, Hit Hari Vans, 392
Hriday Ram, 398
Jaswant Singh, 403
Jayasi, Malik Muhammad, 381,
385
Kabir, 383-84
Kalidas Tripathi, 383
Kashi Ram, Kavi, 399
Keshavadas, 382-83, 390, 393
Kirpa Ram, 386
Krishna Das, 382, 386
Kumbhan Das, 382, 388
Lai Das, 385
190 Lai Kavi, 403
432
INDEX
Mahik Das, 384
Manohar, 390
Mat! Ram, 402
Maufana Ja^ali "Hiadi", 386
Meera Bai, 334
Mohan Lai Misra, 388
Nabha Das, 382, 394, 399
Nanak, Guru, 383
Nand Das, 382, 399
Narahari Bandijana, 387
Narottam Das, 387
Parrnariand Das, 382, 386-87
Puhkara Kavi, 398
Raidas, 384
Raskhan, 394
Sabal Singh Chouhan, 399
Senapati, 399, 400
Shri Bhatt, 387
Sukh Dev Misr, 403
Sundarof Gwalior, 399
Sundar Das, 384, 398
Surdas, 38 1-32, 389-93
TodarMaI,383
Tulsidas, 381-82, 389-90, 392-98
Vyasji, 388
Hoshangabad, 294
Hospitals for public, 243
Houses, arrangement of, 264-65
division into two wings, 261-62
an ideal house, 26!
Houses at :
Agra, 263
Ahmedabad, 265
Ajmer, 264
Banaras, 264
Bikaner, 264
Cambay, 263
Delhi, 263
Gujarat, 265
Jodhpur, 264
Kashmir, 262-63, 265
Kathiawar, 265
Lashkar, 264
Malabar, 263
Sind, 263
Surat, 262
Houses of upper classes, 260-61
of merchants, 262
of middle classes, 264
of poor, 265-67
Humayun,2, 32, 40-4 J, 57, 59, 61,
69-70, S3. 87-88; 12U 139-40, 148,
155, 174, ISO, 183, 246, 299-390,,
321-22
Hundi s 307
Husain All Khan, 242
Hots of poor :
Ajmer, 2^6
Cochin, 267
Kashmir, 266
Khandesh, 266
Malabar, 266
Multan, 266
Orissa, 266
Surat, 266
Varanasi (Banaras), 266
Vijayanagar, 266
I
Ibadat Khana, 112, 178
Ibn Eatula, 302
Ibrahim Khan, Governor of Bengal t ,
224
Ice, 34
Ids, 240
[man, a kind of litter, 297
Intoxicants :
betel, 10, 12-13, 35,43,7!
bhang, 41-42
buza, 42
jagre, 40
madhava-ra-pcala, 4!
nira 40
opium, 40-42
tari, 40
tobacco, 42
tobacco duly in Delhi, 42
toddy, 40
wine, prohibition of, 38-39
Iran, 67, 84, 293
Iraq, 140
Iraq-i-Ajam, 295
Iraq-i-Arab, 295
Italy, 292
!timad-ud-Daulah, 86
INDEX
433
Jagan Mohan. !4S
Jahanara, 119, 121, 143
Jahangir, 2, 3, 9, 17, 32, 34, 36, 39-
42 S 57, 62, 64-65, 6S-69 ? 71,84,
86-87, 89-92., 94-95, 115 9 118, 119,
123, 171, 175, 183, 191, 274; 228,
241-43, 264, 2,73, 293, 303-04, 307 5
332-34.. 381-32
Jahangir Mandir, 259
Jahanzeb Banu Begum, "91
Jaimal, 114
Jaisalmir, 253, 294
lai Singh, Raja, 116, 136 ' .
Jajams, 272
Jala! Khan, 70
Jafai-ud-Dm Qazi. 138
Jan Begum, 121
Jani Beg, 222
Jarrahs, 146
Jaswant Singh, 116
Jata Karma, 169
Jauhar, 123
Jaunpur, 138, 140, 243
Jayadeva, 142
Jayasi, Malik Muhammad, 12, 57,
109,123, 133, 170, 176, 180-82,
184
Jharkhand, 294
Jharoka-i-darshan, 94
Jodhpur, 41, 66
Jotika Rai, 146
K
Kabir, 136,383-84
Kabul, 34, 57, 64, 110, 122, 272, 303
Kalim, Mirza Abu Talib, 140
Kambhalmir, 242
Kambal (blankets), 271
Kanjar Beg, 146
Kanyadana, 181
Karamdevi, 114
Karbala, 92
Karez, 34, 303
Kashi, 92
Kashmir, 5, 7, 33-34, 155, 257, 262,
265-66, 271, 295, 298, 306
Kathiawar, 265
KenaBsi, 121
Khafi Khan, 147
Khairabad, 142
Khandesh, 266
Khan-i-Khansn, 57, 121
Khan M;rza, 119
Khastatlis. use of, 272, 297
Khat-i-Bfvburi, 151
Khatta (bedstead), 268, 270
Khirafas, 306
Khurram, 183,, 224
Khusrau Sultan, 223
Khwaja Muazzam, 116
Kirki, 242
Kirman, 272
Koka, Mirza Aziz, 112
Kornish, 118, 228
Kotah, 116
Kufa, 143
Kurnbh, 97
Kunwari Masjid, 184
Kuruksheira, 97
L
Lahore, 9 S 32-34, 94, 139, 241, 257,.
263, 298, 335
Lakshmi Devi, 179
Lari, Maulana Ala-ud-Din, 138
Lashkar, 264
Lashkar Khan, Mir Bakshi. 225, 244
Letters, classes of official letters, 305
despatch of abroad, 306
king's mail, 302-03
private, 306
Libraries, 152-5.5
London, 222, 256
Lucknow, 141
M
MadhurvanL 121
Madhya Pradesh, 59
Madras, 141, 260
Madura, 71, 133, 135, 137
Mahabat Khan, 122, 179
Maham Anaga, 121, 190
Maharashtra, 32, 122
Mahdism, 227
Mahila-mriduvani, 148
434
INDEX
Makhdum-ul-Mulk, 241
Makhduma-o-Jahan, 121
Malabar, 110, 185, 187, 264, 266
Malwa, 294
Man Bai, 184
Mandu (Maiwa), 304
Man Singh, 39, 175, 260
Mann, 118, 134
Map, 148
Marriage (General) :
age for, 113,177-78
Akbar's orders regarding, 114
custom for early marriages, 175-
76
dowry, 113, 184
divorce, 111, 114, 117
expenses of, 179
intercaste, 177
liberty among Rajputs, 117
mahr, 120
monogamy, 112, 117, 178
mutah marriages, 132, 178
negotiations for, 178-79
polygamy, 108, 112, 178
Re-marraiges, 117-18
Marriage (Hindu) :
forms of, 180
procession, 180-81
kanyadana, 181
panigrahana, 181
tali, 182
tamo!, 182
Marriage (Muslim) :
sachaq, 183
hennabandi, 183
nikah, 178, 183
maash, 183
Masti of Samarqand, 304
Masulipatam, 39, 86, 272
Mathura, 73,96
Mathuranatha, 136
Mecca, 143, 190, 244
Medicine, 137, 141, 144, 146-47
Meshad, 244
Mewar, 114-15, 121
Mihr-un-Nissa, 179
Mina Bazar, 88-89
Mir Abiil Baqa, 180
MirHabibuIIah, 243
Mir Jumla, 242
Mir Kalan Hariwi, 138
MiraBai, 121,384-85
Mirza Askari, 174
Mirza Haider, 70
Mithila, 135, 137,142, 144
Mohammad Akhlas, 189
Monogamy, 112, 117, 178
Multan, 42, 135, 137, 246, 293, 298
Mumtaz Mahal, 119, 183,191
Murshidabad, 94
Music, 68-70
Muzaffar Husain, 183
N
Nadhr Khan, 223
Nadia, 135-37, 142
Nagarkot, 97
Nagor, 293
Naharwara Pattan, 140
Nakha-Shikha, 382
Nalanda, 136
Namakarna (name-giving ceremony)
169-70
Nanak, Guru, 9, 136, 186, 227, 239-
40, 383
Nandimukh Sraddha. 170
Narnaul, 141
Narwar, 270, 294
Nasik, 71
Nauroz, 240
Navadvipa, 136
Nawazi sh Khan, 242
Nazarana, 223-24
Nigar Khanum, 224
Nikayas, 10
Nisar, 225
Nizamuddin Auliya, 71, 97
NurJahan, 7, 9, 110, 119, 121-22,
151,240,242,293,332-34
Nyaya Darshan, 134
o
Opium, 306
Orchha, 258-59
Orissa, 43
INDEX
435
Ornaments :
anklets, 12, 14
anwat, 16
armlets, 2, 12, 16-17
arsi, 16
bahu, 16
bali (vali), 15
bazuband, 16
besar, 15
bhank, 16
bichhwah, 16
binduli, 15
bodkin, 15
bracelets, 4, 11, 16-17
champakali, 15
chaodraman, 15
chauk, 14
chhudr khantika, 16
children's, 14
churls, 16-17
ear-rings, 12-13, 15-16
finger- rings, 16-17
gajrah, 16
gluing ru, 16
girdle, 12
goldsmiths, their fee, 11
guluband, 16
haar, 15
jawe, 16
jehar, 16
kangan, 16
karnphul, 15
katari (dagger), 4
kati mekhala, 16
khal-khal, 16
kotbiladar, 15
laung, 15
mang, 14
manillas, 17
material used for, 15-17
mor Bhanwar, 15
nath, 15
necklaces, 12, 15, 17
nose-ornaments, 12, 13, 1
payal, 16
pipal patti, 15
sekra (shikhara), 15
sisphul, 14
tad, 16
women's love for, 13-14
Palaces, of Mughal Kings, 256-58
of Rajas, 258-60
in South, 260
Palanquins, 109-10, 296-298
camel-litter, 297
chandol, 296-97
doli, 296
sukhpal, 296
Panigrahana, 181
Panini, 145
Panipat, 97
Panna, 294
Paris, 256, 308
Pastimes :
boating, 65
buffoons, 70
dances, 68, 70
dancing snakes, 68
dog-racing, 63
fairs, visiting, 71
fishes, stocking of canals with, 65
fishing, 65
gambling, 84, 87, 91
gardening, 71
hawking, 65
horse-racing, 63
jashans, 70
jugglers, 55, 67-68
kite-flying, 55
magicians, 55, 67
mock fights, 55
mushairas, 70
music, 68-70
nautch-girls, 85
riding, 66
riddle-solving, 70
smoking, 42, 71
story-telling, 70
staffing, 71
theatrical performances, 69-70
wit and jokes, 70
Pater Dola, a variety of palanquin,
296
Patna, 242, 266, 292, 299
436
Persia, 34, 41, 57,85,140, 184-
Persian Poetry :
Abdor RahSia Khan-i-Khanan,
.329
Akbar, 325-26
All Na-^l 3 3
Anwari, 3 : 9
Aurangzeb, 343
Ayub, Knwaja, 324
Babar, 3 1 9-20
Bairarn Khan, 325
Baqai, Maulaaii s 32I
Bedii, Mirza Abdul Qadir, 343-4*,
Chandra Bhaa Brahman, 341-42
DaraShikoh, 342-43
Faizi, Shaikh Abul, 316, 318, 327-
29
Fighani, Baba, 326-27
Ghazali, 3 16,326-27
Ghaznavi, 316
Guibadan Begam, 322
Hakim Shafai, 318
Hayati,
Humayun, 321-23
Jahanara, 343
Jahangir, 332-34
Jami, 318-19,327
Janubi, Maulana, 324
Jaswant Rai, 347
Kalim, Abu Talib, 31648, 331,
338-39
Karnran, 322
Kunjahi, Ghanimat, 344
Muhammad Jan, 319
Mumtaz Mahal, 336-37
NaziriNishapuri, 318-19, 331-32
Naziri Samarqandi, 325
Nemat Khan, 346
Nizami, 319, 327-29
Nurjahan, 332-33
Nuruddin Muhammad Ali,
Mirza, 345
Qandhari, Atashi, 320
Qudsi, Haji Mohd- Jan, 319, 337-
38
Qummi, Mulia, 331
Saadi, 319, 323
INDEX
Saib, Mirza Muhammad AH, 317-
IS 3 327, 340
Sarmad, 3i9
Shahjahan, 33f>37
Shaikh AbdyiWsjId, 324
Shibli Nii^i"n---'P-^ 32c--7
Shihab-ud-Dir., Mulla, 321
Siv-P-? Mi^*. Bhistul 30
Olii- C4.iJ5 -"
Tahir, 324
Talib Aniull, 318-19, 334-3b
Tek Chand Bahar, 346
Uifi, Jamal-ud-Din Muhammad,-
SiS- 19, 328-29
Waiai, Zaia-udOin. 320-21
Wahid-ud-Din Abu Wajid,
Maulana, 322
Wats, Baewali Das, 345
W ami q Khalri, 34-7
Zaya Khan, 316
Zeb-un-Nisa, 344-45
Zuhuri, Muila Nur-ud-Din, 318,
330-31
Persian Prose Literature :
Biographies, 353-55
Dictionaries, 356-57
Encyclopaedias, 354, 358
Histories, 36 1-72
Leuers, collection of, 359-61
Muslim Law, 358
Religion, 356
Pigeons as letter-carriers, 304
Polygamy* 178
Porcelain, Chinese, 273
Portuguese, 42, 147
Post-system under Mughals, 302-08
DakChaijkis,303
Despatch of money, 306-7
Despatch of Royal Treasury, 306*
Horses, use of, 303
Mail abroad, 30(>
Private post, 306
Pigeons as leiler-carriers, 304
Sarais, use of, 307-08
Prayag, 92, 96, 97
Prithvi Raj, 114
Prostitution, 120
Punjab, 5,32, 59,131
Purdah, 221
INDEX
437
Purl, 92, 97
Purhitanis (female match-makers,)
179
Qasim-i-A!i s 41
Quli All of Bhukhara, 304
R
Rafi-ud-Din Safawi, Sayyid, 138
Raghunatha, 135., 142-44
Rai Gaurdhan, 24 1, 243
Rai, Rnghunandandasa, 137
Rajasihan, 17, 70, 293
Raj garb, 17
Rajori, 33
Rajputs, 16, 32, 41, 89, 110-11, 114,
116, 119, 122
Raj Singh of Mewar, 114
Ramabhad ra, 137,143
Ramabhadramba, 121
Ramarudra Vidyanidhi, 137
Ram Das, 69
Ramdas Swami, 121
Rameshwaram, 97
Ram Singh, Raja s 225
Ramzan, 245
Rawalpindi, 295
Reporters, classes of, 304-05
Sawanih Nigar, 305
Waqainavis, 304-05
Roe, Thomas, 2, 17, 33, 36, 57, 148
Roshanara Begatn, 294, 300
Ruhullah Khan, 177
Uupmati, 148
Rupnagar, 114
Sachaq, 183
Sadullah, Shaikh, 141
Safi, Shaikh, 142
Sahibji, 121, 148,244
Salgirah, 240
Salim, 173, 184
Salim Khan, 227, 242
Salima Sultana, 119, 121, 14S
Salutations, of Hindus, 226-27
Salutations, of Muslims, 227-29
Samarkand, 34
Sangaldip, 176
Sangram Singh II of Mewar, 119
Santikarma, 185
Santipura, 136
Sapindikaran, 185
Sarais, 303, 307-08
Satara, Hi
Sa\vaaih Nigar, 305
Say y id Abdullah, 141
Sayyid Ali Shirazi, 174
Sayyid Yasin, 142
SIiab-i-Barat, 240
Shah Alam, 224
Shahaji of Tanjore, 271
Shahjahan, 2-3 3 40, 69-71, 84, 86-87,
89, 93-9;% 119, 133-40,146,183,
191, 22'v, 240, 245, 257, 294, 308,
336-37
Shah Shaft of Persia, 57
Shah Waliuliah, 139
Shahzadpur, 150
Shaikh Ali, 2:7
Shaikh 3ina, 147
Shalsia Khan, 141,225
Shatrinjis, 272
Sher Shah, !4! 9 242, 29!, 303
Ships (and Boats;, 298
Shirwan, 295
Shraddha, 188
Siadat Khan, ! 77
Sialkot, 138, 141,150
Sidi Ali Reis, 300
Sijdah, l'.S,228
Sikandar Chela, 304
SIkandar Lodi, 302
Sind, 179, 228, 263, 266, 269, 272,
293
Sirhind, 97, 135, 137
Sital Paris, 271
Siti-un-Nisa, 121
Srinagar, 272
Stools, 268-69
Sukhpal (Palanquin), 296 .
Sunnat, 172, 175
Surat/120, 148, 222, 241, 262, 266,
268, 306
438
INDEX
Surdas, 10, 141, 169-71, 184, 381-82,
389-90,392-98
Surthan, Rao, 1 14
Takht-i-Rawan, 299
Tamol, 182
Tan Sen, 69
TaraBai, 114, 122, 148
Tartars, 301
Taslim, 227-28
Tents, 274
Thatta, 135, 137
Thrones, varieties of, 269
Tibet, 148, 295
Tirhut, 135, 137, 154
Tirumalarnba, 121
Tod, Col, 41, 114, 116
Todah, 114
Todar Mai, Raja, 182
Toilet (mens), 9-12
Toilet (women's), 12-13
soaps, 8-9
spangle on forehead, 12
staining of hands, 12
tilak, 12
Transport, Means of :
boats, 298-99
bullock-cart, 292
camels, 292-93
chariots, 292-94
elephants, 294-95
horses, 295-96
mules, 295
palanquins, 109-10, 296
chandol, 296-97
doli, 296
dola, 296
elephant-litters, 297-98
palerdola, 296
sukhpal, 296
sukhasan, 296
trappings of elephants, 294-95
horses, 296
mules, 295
Travelling, Mode of, 299-302
ambassador's, 302
nobles' 299-300
princeases', 300-302
Tukaram, 178, 184, 188, 240
Tulsidas, 133, 136, 169, 180-82, 184,
381-82,389-90,392-98
Turan, 67, 293
Turkestan, 295
Turkey, 271, 295
Turkish, 5, 6, 174, 271
U
Udaipur, 258
Udakakarma, 185, 187
Ujjain, 97
Upanayana, 131, 169-71, 175
Upanishad, 133, 137
Uttar Pradesh, 5, 109
Uzbekistan, 308
, !
Varadraja, 176-77
Varanasi (see also Banaras), 266
Vasudeva Sarvabhauma, 136-142
Vankatanath, 143
Vijayanagar, 63, 91, 260, 266, 269-71,
292-93, 299
Vikramasila, 136
W
Waman Pandit, 341
WajIh-ud-Din, 140
Wine, 38-41
Wine parties, 88
Wives, number of, 178
Women :
administrators, 121-22
character of, 123
daughters inauspicious, 111
domestic training of, 115
education of, 120-21, 148-50
heroism of, 121-22
infanticide, 111
literary figures, 121-22
marriages of, 112-14
mediators, 119
monogamy, 112, 117
occupations of, 120-21
poetesses, 121
position of, in family, 114-16
INDEX
position of, as mother, 118-119
position of, in Vedic Age, 108
position of, as widow, 14, 108,
117-18
position of, as wife, 108, 114-16
purdah, 85, 108-11, 121
sati, custom among, 114, 117, 123
share of, in inheritance, 119-20
Yakub, Shaikh, 143
Yakub of Kashmir, 306
439
Yazd, 34
Yeman, 143
Zakat, 239, 241
Zaminbos, 229, 274
Zeb-un-Nisa, 148, 149, 184, 242
Zenana, 222
Zich-i-Shahjahani, 146
Zinat-un-Nisa, 148-49, 184, 242
Zubdat-un-Nisa, 179
Zulfiqar Khan, 229
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