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Neque enim ignorabam, non unius diei, fortuitique sermonis, 
sed plurimorum mensium, exactseque historise munus fore. 

Brandolini Dialog, cut tit, Leo, p. 95. 

J. M'Cceery, Tooks Courts 
Chancery Lane, London. 



PROGRESS of the Reformation — Leo X. endeavours to 
conciliate Luther'^Conferences between Luther andMiU 
titz — Public disputation at Leipsic-^Luther is prevailed 
upon to write to the pope-^Sarcastic tenor of his letter-^ 
His doctrines condemned at Rome — Purport of the papal 
bull '^ Its reception at Wittemberg — Luther publicly 
bums the bull, with the decretals of the church — He en^ 
deavours to obtain the favour of the emperor — Aleandro 

. papal legate to the imperial court — Harangues the diet 
of the empire against Luther — Luther cited to appear be- 
fore the diet — His journey to Worms — His first appear- 
ance before the assembly — His second appearance — He 
refuses to retract his writings — Observations on his con- 
duct — The emperor declares his opinion — Further efforts 
to prevail upon Luther to retract — Condemned by an im» 
perial edict — Is privately conveyed to the castle of Wart" 
burg^^Henry VHL writes against Luther — Reformat 
tion of Switzerland by Zuinglius — Conduct and charac- 
ter of Luther'-^His bold assertion of the right of private 
judgment — His inflexible adherence to his own opinion---^ 
Uncharitable spirit cf the first reformers — Effects of the 
Reformation on literary studies^^On the fine arts^-^On 
the political and moral state of Europe. 







TitE death of the emperor Maximilian, and the ^ ^ i^^- 
negotiations and' intrigues occasioned by the elec- A.'poD.vii. 
tion of his successor j Charles V. had for a time progress of 
withdrawn the attention of the court of Rome ^^\!^^^^' 


from the proceedings of Luther, Of this oppor- 
timit J he and his followers had availed themselves 
to spread his opinions^ both by preaching and writ^ 
ing, through various parts of Germany. The ef- 
fect of these exertions was most visible in Saxony, 
where, during the vacancy of the imperial throne, 
tte vicarial authority had devolved on the elector 
Frederick ; who> if he did not openly espouse the 
cause of the reformation, at least raised no ob- 
structions to its progress. tJnder his protection 
the new opinions gained considerable strength; 
and as his reputation for integrity, talents, and 
personal worth, was equal to that of any sovereign 
of his time, the partiality which he manifested to 
Luther greatly contributed to the success of the 
efforts of that daring innovator, (a) 

(a) '< Procedebat feliciter Etangeliiim mib umbra istitis principis, 

B 2 


CHAP. No sooner had the political ferment subsided, 


1_ than Leo again turned his attention to the pro- 

A.D. 1519. gress of Luther, which from its rapidity and ex- 
A!pon.Vii. tent now began to excite a real alarm at Rome. 
The new decretal which Leo had issued in confir- 
voursto mation of indulgences, had answered no other 
^tiJ ^^ purpose than to impel Luther ,to a more direct op- 
position. To whatever height the pontifical au- 
thority erected its crest, Luther opposed himself 
to it with equal confidence, and Leo at length re- 
solved to try the effect of conciliatory measures. 
In this it is probable that he followed the dictates 
of his own temper and judgment, which were na- 
turally inclined to lenity and forbearance ; and it 
is certain that the measure which he adopted was 
warmly reprobated by many of the firm and ortho- 
dox adherents of the church.(a) The person select- 
ed by the pontiff for this purpose was Charles Mil- 
titz, a Saxon nobleman, who had served him for 
some years in a military capacity> and had been 
afterwards nominated to the office of counsellor 
and apostolic chamberlain. To this choice Leo 
was perhaps, in some degree, le J by the conside- 
ration that the elector Frederick was supposed to 
have long wished for the honour of the-consecrat- 

et late propagabatur. Movebat ejus autoritas plurimos, qui cum 
esset sapientissimus et oculatissimus princeps, non poterat, nisi 
apud invidos, suspicionem incurrere quod haeresin aut haereticos 
vellet alere et tueri." Luther in praf. ad op. 

(a) The effects that might have been produced by a reasonable 
concession on the part of the Roman court in point of discipline, 
retaining that which is supposed to be essential in point of faith, 
have been fully considered and stated by count Bossi, in his ob- 
servations on this passage, and on other occasions, v: ItaLed. vol. 
yi. p. 323, vol. ix. p. 9, andp/flwm.* 


ed^ose, which is annually given by the pontiff to chap. 
some distinguished personage ; and he therefore !__ 

thought that/ by transmitting this mark of his es- a.d. 1519. 
teem by. the hands of Miltitz, he should, at the A!pon.vii. 
same time, conciliate the favour of the elector, and 
find an opportunity of treating with Luther, with- 
out humiliating himself by the appearance of send- 
ing an express messenger for that purpose. To 
this it may oe added, that Miltitz had already act- 
ed the part of a mediator with the pope on behalf 
of Luther, to obtain a hearing of his cause in Ger- 
many ; which office he had been solicited to .un- 
dertake by a letter from the university of Wittem- 
berg. (a) Nor is it improbable that Leo preferred 
a secular to an ecclesiastical envoy, in the hope of 
avoiding those speculative disputations which had 
hitherto only tended to widen the breach which he 
wished to close. 

The reception of Miltitz at the electoral court 
gave but an ill omen of his success. Neither the 
letters of the pontiff, nor the recommendations 
which Miltitz had brought to Degenhart PfeflSn- 
ger and Georgii Spalatino, two of the principal 
officers of the court, could remove the unfavour- 
able- impressions which had preceded his arrival.(ft) 
Instead of receiving with satisfaction and respect 
the high mark of pontifical favour of which Mil- 
titz was the bearer, the elector desired that it 
might be consigned to an officer of his court, who 
would convey it to him without the formality of a 

(a) Appendix, Nd» CLXXIX. 

(6) Appendix, No. CLXXX. Of the letter to Spalatino Mr. 
Henke has observed, that he is in possession of the original manu- 


CHAP, public interview ; (a) and to the remonstranoeg of 
^^' Miltitz respecting Luther, he coldly answered, 
A.D, 1519. that he would not act as a judge, to oppress a man 
A^nlwii. whom he hitherto considered as innocent. (*) 

These discouraging appearances tended still fur- 
Siweer'' ther to convince Miltitz that the mediation of the 
mtiu ^"^ Elector would be hopeless, except he could first 
prevail upon Luther to listen to pacific measures. 
He therefore requested an interview with him, 
which was with some difficulty obtained. On this 
occasion, Miltitz cautiously avoided all theologicd 
questions, and endeavoured, by the most earnest 
persuasions, to induce him to lay aside the hosti- 
lity which he had manifested to the holy see. He 
acknowledged the abuses to which the promulga- 
tion of indulgences had given rise, and highly cen- 

(a) This rose the pontiff describes in his letter to the elector a^ 

** Sacratissimam auream Rosam, quarta dominica Sanctse 

Quadrageaimae a nobis chrismate sancto deHbatam, odoriferoque 
muscQ inspersam, cum bene^ictione Apostdica, ut vetus est con- 
suetudo, aliis adhibitis s^cris ceremoniis eonseoratam; lymiii^ 
quippe dignissimum et magni mysterii, a Romano poatifice ^on 
nisi alicui ex primoribus christianorum orbis Regi aut Principi de 
Sancta Apostolica sede bene merito quotannis dicari et mitti soli- 
tam." Leon, X, Ep, a4 pred. Dmcem, ap, Scckend, p. 65. Lutker» 
l)awever» asserts, that t^ie elector teeated the present of the pope 
with contempt: '* Nam e^ Rosam quam vocant aureamy eodevn 
anno ei a Leone X. missam, nullo bonore dignatus est, imo, pro ri- 
diculo habuit, ita desperare coacti smit Romanists a studiis fal- 
}endi tanti principis/^ Luih, in praf, et v. Pallcmcmi, ConciL di 
Trent, lib. i. p. 96. 

(6) In a note on this passage Bossi has considered the ccndiiet 
of the Elector at great length, and is of opinion that he did not ma- 
nifest any improper partiality towards Luther, but only accorded 
to him that protection, which a wise sovereign might grant to a 
subject, in a matter upon which he did pot himself pretend ta be a 
competent judge, v. Ital ed. vol. ix. p. 178.* 


suxed the miscobduct and the violence of Tetzel, chap, ^ 
whom he called before him, and reprehended with ^^ 
such severity, as being the cause and promoter of a.d.i619. 
these dissensions, that the unfortunate monk, ter- A.^m 
rifled by the threats of the legate and by the letters 
which were afterwards addressed to him, fell a sa- 
crifice to his vexation and his grief, (a) By these 
and similar measures, Luther was at length pre- 
vailed upon to relax in his opposition, and to ad- 
dress a letter to the pontiff, in which he laments, 
with apparent sincerity, the part which he had 
acted, and to which, as he asserts, he hs^d been im- 
pelled by the misconduct, avarice, and violence of 
his enemies ; and declares, in the sight of God and 
the world, that he had never wished to impeach 
the authority of the Roman see and of the pontiff, 
which was held by him as supreme over all in 
heaven and in earth, except our Lord Jesus Christ 
He also professes his readiness to refrain from the 
further discussion of the question concerning in- 
dulgences, provided his adversaries would do the 
Uke, (b) From the pacific and obedient tenor of 
this letter, there is indeed reason to infer that Lu- 
ther was not at this time averse to a reconcilia- 

(a) Wh^n Luther was informed of his sickness, he addressed a 
letter to him, entreating him ^* to keep up his spirits, and to fear 
nothing from his resentment," &^c. Luth, op, in prof. Whether this 
was really intended as a consolation, the reader wiU judge. 

** How can it be doubted?" says Mr. Henke ; " if Luther's own 
words be read, not at all. ^ Ita fregit Miltit^us hominem, ut inde 
contabesceret, & tandem segritudine conficeretur ; quern ego, ubi 
hoc rescivi, ante obitum literis benignita scriptis consolatus sum, 
ac jussi animo bono esse, ncc meimcmoriammetuere.'" v. Germ, ed» 
vol. iii. p. 188. . , 



CHAP, tion ; nor did Leo hesitate to reply to it in terms 

YTY . 

____ equally pacific ; insomuch^ that the friends of peace 

A. D. 1519. besran to flatter themselves that these disturbances: 
A.*Pon.Vii. would soon be amicably terminated, (a) But other 
circumstances arose which revived the fermenta- 
tion of theological disputes, and gave new life to 
those animosities which seem to be their natural 
and invariable result. 

Andrew Bodenstein, better known by the name 
of Carlostadt or Carlostadius, assumed by him 
from the place of his birth, was at this time arch- 
deacon of the cathedral at Wittemberg, and hav- 
ing embraced the opinions of Luther, had pub- 
lished a thesis in their defence. This again called 
forth the papal champion Eccius, and after much 
altercation, it was at length determined, that the 
Public dis- dispute should be decided by single combat, sub- 
Leipsic. stitutiug ouly thc wcapous of argument for those 
of force. Of this contest, which was carried on in 
the city of Leipsic, in the presence of George, 
duke of Saxony, the uncle of the elector Frede- 
rick, and a large concourse of other eminent per- 
sons both ecclesiastical and secular, the parti- 
sans of the Boman church and the adherents to 
the reformation have leach left a full account, (ft) 
After the parties had tried their skill for several 
successive days, Luther himself, who had accom- 
panied his friend Carlostadt, entered the lists with 
Eccius. The battle was renewed with great vio- 
lence, and if the disputants did not succeed in en- 
lightening the understanding, they at least inflam- 
ed the passions of each other to a decree of ani- 

(a) V. Mosheim, Ecclesiast, Hist. vol. ii. p. 21, not€{u), 
(6) Melchior, Adam, in vUa Carlostadn, p. 38. 


mosity which sufficiently discovered itself in their chap. 

future conduct, (a) HoiTman^ the principal of the •, 

university of Leipsic, who sat as umpire on this ^•^^^^' 
occasion^ was too discreet to determine between A.Pon.vii. 
the contending parties. Each^ therefore^ claimed 
the victory; but the final decision upon the va- 
rious questions which had been agitated^ was refer- 
red to the universities of Paris and of Erfurt. This 

(a) This famous dispute commenced on the 27th day of June» 
1519. The principal question agitated between Carlostadt and 
Eccius was, whether the human will had any operation in the perform^ 
ance of good works, or was merely passive to the power of divine 
grace ? The debate continued six days ; Eccius maintaining that 
the will co-operated with the divine favour, and Carlostadt assert- 
ing its total inefficacy for any meritorious purpose. The debate 
between Luther and Eccius occupied ten days, in the course of 
which Luther delivered his opinion respecting purgatory, the ex- 
istence of which he asserted could not be proved by scripture ; of 
indulgences, which he contended were useless ; of the remission of 
punishment, which he considered as inseparable from the remission 
of sin ; of repentance, which he asserted must arise from charity 
and love, and was useless if induced by fear ; of the primacy of the 
pope, which he boldly contended was supported by human, and not 
by divine authority. This last point was contested by both par* 
ties with great earnestness and ability. Luther, however, acknow- 
ledges, that he and his friends were overcome, at least by clamour 
and by gestures : " Ita, me Deus amet, fateri cogor victos nos 
esse clamore et gestu.'' Excerpta Lutheri, de suis et Carohstadii 
thesihus, ap, Seckend. p. 73. 

It is remarkable that Milton appears as an advocate for the Ca- 
tholic doctrine of free-will, in opposition to the Lutheran and Cal- 
vinistic opinion of the total inefficacy of the human mind to all 
^ood purposes : 

" Freely they stood, who stood, and fell, who fell ; 

Not free, what proof could they have given sincere 

Of true allegiance, constant faith, or love ? 

Where only what they needs must do appeared, 

Not what they would, what praise could they receive ?" 

Par. Lost, book iii. v. 102. 

10 THE Lira OF 

CHAP, debate was again renewed in writing, Ivhen not 
^^^ only Carlostadt, ficcins^ and Luther, but Melwc- 

A, p. 1519. thon, Erasmus, and several other eminent scholars, 
a!^!vu. took an important part in asserting or opposing th^ 
various opinions which had been advanced at Leip^ 
sic. By the publication of these works the spirit 
of discussion and inquiry was still further extend^ 
ed ; and whether the truth was with the dne, or 
the other, or with neither of the parties, the pro- 
longation of the contest proved almost as inju- 
rious to the court of Rome, as if its cause had ex- 
perienced a total defeat. 

On the return of Luther to Wittemberg, Mil- 
titz renewed his endeavours to prevail upon him 
to desist from further opposition, and to submit 
himself to the authority of the holy see. For the 
accomplishment of this object he laboured un- 
ceasingly, with such commendations of the virtues 
and talents of Luther, and such acknowledgments 
of the misconduct and corruptions of the Roman 
court, as he thought we^fe likely to gain his confix 
dence and disarm his resentment ; a conduct which 
has been considered by the papal historians as 
highly derogatory to the Roman pontifiF, of whom 
he was the legate, and injurious to the cause 
which he was employed to defend. They have also 
accused this envoy of indulging himself too freely 
in convivial entertainments and the use of wine ; 
on which occasions he amused his friends with 
many exaggerated anecdotes, to the discredit and 
disgrace of the Roman court ; which being found- 
ed on the authority of the pope's nuncio, (a) were 

(a) It is remarked by Boss), that ^triQtly apeaking, Miltitz 
\msk neither the legate, nor the nuncio of the pope, but sent in the 


received and repeated as authentic, (a) Findings chap. 
however^ that all his efforts to suhdue the pertina- 

city of Luther w«e inefiectual^ he had recourse to a. d. 1619. 

A i£t« 44. 

the assistance of the society of Augustine monks, A.PoD.vii. 
I&en met in a general chapter, whom he prevailed 
upon to send a deputation to their erring brother, 
to reoal him to a sense of his duty. Luther ap- ^^^^^^ 
Beared to be well pleased with this mark of re- ^?^^ ^ 
spect, and promised that he would again write to the Pope. 
the pontiff, with 9 further explanation of his con* 
duct. Availing himself therefore of this opportu- 
nity, he addressed another letter to Leo X. which 
in its purport may be considered as one of the 
most singidar, and in its consequences as one of 
the most important, that ever the pen of an indi- 
vidual produced. Under the pretext of obedience, 
respect, and even a£%ction for the pontiff, he has ^^^^ 
conveyed the most determined opposition, the 
most bitter satire, and the most marked contempt ; 
insomuch, that it is scarcely possible to conceive a 
composition more replete with insult and offence, 
than that which Luther affected to allow himself 
to be prevailed on to write by the representations 
of his own fraternity, (i) *^ Amongst the monsters sarcastic 
pf the age,*' says Luther, ^^ with whom I have now Luther t^ 
waged nearly a three-years' war, I am compelled ^® ^^ 
at tim^ to turn my regards towards you, O most 
holy father Leo ; or rather I may say, that as you 
are esteemed to be the i;ole cause of the contest, 

eliaracter of an envoy, fbr a special purpose only ; in admitting 
the remark, I have not thought it necessary to alt^ the phrase- 
ology of the text, which sufficiently answers the purpose, v. Uftl* 
ed, vol. ix. pp. 13, 18.* 

(a) Fallav. Cone, di Trento, lib. i. cap. xviii. p. 114. 

{b) V. App. No. CLXXXH. 


12 THE LIFE OF .. 

CHAP, y^^ ^g never absent from my thoughts. . For al- 


though I, have been induced by your impious flat- 
A.D. 1520. terers, who have attacked me without any cause, 
A. Pont. ' to appeal to a general . council, regardless of the 
^ ^ empty decrees of your predecessors, Pius and Ju- 
lius, which by a kind of stupid tyranny were in- 
tended to prevent such a measure, yet I have 
never allowed my mind to be so far alienated from 
your holiness, as not to be most earnestly solici- 
tous for the happiness both of yourself and your 
see, which I have always endeavoured, as far. as in 
my power, to obtain from God by continual and 
ardent supplications. It is true, I have almost 
learnt to despise and to exult over the threats of 
those who have sought to terrify me by the. mar 
jesty of your name and authority ; but there is one 
circumstance which I cannot contemn, and which 
has compelled me again to address your holiness. 
I understand I have been highly blamed, as hav- 
ing had the temerity to carry my opposition so 
far as even to attack your personal character. 

'' I must, however, most explicitly assure you, 
that whenever I have had occasion to mention 
you, I have never done it but in the best and most 
magnificent, terms. Had I done otherwise, I 
should have belied my own judgment, and should 
not only concur in the opinion of my adversaries, 
but most willingly acknowledge my rashness and 
impiety. I have given you the appellation of a 
Daniel in Babylon, and have even endeavoured to 
defend you against your great calumniator Silves- 
ter (Prierio) with a sincerity which any reader 
will abundantly perceive in my works. The un- 
sullied reputation of your life is indeed so august. 

Leo the tenth. 13 

and so celebrated in every part of the world by chap. 


the applauses of learned men, as to set at defiance 
any aspersions which can be thrown upon it. I a. d. 1520. 
am riot so absurd as to attack him whom every a. Pont.* 
one praises, when it has always been my rule to ^ 
^are even those whom public report condemns. I 
delight not in blazoning the crimes of others, being 
conscious of the mote which is in my own eye, 
and not regarding myself as entitled to throw the 
first stone at an adulteress." 

After justifying the asperity with which he has 
commented on the misconduct of his adversaries, 
by the example of Christ, and of the prophets and 
apostles, he thus proceeds : " I inust, however, ac- 
knowledge my total abhorrence of your see, the 
Roman court, which neither you nor any man can 
deny is more corrupt than either Babylon or 
Sodom, and according to the best of my informa- 
tion, is sunk in the most deplorable and notorious 
impiety, (a) I have been therefore truly indigniant 
to find, that under your name, and the pretext of 
the Roman church, the people of Christ have been 
made a sport of ; which I have opposed, and will 
oppose, as long as the spirit of faith shall remain 

(a) It miist be observed, tbat Luther had been in Rome, in tlie 
year 1510, on the affairs of his convent, where he had been 
grea,tly disgusted with the conduct of the clergy, and the manners 
of. the people, in the performance of religious worship. " Ego 
Romae," says he, " non diu fui. Ibi celebravi ipse, et vidi cele- 
•brari aliquot missas, sed ita, ut, quoties recordor, execrer illas. 
Nam super mensam, inter alia, audivi Curtisanos quosdam ridendo 
gloriari ; nonnullos in ara super panem et vinum haec verba pro- 
nuntiare, Panis es, pants manebis; vinum es, vinum manebis" Ex 
Luther, op. German, tom. vi, Jena, ap, Meich. Adam in vita, 49. 
peaking of this journey in his Colloquia, he observes, that he 
would not have exchanged it for a thousand florins. A. 


CHAP, in nj^^ jjQt that I would attempt impossibilities. 


. or expect that my efforts dould avail against such 
^^1^0- a hostile throng of flatterers, and in the midst of 
A. Pont' the commotions of that Babylon. I owe> how- 
ever, something to my brethren, and conceive that 
it behoves me to keep watch that they are fiOt 
seized in such numbers, nor so violently attacked^ 
by this Roman plague. For what has Roifid 
poured out for these many years past (as you well 
know) but the desolation of all things, both of 
body and soul, and the worst examples of all ini- 
quity. It is, indeed, as clear as daylight to all 
mankind, that the Roman church, formerly the 
most holy of all churches, is become the most li- 
centious den of thieves, the most shameless of aU 
brothels, the kingdom of sin, of death, and of hell ; 
the wickedness of which not antichrist himself 
could conceive, (a) 

** In the mean time, you, O Leo, sit like a lamb 
amidst wolves, and live like Daniel amidst the 
Uons, or Ezekiel among the scorpions. But what 
can you oppose to these monsters? Three or 
four learned and excellent cardinals ! but what are 
these on such an occasion ? In fact, you would 
all sooner perish by poison than attempt a remedy 
to these disorders. The fate of the court of Rome 
is decreed ; the wrath of God is upon it ; advice 
it detests ; reformation it dreads ; the fury of its 

(a) Count Bossi is shocked at these gross expressions, which he 
thinks cannot be approved by the moderate and judicious frienda of 
the reformation. But the statement of them is^ he conceives, useftd 
to histcnry, as they serve to shew the character and temperament 
of this reformer, and to demonstrate how useless it would have 
bden for X^eo, or any other pontifi^ to have opposed the progress 
of reform, v. liiU, edt vol* ix. p. 29^* 


in^ety ^afinct be mitigat^^ and it bad now fid- chap. 
filled that whteh wag said of its mothet, W^ have ^^^' 

iMiicined JBahylon, arid she is not healed ; let us a. d. id2o. 
thmfore leave her. It was tho office of you and ^'j^vt^t 
of your eardinds to have applied a remedy ; but ^^^^• 
tb^ disorder derided the hand of the physician^ 
fusc audit eurrus hahenas. Under these imprei- 
siofig I have always lamented^O most excellent 
Leo, that you, who are worthy of better times, 
should have been elected to the pontificate in such 
days as these« Rome merits you not, nor those 
who resemble you, but Satan himself^ who in fact 
reigns more than you in that Babylon; woidd 
that you could exchange that state which your ii^ 
vet^^te enemies represent to you as an honmir, 
for some petty living ; or would support yourself 
by your patemid inheritance ; for of such honours 
lUme are worthy but Iscariots> the sons of perdi- 

After pouring out these invectives^and others of 
a similar kind> always pointed with expressions of 
the most contemptuous kindness for the pontiff, 
Luther proceeds to give a brief history of his con- 
ducty and of the efforts made to pacify him by the 
Roman court ; in which he speaks of Eccius as the 
servant of Satan, and the adversary of JcsUs Christy 
and adverts to the conduct of the carding of 
Oaeta with an acrimony by no means consistent 
with Ms former professions in this respect. Ho 
then declares, that m consequence of the ri^pre- 
dftitations of the Augustine fethers, who had esh 
Ideated him at least to honour the person of tb# 
pontiff^ and assured him that a reconciliation was 
yefc practicable, he had joyfully rad graitelttlly un- 



CHAP, dertaken the present address, ''Thus I come/' 

^ says he, ''most holy father, and prostrating rny- 

A^D. 1520. self before you, entreat that you will, if possible, 
A.p^t. ' lay hands on and bridle those flatterers who, whilst 
^ they pretend to be pacific, are the enemies of 
peace. Let no one, however, presume to think, 
most holy father, that I shall sing a palinode, un- 
less he wishes to give rise to a still greater storm. 
I shall admit of no restraints in interpreting the 
word of God ; for the word of God, which incul- 
cates the liberty of all, must itself be free. Ex- 
cept in these points, there is nothing to which I 
am not ready to submit. I hate contention, I will 
provoke no one ; but being provoked, whilst Christ 
assists me, I will not be mute. With one word 
your holiness might silence these commotions, and 
establish that peace which I so earnestly desire. 

" Allow me, however, to caution you, my good 
father Leo, against those syrens who would per- 
suade you that you are not altogether a man, but 
a compound of man and God, and can command 
and require whatever you please. This, I assure 
you, will be of no avail. You are the servant of 
servants, and of all mankind, are seated in the 
most deplorable and perilous place. Be not de- 
ceived by those who pretend that you are lord of 
the earth, that there can be no christian without 
your authority, and that you have any power in 
heaven, in hell, or in purgatory. They are your 
enemies, and seek to destroy your soul, as it was 
said by Esaias, O my people, they who pronounce 
you happy deceive you. Thus they impose upon 
you who exalt you above a council, and the uni- 
versal church ; and who attribute to you alone the 


- right of interpreting the scriptures, and endeavour ^ ^ ^ p- 
under your name to establish their own impiety. 

Alas, by their means, Satan has made great gain a. d. 1520. 
a,mong your predecessors. ' ' (a) a. p^nt.* 

(a) Some of the protestant writers, willing to attribute the 
schism of the church wholly to the rash and intemperate conduct 
of the Roman pontiff, have passed over in silence this provoking 
letter of Luther, although pubhshedin the general collection of his 
works ; (i;. Cha. Chais, Mosheim, Robertson, Sfc) others who have 
cited it, have supposed that Luther was serious in his professions 
of respect and attachment to Leo X., and that the pontiff should 
have considered it as a peace-offering ; (v. Sleidan and Seckendorf) 
but it is not difficult to perceive that the whole is a bitter satire, 
rendered more galling by the pretended anxiety of the writer for 
the temporal and eternal welfare of the pope. Seckendorf has 
also attempted to prove, that although this letter bears the date of 
the 6th of April, 1520, it was not written till the month of Octo- 
ber following ; in which opinion he has been incautiously followed 
by other writers. To say nothing of the decisive internal evi? 
dence of the letter having been written before the issuing of the 
papal bull, it may be sufficient to notice the following facts ; a 
due attention to which would have prevented Seckendorf and his 
followers from falling into such an error. 

I. The letter in question was prefixed, as the actual dedication 
to Leo X. of the book of Luther, de Lihertate Christiana, In this 
form it appears in the Jena edition of the works of Luther, where 
it immediately precedes the treatise, and is entitled Epistola Lu' 
theri ad Leonem X. Rom. PorUificem^ Libello de Libertate 
Christiana prjefixa. The dedicatory words at the close of the 
letter admit of no doubt that it was published with the book, ** In 
fine, ne vacuus advenerim, B. P. mecum affero tractatulum hunc, 
suh tuo nomine editum^ vel ut auspicio pacis componendse et bonas 
spei," &c. 

II. The precise time of the publication of this treatise is mark^ 
ed by the dedicatory letter itself; viz. the 6th April, 1520. It 
preceded, in the order of publication, the treatise, de Captivitate 
Bahylonica ; and the latter treatise had made its appearance in the 
month of August, 1520. v. Sleidan, lib. ii. Seckend, lib. i. sec. 

III. The Jena edition of the works of Luther was superintend- 




CHAP. This letter, which bears date the sixth day of 
^^^' April, 1520, was prefixed by Luther as a dedica- 

A. D. 1520. ed by his particular fiiends soon after his death, and the greatest 

A. P<»t. ^^^ ^^ taken in arranging his writings, in order of time, accord- 

VIII. ing to their proper dates. This is repeatedly insisted on, in the 

.preface by Amsdorf, as one of the chief merits of the work. 

" Nam multi, non considerata temporum serie, turpiter halluci- 

nantur, dum pratextu Scriptorum Lutheri, Christum et Belial cou" 

ciliare student.*' In this edition the letter appears in its proper 

place, with the date of the 6th of April, and before the bull of 

Leo X., which is dated the 15th of June. 

IV. Any correspondence between Luther and Leo X. after the 
issuing the bull must have been well known, and given rise to 
great observation, as it would have shewn the conduct of Luther 
in a very different light from that in which it now appears, and led 
to very different conclusions respecting his character. To have 
omitted or misplaced it in the Jena edition of the works of Luther, 
which professes to give a history of the reformation for the years 
1617, 18, 19, 20, and 21, by a regular series of authentic docu- 
ments, would have been impardonable. Even Seckendorf himself 
has not ventured to introduce, or even to mention such letter in 
his commentaries, at the time when he contends it was written ; 
and only undertakes, in a former part of his work, to raise some 
doubt on the subject ; '' dubitationem quandam ir^a aperiam ;'' a 
doubt which a proper examination would effectually have removed. 
It is the opinion of Mr. Henke, that the letter was dated the 
6th of September, and was actually sent to the pope with that 
date ; founding this opinion on a copy of it in German, in his own 
possession. I am well aware of this edition, and have now by me 
another of the same date in Latin, but I consider these as re- 
printed publications ; the work having before been printed at 
Antwerp by Michael Hillenium, v, Banzer^ Ann, Typ. vol. vi. p. 
7. 40, where it was again reprinted in the same year. The letter 
may, however, safely be trusted to its own internal evidence. I 
shall therefore only add, that Lord Herbert, in his Life of Hen* 
VIII., particularly cites this letter, and says, " I believe he meant 
this, as the pope himself understood it, only for a pasquil, or 
sat3rr, which made him also assemble the cardinals, and consult with 
them herein, who all condemned Luther^* 8fc,, evidently considering 
this letter as not only having been written before, but as being the 
ground of the papal bull. Life of Hen. VIII. p. 84. 


tion to his treatise on Christian liberty, which he chap, 

professes to transmit to the pope as a proof of his L. 

pacific disposition, and oi^his desire to attend to A.D.ism 
his studies, if the flatterers of the pontiff would al- a.pohu' 
low him ; but which the advocates of the Roman ^ * 
church have considered as an additional proof of 
his arrogance and his disobedience. The measure The do^ 

^ tnnes of 

of his offences was now full ; the pontiff, indeed, Luther pub- 
had long been solicited to apply an effectual re- deiL^^at 
medy to these disorders. The friars accused him ^™** 
of negligence, and complained that whilst he was 
employed in pompous exhibitions, in hunting, in 
music, or other amusements, he disregarded af* 
feirs of the highest moment. They asserted, that 
in matters qf £uth, th^ least deviation is of im* 
portance; that the time to eradicate the evil is 
before it has begun to spread itself; that the revolt 
of Arius was at fiist a spark that might have been 
extinguished, but which being neglected, had set 
fire to the world. That the efforts of John Huss 
and Jerome of Prague would have been attended 
with similar success, if they had not been frus* 
trated in the commencement by the vigilance of 
the council of Constance* (a) These sentim^tits 
were by no means agreeable to the pontiff, who, 
so far from wishing to resort to severity, regretted 

(a) Sarpi, Hist, del ConciL di Trento, lib. iv. p. 10. 

But Bossi has sufficiently shewn, that although Huss was 
drugged to execution in defiance of an imperial safe-conduct, his 
death gave rise to a dreadful civil war, in which his followers, to 
the number of 40,000, spread slaughter and devastation throughout 
all Bohemia. " It cannot, therefore,'' adds Bossi, " be correctly 
said by the Roman thedogians, that the efforts of Huss were de- 
feated by the vigilance of the council of Constance." r. Ital, ed. 
vol. ix, p. 184.* 



CHAP, that he had already interfered so much in the bii- 
^^^' siness^ and made himself a party where he ought 
A.D. 1520. to have assumed the mpre dignified character of a 
^A^fpont?' judge, (a) The remonstrances, however, of the 
^^^^' prelates and universities of Germany, added to 
those of the- Roman clergy, and above all, the ex- 
cess to which Luther had now carried his opposi- 
tion, compelled him at length to have recourse to 
decisive measures; and a congregation of the car- 
dinals, prelates, theologians, and canonists, was 
summoned at Rome, for the purpose of deliberat- 
ing on the mode in which his condemnation should 
be announced. 

The form of the bull by which Luther and his 
doctrines were to be condemned, gave rise to many 
debates, and a great variety of opinion ; and the 
authority of the pontiff was necessary to terminate 
a contest between the cardinals Pietro Accolti 
and Lorenzo Pucci the datary, each of whom had 
proposed the form of the bull, and were earnest in 
defence of their respective opinions. At length, 
the model of Accolti was, with some variations, 
adopted ; and this formidable document, which 
has been considered as the final separation of 
Luther and his adherents from the Roman church, 
and as the foundation of the celebrated council of 
Trent, was issued, with the date of the fifteenth 
day of June, 1520. (ft) 
Purport of By this bull, the supreme pontiff, after calling 
buiir^ upon Christ to arise and judge his own cause, and 
upon St. Peter, St. Paul, and all the host of saints,, 

(a) Sarpi, Hist, del ConciL di TrentOj lib. iv. p. 11. 
{b) Sarpi, ConciL di Trento, lib. iv. p. 11. Paliavicinif ConciL 
di TrentOf cap. xx. p. 119. 


to mtercede for the peace and unity of the church, ^^^^' 

sdects forty-one articles from the assertions and _! L. 

writings of Luther, as heretical, dangerous, and a. ^i^^o. 
scandalous, offensive to pious ears, contrary to A.Pont/ 
Christian charity, the respect due to the Roman 
church, and to that obedience which is the sinew 
of ecclesiastical discipline. He then proceeds to 
condemn them, and prohibits every person, under 
pain of excommunication, from advancing, defend- 
ing, preaching, or favouring the opinions therein 
contained. He also condemns the books publish- 
ed by Luther, as containing similar assertions, and 
directs that they shall be sought out, and publicly 
burnt. Proceeding then to the person of Luther, 
the pontiff declares, that he has omitted no effort 
of paternal charity to reclaim him from his errors, 
that he has invited him to Rome, offered him a 
safe-conduct, and the payment of the expenses of 
his journey, in the full confidence that he would, 
on his arrival, have acknowledged his errors, and 
have discovered, that in his contempt of the 
Roman court, and his accusations against the holy 
pontiff, he had been misled by empty and mali- 
cious reports. That Luther had, notwithstanding 
this summons, contumaciously refused, for up- 
wards of a year, to appear at Rome ; that he still 
persevered in his refusal; and that adding one 
offence to another, he had rashly dared to appeal 
to a future council, in defiance of the constitu- 
tions of Pius II. and Julius II., which had de- 
clared all siich appeals heretical. That in conse- 
quence of these reiterated offences, the pope might 
justly have proceeded to his condemnation, but 
that being induced by the voice of his brethren, and 


Oil A P. imitating the clemency of the Omnipotent, whd 
^^^' desireth not the death of a sinner^ he had forgotten 

A. D. 1520. all the offences hitherto committed by Luther 
^A^ontf' against himself and the holy see, had determined 
^^^^' to treat him with the greatest lenity, and to en- 
deavour^ by mildness alone^ to recal him to a sense 
of his duty ; in which case he was still willing to 
receive him, like the repentant prodigd, into the 
bosom of the church. He then proceeds to ex- 
hort Luther and his adherents to maintain the 
peace and unity of the church of Christ ; prohibits 
them from preaching, and admonishes them, within 
sixty days, publicly to recant their errors, and 
commit their writings to the flames ; otherwise he 
denounces them as notorious and pertinacious he- 
retics ; he requires all Christian princes and powers 
to seize upon Luther and his adherents, and send 
them to Rome^ or at least to expel them from 
their territories ; and he interdicts every place to 
which they may be allowed to resort ; and, lastly, 
he directs that this bull shall be read through all 
Christendom^ and excommunicates those who may 
oppose its publication, (a) 
Its execu- The exccutiou of this bull was intrusted to Ec- 
ed toE^ cius, who had repaired to Rome, in order to ex- 
cius. pedite it, and.having accomplished his purpose, 
hastened with it to Germany, as a trophy of his 
victory. The delegation of this authority to an 
avowed aud personal enemy of Luther, was not, 

(a) On this bull, which effected the entire separation of the re- 
formers from the church of Rome, Ulric Hutten wrote a series of 
sarcastic commentaries, which were published in the works of 
lAither, voL i. p. 423. The bull is given in the Appendix to the 
.present work. No. GLXXXIII. 


howevCT, calculated to allay the resentment of chap. 
that fearless reformer ; and has been justly cen- 
sured^ even by the firmest apologists of the Roman a. D.1520. 
court, as affording a pretext to Luther, that this ^'/i^onu 
measure was not the result of an impartial consi- ^™* 
deration of his conduct, but of the odium of his 
declared and inveterate enemies, (a) 

On the ptiblication of this instrument, Leo X. 
addressed a letter to the university of Wittemberg, 
and another to the elector Frederick, (ft) in the 
latter of which, taking for granted the firm attach- 
ment of the elector to the holy church, and his 
enmity to the efforts of that '^ child of iniquity/' 
Martin Luther, he commends him highly for ser- 
vices which he had certainly never rendered, (c) 
He then proceeds to acquaint him, that all efforts 
to reclaim Luther having proved ineffectual, he 
had issued a decree against him, of which he had 
transmitted him a copy, printed at Rome; and 
entreats him to use his authority to prevail upon 
Luther to recant his errors, and in case of his 
obstinacy, to take him into custody, and retain 
his person under the directions of the holy see. 
It is, however, sufficiently apparent, that this let- 
ter was rather written from political motives, to 
justify to the public the conduct of the Roman 
court, than with any expectation of influencing 
the elector to take a hostile part against Luther, 

(a) Pallamcinif Condi, di Trento, cap. xx. p. 119. 

(b) Appendix, No. CLXXXIV. 

(c) Count Bossi dissents from this opinion; and thinks the 
elector was desirous of maintaining the peace of the church, and 
that if his reasonable recommendations had been attended to, an 
opening might have been afforded for reconciliation. ItaL ed. 
vol. ix. p. 186.* 


CHAP, that sovereign having only a few months before, in 
^^^' a letter written to Rome, decidedly expressed his 
A. D. 1620. opinion, ^' That, if instead of endeavouring to con- 
A.Pont/ vince the reformers by arguments and authorities 
^^^^* from scripture, the Roman court should have re- 
course to threats and violence, it would inevitably 
occasion the most bitter dissensions and destruc- 
tive tumults throughout all Germany." (a) The ab- 
sence of the elector, who was at the imperial court 
when the letter of Leo X. arrived at Wittemberg, 
afforded a pretext for the university to suspend 

Its execu- . 

tion sus- the execution of the bull until his return ; but, by: 
at°he uni- the iustigatiou of Eccius, the writings of Luther 
wiulm-^ >vere publicly burnt at Cologn, Louvain, and other 
^^'s- cities of the Netherlands and Germany. 
Luther pub- Thc first mcasurc adopted by Luther in oppo- 
t'hXuu?^ sition to the pontifical decree, was to renew his 
^r'* d^^o/^ appeal to a general council, {b) He soon after- 
the Roman w^rds pubUshcd his animadversions upon the exe- 
crable Bull of Leo X. (c) in which he in his turn 
admonishes the pope and his cardinals to repent 
of their errors, and to disavow their diabolical 
blasphemies and impious attempts ; threatening 
them, that unless they speedily comply with his re- 
monstrances, he and all other Christians shall re- 
gard the court of Rome as the seat, of Antichrist, 
possessed by Satan himself. He declares that he 
is prepared in defence of his opinions, not only to 
receive with joy these censures, but to entreat that 
he may never be absolved from them, or be num- 
bered among the followers of the Roman church, 

(a) Appendix, No. CLXXXV. 
(h) App. No. CLXXXVI. 
(c) Ltalteri op, vol. ii. p. 286. 



being rather willing to gratify their sanguinary ty- chap, 
X9mxy by offering them his life ; that if they still ^^' 

persist in their fury, he shall proceed to deliver a. d. 1520. 
over both them and their bull, with all their de- \^onu 
cretals, to Satan, that by the destruction of the ^^^^• 
flesh, their souls may be liberated in the coming 
of our Lord. These menaces he soon afterwards 
carried into effect, as far as lay in his power. On 
the tenth day of December, 1520, he caused a 
kind of funeral pile to be erected without the 
walls of Wittemberg, surrounded by scaffolds, as 
for a public spectacle, and when the places thus 
prepared were fiDed by the members of the uni- 
versity and the inhabitants of the city, Luther 
made his appearance, with many attendants, bring- 
ing with him several volumes, containing the de- 
cretals of the popes, the constitutions called the 
Extravagants, the writings of Eccius, and of Em- 
ser, another of his antagonists, and finally a copy 
of the bull of Leo X. The pile being then set on 
fire, he with his own hands committed the books 
to the flames, exclaiming at the same time, because 
ye have troubled the holy of the Lord^ ye shall be 
burnt with eternal fire, (a)' On the following day 
he mounted the pulpit, and admonished his au- 
dience to be upon their guard against papistical 
decrees. " The conflagration we have now seen/* 
said he, " is a matter of small importance. It would 
be more to the purpose if the pope himself, or in 
other words, the papal see, were also burnt." (b) 

(a) Lnitheri op, vol. ii. p. 320. Pallavic. Cone, di Trenton cap. 
xxii. p. 126. 

{b) " Parum esse hoc deflagrationis negotium ; ex re fore, ut 
Pa'pa quoque, hoc est^ s^es Papalis concremaretur/' Luiha\ op^ 
vol. ii. p. 320. 


CHAP. The example of Luther at Wittemberg was fol- 
^^^' lowed by his disciples in several other parts of 
A. D. 1620. Germany, where the papal bulls and decretals 
\^onu were committed to the flames with public marks 
^^^ of indignation and contempt. Such were the ce- 
remonies that confirmed the separation of Luther 
and his followers from the court of Rome. A just 
representation of that hostile spirit which has sub- 
sisted between them to the present day; and 
which, unfortunately for the world, has not always 
been appeased by the burning of heretical works 
on the one hand, nor of papal bulls and decretals 
on the other, (a) 

This irreconcileable dissension between Luther 
and the church could not have arisen at a more 
critical juncture. A young and powerful monarch 
had just been seated on the imperial throne, and 
the part which he might take in this contest might 
either overthrow the papal authority throughout 
Luther en- the Central provinces of Europe, or frustrate the 
orr^J' efforts of the reformers in the origin of their un- 
ttr^pL dertaking. Hence the eyes of all the Christian 
"*'• world were turned towards Charles V. on whose 

decision the fate of the reformation seemed to de* 
pend. Of the importance of this decision, Luther 
and the pontiff were equally aware ; and accord- 
ingly they neither of them spared any pains that 
might secure his countenance and support. In his 
severe reprehensions of the bull of Leo X. Luther 

(a) An account of the ceremony of proclaiming the sentence of 
the pope against Luther, and the burning his books in St. Paul's 
Churchyard, London, in the presence of Wplsey and the prelates 
of ttie realm, is given in the Appendix from the Cottonian MSS. in 
the British Museum, v. Appendix, No. CLXXXVII. 


liad alreUdy called upon Charles Y. to rise up and char 
appose himself to the kingdom of Antichrist H6 ^^^' 
also addressed a book in the German language to a. d. 1520. 
the emperor and his nobles, in which he had en- \^^' 
deavoured to prove that the pope had no authority ^^"• 
over the imperial throne, nor any right to exercise 
those powers which he had long claimed in the 
German states ; and earnestly entreated the em- 
{leror not to suffer the Roman pontiff to take the 
sword from his hand and reign uncontrolled in his 
dominions, (a) Nor was Luther without a power* 
fill friend in the elector of Saxony, who, on ac- 
count of his magnanimity in refusing the imperial 
crown, and his effectual recommendation of Charles 
y. to that high dignity, enjoyed in an eminent 
degree the favour and confidence of that sovereign. 
The elector palatine, Lewis, was also supposed to 
be inclined towards the opinions of Luther, which 
had now made such a progress in various parts of 
Germany, as decidedly to shew that they could 
not be eradicated without the most sanguinary 
consequences. Qn this important occasion Lu- 
ther also availed himself of the services of Ulric 
Hutten, and of Erasmus, the latter of whom la- 
boured with great earnestness, by means of his 
fiiends, to discover the sentiments of Charles V. 
with respect to the reformers ; which Luther had, 
however, the mortification to find were not fa- 
vourable to his cause, {b) 

(a) Sechendorf, CommenU de Lutheranismo, lib. i. sec. xxxiv. p. 

(b) " Erasmus scribit, aulam Imperatoris esse mendico-tynm- 
nis occupatam, ut nulla in Carolo spes esse possit. Nee minmi. 
Nolite confidere in principibus, in filiis hominum, in quibus wxk 


CHAP, The efforts of Leo X. to secure the favour of 
^- the emperor, and induce him to take an active 

A.D.1620. part in the support of the Roman church, were 
A.^ontf * also unremitting, (a) On the election of Charles 
viu. y j^ became necessary to despatch an envoy from 
Rome to congratulate him on that event, for which 
purpose the pontiff selected Marino Caraccioli, 
then an apostolic notary, and who afterwards, in 
the pontificate of Paul III. obtained the rank of 
cardinal. Conceiving, however, that this envoy 
would be suflSciently employed in watching over 
the political interests of the Roman see, and that 
the business of the reformation would require all 
the vigilance of an active and skilful negotiator, he 
^!J^a. sent, as another nuncio, Girolamo Aleandro, to 
toth^Tm- whom he entrusted the important task of extermi- 
p^ nating the heretical opinions of Luther and his ad- 
herents. Aleandro was not only a nian of great 
learning, but of uncommon talents: and activity, 
and being warmly devoted to the Roman see, he 
engaged in its service with inconceivable earnest- 
ness. On his arrival in Flanders, where the empe- 
ror yet remained, he obtained his permission to 
carry into effect the bull of Leo X. throughout 
his patrimonial dominions. After the coronation 
of Charles at Aix la Chapelle, Aleandro accompa- 
nied him to Cologn, where the works of Luther 
were publicly burnt, as well as in other cities of 
Germany ; not, however, without such an opposi- 

est salus." Luther, ad Spalatinum, ap, Seckend, Comment, lib. i* 
sec. 29, p. 115, et v, Pallavicini, Cone* di TrentOj cap. xxiii. p. 

(a) V. Sadokti Ep, nomine Leonis X. ep. Ixxii. p. 101. Ed» Rom^ 
1769, 8. 


tibn in some places^ as rendered it higMy danger- c^^p- 
ous to those who undertook the office. ^_1V_ 

Soon after his coronation. Charles had summon- a.d.i62i. 

A J^t 46 

ed a diet of the empire to meet at Nuremburg, in a! Poitix. 
the month of January, 1521, as well for the pur- Aieandro 
pose of making some important regulations as to the ^^J^^^ 
German confederacy, as for taking into considera- ^^ .e»p^ 
tion the state of religion ; but on account of the ther. 
plague appearing at that place, the diet assembled 
at Worms. As the resolutions of this meeting 1521. 
were expected to be decisive of the great question 
of the reformation, no exertions were spared by 
either of the contending parties to obtain a favour- 
able decision. Besides the continual efforts of 
Aieandro, the cause of the Roman see was sup- 
ported by many of the ecclesiastical electors and 
powerful barons of Germany, who endeavoured to 
instigate the emperor to the most violent mea- 
sures ; (a) they were, however, firmly opposed by 
the electors of Saxony and of Bavaria, and by 
many of the inferior nobility, who had espoused 
the cause of Luther, and who, by their represen- 
tations as to the extension of the new opinions in 
Germany, and the number and resolution of their 
adherents, occasioned great apprehensions among 
the partisans of the Roman see. When the dis- 
cussion on the state of the church was opened, 
Aieandro addressed the diet, as legate of the pon- 
tiff, and in a speech of three hours, in which he is 
acknowledged to have acquitted himself with great 
ability, endeavoured to enforce the necessity of 
speedy and effectual measures. In the course of 
this oration he asserted, that the opposition of 

(a) Pallavicini, Condi, di Trento, cap. xxiv. p. 137. 

30 7HE LIFS OW. 

^HAP. Luther was not confined to the pontiff and the 
^^' Roman see, but was directed against the most sar 
A. p. 1621. cred dogmas of the Christian faith. That Luther 
^p^t IX. had denied the power of the supreme pontiff, or 
even of a general council, to decide in matters of 
doctrine, without which there would be as many 
opinions of the sense of scripture as there were 
readers. That by impugning the doctrine of free 
agency, and preaching up that of a certain uncon- 
trollable necessity, a door was opened for all kinds 
of wickedness and licentiousness, as it would be 
thought a sufficient excuse to allege that such 
crimes were inevitable. After discussing these 
and many similar topics, he concluded with ob* 
serving, that the Roman court had laboured du- 
ring four years, without effect, to subdue this de- 
testable heresy, and that nothing now remained 
but to entreat the interference of the emperor and 
the Germanic states, who might by an imperial 
edict, expose both it and its author to merited ex- 
ecration and contempt, (a) 

Had Luther or any of his zealous and learned 
adherents been present on this occasion, to have re- 
plied to the arguments, and opposed the assertions 
of Aleandro, to have directed the attention of the 
assembly to the ambition and proud assumptions^ 
of the Roman pontiffs, and expatiated on the abuses 
of the papal see in converting the religion of Christ 
into an engine of rapine and a source of gain, it is 
probable that the effect produced by this harangue 
might have been in a great degree obviated ; but 

(a) The harangue of Aleandro is given entire by PaHavidniy 
from documents preserved in the archives of the Vatican. CondL 
di Trento, lib. xxv. p. ,142. 


as the assertions and reasonings of Aleandrq re- chap* 
mained unanswered^ they produced a visible im- ^^' 
pression on the diet, which was now ready to a. d. 1521. 
adopt the most violent proceedings against the ad- A.^ntjx. 
herents of the new opinions, (a) The elector of 
Saxony, whilst he appeared to agree with the rest 
of the assembly as to the expediency of coercive 
measures, observed, however, that in this instance 
they were about to decide not only on points of 
doctrine, but against Luther individusdly, who 
was supposed to have been the author of them. 
That this was a question of fact, which ought to Luther dt- 
be ascertained ; for which purpose he ouccht to be «^ ^^v; 

_ iaTt 1 I pear before 

cwed upon to appear before the diet, and to de- the diet. 
dare whether he had or had not taught those opi- 
nions which were said to be found in his books. 
This proposition was extremely vexatious to Ale- 
andro, who as well from the result of his own 
judgment, as by particular instructions from Rome, 
had avoided all opportunities of entering into dis- 
putations with the reformers, and who was appre? 
hensi ve that the well-known eloquence and resolu- 
tion of Luther would eflFace the impression which 
he had already made upon the assembly. The em- 
peror, however, was inclined to favour the propo- 
sal of the elector, observing, that it might other- 
wise be pretended that Luther had been condemn- 
ed unheard ; but in order to appease the legate, 
he consented that the only question to be propos- 
ed to Luther should be, whether he would retract 
the errors vilich he had published in his writ- 
faigs. (b) On the sixth day of March the emperor 

* (a) PaHaoicmif Hb. i. cap. xxvi. p. 157. 
(b) Maimhurg. ap. Seckendorf, lib. i. p. 150. 


CHAP, despatched his messenger, Gaspar Sturmius^ with 
^^' letters addressed to Luther, in terms sufficiently 
A. D. 1621. respectful, (a) and accompanied them by an im- 
A.p^t.ix. P^ri^l safe-conduct, which was confirmed by the 
princes through whose territories it was necessary 
that Luther should pass. 
Heoro- Qu receiving the imperial mandate, Luther lost 

Worms, no time in preparing for his journey. To the re- 
monstrances of his friends, who endeavoured to 
deter him from this expedition by reminding him 
of the examples of John Huss and Jerome of 
Prague, who by the shameless violation of a simi- 
lar passport were betrayed to their destruction, he 
firmly replied, that if there were as many devils at 
Worms as there were tiles on the houses, he would 
not be deterred from his purpose, (b) He arrived at 
Worms on the sixteenth day of April. On his 
journey he was accompanied by his zealous ad- 
herent Amsdorff and several other friends, and 
preceded by the imperial messenger in his official 
habit, (c) On passing through Erfurt he was met 
by the inhabitants and honourably received. By 
the connivance of the messenger, who had orders 
to prevent his preaching on the journey, Luther 

(fl) Appendix, No. CLXXXVIII. 

{b) ** Oppenbeimii autem ab.amicis, ipsoque Spalatino, neveni- 
• ret per literas monitus respondit, ' Si tot Diaboli Wormatiae essent, 
quot in domibus lateritise tegulaa, se tamen intrepide eo venturum 
esse.' ** Lutheri Bp. ap, Seckend, lib. i. p. 152. 

(c) Maimburg asserts that Luther travelled in a magnificent 
carriage, with an escort of honour of 100 horse ; but Secjcendorf 
has shewn that these accounts were exaggerated by his enemies 
for the purpose of charging him with ostentation. His appearance 
at Worms was, however, sufficiently respectable. ». Seckend, ]i\h i. 
p. 152. 


harangue^! the populace in this city and other chap, 
places. The papists, as they now began to be ^^^' 
called^ haying flattered themselves with the expec- a. d. 1521. 
tation that he would have refused to make his ap- a/^uI^^. 
pearance at Worms, and thereby have afforded a 
sufficient pretext for his condemnation, were alarm- 
ed and mortified at his approach with so respecta- 
ble a retinue. On his arrival at that city he was 
surrounded by upwards of two thousand persons, 
many of them attached to his opinions, and all of 
them desirous of seeing a man who had rendered 
himself so famous throughout Europe, (a) 

In the afternoon of the following day Luther His first ap. 
was introduced to the diet, by the marshal count ?^fo^She 
Pappenheim, who informed him that he was not ^^"^^y- 
to be allowed to address the assembly, but was 
merely expected to reply to the questions which 
might be proposed to him. The person appointed 
to interrogate him was John ab Eyk, or Eccius, 
not his avowed adversary, but another person of 
the same name, chancellor or official to the arch- 
bishop of Treves. The first question proposed to 
Luther was, whether he acknowledged himself to 
be the author of the books published in his name. 
The second, whether he was ready to retract what 
had been condemned in those books. To the first 
question he answered, after hearing the titles of 
the books re«Mi, that he was the author of them, 
and should never deny them. But in reply to the 
second, he observed, that as it was a question con- 
cerning faith and the salvation of souls, and as it 
involved the divine word, than which nothing is 

(a) V. Viti Warbeccii Relationem de itinere et advcntu Lutheri ; ap, 
Seckendorf. lib. i. p. 162, addif^ 


34 THE lilFE OF 

€HAP. greater in heaven or on earthy it would be ra»h 
^^^ and dangerous in him to give an unpremeditated 
A. D. 1521. answer, which might either fall short of the dig- 
a'^mxi. nity of his cause, or exceed the bounds of truth ; 
and might subject him to the sentence pronounced 
by Christ, whosoever shall deny me before men, Mm 
will I deny before my father who is in heaven. He 
therefore entreated that he might be allowed tim^e 
to deliberate, so that he might answer without 
injury to the divine word, or danger to his own 
«oul. The emperor, having advised with the mem- 
bers of the diet, complied with his request, and 
directed that he should appear again on the fol- 
lowing day to deliver his final answer, which he was 
informed would not be allowed to be in writing, (a) 

x^ircwn- ^^ ^^^® ^^^ iutcrview, some circumstances oc- 
atancesat- currcd wHch dcscrvc particular notice. Whilst 
•^- Luther was passing to the »se.»bly, he ™ .or- 
rounded with immense crowds, and even the roofe 
of the houses were almost covered with spectators. 
Among these, and even when he stood in the pre- 
sence of the diet, he had the satisfaction to hear 
frequent exhortations addressed to him to keep 
up his courage, to act like a man, accompanied 
with passages from scripture. Not to fear those 
who ean kill the body only, hut to fear him who can 
cast both body and soul into hell. And agaiB, 
When ye shall stand b^ore kingSy think not how 
you shall speak ; for it shcdl be given to you in thtU 
same hour.(b) His adversaries were, however> 
gratified to find, that instead of replying, he hdd 

(fl) These particulars are given by Luther himself, Op. vol. ii. 
p. 412. 

{b) Lutheri op. vol. i. p. 412, &e. 


tlioiight it necessary to ask time to deliberate ; and ^^^* 
the apologists of the Roman see have looted to 

eoiDsider it as a proof that he po^essed no portion ^^^*' 
of the divine spirit ; otherwise he would not, by a. Pontix. 
kis delay^ have given rise to a doubt whether 1^ 
infant to retract his opinions, (a) We are also in- 
formed^ that his conduct on this occasion fell so 
&r short of what was expected from him, that the 
emperor said, TAis man tmlt certainly never tnducfe 
me to became a heretic, [b) To observations of this 
kind the friends of Luther might have replied, 
that the prohibition imposed upon him before the 
assembly, prevented him from entering into a ge- 
neral vindication either of his opinions or his con^ 
duct. That with respect to his having exhibited 
no symptoms of divine inspiration, he had never 
asserted any pretensions to such an endowment ; 
but, on the contrary, had represented himself as 
a fallible mortal, anxious only to discharge his 
duty, and to consult the safety of his own soul. 
And that, as to the remark of the emperor, if in 
fact such an assertion escaped him, it proved no 
more than that he had been already prejudiced 
against Luther ; and that by a youthfiQ impatience, 
which he ought to have restrained, he had already 
anticipated his c6ndenmation. 

On the following day, Luther again appeared Hii second 
before the ^et, and being called upon to answer *pp**'****^' 
whether he meant to retract the opinions asserted 
in his writings, in reply, he first observed, that 

(a) " Haec [urofiscto responsio non saj^ebat genium Prophets 
divinitus inspirati, cum ex ea apes appareret, retractaturum ipsum 
dogmata sua esse/' Maimb. ap, Seckend, lib. i. p. 153. 

{b) PtdXmmeini, lib i. aqp. xxvi. p. MO. 

D 2 


CHAP, these writing!? were of different kinds and on di^ 
. ferent subjects. That some related only to the 

A.D.1521. inculcation of piety and morality, which his ener 
Alpontix. mies must confess to be innocent and even useful; 
and that he could not therefore retract these, with- 
out condemning what both his friends and his foes 
must equally approve. That others were writteh 
against the papacy and the doctrines of the pa- 
pists, which had been so generally complained of, 
particularly in Germany, and by which the con- 
Sciences of the faithful had been so long ensnared 
and tormented. That he could not retract these 
writings without adding new strength to the cause 
of tyranny, sanctioning and perpetuating that im^- 
piety which he had hitherto so firmly opposed^ 
and betraying the cause which he had undertaken 
to defend. That among his writings there was a 
third kind, in which he had inveighed against 
those who had undertaken to defend the tyranny 
of Rome, and attacked his own opinions, in which 
he confessed that he had been more severe than 
became his religion and profession. That how* 
ever, he did not consider himself as a saint, but as 
a man liable to error^ and that he could only say^ 
in the words of Jesus Christ, If I have spoken evih 
bear witness of the evil. That he was at all times 
ready to defend his opinions, and equally ready to 
retract any of them which might be proved from 
reason and scripture, and not from authority, to 
be erroneous ; and would even, in such case, be 
the first to commit his own books to the flames. 
That with respect to the dissensions which it had 
been said would be occasioned in the world by 
his doctrines, it was of alllliiAgs the most pleasant 


to him to see dissensions arise on account of the chap, 

word of God. That such dissensions were inci- _J 1^ 

dent to its very nature, course, and purpose, as a. d. 1521. 
was said by our Saviour, / come not to send peace Aiponux. 
among you, but a sword. He then with great dig- 
nity^ and firmness, admonished the young emperor 
to be cautious in the conmiencement of his autho- 
rity, not to give occasion to those calamities which 
might arise from the condemnation of the word of 
God, and cited the example of Pharaoh, and of 
the kings of Israel, who had incurred the greatest 
-dangers when they had been surrounded by their 
counsellors, and employed, as they supposed, in 
the establishment and pacification of their domi- 
nions. When Luther had finished, the orator of 
the assembly observed, in terms of reprehension, 
ihat. he had not answered to the purpose; that 
what had been defined and condemned by the 
council ought not to be called in question, and that 
he must therefore give a simple and unequivocal 
answer, whether he would retract or not ; Luther 
replied in Latin, in which language he had before 
spoken, in these terms : 
*^ Since your majesty, and the sovereigns now He refuses 

. » •! Tiiiito retract 

present, require a simple answer, I shall reply his writings. 
thus,^ without evasion, and without vehemence* 
Unless I be convinced, by the testimony of scrip* 
ture, or by evident reason, (for I cannot rely on 
the authority of the pope and councils alone, since 
it appears that they have frequently erred, and 
contradicted each other,) and unless my conscience 
be subdued by the word of God, I neither can nor 
will xetract any thing ; seeing that to act against 
my own conscience is neither saie nor honest.'* 



CHAP. After wfakh he added in lis native German, Hite 


'_ Itmhe my stand; I can do no other; God he my 

A.D.1521. Ae&/ AmenAa) 

A. ^t 46 

A.VoQt.a. The orator made another effort to induce him 
to relax from his determination^ but to no pur- 
pose ; and night approaching^ the assembly sepa- 
rated ; several of the Spaniards who attended the 
emperor having expressed their disapprobation of 
Luther by hisses and groans. (6) 
obserya- Such was the rcsult of this memoarable inter- 
tions <m hu view, which each of the adverse parties seems to 
have considered as a cause of triumph and exultar 
tion. The Romish historians assert that the con^ 
duct of Luther on tlds occasion diminished his 
credit, and greatly disappointed the expectations 
which had been formed of him ; whilst his apdk)K 
gists represent it as highly to be commended, and 
in every respect worthy of his character. Nor can 
it be ^nied, that when tl^ acuteness of his inters 
rogator compelled him either to assert or to retract 
the doctrines which he had maintained, he rose to 
the height of his great task with that inflexible in* 
trepidity, which was the characteristic feature cf 
his mind. Of the theological tenete so earnestly 
inculcated by Luther, different opinions will be 
ttitertained ; and whilst some approve, and some 
eondemn them, there are,, perhaps, others who 
consider many of them as unimportant, and founded 
merely on scholastic and artificial distinctions ;(c) 

MIE. AmsB. 

{h) Luiheri op. roh ii. p. 412, ^ uq^ 

(c) ** It is certain^" says Bossi, ^' that at least nine tenths of 
all the heresies and writings of sectarians, and of scholastic con- 
troversialists in general, have no other fbmidatibn. Whatever 


as equiYoeal, from the uncertainty of their eflTects ^^^^^' 
on the Kfe and conduct of those who embrace : 

them ; or as uninteUigible, being totally beycmd ^^i^^; 
tiie limits and comprehension of human reason ; A.Pont.ix. 
but all parties must unite in admiring and venerat- 
ing the man^ who^ undaunted and alone, could 
stand before such an assembly, and vindicate, with 
unshaken courage, what he conceived to be the 
cause of religion, of liberty, a^d of truth ; fearless 
oi any reproaches but those of his own conscience> 
or of imy disapprobation but that of his God. 
This transaction may, indeed, be esteemed as the 
most remarkable and the most honourable incident 
m the life of that great reformer ; by which his 
integrity and his sincerity were put to the test, no 
less than his talents and his resolution. That he 
ooiisid^ped it as a proof of uncommon fortitude^ 
appears from the language in which he adverted 
to it a short time before his death : Thm, said he> 
God gives us fortitude for the oecctsion ; but I 
dotdft whether I should now find myself equal to 
such a task, (a) 

At the meeting oi the diet on the following day 
the emptor produced a paper, written with his 
own hand, which he read to the assembly ; and 

may be said of the dogmas of Plato, I cannot but think that the 
artificial distinctions of the Aristotelian philosophy have been 
Ycr^ injurious to true religion, and have given rise to the greater 
part of controversial and heretical opinions. A great proportion of 
the writings of Luther are full of these cavils, as little understood 
by those who supported them, as by those who impugned them.*^ 
Ed. ItaL vpl. ix. p. 56. It must be admitted that there is some 
tmdi in these remarks."*^ 

(a) ** Ita Deus impavidum reddere potest hominem ; nescio an 
nunc tarn fortis essem.'' iMther. ap» Seckend. torn. i. p. 152. 

40 THE LIFE Of* 

CHAP, ^hich contained ^ concise statement of his senti'^ 


ments on the opinions and conduct of Luther and 

A.D. 1521. his followers, (fit) Of this paper he sent a copy io 
A.PoDt'ix. his ambassador at Rome, to be communicated to 
^VeXes *^^ pontiff, who directed it to be read in full cdn- 

his opinion sistorv, and immediately dismissed a brief to re- 
in writing. '' •' 1 1 i» 

turn his acknowledgments for it ; at the close of 
which, with a condescension unusual in the su- 
preme pontiffs in this mode of address, he added 
several lines written with his own hand.(d) The 
emperor's Polizza, or address to the assembly^ 
was to the following effect. That the assembly 
well knew that he derived his origin from the most^ 
Christian emperors, from the catholic kings; of 
Spain^ the archdukeis of Austria, and the dukes of 
Burgundy ; all of whom had distinguished th«n-' 
selves by their obedience to the Roman see and 
the supreme pontiff, arid had been the protectors, 
and defenders of the catholic faith. That it now 
became his duty, as the successor of such ances- 
tors, to imitate their example, and to maintain and. 
confirm the decrees of the council of Constance^ . 
and of the other councils of the church. That an 
individual Friar, misled by his own opinion, had 
now, however, ventured to overturn the decisions^ 
of all Christendom ; which, if his notions were 
true, must hitherto have been erroneous. But 
that as such assertions were most false and dan- 
gerous, he had resolved to devote his dominions> 
his empire, his Uobles, his friends, his body, and 
his soul too, if necessary, in order to prevent the 
further progress of this disorder. That after hav- 

(a) V. Appendix, No. CLX^XIX. 
{b) V. Appendix, No. CXC. 


ing heard the obstinate repliei^ given by Luther on ^^ix.^* 
the preceding day, he lamented that he had so long - 

hesitated in fulminating a process against him and AiStl^ieV 
his doctrines ; and had now adopted the resolution A.Pont.xi. 
not to hear him again, but to direct that he should 
quit the court, according to the tenor of his pass^ 
port, the conditions of which he should be bound 
strictly to fulfil, and not to endeavour by preach- 
ing, writing, or in any other manner, to excite po- 
pular commotions. That for his own part he was 
resolved to proceed against Luther as an avowed 
heretic ; and he called upon the assembly as good 
and faithful Christians, to unite with him, as they 
had promised to do, in the measures necessary on 
this occasion, (a) 

Notwithstanding this decisive declaration of the Further ef- 
sentiments of the ^ young emperor, the assembly v^i u^S^ 
were not unanimously disposed to concur in such retract.^ 
hasty and violent proceedings.(6) Even the ad- 
versaries of Luther, intin^idated by the rapid in-^ 
crease of his opinions, and by reports of a league 
of four hundred German nobles, who were said to 
be ready to take up arms in his behalf, were in- 
clined rather to afford him a further hearing, than 

(a) The nature and purport of this imperial document has been 
fully considered by Count Bossi, in a note on this passage, in 
which he has endeavoured to shew that this declaration, act, or 
writing, was not intended so much for the diet, as for the court of 
Rome; the conciHation and favour of which were necessary to the 
emperor in the ambitious views he had upon Italy* v. Ital. ed, 
vol. ix. pp. 61, 62.* 

(h) Pallavicini, hb. i. cap. xxvii. p. 163, asserts, that the whole 
assembly concurred in the opinion of the emperor, " tutta la dieta 
coneorse tiella sentenza di Cesare ;*' but this is 6uffici«[itiy con- 
tradicted by the observations in the Letterc di Principe vol. i. p. 93. 

42 THB lilPB OW 

CHAP, to brave the consequences of an open hostility. 
^^' His friends also interposed their good offices^ and 
A. D. i52i. perhaps the assembly in general might consider 
A.'pont.ix! the decision of the emperor, which was made be- 
fore the members present had deliberated on the 
subject, as at least hasty and premature, if not an 
infringement on their privileges. From these and 
similar causes all parties united in requesting the 
emperor to allow Luther another hearing, alleg- 
ing, that if he persevered in his heresy, he would 
afford a still better reason for the proceedings in- 
tended to be adopted against him ; and although 
Charles still refused to grant this request in pub- 
lic, yet he consented to give him permission to re- 
main at Worms three days longer, during which 
time any of the members of the diet might use 
their endeavours to prevail upon him to retract 
his errors, (a) 

In consequence of this resolution, the archbishop 
of Treves, Richard de Griffelan, undertook the 
office of mediator between Luther and the diet, 
for which purpose he had several interviews with 
him; at which the good archbishop conducted 
himself with such moderation and kindness to-^ 
wards Luther, and made such concessions and pro- 
positions on the part of the church, as greatly dis- 
pleased the papal nuncio Aleandro, without, how- 
ever, effecting any alteration in the determination, 
which Luther had adopted, to abide by the con- 
sequences of his own conduct. These conferences, 
by the assent of the diet, were continued for two 
days longer; but, although Luther appears to. 
have been sensible of the lenity and good inten* 

(a) Pallavicinif lib. i. cap. xxvii. p. 163* ^ 



tious of the archbishop, to vrhom he addressed ^^^^^• 
himself in the most respectful and friendly terms^ 


yet, in such a cause, he was no less on his guard ^^/^V* 
against the influence of gentleness and persuasion, A.Pootix. 
than he iiad before been agamst all the terrors of 
authority. Being at length asked by the arch- 
bishop whether he could himself suggest any ex- 
pedient which might tend to restore the pubUc 
quiet, he replied in the words of Gamaliel, if this 
undertaking he the work of men, it wiU he over- 
throvm; hut if of God^ ye cannot overthrow it. (a) 
The result of this interview being made known to 
the emperor, Luther was ordered to leave the city, 
and not to be found within the imperial dominions 
after the expiration of twenty days. There were 
not wanting on this occasion, some who suggested 
to the emperor, that notwithstanding his solemn 
passport, he ought not to suffer so notorious a 
heretic to escape ;(&) but, besides the disgrace 
which this would have brought both upon him and 
the assembly, and the reluctance of the emperor 
to stain the commenciement of his reign by an act 
of tr^chery, it is probable that such a measure 
would have occasioned commotions which would 
not easily have been allayed. Luther therefore 
left the city on the twenty-sixth day of April, ac- 
companied by the imperial herald ; and being met 
at the gate by a large body of his friends^ pro- 
ceeded on his journey to Wittemberg. 
After the departure of Luther, the pontifical 

(«) ** Si ex hoiniiubus coosUiuqi »ut opus hoc wt, dUsolvctwr ; 
Si vero ex Deo est, dissolve^e n^n poteritis." Lutk. op. vol. ii. 
p. 416. b, Scckend. lib. i. p. 1^7* 

(6) Sarpi, QmcU. dt TfW^o, lib. i. p. !*• 


CHAP, legates exerted all their influence to obtain a de- 
~~ cree of the diet against him ; but notwithstanding 

A. D. 1521. their efforts, this was not accomplished until the 
A.V(mt.ix. twenty-sixth day of May, By this document, 
Luther is which rescmblcs a papal bull rather than a great 

condemned x ■■. <-» 

by an im^;. national act, and which represents Luther as the 
• d&vil in the semblance of a man, and the dress of a 
monk, {a) all the subjects of the empire are requir- 
ed to seize upon him and his adherents, to destroy 
their property, and to burn their books and writ- 
ings; and all printers are prohibited from pub- 
lishing their works without the approbation of the 
ordinary. In the mean time Ludier had found a 
shelter against the approaching storm. As he was 
passing through a wood near Altenstein, on his re- 
turn to Wittemberg, with only a few attendants, 
he was seized upon by several persons employed 
by the elector of Saxony for that purpose, and 

Is privately Carried to the castle of Wartburg, where he re- 
conveyed to • :* • J. • j»xT_ -1 J* 

thecasUeof nmined m great privacy during the remainder of 
Wartburg. ^j^^ poutificatc of Lco X. At this place, which he 
called his \Patmos, he devoted himself to study, 
and composed several of his theological tracts; 
He had already, however, sown the seeds, which 
grew equally well in his absence as in his presence, 
and which, notwithstanding the storm excited by 

(a) '^ nium unum non ut hominem, sed diabolum ipsunii sub 
homihis specie, ad perniciem generis humani assumpta monactii 
cuculla," &c. The form of the edict is said to have been prepared 

by Aleandro. v, Seckendotf^ lib. i. sec. 46. p. 158. But Bossi can- 
not believe that it could be the work of Aleandro, who was cer- 
. tainly a learned man, and not altogether an inelegant latinist. 
The Opposition of Bossi, that Seckendorf made this statement in 
order to render Aleandro odious tatheprotestants, seems however 
to be entirely without fbtmdation. ^, hat td.'vol ix< p, i8a. 


the apostolic nuncios^ soon spread such vigorous chap. 
roots as defied all the efforts of the papal see to ^^' 
destroy them. A.D.1521. 

Nor were the new opinions confined to the li- A.p^t^ 
mits of Germany. Within the space of four years Henry 

VTTT mmtAJi 

they had extended themselves from Hungary and against lu- 
Bohemia, to France, and to England ; having in ^^^'' 
all places attracted the notice, and obtained the 
approbation of a great part of the inhabitants. 
Such was the reception they met with in this conn* 
try, that Henry VIII., who had, in his youth, de- 
voted some portion of his time to ecclesiastical 
and scholastic studies, not only attempted to coun- 
teract their effects by severe restrictions, but «on- 
descended to enter the lists of controversy with 
Luther, in his well known work written in Latin, 
and entitled, A Vindication of the seven Sacra- 
ments, (a) This work Henry dedicated to Leo X., 
and transmitted a copy to Rome with the follow- 
ing distich : 

" Anglorum Rex Henricus, Leo Decime, mittit 
Hoc opus, et fidei testem et Amicitise." 

It was presented to the pontiff in full consistory, 
by the ambassador of the king, who made a long 

{a) Assertio septem Sacramentorum adversus Martinum Lutherum, 
The original, in an elegant MS., is still preserved in the library 
of the Vatican, and is usually shewn to Englishmen on their 
visits to Rome, v, Dr, Smithes Toiir to the Continent, vol. ii. p. 
200. From this copy it was printed at Rome, ** in sedibus Fran- 
tisci Priscianensis Florentini, 1543.'' as appears by the colophon, 
Descriptui liber ex eo est, quern ad Leonem X, Pont, Max, Rex ipse 
misity but it had before been published in London, in adibus Pyn^^ 
96nianis, 1521, and at Antwerp, in adibtis Michaelis Hillenii, in 
the year 1522. On this occasion several of the Italian scholars, 
and particularly Vida and Colocci, addressed Latin poems to the 
king. V, App. No. CXCI. 


CHAP, and pompous oration ; to which the pope replied 
' in a concise and suitable manner. (^) The satis- 

A«D. 1521 

A, J£t. 46.* (^) *' Extat typis eo anno vulgata Job. Clerici, Anglise Regis 

A. Pont IX. legati, Oratio ad Leoncm habita, cum ei librum Regis nomine in 
consefisu Cardinalimn offerret, satis tumida ; cui Leo breviter et 
apte respondit.*' Seckendorf^ lib. i. p. 184. 

Luther replied to this book in his Treatise contra Henticttm 
VIII. Anglia Regan ; which he addressed to Seb. Schlick, a Bohe- 
mian nobleman, in a dedication which bears date, 15th July, 1522. 
In this work he treats the king, without any ceremony, as a liar 
and a blasphemer. ** Nunc quum prudens et sciens mendacia com^ 
ponat adversus mei Regis ms^estatem in coelis^ damnabilis Putredo 
ista et Vermis, jus mihi.erit pro meo Rege, majestatem Anglicam 
luto suo et stercore conspergere, et coronam istam blasphemam in 
Christum, pedibus conculcare." But, whilst he stigmatizes the 
book of Henry VIIL as siolidmimmn and turpiuimwn^ he acknow- 
ledges it to be '* inter omnes qui contra se scripti sunt latinissi*- 
mum." He insinuates, however, that it was written by some other 
person in the name of the king. An answer to the work of Luther 
was published, or re-published, Lond. 1523, under the following 
tide, i&c. ERtJDiTissiMi YiRi OuLiELMi RossEi opus eiegons^ doc- 
iian, fesiivum, ptum^ quo pidcherrinte retegit ac refeliit insanas Lu^ 
theri calumnias ; quibus invictissimum Anglias Galliaque Regem Hen* 
ricum ejus nominis octavum^ Fidei defensorem, hand Uteris minus 
quam regno clarum scurra turpissimus insectatur^ ifc. In this work, 
which is attributed to Sir Thomas More, the author has not only 
endeavoured to refute the arguments, but to equal the abuse of 
the German reformer ; and he concludes it by leaving him, " cum 
suis furiis et furoribus, cum suis merdis et stercoribus, cacantem 
cacatumque.'' Such are the elegantia of religious controversies. 
A few years afterwards, when Luther began to suspect that the 
king was not indisposed to &vour his opinions^ he wrote to him 
to excuse the violence and abuse contained in his book, which he 
attributed to the advice of others» acknowledging that he had pub* 
lished it too rashly, and offering to nuJije a public apology. To 
this Henry condescended to write a long and argumentative re^ 
ply, in which he advises Luther to retract his errorsi or to shut 
himself up in a monastery, and repent of his sins. These letters 
bave been published without note of place or date, and are pre* 
fixedi in the copy now before me, to the treatise of Henry on the 
seven sacraments* 


fiiction which Leo derived from this cireumstauce^ c hap. 
at a time when the supremacy of the holy see was ^^* 
in such imminent danger, may be judged of by the a. d. ism. 
desire which he shewed to express to the king his I'B^t. w. 
flqpprobation of the part he had taken. After re- 
turning him ample thanks, and granting an indul^ 
gence to every person who should peruse the book, 
he resolved to confer upon him some distinguish- 
ing mark of the pontifical favour, and accordingly 
proposed in the consistory to honour him with the 
title of Defaukr of the Faiih. This proposition 
gave rise, however, to more deliberation, and oc- 
offiioned greater difficxdty in the sacred collie 
than perhaps the pope had foreseen* Several of 
the cardinals suggested other titles, and it was for 
a long time debated wither, instead of the appel- 
hticm of defender of the faith, the sovereigns of 
England should not, in aU future times, foe deno- 
minated the Apostolic, the Orthodox ^ the Fait^ul, 
or, the AngeUc.{a) The proposition of the pope, 
who had been previously informed of the senti- 
ments of Wolsey on this subject, at length, how- 
ever, prevailed, and a buU was accordingly issued, 
conferring this title on Henry and his posterity : {b) 
a title retained by his successors to the present 
day, notwithstanding their separation from the 
Roman church ; which has given occasion to some 
orthodox writers to remsurk, that the kings of this 
country should either maintain that course of con- 
duct in rewmrd for whidi the distinction was con- 
ferred, or relinquish the title, (c) 

(a) Fallavicini, ConciL di Trento, lib. ii. cap. i. sec. viii. p. 177. 

(6) V. Appendix, No. CXCTI. 

(c} Muimb, ap, Sechend. lib. i. p. 188. 


48 THE LIFft OF 

CHAP, That the spirit of the times, and in particular, a 
^^^' marked dissatisfaction with the proceedings of the 
A. D. 1519. Roman court, and an increasing latitude of discu^- 
A.'p^nt.ix . sion and inquiry, had prepared the way for the suc^ 
cess of Luther, may sufficiently appear from cir» 
cumstances which occurred about the same time 
Rcforma- Ju othcr parts of Europe. Even in the year 1516, 
s^tzLiand 3.nd before Luther had published his celebrated 
\^''' propositions at Wittemberg, Ulric Zuinglius, an 
ecclesiastic of Zurich, had boldly opposed him- 
self to the assumptions of the Roman church, and 
engaged in a system of reform, which he carried 
on with a degree of ability and resolution not in^ 
ferior to that of Luther himself. The promul- 
gation of indulgences in the Swiss cantons, by 
the agency of a friar named Sansone, or Samson, 
afforded him new grounds of reprehension, of 
which he did not fail successfully to avail himself ; 
and a controversy was maintained between the pa- 
pists and the reformers in the Helvetic states, 
which resembled, both in its vehemence and its 
consequences, that between Luther and Tetzel in 
Germany, (a) As the opposition of Zuinglius had 
arisen without any communication with Luther, 
so the doctrines which he asserted were not always 
in conformity with those advanced by the German 
reformer, and on some important points were di- 
rectly contrary to them. In truth, the opposition 
of Zuinglius to the papal see, was carried to a 
greater extent than that of Luther, who still re^ 
tained some of the most mysterious dogmas pf the 
Roman church, whilst it was the avowed object of 
the Helvetic reformer to divest religion of all ab- 

(a) V, Mosheim's Ecclesiasf, Hist, vol. ii, p. 190, &c. 


struse doctrines, and ^uperstitipus opinions, and to chap. 


establish a pure and simple mode of worship. In . 

consequence of this diversity, a dispute arose, a.d.i62i. 
which was ^ carried on with great warmth, and A!:^nt.ix. 
which principally turned on the question respect- 
ing the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist, 
which was firmly asserted by Luther, but not as^ 
sented to by Zuinglius, who regarded the bread 
and wine used in that sacrament as types or sym- 
bols only of the body and blood of Christ, (a) On 
this subject a conference was held between the 
two . reformers at Marpurg, in which Zuinglius 
waa accompanied by CEcolampadius and Bucer; 
and Luther by Philip Melancthon, and others of 
his fidends. Both parties appealed with confidence 
to .the authority of scripture for the truth of their 
opinions, and both discovered that an appeal to 
those, sacred writings will not always terminate a 
dispute. Persevering in his original intention of 
restoring the Christian religion to its primitive 
simplicity, Zuinglius became the founder of that 
which is denominated, in contra-distinction to the 
Lutheran, the Reformed Ch^rch. To this great 
undertaking, he devoted not only his learning and 
his abilities, but also his life, having, in the year 
1530, fallen in battle in defending the ciause of the 
reformers against the adherents, of the Roman 

(a) Luther endeavoured to explain his doctrine of the real 
presence, by comparing it .to a red-hot iron, in which, said he, as 
two distinct substances, viz. ttvn Bxxdfire are united, so is the body 
of Christ joined with, the bread in the Eucharist Dr. Maclaine 
calls this a miserable comparison. ^ o. Note (%) on Mosh. Ecclesiast, 
liiif^. vol. ii. p. 34. 

VOL. IV. B ' 

so ^ THE lilFE Of ' 

CHAP, church; (a) leaving behind hini sak «xaiiipte ndt 
^"^- only of heroic firmness in maintaining his own 
A. D. 1521. opinions, but, what is far more extraordinary, of 
AiPontix. enlightened toleration to all those who might con^* 
scientiously differ from him in matters of faith, (b) 
. *In order to form a prop^ estimate of the con- 
duct and character of Luther, it is necessary to 
consider him in two principal points of vieW; 
Sd dJLc- First, as an opponent to the haughty assumptions^ 
Sct ^n^- ^^^ gross abuses of the Roman see ; and seeondlyy 
dercd. as the founder of a new church, over whidi he 
may be said to have presided until the time of hfe 
death, in 1646, an interval of nearly thirty yearai 
In the former capacity we find him endeavouring 
to substitute the authority of reason and of scrips 
His bold as- ture for that of councils and of popes, and coiK 

sertion of , *■• ** 

the right of tending for the utmost latitude in the perusal and 
pdl^m. construction of the sacred writings^ which/ as he 
expressed it, could not be chained, but were open^ 
to the interpretation of every individual. For 
this great and daring attempt he was peculiarly 
qualified. A consciousness of his own integrity^ 
and the natural intrepidity of his mindi enabled 
him not only to brave the most violent attacks 
of his adversaries, but to treat them with a de-^ 
gree of derision and contempt^ which seemed to 
prove the superiority of his cause. Fully sensible 
of the importance and dignity of his undertak- 

(a) Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist. vol. ii. p. 192. Plantd's Hist, of 
the Helvetic Confederacy^ vol. ii. p. 148. 

{b) A more extended account of this great reformer may be^ 
found in a note in the ItaL ed. vol. ix..pi 191 ; but the reader,' 
who wishes for full information on the subject, may consult Hds^^ 
Life of Ulrich Zwingle, translated'by Miss Aikin, Londp 'lB12,Bf c* 


iiig, he looked with equal eyes on all woridly ho«> chap^ 
nours and distinctions ; and epiperors^ and pon- 
tiffl^^ and kings^ were regarded hy him as men and a. 0.1521. 
W equals^ who might merit his respect, or incur a!podux. 
his resentment, according as they were inclined 
to promote or obstruct his views, (a) Nor was he 
more firm against the stem voice of authorit7> 
tlum against the blandishments of flattery, abd 
the softening influence of real, or of pretended 
friendship. The various attempts which w^e 
made to induce him to rdax in his opposition; 
seem in general to have confirmed rather than 
shaken his resolution, and, if at any time he shewr 
ed a disposition towards conciliatory measures, it 
wag only a symptom that his opposition would 
soon be carried to a greater extreme. The wanqth 
of his temperament, seldom, however, prevented 
the exercise of his judgment, and the variouis 

(o) To say nothing of his abuse of Henry VIII., it maybe ob> 
served, that it was not without great reluctance that he addressed 
Charles V. by the title of Dominus CUmmtissimus, " cum sciat or*- 
bis," says he, " esse mihi infensissimum^ et hunc fucura maBifes* 
tum omnes ridebunt." Seckend* lib, i. p, 100. But the language 
in which he rejects the protection of his great friend the elector is 
yet more remarkable. " Scribo heec Celsitudini tuae, ut sciat me 
lange potentiori sub protectione quam Electorali, Wittembergam 
ire. Nolo a te protegi, nee gladio ad banc causam opus e9t» 
Deus absque ullo hominum auxilio illam est curatarus. Quoniam 
igitur Celsitodo tua infirma est fide, non possum eam pro defend 
sore meo habere. Quoniam autem scire vult, quid sibi agendum sit^ 
dicitque se minus justo fecisse ; dico ego, nil tibi faciendum eaK| 
et jani nimium te fecisse. Non fert Dens ut tua Gelsitudo aui^go^ 
causam Vi tueamur ; si hsec credis tutus eris ; sin minus, ego tur 
men credo, et sinam ut tua te aogat incredulitas. £»cu0atu$^ 
itaqud es*, quoniam tibi obsequi nolo, si capior ega a^it ofiddor" 
Ex fragnu LuthtrirEp. ap, Seckend. Ub. i. p. 195^ 

E 2 


CHAP, measures to which he resorted for securing pppu- 
^^^' larity to his cause^ were the result of a thorough 

A. D. 1521. knowledge of the great principles of human nft- 
^p^ntix. ^^^9 ^^d of the peculiar state of the times in 
which he lived. The injustice and absurdity of 
resorting to violence/ instead of convincing the 
understanding by argument^ were shewn by him 
in the strongest light. Before the imperial diet 
he asserted his own private opinion^ founded^ as 
he contended^ on reason and scripture^ against all 
the authorities of the Roman church ; and the im- 
portant point which he incessantly laboured to es- 
tablish^ was the right of private judgment in mat- 
ters of faith, (a) To the defence of this proposition^ 
he was at all times ready to devote his learnings 

(a) In a note on this passage, Count Bossi has thought proper 
tO; express his surprise, that I should not have perceived how 
dsingerous the establishment of such a maxim would be to the in- 
terests of the human race ; and seems to contemplate with horror 
the time, when every person, capable of reading, might resort to 
the sacred writings, and form from thence opinions of his own! 
■'* If," says he, '* this private judgment was confined to the inter- 
nal conscience of each individual, no great harm could ensue; 
but, as religious opinions naturally lead people to dogmatize, the 
exercise of private judgment must open the way to an infinite 
number of opinions, controversies, sects, and parties, and conse- 
quently give rise to. contests and wars, and to all the derange- 
ments of political society/' Ital, ed, vol. ix. p. 76. 

To this true Catholic sentiment the short reply is, that with the 
belief of another person no human power has any right to inter- 
fere. To insist upon and enforce a correct conduct, and a pro- 
priety and decency of behaviour in the moral relations of life, is 
all that human tribunals can possibly accomplish ; and to permit 
an unlimited freedom of inquiry and opinion when the Searcher of 
•hearts can alone be the judge, is not only of the very essence of 
Christianity y but is the only. mode by which we can ever expect to 
terminate those religious.di^sensions which have so lopg afflicted 
and desolated the human race.* 


hiis talents, lus repose; his character, and his life ; chap. 
and the great and imperishable merit of this re- ' 

former/ consists in his having demonstrated it by A.D.1521. 
such arguments, as neither the efforts of his ad- a.'p^.ix* 
yersaries, nor his own subsequent conduct, have 
been able either to refute or invalidate. 

As the founder of a new church, the character His inflexi- 
of Luther appears in a very different light. After ,ence tolbis 
having effected a separation from the see of Rome, ^t^*' 
there yet remained the still more difficult task of 
establishing such a system of religious faith and 
worship, as without admitting the exploded doc- 
trines of the papal church, would prevent that li- 
centiousness which, it w^ supposed, would be the 
consequence of a total absence of all ecclesiastical 
restraints. In this task, Luther engaged with a 
resolution equal to that with which he had braved 
the authority of the Romish church ; but with 
this remarkable difference, that in the one instance, 
he effected his purpose by strenuously insisting on 
the right of private judgment in matters of faith, 
whibt in the other he succeeded by laying down 
new doctrines, to which he expected that all those 
who. espoused his cause should implicitly submit. 
The opinions of Luther on certain points were 
fixed and unalterable. The most important of 
these were the doctrine of the real presence in the , 
Eucharist, and the justification of mankind by 
faith alone. Whoever assented not to these pro- 
positions was not of his church ; and, although 
he was ready on all occasions to make use of argu- 
ments from scripture for the defence of his tenets, 
yet when these proved insufficient, he seldom he- 
sitated to resort to more violent measures. This 


CHAP, was fully exemplified in Ms conduct toif^ards Ym 
^^^ friend Carlostadt, who, not being able to distlnr 

A. D. 1521. fifuish between the Romish doctrine of transub- 
A.Poiit.ix. stantiation, and that of the real presence of Chrkt 
in the sacrament, had, like Zuinglius; adopted the*^ 
idea that the bread and the wine were only the- 
symbols, and not the actual substance of the body 
and blood of Christ, (a) Luther, however, main- 
tained his opinion with the utmost obstinacy ; the 
dispute became the subject of several violent pub- 
lications, until Luther, who was now supported 
by the secular power, obtained the banishment of 
Carlostadt, who was at length reduced to the ne- 
cessity of earning his bread by his daily labour, {b) 
The unaccommodating adherence of Luther to 
this opinion, placed also an effectual bar to the 
union of the Helvetic and German reformers, and 
to such an uncharitable extreme did he carry his 
resentment against those who denied the real pre- 
sence, that he refused to admit the Swiss, and the 
German cities and states which had adopted the 
sentiments of Zuinglius and Bucer, into the con- 
federacy for the defence of the protestant church; (c) 
choosing rather to risk the total destruction of his 
cause, than to avail himself of the assistance of 
those who did not concur with him in every parti- 
cular article of beKef. 

Nor did Luther adhere less pertinaciously to 
the doctrine of predestination, and of justifica- 

(a) MoshcinCs Eccksiast. Hist, vol. ii. p. 166, and note (h) of 
Dr. Madame. 

(b) Maimburg. ap. Seckendorf. lib. i. p. 109. Mosheini's Eecle^ 
siast. Hut. vol. ii. p. 165, note (k), 

(c) Mosheim's Ecclesiast. Hist. vol. ii. p. 192. Planta^s Hist, of 
the Helvetic Cortfederacy, vol. ii. p. 147. 


tion by faith alone, than to that of the reai pre- chap. 
sence in the Eucharist, (a) In support of these 

6f>inions he warmly attacked Erasmus^ who had a. d. 1531. 
attempted to maintain the freedom of the human A.PoDt iixJ 
Willi and when that great scholar and candid 
Christian replied^ in his Hyperaspistes, Luther in- 
emased his vehemence to scurrility and abuse. 
*^That exasperated viper, Erasmus/' says he, ''has 
again attacked me ; what eloquence will the vain- 
glorious animal display in the overthrow of Lu- 
ther V (b) In defending his opinion as to the all- 
saffidency of faith, he suffered himself to be car- 
ried to a stiU further extreme ; and after having 
vindicated his doctrines against councils and popes 
and fathers, he at length impeached the authority 
of one of the apostles, asserting that the epistle of 
^mes, in which the necessity of good works to a 
perfect faith is expressly stated, and beautifully 
illnstralted, was, in comparison with the writings 
pf Peter and of Paul, a mere book of stoaw. (c) 

(a) The doctrine of predestination was first advanced by Austin, 
in consequence of what he had maintained in the pelagian contro- 
versy, on the subjects of grace and original sin, Friestlei/'s Hist, 
of the Christian Church, vol. iii. p. 256, ed. Northumb. 1B02. It 
was afterwards (about the year 847) more rigorously insisted on 
by Godeschalcus, a Saxon monk, ** who seems to have pursued 
the leading '' principles of Austin nearly to their full extent.*' lb, 
p. 257. 

(6) " Praeterea vipera ilia irritata iterum in me scribit Erasmus 
Roterod. Quam exercebit ibi eloquentiam, in sternendo Luthero, 
gloriae istud animal vanissimum !" Luth. ap, Melchior Adam, in 
tita Lutheri, p. 63. Luther also accused Erasmus of l)eing an 
adieist, an enemy to Christianity, &c. v* Erasm, Ep. lib. xxi. ep. 

(cj I am aware of the fate of Edmund Campian the Jesuit, 
who, having in his conferences, whilst a prisoner in the Tower of 
London, a dhort time before his execution on account of his re- 


CHAP. It would too far exceed the . necessary limits of 
^^' these pages to dwell upon the dissensions to which 

. A. D. 1521. this inflexible adherence of Luther to certain opi- 
A.*p^nt.ix. nions gave rise, or on the severity with wluch he 
ijjri *^^*t^d those who unfortunately happened to be- 
bie spirit lieve too much on the one hand or too little on the 
^^en. other, and could not walk steadily on the hair- 
breadth line which he. had prescribed. Without 
attributing to the conduct of Luther all those ca- 
lamities which a diversity of religious opinions oc- 
casioned in Europe, during the greater part of the 
sixteenth century, and in which thousands of in- 
nocent and conscientious persons were • put to 
death, many of them with the most horrid tor- 
ments, for no other reason than a firm adherence 
to those doctrines which appeared to them to be 
true, (a) it is sufficient on the present occasion to 
remark the wonderful inconsistency of the hunum 
mind, which the character of Luther so strongly 

ligion, accused Luther of having called the epistle of James a 
book qf strawj was required to produce his authority, and not 
being able to discover the passage in the edition of the worlds of 
Luther brought to him for that purpose, was treated as a calum- 
niator and a &lsifier. The Protestants for some time enjoyed 
their triiunph : " Le docte Witaker/' says Bayle, << jouit de cette 
agr^ble joie toute sa vie. H soutint que Luther n'avoit point 
parM de la sorte, et que Campian le calomnioit" On further in- 
quiry, it appeared, however, that there was more reason for the 
assertion of Campian than his opponents had supposed. Even 
Witaker at length confessed, that he had found an early edition of 
the works of Luther, which contained the expression alluded to, 
Primum enim vidi quondam Luthai prtrfationem antiquissimamf edi' 
tarn anno 1525, WittembergiB, in qua Jacobi Epistolam, prtt Petri ac 
Fauli EpistolUi stramineam vocat. The Jesuits have, in their turn, 
considered this as a complete victory. The whole controversy is 
given by Bayle. Diet. Histor. Art. Luther^ note N. 0. 
(a) Mosheim's Eccksiast. Hist. vol. ii. pp. 238^ 239. 


exemplifies. Whilst he was engaged in his oppo- <^ h a p. 
sition to: the chureh of Rome, he asserted the ^^* 

^ ■ - — 

fight of private judgment in matters. of faith with a.d.i53i. 
the confidence and courage of a martyr ; (a) but no Aipoltix* 
sooner had he freed his followers from the chains 
of papal domination^ than he forged others, in 
many respects equally intolerable, and it was the 
employment of his latter years, to counteract the 
beneficial effects produced by his former labouss. 
The great example of freedom which he had ex- 
hibited, could not, however, be so soon forgot- 
ten, and many who had thrown off*, the authority 
of the Jiomish see, refused to: submit their con- 
sciences to the control of a monk,: who had arro- 
gated to himself the sole right of expounding those 
scriptures, which he had contended were open to 
alL Tlie moderation and candour of Melancthon in 
some degree mitigated the severity of his doc- 
trines ; but the example of Luther descended^ to 
his followers, and the uncharitable spirit evinced 
by the Lutheran doctors, in prescribing the arti- 
cles of their faith, has often been the subject of 
just and severe reprehension. (6) Happy indeed 
had it been for mankind, had. this great reformer 

(a) A brief sketch of the character of Luther is given by Count 
Bossi in a note on this passage, for whiqh I must refer to ItaL ed* 
voL ix. p. 82, which he terminates, with justly observing, that we 
have no writers of the life of Luther, but such as are either his 
own partizans, or his avowed adversaries, from neither of whom 
we^are likely to obtain the truth.* 

(6) " The conduct of thfe Lutheran doctors," says a very can- 
did and <x>mpetent judge, ''in the deliberations relating to the fe- 
mons Form ofConcord^ discovered such an imperious and uncharit^ . 
able spirit, as would have been more consistent with the genius 
of the court of Home, than with the principles of a Protestant 
church." V, Dr. Maclaine, note (c) on Mxah. Eccles. Hut, ii. 148. 

58 .^TJHE XIFEOr ' 

pHAFi diMoverteSi ttiat between perfeet frieedoHi aad per-^ 
^ ^' feet obedience thejre can be no medium ; that lie 
A. a 1521. who r^jecti^ one kind of human authority in mat-> 
Alptont.ix! tersr of religion^ is not likely to submit to anothev ; 
and that there cannot be a more dang^eus nor a; 
mote odious encrbaehment on the rights of an in<^ 
dividual^ than officiously and unsolicited to inter* 
fere witii the sacred intercourse that subsists he^ 
tween him and his God. (a) 
Effects of As the progress of literature had concurred with 
mation on oj^her eauscs in giving rise to the reformation ; ^o 
iSiZ that great event produced in Jts turn a striking ef* 
feet on the Studies and the taste xs£ JBurope. Many^ 
of the reformers, and especially Luther aad Me^ 
kMacthon, were men of sound learning Band uncom^ 
mon industry ; and the latter in particular, if he 
had not engaged in the reformation, and devoted 
himself to tiieologieal studies, would undoubt^i^ 
have been one ^of the best critics and most elegant 
scholars of the age. In the liatin tongue, Luth^ 
was a great proficient ; but his style, though eJijit-* 
pi^ssive and masculine, has little pretensions to 
elegance, and appears to be better calculated foir 
ijtvective and abuse, than for the calm tenor of m^ 
gular composition. He had a competent know- 
ledge of the Greek, as appears by his translation 
of the New Testament, which he executed during 
his solitude in his Patmos, and published shortly 

(a) " If to deny the right of private judgment be destruotive^f 
the nature of Christianity in general^, it is more remarkably ^rof 
the Christianity of the reformed churches. The right of private 
judgm^t is the very foundation of the reformation, and without 
establishing the former in its fullest sense, the latter can be nothiidg 
b^t a faction in the state, a schisip in the church/' Araana, on t'ha 
Prh^ples of the lat€ Petitions, Sfc. Qamb.Ji7!74* ^ 

afterwiurds. He alsM> uadeitdok the Bf ady of the chap^ 
Hebrew ; a task of no iticonsiderahle difficulty ; 1.^ 

Wt whidh, however, he had the liesolution to A.D.isau 

A. JEX 46 

i^nnouiit. The intercourse that subsisted be- A.V(mii£ 
fween him and the other reformers, particutalrly 
^mnglins, Bucer, Reuchlin, and Hutten, and the 
controversies in which he engaged, as well witb 
titese, as with the supporters of the Romish chtlr.di> 
called forth exertions beyond what the more tranv 
quil spirit of literature could have inspired. The 
Ancient authors began not only to be studied for 
the charms of their composition, but were called 
in as auxiliaries by the contending parties, who 
by affecting an intimate acquaintance with the 
writers of antiquity, supposed that they gave ad^^ 
£tional credit to their own cause ; and the period 
which immediately succeeded the reformation, was 
that in which Europe saw the luminary of chssi-^ 
cal learning at a higher meridian than at any time 
either before or since. For some time the impcnrt^ 
ant discussions which took place, in both political 
and eccl^iastical concerns, afibrded ample topics 
for the exercise of that eloquence and facility of 
composition, which were then so generally extend* 
ed; but as the contests of the pen gave way to 
those of the i^word, and subjects of great and ge- 
neral interest were neglected as useless, or prohi-> 
Mted as dangerous, a new style of writing arose^ 
like a weak scion from the root of a tree felled by 
the axe, which ill compensates by elegance of fona 
and luxuriance of foliage, for the loss of the more 
majestic trunk. To this state of literature the 
great Lord Bacon has aUuded, in what he denomi- 
nates '' delicate learning," (a) the introduction of 

* (a) Of the Advancement of Learning, book!, p. 18, 1st edit. 

60 THE l^IFE OF 

CHAP, which he attributes to the eflFectB of the refomm- 
*_ tion, .which occasioned the f^ admiration of ancient 

A. D. 1521. authors^ the hate of the schoofanen^ the exact jstudy 
Aj>ont.ix. of languages^ and the efficacy of preaching ;" the 
four causes that, according to him, brought iii 
" an affectionate study of eloquence, and copia of 
speech, which then began to flourish. This," says 
he, '^ grew speedily to an excess ; for men began 
to hunt more after words than matter, and more 
after the choiceness of the phrase, and the round 
and dean composition of the sentence, and the 
sweet falling of the clauses, and the varying and* 
illustration of their works with tropes and figures, 
than after the weight of matter, worth of subject, 
soundness of argument, life of invention, or depth 
of judgment. Then grew the flowing and watery 
vein, of Osorius^ the Portugal bishop, to be in 
price ; then did Sturmius spend such infinite and 
curious pai^s upon Cicero the o)*ator, and Hermo- 
genes the rhetorician, besides his own books of 
periods, and imitation, and the like. Then did 
Car of Cambridge, and Ascham, with their lectures 
and writings, almost deify Cicero and Demosthenes, 
and allure all young men that were studious unto 
that delicate and polished kind of learning. Then 
did Erasmus take occasion to make the scofi^g 
echo. Decern annos consumpsi inlegendo Cicerone; 
and the echo answered in Greek, ONE, Asine. Then 
grew the learning of the schoolmen to be utterly 
despised as barbarous. In sum, the whole incli- 
nation and bent of those times was rather towards 
copia than weight." (a) : 

(a) On the advantageous effects attributed to the reformation 
with reference to literary studies, Bossi has retnarked, that I haJre 
not/ on the other hand, taken into account the injury derived to 


Nor was the reformation of religion favourable chap 


in its consequences to the progress of the fine 
arts^ which extending themselves from Italy > had a. d. 1521. 
now begun to be cultivated with great attention AjPontix*. 
in other parts of Europe. The effect of this Strug- ^^^ ^^ 
gle was to call off the public attention from these therefonnt- 
studies as useless and insignificant^ and to fix it on ^e ^ ^ 
those more important discussions which were sup- 
posed so nearly to affect both the tempord and 
eternal happiness of mankind. But the injurious 
consequences of the reformation on the arts, were 
yet more direct. Before this event the Roman re- 
Jdgion had not only relinquished its hostility to 
the productions of the chisel or the pencil> but 
had become the foster-mother of these pursuits^ 
and supplied the noblest and most interesting sub- 
jects for the exercise of their powers. The artist 
whose labours were associated with the religion of 
his country^ enjoyed a kind of sacred character^ 
and as his compensation was generally derived 
from princes and pontiffs, from munificent eccle- 
siastics, or rich monastic institutions, the ample 
reward which he obtained stimulated both himself 
and others to further exertions. To the comple<;e 
success of the artist, a favourable concuixence of 
e3|:traneous circumstances is often necessary, and 

those studies by the theological contests that arose in conse- 
quence of the diversity of opinions introduced by the difference of 
sects ; which absorbed the attention and engaged the talents of 
the first men of the age» in scholastic inquiries, rather than in libe- 
ral pursuits and the cultivation of classical literaiure> a fact which 
he thinks was particularly demonstrated in Germany, v. cd, ItaU 
vol. ix. p. 87. The reader will form his own judgment on tlie 
propriety of these observations, which seem not undeserving of 

CHAP, the mind already impressed with religious awe by 


. the silence and solemnity of the cloister, or the <Sia- 
^•^1521. thedral, dwells with Mditional interest on repre- 
Aiponlix. sentatioHS already in unison with its feeliiigs, and 
which exemplify in the most strikitig manner, the 
objects of its highest admiration and respect. Even 
the opportunity afforded the artist, of a spacious 
repository for his productions, where they were 
likely to remain secure for ages, and where they 
might be seen with every advantage of position, 
was a circumstance highly favourable to his suc- 
cess. The tendency of the reformation was to de- 
prive him of these benefits, to exclude his produc* 
tians^ from the place of worship, as profane or ido- 
latrous> to compel him to seek his subjects in the 
colder pages of history, and his patrons among 
secular, and less wealthy individuals. This effect 
is not, however, so much to be attributed to the 
opinions pr the instigation of Luther himself, as 
to those of his over-zealous followers, who, on this 
headj went far beyond what he conceived to be 
either necessary or expedient. During his retreat 
at his Patmos, his disciple Carlostadt, in a pa- 
roxysm^ of religious enthusiasm, had ordered the 
images and representations of the saints in th6 
church of Wittemberg to be destroyed ; a circum- 
stance of which Luther was no sooner informed, 
than he quitted hia retirement without the know- 
ledge of his patron the elector, and hastening to 
Wittemberg, effectually checked the further pro- 
ceedings of Carlostadt and his adherents,(a) From 
the sentiments of Luther on this head, as expressr 
ed in various parts of hia works, it appears that 


(a) Maimburg, ap, Scckcnd. lib. i. p. 197. 

LEO THB TfilNfb. hi 

he conceivcfd such representatidiii^ might be toler* char 


ated, provided they were not regarded as objects 
of worship ; although he did not admit that thete ^ ^^ ^^^ 
was any merit in encouraging them^ and with true A.ivmt jjL 
Sectarian spirit, thought the cost of ihem woilld 
be better applied to the use of thiB brethren, (a) 
The opinion of Erasmus in this, as in othei' re- 
spects, was muc^h more liberal. " They who have 
attacked the images of saints,*' says he, *' althdngh 
with immoderate ze^l, have had some reason fo^ 
their conduct ; for idoktry, that is, the worship of 
images, is a horrible crime ; and although it be 
now abolished, yet the arts of Satan are always to 
be guarded against. But when we reflect that 
statuary and painting, formerly regarded as liberal 
arts, are a kind of silent poesy, and have often an 
eifect on the feelings of mankind beyond that pro-* 
duced by the most accomplished orator, it might 
have been well to have corrected their superstitioii 
without destroying their utility. I could, indeed, 
wish, that the walls of all public places were de* 
corated with representations of the incidents of 
the Hfe of Christ, expressed in a becoming man^ 
net. But as it was decreed in the council of AP 
rica, that in places of worship nothing should h6 
recited but the scriptural canons, so it would be 
proper that no subjects should be exhibited in such 
pUtces, except such as the scriptural canons sup-^ 

(a) LutL ap. Seckend* lib. ii. p. 25. It is a curious fact, tbat 
Luther availed himself of the assistance of Luca Cranacfa, one of 
the most eminent German artists of the time, to satirize the Ro- 
var court in a set of figures representing the deeds df Christ, anil 
of Antichrist ; to which Luther himself wrote inscriptions, v. Seek, 
lib. i. p. 148. 


CHAP. ply. , In the porches^ vestibules, or cloisters, other 
^^^' subjects might be represented, taken from com- 

A.D. 1521. mon history, so that they inculcated good morals ; 

A,*pont.K. ^^t absurd, obscene, or seditious pictures should 
be banished not only from churches, but. from all 
habitations ; and as it is a kind of blasphemy to 
pervert the sacred writings to profane and wanton 
jests, so those painters deserve to be punished, 
who, when they represent subjects from the holy 
scriptures, mingle with them their own improper 
and ridiculous inventions. If they wish to indulge 
their folly, let them rather seek for their sul^jects 
in Philostratus ; although the annals of heathenism 
afford many lessons which may be exhibited with 
great utility."(a) That observations so rational, 
and from which Luther himself would scarcely 
have dissented, have not been sufficient to prevent 
the almost total exclusion of picturesque repre- 
sentations from the reformed churches, is greatly 
to be regretted ; not only as being an irreparable 
injury to the arts, but as depriving the people of 
a mode of instruction, not less calculated to inte- - 
rest their feelings, and excite their piety, than that 
which is conveyed by means of speech. Whether 
mankind, in any state of society, were ever so ig- ^ 
norant as to make these visible representations the 
actual objects of their adoration, may well be 
doubted ; but at aU events there can now be no 
danger of such an error in the most uninformed 
part of Europe ; and it may yet be hoped, that as 
the spirit of bigotry declines, religion may be al- 
lowed to avail herself of every aid which may en- 

(a) Erasm. ap, Seckendorf. lib. iji. p. 51. 


gage her admirers/ illustrate her precepts, or en- chap. 
force her laws.(a) " 

The elTects produced by the reformation on the ^. ^^^^21. 
political and moral state of Europe, are of a much A.Pontjx. 
more important nature. The destruction of the Effects of 
authority of the Romish see, throughout many ||*oVon™e 
flourishing, and many rising nations, whilst it freed ^^j.'^^ ^^^^ 
the monarch from the imperious interposition of of Europe. 
an arrogant pontiff, released the pedple from that 
oppressive and undefined obedience to a foreign 
power, which exhausted their wealth, impeded^ 
their enjoyments, and interfered in all their do- 
mestic concerns. The abolition of the odious and 
absurd institutions of monastic life, by which great 
numbers of persons were restored to the common 
purposes of society, infused fresh vigour into those 
states which embraced the opinions of the refor- 
mers ; and the restoration of the ancient and apos- 
tolic usage of the Christian church, in allowing 
the priesthood to marry, was a circumstance of 
the utmost advantage to the morals and manners 
of the age. To this may be added the destruction 
of many barbarous, absurd, and superstitious dog- 
mas, by which the people were induced to oelieve 
that crimes could be commuted for money, and 
dispensations purchased even for the premeditated 
commission of sins. 

(a) Mr. Henke is of opinion that, (with some exceptions) the 
reformation has not been unfavourable to the cultivation and pro- 
gress of the fine arts ; and observes, that no greater masters in 
the plastic arts existed in Germany than Cranack and Durer; 
that Luther was himself a proficient in music ; and that the finest 
specimens of painting are found in the churches of those cities 
where Luther himself had often preached, as at Weimar and 
Merseburg. v. Gam. ed. vol. iii. p. 239.* 



CHAP. . But> perhaps, the most imp(ni;ant jKlYantage de- 
^^^' rived from the reformation, is to be found in the 

A.D. 1521. great example of freedom of inquiry, which was 
A.Pon*t.iX4thus exhibited to the worlds and which has pro- 
duced an incalculable effect on the state and con- 
dition of mankind. That liberty of opinion which 
was at first exercised only on religious subjects, 
was, by a natural and unavoidable progress, soon 
extended to those of a political nature. Through- 
out many of the kingdoms of Europe, civil and re- 
ligious liberty closely accompanied each other ; 
and their inhabitants, in adopting measures which 
seemed to them necessary to secure eternal hazi- 
ness, have at least obtained those temporal ad- 
vantages, which, in many instances, have amply 
repaid them for their sacrifices and their labours; 

That these and similar benefits were, howevier, 
in a great degree counterbalanced by the dreadful 
animosities to which the reformation gave risci lEUS 
well between the reformers and th6 adhertots to 
the ancient discipline, as between the diflSerent de- 
nominations of the reformed churches, cannot be 
denied ; and the annals of Europe exhibit a dread- 
ful picture of war, desolation, and massacre, occa- 
sioned by the various struggles of the contending 
parties for the defence, or the establishment> of 
their respective opinions, (a) Whoever adverts to 

(a) The vic^ence of the first refenners is very fully admitted 
hy a learned prelate of the church of England, who, in speakiitg 
of Erasmus, says, ** — ^for tl» other reformers, swA as LuilMft, 
Calvin, and their followers^ understobd so little in wfaattme Ciurb'^ 
tian charity consisted, diat they carried witli them into tile tie- 
formed churches, that vibt spieit ot PSBSECfrnoN wxich bajd 
DKivEK TBBiii FEOiff THB <»UECH oi RoKE," WarburMi'9 Noies 
on Pi)pe*$ Essay on Criticism, in Pope?k Works^ voh i«;p. 2SE2. IIk 


the cruelties exercised on the Anabaptists^ the So- ^^^^' 
cinians^ and various other sects of Christians^ who ' 

annals of persecution cannot furnish a more atrocious instance of A.^t.46* 
bigotry and cruelty, than the burning of Servetus, in a protestant A'Pont.lX. 
city, and by protestant priests. The life of this unhappy victim 
of ecclesiastical tyranny, was written by Henricus ab Allwoerden, 
at the instance of the learned Mosheim, and published at Helm- 
stadt, in 1728. From this work, I shall give the letters written 
by Servetus whilst in prison ; from which the reader may judge of 
tho cruelty and injustice of his tyrannical and bigoted persecutors, 
the ecclesiastics and magistrates of Geneva, v. Appendix, CXCllL- 
The execution of Servetus is thus described, in a MS. histOBf 
of him, cited by Allwoerden, p. 112. " Impositus est Servetus 
tnmco ad terram posito, pedibus ad terram pertingentibus, cajHti 
imposita est eoropa straminea, vel frondea, et ea sulphure con- 
spersa, corpus palo aUigatum ferrea catena, coUum autem tunc 
fune crasso quadruplici aut quintuplici laxo ; Uber femori alliga- 
tuB ; ipse Carnificem rogavit, ne se diu torqueret. Interea Car- 
nifex ignem in ejus conspectum, et deinde in orbem admovit. 
Homo, viso igne, ita horrendum exclamavit ut universum po- 
pulum preterrefecerit. Cum diu langaeret, fuerunt ex populo, 
qui ^ciculos confertim conjecerunt. Ipse horrenda voce da- 
mans, Jem, FiU Dei atemi^ miserere met. Post dimidiae circitcr 
hooR CEuciatum expiravit." Calvin, who was apprehensive that 
<he death of Servetus might entitle him to the rank of a martyr, 
duHight it necessary to delame his memory, by asserting that he 
kad no religion ; and inhumanly attributed the natural expression 
of his fedings on the approach of his horrible fate, to what he cdk 
ft irutaf stupidity^ *< Ceterum ne male leriati nebulones, vecordi 
hominis pervicacia quasi mart3nrio giorientur, in ejus morte appa- 
not bellttina stupiditas, unde judicium hc&ce lieeret, nihil unquam 
serio in religionem ipsum egisse. £x quo mors ei denunciata est, 
mmc attonito similis hserere, nunc alta suspiria edere, nunc instar 
lymphatici ejulare. Quod postremum tandem sic invaluit, ut tan* 
turn, hispanicdll^re, reboaret, Misericordiaf Misericordia.^ €alvini 
Opusc. ed. Genev, 1697. ap. AUwoerden, p. 101. What Calvin did 
not scruple to perform, Melancdion and Bullinger did not hesitate 
to approve. Thus the former addresses himself to the latter on 
ihis subject, " Legi quae de SerVeti blasphemiis respondistis, et 
pietatem ac judicia vestra probo. Judico etiam Senatum Gene- 
^ensem recte #9cisse, quod hominem pertinacem, ^ non omitsumm 

F 2 


CHAP, differ in some abstruse or controverted points 
____V_ from the established churches; whoever surveys 

A. D. 1521. the criminal code of the Lutheran and Calvihistic 
A.Vontjx. nations of Europe, and observes the punishments 
denounced against those who may dare to dissent, 
although upon the sincerest conviction, from the 
established creed, and considers the dangers to 
which they are exposed in some countries, and the 
disabilities by which they are stigmatized and op- 
pressed in others, must admit, that the important 
bbject which the friends and promoters of ra- 
tional liberty had in view, has hitherto been but 
imperfectly accomplished, and that the human 
mind, a slave in all ages, has rather changed its 
master, than freed itself from its servitude, (a) 

hlsLsphemias sustulit ; slc miratus sum esse qui severitatem illamini' 
probent," v, JortirCs Tracts^ 8vo. vol. i. p.- 431. Such were the 
sentiments of the mild and candid Melancthon, and such the first 
/ntt/5of,that reformation, which professed to assert the right of 
private judgment in matters of religion, and to enlighten and hu- 
manize mankind ! " True enough," says Mr. Henke, " although 
horyihly true ! but to illustrate the history, of Servetus, and the 
actual share which Calvin had in his. execution, with greater cer- 
tainty than Mosheim has dope, I h^ve some time ago been shewn 
some dqcuments which may probably one day see the light; yet 
even v^ithout them, this history is luminous enough, and humiliat- 
ing, enough; notwithstanding the opinion of. neither Calvin nor 
Melancthon was in this instance common to all reformers." Germ, 
ed, vol. iii. p. 243. 

(a) In the year 1802> the Institute of France proposed a pre- 
mium for the best Essay on the influence of the Reformation of 
Luther on the, political situation qf the different states of Europe ; 
in consequence of which, a Dissertation by M. Chiles Yillers was 
presented, and obtained the premium. It was afterwards pub* 
lished under the title of *' An Essay on the spirit and it^uence qf 
the Rrformation of Luther,*! of which there have been -several edi* 
tions. This work, in which. M. Villers has represented therefor* 
mation as having accomplished all that was necessary to the im* 


provement and happiness of Europe, has occurred to the notice of C H A P. 
Count: Bossi, who has analyzed it at great length, and has endea- - ^^^* 
▼oured to ascertain how far the positions of M. Villers may he ad- — — 
mitted, and how far they are susceptible of refutation. I cannot ^'^^^4^* 
again engage in a question on which it will perhaps be thought A.Pont.IX. 
. that I have already expressed my sentiments at sufficient length, 
.and must therefore refer the reader to the Italian edition of the 
present work, vol. xii» p. 194, et seq. where Count Bossi has de- 
monstrated that a great proficiency was made in the general im> 
provement of society in Europe before the commencement of the 
reformation ; and has vindicated the share which the Italians had 
in such improvement. It. was not until after the publication of the 
first edition of the present work, that the Essay of M. Villers ocr 
curred to my notice, and then only through the medium of an Ehg« 
lish translation. I shall not stop to reply to the censures of M. 
Villers on the character of Leo X. they being only the current 
statements of party writers, which will be found sufficiently no- 
ticed in the last chapter of the present work ; but I cannot per- 
mit the opinions of M. Villers, as to the effects of the reforma^- 
tion of Luther, to pass without animadversion, or admit, like him, 
" that all that is necessary for a perfect and enlightened toleration in 
matters of religion,'* has hitherto been accomplished. That much 
was done by the great inroad made by Luther upon the long estar 
blished and well guarded fortress of the Romish church, I readily 
allow ; but to the sentiments of M. Villers, that nothing further is 
nWanting towards a perfect freedom in religious opinions, I most 
decidedly object. " The reformatioti,*' says M. Villers, " broke all 
those chains which imposed upon the human mind, and overthrew all 
the barriers which prevented the free communication of thoughts,** — 
Is this assertion justified by the present regulations of any state in. 
Europe ? " The Romish church,** continues M. Villers, " said, sub- 
mit yourselves to authority without examination; the protestant 
church says, examine and submit yourselves only to conviction" — The 
protestant church certainly says no such thing. " Protestantism" 
proceeds M. Villers, quoting the words of M. Greiling, a German 
writer, " Protestantism is the repulsive power with which reason is 
endowed, throwing from her and repelling every thing which would 
usurp her place" Is there a protestant sect in Europe that would 
admit of such a definition? As little cause is there to agree to the 
proposition of M. Villers, that " tlte different reformed religions, 
some soancTf and others later, have consented to allow each indivi' 


CHAP, diud to adore God sincerely , and to peijbrm this high action in his 
XIX. 4)xvn manner;** or that c«n be said in the words of M. Vill^rt, t6 
' have ^^ finished with philosophy and toleration** With much gresber 

K*Mi.4iS, ^^^^ ^^' Robertson has asserted, that Luther^ Calvin, Cranmer^ 
AJPontlX. Knox, the founders of the reformed church in their resplBCtive 
countries, inflicted, as far as they had power and opportunity, the 
same punishments which were denounced against their own dis- 
ciples by the church of Rome, upon such as called in question 
any part of their creeds. Hist, of Charles V, book xi. " The 
church of Rome," says another writer, '* refuses the scriptures to 
die people. Some protestant churches grant the sight of the book, 
but retain the meaning. — Can you see any difference ? Search, or 
not search, read or not read, the sense is fixed. — 'Tis at the peril 
of your preferment to vary." — Arcana, Camb, 1774. In a speech 
of Lord Hawkesbury (now Lord Liverpool) on the Roman Catho^ 
lie petition, reported in the Morning Chronicle, 11th May, 1805, 
that nobleman, with great truth asserted, that it had not been the 
policy of any state, ancient or modem, to allow magistrates to be 
of a different opinion from that of the state, except lately, in 
France and America. But it would be useless to dwell further 
on this subject in a country like this, where the facts for which t 
have contended are continually before our eyes ; and where the 
contests for the retention of ecclesiastical authority on the oiie 
hand, and the freedom of religious opinions on the other, (unhap- 
pily combined with temporal views and political considerations) 
are carried on with a degree of animosity, which demonstrates duit 
whatever else the Reformation of Luther may have accomplished, 
it has not yet established peace and diarity and brotherly love 
amongst mankind.* 



ERRORS incident to an early state of society — Writings 
of Aristotle — Rival doctrines of Plato — Commentators 
on the philosophy of the ancients — Niccolo Leonico 
Tomeo^^Pietro Pomponaxzo-^Agostino Nifo — Giovan- 
Francesco Pico^^Study of natural philosophy"-^ Attempts 
towards the reformation of the Kalendar — Discoveries 
in the East and West Indies^-^Papal grants of foreign 
parts — Consequences of the new discoveries — Humane 
interference of Leo X. — Study of natural history-^^Mo- 
ral philosophy — Matteo Bosso — Pontano — His treatise 
De Principe — His work De Obedientia and other writings 
— Baldassare CastigUone — His Libro del Cortegiano — 
Novel writers — Matteo BandeUo — Pietro Aretino. 



It iis a striking fact, that mankind, when they be- ad. 1521. 
gin to cultivate their intellectual powers, have ge- Ai^nt jx. 
nerally turned their first attention towards those 
abstruse and speculative studies, which are the dent to an 
most difficult of comprehension, and the most re- ifZ^^. 
mote from their present state and condition. This 
is the natural result of that inexperience which is 
common to an early or unimproved state of so- 
ciety. Ignorant of that which relates to their im- 
mediate well-being, they attempt to rise into the 
realms of immaterial existence ; or, if the laws of 
nature engage their notice, it is only in subdrdinai- 
tion to some higher purpose. The course of the 
heavenly bodies would be considered as a study 
not deserving of their attention, were it not be- 
lieved to unfold to them the secrets of futurity; 
and the productions of the vegetable and mineral 
kingdoms are disregarded, except when they are 
supposed to exhibit striking prodigies, or to pro- 
duce miraculous effects, (a) Hence it has been the 
most difficult effort of the human mind to divest 

(a) It is observed by Count Bossi, that even with respect to the 
animal kingdom, more attention was shewn to the study of mon- 
^sters, than of the animals then known ; and hence the many &bu- 
.Joiia animals, which all had a foundation in nature, and in which the 
' marvellous was sought for in preference to the truth. On this cu- 
rious subject Bossi informs us he had himself published a memoir 
at Milan as &x back as the year 1792. Ital, ed. vol. ix. p. 101.* 

74 THE IfipE OF 

CHAP, itself of absurdity and of error, and to quit its sub- 
^^' lime flights for the plain and palpable inductions 

A. D. 1521. of reason and common sense ; and hence the due 
A.:^*t.ix. estimation of our own powers, although it be of 
all sciences the most impoirtant, is generally the 
latest acquired. 
Writings of In correcting these errors of early times, the 
^^™*°^^* ancients had made a cojisiderable progress; but 
on the revival of letters, that second infancy of 
mankind, the powers of the human intellect weri? 
uot so frequently employed on subjects pf ;rieaJ 
utility, as in the i^ve8tigation of the mo»t di^uU 
or unintelligible proposition^. The writings <rf 
Aristotle^ which had first been introduced through 
lie medium of the 4jra?bians, afforded the greatesj; 
abundance of subjects of this nature, and be therer 
fore became the universal favourite. The study 
of his works superseded the study of nature ; and 
49 few topics were left untouched by his vigorous 
md enterprising genius, he was not only resorted to 
93 the general authority on all subjects of science 
49d of literature, but produced a considerable ef- 
fect OP the theological tenets of the times. The 
superiority and influence which, by the aid of the 
schoolmen, he had for so ni^ny ages maintained, 
were at length diminished by the rival system /of 
Eivai doc- Plato ; and the dominion which he had so long 
SJto.°^ exercised over the human intellect was now di- 
vided between him and his sublimer opponent. 
This circumstance may be considered rather fjs a 
compromise between the rulers, than as an altera- 
tion in the condition of those who were still des- 
tined to obey. The metaphysical doctrines Of 
Plj^to, were as remot^e from the business of real 


life, and the simple induction of facts, as those of chap. 
Aristotle. It is not, however, wholly improbable, ^^ 
that mankind derived some advantage from this a. d. 1521. 
event In dividing their allegiance, it occasionally l;^tix. 
led them to think for themselves, and perhaps in- 
duced a suspicion, that, as in opposing systems 
both leaders could not be right, so it was possible 
that both of them might be wrong. 

This divided authority was not, however, with- 
out its variations, in which each of the contending 
parties struggled for the ascendancy, and at the 
dose of the fifteenth century the triumph of Pla- 
tonism was almost complete. The venerable char 
racter of Bessarion, (a) the indefEitigable labours of taton on 
Ficino, (b) and the establishment of the Platonic sophy^r 
academy at FlorMtce, under Lorenzo de' Medici, ^^*^' 
were the chief causes of this superiority. With 
the loss of the personal influence of these eminent 
men, its consequence again declined; and the 
doctrines of Aristotle, better understood, and 
more sedulously inculcated by many of his learned 
countrymen, again took the lead. The scholars of 
the time devoted themselves with great earnest- 
ness to the task of translating, illustrating, or de- 
fending his writings, which now began to be freed 
from the visionary subtilties of the Arabian com- 
mentators, and were studied and expounded in 
their original language. The first native Italian Niccoio 
who attempted this arduous task, was Niccoio Leo- ^^ 
nico Tomeo, a disciple of Demetrius Chalcondyles, 

(a) For some account of Bessarion, and his dispute with George 
0f iSrebisondy respecting the doctrines of Plato, v. Life qf Lor. 
it' Med. vol. i. p. 54, 6th ed * 

{b) V. Life qfLor. de* Med. vol. i. pp. 73, 169, 166.* 


CHAP, and a distinguished professor of polite letters in the 
^^' university of Padua^ where he died in the year 
A.D. 1521. 1531, having taught at that place upwards of 
li^nlix. thirty years. The talents of Leonico were not, 
however, wholly, devoted to this employment. He 
was not less acquainted with the doctrines of 
tPlato than with those of Aristotle. He translated 
many philosophical works from the Greek into 
Latin with great elegance, and has left several 
treatises or dialogues, on moral and philosophical 
subjects, (a) although they are now no longer ge- 
nerally known. Some specimens of his poetry are 
also to be found in the collections of the times, (b) 
His chief merit consists in his having for a long 
course of years sedulously diffused the riches of 
ancient learning among his countrymen, and his 
chief honour in having numbered among his pu- 
pils many of the most eminent men of the time. 
The epitaph on Leonico, by his friend and coun- 
tryman Bembo, is an elegant compendium of his 

(a) Among others, he published a collection of various tracts 
from the works of Aristotle and Theophrastus, which were print- 
- ed from his copies, and published by the heirs of Filippo Giuriti at 
. Flor. 1627. In the dedication of this work to Bernardo Giunti, 
Leonico asserts, that he had carefully corrected and restored 
about two thousand passages in these treatises. Bandin. Junior. 
^'j/^pogr. Ann, vol. ii. p. 213. 

{b) Tiraboschi, Storia delta Lett. ItaL vol. vii. par. i. p. 373. He 
is also mentioned by Erasmus in his Ciceronianus with great coih- 
^mendation. " Leonicus in adytis philosophise, praesertim Plato- 
nicae, semper religiose versatus, ad Platonis ac Ciceronis dialogos 
effingendos sese composuit, et praestat eloquentia tantum, quan- 
tum fas est hodie a tali philosopho requirere. Ciceronianus ap- 
pellari nee ipse cupiat, ni fallor ; adhuc enim superest, vir non 
minus integris moribus quam eruditione recondita." Ciceronian. 
p. 71. 


literary and moral character^ and is highly favour- chap. 
able to both, (a) /^' 

Another celebrated professor of philosophy at a. d. 1521. 
Padua^ at the commencement of the sixteenth A.'^nt.ix. 
century, was Pietro Pomponazzo of Mantua, Retro Pom- 
usually denominated, on account of his diminutive ^'^*^* 
stature, Peretto. Such was the estimation in 
which his services were held at thi^ university, 
that he was rewarded with an annual stipend of 
three hundred and seventy ducats; yet we are 
told, that notwithstanding his acquaintance with 
the secrets of nature, with Aristotle, with Plato, 
with Avicenna, and with Averrhoes, he had no 
knowledge of either Arabic or Greek, and that he 
knew no more of Latin than he had acquired at 
school from the seventh to the twelfth year of his 
age- (b) Being compelled, with the other profes- 
sors, to quit Padua during the unfortunate events 
of the war of Cambray, he retired, in the year , 
1610, to Ferrara; where Alberto Pio, lord of 
Carpi, and Celio Calcagnini, were glad to avail 

(a) This inscription, which yet remains in the church of S. 
Francesco, at Padua, is as follows : < 

" Leonico Thom£o« Veneto, mitioribus in Uteris pangendisque 
carminibus ingenio amabili, Philosophia vero in studiiSf et Acade- 
mica Peripateticaque doctrina prastanti ; nam et Aristotelicos libros 
Graco sermone Patavii primus omnium docuit, scholamque illam a 
Latinis interpretibus inculcatam perpolimt, et Platonis majestatem 
nostris hominibus jam prope abditam restituit ; multaque praterta 
scripsit^ multa tnterpretatus est, multos claros viros erudiit, prater 
virtutem bonasque artes tota in vita nullius rei appetens. Vixit autem 
annos Ixxv. M. i. D. 27." 

Count Bossi has observed, that Leonico has been confounded by 
some^th iVuro/o Leonicens, or of Lonigo, a physician, who taught 
at Fe^ara, and published many translations of the classics and 
other works. Ital. ed, vol. ix. p. 106. 

(jQ Speroni, Dialogo della Istoria, par. ii. in op. vol. ii. p. 252. 

78 THX LIFE Off 

CHAP, themselres of his in8titictiotiB.(a) In the yeftr 
^' 1512, he left Ferrara and took up his residence 

A. D. 1521. at Bologna^ where he taught during the remainder 
l'^nt.xi. of his days. At this city he died in 1624, being 
then sixty-two years of age. (ft) Bandello, many 
of whose novels are founded on facts that hap- 
pened within his own knowledge, relates, that in 
the year 1520, Pomponazzo paid a visit to Mo- 
dena, to be present at a public disputation held by 
his pupil Giovan*Francesco dal Fomo, and that 
the orator, after having, in the presence of his pre- 
ceptor, and of the inhabitants, acquitted himself 
with great honour, accompanied Pomponazzo 
through the city, to point out to him whatever 
might be deserving of his attention ; when the 
Angular figure, dusky complexion, and unusual 
appearance of the philosopher,(c) attracted the 
notice of two Modenese ladies, who seeing him 
attended by a long train of respectable foUowers, 
mistook him for a Jew celebrating his nuptials, 

(a) Titaboscki, Storia delta Lett. ItaL vol. vii. par. i. p. 374. 

(b) His body was sent by tbe orders of the cardinal Ercole 
Gonzaga, who had been his pupil, to Mantua ; where it was in- 
terred in the church of S. Francesco* A statue of bronse, which 
yet remains, was there erected to his memory, in iduch he is re- 
presented sitting with a book open in one hand, and aaodier closed 
at his feet, with the words, 

Obik an. S. MDXXIV. M. M. 
Below is inscribed, 

" Mantua clara nUhi getvetrix ftdt, et breve corjme 
Stuod dederat natura mihi, me turba Perettum 
Dixit. Natum scnUatus sum intima cuncta.'* 

(c) " Era il Peretto un omicciuolo moko pieciok, 'Coa m viso 
ohe nel v^ro aveva pid del Oiudeo che del CSiristiaiio, e vestiva 
anco ad una certa foggia, xshe ieneva pid del RaW cbe del f ile- 
sofo, et andava sempre raso e tdato," &c BamdM. Vht, par. iii. 
noY. 38. 


and expressed their desire to be of the partjT. The chap. 
reply which the novelist has attributed to Poinpd- ^^' 

uazzo, would^ if authentic^ sufficiently demonstrate a. d. 1621. 
that the precepts of his philosophy had not en- A.P6ii.ix. 
aUed him to control his passions, and regulate his 
own temper, (a) Nor was Pomponazzo less re- 
markable for the peeidiarity of his opinions, than 
for the singularity of his person, on Which account ^ 
his safety was frequently endangered from the per- 
secuting spirit of the times. This, however, cJan 
occasion no surprise, when we find him asserting, 
ib some of his works, that all miracles are merely 
tiie effect of imagination, and that the care of Pro- 
ridence is hot extended to the transitory concerns 
of the present worlds But the chief difficulties of 
Poniponazzo were occiteioned by his book I>e Im- 
mbrtalitale Aninue, in which he is said publicly to 
have denied the initnortality of the soul. This 
iaageixms opinion excited a host of Opponents, 
who inqiugned his doctrines and threGiten6d his 
jperson. In his defence he endeavoured to oon- 
vinee his adversaries that he had stated this opi- 
tidn, Bot as his tiwn, but eis that of Aristotle, ^vA 
dtat ike had himself only asserted that die exiirt-' 
ewse of a future «tate could not be ptbved by nli- 
tural reason, but must be believed on the autho- 
flty of the Christian church; of which he profess- 
ed himself an obedient son and disciple. These 
explanations were of no avaiL The ecclesiastics 

(n) ** Che diayolo dite voi ? ch^/diaYolo h qvesto? Soao fonm 
le fiputato Giudee da voi donne Modesed? Che venga luoee dd 
qifllD die tute V arda!" &c. Ibid. . TirabcMiehi» in rdaling this 
anecdote, has imaecouBtaUy mistdLeii the Modmese tadies fer 
JtwesiCif vol. vii. par. i, p. 375. 


CHAP, of Venice represented the boQk to the . patriarch 
^^' as being filled with the most dangerous heresies; 

A. D. 1521. the patriarch called in the aid of the secular power ;' 
A^pTntix. Pomponazzo was by general consent declared a 
heretic^ and his book was condemned to the flames. 
Not satisfied with these proceedings, his prosecu- 
tors transmitted a copy of his book to.Bembo at 
Rome, entreating him to obtain, if possible, the 
condemnation of its author by the authority of the 
holy see ; but neither the secretary, nor the pon- 
tiff, were inclined to treat with severity a scholar 
and a philosopher, who had advanced a few bold 
opinions, not likely to engage the attention of 
many followers. Bembo read the book, and not 
finding it so dangerous as it was represented to be, 
shewed it to the master of the Apostolic palace, 
whose office it was to take cognizance of all pub- 
lications, and who agreed with him in opinion re- 
specting it. Pomponazzo was therefore released 
from the terrors of persecution, and his gratitude 
is perpetuated , in a letter addressed to Bembo. (a) 
Whatever were the real opinions of this writer, 
it is certain that he has on many occasions treated 
the doctrines of Christianity with no small degree 
of ridicule, (ft) For this conduct he has endea- 

(a) Tiraboschi, Storia della Lett, ItaU vol. vii. par. i. p. 377, in 
nota, J^d, Rom. 1784. 

{b) The works of Pomponazzo were collected and published the 
year after his death, under the following title : Petri PompanatJi 
opera omnia ; sive Tractatus acutissimi de ReactionCt de Intentione 
' fiyrmarum, de Modo agendi primarum qualitatum^ de Immortahtatc 

animat, Apologia contradict* Tractatus Defensorium. Approba" 
tiones rationum Drfensorii, Sfc, Venetiis, Haredes Octav. Scoti^ 1525. 
in foU This edition de Bure informs us is rare. Bib, Instruct* 
No. 1289. 


voured to apologize^ by alleging that* he wrote only chap. 


as a philosopher, and '.that whenever the church 
had decided, he submitted his judgment, and a.d.i62i. 
fimdy bdieved what was proposed to him. An a.'pohuix. 
apology which has given occasion to Boccalini to 
introduce Apollo as deciding, that Pomponazzo 
should stand exculpated as a man, and should be 
burnt only as a philosopher, (a) 

Among those who distinguished themselves by A^ostino 
their opposition to the doctrines of Pomponazzo, ^'^°* 
was AgQstino Nifo, a native of Sessa, in the king- 
dom of Naples, and one of the learned professors 
who had been engaged by Leo X. to deliver in- 
structions in the Roman academy, (ft) Prior to 
the year 1500, Nifo had filled the chair of a pro- 
fessor at Padua, where he had imbibed the opi- 
nions of Averhoes, and in his treatise, De Intel- 
Jectu et DemombtiSy had asserted the unity of spi- 
ritual existence, and that there is only one soul, 
which animates all nature. In consequence of 
these doctrines, he was warmly attacked by the 
theologians of the times, and might have expe- 
rienced great vexation, had not the candid and 
learned Pietro Barozzi, bishop of Padua, inter- 
fered on his behalf, and afforded him an opportu- 
nity of correcting such passages in his work as 

(a) Ragguagli di Pamaso, Cent, i. Rag, xc. 

A muck more ample account of Pomponazzo, and his writings, 
is given by Bossi ; for which' I must refer to ItaL cd, vol. ix. p. 
227. Mr. Henke has observed, that it was probably on account 
of sttchr philosophers as Pomponazzo, that LeoX., in the Lateran 
Council, pr<>hibited the philosophical proposition, that the soul of 
■fnan is mortal, frem being defended for the future. Qerm, ed, voL 
iii. p. 253.* 

(J>) V, ArUgy chsk^ xi. vol. ii. p. 246. 



CHAP. y^QYQ in0gt objectionable. It was on this occasion 


. that, as a further proof of his penitence, he wrote 
A. D. 1521. against the dogmas of Pomponazzo on the nature 
A.Pont.ix! of the human soul. After having taught in vari- 
ous parts of Italy, and distinguished himself by 
the wit and vivacity with which he seasoned his 
instructions, (a) he was called to Rome in the 
year 1513, by Leo X,, who received him into his 
particular favour, honoured him with the title of 
count Palatine, and allowed him to use the name 
and arms of the Medici ; of which privilege he 
has accordingly availed himself in several of his 
works. The chief part of his time was employed 
in commenting on the remains of Aristotle ; but 
he has also written on various subjects, political 
and moral, {b) Notwithstanding his sublime me- 
ditations, it appears that Nifo could at times relax 
from his labours, and could even condescend so 
&r as to rend^ himself the object of amusement 
and of ridicule to the cardinals and great men of 

(a) Joviua hcritt, p. 176. 

(6) In the year 1520, he published at Florence his Dialectica 
Ladicray and in 1521, his lAbellus de his qiue ah opHmis Prind' 
pibus agenda sunt ; in both of which he denominates himself Att- 
gustinus Niphus Medices^ philosophus Suessantis; and in die de- 
dication to him of the commentary of Alexander Aphrodisiensis 
on some of the works of Aristotle, by Antonius Francinus Var- 
chiensis, he is styled, Augustinus- Niphus de Jflcdicis^ Peripatetico^ 
rum Princeps, In this dedication the merits of Nifo, and the fa- 
vours conferred on him by Leo X. are recognised in the following 
terms : *< Prsetereo judicii tui gravitatem, ingenii magnitudii^em, 
egregiam latinae graecseque linguae eruditionem^ turn quia base 
omnibus nota sunt, tum quia hae tuae laudes majori praeconio ce- 
lebrandae forent ; ut jure optimo Leo Pont. Max. acerrimus in- 
geniorum pensitator et judex te familiae suae cognomine donatum 
voluerit." Bandin. Juntar. Typog. Arm. vol. ii. p. 173. 


the court ; and periiaps this qualification was not chap. 

without its eflfect, in obtaining for him the favour 

of the supreme pontiff. Even his writings are a. d. 1521. 
said to bear marks of the same levity which distin- A.P(fetix. 
guished his conduct^ and to afford sufficient rea- 
son to believe^ that his philosophy did not always 
prove a sufficient restraint on those passions, the 
effects of which were apparent even amidst the 
ravages of disease^ and the decrepitude of old 
age. (a) 

Upon the whole, however, it js impossible ta 
observe the industry, the learning, and the acute- 

(a) On the follies and amorous propensities of Nifo in his old 
age, Bayle has, according to his custom, expatiated at large. 
That Nifo had afforded some reason for these animadversions 
may, however, sufficiently appear from the Mhawing not inelegant 
lines o£ one of his contemporaries : 

Apagete vos, Philosophiam qui tetricam 

Putatis, et boni indigam 
Leporis, ebrias horridamque Cypridis. 

Quid ? NiPHUS an non melleus, 
Perplexa suetus inter enthymemata 

£t syllogismos frigidos 
Narrare suaves, Atticasque fabulas ; 

Multumque risum spargere ? 
At quam venustum hoe ; septuagenariam 

Quod undulatis passibus, 
Ex curioso, flexuosoque capite, 

Saltare coram cerneres, 
Modo Dorium, modo Phrygium, vel Lydium ; 

Amore saucium gravi ? 
Tractare sic Philosophiam invisam, arbitror 
Summi fuisse Philosophi. 

Latomi, ap, Jovium in Elog. 
I regret that the nature and limits of my work prevent me 
from availing myself of the additional observations of Count Bossi 
dn the character and conduct of Agostino Nifo, which the reader 
will find in Ital. ed. vol. ix, p. 229, vol. xii. p. 239. 

G 2 


CHAP, ness which have been displayed in these abstruse 
^^' speculations, without sincerely regretting such a 

A.D. 1521. lamentable waste of .talents and of time. Por 
A.*]^nt.ix. what important discoveries might the world have 
been indebted to the genius of Giovanni Pico of 
Fr^c^o Mirandula, if, instead of attempting to reconcile 
^»«>- the opinions of Plato and of Aristotle, (a) he had 
devoted himself to those studies which are within 
^e proper limits of the human intellect. Nor 
might posterity have had less cause to admire 
the talents, and approve the indefatigable labours 
of Gio van- Francesco Pico, the nephew of Gio- 
vanni, if he had not suffered himself to be led 
astray from the path of nature and utility by the 
example of his uncle, and the inveterate preju- 
dices of the age. When we consider the dis- 
tinguished rank and important avocations of Gio- 
van-Francesco, and the turbulence and misfortunes 
of his public life, we cannot but wonder at his ac- 
quirements, and at the numerous and learned pro- 
ductions which have issued from his pen. He 
was bom in the year 1470, and was the son of 
Galeotto Pico, lord of Mirandula, whom he suc- 
ceeded in that government. The ambitious spirit 
of his brother Lodovico, who had married Fran- 
cesca, the daughter of the celebrated commander 
Giovanni Trivulzio, prompted him to aspire to 
the sovereignty ; and, in the year 1502, he, with 
the assistance of his father-in-law, and the duke of 

(a) In his treatise De Ente et Uno, addressed by him to his 
friend Politiano. Of the.character and writing* of Pico the rea- 
der will find the most full and interesting accowit which ha3 yer 
been given to the world, in Mr: GresweU's Memoirs of Itaiian^ 
Scholars, 2d ed. 1806. 


Ferrara, deprived Gio van-Francesco of his domi- chap. 
nions^ which were held by Lodovico to the time ^^' 
of his deaths in the year 1509. (a) On the capture a.d. 1521. 
of Mirandula by Julius II., in the year 1511, that amix. 
pontiff expelled the widow and family of Lodo- 
vico, and restored Giovan-Francesco to his go- 
vernment ; (b) but, before he had enjoyed his au- 
thority a year, he was again driven from his capi- 
tal by the French troops, under the command of 
Trivulzio. On the decline of the cause of the 
French in Italy, Giovan-Francesco a third time 
assumed ihe government ; and by the aid of the 
cardinal of Gurck, then the imperial envoy in Italy, 
a reconciliation was effected between him and the 
Countess Francesca, which it was expected had 
finally t^minated their dissensions. The substan- 
tial cause of dissatisfaction still, however, remain- 
ed, and each of the parties complained of the 
other to Leo* X., who endeavoured by his influence 
and authority to reconcile them, (c) During the 
life of the pontiff, and for some years afterwards, 
Giovan-Francesco enjoyed a state of comparative 
tranquillity ; but the animosities which had arisen 
in^thisi family were not destined to terminate with- 
out exhibiting a horrible tragedy. In the night of 

(a) V. Ante, chap. viii. vol. ii. p. 78. 

(b) v. ^n/e,. chap. viii. voL ii. p. 89. 

(c) Leo wrote to the marquis of Mantua, and to Lautrec, go- 
vernor of Milan, requesting them to interpose their authority to 
prevent such disgraceful dissensions. He also addressed a letter 
to Gian-Francesco, and another to the countess, in terms of ad- 
monition andreproof; which' were tempered, however, in his let- 
ter to Gian« Francesco, by expressions of great esteem and respect 
for his talents and his learning. Bembi Episi, Pont, lib* xi. ep. 
30) 32f J 33. 



CHAP, the fifteenth of October, 1533, Galeptto/the son of 
^' Lodovico, entered the city of Mirandula, at the 
A.D. 1621. head of a chosen band of followers, and forced his 
Aij^ntix. way into the palace. Alarmed at the tumult, Gio- 
van-Francesco had thrown himself on his knees 
before a crucifix, where he was seized upon by Ga* 
leotto, who, regardless either of the ties of blood, or 
the supplications of the venerable prince, instantly 
struck off his head. His eldest son Alberto expe- 
rienced on this occasion a similar fate, and his wife 
and yoijngest son were shut up in prison. Such 
was the eventful life, and such the unfortunate 
death of one of the most virtuous and learned 
men, and one of the most distinguished writers of 
the age. 

The works of Giovan-Francesco, which he had 
produced thirteen years before his death, and of 
which he transmitted a catalogue to his friend Gi- 
raldi, exhibit an astonishing instance of the efibrts 
of human industry. They embrace almost every 
department of literature and of science, and every 
mode of composition ; poetry, theology, antiqui^ 
ties, natural philosophy, morals, and ascetics ; let- 
ters> orations, translations from the Greek, and 
literal^ essays, (a) In many of his writings he has 

(a) In the year 1616 he printed at Rome his four books de 
Amore DivinOf which he inscribed to Leo X. A copy in manu- 
script of this work is preserved in the Laurentian Library, at the 
beginning of which are the family arms of the Medici richly illu- 
minated. But his principal work is his Examcn Vanitatis Doctri* 
7ue Gentium, et Veriiatis Christianc^ Disciplina, printed by him at 
his own press at Mirandula, in the year 1520, and also dedicated 
to Leo X. 

This work is preceded by an apostolic license, in the form of 
an Epistle to Giovan-Francesco, in which the pontiff recognises 


warmly opposed the doetrines of Aristotie^ and chap. 
evinced an extreme admiration of Plato, to whose 

o^nions he has not, however, on all subjects con- a. d. 1521. 
formed. In his nine hooks, De Rerum Pr<F»o- lip^ux. 
twne, he has followed the example of his uncle in 
exposing the impostures of judicial astrology; 
notwithstanding which, in his life of Savonarola, he 
has displayed a degree of credulity scarcely con- 
sistent with a correct and vigorous mind. Almost 
all l^e learned men of the time have held him in 


the highest esteem, both for his talente and his 
virtues. Sadoleti confesses that he knew no sove* 
reign of the age, who united, like him, ability with 
moderation, religion with military skill, and an ex- 
trusive knowledge in all arts and sciences, with a 
dose application to the cares of government ; nor 
are the applauses of Giraldi and Calcagnini less 
honourable to his character, as a sovereign, a 
scholar, and a man. (a) 

But, if the Italian scholars in the infancy of 
science wandered through the regions of incorpo- 

the great merits of the celebrated Giovanni Pico, and the friendly 
intimacy which subsisted between him and Lorenzo, the father of 
the pontiff; and highly commends Giovan-Francesco for imitating 
the example of his illustrious predecessor in the prosecution of li- 
beral studies. 

The works of Giovan-Francesco have generally been printed 
with those of his uncle, of which several editions have been pub- 
lished at Basle, in 2 vols, folio. 

(a) Ap. Tirah, Sioria delta Lett, ItaL vol. vii. par. i. p. 398, &c 
Afler the account here given, the Italian reader may consult 
widi advantage the additions'made to it by Count Bossi, who has 
enumerated several other learned works of Gian^Francetco Pico, 
and considered the singular circumstances of bis li&more at large. 
Q. Ital ecL YoL ix. pp. 114, 116, 235.^ 


CHAP, real existence, without a system, and without ?i 
^^' guide, it might yet have been expected that they 

A.D. 1521. would have studied with more success, the ap- 
A.'^nt.ix. pearances and relations of the visible world, and 
have applied them to some useful end. Certain, 
nlt^r^ however, it is, that for a long course of ages no 
philosophy, study was so much abused to the purposes of im- 
posing on the credulity of mankind, as that which 
professes to develop the system of the universe, 
and to explain the nature, the relations, and the 
motions of the heavenly bodies. Until the close 
of the fifteenth century, the factitious science of 
judicial astrology maintained its full credit in 
Italy. Most of the sovereigns and eminent men 
of that country retained a great number of asteo- 
logers in their service, and did not venture to en- 
gage in any undertaking of importance without 
their decision and approbation. The early at- 
tempts of the Italian scholars to investigate the 
real system of the universe were weak and uncer- 
tain. One of the first who undertook this task 
was Francesco Stabili, usually called, from the 
place of his birth, Cecco d'Ascoli, in his poem en- 
titled L'Acerha ; written early in the fourteenth 
century, (a) But such a vehicle was not likely to 
convey much philosophical information, even if the 

(a) Of this work, Bossi informs us he possessed a fine MS. on 
vellum^ written about the middle, or perhaps the commencement of 
the fifteenth century, the margins of which were ornamented with 
miniature figures, representing subjects of natural history, and es- 
pecially animals, designed with great care and accuracy; from 
which he infers, that the study of natural history had begun to 
make some progress, even at that early period. ItaL ed, vok ix.- 
p. 242, and for some further account of Cecco d'Ascoli, r. JiaL 
ed. vol. xii. p. 240.* 


Itutfaor had been better acquainted with hia sub- ^^^^ 
ject. His opinions^ which may at least pass for ^ 


tfee opinions of the times, were, that the earth was a. d. 1521. 
a fixed and immoveable body in the midst of the A.PontJx. 
heavens, from every part of which it was at an 
^ual distance ; and this he endeavours to demon- 
strate by observing, that from whatever part of the 
earth we view the stars, they appear to be equally 
bright and numerous, (a) He describes the planets 
9S revolving in their orbits round the earth, and 
attempts to explain the eclipses of the moon, (b) 
In accounting for the appearance of comets he con- 
ceives them to be vapours emanating fi*om the 
planets ; and to portend or occasion various cala- 
mities to the human race, (c) But these inquiries 
occupy only the first part of his work, which is di- 

(a) Dal cielo sta la terra equal lontana, 

Perho la luce de le stelle mostra 

E qual splendor ad ogni vista humana ; 

Se nel oriente, o nel mezzo, gira, 

O verso in occidente ella s' h posta 

Di quella forma se mostra chi la mira. 

UAcerhay lib. i. cap. 3. 
{b) Doi cerchi sono intersecti insieroe, • 

E quante differente dice altrui, 

Ove son juncti e la dove son streme ; 

La prima stella gira in quel sito, 

E 1 sole a V altro ^ opposito a lui, 

Quando il suo corpo ^ di splendor finito, 
E de le doe stelle nel mezo h la terra; 

Per qual la luna lo raggio non vede, 

Che nel suo corpo V ombra se disfera. 

Sempre non tutta questa stell£^ oscura, 

Si come nostra vista ne fa fede ; 

Ch' in parte more al tempo sua figura. 

JJAccrha^ lib. i. cap. 4. 
(c) L'AcerbOf lib. i. cap. 5. 


CHAP, vided into five books^ and comprises numerous 
^' subjects of natural and moral philosophy. The 
A. D. 1521. style of this writer is so rude and barbarous^ as 
A^ip^tix. sometimes to be scarcely intelligible ; a circum- 
stance which reflects additional honour on the su- 
perior genius of Dante^ of whom Cecco was thfe 
contemporary, and over whom he affects to triumph 
in having devoted his writings to the investigation 
of truth, whilst Dante employed himself in com- 
posing fabulous narrations ; (a) representing the 
great Florentine as having at length lost his way, 
and taken up his final residence in his own In- 
ferno, (b) These faint attempts to discuss with 
freedom subjects which were supposed to have 
been sufficiency explained in holy writ, were how- 

(a) Qui noQ si canta al modo del Poeta 

Che finge imaginando cose vane, 

Ma qui risplende e luce ogni natura, 

Che a chi intende fa la menta lieta. 

Qui non si sognia per la selva scura, 
Qui non vego Pauolo ne Francesca, 

De li Manfredi non vego Alberigo, 

Che de li amari frutti nella dolcie escha. 

Dal Mastino novo & vecchio da Veruchio, 

Che fece de Montagnia qui non dico ; 

Ne de* Franceschi lor sanguignio muchio. 
Non vego 1 Conte che per ira & asto 

Ten forte TArcivescovo Ruggiero 

Prendendo de suo cieffb el fiero pasto. 

Non vego qui squatrare a Dio le fiche. 

Lasso le ciancie e torno su nel vero, &c. 

UAcerba, lib. v, cap. 13. 
(6) Ne gU altri regni dove andcV col duca, 

Fondando gli soi pi^ nel basso centro^ 

La lo condusse la soa fede poca, 
E soi camin non fece mai ritorno ; 

Che 1 suo desio lui sempre tien dentrp. 

De lui mi duol per suo parlar adomo. 


ever observed with great jealousy by the perse- chap. 
cuting bigots of the age^ and the author of the 

Acerba, being aqeused of heresy and magic^ ex- a. j>. I621. 
piated his temerity in the flames, (a) In the early A/pontix. 
part of the fifteenth century, another poem was 
written by Gregorio Dati of Florence, entitled La 
Sfera ; {h) which led the way to more successful 
attempts. About the year 1468, Paolo Tosca- 
nelli erected the great gnomon in the cathedral 
of Florence, and thereby gave a decisive proof of 
the proficiency which he had made in mathemati- 
cal and astronomical science. It appears from the 
evidence of Cristoforo Landino, in his commentary 
on Virgil, that Toscanelli had also applied himself 
with great diligence to the study of geography. 
His conjectures on the discovery of a passage by 
sea to the East Indies were communicated in seve- 
ral letters to Fernando Martinez, canon of Lis- 
bon, and to the fortunate navigator Cristoforo Co- 
lombo. (c) He also transmitted a chart of naviga- 

(a) He was burnt by tbe sentence of the inquisition at Florence, 
in the year 1327. An ancient MS. copy of the proceedings 
against him, with bis sentence, is in my possession ; but I have 
not had an opportunity of comparing them with those published 
by Lami, in his catalogue of the Riccardi library. 

{b) Of this poem, several editions are cited by Quadrio. Storia 
X ogni Poesia, vol. iv. p. 41. I have also a MS. copy of the fif- 
teenth century, ornamented with astronomical and geographical 
figures, coloured, explaining the system of the heavens, the signs 
of the zodiac, the divisions of the earth, &c. 

(c) From these letters it appears, that Colombo had imparted 
his intentions as early a^ the year 1474, to Toscanelli, who had en- 
couraged him to proceed in his enterprise, and furnished him with 
such instructions, both historical and geographical, as seemqd most 
likely to ensure his success. These letters have been published in 
the life of Cristoforo, by Ferdinando Colombo, and are particu- 


CHAP, tion to the latter; who was probably indebted to 
^^' the suggestions of Toseanelli, for no small share 
A.D. 1521. x^f, his subsequent success. Towards the close of 
A.'^nt.ix. the fifteenth century, the learned Pontano under- 
took to illustrate the science of astronomy, both in 
prose and verse ; in the former by hia fourteen 
books De Rebus Coelestibus, in the latter, by his 
five books, entitled Urania, sive de stellis, and in 
his book Meteororum ; but, although he has dis- 
played much acuteness in the one, and much ele- 
gance in the other of these works, yet he has done 
little towards the real promotion of the science ; 
his, chief object having been to ascertain the effects 
produced by the heavenly bodies upon the earth 
and its inhabitants. The celebrated Fracastoro 
devoted a considerable portion of his time to astro- 
nomical studies, as appears from his treatise, en^ 
titled Homo Centricus; and Celio Calcagnini of 
Ferrara wrote and published a work in Italian, be- 
fore the system of Copernicus issued from the 
press in 1 543, by which he undertook to prove the 
motion pf the earth, (a) These laudable attempts: 
at improvement are not, however, to be considered 
as detracting from the glory of that eminent and 
successful philosopher, who is justly rewarded for 
his labours, in having his name inseparably united. 

larly stated by Tiraboschi. Storia delta Lett, IlaL vol. vi. par. 
i. pp. 179, 309. 

But this subject has been more amply treated in the Life of 
Colombo, by Count Bossi, published by him at Milan in 1818, in 
8vo., and accompanied by many curious documents and graphic, 

(a) '* Quod ccslitm stet, terra autem moveatur" v, Tiraboschi, 
Storia della Lett. ItaU vol, vii. par. i. p. 427. 


with that true system of the universe. Which he chap, 
was the first to develop and explain, (a) 

To the reformation of the calendar Led X. paid a: d. 1521. 

A -^t 4G 

great attention, and endeavoured to accomplish A!pont.ix. 
that desirahle object by every efifort in his power. Attempti 
One of the first persons who ventured to point *°7^^.^® 

^ ^ * reformation 

out the errors m the common mode of computa- of «ie ca- 
tion, was an ecclesiastic named Giovanni di No- 
vara, or Johannes Navariensis, who presented to 
Julius II. a hook on that subject, in which he also 
proposed a mode of correcting them, (ft) As this 
was treated as a theological inquiry, the professed 
object of" the philosopher being to ascertain the 
precise time' for the due observance of Easter, 
Julius listened to his representations, and invited 
him to remain and pursue his studies at Rome, pro- 
mising that further measures should be taken for 
carrying his proposal into effect. After the death 
of Julius, Leo undertook the task, and particularly 
recommended to the ecclesiastics assembled in the 
council of the Lateran, to attend to the correction 
of the tables then in general use. He also ad- 
dressed himself in earnest terms to the principals 
and directors of the Italian academies, and to many 
learned individuals, entreating them to consider 
this important subject, and to transmit to him in 
their writings the result of their observations and- 

(a) To these observations on the progress ot scientific studies' 
in Italy, Count Bossi has rnside very considerable additions, and' 
vindicated the claims of his countrymen to an early proficiency in 
them ; but for these I can noW only refer to Ital. ed. vol. ix. p. 
243, vol: xii. p. 242 * 

(Jb) Some earlier attempts are indicated by Bossi, Ital, ed. vol. 
ix. p. 252.* 


CHAP. researche&(a) In consecjuence of these measures 
^ several works were produced, which at least pre- 


A. D. 1621. pared the way for more effectual eflForts. Paid of 
A.'pontix! Middleburg, bishop of Fossombrone, presented to 
the pontiff a treatise De recta Paschte celebror 
tione, in. twenty-three books, for the printing and 
publishing of which Leo granted him an exclusire 
privilege. (6) Basilio Lapi, a Cistercian monk^ 
dedicated to him a work, De JElatum computa-^ 
tione et Dierum anticipatione ; a manuscript copy 
of which yet exists in the Nani library at Ve- 
nice ; (c) and in the Laurentian library at Florence 
is preserved a Latin tract of Antonius Duleiatus 
De Kalendarii Correctione, also inscribed by the 

author to Leo X.(d) The early death of the pon- 


(a) Leo wrote to Henry VIII. requesting that he would employ 
his professors of Astrology and Theology, to take the subject into 
their consideration, v, App. No. CXCIV. 

(b) Fabran, in vita Leon. X. p. 275, This work was printed at 
Fossombrone (Foro Semproniensis) in 1513, in fo. 

(c) Basilio was also the author of another work, De varietate 
Temporum, He was a native of Florence, and had been a pupil 
of Vespucci. Of the object of the work addressed to Leo X» 
some idea may be formed from the following extract. ** Itaque 
ne totius Ecclesise solemnia permutentur, Caesarem Augustum 
imitemur, et eum in saeculi intercalatione nostris viribus amplexe- 

' mur ; et sic non turbabitur orbis, nee uUum Ecclesiae ordinem in- 
tempestive corrumpere est. Cum autem de hac temporis antici- 
patione inter pmnes fere homines disceptatio habeatur, ut oihnea 
hos dies in uno anno sua intercapedine consumas, et hujus tempo- 
ris simul in ultimo mensis observes, 28 die Februarii, vel ut melius 
eloquar, in die Sancti Matthiae, videlicet 28 ejusdem mensis, quan- 
do bissextus habetur, septimum dienf Martii nomines, et dies tunc 
statos accipies, et aequinoctii tempus in 22 Martii cum sids veniet 
fractionibus." MorellL Biblioth, Nanian. Cod, Lat. No. IxviL 
p. 74. 

(d) This work consists of xxv. propositions, of which the first 
six are lost or mutilated. In page 49, the author thus addresses 


tiff prevented, in all probability, the further pro- chap, 
gress of these inquiries, and it was not until the ^^' 

pontificate of Gregory XIII. in the year 1582, a. b. 1521. 
that the reformation of the calendar was carried A.Poiit.ix. 
into full effect, and adopted throughout the Ca- 
tholic countries of Europe. 

The proficiency made in geographical and as- Discoveriw 
tronomical studies, prior to, and during the ponti- ^^^^^^ 
ficate of Leo X. is not, however, so much to be indies. 
collected from the written documents of the times, 
as from the great practical uses to which those 
studies were applied, (a) That the researches of 
. the early navigators were instigated and promoted 
by many of the most eminent scholars of the 
times, appears from undoubted evidence. The 
assistance thus afforded to these daring adventu- 
rers was, however, amply repaid. By the success- 
ful result of their labours, the form of the globe 
and the revolutions of the heavenly bodies were 

the pontiff; ^' Haec sunt, Beatissime Pater, quae ad tuam Sancti- 
tatem scribenda occurrerunt, quorum omnium te arbitri|m, et ju- 
dicem exquirimus, cujus est ea quae nostrae sunt fidei declarare ; 
in quibus si defecimus, tu pro tua dementia, veniiam dabis. Non 
etam ut aliquem carperemus, vel quia nos aliquid esse putemus, 
cum nihiL simus, talia scripsimus, sed ut boni verique consulere- 
iBus, et nostris sententiis expositis, per Sanctae Synodi Lateranen- 
sis discussionem, an recte vel ne sentiamus, intelligeremus, nos- 
tramque in tuam S. servitutem, hoc nostro opusculo manifestare- 
mus, quam omnipotens Deus diu feHcem conservet. Nee mirabitur 
Tua Sanctitas, si qua in eo offenderit, dissona his quae in opere 
praefato de Festis Mobilibus diximus, sed meminerit antiquam 
consuetudinem Ecdesiae ibi nos fuisse sequutos ; heic vero novae 
jreformationis Kalendarii formam insinuare voluisse. Florentiae 
apud Sanctum Galium Idibus Decembris anilo Dominicae Resur- 
rectionis, 1514. Bandini. CataL Bib, Laurent, torn. ii. p. 31 . 
(o) V, hal, ed, vol. ix. p. 253.* 


CHAP, decidedly ascertained. Nor can it be doubted, 
' that their experience first served to establish that 

A.D. 1621. more correct system of the universe, which has 
A'.Pont.ix. since been fully demonstrated. These discoveries 
gave rise, however, to many extravagant ideas, 
which afford a striking proof of the credulity of 
the age. It is asserted by Monaldeschi, that the 
kingdom of Peru required a whole year to traverse 
it from one extremity to the other ; and that New 
Spain was at least twice the size of Peru.(a) Bem- 
bo, in his history of Venice, has also expatiated 
on the productions of the new world, and on the 
persons and customs of the inhabitants, with a 
mixture of truth and fiction highly amusing. (6) 
The success which attended the expeditions to 
the eastern world, was no small cause of anxiety 
to the Venetians, who foresaw in the new inter- 
course to which they would undoubtedly give rise, 
the destruction of thj^t commerce which the re- 
public had so long monopolized; but although 
the states of Italy derived fewer advantages from 
these discoveries than any other country in Eu- 
rope, yet it is observable, that the persons by 
whose courage, skill, and perseverance, they were 
made, were principally Italians. Cristoforo Co- 
lombo was a native of Genoa ; Amerigo Vespucci, 
who contended with him for the honour of having 
been the first to touch that new continent, which 
is yet designated by his name, was a Florentine ; 
Giovanni Verazzini, to whose efforts the French 
were so much indebted for their foreign posses- 
sions, was of the same country ; and John and 

(a) Comment. Istorica, Ven. 1684. 

{b) Bell' htoria Veneta, lib. vi. In op. vol. i. p. 138, et seq. 


Sebastian Cabot^ who, under the reigns of Henry ^^ap^ 


VII,, Henry VIII., and Elizabeth, rendered such 
knportant services to the English crown, were of a. d. 1521. 
Venetian origin. A.pomjx. 

From the earliest attempts at discovery, the P^pai 
Roman pontiffs had interested themselves with forei) 



great earnestness in the result ; and no sooner had ^*^' 
these efforts proved successful, than they^ convert- 
ed them to the purpose of extending the credit 
and authority of the holy see. A plausible pretext 
for this interference was found in the promised 
universality of the church of Christ, and the duty 
consequently incumbeiiit on the supreme pontiff to 
watch over the souls of all mankind. It was upon 
this principle that Eugenius IV. had made a for- 
mal grant tq the Portuguese of all the countries 
extending from Cape Naon, on the continent of 
Africa, to the East Indies. This grant had been 
confirmed or extended by the subsequent bulls of 
Nicholas V. and Sixtus IV. The dissensions which 
arose between Ferdinand king of Spain, and John 
king of Portugal, respecting the right of occupy- 
ing the countries newly discovered, were submit- 
ted to the decision of Alexander VI. who, as is 
well known, with a boldness peculiar to his cha- 
racter, directed that the globe of the earth should 
be divided by an imaginary line, extending from 
north to south, and passing one hundred leagues 
to the west of the Azores and Cape Verd islands ; 
that whatever lands were discovered on the east- 
ern side of this line should belong to the king of 
Portugal, and those on the west to the king of 
Spain, (a) 

(a) *^ Questa BoUa che ya inserita nel Godice Diplomatico di 

98 TH]^ LIFE OF 

CHAP. It has already been noticed, that in the yeaif 
^^* 1514, Leo X. made also a formal concession to 
A.D.1521. Emanuel king of Portugal ; extending not only tp 
A/p^t.ix. all countries which were then discovered, but to 
such as wer6 even unknown to the pontiff him- 
self, (a) The Roman see having thus acquired m 
acknowledged jurisdiction, began to assume over 
the new world the same authority that it had lontg 
exercised over the old ; and the grants thus made 
were accompanied with conditions that the sove- 
reigns should send out priests to convert the na* 
tives to Christianity. These grants, absurd and fu- 
tile as they may now appear, were not without their 
effects, whether beneficial or injurious to mankind. 
From the respect paid by the sovereigns of Bur 
rope to the apostolic see, they might prevent, m 
some instances, that interference of difl^rent n^ 
tions in foreign parts,, which, in all . probability 
might have given rise to violent and destructive 
wars, and defeated the common object of both par- 
ties. At the same time, the commanders employ- 
ed in these expeditions engaged in them with a 
thorough conviction, that in seizing on a newly 
discovered country, and subjugating its inhaWt- 
ants, they were only vindicating the rights of thek 
sovereign, and extending the jurisdiction of the 
holy Roman church, (h) 
The exultation which these discoveries ooear 

X<eibnitz, a pag. 472> viene impugnata da molti e g^ayi seritt(»i, 
ed in specie dal celebre Ugcme Groaio^ nel suo tr^ttato intitQli^o 
Mare HbcrumJ^ Bandin, Vita di Amerigo Vespucci, p. 40. Pl^,* 

(a) V. AntCi chap, xii, vol. ii. p. 304. 

{b) V. The proclamation of Alonso do Ojeda, transhted by Ro^ 
bertson in bia Hiatory of Americii ¥q1. u note xxxiii. 



adned throughout Europe^ is supposed to have chap. 
been of the most just and allowable kind. The ^^ 
extension of the bonds of society to distant nations^ a. D.1621. 
and people before unknown ; the important addi- A.'^nlix'. 
Uons to the conveniences and the luxuries of life, ^^ ^^ 
md the inreat influx of riches which Europe was to ^^^v *^»* 
e^^erience, all seem to entitle it to the denomina- 
tion of one of the happiest, as well as one of the 
most important events in the history of the world. 
Whether an impartial estimate would confirm this 
opinion, may perhaps be doubted. In the decision 
of this question two parties are concerned; the 
native inhabitants of the newly discovered coun- 
^es, and their 'European invaders. To the for- 
mer the visitation of a pestilence which sweeps 
whole nations irbm the earth, was not more dread- 
ful than the arrival of their Spanish conquerors ; 
and the dispirited remnant of an unoffending and 
un warlike people, was destined to a gradual but 
sure extirpation by a long ahd hopeless series of 
labour and of suffering. The history of the disco- 
very of America is in fact that of the destruction 
of its population, and of the usurpation of its ter- 
ritory by a foreign power, (a) On the other hand, 

(a) Las Casas has therefore ei^tled his work with strict pro* 
priety, The History of the Destruction of the Indies : " RelacioQ 
de la Destruycion de las Indias.'^ From the introduction to this 
most dreadftd and affecting history, which was translated into Ita- 
lia& hf Giaoomo CasteUani, and published at Venice in 1643, I 
ahaU only ^Ve the following passa^. ** I positively and truly 
a«sert« that within the space of forty years, there have unjustly 
and tyrannically perished, by the oppression and infernal conduct 
of tlie Christians^ more than twelye iollions of persons, meo^ 
moKokn^'MDd ehildreii ; and I believe that I am not mistakeivin aa- 
serting, that there afe move ibao tibteen millions^" It is to be 

H 2 


CHAP, what ate the advantages which Europe has hi- 
therto derived from this intercourse ? Had the 
A. D. 1521. people of these distant shores any new information 
a'potLix. in science, in politics; in morals, or in arts, to im- 
part, to us ? Has the conununication between tlte 
two countries given rise to situations which have 
called into action those generous propensities and 
virtuous qualities, on which alone are founded. the 
dignity and happiness of the human race ? Or has 
it not given us, on the contrary, a new represen- 
tation of the deformity of our nature, so horrid 
and so disgusting, that experience alone coul/d 
have convinced us of its reality ? The nations of 
Europe, instead of being tranquillized by prospe- 
rity, or enriched by a new influx of wealth, have 
from that period either sunk into a debilitating 
indolence, or been roused to action by dissen- 
sions, to which these discoveries have afforded 
new causes, and by which even the indignant 
manes of the slaughtered Indians might well be 
appeased. If we seek for more consolatory views, 
we must turn towards a new people who have 
risen upon these ruins, where we may discern the 
origin of a mighty empire, . destined, perhaps, to 
be the last refuge of freedom, and to carry to 
higher degrees of excellence those arts and sci- 
ences which it has received from the exhausted 
climes of Europe. 
Humane in- I£ howcvcr, the Spirit of ccclesiastical domina- 
terferenceoftiQji couspircd with the lust of ambition, in ex- 
tending the conquests of the maritime nations of 
• ■ , . , 

hoped, for the credit of human. nature, that Robertson is.rig^ in 
asserting, that the accounts of Las Casas.are not to be iii^licitly 
believed, especially when he speaks of numbers. 

JjEO the tenth. 101 

Europe^ it must be remembered, to the credit of chap. 
the Roman church, that the fii*st persons who op- 

posed themselves to the atrocities committed on AvDa^si. 
thte lyioflTending natives, were the missionaries of A.Pcnux. 
the different orders of monks, who had been sent 
for the purpose of preaching among them the 
Christian faith. In this generous undertaking the 
Dominicans took the lead. The horrible practice 
of seijring upon the persons of the native Ameri- 
cans^ and distributing them in proportionate num- 
bers among the new setders, to be held in perpe- 
t^ual slavery, was represented by the monks of this 
firatemity as wholly inconsistent with the mild spi- 
rit of Christianity, and subversive of the great ob- 
ject of their own mission, (a) The Franciscans, 
without attempting to justify these enormities to 
their full extent, opposed themselves to the bene- 
volent views of the Dominicans. Their dissen- 
sions soon reached Europe, and the supreme pon- 
tiff was resorted to for his decision on this novel 
and important subject. His sentence confers ho- 
nour on his memory. He declared that not only 
religion, but nature herself, cried out against sla- 
very, (b) He observed with equal justice and be^ 
nevolence, that the only mode by which civiliza- 
tion and religious improvement could be extended, 
was by the adoption of mild and equitable mea- 
sures ;(c) and he employed his utmost endeavours 
to prevail on Ferdinand of Spain to repress the 

(a) Robertson's Hist, qf America, book iii. voL i. p. 214, &c. 

(b) " Requisitus sententiam Pontifex judicavit non modo reli- 
gionem, sed etiam naturam reclamitare servituti." Fabron. in vita 

Jxan, X. p. 227. 

(c) Fabron. tU sup. 



CHAP, avarice and ferocity of the new settlers, fn ^0 
countries subjected to his authority, (a) On this 

A.D. 1521. occasion the humane and indefa^tigable ecclesi^sticj 
A.Fontix. Bartolommeo de las Casas, made the most strenii- 
ous and persevering efforts for the relief of the un- 
happy objects of colonial oppression ; hut the er- 
rors of good men are sometimes more fatal to the 
happiness of mankind than the crimes of the wic^:-? 
ed ; and the expedient which he proposed, of alle- 
viating the distresses of the Americans by enslav- 
ing and transporting the natives of Africa, h^s 
given rise to still greater calamities than those 
which it was intended to remedy. After the laps^ 
of neariy three centuries, some efforts have been 
made to remove this reproach, which if successful, 
would have displayed the greatest triumph of vir? 
tuous principle ever yet exhibited to the world. 
But the guilt of so many ages is not likely to be 
expiated by repentamie ; and the course of Provir 
dence seems too plainly to indicate, that a practice 
begun in rapacity and injustice, can only terminate 
in revenge, in horrors, and in blood, (b) 
study of If, however, the benefits that might have beeo 
SST"'" derived from the great events before referred to, 

(a) *^ Egitque cum Ferdinando Hispanorum Rege, ut ne <pud 
inhumane, ne quid injuste iis in regionibus colonorum avarida fieri 
pateretur." Fabron, ut sup, 

(b) The author is happy in being enabled to state, that since 
the above was written, in 1805, he has had the high gratification of 

. uniting his voice, as a representative of his native town of Liver- 
pool, with that of a majority of the British House of Commons, 
which in the year 1807 abolished the horrible practice of trading 
for daves to die coast of Africa ; a measure which he hopes will 
prepare the way for the ultimate extinction of slavery in the Bri* 
tish colonies, and thereby prevent the dreadful consequences above 
adverted to.* 


btT^ in'general been either neglected, oJr perverted ^ ^^^* 

to the most injurious puirposes> yet the discoveries 1 - 

made both in the eastern and western world, open- ^^^^^q' 
ed a new field of speculation and instruction, which A^Pantix. 
has been cultivated by the labours of succeeding 
times to a high degree of perfection. Besides the 
general knowledge of the globe which was thus 
obtained, it is certain that the great diversity of 
animal, vegetable, and mineral productions, ob- 
served in regions so remote from each other, and 
distinguished by such a variety of temperature, of 
soil, and of climate, excited the desire of examin- 
ing their nature, their qualities, or their eflfects. 
The progress of these studies was not, however, 
rapid. The only motive by which the early navi- 
gators were actuated was the desire of gain. Gold 
ill its natural state was the universal object of their 
inquiry. Where this could not be obtained, other 
articles were sought for, which might be convert- 
ed to the greatest profit ; and the most beautiful, 
or the most surprising productions of nature, were 
n^arded only as they might be converted into ad- 
vmntageous objects of merchandise. The study of 
nature in her animal and vegetable kingdoms, al- 
though of all others the most obvious and simple, 
seems to have been one of the last which in the 
rise of learning attracted the attention of man- 
kind. After all the researches that have been made 
on this subject, it is yet probable that the garden 
of Lorenzo de' Medici at Careggi, affords the ear- 
liest, instance of a coUectioi) of plants extending 
b^ond the mere object of common utility- From 
several passages in the works of Pontano we may, 
however, discover, that this author devoted him- 


CHAP, self to the practical study of nature ; and hi» poenf 
^^' in two books on the cultivation of the lemon, the 

A. D. 1521. orange, and the citron, entitled De Hortis Hespe-^ 
A.*^nt.ix. ridum, sufficiently demonstrates that he was ac^ 
. quainted with some of the most curious operaticms 
hi horticulture, fa) A more striking indication of 
a rising taste for thesie occupations, appears in the 
estimation in which the works of the antielits who 
have treated on these subjects now began to be 
held. The writings of Theophrastus and Diosco- 
Hdes had been translated into Latin, and published 
before the close of the fifteenth century. Of the 
latter, a new and more correct version was ccwn- 
pleted by the learned Marcello Virgilio Adrian!^ 
and published at Florence in the year 1518. Be- 
sides the various editions of the natural history of 
Pliny, which in the infancy of the art of printing 
had issued from the press, and the illustrations on 
that work by Ermdiao Barbaro, Niccolo Leoni- 
ceno, and others, it was translated into Italian by 
Cristoforo Landino of Florence, and pubKshed at 
Venice, in the year 1476. The decided propensity 
which now appeared towards the cultivation of 

(a) Among other observations in the works of Pontano, there is 
one which particularly deserves the attention of the practical gar- 
dener. He asserts, on his own experience, that if a graft be cut 
from the extremity of a fruit-bearing branch, it will itself bear 
fruit the first year of its being ingrafled ; but that if it be taken 
from a sucker, or unripe part of the tree, it will be many years be- 
fore it bear fruit. His words are, *' Quippe ubi e ramo frugifero, 
atque ad solem exposito, ex ipsoque rami acumine lecti fuerint, 
etiam primo insitionis anno firugem proferunt." Pontan. op. vol. ii. 
p. 180. This has since been observed by other naturalists, and 
the reason is explained by Dr. Darwin, in his Phytologia; sect. ix. 
ii. 7, 15G. 


natural histoty, was fiirther increasecl by the ex- chap. 
tension of the ^eatre on which it had to espa- ^- 

tiate; and the singular productions of foreign a. d. 1521. 

countriies^ by exciting the curiosity of the Euro- a^*;^^'. 

pean students^ led them to examine those of their 

own with an intelligent and a discriminating eye* 

It was not, however^ until nearly the middle of 

the sixteenth century^ when the commentaries of 

Pier- Andrea Mattioli on the six books of Diosco-^ 

rides were first published, that the science of Bo* 

tany began to assume a distinct form, and to be 

studied as a separate and interesting branch of 

natural knowledge. Still more recent has been 

the attention paid to the other departments of 

natural history. If we except the small tract of 

Paullus Jbvius, De Piscibus Romanis, published 

in the year 1524, (a) and a few other detached and 

unimportant treatises, we shall find no attempt 

made to investigate the history of animated na* 

ture, and to reduce the science of zoology to a ge- 

ral system, until the time of Gessner and of Al- 

drovando; the former of whom in Switzerland, 

and the latter in Italy, devoted their talents at 

the same period to this important task, and by 

their elaborate works laid those broad founda- 


(a) In folio, and reprinted in 1527, 8vo. This work Jovius de- 
dicated to the cardinal Louis, of Bourbon, ^ho deluded his expec- 
tations of a great Reward, by presenting him with an imaginary 
benefice in the island of Thule, beyond the Orkneys. *' La fatica 
de' Pesci," says he, << m* and^vota col Cardinal de Borbone, al 
qual dedicai Q libro, rimunerandomi esso con un beneficio fabiiloso 
situato neU' Isola Tifc, oltre le Orcadi" Lcttera di Giovio a M* 
Galeaz, Florimonte. ap. Tirab. vii. 2. 20. With this- malicious 
sarcasm the cardinal seems to have reproved Jovius for quittii^ 
fais theologicEd studies to write the treatise inscribed to him. 



CHAP. ti<m8^ which have served to support the extensive 
^' and stiH increasing superstructure of subsequent 
A.D.1521. times, (a) 

jLpfni^. Nor had the science of ethics, that most import^ 
Moral phi- ant branch of knowledge, hitherto received that 
**^ ^' attrition which itis intimate connexion with the 
concerns of human life indisputably demands. Some 
occasional parts of the writings of Petrarca, and 
several of the treatises and dialogues of Poggio 
Bracciolini, may be considered among the ^irliest 
iHQitd most successful attempts to illustrate the prin- 
ciples of moral conduct, and to regulate the inter- 
course of society. Before the close of the fifteenth 
century, Matteo Bosso, principal of the monastery 
of Fiesole, had also undertaken to recommend and 
to enforce various branches of moral duty in sepa- 
rate Latin treatises, written with great apparent 
sincerity,and not without pretensions to perspicuity 
and to degance. [b) It may indeed be admitted as 

(a) A particular account of the rise of the science of natural 
history, and of its progress to the present time, may be found in 
Sir J. E. Smith's introductory Discourse, prefixed to the first vol. 
of the TnmsacdoRs of the Linnean Society. Lond, 1791, 4to. 

I haye repeatedly stated diat my object in diis work was onl^ 
to advert to aubjects of science and literature, as far as they were 
connected with the character and conduct of Leo X. in order to 
shew how they were influenced by his personal interference. I 
cannot therefore assent to the frequent remarks of count Bossi, 
that / ought to have introduced other persons (with whom it does 
not appear that Leo X. had any intercourse), v* ItaU ^d, vol. ix. p. 
139. Much less can I conceive that it was incumbent on me to 
trace the progress of natural stacUes (as count Bossi has done) 
tlurough the remainder of the sixteen^ century, v. ItaL ed* vol* 
ix. p. 261, althougb I admit that such inquiries «re in themsdven 
highly interesting and instructive. 

{b) For some account of himi 9. anlc, chapi L vioL L p. 3&. L^ 


a clia|rad;eristic of a vigorous and an indepei^tent chap. 
mind^ that at a time when theological subtilties ^^ 
and scholastic paradoxes had so deeply entangled a.p.i62u 
the human faculties^ this venerable ecclesiastic A.pinui3^ 
could free himself from their bonds^ so m to <ib* 
serve with a distinct and penetrating eye, the re- 
lations and connexions of human life^ and to apply 
to their regulation the dictates of sound reason aad 
the precepts of genuine religion. A more power- 
ful and more successful effort was made by thece^ 
l^brated Pontano^ whose prose works consist chic^ Pontano. 
of treatises on die various branches of moral duty; 
some of which, as applying more generally to tb0 
concerns of states and of princes^ may be conside^red 
as illustrating the science of politics ; whilst others, 
relating to individual conduct, are intended to dee* 
fine the duties of private life. Under the former 
head may be classed his treatise De Principe, ad- 2^^^. 
dressed to Alfonso, duke of Calabria, in which he 
has attempted to. define ^ind ex^nplify the duties 
2md conduct of a soyerei^. This piece^ writt^ 
upwards of twenty years before the treatise of 
Machiavelli, under the same title, and^cm the same 
subject, is greatly to be preferred to it for the 
sound maxims of policy which it professes to in- 
culcate, and the noble examples which it holds up 
for future imitation. The great distinction be- 

qfLor. de* Medki, vol. ii. p. 160, 4to, ed. His moral works are 
published under the following titles : 

De veris ac saluiaribw ardmi gaudiis* Kor. mcccclxxxxi. 

De ingtkuendo sapkntia animo* Bonon* mcccoucxxxv. 

De tolerandis adoersis. Lib. ii. 

De gerendo magisiratu, justitiaque colenda. 

The two last tracts are published in the general collection ot the 
woiks of thmx ao^r : Argisnior, \M9yet Flor. 1513. 


CHAP, tween these productions is, that in the work of 
^^* Pontano politics are considered as a most import- 
A.D. 1621. ant branch of morals^ whilst in that of Machiavelli 
A!^m.ix. tliey appear to be merely an artifice employed to 
accomplish some immediate end^ which is fre- 
quently most injurious to him who obtains it. '' He 
who wishes to govern well," says Pontano, '' should 
propose to himself liberality and clemency as the 
first rules of his conduct. By the former he will 
convert his enemies into friends, and even recall 
the treacherous to fidelity. The latter will secure 
to him the afiection of all men, who will venerate 
him as. a divinity. United in a sovereign they 
render him indeed most like to God, whose attri- 
bute it is to do good to all, and to spare those who 
&11 into error.*' (a) * * ^ * * '^ It is not, however, of 
so much importance to be esteemed even humane 
and liberal, as it is to avoid those vices which are 
considered as their opposites. An inordinate de- 
sire to obtain that which belongs, and is dear to 
others, is, in a sovereign, the origin of great cala- 
mities. Hence arise proscriptions, exiles, torments, 
executions ; and hence too it is often truly said, 

^' Ad generum Cereris, sine caede et vulnere pauci 
Descendant Reges, et sicca morte Tyranni." 

Few are the tyrant-homicides that go 
Unpierced and bloodless to the realms below. 

'^ What indeed can be more absurd in a sove- 
reign, or less conducive to his own safety, than 
instead of displaying an example of humanity, to 
shew himself severe and arrogant. Inhumanity is 

(a) Fontan. de Principe^ in ejusijt, op. torn. i. p. 87. 


the^ mother of hatred^ as haughtiness is of cruelty ^ chap. 
and lK)th of them are bad protectors either of life 

or of authority.** (a) These maxims he confirms a. d. 1521. 
by numerous examples from ancient and modem A.*^nt.ix. 
times> which shew the extent of his acquirements 
and greatly enliven his work. But the strongest 
instance that history affords of the truth of thei^ 
maxims^ is perhaps to be found in that of Alfonso 
himself^ to whom they were so ineffectually ad- 
dressed, (b) 

Of the other pieces of Pontano^ one of the most His w^k, 
extensive and important^ is his treatise De Ohe- tJando^ 
dientia, in five books ; under which title he has ^^°^ 
comprehended no inconsiderable portion of the 
system of moral duty, {c) In the commencement 
of this work he observes, that *' the efforts of both 
ancient and modern philosophy, as well as of 
both divine and human law, are chiefly directed to 
compel the passions of the mind to submit to the 
dictates of reason, and to prevent th^from break- 
ing loose, and wandering without a guide." - Under 
this extensive idea of obedience, he takes occa- 
sion to treat on the chief duties of life, as justice, 
prudence, firmness, and temperance ; continuaUy 
intermixing his precepts with examples^ niany of 
which, being the result of his own observatioi^, 
have preserved a great number of historical and 

(a) Pontan, de Principe ^ in ejusd, op. torn. i. p. 91. 

(b) V. Ante, chap. iv. vol. i. p. 211. 

(c) First published at Naples, in a well printed and elegant ^- 
tion, 4to. and dedicated by the author to Roberto Sahseverino, 
Prince of Salerno, At the close, we read Joannis Joyiani Pon- 


lift THE LIFE OF' 

CHAP, litjerary anecdotes^ iibt elsewhere to be fi>ttiid^ Be-r 
____ sides these works, PontaAo produced several otheara 

A. D. 1521. 601 yarious topics connected with moral conduct^ 
A. Font. IX. which he has illustrated in a similar manner, (a) 
These writings of Pontano display great reflec* 
tion; learning, and experience ; and if the severity 
of his judgment had b^en i&qual to the fertility of 
his genii^, and had been suffered to exert itself in 
correcting those s(uperfluities with which his woiks 
sometimes abound, he would have merited a rank 
in this most important department of sci^ce, to 
which very few writers dther of ancient or modem 
times coi^ justly have aspired* It might have 
been expected that his example would have pire' 
pared the way to a further piroficiency in tli^se 
studies, especially as he had divested them of the 
scholastic shackles in which they had been cour 
fined, and had directed them to the great objects 
of practical utility ; but amidst the convulsioiK$ of 
war^ and the dissipations of domestic life, his 
wovks were probably neglected or forgotten ; and 
it is certain, at least, that the age in which he 
Uved produced no moral writer of equal industry, 
or of equal merit The professors of Rcmie, of 
Badua, and other Italian academies, thought it 
sufficient to confine their comments to the workjs 
of Aristotle ; and for some time afterwards, Hie 
treatise of Cicero De Ojfficiis, instead of being con- 
sidered as a model of imitation, was regarded as 
an object of criticism and cf reproof, (ft) 
With respect, however, to the regulation of in- 

(a) 9« Ante^ chap* ii. vol. i. p. 56, &c. 

{h) " Ard5 (Celio Calcagnini) di parlare con qualche disprezzo 
di Cicerone, facendo una ci?itica de' libri degli Ufficij," &c. v. 
Tirab, vol. vii. par. ii. p. 236. 



diridaal) ii^tereourse by the rules of civility and chap. 
good breeding, which may be reckoned among the ^^' 
minor duties of society, a wo A of extraordinary a. d. 1521. 
merit was written in the time of Leo X. This is a. ^ix, 
the.Jjtbro del Cortegiano, of the Count Baldassare 
Castiglione, who has before, occurred to our no* castigUone. 
tice ;. but a more particular account of so accom^ 
plished a nobleman, and so elegant a sdiolar, who 
shared in an eminent degree the esteem of Leo X. 
^ajiBot be uninteresting. He was bom at his fa- 
mily villa of Casatico, in the territory of Mantua, 
in the year 1478, and was the son of the Count 
Cri^toforo CastigUone, by his wife Louisa Gonzaga, 
a near relation of the sovereign family of that 
name* (a) In his early years he was sent to Milan, 
where he was instructed in the Latin language by 
Giorgio Merula, and in Greek by Demetrius Chal*- 
condyles. Having there distinguished himself by 
his personal accomplishments, and particulariy by 
his skill in horsemanship and arms, he entered into 
the military service of Lodovico Sforza^ without, 
however, relinquishing his literary pursuits, in 
which he derived assistance from Filippo Beroaldo 
the elder. With hiin he devoted a great part of 
his time to the study of the ancient authors, m 
whose works he committed to writing many learned 
notes and observations. His principal favourites 
were Cicero, Virgil, and TibuUus. Nor did he 
neglect the distinguished writers of his own coun- 
try ; among whom he is said particularly to have 
a^ired the energy and learning of Dante, the 
softness and elegance of Peti:arca, and the facility 

(a) Serassi, Vita del Conte Baldas9are CasHgiiom, in Jronic al 
suo libra del Cortegiano. Eetit, 4} Conmo, Padova^ 1766, p. 9. 


CHAP, and natural expression of Lorenzo de' Medici, and 
^^' of Politiano. (a) 

.,A.D.i52i. The death of his father, which was occasioned 
A^^tix. ^y ^ wound received at the battle of the Taro, and 
the subsequent . overthrow of Lodovico Sforza, 
having induced Castiglione to leave Milan, he re^ 
SiOrted to his relation Francesco, Marquis of Mauh 
tua, whom he accompanied to Naples, where he 
was present at the battle of the GarigKone, in the 
year 1503. With the consent of the marquis, he 
soon afterwards paid a visit to Rome, where he 
was introduced by his intimate friend and relation 
.Cesare Gonzaga to Guidubaldo da Montefeltro, 
duke of Urbino, who had been called to Rome in 
consequence of the elevation of Julius II. to the 
pontificate. Attracted by the liberality and ele- 
gance of manners which distinguished the duke 
and the gentlemen of his court, Castiglione en- 
tered into his service, to the great dissatisfaction 
of the marquis of Mantua, and accompanied him 
to the siege of Cesena, which place was then hdd 
for Caesar Borgia, but which, together with the 
city of Imola, soon afterwards surrendered to the 
besiegers. By the fall of his horse Castiglione 
here received a severe injury in his foot, which 
rendered it necessary that he should enjoy some 
repose ; and he accordingly retired to Urbino, 
where he met with a most gracious reception from 
the duchess, and from Madonna Emilia Pia, with 
whom he ever afterwards maintained a friendly 
intercourse, rendered more interesting, and not 
less honourable by difierence of sex. (ft) In the 

(a) Serassif vita del Castiglionct p. 10. 

(k) V, Ante, cbap. vii. vol. ii. p. .16. .. 



tranquillity which he here enjoyed, he again de- ^^^^ 
voted himself to his studies, or occasionally took . 


a distininiished part in the conversation of the a. d. 1521. 

- A JEX 46. 

many eminent and learned men who resided at Aipontix! 
that court, and were admitted to the literary as- 
semblies of the duchess. In particular he formed 
a strict intimacy with Giuliano de' Medici, whom 
he has introduced as one of the principal charac- 
ters in his Cortegiano, the aera of which work is 
assigned to this period. Such was the friendship 
between them, that Giuliano had negotiated a 
marriage between his niece Clarice, the daughter 
of Piero de* Medici, and Castiglione ; but political 
motives induced her l^iends to dispose of her in 
marriage to Filippo Strozzi, through the powerful 
influence of whose family in Florence they hoped 
to regain their native place, (a) Castiglione con- 
tinued in the service of the duke until the death 
of that learned and accomplished prince, in the 
year 1608 ; having represented him in several em- 
bassies to foreign powers, and particularly in the 
year 1506, when he came to England to be installed 
as a knight of the garter, in the name of the duke, 
upon whom that honour had been conferred by 
Henry VII. (b) 

(a) Serassiy vita del Castiglione^ p. 14. 

(6) M. Ant. Flaminio has applied to Castiglione the following 


** Rex quoque te simili complexus amore Britannus, 

Insignem clari Torquis honore facit :" 
which have led his biographers to suppose, that Castiglione was 
himself admitted into the order of knighthood. " Fu raccolto 
{dal Re Arrigo) con modi cosi onorati e pieni di tanta cortesia, 
che fiirono da ciascuno riputati molto straordinarj ; e tanto piii 
tnendolo omato e degnato del Collaro della Gartiera, che il Re so- 



CHAP. After the death of the duke, Castiglione conti^ 
^^' nued in the service of his successor Francesco^ 

A At. 46 ' ^®^* ^^® * pochissimi, e di grandissima condizione." Marlianif 
A.PontlX. vita di Castiglione, Serassi, another of his biographers, says, 
" Ebbe in dono (dal Re) u?ia richissima Collana d^oro ; tanto piac* 
que ad Arrigo questo gran Gentiluomo." On this subject some 
doubts have, however, lately been raised, by the Abate D. Fran- 
cesconi; who has very justly suggested the improbability that 
the king would confer on the ambassador the same honour as he 
had before bestowed on his sovereign ; to which he adds, ** Lo 
schiarire un tal fatto appartiene a chi avesse Tassunto d'illustrare 
la Storia di un ordine cavallaresco coi nomi degli Uomini, che as- 
critti vi furono, simili al Castiglione." v. Francesconi, Discorso al 
Reale Academia Fiorentina. Flor, 1799, p. 80. By the obliging 
assistance of Sir Isaac Heard, Garter principal King of Arms, I 
am enabled to clear up these doubts, and to state with confidence^ 
that Castiglione was not of the order of the Garter. King Heorj 
VII. transmitted the ensigns to the duke of Urbino, by the Abbot 
of Glastonbury, and Sir Gilbert Talbot; after which the duke 
sent Castiglione to England to be installed in his name. On his 
landing at Dover, on the 20th day of October, Sir Thomas Bran- 
don was despatched with a considerable retinue to meet him ; and 
in the college of Arms are yet preserved the particulars of his re- 
ception by the Lord Thomas Doquara, Lord of St. John's, and 
Sir Thomas Wriothesley, Garter King of Arms ; who conducted 
him to London, where he was lodged in the house of the pope's 
Vice-collector. But, although ^astiglione was not created a 
knight of the garter, there is yet reason to believe that he re- 
ceived some distinguishing mark of the favour of the king. In the 
letter which he soon afterwards addressed to that sovereign, giving 
him an account of the death of the duke, whom he denominates, 
** virum a confratribus tuis, quem adeo dilexisti ut ilium, prae- 
clarissimo Garterii ordine tuo decorare dignatus sis," he refers 
to certain honours conferred also on himself ; ** me a tua majes- 
tate DiGNiTATE ac MUKERiBus auctum." In addition to which it 
may be observed, that the MS. from which Ahstis published the 
letter of Castiglione, at the end of his second volume^ on the 
Order of the Garter, and which MS. is by him stated to be de- 
posited in the museum of Mr. Thoresby^ at Leeds, was embdU 
lished with the arms of Castiglione, surrounded by a collar of 


LEO THE TfiNTH. 115 

Maria della Rovere. The assassination of the chap. 
cardinal of Pavia by the hands of the duke, and ^^' 

the resentment of Julius II., who in consequence a. d. 1521. 
of this sacrilegious murder deprived his nephew A.POTiax! 
of his dignities and estates, (a) threw the court of 
Urbino into great agitation and distress, and every 
method was resorted to that was thought likely to 
mitigate the anger of the pontiff. On his journey 
to Rome to receive absolution for his crime, the 
duke was accompanied by Castiglione. The vari- 
ous services rendered by him to the duke were re- 
warded by a grant of the castle and territory of 
Ginestrato, which were afterwards exchanged, at 
his request, for the: territory of Nuvellara, about 
two miles from Pesaro, where he had an excellent 
palace, good air, fine views both by sea and land, 
ai¥d a fertile soil ; advantages with which he de- 
clares himself so perfectiy satisfied, that he has 
only to pray that God would give him a disposi- 
tion contentedly to enjoy them. 

On the death of Julius II. in February, 1513, 
and the election of Leo X. Castiglione was des- 
patdied by the duke of Urbino to Rome, in the 
character of ambassador to the holy see ; where 
he obtained the particular favour of the pope, who 
confirmed to him the grant of his territory of Nu- 
vellara, (&) and manifested on all occasions the 

SS., ending with two portcullises, and having at the hottom a 
rose, gules and argent ; which afibrds a strong proof that Henry 
Vn., whose badges were a portcullis and united rose, had deco- 
rated Castiglione with such a collar at the time of his mission to. 
this country. 

(a) V, Ante, chap. viiL vol. ii. p. 92. 

(5) This grant, which is expressed in terms highly honourable 
to Castiglione, is given in the Appendix, No. CXC V. 

I 2 


CHAP, greatest resp.ect for his talents and opimons, par- 
^^' tiCularly on subjects of taste. He had now fre- 

A.D.1521. quent opportunities of enjoying the society of his 
A'^ntix. former friends ; among whom were Sadoleti, Bern- 
bo, Filippo Beroaldo the younger, the poet Te- 
baldeo, and Federigo Fregoso, archbishop of Sa- 
lerno, nephew of the duchess of Urbino. He 
maintained a strict intimacy with Michel- Agnolo, 
with Raffaello, and with the many other eminent 
artists then resident at Rome ; nor was there per- 
haps any person of his age whose opinion was with 
more confidence resorted to, on account of his 
judgment in architecture, painting, sculpture, andl 
other works of art ; insomuch, that it is said that 
Raffaello himself was frequently accustomed to 
consult him on his most important works, (a) To 
the predUection of an amateur he united the science 
of an antiquarian, and was indefatigable in col* 
lecting not only the works of the great masters of 
his own times, but also busts, statues, cameos, and 
other remains of ancient art. 

The marriage of Castiglione in the beginning of 
the year 1516, with Ippolita, daughter of the Count 
Guido Torello, a lady of great accomplishments 
and high rank, her mother being the daughter of 
Giovanni Bentivoglio, lord of Bologna, detained 
him for some time at Mantua. It appears, how- 
ever, that even after his marriage he continued to 
spend the chief part of his time at Rome, whilst 
his wife remained with her friends at Mantua ; a 
circumstance which may be supposed to have 
given rise to those tender and affectionate remon- 
strances which he has himself so elegantly ex- 

(a) Serassi, in vita del Castiglione^ p. 18. 


pressed in an Ovidian epistle^ written in the name chap. 
of his wife, which not only displays many traits in ^^' 
his character and conduct, hut affords a satisfac- a.d.i52U 
tory proof, that as a Latin ^ poet he might justly lip^Dt.^. 
rank with the most eminent of his contempora- 
ries, (a) The death of his lady, which happened 
in child-hed, whilst he was still detained at Rome 
in the character of ambassador, from his relation 
the marquis of Mantua, rendered him for some 
time inconsolable. The attention of the cardinals 
and most distinguished persons in the Roman 
court was devoted to mitigate his grief, and Leo 
X.^ as a mark of his particular esteem, conferred 
on him about the same time a pension of two hun- 
dred gold crowns, (b) 

On the death of the pontiff, Castiglione re*- 
mained in Rome until the election of Adrian VL,» 
soon after whose arrival at that city he returned 
to Mantua ; but on the election of Clement ¥IL 
in the ye;tr 1523, he was again despatched by the 

(a) This piece, entitled Hippolyia, BaUhasari, Castilioni Cow 
jugif has given rise, to an erroneous opinion^ that the lady of Cas- 
tiglione wrote Latin poetry ; but, although it affords no positive 
evidence of this circumstance, yet it is not improbable, that the 
ideas and sentiments it contains, were such as were conveyed to. 
him by his wife during his absence, and which he has thought 
proper to transpose into Latin verse. The intrinsic merit of this 
piece, as well as the frequent references which it contains to the 
connexion between Castiglione and Leo X.» entitle it to a place 
in the Appendix, r. No. CxCVI. 

Mr. Henke has observed, that in the first edition of this poem, 
which was annexed to the works of Olympia Fulvia Morata, 
Venet. 1534, it is inscribed,. ^Balth. Cctstilionis Elegia^ qua.Jingit 
HippoUten suam ad se xribentem/' and for further information^ re- 
fers to Jo, G, Eccii ad Hagedoruy de HippoU Taur. Epist. Lips^ 
1770, Germ, ed. Tol. iii. p. 283.* 

(b) Serassi,' vita del Castiglione^ p. 20. 

118 . THE LIFE OF 

CHAP, marquis of Mantua to Rome. The new pontiff^ 
^^- who was well acquainted with his integrity, ta- 

A.i>;i52]. lents, and experience, and who had occasion to 
A Ipontjx. send an ambassador to the emperor Charles V. se- 
lected him for this purpose, and having obtained 
the consent of the marquis of Mantua, despatched 
him to Madrid, where he arrived in the month of 
March, 1525, greatly honoured, as he expresses it, 
throughout his whole journey, but especially on 
his arrival at Madrid ; where the emperor received 
him with particular attention and kindness. Whilst 
he was engaged in this mission, and endeavouring 
to the utmost of his abilities to reconcile the diffe- 
rences between the European powers, he received 
the alarming intelligence of the capture and sacking 
^f the city of Rome, and of the imprisonment of 
• the supreme pontiff. The extreme grief which he 
experienced on this occasion was rendered still 
more poignant, by a letter from the pope, com- 
plaining that he had not given him timely infor- 
mation, so as to enable him to avoid the disaster. 
This produced a long justificatory reply from Cas- 
tiglione, in which he recapitulates his efforts and 
his services; both before and after this unfortunate 
event, the plan of which had not been laid in 
Spain, but in Italy, and asserts, that he had pre- 
vailed on the Spanish prelates to suspend the per- 
formance of divine offices, and to address them- 
selves in a body to tlie emperor to demand the li- 
beration of their chief, the vicar of Christ on earth. 
By these representations he succeeded in removing 
the unfounded prepossessions which the pope had 
entertained against him; but the wound which 
his own sensibility had received from these imp^- 




tations^ was too deep to admit of a cure. The fa- chap. 
yoars of the emperor, who cohferred on him the " 

privileges of a denizen in Spain, and nominated a. d. 1521. 
him bishop of Avila, which see produced a large A.Pontiix. 
revenue, were insufficient to restore him to his 
former tranquillity ; and a feverish indisposition 
of six days' continuance, terminated his life at 
Tdedo, on the second day of February, 1529, at 
the age of little more than fifty years. His eulogy 
was pronounced in a few words, but with great 
justice, by the emperor himself, who on this event 
said to Lodovico Strozzi, nephew of Castiglione,, 
'^ I assure you we have lost one of the most accom- 
plished gentlemen of the age." (a) 
The celebrated Libra del Cofteftiano. which had Hi» Law 

^ del Carte-- 

engaged the attention of Castiglione for several gianc. 
years, was terminated in 1518, when it was sent 
by its author to Bembo, that he might revise it 



The body of Castiglione was interred in the Metropolitan 
church of Toledo, whence it was afterwards removed by his 
daughter to the church of the Frdti Minori, at Mantua, and de- 
posited in a handsome chapel erected for that purpose, with the 
following inscription written by Bembo : 

Baldassari Castilioni Mantuano, 
omnibus nature dotibus, plurimis bonis artibus, ornato ; 
Grjecis literis erudito ; in Latinis et Etruscis etiam toetm ; 



CHAP, and give his opinion upon it. Castiglione. was>^ 
^^' however, in no haste to commit it to the press> 

A.B. 1521. the first edition being printed in the year 1528, by 
A.*^^'.ix. the successors of Aldo at Venice. Of a work 
which has been so generally read, and which has. 
been translated into most of the modem languages 
of Europe, a particular account is now superflu- 
ous. It may, however, be observed, that although 
this treatise professes only to define the qualifica- 
tions of a perfect courtier, yet it embraces a great 
variety of subjects ; insomuch that there are few 
questions of importance, either in science or mo- 
rals, which are not therein touched upon or dis- 
cussed. The merit of the work is greatly enhanc- 
ed by a pervading' rectitude of principle, by the 
inculcation of true sentiments of honour, and by 
precepts of magnanimity, of propriety, of temper- 
ance, of modesty, and of decorum, which render it, 
equally fit for perusal in all times, by both sexes, 
and by every rank. The style, although confess- 
edly not uniformly Tuscan, is pure and elegant, 
and if \ve could excuse in some of the interlocu- 
tors a prolixity which seems to have been conunon 
to the age, this production might be esteemed a 
perfect model of colloquial composition, (a) 

(a) Castiglione has also left a few poetical compositions in his 
native tongue, which display equal elegance with his Latin writings. 
His canzone^ beginning 

Manca iljior giovenil ie* mieiprim' anni, 
in particular, exhibits a force of sentiment and of expression sel- 
dom met with in the works of his contemporaries. That he not 
only admired, but imitated Lorenzo de' Medici, is sufficiently evi- 
dent from the foUowing passage in this poein : 

" E parmi udire ; O stolto, O pien d' obblio, 
Dal pigro sonno omai 


To enumerate among the moralists the writers chap. 
of iMwels and romances, may scarcely he thought ^^' 
allowahle ; yet as human life and manners are ^. d. 1521. 
their professed subjects^ they may perhaps, with- A,Vaiit.ii» 
out any great impropriety be noticed on this oc- J^®^ ^^' 
casion. It is true their end is, in general, rather to 
amuse than to instruct ; and if we may judge from 
the works of this nature, which were produced in 
the time of Leo X., they were rather calculated to 
counteract than to promote those maxims of vir- 
tue and decency, which the moralist is most ear- 
nest to inculcate. The earliest collection of no- 
vels, and perhaps one of the earliest specimens 
th^t now remains of the Italian language, is the 
Cenio Novelle Antiche;(a) of which numerous co* 

Destati, e dar rimedib t' apparecchia 
Al lungo error ^" 
which seems to be ii^tated.from these lines of Lorenzo ; 
" Destati pigro ingegno da quel sonno, 

Che par che gli occhi tuoi d*un vel ricopra, , 
Onde veder la verit^ non ponno. 
Svegliati omai," &c. 
Both M. Henke -and Count Bossi have adverted to the opinion 
of J. C. Scaliger, who had no hesitation in placing the Latin poems 
of Castiglione in competition with the most excellent productions 
of antiquity, and as presenting the grandeur of the ideas of Lucan^ 
and the elegance of the style of VirgiL v, Germ,^ ed. vol. iii. p. 286, 
JiaL ed. vol ix. p. 268.* 

(a) Le ciento Novelle antike. Fion di Parlare, di belle cor^ 
tesie^ e di belle valentie e doni secondo keper lo tempo passato annofatto ' 
Molti valentiuominu In Bologna^ nelle case di Girolamo Benedetti, 
1525. This edition was published at the instance of Bembo by 
his friend Carlo Gualteruzzi, who preserved throughout the anci- 
ent orthography^ but Zeno met with an edition without note of 
date or place, which he supposed to be of greater antiquity, v. 
Note al Fontaninit vol. ii. p. 181. Count Bossi is of opinion, that 
the Cento Novelle Antiche do tkbt exhibit one of the earliest; speci- 
mena of the Italian language^ and thinks them probably not earlier 

122 THE LIFE OF . 

CHAP, pies existed before the time of Boccaccio, who has 
occasionally been indebted to it for the materials 

A.D. 1521. of some of his tales, {a) This production is wholly 
A.'pont.ix. different from the Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles, which 
is an original French work of much later date, 
and is supposed to have been written for the 
amusement of Louis XI. before his accession to 
Ae throne, and during his retreat to the castle 
of Guen^pe, in Brabant, between the years 1457, 
jmd 1461.(6) Soon after the publication of the 
Decamerone, which, whatever may be thought of 
its moral tendency, certainly contributed in an 
eminent degree to purify and polish the Italian 
tongue, several other writers employed their tar 
lents on similar subjects. The novels of Franco 
Saccnetti appeared about the year 1376 ; (c) those 
of Giovanni-Fiorentino, und^r the name of Peco- 
rone, in 1378 ; (d) and those of Masuccio Salemi- 
tano, under the title of Cento Novelle, soon after the 
year 1400. {e) These writers were, however, rather 
collectors of singular incidents and extraordinary 
fects, than original inventors of their own stories, 
sts sufficiently appears from a comparison of their 

than the fourteenth century. He has also given a specimen from 
a MS. in his own possession of a fragment of a romance, or novel, 
which begins^ " Incipit liber Panjili" and is followed by the words 
** e panfilo parla en lo comengamento sovra si medesemo/* which he 
thinks is of much earlier date, and as presenting the primordj, or 
incunaboli, of the Italian language ; but for a further account of 
' which I must refer to ItaL ed, vol. ix. p. 269.* 

(a) Manni Istoria del Decamerone^ p. 153. 

(b) Metmgiana, torn. iii. p. 401. 

(c) The best edition is that of Florence, 1724, 2 vols, octavp. 

(d) Printed at Milan> 1558, and several times rieprintedi ^ 

(e) Printed at Venice, 1510, 1531, 1541, &c. 


narratives with the historians of their own and chap. 
preceding times, (a) In the year 1483, Giovanni ' 
Sabadino Degli Arienti of Bologna, published a a.d. 1521. 
work consisting of seventy novels, and entitled A.Pont.ix. 
Porrettane^ from their being supposed to have 
been narrated at the baths of that name, which he 
inscribed to Ercole d'Este, duke of Ferrara.(J) 
The celebrity of these productions was, however, 
greatly surpassed, in the beginning of the ensuing 
century, by the writings of Matteo Bandello, which 
have given him a rank in this department of Let* 
ters, second only to Boccaccio himself. 

Bandello was bom at Castelnuovo in the district Matteo 
of Tortona, and repaired at an early age to Rome, *" * "• 
where he remained for some years under the pa- 
tronage of his uncle, Y incenzio Bandello, general of 
the order of Dominicans, with whom he also tra- 
velled through various parts of Italy, France, 
Spain, and Germany, where it was the duty of the 
general to inspect the convents of his order, (c) 
After the death of his uncle at the convent of Al- 
tomonte, in Calabria, in the year 1606, Bandello 
passed a considerable part of his time at the court 
of Milan, where he had the honour of instructing 

{a) Manni Isioria del Decamcrone, p. 134. Count Bossi has 
observed, that many historical facts would have been lost had they 
not been preserved in the writings of the novelists ; that they fre- 
quently serve to verify a date, to clear up some doubtful point, or 
to commemorate some illustrious person of the time ; on which 
account he had long intended to write a dissertation on tJie historic 
C$1 utility of the Novelists. Ilal.€d. vol. ix. p. 161.* 

(6) The first edition in fo. 1483, is extremely rare. v. Pirelli, 
Sale Catal. Na 4283. These novek were reprinted at Venice, by * 
Marchio Sesso, 1531. 8vo. 

(c) MazzucheUi, Scrittori d' ItaL vol iii. p. 201. 

124 THE LIFE OF ^ 

CHAP, the celebrated Lucrezia Gongaza, in whose praise 
^^' he wrote an Italian poem^ which still remains^ and 
A.D. 1621, where he formed an intimacy with many eminent 
Aii^nlix, persons of the age, as appears from the dedicatory 
epistles prefixed to his novels. Having early en- 
rolled himself in the order of Dominicans in a fra- 
tiemity at Milan, he entered deeply into the eccle* 
siastical and political affairs of the times, and after 
various vicissittides of fortune, obtained at length 
the bishoprick of Agen, in France, conferred on 
him by Henry H. Whilst he was thus engaged 
in frequent journeys and public transactions, he 
omitted no opportunity of collecting historical 
anecdotes and narratives of extraordinary events, 
as materials for his novels, which were composed 
at different periods pf his life, as occasion and in* 
clination concurred. These' tales, of which three 
large volumes were collected and published by 
him after he had obtained his episcopal dignity, 
under the title of Xe Novelle del Bandelloy (a) bear 
the peculiar character which in general distin- 
guishes the literary productions of the ecclesias- 
tics of that age from those of the laity, and are no 
less remarkable for the indecency of the incidents, 
than for the natural simplicity with which they 
are related. Some of the literary historians of 
Italy have endeavoured to extenuate that want of 
decorum in these writings, which they cannot en- 
tirely defend, (6) whilst others have congratulated 

(a) They were printed at Lueca in 1554, in 4to, a fourth vo- 
lume was afterwards published at Lyons, 1574, 8vo. They have 
since been several times reprinted, particularly in London, 1740^ 
in 4 vols. 4to. 

(6) MazzuchdliyScrMicrid' Ital vol. iii. p. 204.^ 



themselves^ that the appearance of so scandalous chap4 
a work at so critical a period^ did not afford the ^^' 

reformers those advantages which they might have a. d. 1521. 
obtained^ had they known how to avail themselves A.ponux,* 
of them, (a) In point of composition, these novels, 
although much inferior to those of Boccaccio, are 
written with a degree of vivacity and nature which 
seldom fails to interest the reader, and which, com- 
bined with the singularity of the incidents, will 
probably secure a durable, altjiough not a very ho- 
nourable reputation to the author. (6) 

Whilst Bandello was collecting the materials for pi^tro Art- 
his works, the precincts of literature were pol- *^- 
luted by the intrusion of an author yet more dis- 
gracefully notorious, the unprincipled and licen- 
tious Pietro Aretino. Were it the object of the 
present pages to collect only such circumstances, 
as might confer honour on the age, the name of 
this writer might well be omitted^ but the depra- 
vity of taste and morals is no less an object of in- 
quiry than their excellency. The life of Aretino 
may be denominated the triumph of effrontery. 
His birth was illegitimate. The little learning 
which he possessed, was obtained; from the books 
which in his early years it was his business to 
bind, (c) He was driven from his native city of 
Arezzo, for having been the author of a satirical 

. (d) Tiraboschi Storia delta Lett. ItaL vol. vii. par. iii. p. 93. 

(b) But see the observations pf Count Bossi on this subject in 
JtaL ed. vol. ix. p. 273, where much additional information will be 
found respecting this author.* 

(c) Mazzuchelli, vita di Pietro Aretino^ p. 14. Bdiz. Brescia^ 
1763. 8vo. This Work of the Count Giammaria M azzuchelli, 
ho¥irever unworthy the subject of it may be, may justly fee consi- 
dered as a perfect specimen of literary biography. 



CHAP, sonnet^ and having afterwards found a shelter hi Pe- 

1_ rugia^ he there ^ave a further specimen of his inde- 

A.D. 1521. corum, hy an alteration made hy him in a picture on 
Aipont.ix. a sacred subject. An early confidence in his own 
talents induced him to pay a visit to Rome, where 
he arrived on foot, and without any other effects 
than the apparel which he wore. Being retained 
in the service of the eminent merchant Agostino 
Chigi, he was dismissed on account of having been 
detected in a theft, (a) H^ then became a domes- 
tic of the cardinal di S. Giovanni, on whose death 
Jie obtained an employment in the Vatican under 
Julius II. by whose orders he was, however, soon 
afterwards expelled from the court. On an ex- 
cursion which he made into Lombardy, he ren- 
dered himself remarkable by the extrerue licen- 
tiousness of his conduct, which did not prevent him 
from being received at Ravenna into a confrater- 
nity of monks. On his second visit to Rome he 
found the pontifical chair filled by Leo X. who 
considering him as a man of talents, admitted him 
to a share of that bounty which he so liberally 
dispensed on all who did, and on many who did 
not deserve it ; and Aretino has himself boasted, 
that on one occasion he received from this pontiff 
a present in money to a princely amount. The 
protection of Leo was accompanied by that of the 
cardinal Giulio de' Medici, who, on his becoming 
supreme pontiff by the name of Clement VII., 
continued his favour to Aretino. These Obliga- 
tions are confessed by himself in various parts of 
his writings ; (*) yet. with an ingratitude and an 

(a) V4 Mazzttch.vitii deW Aretino^ p. 15. 

(6) In one of his letters,' vol. iii. fogl. 86, he acknowledgesr to ' 


inconsistency which marked the whole of his con- c hajp. 


duct^ he complained^ long after the death of both ^ 
these pontiflfe, that in return for all his services a. v. 1521. 
they had only repaid him with cruelties and inju- A'.PonUx. 
ries.(a) Being compelled to abandon the city of 
Rome^ on account of the share which he had in 
the indecent set of prints designed by Giulio Ro- 
mano^ and engraved by Marc* Antonio Raimondo^ 
to which Ar^ino had furnished Italian verses, (6) 
he engaged in the service of the distinguished 
commander^ Giovanni de' Medici, captain of the 
Bande nere, whose favour he obtained in an un* 
common degree, and who died in his arms in the 
month of December, 1526, of a wound from the 
shot of a musquet. The credit which he had ac- 
quired by the friendship of this eminent soldier, 
recommended him to the notice of many of the 
most celebrated men of the times, (c) From this 

have received, dalla santa memoria di Leone danari in real somma. 
Mazz^ in vita. p. 19. 

(a) '' Non d' altro lo pagaron, servendo loro, che di crudeltk ed 
injurie." Lettere del Aretifi, vol. iiii p. 16. 

(6) For this scandalous publication the engraver, Marc- Antonio, 
was committed to prison by the orders of 'Clement VII., whence 
he was only liberated on the entreaties of the cardinal (Ippolito^ 
de' Medici, and Bacdo Bandinelli. Vasari^ vite de* Pittori, voL ii. 
p. 420. It is highly probable that the few impressions which were 
printed, have all been destroyed. Even those which are preserved 
in the library of the Vatican are not by Marc- Antonio. Heineke, 
Did. des Artistes, vol. i. p. 357. But see note of Count Bossi in 
Ital. ed.vol. ix. p. 276. 

(c) In one of his Capitoli addressed to Cosmo I. duke of Flo- 
rence, Aretino reminds him of the intimacy that had subsisted be- 
tween himself and Giovanni de' Medici, the father of the duke. 
^ Che amicizia non fu, ma fratellanza, 
Quella ch' ebbi col vostro genitore,- 
Di propria man di voi n' ho la quietanza.^ 
Operc Burkschc di Bemi, Sfc^ vol. iii. p. 14. Ed. Fir. 1723. 


CHAP, period he fixed his residence at Venice, and re- 
solved not to attach himself tp any patron, but to 

A.D. 1521. enjoy his freedom, and to procure his own subsist- 
A.Ponux! ence by the exercise of his taljents and the labours 
of his pen. 

It would be as disgusting to enter into an exa- 
mination of the indecent and abominable writings 
of Aretino, as it would be tiresome to peruse those 
long and tedious pieces on religious subjects, by 
which he most probably sought to counterbalance, 
in the public opinion, the profaneness of his other 
productions. It may, indeed, truly be said, that of 
all the eflForts of his abilities, in prose and in verse, 
whether sacred or profane, epic or drapaatic, pane- 
gyrical or satirical, and notwithstanding their great 
number and variety, not one piece exists which m 
point of literary merit is entitled to approbation ; 
yet the commendations which Aretino received 
from his contemporaries^ are beyond example ; and 
by his unblushing effrontery and the artful intermix- 
ture of censure and adulation, he contrived to lay 
under contribution almost all the sovereigns and 
eminent men of his time. Francis I. not only pre- 
sented him with a chain of gold, and afforded him 
other marks of his liberality, but requested that the 
pope would allow him the gratification of his so- 
ciety. Henry VIII. sent him at one tinje three 
hundred gold crowns, (a) and the emperor Charles 

(a) It has also been supposed that Henry VIII. had left him a 
legacy in his^ will. See a curious dedicatory letter on this subject 
from William Thomas, Clerk of the closet to Edward Vl.^and a 
prebendary of St. Paul's, addressed To Mr. Peter Aretine, the 
right natural poet ; in Sir Richard Clayton's translation of Ten- 
hove's Memoirs of the House of Medici, vol. ii» p. 200. 


y. not only allowed him a considerable pension, chap. 


but on Aretino being introduced to him by the , 
duke of Urbino on his way to Peschiera, placed a. d. 1521. 
him on his right hand and rode with him in inti- A'.Pont.]i. 
mate conversation, (a) The distinctions which he 
obtained by his adulatory sonnets and epistles, 
from Julius IH. were yet .more extraordinary. 
Tl^ present of a thousand gold crowns was ac- 
companied by a papal buU, nominating him. a Co- 
valiere .of the order of S. Pietro, to which dignity 
was also annexed an annual income, (b) These ft- 
.yours and distinctions, which were imitated by. the 
inferior sovereigns and chief nobility of Europe, 
excited the vanity of Aretino to such a degree, 
that, he entertained the strongest expectations of 
being created a cardinal ; for the reception of 
which honour he. had actually begun: to make pre- 
parations, (c) He assumed the titles of II Divino, 
and H FlageUo de' PrincipL Medals were struck 
in honour of him, representing him decorated with 
a chain of gold, and on the reverse the princes of 
Europe bringing to him their tribute. Even his 
mother and his daughter were represented in medals 
with appropriate inscriptions. His portrait was 
frequently painted by the best artists of the time, 
and particularly by the celebrated Titiano, with 
whom he lived in habits of intimacy ; (d) insomuch 

(a) Matzuch vita deW Aretino, p. 64. 

\b) Ibid. p. 68. 

(c) Mazzuch. Vita ddV Aretino, p. 70- He afterwards boasted 
that be had refused the cardinalate. Lettere, vol. vi. p. 29^ 
Mazz, p. 73. 

((Q Of the extreme arrogance and vanity of Aretino, the follow- 
ing passage from one of his letters may afford a sufficient proof: 
"Tanti Signori mi rompon continuamente la testa coUe visite, che 



CHAP, that it may justly be asserted^ that froih th6 days 
' of Homer to the present, no person who founded 

A. p. 1621. his claims to public favour merely on his Ut^rsry 
A.Fimt.i£ talents, ever obtained one half of the honours and 
emoluments Which were lavished on tfaiBfifiitefate 

Great, however, as these diBtinctions WBte, ther^ 
were not enjoyed by Aretino without considerable 
dediictionsv aM frequekit mortifications andr die^- 
grace. In' the pontificate of Leo "&. he wa^ twioe 
in danger of his^ life from the attacks of those whom 
he had calumniated, and on one occasion owed his 
escape only to the interference of his friend Fer- 
raguto di Lazzara. (a) He also met with, a firm 
opponent in the respectable and learned Giaa#- 
matteo Ghiberti, bishop et Verona and apostoli6 
datary, who used all his efforts to strip the niafasdc 
from this shameless impostor, (b) A still more for- 
midable adversary appeared under the pontificate 
of Clement VII. in Achille della Volta, a ^ntle- 
man of Bologna then resident in Rome, on whom 

le mie scale son consumate dal frequentar de' lor piedi, come il pa- 
vimento del Campidoglio dalle mote dei carri trionfaK. NS mi 
c^edo che Roma per via di parlare vedesse mai si greki mescolanii 
di nazioni, com' ^ quella che mi capita in casa, A me vengoiv^ 
Turchi, Giudei, Indiani, Francesi, Tedeschi, e Spagnuoli. Or pen* 
sate ci6 che fanno i nostri Italiani. Del popol minuto dico nulla ; 
perciocchfe h piu facile di tor voi dalla divozione Imperiale, che 
vedermi un atdmo solo senca soldati, senza scolari> aenza firati» e 
senza preti intorno ; per la qual cosa mi par esser diventato Fora- 
colo della veriti, da che ognmio mi viene a contare il torto fattogli 
dal<tal principe, e dal cotal prelato; ond' io sono il s^r^^tario dA 
mondo, e cosi mi intitolate neUe soprascritte." LeUen^ Yol. i p. 
206. Maz&. 57. 

(a) Mazzuch. vita delV Aretino, p, 81. 

(6) Ibii p. 23, &c. 


Aretino had written a satirical sonnet^ and who c h a p. 
repaid him with five wounds of a dagger^ one of ^^' 
which was for some time supposed to be mortal, (a) a.d. 1521. 
In consequence of a lampoon, written by Aretino aVp^i.ix. 
when at Venice, against the distinguished com- 
mander Pietro Strozzi, who in the year 1542, 
wrested from the Imperialists tiie fortress of Ma- 
raiu>, that haughty soldier gave him to understand, 
that if he repeated the insult he would have him 
assassinated even in his bed; in consequence of 
which he lived imder great apprehensions as long 
as Strozzi remained in the Venetian territories, (b) 
A singular interview is said to have taken plac^ 
between Ar^tiilo^ and Tmtoretto the painter, on 
whanLhe hadJkuvished his abuse. Tintraetto hav« 
ing invited him ta Ms house under the pretext of 
painting his portrait, seated him in a chair as if for 
that purpose ; but instead of taking up his pen- 
cils, the painter drew from his bosom a large pis- 
tol, which he levelled at Aretino. The conscious 
and terrified fibeller cried out for mercy, when 
Tintoretto said with great gravity. Compose tfour-^ 
self whilst I take measure of you, and moving the 
direction of the pistol slowly from head to foot^ he 
added, 1 find you are just the length of two pistols 
and a half. Aretino understood the lesson, and 
from this time avowed himself 4he painter's warm- 
est friend, (c) On another occasion he incurrect 
the resentinent of the English ambassador at Ve- 
nice, by insolently insinuating that he had detjtin- 
ed in his hands the money remitted by hii^ sove- 

(a) Mazzuch. vita deW Aretino^ p. 30. 

(6) Ibid. p. 74. 

(c) Ridolfi, vile de* PiUori Veneziani, par. ii. p. 58. 

K 2 



CHAP, reign as a present to Aretino ; in consequence of 
which the ambassador is said to have hired six or 


A.D.1521. seven persons to attack him with cudgels^ which 
A,Pont.ix*he represented as a design to murder him. (a) 
There is good reason to believe, that Aretino ex- 
perienced on many occasions similar treatment; 
on which account Boccalini has humorously caU^d 
him ^' the loadstone of clubs and daggers ;" add- 
ing, '^ that those persons who were as ready of 
hand as he was of speech, had left their marks in 
such a manner on his iace, his breast, and his arms^ 
that he was streaked all over like a chart of navi- 

Nor did the arrogance and effrontery of Aretino 
escape the reprehension of his numerous literary 
adversaries, who availed themselves of every op- 
portunity to render him an object of ridicide and 
contempt ; as a contrast to the ostentatious me- 
dals which he had caused to be struck in honour 
of himself, others were made public, exhibiting his 
iresemblance on one side, and on the other a most 
indecent device, as emblematical of his character 
and writings. On the report of his being mortally 
wounded by Achille della Volta in Rome, Giro- 
lamo Casio, a cavalier of Bologna, wrote a sonnet 
of exultation, and on his recovery another equally 
satirical and vehement. (J) The enmity of the 
good prelate Ghiberti was seconded by the ke^n 

(a) This circumstance is referred to in many of the letters of 
Aretino, cited by Mazzuchelli. In the Appendix will also be 
found a letter on this subject from Aretino to Sir Philip Hoby, 
the English ambassador at the Imperial Courts which has not 
before been published, v. Appendix, No. CXCVII. 

(h) These sonnets are given by Mazzuchelli^ vUa deWAretinOf 
jpp. 31, 32. 



satire of Bemi, who was employed by him in his chap. 
ice as datary of the holy see, and who produced ]_ 

[a sonnet against Aretino, which in point of viva- a. d. 1521. 
ritj, scurrility, and humour, has perhaps never A.'pont.ix. 
[been equalled ; (a) but the most inveterate enemy 
of Aretino, was Nicol6 Franco, who, after having 
been for some time his assistant in the composi- 
tion of his various works, became at length his 
rivals and whilst he at least equalled him in viru- 
lence and licentiousness, greatly surpassed him in 
learning and abilities. On being driven by Are- 
tino from his house, and finding that Aretino, on 
reprinting the first volume of his letters, had 
omitted some passages in which he had before 
spoken of him with great approbation. Franco was 
so exasperated that he attacked his adversary in a 
series of indecent, satirical, and ludicrous sonnets, 
which he continued to poiir forth against him, ^ 
until he had completed a volume. In defiance of 
decency this collection has been several times re- 
jj^inted, and is certainly not less disgraceful to 
the memory of its author than to that of his oppo- 
nent. (J) Other persons of much more respect- 

(a) This production is a masterpiece in its way, and although 
frequently reprinted, ought not to be omitted on this occasion, v. 
Appendix, No. CXCVIII. 

{b) Delle Rime di M, Niccold Franco contra Pietro Aretino, et 
della PRiAPEA del medesimo. The first edition was in 1541 > and 
bears date at Turin, but was, in fact, printed at Casale; the se- 
cond in 1546, and the third in 1548; besides these, a modern 
edition of the Friapea was published, with the Vendemmiatore of 
liuigi TansiUo, a Fe^King, regnante Kien-Long, nel xviii. secolo, 
probably printed at Paris. These productions of Franco are well 
cbaracterized by Tiraboschi : "Le pitk grossolane oscenit^, la piii 
libera. maledicenza, . e il pitk ardito disprezzo de* princ^i, de' Ro- 
inani pontefici, de' padri del Concilio di Trento, e di piu altri 
grayissimipeisonaggi, sono le gemmedi cui egli adoma questo suo 


CHAP, able character also animadverted with great seve- 
^^' rity on the conduct and writings of Aretino ; and 
A.D. 1621, if on the one hand he was flattei^ed as an earthly 
4.R>nt.ix, divinity, on the other he was treated as the put- 
cast of society, and the opprobrium of the human 
race, (a) 

infame lavoro." Storia della Lett. ItaL vii. par. iii. p. 14. At the 
close of his work is a letter addressed, Agli ii\fami principi deWtn- 
fame suo secolo^ iVic. Franco^ Beneventano, in which he upbraids all 
the sovereigns of his time, in the grossest terms, for conferring 
their favours on such a wretch as Pietro Aretino; a reproof 
which they well merited, but which loses its effect from the inde- 
cent language in which it is conveyed. The scurrflity of Franco 
met however with a severe retribution. In the year 1569, he was 
seized upon at Rome, by the orders of Pius V., and publicly 
hanged as a criminal. On bein^ brought out for execution, his 
venerable appearance and hoary head excited universal compas- 
sion, and his exclamation, "Questo poi k troppo pur,'* so re- 
markable for its naivete on such an occasion, and which was the 
only complaint he uttered, was assented to by all present. A sa- 
tirical epigram, written by Franco, against tho pope, is supposed 
to have incurred his resentment. This epigram is given in the 
Menagiana, tom. ii. p. 358. 

But Franco had, in his sonnets, committed much greater of- 
fences, and had, in particular, alluded to the atrocious conduct of 
Pier-Luigi Farnese, the son of Paul III., which is fully related by 
Varchi, at the end of his Florentine history, and exhibits the 
most horrible instance of diabolical depravity that ever diisgraced 
human nature. 

That Franco was a man of real learning, appears from his vari- 
ous other works, among which is a translation of the Iliad of 
Homer, in ottava rima, which is said to be preserved in the 
Albani library, at Rome. v. Tirab. Storia della Lett. ItaL viL par. 
iii. p. 15, in nota. 

(a) For much additional infoi'mation respecting i^^/tno, and his 
adversary Nicold Franco^ I must refer the reader to the notes in 
the German and Italian editions, chap. xx. palssim. I cannot, 
however, forbear, on this occasion, from laying befoire the reader 
the foUowing just and eloquent observations of Count Bossi in 
their original language. 

" Gli onori prqdigati all' Aretino did Principi e dai Pkbei, dai 


The death of Aretino is said to have resembled chap. 


his life. Being informed of some outrageous in- 

stance of obscenity committed by his sisters, who a. ^-^^^J* 
were courtesans at Venice, he was suddenly af- Aipontix. 
fected with so violent a fit of laughter that he 
overturned his chair, and thereby received an in- 
jury on his head which terminated his days. This 
story, however extraordinary, is not wholly dis- 
credited by the accurate Mazzuchelli ; who further 
informs us, although, as he admits, on doubtful 
evidence, that when Aretino was on the point of 
death, and had received extreme unction, he ex- 

" Guardatemi da topi, or che son unto," 

Greased as I am, preserve me from the rats. 

The enemies of Aretino, not appeased by his 
death, have commemorated him by an epitaph as 
profane as his own writings, which has been re- 
peated with several variations in the Italism, 
French, and Latin languages, and is erroneously 
supposed to have been engraven on his tomb in 
the church of S. Luca, in Venice. 

" Qui giace V Aretin, poeta Tosco, 

Che disse mal d' ognun, fuorche di Dio, 
Scusandosi col dir, Non lo conosco.^' 

gnmdi e dai piccoli, dagli ecclesiastici e dai laid, dai dotti e dagli 
indotti, da ogni grade, da ogni ceto di persone, in confronto di 
tanti letterati di grandissimo merito trascurati, prova Finclina- 
zione dell' umana natura al male anzich^ al bene, alia sfrontezza 
anzich^ alia modestia, alia licenza anzich^ alia morigeratezza, 
almeno nello state attuale dell' civilizzazione in Europa. Se ne ha 
pure altra prova evidente nelle molte ristampe che si son fatte de* 
suoi libri, malgrado le pi^ severe proibizioni, e nel numero degli 
Bcnttori, che si son dati ad imitarlo> e che hanno anche adottato 
con compiacenza il di lui nome, &c." Ital. ed. vol. ix. p. 278.* 



VICISSITUDES and final establishment of the Lauren- 
tian Library — Leo X. increc^es the Library of the Var 
tican — Custodi or keepers of the Vatican Library — Z»o- 
renzo Parmenio — Fausto Sabeo — Learned Librarians of 
the Vatican in the pontificate of Leo X. — Tomaso Pe- 
dro Inghirami — Pilippo Beroaldo — Zanobio AcciaiuoU 
— Girolamo Aleandro — Other Libraries in Rome-^HiS' 
torians in the time of Leo X.^^Nicold MachiavefU^^His 
History of Florence — Estimate of his political writings 
— Pilippo cfe' Nerlir'^acopo Nardi — Francesco Guic" 
ciardini — His history of Italy^^Paullo Giovio — His hiS' 
torical works — Miscellaneous writers-^Pierio Valeriano 
^^Celio Calcagnini'^Lilio Gregorio GyrakU. 



By bo eircumstaace in tfae^ofaoimcter of an indivi- A.D.1521. 
dual is the love of literature so strongly evinced^ lip^nt^*. 

as by the propensity for o^eotmir together ._. 

.J ; •„ ^ . , , J • Vicissitudes 

writings of illiistnons scholars, and compressmg and esta- 
^'the soul of ages past' -^ within the imrrow limits oftheSu- 
of a library. Few persons have experienced this |^^ ^' 
passion in an equal degree with Leo X./and still 
fewer have had an equal opportunity of gratifying 
it. We have already seen, that in the year 1608, 
whilst he was yet a cardinal, he had purchased 
from the monks of- the convent of S. Marco at 
Florence, the remains of the celebrated library of 
his ancestors, and had transferred it to his own 
house at Rome, (a) Unwilling, however, to de- 
prive his native place of so' invaluable a treasure, he 
had not, on his elevation to the pontificate, thought 
proper to unite this collection with that of the 
Vatican ; but had intrusted it to the care of the 
learned Varino Camerti; intending again to re- 
move it to Florence, as to the "Jylace of its final 
destination. This design, which he was prevented 

(a) V. Ante, chap. xi. vol. ii. p. 'STS. " Est pr^terea, in mdibus 
Reverendiss. Joaimis de'Medicis Floraitini ptimarii Diaeeni 
Cardinalis Bibliotbeca puldierrifna, xJujus codices Magtofieus 
Laurentius, pater ejus, ex GvBftcia Fbtentiam ttitrisferendos cu- 
ravit." ¥u AlberHni de MtrcMibus Romct^lB\i.^Bandm. 
Letter a sopra la BiUioteca LamrifeBtona, p. 22» The sttm paid by 
the cardinal ta the monks of S« Mared 4<^d 12^662 doeats. Bandm. 
Frmf. ad vol i. Oatah MS8.^ Grac. Bib. LattrM. p: 13. 

140 ^H£ LIFE OF 

CHAP, from executing by his untimely death, was after- 
^^^' wards carried into effect by the cardinal Giulio 
A. D. 1521. de' Medici, who, before he attained the supreme 
A^'pfnuix. dignity, had engaged the great artist Michel- Ag- 
nolo Bonarotti, to erect the magnificent and spaci- 
ous edifice near the church of S. Lorenzo, at Flo- 
rence, where these inestimable treasures were after- 
wards deposited ; (a) and where, with considerable 
additions from subsequent benefactors, they yet 
remain, forming, an immense collection of manu- 
scripts of the oriental, Greek, Roman, and Italian 
writers; now denominated the jBiWio/A^ca Medi- 

(a) Over the great doors which open into the hall, the follow- 
ing inscription appears on marble : 

pr£sidibusaue .familue diyis 
Clemens VII. Medices 
Pont. Max. , 





D. D. 

(6) An ample and well-arranged catalogue of the Greek, Latin, 
and Italian MSS. in this library has been published by the learned 
Ganpnico Angelo-Maria Bandini, who held the office of librarian 
from the year 1756 to the time of his death in«1803, in 11 vols, 
folio. This great work, which ha? opened the treasures of the 
Laurentian library to the literary world, was published at the in- 
stance of the^emperor Francis I., who presented the compiler with 
a, sum of money, towards. the expense, • and made him promises of 
further assistance, which were defeated -by the untimely death of 
that munificent sovereign. In the letters of the venerable Cano- 
nico«to the author of the present work, he laments the want of 
that patronage to.whioh hiis labours were so justly entitled : '< Pub* 
blicai a mie spese, U Catalogo ragionato della Bibiioteca Lauren' 


The care of Leo X. in the preservation of his do- chap. 

mestic library, did not, however, prevent him from [_ 

bestowing the most sedulous attention in augment- a. d. 1521. 
ing that which was destined to the use of himself A.'pont.ix, 
and his successors in the palace of the Vatican. 
This collection, begun by that exceUent and learned creases' ^ 
sovereign Nicholas V., and greatly increased by S^e'^tkL 
succeeding ponti£fe, was already deposited in a suit- 
able edifice, erected for that purpose by Sixtus 
lY., and was considered as the most extensive as- 
semblage of literary productions in all Italy. The 
envoys employed by Leo X. on affairs of state in 
various parts of Europe, were directed to avail 
themselves of every opportunity of obtaining these 
precious remains of antiquity, and men of learn- 
ing were frequently despatched to remote and 
barbarous countries for the sole purpose of dis- 
covering and rescuing these works from destruc- 
tion, (a) Nor did the pontiff hesitate to render his 

tiana ; bench^ mi mancasse il mio Protettore Francesco I. Impe- 
ratorcy che mi aium6 ad intraprenderlo con lusinghiere.speranze ; 
che dopo la di lui improwisa morte svanirono ; perch^ chi suc- 
ced^ non era niente portato per questi studi." A catalogue of the 
oriental manuscripts was before published by the learned. Evodio 
Asseman, archbishop of Apam^a^ Florence^ 1742, fo. And the 
Canonico Anton-Maria Biscioni, who preceded .Bandini in the 
office of librarian of the Laurentian, also printed at Florence in 
the year 1752, the first folio of a catalogue which con- 
tains also the oriental MSS., but which was not pubh'shed until 
after his death. 

(a) " Lagomarsinius in notis ad Pogiani Epistolas mentionem 
fecit literarum Leonis, recuperandi caussa duo Graeca volumina 
sacrae Bibliae Ximenio cardinali commodata." Fabr, in vita Lean. 
X. adnot. 113, p. 307. 

Bossi has pointed put a passage in the poem of Arsilli, de 
Poetis UrbaniSf {v, ante, vol. iii.) where mention is made of Fran^ 


CHAP, high office subservieBlk to the promotion of an ob- 
^^^ ject, which he considered . as of the utmost im- 

A. D. 152U portance to the interests of Ut^^ure^ by requir- 
iLP^Kl ing th« assistance of the other sovereigns of Chris- 
tendom, in giving effect to his researches- lu the 
year 1617, he despatched as his envoy, John Heyt- 
mers de* Zonvelben, on a mission to. Germany, 
Deimmk, Sweden> and Goth]aad> for the: sdie 
purpjose of inquiring after Jitei^y woxks,.and pau^ 
ticularly historical compositions* This envoy was 
furnished with letters from the pope to the differ 
rent soireneignfi, through whose- dominions he had 
to pass> eaari^stly entreating them: taprom/ote.tbe 
ola^eet of his vi^t hy ^vmy means in their. power^ 
Srafter ol these letters yet remain, ^md affotd;a>det 
ej^ive pvoof of the ai^ur with, which Leo X. en- 
gaged in thisi pursuk. {a) With a similar view h^ 

ceseo CnbOf or Calvi, who traversed all the nations of Europe in 
Much of bookfti 

** Quantum Europae tingitur oceano ;" 

and particularly Spain, France, Germany, and the **Caled(mii 
dives terra BritanniJ' As Calvo is said to have been expressly 
sent to recover the books that had been carried away by the rapa- 
city of war, Bossi is inclined to think he was one of the envoys 
employed by Leo X., and that under the name of Calvo, the au- 
dior meant to refer to Fausto Sabeo, whose services to the cause of 
literature, as related by himself, precisely agree with those of 
C^o, enumerated by Arsilli. v. Ital. ed. vol, x. p, 94. It is 
however more probable, that, as many persons were undoubtedly 
employed in the same pursuit, the name of Calvo is to be added 
to those who distinguished themselves in that employment. In 
fact, we find the name of Francesco Calm mentioned in another 
part of the work, where he is said to have been characterized by 
Frobtniiu and Erttamus, as uomo eruditissimo ; although it appears 
he became a bookseller at Pavia, an employment not inconsistent 
with his former occupation, v. Ital ed. voL xii. p. 246.* 

(a) M» de Seidel, privy c^unselldr to his Prussian majesty, 


despatohad' to' Venice the celebrated Agostatid chap: 
Beazzano^ whom he farnished with letters to the ^^' 

doge Loredano^ dii^eetfaig him to spare no expense a. d. 1521. 
in the acqoisitioti of manuscripts of the Greek au- A.Pom.m 
then, (a) Effbrts so persevering could not &il of 
success ; and the Vatican' library^ during the pon*- 
tificater of Leo Xv was augmented by many Talua** 
ble wdrks^ whidi without his vigilance and Hbera^ 
hty would probably have been lost to the world, (h) 

On his attamiBg the pontiieal dignity, Leo X. ci«toc« or 
found the office of Cfmtode, or keej>er of the VatF t^^tican 
can V^nxj, intrusted' to Loreifi^ Panneni^, who ^^^ 
had bedAappwrtedby JufiysILin th^yehr 1511, ^"^'"^• 
probably as :a reward for th«r vadods productions 
in Latin verse, in which he has celebraCed the 

communicated to the learned Bayle, copies of two original letters 
or brxefe of Leo X. in die handwriting of Sadoleti ; the one of 
them addteissed to the archbishop elector of Mentz, requesting 
him tb assist his envoy Heytmers, in his inquiries after ancient 
Ml^. : the other, probably to the canons of Magdebourg, with 
particidat inquiries riespecting tlie Decades of Livy ; all of which 
are said to have been then preserved in the library of that place. 
Th^se letters Bayle published in his great work, firom which they 
aregiten in the Appendix, No. CXCIX. 

Another letter t6 the same effect was also addressed by Leo X. 
to Christian II. king of Denmark, which is mentioned by Bayle 
to have been published in the Nova Uteraria Maris Balthici ct 
SepUrUrioriis. Not being able to procure this work, I had re- 
course to the assistance of the learned Sig. Abate Giacopo Mo- 
relli, librarian of S. Marco, at Venice, who has obligingly enabled 
me to Ihy also a <*opy of this very interesting letter before my 
leaders, v. Appendix, No. CC. 

(a) Pdhrofi. in vita Leon. X. p. 201. 

(6) Of the efforts made in Italy at this period for collecting 
books, as well MSS. as printed, the reader may find a fiirther ac- 
count in Ital ed. vol. x. p. 00.^ 



CHAP, and military transactions of. his patron* (a) Al- 
though Parmenio survived until the year 1529, 

A. D. 1621. yet it appears that Leo X. conferred the office of 
A.Pontix. Custode on Faustp Saheo. of Brescia, but whether 
^^ sa. as a coadjutor with Parmenio, or as his successor, 
and at what precise period,, has not been si^- 
ciently ascertained, (b) Before his nomination to 
this trust, which he is said to have held under six 
succeeding ponti£Ps, Sabeo had been employed by 
Leo X. in exploring distant regions for ancient 
manuscripts, as appears from. several of his Latin 
epignuns; a collection of which was. published at 
Rome in the year 1556. (c) In some of these he 
boasts of the important services whichhe had ren- 
dered to the ponti£P, and complains that his remu- 
neration had not been equal to his merits, (d) Af- 

(a) One of the poems of Parmenio, entitled, De cladibus per 
Gallos Italia allatis, et de iriumpho Julii II. Pont, Max, is pre* 
served in the Lauren tian library. Flut. Ixv. Cod, 51. Another 
piece, De operibus et rebus gestis Julii IL Pont. Max. has. been pub- 
lished. V. Anec. Rom. vol. iii. ap, Tirab, Storia delta Lett. Ital. 
vol. vii par. i. p. 201, nota. 

(b) Tiraboschi positively informs us, that Parmenio held the of^ 
fice from 1511, to the time of his death in 1522, but which should 
be 1529, either of which periods includes the whole pontificate of 
Leo X. ; yet he afterwards as positively asserts, that Sabeo was 
appointed by Leo X., without seeming to be aware of any incon- 
sistency. This appointment of Sabeo is also confirmed by vari- 
ous other testimonies, and particularly by cardinal Quirini, in his 
Spec. Literat, Brixian, p. 171. 

(c) Epigrammatum, Libri V. ad Henricum Regem GalUa^ L 
De Diis. II. De Heroibus. III. De Amicis, IV. De Amoribus. V. 
De Miscellaneis, Roma, apud Valerium et Aloysium Darkos, Fratres 
Brixienses, 1556. 8vo. 

{d) Ad Leonem X. Pont. Max. 
" Praemia pro meritis, et munera, maxime princeps, 
Quum tribuas, casus quid meruere mei ? 


ter the death, of Leo X. he addressed a short poem, chap. 
to Clement VII. in which he bestows on Leo the L. 

appellations of bountiful, magnanimous^ and learn- ^^^f^' 
ed, and laments his death with apparent sincerity^ a.poi^. 
although at the same time he positively asserts 
that he never received any reward for all his ser- 
vices ;(a) an assertion which would be better en- 

Ipse tuli pro te discrimina, damna, labores, 

£t varios casus, barbarie in media ; 
Carcere ut eriperem, et vinclis, et funere, lilnros. 

Qui te conspicerent, et patriam reduces. 
Eripui ; ante pedes acclamavere jacentes, 

Vive Leo, cujus vivimus auspidis. 
Ergo mihi quid erit ? Pro te nam cuncta reCqui ; 

Memet, cognatos, et studia, et patriam. 
Das cuncta, et cunctis, uni mihi dextera avara est, 

Me miserum, plus est sere opus, ore juvas. 
Ipse ego promerui, spero, peto ; quattuor ista, 

Alcidse clavam detralierent manibus. 
Magna dedi minimus ; majus, Leo Maxime, reddas, 

Vel quia dds cunctis, vel quia promerui." 

On presenting to Leo X. a MS. copy of the Cosmography of 
Julius Orator, Sabeo accompanied it with the following lines : 

Ad Leonem X. Pont. Max. 
*^ Tot tibi quum dederim nostri monimenta laboris, 
Largus adhuc nequeo parcere muneribus. 
Multa dedi, nunc plura fero tibi, scilicet orbis 
Oppida cum populis, aequora cum fluviis." 

(a) Ax> Clementem YIL Pomt. Max. 

" Commendo tibi me, meamque sortem, 
£t dispendia quae tuli, et labores, 
Romanae ob studium eruditionis, 
Jussu Principis inclyti Leonis, 
Largi, roagnanimi, undecunque docti, 
Per tot oppida, regna, nationes, 
Multo tempore sumptibus meisque. 
Incassum hactenus, hactenus tot orbis 
Disjunctissima regna, barbarosque 
Mores, et populos truces, ferosque 



CHAP, titled to credit^ if Sabeo had not indulged hiinskdf 
^^^' in similar complaints against all the ponti£&^ by 

A. D. 1521. whose &yaar he continued in that office which 
A.'pont.ix.had been first conferred upon him by the liberality 
of Leo X. 

In the year 1^27, when the city of Rome was 
captured and plundered by the banditti under the 
duke of Bourbon, (a) the Vatican library partook 
of the general calamity, and many of the valuable 
works there deposited were seized upon, dispers- 

Lustrarim, peragraverim, sine ullo 

Unquam munere, et absque prsemio ullo, 

Ecquis crederet, et quis hoc putaret ? 

Et tamen vacua manu recessi 

Post longas ego postulationes, 

Post longam miser esuritionem, 

Quamvis vincere liberalitatem 

Dando sit solitus Leo. O Leo mi ! 

Immaturior sestimatione, 

Hinc te proripis, orbe derelicto, 

Ut longis lacrymis meos ocellos 

Damnares simul', et simul necares. . ^ 

O mors invida, pessimae et sorores ! 

Ter mors pessima, et invidae sorores ! 

Hoc me perdidit, abstulit, peremit." 
(a) The horror which this event occasioned at Rome, may per- 
haps be more fully conceived by a particular instance, than by a 
general description. Giuliano Princivalle of Camerino, a public 
professor of languages at Rome, who had been appointed by Leo 
X. to superintend the education of his nephew, the cardinal Lino- 
cenzo Cib6, was so shocked at the instances of brutal cruelty 
which he saw perpetrated by the Spanish and German soldiers, 
that in a moment of desperation, he flung himself from a lofty 
window, and perished by a £dl on the pavement. The immediate 
cause of his terror is assigned by Valeriano : '^ Cum conspexisset 
aliquos ex familia per testes arripi, et ea pccrte alligatos sublimes in 
supplicium, et absconditi auri questione vexari,'' &c. VaL de In^ 
fel. lit. Of the Latin poetry of Princivalle, a favourable specimen 
is given by Lancelotto in his life of Angdo Colocci, p. 70 


ed; or d^royed by the ignorant and ferocious chap, 
soldiery. The humiUating and dangerous situa- ^^^- 
tion to which Clement VII. was reduced by this a.d.i62i. 
unexpected event, preventied him from paying that aI^Iix. 
attention to repair the injury, which from his wdl 
known disposition to the encouragement of lite- 
rature, there is reason to believe he would other- 
wise have done. On this occasion the Custodey 
Sabeo, thought it necessary to direct the attention 
of the pontiflT to the wretched state of the collec- 
tion, which' he conceived might be done with the 
least offence, by addressing to him a Latin poem 
in elegiac verte. In this piece he boldly personi- 
fi€f& the Vatican: library under the character of a 
most abject, miserable, and mutilated figure, that 
intrudes herself on the pontiff, and represents her 
services, her calamities, and the claims which she 
has on his fsivour. (a) These remonstrances seem, 
however, to have had little effect during this tur- 
bulent period ; and it was not until the succeed- 
ing pontificate of Paul III. that the library began 
to revive from its misfortunes, and to recover its, 
former splendour. 

But besides the Custode, or keeper, this cele- Leamed k- 
brated library has also required the attention of a ^'^Xm. 
BibliotecariOy or librarian ; (h) a trust which has 

{a) This piece is given by cardinal Quirini, in his Spec. Ut^ 
Brix. p. 173. 

(b) Bossi conceives that some error exists here, and that there 
is no real distinction between Custos and Bibliotecario, except what 
arises from the diflPbrence of language, v. Ital. ed. vol. x. p. 18.' 
If this remark be just, there must have been several librarians 
employed at the same period. I am therefore inclined td adhere ta 
my own statement, and presume that the title of Librarian wa^ 
given to some eminent ecclesiastic, like Inghirami, who was bishop 

L 2 


CHAP, generally been conferred on men eminent for their 


, rank^ or distinguished by their learning, and for a 
A. D. 1521. long time past has been conferred only on a cardinal 
Aipontix. <tf the church, (a) At the time of the elevation 
of Leo X. this office was filled by Tomteo Fedra 
dra inghi- Inghirami, who had been appointed by Julius 11. 
'^^' to succeed Giuliano di Volterra, bishop of Ragusa, 
in the year 1510. This eminent scholar was de- 
scended from a noble family of Volterra, wh6re 
in the commotions which took place in the year 
1472, (6) his father lost his Ufe, and the surviving 
members of the family, among whom was Tomaso, 
then only two years- of age, sought a shelter at 
Florence. Being there received under the imme- 
diate protection of Lorenzo de* Medici, and hav- 
ing closely attended to his studies, Tomaso, at 
thirteen years of age, was induced, by the advice 
of that great man, to pay a visit to Rome, where 
he made such a rapid progress in his acquire- 
ments as to obtain an early and deserved cele- 
brity, (c) Soon after the accession of Alexander 

of Ragusa, and secretary of the conclave on the election of Leo X., 
and that the inferior office of Custos was conferred oh the actual 
keeper, who had the immediate care of the collecticm. Accordingly 
we find Sabeo calling the attention of the pope to the library after 
the miserable saccage of Rome in 1527. That such has also been 
the arrangement in subsequent times, there is not the least doubt.* 

(a) Tiraboschi informs us, that the custom of conferring the 
office of librarian on a cardinal, arose in the time of Paul III. who 
passed a decree to that effect, v. Storia delta Lett. ItaU vol. vii. 
par. i. p. 200. But Mazzuchelli has thrown some doubts on this 
circumstance, v. Scrittori d* Italia^ vol. i. p. 19. 

(b) V. Life of Lorenzo de* Medici, vol. i. p. 149, 4to. ed. 

(c) He obtained the name of Fedra, or Phaedra, by a singular 
instance of talents and promptitude. Having undertaken, with 
some of his learned friends, to perform before the cardinal of S. 
Giorgio (Riario) the tragedy of Seneca^ entitled Hippolyttts, in 



VL he was nominated by that pontiff a canon chap. 
of S. Pietro, and dignified with the rank of a ^^^' 

prelate. In the year 1495^ he was sent as papal a. b. 1521. 
nuncio into the Milanese^ to treat with the em- A.Voiit.ix. 
peror elect Maximilian^ on which embassy he had 
the good fortune to obtain^ not "only the appro- 
bation of the pope, but also the favour of the em- 
peror, who soon after the return of Inghirami to 
Rome transmitted to him from Inspruck an impe- 
rial diploma, by which, after enumerating his va- 
rious accomplishments, and particularly his excel- 
lence in poetry and Latin literature, he created him 
count palatine and poet laureate, and conceded to 
him the privilege of emblazoning the Austrian 
eagle in his family arms, (a) Nor was Inghira- 
mi less favoured by Julius II., who, besides ap- 
pointing him librarian of the Vatican, conferred 
on him the important office of pontifical secretary, 
which he afterwards quitted for that of secretary 

which he acted the part of PJiadra, and a part of the machinery 
having by accident been broken, which interrupted the perform- 
ance, he alone entertained the audience whilst the injury was re- 
paired, by the recital of extemporary Latin verse ; on which ac- 
count he was saluted, amidi^t the applauses of his hearers, by the 
name of Phadra, which he afterwards retained and used as his 
signature. Elog. di Inghirami, Elog, Tosc. ii. p. 227. 

(a) This diploma, which is dated the fourteenth day of March, 
1797, thus recognises the merits of Inghirami : " proque obser- 
vantiae et fidei tuae merito Romanam Aquilam nostram, armis et 
insignibus tuis, tuaeque prosapise et familiar, pro libito adjicere et 
applicare valeas, idemque tota domus tuia, et in perpetuum posteri 
ethseredes tui exDecreto et potestate nostra prsesenti, facere pos- 
sint. * * tibi licet absenti, cum aliis curis occupati, dum nuper 
in Insubribus apud nos praesens fores, id agere nequiverimus, 
Poetices et latinarum literarum benemerenti elargimur, Poetam* 
que Lawreatum facimus, instituimus, et creamus/' Elog. Tosc. 
¥<d^ ii. p«.280. 


CHAP, jto the college of cardinals, in which ampacity he 
was present in the conclave on the election of Leo 

A. D. 1521. X. By the favour of the new ponti£& In^irami 
AJPbnt. IX. was enriched with many ecclesiastical preferments, 
and continued in his office of librarian until his 
death, which was occasioned by an accident in 
the streets of Rome, on the sixth day of Septem- 
ber, 1516, when he had not yet completed the 
forty-sixth year of his age. (a) To this unfortu- 
nate event, it is probably owing that so few of his 
writings have reached the present times. From 
the testimony of his contemporaries, it is wdl 
known that he was the author of many learned 
works. Among these, his surviving friend Oiano 
Parrhasio has enumerated a defence of Cicero, a 
compendium of the history of Rome, a commeii- 
tary on the poetics of Horace, and remarks on the 
comedies of Plautus ; but these works were left 
at his death in an unfinished state, and have since 
been dispersed and lost (b) It has been sup- 
Co) The mule on which he rode took fright at a car drawn by 
two buffaloes, and threw him on the pavement near the wheels of 
the car, which had nearly passed over him ; by which, although 
not materially hurt, he was so terrified that he did not long sur- 
vive the accident. Elog, Tosc. vol. ii. p. 236. To the cprpukaoce 
of Inghirami, Angelo Colocci alludes in the following satirical 
lines, addressed to Leo X. 

" Hesterna, Leo> luce cum perisset 
Orator gravis, et gravis Poeta, 
Hseredem sibi fecit ex deunce 
Erasmunif Beroaldum ex triente, 
Ex sendsse Juvencium ; Camillo 
Nepoti reliquum reliquit assis. 
Is vero tumuluip replevit unus 
Posteros monumenta ne sequantur." 

Coloc. C^.Lat. p. 66^ 
(b) " Quis ultimam inchoatis operibus manum imponet ? quse 


posed, and not without reason, fhat the additions chap. 
to the Aulularia of Plontas, iirst published at 

Baris in 1513, are from the pea of Inghirami (a) a. d. 1521. 
For liiat celebrity, of which he has been depriT^ A.'pontjx. 
by tftie loss of his writings, he has, however, been 
m some degree compensated by the numerous tes- 
tim(mies of applause conferred upon him by his 
eontemporaries, among whom that of Erasmus is 
deserving of particular notice, (h) 

On die deatii of Inghirami, the office of libra- 
rim of the Vatican was conferred by Leo X. on 
Filippo Berodldo, usually called Beroaldo the FiUppoBe- 
ymmger. This eminent scholar sprung from a "* °' 
Boble family of Bologna, and was the nejAew (c) 
and pupil of Filippo Beroaldo the elder, under 
whose instructions he made such an early pro- 
ficiency in the Greek and Latin languages, that in 
the year 1496, when he was only twenty*six years 
of age, he was sq>pointed public professor of polite 
literature in the miiversity of his native place, (d) 
Haviiig ^afterwards chosen the city of Rome as his 
residence, he there attracted the notice of Leo X. 

non secus ac Apellis ilia decantatissima Venus interrupta pendent/^ 
Parrhasii Orat, in Ep, ad Ait, p. 145, ap. Elog, Tosc, vol. ii. p. 232. 

(a) Elog. Tosc. vol. ii. p. 232. 

(b) " Ibidem cognovi et ainavi Petrum Phczdruniy lingua verius 
quam calamo celebrem ; mira enim m dicendo turn copia, turn au- 
tpritas. Magna felicitads pars est Romae innotuisse. Ille primum 
innotuit ex Senecae Tragedia, cui titulus Hippofytus, ia qua re- 
presentavit personam Phadra, in area quae est ante Palatium Car- 
dinalis Raphaelis Georgiani. Sic ex ipso Cardinale didici, unde 
et Phadm cognomen additum. Is obiit minor annis ni fallor 
quinquaginta ; dictus sui saeculi Cicero*" Erasnu Ep. lib. xxiii. 
ep. 4. 

(c) LancelloUi Vita di Aug. Colocci, p. 52. 

(d) Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d'ltal. Art. Beroaldo, vol. iv. p. L018. 


CHAP, then the cardinal de' Medici/ who received him 
^^' into his service, and employed him as his private 
A. D. 1521. secretary, (a) After the accession of Leo to the 
A.'pont.DL pontificate, Beroaldo was nominated proposto; or 
principal of the Roman academy, (J) which office 
he probably relinquished on accepting that of li- 
brarian of the Vatican. Of his critical talents his 
edition of Tacitus, before particularly noticed, af- 
fords a favourable specimen ; (c) but Beroaldo 
stands also eminently distinguished among his 
countrjrmen by his talents for Latin poetry ; and 
his three books of odes, first published by him in 
the year 1530, were received with such applause, 
particularly by the French nation, that he has had 
no less than six translators in that country, among 
whom is the celebrated Clement Marot. (rf) From 
a poem of Marc- Antonio Flaminio addressed to 
Beroaldo, it appears that he had also undertaken 
an historical work on the events of his own times, 
which it is much to be regretted that he did not' 
live to complete, (e) Beroaldo also appears among 
the admirers of the celebrated Roman courtesan 
Imperia, and is said to have been jealous of the 

{a) Valerian, de Literator. irtfeL p. 41. 

(6) Mazzuchel Scrittori d*ltal. vol. iv. p. 1018. 

(c) r. Ante^ chap, xi, vol. ii. p. 286. 

{d) Goujet, BibL FrangoisCf ap. Mazzuch^ vol. iv. p. 1020. 
Among the Traductions de Clement Marot, p. 23, ed. Lyons, 1520, 
we findj Les tristes vers de Beroalde sur le '^ jour du vendredi 


{e) " Scribes Bentivoli fortia Principis 

Tu facta, et Ligurem sanguine Julium 
Gaudentem Latio, infestaque Galliae 
Nostris agmina finibus," &c. 

M. Ant, Flamin, op, p. 33. 


supcfrior pretensions of Sadoleti to her &vour. (a) chap. 
The warmth of his temperament^ indeed, suffi- 

ciently appears in some of his poeins. His death, a. d. 1621. 
which happened in the year 1518, is said to have aIpoeUx. 
heen occasioned by some vexations which he expe- 
rienced from the pontiff in his office as libra- 
rian ;(i) but the authority of Valeriano and his 
copyists is not implicitly to be relied on, and the 
epitaph with which Bembo has honoured the me- 
mory of Beroaldo, and which explicitly asserts that 
Leo X. shed tears on his loss, may be considered 
as a sufficient proof that he retained the favour of 
the pontiff to the dose of his days, (c) 

(a) Lancellotti, vUa di Jng, Colocci. op, ItaU p. 29, ed. Jesi, 
1772, in not. 

Count Bossi, like a good catholic, is scandalized at an impu- 
tation of this nature, brought against so grave and pious an ec- 
clesiastic as Sadoleti, Ital, ed. vol. x. p. 25 ; but Mr. Henke has 
quoted some verses of Filippo Beroaldo addressed to Giulio de' 
Medici, afterwards Clement VII., which sufficiently elucidate this 

'' Minimum sapit mihi, qui 

Contendit sapere anxie. 

Fac lucem banc hilaremque et genialem, 

Lepidosque combibones 

Acciri jubeas tibi ; 

Sadoletum, Marianum, Imperiamque" 
Thus, as Mr. H. observes, the man afterwards so serious, ap*> 
pears here in the society of a prince's jester and a Jille de joie, 
V. Germ, ed. vol. iii. p. 73.* 

(b) Valerian, de lAterat. i^feU p. 41. 

(c) " Felsina te genuit, colles rapuere Quirini, 


Thebanos Latio bum canis ore MODOS. 
Ukanimes raptum ante diem FLEVERE SODALES, 


Carmina kukc Coeli te canere ad CITHARAM." 


CHAP. The oiBce of librarian of the Vathsan, Whitfli 
^^^' had become vacant by the death of Beroaldo^ was 

A. D. 1521. soon afterwards conferred by the pontiff on Za- 

A vEt 46 

A.'poiit.ix. nobio Aociajuoli, a descendant of a noble Floren- 
zanobk) tine family, which has produced many eminent 

Acciajuoli. rw t • «•"■ 

men. Zanobio was bom m the year 1461, and 
having, while yet an infant, been banished with 
his relations, he was recalled when about sixteen 
years o^ age, by Lorenzo the Magnificent,, amd 
educated by his directions with Loreneo, the son 
of Pi»- Francesco de' Medici, to whom Z«m(^bio 
was neariy related, (a) Hence he had friequent in- 
tercourse with Politiano, Ficino, and othttr ^Hfi- 
nent Florentine scholars, whose favour and £riend- 
ship he conciliated by his early talents and acquire- 
ments. After the death of Lorenzo the Magnifi- 
cent he became disgusted with the commotions 
which agitated his native place, and devoting him- 
self to a monastic Ufe, received from the famous 
Girolamo Savonarola, about the year 1494, the ha- 
bit of a Domenican. For the more effectual pro- 
motion of his ecclesiastical studies, he applied him- 
self with great industry to the acquisition of the 
Hebrew tongue ; but the chief part of his time was 
devoted to the examination of the Greek manu- 
scripts in the library of the Medici, and in diat of 
S. Marco, at Florence, from which he selected i^tch 
as had not before been published, wi'di the design 

(a) In the dedicatio(i by Zanobie to Leo X. of his translation of 
Theodoretus, Decwatione Gracitrum uffbctienum, he thus addresses 
the pontiff: *' Nam et magnificus Laiunentius pater tuus, annis me 
natum quattuor de viginti, extorr^si in patriam revocsavit; ubi 
apud nobiles oonsanguineos suos, eosdem meos affines, in bona- 
rum artiura studiis^ quae tunc Florentis vestris preesidiis florue- 
runt, juGundisaune diu vixL" iHiossifcA. Scrittori d'ltuL vol. i. p. 50. 


Off translating tbCTi into Lotin^ and giving "them chap. 
to the world through the medium of the press, (a) ^^^' 

On the elevation of Leo X. Zanobio hastened a. d. 1531. 
to Rome^ and was received with great kindness aIpohox! 
by the new pontiff^ who ^iroBed him among his 
constant attendants^ and granted him an honour- 
aide stipend, with a residence in the oratory of S. 
8ilvestro.(6) A general chapter of his order be- 
ing held at Naples^ in the year 151^, Zanobio jvt^ 
tended there, and in the pres^iee 0f the viceroy 
and the general of the order, made an oration in 
Latin in praise of the city of Naples, which he 
afterwatds published and inscribed to the cardii^ 
of Aragon. Upon his appointaient to the office 
of librarian of the Vatican, he undertook the labo- 
rious task of selecting and arranging the ancient 
public documents there deposited, containing im- 
perial privileges, bulls, ^nd instruments, of winch 
he formed an exact index^ and afterwards, by the 
(»der of the pope, conveyed them to the castle of 
S. Angelo. (c) It is highly probable that the un- 
wearied industry of Zanobio abridged his days, as 
he did not long survive to enjoy his office, having 
died on the twenty-seventh day of July, 1519. To 

(a) MazzucheUi, Scrittori d^Italia, vol. i. p. 51. 

{li) Zanobio thus proceeds in his before-mentioned dedication 
to Leo X. " Ad quas Patris in me tui, majorumque tuorum be- 
neficia, tu id mihi seorsum, Pater Beatiasime^ contulisti ; quod ad 
pedes tuos gratulandi causa, provolutum, in Urbano S. Silvestii 
Oratorio^ ad honestam studiorum quietem^ bumanksime ceJlo- 
easti; nostraeqioe setati, jam ad senectutem ^ei^f^iti, deesse nil 
pateris^ quod ad rehgiosi atudiosique hominis necessaries usus 
co^nmodaque pertineat/* Maz^uch. ut sup* 
, (c) This in4^,is publi^ed by Mootfaucon in tbe Arst volume 
of his Biblioth. Bibliptltccflrum MSS. p. 202. 


CHAP. Zanobio.we are indebted for collecting and pre- 
serving the Greek epigrams of Politiano, which 

A.D. 1521. were recommended to his care by their author in 
A.*Pont.ix. his last moments. Among his remaining works is 
an oration in praise of the cityof Rome> which he 
dedicated to the cardinal Giulio de* Medici, (a) 
He translated into Latin verse the Greek address 
of Marcus Musurus to Leo X. prefixed to the first 
edition of Plato, (J) and made several other trans- 
lations from the Greek, some of which he inscribed 
to that ponti£P. His Latin poems have been men- 
tioned with great applause. (c) Among these is. a 
Sapphic ode addressed to Leo X. inciting him to 
proceed in improving the city of Rome, and par- 
ticularly in decorating the Esquilian hin.(^) In 
the library of the convent of S. Marco at Florence, 
are also preserved a few lines in the hand-writing 
of Zanobio, in which he has attempted to compli- 

(a) Printed in 4to. without note of place, printer, or year ; the 
address to the cardinal is signed in S, Sylvestro^ Montis Cabal die 
26 Maiif 1518. Mazz. ut supr. 

(by V. App. No. XCI. 

(c) Alberti denominates his writings, " dulcissima et elegantis- 
sima, et undequaque sententiis optimis redolentia." De viris »/- 
hutribus, p. 164. ap. Mazzuch. i. 53. Lilio Greg. Gyraldi thus 
characterizes him. " Fuit et Zenobius Actiolus adolescens poeta 
bonus, ea enim aetate pleraque argute et eleganter composuit, alia 
e grseco feliciter latine vertit, digna ilia quidem ut ea cum cura 
legatis ; verum mox mutato vitae instituto, sectatus Hieronymi 
Savonarolae sanctioris vitse sectam, Christo Deo omne suum stu- 
dium dicavit." De Poet, suar.temp. Dial. I p. 538. 

(4) This ode, which is now for the first time laid before the 
public, will perhaps scarcely be thought to confirm the approba- 
tion bestowed on the writings of Acciajuoli by his contemporaries; 
but the relation which it bears to the character of Leo X. and ta 
his munificence in decorating the city of Rome, would alone en- 
title it to the notice of the reader, v, App. No. CCI. 


ment the pontiff on the happy coincidence of the chap, 
name of his family with the appeUations of his high ^^' 

dignity, (a) a. d. 1521. 

Acciajuoli was succeeded in his office as libra- A.'poiLix*. 
rian, by Girolamo Aleandro^ who was, however, GiroiMno 
soon called off from the duties of this station* by 
his embassy to the imperial diet, to oppose the ra- 
pid increase of the doctrines of Luther. Of his con- 
duct on that occasion some account has already 
been given ; (b) but of so eminent a scholar, and so 
extraordinary a man, some further particulars can- 
not be uninteresting. Were we to rely on the 
positive assertion of Luther, Aleandro was of 
Jewish origin ; but neither Luther nor his oppo- 
nents were remarkable for a scrupulous adherence 
to truth in the characters given by them of their 
adversaries, and this aspersion, if it is to be consi- 
dered as such, may safely be placed to the account 
of religious animosity. In reproachipg him with 
his supposed origin, Luther, however, admits that 
Aleandro was acquainted with the Hebrew as his 
vernacular tongue, that he was familiar with the 
Greek from his infancy, and that he had acquired, 
by long experience, the use of the Latin lan- 

(a) *' De Leone, Dscnio, Medico. 

Ut nomen Leo regium est 

^gris ut Medico nil potius datur. 

Nee culmen Decimum supra 

Cuiquam per numeros ire licet noTos ; 

Sic et soimnus, et optimus 

Rex est, qui Decimus, qui Medicos, Leo/' 


Propria Manu. Ex Codice M. S. Marucel- 
liano, Fhr. 
{b) p. Ante, chap. xix. p. 28. 


CHAP; guage. (a) Grirolamo was in fact the son of Fran- 

^^^ cesco Aleandro, a physician at Motta, in the duchy 

A.D. 1521. of Concordia, and is said to have deduced his 

Ai^tix. origin from the ancient counts of Landro.(&) He 

WB» hom in the year 1480, and at thirteen years 

of age repaired to Venice, where he received in^-, 

sti^uctions from Benedetto Brugnolo, and after- 

wsatd& from PetroneUo di Rimini. A long and 

dang^ous ilfaiess compelled: him to return to his 

native place. On his recovery he paid a visit to 

the academy at Pordenone, where Paolo Amalteo 

read lectures explanatory of the ancient auHiors, 

with great credit to himself, and before a numerous 

(a) ** Venit his diebus Hieronymus Aleander, vir sua opinione 
Icmge maximus^ non solum propter linguas, qnas esdmie callet, 
siquidem Ebresa illi vemacula est, Greeca a puero illi coaloit^ lot- 
titisan autem didicit diutina professione, sed etiam mirabilis sibi 
videtur ob antiquitatem generis. Nam Judaus natus est ; quae 
gens immodice gloriatur de Abraham vetustissimo se originem 
dueere. Ati vero baptizatus sit, nescitur. Certum est eum non 
esse Pharisseum; quia non credit resurrectionem mortuorum, 
quoniam vivit perinde atqne cum corpore sit totus pariturus. 
Usque ad insaniam iracundus est, quavis occasione furens ; im- 
potentis arrogantiae, avaritiae inexplebilis, nefandae libidinis, et 
immodicae sumnrnm gloriae mancipium ; quamquam molHor quam 
quipossit elaborato stik) gloriam pardre, et p^or quam qui vd 
conetnr in argumento honesto." Laither. ap. Seckend, lib. i. p. 125. 

{b) Aleandro^ quasi detto a Landra. v. Secketidbrf, lib. i. p. 149. 
and MazzuchelH, vol. i. p. 409. Aleandro thought it necessary to 
vindicate himself agamst the calumnies respecting his birth. In 
his speech against Luther before the diet of the German empire, 
he exclaims, " Deum immortalem! muki hie sunt boni viri, qui- 
bus notus sum, ego et familia mea, et asserere ^o tere possum, 
majores meos Ularchiones in Istria fuBse; quod vero parentes 
meos ad inopiam redaoti sunt, fato tribui debet. Quod si maxime 
Judaus fuissem sed baptismum suscepissem, rejici propterea non 
deberem; Christus enim ^et* Apostoli Judaei fuerunt." Alcand. 
Or at. ap, Seckend, lib. i. p. 149. 


\xsask of auditors. After a second visit to Venice^ chap. 
Aleandro again returned to Motta, where he chal- ^^^ 

Ifii^^ Domenico Ploi!io> the: public instructor of a. d. 1521. 
that place, to a.Utevaary contest, in which Aleandro a.f^^ux. 
demonstrated so ejBS^tually the ignorance of his 
opponent, that he was by general consent elected 
in his steads After haying teught successively at 
Venice and at Padua^ his reputation reached the 
Somaa court, and Alexander YI. determined to 
call him to that city, and appoint him secretory to 
his son Caesar Borgia. Accordingly, in the year 
1501, Aleandro took up his residence with the 
papal nuncio, Angelo Leonino, bishop of Tiyoli, 
at Venice. Whilst he was preparing: for his joup- 
ney, tbe pope, who had been informed that Alean^ 
dro was no less distinguished by his talente fiir 
public affairs than for his learning, directed him. to 
repair to Hungary as his envoy. Aleimdro set out 
from Venice in the beginning of the year 16Q3.; 
bill} being attacked by sickness, he was detained 
many months on the road, and was at lengtii 
obliged to abandon the expedition, and return to 
Venice. The death of the pontiff happening soon 
afterwards, Aleandro was freed from the cares of 
public life, and devoted himself with fresh ardour 
to his studies, (a) Such was the reputetion which 

(a) Seckendorf awerts, that Aleandro had heen pnvate secretary 
to Csesar Borgia, and cpmposed a part of the Roman oourt, under 
Alf^qptler YI. " Olim famosissinii C^Bsaris iUius Boigiae sea 
Ducis Valentini secretarius fuerat ; famulus hero dignus, et pan 
alike Romatise sub] Alexandro VI.'' De Lutheranismo, lib. i. p« 
126. But from the narrative of Mazzuchelli, who derived hia in* 
ftormaHon from an authentic MS. diary of the life of Aleandro, it 
appears that he never was at Rome until aftor the death of that 


.CHAP, lie had acquired before the twenty-fourth year of 


.hi? age^ that Aldo Manuzio dedicated. to him his 
A.D. 152^1. edition of the Iliad of Homer, alleging as a reason 
,A.Pont.ix for conferring on him this honour, that his ac- 
quirements were beyond those of any other per- 
son with whom he was acquainted ; a compliment 
which is enhanced by the consideration that Aldo 
was acquainted with almost all the learned men 
of the age, (a) At Venice, Aleandro formed an 
intimate acquaintance with Erasmus; and these 
two eminent men resided together for some time 
in the house of the printer Andrea d'Asola, the fa- 
ther-in-law of Aldo, where Aleandro assisted Eras- 
mus in publishing a more full and correct edition 
of his Adagia from the Aldine press. (6) In the 
contests to which the reformation gave rise, Eras- 
mus and Aleandro adopted a different course of 
conduct ; but although they attacked each other 
with sufficient asperity, Erasmus always candidly 
acknowledged the great talents and uncommon 
learning of his former friend, (c) 

(a) From this dedication we learn, that Aleandro was not gnly 
a perfect master of the Greek and Hebrew, but had applied him- 
self with great diligence to the acquisition of the Arabic and 
Chaldaic tongues. . " Tu enim nondum quartum et vigesimum an- 
num agens, et humanorum studiorum utriusque linguae doctissi- 
mus ; nee minus Hebraicam calles, nuncque et Chaldeae et Ara- 
bicse tanto incumbis studio, ut quinque te habentem corda brevi 
sint homines admiraturi ; nam tria, ut ohm grandis de se Ennius 
dixit, tu hac ratione vel nunc habes. Tanta praeterea linguae vo- 
lubilitate verba Graeca pronuntias, tantaque aptitudine et facilitate 
inspiras Hebraica, ac si mcdiis Athenis, mediaque Israelitarum 
Urbe, quo stabant tempore, natus et educatus esses." 

(6) The first edition of Paris, 1500, was very defective, that of 
AMo is very correct, and was pubUshed in the year 1508. 

(c) Erasmus having been informed that some person had pre- 


fe the year 1608, Aleandro was invited to Paris chap. 
by liouis XII. to fill the place of a professor in ' 
the university of that city. His exertions there a. d. 1521. 
met with the highest applause, and he was shortly A^onux! 
afterwards appointed rector of that famous semi- 
nary, contrary to the express tenor of its statutes,^ 
which were dispensed with in favour of so extra- 
ordinary a scholar, (a) After residing there some 
years, he was induced to quit that city by his ap- 
prehensions of the plague, and proceeding through 
different parts of France, he gave public lectures 
on the Greek language at Orleans, Blois, and other 
places. At length he took up his residence at 
Liege, where the prince^bishop of that city, Ever- 
ard della Marca, nominated him a canon of his ca- 
thedral, and appointed him chancellor of his dio- 
cese ; employments which did not, however, pre- 
vent Aleandro from giving instructions in the 
Greek tongue, which he continued, to do there for 
two years with distinguished success, (b) About 
the middle of the year 1517, he was despatched to 
Rome by his patron, who was eager to obtain the 

fenred Aleandro in all respects to himself, thus candidly and mag- ^ 
nanimously replies : " Etiamsi nominasses istum qui Aleandruin 
Erasmo praefert in omnibus, nihil erat periculi ; nam et ipse pluri- 
mum tribuere soleo Aleandro, praesertim in literis, nihiloque magis 
me Isedi puto si doctior est, quam quod ditior est, et formosior ; 
nisi forte me tam invidum existimant, ut aegre laturus sim, si quis 
me sit. sanction Aleander, si amicus est, ego certe hominis in- . 
genium amo ; mihiquoque privatim gratulor, meum esse ducens, 
quod, habet amicus. Sin parum^amicus, tamen gratulor publicis 
.stu4ii8 ; nam spes est ilium aliquando divitem istum eruditibnis 
thesaurum orbi communicaturum." Erasmi Ep, 1624. ' 

(a) Jod. Badius, Dedicat. Plutarch, ad Aleand. ap. Mazzuch, i. 
. {b) Mazzuchelli, Scnttori d* ItaL vol. i. p. 413. 

VOL. IV* t . M 


CHAP, dignity of a cardinal^ and who conceived that he 
' might avail himself of the talents of Aleandro to 
A.D. 1621. accomplish his purpose. The reception which the 
jLPontjx. learned envoy experienced from Leo X. y^BM such 
as might have been expected, (a) The pontiff eoa- 
fessed that he had never before met with his equals 
and requested the prince-bishop would permit 
Aleandro to quit his service and enter into that of 
the Roman church. The iHshop was not disposed 
to refuse a request which was an earnest of his 
own success. Aleandro was first appointed secre- 
tary to the cardinal Giulio de' Medici^ an office at 
that time of the highest trust; and in the year 
1519^ was nominated^ by a papal buU^ librarian of 
the Vatican. He did not, however, forget his for- 
mer patron ; and notwithstanding the many diffi* 
culties with which he had to contend, he continued 
his exertions, as well at Rome as on his mission 
into Germany, until he succeeded in obtaining for 
the prince-bishop his long expected dignity, (b) 

On the embassy of Aleandro to the imperial 
diet in the year 1520, his conduct drew down 
upon him the censure and abuse> not pnly of the 
more earnest reformers, but of his former friend, 
Erasmus, who condemned the violence of his i^eal 
with great asperity, (c) After the death of Xeo 

{a) *' Siqmdem Pontifeqc ille Maximus, hoc judicio, faac litarft- 
« tm^t hacxerum experiential hac augiiotadignitate, ultra te in snii- 
cidam invitarit, acceperit, interque familiarissimos stathn asciverit. 
Sed cur ille nou ascisceret? qui parem a te sibi inventum esse 
fateretur n&amem*'' And. Asolan, indedicat. Oaimi. ap.Masusueh. 
VoLi. p. 4X4. , ^ 

(h) Pallavicini^ ConciU di TrentOt lib. i. eap.2d. i 

(c) Of the alternate dissensions and reconciliations of Erasnlas 
and Aleandro, Mazzuchelli has given a^long and interesting' ac- 
epmit v^ Sgri(4m d* JuiL ycL h f. 416f (note 61). , . 

LE6 TH& I'EKTH. 163 

X. Aleandro rose to high dignity in the church, chap. 


By Clement VII. he was nominated archbishop of 
Brindisi and Oria, and was appointed apostolic a. d. 1521. 
nuncio to Francis I. whom he attended in that A.P4)iit.i£ 
capacity at the battle of Pavia in 1 525. He there 
met with a disaster similar to that of the French 
monarch ; having been made prisoner by the Spa- 
niards ; and obtained his release only by the inter- 
ference of powerful friends and the payment of a 
considerable ransom, (a) After having performed 
several other important embassies^ and taken a 
principal part for many years in the transactions 
of the Roman court, Aleandro was, in the year 
1538^ raised to the rank of a cardinal by Paul III. 
on which occasion he resigned his office of li- 
brarian, and was succeeded by Agostino Steuco, 
afterwards bishop of Chissano, in the island of 
Candia.(6) The deatiii of Aleandro, which Jovius 
informs us was occasioned, or accelerated by the 
too frequent use of medicine, and too curious an 
attention to his health, (c) happened at Rome in 
the year 1542, .when he had nearly completed his 
sixty-second year. * The same author asserts, that 

(a) Aleandro was at the side of the monarch when he was made 
prisoner, insomuch that, when the horse of the king fell, he touch- 
ed that of Aleandro. A particidar account of the capture and 
liberation of Aleandro is given by Girolamo Negri. Let^a^e 4i 
iVtnci/n, Tc^* i. p. 159. , 

7(6) Mazauchelli, voL i. p. 419. 

(e) *' Pervasurus baud dubie ad exaptam aetatem, nisi nimia 
tusddae valetudinis solicitudine, intempestivb medicam^atis sibi 
her<dfi insanus et infelix medicus, viscera corrupisset." Baillet 
misunderstood this passage^ and informs us in his Jugemens tki 
. Sfmtaru, No. 1273, that Aleandro died by the stupidity of his 
pbysieiaD, par la biiite de son medecm, 

M 2 

i64i. THE LIFE Oi; 

CHAP. Aleandra displayed in his last laoments great im-? 
;_ patience, and was highly exasperated ^t the idea. 

A. D. 1521. of heing cut oflF before he had finished the sixty-? 

A-Potttix! third year of his age. In this case we may, how-, 
ever, be allowed to doubt the account of the im-f 
piety of a Roman cardinal, although related by a 
Roman bishop. At least such account is in ex. 
press contradiction to the Greek epitaph, which 
Aleandro composed for himself a short time before 
his death, (a) 

The writings which remain of Aleandro, p,r? 
Scarcely equal to what might have been expected 
from his acknowledged learning, great eloqueiice^ 
and ' uncommon industry^ The Greek lexicop 
published under his name at Paris, in 1612, was 
compiled bysix of his scholars, and the only shar^ 
which he took was in corr^ting the ultimate 

(a) This epitaph concluded with the following lines : 

Without reluctance I resign iny breath, 

To shun the sight of what is worse than .'death. 

fti which it'may'be.doubted, whether he. meant to refa:;to thcjra- 
pid progress of the reformation, or to the licentiousness and scan- 
dalous abuses of the Roman court undier Paul III. Many further 
particulars respecting Aleandro are given by Count Bossi, who has 
also observed that some works have been attributed to him, which 
are, in fact, the production of his nephew, who was also named 
Girolamo, and was eminently distinguished as a literary character, 
a lawyer, a poet, and an antiquarian. Ital. ed. vol. x. p. 98, vol. 
xii. p. 244. In which latter place Bossi has also noticed many 
othfer eminent theologians and canonists, who lived in' the time of 
liBo X., and'were highly encouraged and honoured by hiia; af- 
fording, as he thinks, a sufficient answer to those, who hav€ re- 
'- presented that pontiff as having been inattentive to- the promotion 
of ecclesiastical studies. 

LEb TttE TJ^NTtl. 16& 

proofs from the press, and adding some words c^a^- 


omitted in former collections, (a) In the same 
year he reptinted the Greek grammar of Chryso- a. d. 1521. 
lofas, of which he also made a compendium. (ft) A.ponux. 
His treatise JDe Concilia habendo, consisting of 
four books, is said to have been of great use in re- 
gulating the proceedings of the council of Trent. 
Erasipus believed Aleandro to have been the au- 
thor of the oration published under the name of 
JuKus Caesar Scaliger, as an answer to his Cicero- 
fiianus, in the year 1531, and some years elapsed 
before he could be convinced that it was the Work 
of the celebrated scholar whose name it bears, (c) 
That so little remains of the writings of Alean- 
dro, may perhaps be attributed to his various im- 
portant avocations and active life ; but Jovius in- 
forms us, that he had so long indulged himself in a 
certain extemporaneous mode of expression, that 
when he attempted to exercise himself in well re- 
gulated composition, he found himself unable to 
support a clear and elegant style ; and Valeriano, 
whilst he acknowledges the intrinsic value* of his 
writings, has in an elegant allegory taxed him with 

(a) Entitled, Lexicon Graco^Latinum opera Hieronymi Aleandj-u , 
industria et impendio proborum virorutn JEgidii Gourmontii le/ Mat-^ 
thai Bolseci Bihliopolarum Parisiensium, 1512, a^ eidus Decembfes, 
fo. This work is now very rare. 
• {b) Entitled, Hieronymi Aleandri Mottensis Tabulct sane utiles 
GrcBcarum Musarum adyta compendio ingredi volentibus. It has 
been frequently reprinted. 

(c) " Julius Scaliger edidit in me orationem impudentissimis 
mendaciis ac furiosis conviciis refertam ; cujus tamen ipsum noa 
esse auctorem, multis ac certis argumentis compertum habeoJ 
Erasm. ap. Mazz, vol. i. p. 416. " Juli Scaligeri libellum tarn scio 
illius (Aleandri) esse, quam scio me vivere,'' &c. Ibid. 

166 THE LIf'B OF « 

CHAR obscurity, (a) A few 6f the letters and poems of 
^^^' Aleandro hare been preserved in various coHec- 

A.D.1521. tions, and his Latin verses, AdJulium et Ne^eram, 
A.Pont.ix. Me considered by Fontanini as aflfording alone a 
sufficient proof of the great talents of their au- 
thor. (&) 
other u- The example of Leo X. in collecting the pre- 
Rome. cious rcmaius of ancient learning, was emulated 
or imitated by several distinguished prelates of the 
Roman court, the extent of whose collections te? 
sembled that of a munificent sovereign, rather than 
of a private individual. Aleandro had himself 
fonned a very considerable Ubrary. which he be. 
queathed to the monastery of S. Maria del Orto, 
in Venice. It was afterwards transferred to the 
canons of S. Georgio, of which congregation Ale- 
andro had been protector; and has since contri-* 
buted to increase the celebrated library of S. Max-* 
CO at Venice, (c) Erasmus, in a letter written 
from London, in the year 1515, mentions the li- 
brary of cardinal Grimani at Rome, as being richly 
furnished and abounding in books in all languages. 
This extensive collection, consisting of npwalrds 
of eight thousand volumes, was bequeathed by the 
cardinal, in the year 1523, to the regular canons of 
S. Salvador in Venice. It was afterwards increased 
by the addition of many valuable works by the car^ 
dinal patriarch, Marino Grimani, and was pre- 
served until nearly the end of the seventeenth 
century, when it was unfortunately destroyed by 

(o) Ad Hieronymum Aleandrum, ne sit in scriptis tantus obscuri' 
tatis dmator. Carm. illuslr. Poet. Ital. vol. x. p. 218. 
(h) V. Carm. iUustr. Poet. Ital. vol. i. p. 114. 
(c) Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d' Ital vol. i. p. 480, nota'88. ' ) 


fire.''(a) Equally extensive and equally unfortunate chap. 
VFOS the library of cardinal SadoletL After having es- ^^^' . 

caped from the sacrilegiouB hands of the barbarians a. d. 1521. 
during the sacking of Rome^ in the year 1627, the a/podux* 
books were put on board a ship to be conveyed to 
the diocese of Sadoleti in France ; but on the arrival 
of the vessel, it was discovered that the passengers 
were infected with the plague ; in consequence of 
which they were not permitted to land, and the 
books were either lost or carried to son^ distant 
coimtry, where Sadoleti never heard of them 
more. (6) The library of Bembo was rich in va- 
luable manuscripts, and contained many of the 
productions of the proven^al poets, with whose 
language he was well acquainted. He possessed 
dso several pieces in the hand- writing of Petrarca, 
with other rare and valuable works, as well print* 
ed as manuscript, which he had collected at an 
immense expense. Many of these were afterwards 
united with the ducal library of Urbino, whence 
they have since been transferred to that of the 
Vatican. Amongst them were the two ancient 
copies of Virgil and of Terence, which have been 
justly esteemed the chief ornaments of that im- 
mense collection, (c) 

Before the French under Charles VIII. had Historian* 
burst the barrier of the Alps, the Italian scholars 0° Leo ^^^ 
had already begun to examine with greait industry 

(a) Tirab, Scotia della Lett, Ital, vol. vii. par. i. p. 208. 
. (6) Ibid. p. 208, &c. . 

{f) Tifjiib, fit supf These copies of Virgil and Terence are 
more fully described by Bossi, who has. inentioned some other va<- 
luable MSS. which appear to have belonged, to Bembo, and to 
have been transferred to the library at Urbino, and^ afterwards to 
the Vatican, Ital. ed. vol. x. p. 99.* 


CHAP, the transactions of former times, and to record 
^^^' those of their own with accuracy and fidelity ; of 

.A.D, 1521. this, the history of his own times by Leonardo 
A*.R>nt.ix/Aretino, that of Florence by Poggio Bracqiolini, 
that of Venice by Marc- Antonio Cocchi, called 
Sabellicus, and that of Milan by Bernardo Corio, 
may be admitted as sufficient proofs. The im- 
portant transactions which had since taken place 
in Italy, and the increasing interest which thede 
great events had excited, now called forth. more 
distinguished talents ; and the historical and poli- 
tical Writings of Machiavelli, of Nardi, of , Nerli, 
and of Guicciardini, have not, only transmitted to 
us with great minuteness the events of the age>in 
which they lived, but have frequently furnished 
us with such reiasonings and deductions from them 
as have been found applicable to subsequent oc- 
currences and to future tinjes; 
Machia- Of the principal iucidcnts in the life of Machia- 
^®^' velli, some account has already been given in the 
course of the present work, (a) That he was a 

(a) V. Chap. vi. vol. i. p. 347, chap. ix. vol. ii. p. 167, chap. x. 
vol. ii. p. 190, &c. In the first of these places I have charged 
Machiavelli with having had a share in the contrivance of the 
atrocious stratagem by which Caesar Borgia destroyed Vitelli, the 
Duke of Graviiia, and others, at Sinigallia, in the year 1502. But 
the further perusal of the letters of Machiavelli has induced me 
to modify this opinion, and enabled me precisely to state the part 
which he had in this black transaction. By a letter from him to 
the magistrates of Florence, dated the first of January, 1502, (but 
which should be 1503, the Florentines having, until the year 1750, 
continued the date of the year to the twenty-fifth of March) it ap- 
pears that Borgia had communicated his intentions to Machiavelli 
the day before the perpetrating of the deed ; and that Machiavielli 
had not taken any measures to prevent it, either by expostulating 
with Borgia, or apprizing the parties devoted to destruction. ' It 
is true he gives us to understand that he was not apprized of the 


man of talents is apparent^ not only from his wri- chap. 
tings^ but from the important offices which he ^^^* 
filled ; having been for some years secretary to the a.d. 1521. 
republic, and frequently despatched on embassies ATpo^t.!!. 
to foreign powers. Whether prompted by the 
love of liberty, or the spirit of faction, he display- 
,ed a restless and turbulent disposition, which not 
only diminished the respect due to his abilities, 
but frequently endangered his personal safety. 
Besides his having engaged in the conspiracy of 
Capponi and Boscoli, in consequence of which he 
had to suflTer four jerks of the cord, and from 
which he 9i\ly escaped with his life by the cle- 
mency of Leo X.,(a) he entered into another plot 
immediately after the death of that pontiff, to 
.expel the cardinal de' Medici from Florence ; in 
which his associates were Luigi Alamanni, Zajio- 
bio Buondelmonte, and other young men who fre- 
quented the gardens of the Rucellai. That he had 
also to struggle with pecuniary difficulties appears 

whole of the intentions of Borgia ; but the manner in which he 
speaks of the transaction afterwards, sufficiently proves that he 
would not have shrunk from a fuller participation of the crime. 
His words are, " Chiamommi (Borgia) dipoi circa due ore di notte 
e colla migliore cera del mondo si rallegrd meco di questo succes- 
80 ; dicendo avermene parlato il di d' avanti, ma non iscoperto il 
tuttOf come era vero.'' In the same letter he proceeds, according 
to the desire of Borgia, to congratulate the Republic on fhis event, 
and to represent the advantages which would arise from their 
union, &c. v. Lettere de Machiav, in op. vol. iii. p. 73, cd. Ba- 
retti. Land. 1772. The opinion which Count Bossi has expressed 
on diis subject is not more favourable to the character of Machia- 
yelli, than that which I have given in the present work. v. Ital. 
ed^ vol. X. p. 100. 

(a) Bandin, Monum. inedit. in prof, p, 35. ; and v. Note of 
Count Bossi in Ital ed. vol. x. p. 101. 


CHAP, from ^veral passages in his works; and a letter 
^^^' written by his son Pietro on the death of bis &- 

A, D. 1621. ther, in the month of June, 1627, acknowledges 

A. Pont, ix! that he died ifi extreme poverty, (o) 

His history ^h^ prosc wrftings of Machiavdli consist of his 

of Florence, history of Florcncc in eight books, his discourses 
on Livy> and his book entitled, II Principe, or, 
'' The Prince," with some smalle^ ti^eatises. His 
history,^ which comprehends the transaction^ of 
the Florentine state, from its origin to the death 
of Lorenzo the Magnificent, in 1492, is written in 
a yigo)rous, concise, and unaffected style, alid al^ 
though not always accurate in point of feet, may 
upon the whole, be read with both pleasure and 
advantage, (b) He has, however, rendered himself 
much more conspicuoui^ by his political tracts, 
which have, indeed, in the general estimation, en- 
titled him to the first rank among the writers on 
these subjects ; but whilst some have considered 
him as having employed his talents to enlighten 
ma,nkind, and to promote the cause of truth, of 
liberty, and of virtue, others have regarded him as 

(a) " Non posso far di meno di piangere in dovervi dire come 
^ morto 11 di 2^ di questo mese Niccol6 nostro padre, di dolpri di 
ventre cagionati da un medicamento preso il di 20. Lasciossi 
confessare le sue peccata da Frate Marco, che gli ha tenuta com- 
pagnia fino a morte. II padre nostro ci ha lasciato in somma po- 
verty, come sapete," &c. Lett, di P. Much, a Francesco Nelli. ap, 
Tirab, vol. vii. par. i. p. 517. 

(h) It has been of late years discovered, that the Diary of the 
most important events in Italy from the year 1492 to 1512, pub- 
lished by the Giunti in 1568, under the name of Biagio Buonac* 
corsi, is in fact a part of the notes of Machiavelli, which he had 
intended for a continuation of his history ; but which after his 
death remained in the hands of his friend Buonaccorsi. Elog. 
Toscanif torn. iii. p. 94. 


tlie advocate of frauds of oppression^ and of assas- chap. 
sination, and have stigmatized his memory with ^' 
the most opprobrious epithets. To reconcile these a. d. 1521. 
discordant opinions is impossible; and it may there- IbwIIix*. 
fore not be thought a superfluous task^ to endeia- 
vour impartially to ascertain in what estimation 
his political writings ought to be held. 

On this subject it may then be remarked^ that ^^^^^ of 
no one has hitherto been found hardy enough to J"«poiit»cai 
defend^ in their full extent, the baneful maxims 
advanced by MachiavelK, particularly in his trea- 
tise, entitled Jl Principe. '' If it be contended,** 
says one of his warmest apologists, " that this work 
is fit for the perusal of all sovereigns, as well legit* 
imate as usurpers, and that he intended to give an 
eulogfum on tyranny, he can neither be defended 
nor excused. But how can it be thought possible," 
continues he, " that Machiavelli, who was bom 
under a republic, who was employed as one of its 
secretaries, who performed so many important 
embassies, and who in his conversation always 
dwelt on the glorious actions of Brutus and of 
Cassius, should have formed such a design V (a) 
Hence it has frequently been urged on his behalf, 
that it was not his intention to suggest wise and 
faithful counsels, but to represent in the darkest 
colours the conduct which a sovereign must ne- 
cessarily pursue, in order to support his authority. 
*' It was the intention of Machiavelli/' says ano- 
ther encomiast, '' to describe a destructive tjrrant; 
and by these means to excite odium against him 
and prevent the execution of his projects." (6) 

(a) Elogii Toscani, torn. iii. p. 89. 

{b) << Conatus Scriptoris (Ma^avelli) est certum aliquem Ty^ 


CHAP. ''Our thanks are due to Machiavelli," says liord 
'__ Bacon^ '^ and to similar writers, who have openly 

A.D, 1521. and without dissimulation^ shewn us what men are 
A."poiit.ixV accustomed to do, riot what they ought to do." (a) 
The validity of these and similar apologies is, hovr- 
ever, extremely questionable. Those principles 
and rules of conduct on which the tranquillity of 
mankind so essentially depends, are too sacred to 
be treated in ambiguous terms, and Machiavelli 
frequently displays so much apparent sincerity in 
his political writings, as renders it extremely dif- 
ficult, if not impossible, to decide when he intends 
to be ironical. Nor have the friends of this au- 
thor,' who have supposed that in his treatise del 
Principe he ' meant only to instigate his patron 
Lorenzo duke of Urbino to his ruin, conferred any 
honour eithier on his moral or intellectual charac- 
ter. If, indeed, this were his real intention, we 
might be inclined to assent to the opinion of car- 
dinal Pole, that the writings of Machiavelli were 
traced by the finger of the devil, (b) But suppos- 
ing the purpose of Machiavelli to have been com- 

rannum patriae infestum describere, eoque pacto partim populare 
odium in eum commovere, partim artes ejus impedire.'* Gasp, 
Schioppii, Padia Polilices, dp. Elog. Tosc. vol. iii. p*. 90. 

(a) " Est itaque quod gratias agamus Machiavello, et hujusmo- 
di scriptoribus, qui aperte et indissimulanter proferunt quid homi- 
nes facere soleant, non quid debeant.'* De Augm. Scient. lib. vii. 
in op. tom. iii. p. 137. Ed. 1763, fo. 

(b) " Statim autem quidnam de eo libro (// Principe) sibi visum 
fuisset, aperiens, eum ab hoste humani generis scriptum declarat, 
in quo omnia hostis consilia explicentur, et modi quibus reHgio, 
pietas, et omnes virtutis indoles ever tan tur, ac proinde, etsi homi- 
nis nomen et stylum prae se ferat, vix tamen coepisse eiim se le- 
gere, quin Satanae digito scriptum agnosceret." Card. Quirini 
Diatrib, in Pali Op. tomAi p. 264. 


t - 



mendable, can there be a greater solecism in point 

nise over a country, to be cruel to his own sub- ^'^}^^}' 
jects and laitMess to the rest of the world, in the A.Pontix. 
expectation of exciting a general odium against 
cruelty, fraud, and oppression ? and thus introdu- 
cing a certain evil for the purpose of applying to it 
a dubious remedy ? We may, however, safely re- 
lease this author from an accusation, for which he 
has been indebted solely to the over-earnest zeal 
of his advocates, and may certainly admit that 
whatever may be thought of the rectitude of his 
maxims, he was at least serious in his promulgation 
of them. Many of the most exceptionable doctrines 
in his Principe are also to be found in his Discorsi, 
where it cannot be pretended that he had any in- 
direct purpose in view ; and in the latter he has in 
some instances referred to the former for the fur- 
ther elucidation ot his opinions, (a) Nor is it a 
slight proof of the sincerity of Machiavelli, that 
his work was recommended by his intimate friend 
Biagip Buonaccorsi as a grave and useful per- 
formance, {b) This, indeed, seems to have been 

{a) Compare his Discorsi, lib. iii. chap. 42, and // PiincipCy chap. 

(b) Thus he writes to Pandolfo Bellucci, " Sendomi tunon solo 
^mico, ma protectore, . ti mando Y operetta composta nuovamente 
de* Principati dal nostro Nicol6 Machiavelli, nella quale tu trove- 
rai con somma dilucidazipne e brevity descritto tutte le qualitk de 
Principati, tutti i modi a conservargli, tutte le offese di essi, con 
una esatta notizia delle Storie antiche e moderne, e molti altri do- 
cumenti utilissimi, in modo che se tula leggerai con quella me- 
desima attenzione che tu suoi le altre cose, sono certissimo ne tro- 
verai non piccola utility," &c. Bandin. Monumen. ined. in prttf. 
p. 37. 

174 THE LHP£ OF 

CHAP, the general opinion at the time of its publication. 

^^^' Neither Adrian VI. nor Clement VII. passed any 

A.D.1621. censure on his writings, and the latter not only ac- 

AlVtai'jxl cepted the dedication of his history, which Machi* 

avelli wrote at his request, but granted the Ro^ 

man printer Antonio Blado, a papal bull for the 

publication of all the writings of MachiavelU, in 

which the Principe is particularly mentioned, (a) 

Taking it then for granted that Machiavelli has 
in his political works fairly represented his own 
sentiments, how are his merits to be appreciated ? 
Machiavelli was a|i acute man; but not a great 
n^m. He could minutely trace a political intrigue 
througli all its ramifications, but he could not ele^- 
vate hia vi^ws to perceive that true policy and 
sQund morality are inseparably united, and that 
every fraudulent attempt is then most unfortu- 
nate when it is crowned with success. To obtain 
a political end by the violation of public faith, is a 
stratagem that requires no great talents, but which 
will not bear to be frequently repeated. Like the 
tricks of a juggler, the petty routine of these 
operations is quickly understood, and the operator 
himself is soon on a level with the rest of man- 
kind. Those who, like Machiavelli, have examin- 
ed human conduct only in detail, must ever be, at 
a loss to reconcile the discordant facts, and to dis- 
tinguish the complicated relations of public and 
national concerns. It is only by tracing thein up 
tp some common source, and adjusting them by 

{«) F6r much additional and accurate information respecting 
Machiavelli and his writings, the reader may consult the notes 
and observations of Count Bossi, in ItaL ed, vol. x. pp. 101/ 103, 


some certain standard^ that past events can ever chap. 
be converted into proper rules of future conduct. ^^^ 
To recall the examples of ancient and modem his- a. n. 1521. 
tory for the imitation of future times^ is a mode of A;'^tjx. 
instruction which^ without proper limitations and 
precautions^ will often be found highly dangerous. 
Such is the variety in human affairs^ that in no two 
imtances are the circumstances in all respects 
alike^ and on that account experience without 
principles must ever be a fiillacious guide. To 
close our eyes to the examples of past ages would^ 
indeed^ be absurd; but to regulate our conduct 
by them^ without bringing them to their proper 
test, would be still more so. With these consi- 
derations the works of Machiavelli may be read 
with advantage, and his errors may perhaps prove 
no less instructive than his excellences, (a) 

Whilst the history of Machiavelli relates to the FiUppo de' 
general transactions of Florence, that of the sena- 
tor Filippo de' Nerli, is restricted to its municipal 
and internal concerns. The family of Nerli had 
for several centuries ranked among the principal 
nobility of that city, (b) and several of its members 

(a) Of the poetical writings of Machiavelli in his native tongue 
several pieces remain, which are distinguished rather by vigour and 
conciseness of expression, than by poetical ornament. It has been 
doubted whether Machiavelli was a man of learning ; bift one of 
these pieces, . entitled, Capitolo delV OccasionCf sufficiently shows 
that he was not unacquainted with the works of the ancients. 
This poem will be found in the appendix to the present volume, 
where the reader may compare it with a Greek epigram of Posi- 
di{^us, and a Latin one of Ausonius, of which it seems to be a 
near imitation. I have there also given a translation into Eng^h, 
although it has before appeared in a periodical work. v. Appendix, 
No. ecu. 

(b) Dante, in relating the simplicity and parsimony of the Flo- 


CHAP, were no leds distinguished as eminent patrons of 
learnings than as accomplished statesmen.- The 

A. D. 1521. marriage of Tanai de'Nerli, who had twice filled 
t^nufx. the oflSce of chief magistrate of Florence, with a 
niece of the celebrated Piero Capponi, was pro- 
ductive of five sons, all of whom arrived iat consi- 
derable eminence. Jacopo and Francesco were 
frequently honoured with the most important of- 
fices of the state, and the latter became the father 
of two sons who were successively archbishops of 
Florence and cardinals of the church. Bernardo 
and Neri de' Nerli, have left a noble monument of 
their munificence and love of literature, in publish- 
ing at their own expense thie first edition of the 
writings of Homer, printed at Florence in the year 
1488 ; a work which confers honour not only on 
its patrons and on the eminent Greek scholars 
who superintended the printing, but on the age 
and country in which it was produced, (a) This 

rentines, exemplifies them in two of their noblest families, the 
Nei'li and the Vecchi. 

" E vidi quel di Nerli, e quel del Vecchio, 
£sser contenti alia pelle scoverta, 
E le sue donne al fuso, ed al pennecchio." 

II ParadisOy cant. xv. 
(a) This edition was carefully corrected, and the printing su- 
perintended by the learned Greek Demetrius Chalcondyles. At 
the close of the work we read : 

H re Ofcij^v voiy^a-iq uTrxo'ec hrvTra^ua-ec vs^a^ uT^iifiv i^ii av¥ Q§u 

XoyH^ sXA9}y(x»g aittiloi^ut Bs^vei^^n xa) N9}^»v TotvotQo^ rS Ns^iX»if 

fXuQBvri»ot¥' woKu is Ka) ^s|»otijt» AnjtA9}T^(» MtiioXavewg x,^roq, rvp 

T^oyiuv a.v^qu9 X*^^" *** Pioywv fAA9}yix»i> i^iifAstuv' 'Et« ru awo riTf 

' Xg*r5 yevpiiaiUi ;^»Xtor« TiTgaxoo"»br« oyionnoru vy36u, Mqyo^ AsxifA- 

Maittaire speaks of the execution of this edition in the highest 


great work was inscribed by Bernardo de' Nerii chap. 
to ESe^o de' Medici, the elder brother of Leo X. __J_ 

iiCi a Latin address, in which he explains the mo- a. d. 1521. 
tives of the undertaking and the means adopted A!pent.ix« 
for carrying it into effect. Benedetto de' Nerli, 
the eldest of these five brothers, supported the 
rank of his family on many public occasions> and 
in particular was one of the ambassadors appoint- 
ed by the state of Florence to congratulate Leo 

terms. " Gtuicquii hactenus in Graeca typographia praestitum fu- 
erat, nihil erat nisi velitationes qusedam et ptseludia sive Tr^oyvixta^' 
liara, si cuiftillo, quod interim F/bre»fta moliebatur, opere con- 
ferantur* Qui4 etnim : tenms manipulus ad plenam messem, &c. 
Operoso hoc et praestantissimo Homeri inter omnes poetas Princi- 
pis volumine duobus tomis comprehenso, orbem eruditum, anno 
1488, donavit Flbrehtia ; quae, duih aliae urbes in limine et initiis 
tantum, conatibus adhuc immaturis, subsisterent, prima et uno, 
sedingenti gravique molimine, ad.ipsum culmen voluit pervenire, 
vetuitque quicquam. relinqui, quo superari posset. Editione ilia, 
si chartae solidae colorem et pompam, si nitidam characterum figu- 
ram, aequata marginum inter valla, justam linearum distantiam, to- 
tum denique impressionis ordinem et dispositionem spectes, nil 
certe aut ante aut postea elegantius comparuit.*' Maiitaire, Annah 
Typogr. torn. i.p. 49. The merits of. these illustrious brothers 
are thus recognised by the learned Heyne, Horn. op. torn. iii. p. 4. 
" Juvenum. horum nobilissimorunv nomen ac memoria ad omnem 
posteritatem icara et grata esse debet, qui suis sumtibus tantum 
inceptum ad eflectum perduxerunt. Quam generosioris indolis 
tes^ haec liberalitas est habenda, quanto ilia illustrior et salubrior, 
quam ea, quae in vanam Qstentationem opes a majbribus partas 
prodigeet temere effundit ! Salvete Juvenes nobiles, et generosi, 
Xai^iTc /Moi — not iU *Ah^ao ^ofAotci !" I must observe, that in deno- 
minating Bernardo, Nerlius seu Nerius, the learned editor has been 
led into a slight error by the similarity of the family and bapti^ 
mal name of Neri de' Nerli, one of the brothers, " In praBf. fronte 
Nerlius, mox heruia Nerius" De Editionibus Horn, in op. tom. iii. 
p. 4. but in the Greek passage which he afterwards citfes ^rom the 
pr^ace of Chalcondyleis, these brothers are named Bi^ta^^oq ze^l 
Ni^K T« Nu^iX»«? Bernardo and Neri d£ Nerli. 

V0J-. IV, N 


CHAP. X. on his elevation to the pontificate. Filippo 
^^^' the historian^ the son of Benedetto, was bora 

A. D. 1621. in the year 1486. His education wa^ supariar 
A/pfnlix. tended by Benedetto, caUed II Filologo, ^ho had 
been a disciple of Politiano, and is highly com- 
mended by Crinitus.(«) In his youth hfe fre- 
quented the gardens of the Rucellai, where he 
formed an intimacy with the most distinguijihed 
scholars of Florence, and in particular with Ma- 
chiavelli, who inscribed to him his Capitolo delV 
occasione. But whilst his early associates warmly 
opposed the increasing power of the Medici, Fi^ 
lippo became one of their most strenuous parti- 
sans, and was frequently employed by them xk 
important services, until the establishment of an 
absolute government under Cosmo I. finally ter- 
minated the contest. After this event he obtained 
in an eminent degree the confidence of this cau- 
tious prince, who successively intrusted to him the 
government of several of the Florentine districts, 
and on the assumption to the pontificate of Julius 
III. appointed him the chief of a splendid embassy 
to congratulate the pontiff*, who on that occasion 
conferred on him the title of cavalier, with that of 
count palatine. (6) He had married in the year 
1509, Caterina, the daughter of Jacopo Salviati, 
by his wife Lucrezia, the sister of Leo X. and 
lived until the year 1556, leaving at his death a 

{a) Benedetto corrected and published several of the works of 
the ancient writers, and among the rest, the edition of Horace, 
printed by the Giunti at Florence, in 1514, which he dedicated to 
Fihppo de* Nerli. 

{h) Vita del Senaiore Filippo de* NerlL infronte a^iuqj Conimofi' 


numerous offspring. His Commentaries comprise ^ ^ ^^r 


a well^arraii^ed and useful narrative of the inter- . 
nal coticern3 of the Florentine state^ (a) written in a. ^^^^^l 
the /Style of a person conversant with puhlic af- Alpontix. 
&£r9> saxd not with the laboured eloquence of a 
professed author. That they manifest a decided 
p^irtiality to the family of the Medici^ has been 
considered a& their chief excellence by the apolo- 
gists of au absolute government in subsequent 
times ; (6) but^ however meritorious the purpose 
may he, it must be admitted that, a work avowedly 
written ta promote a particular object can never 
be pferused without distrust^ nor relied on without 
edlateral evidence for the facts which it records. 

To the life and writings of Nerli, those of his J^^ 
contemporary and countryman, Jacopo Nardi, ex- 
hibit almost a complete contrast. Nerli enjoyed 
a long series of honours and prosperity; Natodi 
was a fugitive anct an exile. The former availed 
himself of his adherence and services to the Me-; 
dici, to maintain himself in authority and import- 
ance ; the latter was their decided and implacable 
adversary, and his history is allowed to be as hos« ' 
tile to that family, as the Commentaries of Nerli 
are favourable. The birth of Nardi, who also de- 

(a) These Commentaries w«re not ptA>li8hed until the year 
1728, when they were given to the pnbKc by the cavalier Setti- 
mani (to whom we are also indebted for the works of Segni, and of 
Varchi) under the following title : 

CoMMENTARj dc* fotti dviU occorsi dentroM Cittd di FirenzCf 

dalVarmo MCCXV. al MDXXXVIL SeritH dal Senatorc 

FiLiFPo de' Nebu Geniilutmio FiorentinQ. In ^vgusiA, 

1728. info. 

(6) &ogi0 del Sen. Filippo de* Nerli, Ehg, To$eam^ vol. ii. p. 


N 2 


CHAP, rived his origin from a noble family at Florence, 
^^^' is placed in the year 1476, and although the time 

A. D. 1521. of his death be not precisely known, it is highly 
Ai^ntix. probable that he lived beyond his eightieth year, {a) 
In his early progress he had filled many honour- 
able employments in the state, and in the year 
1527, was ambassador from his native place to the 
Venetian republic. His history of Florence, which 
extends from the year 1494 to 1531, bears the 
marks of great accuracy, and is not without some 
share of elegance, but like that of Nerli, must be 
read with caution by those who would form^an im- 
partial judgment on the important events which 
occurred within that period. (5) Nardi was a man 
of uncommon learning, and his translation of Livy, 
which has been several times reprinted, is yet con- 
sidered as one of the best versions of the ancient 
authors in the ItaUan language, (c) In his youth 
he distinguished himself as a soldier, and in his 
life of the celebrated commander, Antonio Tebal- 
ducci Malespini, he has shewn that he had himself 
acquired great' knowledge and experience in mili- 
tary concerns, (d) He ' was the author of several 

(a) In a letter written to Benedetto Varchi, dated the thirteenth 
of July, 1555, he says, " lo sono ancora sano, bench^ debole, 
avendo a cominciare col mio bastoncello a d) 21, del presente 
itiese, a salire la faticosa erta del ottogesimo anno di questa mia 
male spesa vita." Tirab, Storia delhr Let. Ital. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 
281. . . 

{h) Le Historie della Cittd di Fiorenza di M, Jacopo Nardii 
Cittadiho Fiorentirio, Lione, 1080, 4to. 

(c) " Essa h seinpre stata considerata come una delle migliori 
che abbia la nostra Lingua.'' Tirab. Sioria della Let. Ital, vol. vii. 

. par. ii. p. 280. 

(d) Vita d^ Antonio^ Giacomino Tebalducci Malespini, Scritta da 
Jacopo Nardi. In Fiorenza, 1597, 4to. 



other works both in verse and prose. His comedy; chap. 
entitled L'Amicizia, written by him whilst very ; L. 

young, has abeady been referred to, as having some a. d. 1521. 
pretensions, from its introductory lines, to be con- A!pd«'t.ix. 
sidered as having given the first example of the 
versi scioltiy or Italian blank verse, (a) 

The locaL narratives of Machiavelli> of Nerli,^'^'^. 
and of Nardi, must, however, give place in point «»• 
of interest and importance to the r more general 
history r of the immortal Guicciardini; a work 
which profi^ses to record only the events of Italy, 
but which in fact comprehends those of the prin- 
cipal. states of Europe, during the period to which 
it. relates. This distinguished ^ ornatnent of his 
country, was the son of Piero' Guicciardini, who, 
although a citizen of Florence,^ derived from his 
ancestors, the title • of count palatine, which had 
been conferred on them by the emperor Sigismund 
in the early part of the fifteenth century. (6) He 
was born in the year 1482, and received the bap- 
tismal name oi Frmicesco Tomaso^ the latter of 
which appellations he omitted in his riper years^ 
After having attained a sufficient share of classical 
learning, he applied himself to the study of the 
civil law under the most eminent professors,- as 
well at Pisa, Ferrara, and Padua, as in his native 


place. :. He had: at one time formed the intention 
of devoting ihimself to the church, but his fether 
not having encouraged the design, he changed his 

. , (a) V, Ante, chap. xvi. vol. iii. p. 255. His verses, sung during 
the. splendid exhibitions at Florence in the year 1514, have already 
been given from the Canti Carnascialeschi,'and are among the best 
in that collection. i^.'App. No. CXVI. 

(6) ^annif Elog, di Guicciardinu Elog. Toscan, ii. 300, 


CHAP, vifews, and having obtained the degree of doetor'of 
^^'' civil law in the academy which had bden trans^ 

A.D. 1521. ferred from Pisa to Florence, he was appointed in 
A.Pont.i}d the year 1506, to read and illustrate the* Idstitutesi 
of Justinian; by which, as well i(3 by. his opinioos 
on questions of law, he gained great credit. . The 
first oflftce pf importance in whidi he was employed 
by the republic, was that of ambassadior to Fei:dsi- 
nand of Spain, in the year J 512. On this missidn, 
which in respect to his well known talents, was. in- 
trusted to him before he was of sufficient age, ac^ 
cording to the established rules of the state, be was 
absent about two years, and on his return was hor 
noured by the king with a present of several rich 
pieces of silver plate, (a) When Leo X. paid a 
visit to Florence, at the dose of the year 1516, 
Guicciardini was despatched with several^ of the 
most respectable citizens to meet him at Cortona. 
The reputation which he had already acquired, 
the propriety and gravity of his manner, and tl^ 
good sense which he manifested on all occasions, 
soon procured him the favour of the pontiff, who 
in an assembly of cardinals, held on the day after 
his aorrival at Florence, bestowed on Guicciardini 
the dignity of advocate of the consistory. This 
evc^t may be considered as the conunencement of 
his fortunes.. Soon after the return of the pontiff 
to Rome, he sent for Guicciardini, and after hav*^ 
ing experienced his fidelity and vigilance in several 
important concerns, he intrusted him in the year 
1518, with the government of Modena and Reggio ; 
which, from the critical circumstances under which 
these places were held by the pope, was undoubted- 

{a) Manni, Elog, p. 309, and p. tmtCi chap. viii. vol. ii. p. 199. 


ly the most confidential employment that could chap. 


have been conferred upon him. The diflRculties 
which he experienced in the defence of these im- a.d. 1521. 
partatat districts^ called forth those great talents A.Pontix. 
vj(th which he was endowed^^ and afforded him fire- 
^^oeat opportuniti0s of displaying the promptitude 
o^is geoiusj the solidity of his jtidgment^ and the 
un^hak^n fortitqde of his mind. He continued in 
the« &ef v|ee, of Leo X. during the remainder of his 
pontificate^ intrusts with the chief authority^ as 
w*H in Ae military as civil concerns of the places 
in, wlii^ he commanded. Nor was he less ho- 
noured, by Adrian VI. and Clement VII. the lat- 
ter of whom appointed him president of Romagna ; 
which office he relinquished in the year 1526, to 
his .bj*other Jacopo, ' when he was himself nomi- 
nated to the chief command of the papal tro(^s. 
In the various 4*eforms of the Florentine govern- 
ment which prepared the way to the dominion of 
Cosmo I. Guicciardini had an important share; 
but soon after that event he retired to his villa at 
Montici^ where he devoted himself to the compo- 
sition of hia history. He died in the year 1540, 
after having completed the work which has im- 
n)iprtalized his name, but which was not published 
until .many years after his death, (a) 

(a) The history of Guicciardini was first published by his ne- 
phew Agnolo Guicciardini at Florence, Appres^o Lorenzo Torrert" 
a'no, 156L, in large folio. But this edition comprehends only the 
first sixteen books, and is besides defective by the omission of se^ 
veral passages of importance. The four additional books were 
published by Seth Viotti, at Parma, in 1564, and the passages 
omitted have been published separately in the work entitled 
Thuanus restitutus, sive SyHoge^ ^c. cum Prancisci Guicciardini Pa* 
raUpomenis, AmsteU 1663. This history has been frequently 


CHAP. The historical writings ' of tJ uicciardini Have 

■XT VT . 

not only entitled their authot to the indisputable 

A. D. 1621. precedence of all the historians of Italy, but have 
A.'pont.ix. placed him. at least on a level with thoise of any 
age or of any country. His first great advantage 
o/itaiy. ^^ is, that he was himself personally acquainted with 
most of the transactions whi^h he, relates/ and 
frequently acted in them an important part, (a) 
He also united in himself almost every qualifica- 
tion that is necessary for a perfect historian; a 
fearless impartiality, a strong and vigorous judg- 
ment, equally remote from superstition and licen- 
tiousness, and a penetration of mind that pierced 
through the inmost recesses of political intrigue. 
His narrative is full, clear, and perspicuous, and 
the observations to which it. occasionally gives 
rise, are in general just, apposite, and forcible. 
The principal blemishes which have been attri- 
buted to him as a writer, are those of haying fre- 
quently given too much importance to events of 
inferior consideration, and of having, in imitation 
of the ancient historians, assigned to several of his 
principal actors, orations, which, although suf-. 
ficiently consonant to their sentiments, were never 
in reality delivered, (b) If, however, the writings 

reprinted, but the unostentatious editions of Stoer, Geneva, 1621) 
1636, in two vols. 4to. are the most complete. 

(a) " We have finished the twentieth ahd last book of Guicciar- 
dini's history ; the most authentic I believe (may I add, I fear) 
that ever was composed. I believe it, because the historian was an 
actor in his terrible drama, and personally knew the principal per- 
formers in it ; and I fear it, because it exhibits the woeful picture 
of society in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.'* Sir W. Jones, 
in Lord Teighmouth*s Life of that great and good man, p. 325, 

(h) These objections have been collected from several authors 


of all his contemporaries had perished/ his works cHAt». 
alose would have exhibited a perfect picture of ^^^' 
the age^ and must ever be regarded as the mine a. n. 1521. 
ftom which future historians must derive their t^ni^. 
richest materials. Fastidious critics and indolent 
readers : may complain of the minuteness of his 
narrative^ or^the length of his periods, but every 
sentence is pregnant with thought, every para- 
graph teems with information^ and if sometimes 
they do not please the ear, they always gratify the 
understanding. The principal defect in his his- 
tory is such as is perhaps inseparable from his cha- 
racter as a statesman' and a soldier, and appears in 
his accounting for- the conduct of others wholly by 
motives of interest and of ambition, without suf- 
ficiently adverting to the various other causes 
which have in all ages had a considerable influence 
on the affairs of mankind, (a) 

by the industrious Bayle in his Diet. art. Guicciardini ; but have 
been more particularly insisted on by Foscarini, Delia Letteratura 
Veneziana, vol. i. p. 253. 

(a) Montaigne has not only made a similar remark, but has 
raised an implication upon it rather' unfavourable to the moral 
character of Guicciardini : *' J'ai remarqu^," says he, " que de 
tant d'ames et effects qu'il • juge, de tant de mouvemens et con- 
seils, ii n'en rapporte jamais un seul d la vertu, religion* et con-i 
science ; comme 'si ces parties Id estoyent du tout esteintes au 
monde ; et de toutes les actions, pOur belles par apparence qu*eHes 
soient d'elles mesmes, il en rejecte la cause k quelque bccasioh 
vilieuse, ou k quelque profit. II est impossible d'imaginer, que 
parmi cet infini nondbre d'actions, dequoy il juge, il n*y en ait eu 
quelque une produite par la voye de la raison. Nulle corruption 
peut avoir sAisi les hommes si universellem^nt, que quelqu'un 
n'echappe^ la contagion. Cela me fait craindre qui*il y ayeiinpeu- 
duvice du son goust; et peut etre advenu, qu'il ayt estim^ tm 
autre selon soy." Essais de Montaigne^ lib. ii. chap. x. tom. ii. p. 
176. Ed. La Haye, 1727. 



CHAP, Yet more extensive in its plan than the history 

^^^' of Guicciardini, is the history of his own times hy 

A. D. 1521. Paullo Giovio, or Patdus Jovins, in which he un- 

1* p^tjx. dertjpcfc to recoxdi the most important events wMch 

Paullo Gio- ®^c^^€id during that period in e«ery part.of il^e 

y^o. world. ;This vokiminous writer was a native of 

Como> and was bom in the year.l^iSS* Being 

early deprived of his fal^er^ he was educated 

under the ewe of his elder brother Benedetto, who 

was aJfio an historical writer, and is considered by 

Tiraboschi as not inferior in point of merit to bis 

younger brothei;^(flO After. having studied M 

t^adua> at .Milan,. and at Pavia, he obtained at the 

latter place the degree of doctor in medicine, and; 

practised for some time as a physician both in 

Como and Mila^. An early and decided propeon 

sity led him, however, to the study and .composi^ 

tion of history. Haying completed a volume^, and 

heard of the encouragement given by Leo X. to 

every department of literature, he repaired about 

the year 1516 to Rome, where he met with a most 

favourable reception from the pontiff, who, after 

Further particulars respecting the life and writings of Guicciar* 
dini may be found in the notes of M. Henke, Germ, td. vol. iii. 
p. 34?,, and of Count Boas;, ItaLed. vol. x. pp. 106, IIQ.^ 

(a) Benedetto appears to have be^n equally conviersant with 
science and mth literature. Among his writings are the history 
of Como, his native place, in which he is said to have shewn an 
intimate acquaintance with the study of antiquities ; a treatise on 
the transactions and manners of the Swiss ; a collection of one 
hundred letters; several translations from the Greek, and sdme 
specimens of Latin poetry ; one of which, entitled De Veneris Gal- 
licum Trophaumy has been printed without note of place or year. 
His brother Paullo has, with laudable gratitude, assigned him .a 
place among the illustrious characters of the age in which h^ lived. 
V. Eiog. No. CVI. Iscritt p. 202. 


reading before many of the cardinals a long passage chap. 
from the work of Giovio, declared that, next to ^^^' 

Livy,he had not met with a inore eloquent or a more a, d. 1521. 
degant writer, (a) The rank of .a cavalier, ^th a x/^tx. 
considcacable pension, .was the reward bestowed by 
the mUaificeat pontiff on the fortunate author. In 
dus place Giovio formed an intimacy with the nu* 
meroiis men of tdents ^whom the liberality of the 
pontiff, had attracted to that<;ity. Like the rest 
of the Bxmian scholars, he here devoted himself to 
the icultivation of Latin poetry; sev^fal of his 
pieces appear in the Corycictna and other collect 
tions, imd we have already seen, that Fnmoeseo 
Arsilli inscribed to him his poem, De Poetis Urba- 
nis. After the death of Leo he was one of the very 
few men of learning who obtained the favour of 
Adrian YI., by whom he was^s^ointed a canon of 
the cathedral of Como ; on condition, however^ as 
it has been said, that be should mention the pon*- 
tiff with honour in his writings* (&) Under the 
pontificate of Clement VII. he was yet more high- 
ly favoured, having been appointed by the pope to 
be one of his attendant courtiers, provided with a 
residence in the. Vatican, and supplied with an in- 
come for the support of himself, and his domestics. 
To these fevours^wece afterwards added the -pre- 
centorship of fComo, and, lastly, the bishoprick of 
Nocera, which was the highest ecclesiastical pre- 

(a) bened. JovthHist. Novocom. ap. 'tirah. Siaria delta Lett, 
/At/L^VK^. vikpaf. ii: ^. 200. . i ^ i }iid ... * t 

(6) 'Hraboschif vol. viii. par. ii. p. 260. But- die Roman editor 
of the work of Tiraboschi lias attempted at great length to justify 
Adrian VI. from this imputation. Ibid. p. 261, note (a), edit. 
Rom. 17B4. 

188 . THE LIFE OF 

CHAP, ferment that Giovio ever obtained. During the 
^^^' sacking of the city of Rome in the year 1627, 

A.D.1691. Giovio had secreted his history, which had been 
A.Fmt.ix. copied on vellum, and elegantly bound, in a chest 
which contained also ^ considerable quantity of 
wrought silver, and had deposited it in the church 
of SI. Maria sopra Minerva. This booty was, how- 
ever, discovered by two Spanish officers, one of 
whom seized upon the silver, and the other, named 
Herrera, carried off the books. At the same time 
many loose sheets, supposed to have contained 
some portions of his history, and which had also 
been deposited in the chest, were dispersed and 
lost. Herrera, finding that the books belonged to 
Giovio, brought them to him, and required to 
know whether he would purchase them. The un- 
fortunate-author, being wholly stripped of his pro- 
perty, resorted for assistance to Clement VII., 
who agreed to confer on Herrera, on his returning 
the books, an ecclesiastical benefice in Cordova, 
and Giovio thus regained possession of his work, (a) 
Under the pontificate of Paul III. he was desirous 
of exchanging his bishoprick of Nocera for that of 
Cqmo, his native place, but the pope refused his 
request; in consequence of which, and of the ne- 
glect with which he conceived himself to be treat- 
ed, he expressed himself respecting that pontiff 
with great warmth and resentment. He is said to 
have flattered himself, on the faith of the predic- 

(a) This circumstance is alluded to by Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi, 

in the following lines : 

" Nee Jovius Medicus vitam qui prorogat unus 
Historiisf^ auroet multa mercede redemptis." 

Gyr, Poemat, in Op. vol. ii. p. 915. 


tions of Luca Gaurico and other astrologers^ with c hap. 
the hopes of obtaining the dignity, of a cardinal; ' 

but like many other persons in those times^ he at- a. n. 1521. 
tempted in vain to discover in the stars the events Aipontix! 
that were to take place on earth. His favourite re- 
sidence was at a beautiful villa on the banks of the 
lake of Como, where, notwithstanding the occa- 
sional levity of his temper and conduct, he dili- 
gently pursued his studies. Here he also formed 
a museum, consisting of portraits of the most il- 
lustrious characters, chiefly those of his own times, 
many of which were transmitted to him ;from va- 
rious parts of the world. To each of these he 
affixed an inscription, or brief memoir, some of 
them highly favourable, and others sarcastically se- 
vere, (a) About two years before his death, he 

(fl) These memoirs have frequently been printed under the title 
of Elogia Doctoruac yirorum, ab avorvm memoria puhlicatU in^ 
genii monumentis illustrium. They were also translated into Ita- 
lian by Hippolito Orio, of Ferrara, and published at that place 
in 1552, under the following title, Le Iscrittioni po^^e sotto le 
tere imagini degli huomini famosi^ le quali a Como, nd Museo del 
Giovio si veggiono. The portraits have also been engraved in 
wood, and published under the title of Musjei Joviani Imagines, 
artifice manu ad vivum expressa ; nee minore industria Theobaldi 
Mulleri Marpurgensis Musis illusiratce, Basil. Ex Officina Fetri 
Pema;, 1577. 

In the last mentioned work are several portraits, the originals of 
some of which are now in my possession, together with many ^ 
others not engraved' in that work. These portraits I conceive to 
be a portion of those formerly in the collection of Giovio, and 
afterwards preserved in the College of the Holy Rosary, at Venice, 
the seal of which appears at the back of each picture. Many of 
these portraits are copied from earlier pictures, which are now pro- 
bably \o8ti it having been the custom of Giovio to avail him- 
self of every opportunity for that purpose, as appears from his ob- 
taining copies of the pictures painted by Bramantino (Barto- 

190 TH£ LIFE OF 

c HAP. quitted his retirement, and took up his residence 
• in Rorence, where he terminated his days in the 

A. D. 1521. year 1562, and was buried in the church of S. 

A!pont.ix. i<>^^2ro, in that city. 

Hithistori- ^^^ historical works of Giovio, which are all in 

eai writings, thjgf Latiu tougtie, comprehend a very interesting 
peridd of time, iand are written with great facility. 
His history of his own times, which commences 
With the desceint of Charles VIII. into Italy, and 
extends to the year 1547, is divided into forty-five 
books; but six of them, from the fourth to the 
eleventh, comprising the period from the death of 

loipamep Suardi) pf Milan, for Julius II., before they were de- 
stroyed, to give place to the works of Raffaelle in the Vatican. 
(jJ-^ote of Bossi, ItaL ed. vol. xi. p. 120.) But some of those of 
the time of Giovio are original, and possess considerable merit. 
If any doubt could exist as to the authenticity of these pictures, it 
will be removed, by observing, that one of the portraits in my 
possession is inscribed Henricus Anglia Hex VIIL, which is «dso 
engraved amongst the wood prints in the work last mentioned, 
with a. similar inscription; but is in fact the portrait of Cardinal 
Wohey ; — a misnomer, which could not have occurred^ if the print 
had not been copied from this picture. It is generally supposed 
that the portraits of Giovio were transferred to the gallery at 
Florence, and became the foundation of the collection which has 
beei^ so considerably augmented, in aftertimes ; but the pictures at 
Florence are copies of those of Giovio, made by Cristofano deW 
Altissimo, by tl^ direction of Cosmo I. (v, Vasari, vol. iji. p. 
477, ed. Bottari, Rom. 1760.) Apaongst those which have fallen 
into my hands, are the pprtraits of ipapy of the persons noticed in 
the Life of Xorenzo de' Medici, and in the present work ; jjarti- 
cularly Cos^p de* Medici, P, P, (a present to. me from Florence,) 
Card, BEssAwoiir, Lion^^ido (Bruni) Ar^tino^ the elder. Giu- 
LiANo de' Medici, Angelo Politiano, Luigi Pulci, Marsilio 
FiciNo, Jacopo Sannazaro, Card. Sadoleti, Card. Ippolito 
D'EsTE, Antonio da Leva, Lorenzo de' Medici, duke of Ur^ 
bino, Daniel Ba^baro, Marc Ant. Flaminio, Erasmus, &c.* 


Charles VIII. to the elevation of Leo X. are want- chap. 
ing, and are supposed to have been Idst during the ^^' 

unfortunate sacking of the city of Rome in the a. d. 1521. 
year 1 527- From the eighteenth to the twenty- a!^ jx. 
fifth book, another deficiency of six bobks oceuifs> 
which extends from the death of Leo X. to the- 
capture of Rome, and which, as it appears from 
the information of Giovio himself, he wa& deterred 
from writing, by the wretched and deplo^ble na- 
ture of the incidents which he would have had to 
relate. These defects he had^ however, in a great 
degree supplied, by his narrative of the lives 
of !Alfonso, duke of Ferrara, of the great captain 
Gonsalvo, of Leo X. of Adrian VI. of Ferdinando 
D' Avalos, marquis of Pescara, and of the cardinal 
Pompeo Colonna ; all of which he has written at 
considerable extent, (a) On their first appearimce 
his writings were received with great approbation ; 
but in a short time their credit diminished, and he 
had the mortification to find himself alternately ac- 
cused of flattery and of msdignity, and of havmg 
sacrificed his talents to servile and interested pur- 
poses. The decisions of subsequent times have 
not tended to exculpate him from these imputa- 
tions. Girolamo Mutio asserts, ^' that he was the 
most negligent of all authors; that his diligence 

(a) The other writings of Giovio are the lives of the twelve 
Visoonti, lords and dukes of Milan ; a description of the island of 
Great Britain, of Musoovy, of the lake of Gomo, and the eulogies 
of men who have distinguished themselves in arms^ Three of the 
lost books of the history of Paullo Giovio, with some of the works 
of his brother Benedetto, have lately been discovered amongst 
the domestic MSS. of the Count Giambattista Giovio, a descen- 
dant of the same family. Tirab. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 269. 

192 THE LIFE OP ^ 

CHAP, was only shewn in obtaining^ the favours of the 
great, and that he who gave the most was the 

A, D. 1521. principal hero of his works." (a) The acute and 
A.Vonux. indefatigable Bayle has availed himself of innumer- 
able occasions to point out his errors, which have 
*also afforded subjects of confutation or of reproof 
to many other writers. That he did not prescribe 
to himself any very severe rules of composition, 
appears from his own acknowledgments. Having 
oh some occasion related in his writings several 
absurd and improbable incidents, and being ad- 
monished by one of his friends to use more cau- 
tion, he observed in reply, that " it was of little 
importance ; for that when the persons then living 
were no more, it would all pass for truth." Of 
his levity in this respect his letters also afford 
frequent instances. ''You well know," thus he 
writes to one of his correspondents, ''that a his- 
tory should be faithful, and that matters of fact 
should not be trifled with, except by a certain lit- 
tle latitude, which allows all writers, by ancient 
privilege, to aggravate or extenuate the faults of 
those on whom they treat, and on the other hand, 
to elevate or depreciate their virtues. I should, 
indeed, be in a strange situation if my friends and 
patrons owed me no obligation, when I make a 
piece of their coin weigh one half more than that 
x)f the illiberal and worthless. You know that by 
this sacred privilege, I have decorated some with 
rich brocade, and have deservedly wrapt up others 
in coarse dowlas. Woe to them who provoke my 

(a) Mutio del GcrUiluomo, lib. ii. p. 166, ap, Tirab. vol. vii, 
par. ii. p. 266. '.- . > 


miger ; for if they make me the maxk for their ^^^^ 
arrows, I shaU bring out my heavy artillery^ and 

try who will have the worst of it. At all events \'^'}^}}' 
they will die ; and I shall at least escape after A.Pontjx. 
deaths that ultima linea of all controversies." (a) 
Several other passages might be cited from his let- 
ters, in which he openly acknowledges the vena- 
lity of his writings, and accounts for his temporary 
silence, because he found no one to bribe him. (b) 
He is said to have asserted, that he had two pens, 
the one of iron, and the other of gold, which he 
made use of alternately, as occasion required^ and 
it is certain that the latter, his penna doro, is fre- 
quently mentioned in his letters, (c) But the 
greatest blemish in the writings of Giovio, and 
which has not sufficiently incurred the reprehen- 
sion of his numerous critics, is the defective or 
perverted morality with which they abound. Of 
this, some instances have been given in the pre- 
ceding pages, and many others might be selected 
from his works. The misrepresentation of a fact 
is often of less importance than the deduction 
which is drawn from it Under the immediate in- 
fluence of ambition and revenge, amidst the storm 
of passion, and the fury of war, deeds of treachery 
or of atrocity have been too often committed, the 
perpetrators of which may have lived to repept of 

(a) LettcrCf p. 12, op. Tirah. vol. vii. par. ii. p. 265. 

(6) " Quia nemo nos conduxit ; id est imperavit quicquam Mi- 
nervae nostrai." Ihid. p. 266. 

(c) In a letter to Henry II. of France, he says, " lo ho gi^ 
temparata la penna cToro col finissimo inchiostro per scrivere in 
carte di lixnga, vita," &c. And in another to Giatnbattista Gas- 
taldo, *' Gi^ ho tempera ta Ifi penna d'oro per celebrare il valor 
vostro." Lett, pp. 31, 26, ap. Tirab, ut sup. 

VOL. W. O 


194 TBHBS lilFE OF : 

CHAP, their crime; but it is, indeed, horrible, when the . 

^^^' narrator of past events^ in the calm retirement of 
A. D. 1621. his closet, attempts to vindicate the breach of n^o- 
A.p^ax. ral obligation upon the pretext of temporary expe-, 
dience, and gives the sanction of deliberate reasojt 
to those, actions which even the impulse of passion 
is insufl&cient to justify. With all these defects> 
the writings of Jovius cannot, however, be wholly 
rejected, without the loss of much important iiir. 
formation, copiously narrated, and elegantly ex- 
pressed ; and under proper precautioais, they yet 
furnish valuable materials to future times, (q) 
Misceiiane- Amoug the wrftcrs of this period whose wor^ 
ous writers, ^ff^j^^ abuudaut materials for the use of the poll-. 

tician, the moralist, and the philosopher, may be 
pierioVaie- enumerated Pierio Valeriano, of BeUuno, the ne- 
phew of Urbano Bolzanio,, of whom some account 
has been given in the preceding pages, (i) The 

(a) I am Sony to have occasion to repeat what I have hefore 
so frequently observed, that Cpunt Bossi imputes to me as an 
omission that which it never was my intention to pei^form; de- ' 
daring that he cannot refrain from expressing his astonishment, ^ 
that amongst the histories of th^e times t^ad not mentioned that 
of Benedetto Farchi ! v. Itah ed, vpl^^. p. 114. That I have not 
given a detailed account of this work (although I have mentioned 
it in the preceding chapter), is true ; and my reason is, that 
Varchi is to be considered as a writer of a subsequent period to 
that of Leo X., he having been born in 1502, and consequently 
only nineteen years of age at the death of tluit potidff ; with 
whom it does not ^pear that he had ever any intercourse. Even 
his history has no connexion with the period on which I write, 
extending only from the year 1527 to 1538. For the additional 
information communicated by Count Bossi on various subjects, 
my best acknowledgments are due ; but I cannot permit my- work 
to lie under the imputation of errors and defects which do not 
justly attach to it.* 

(6) 17. Ante, chap. xi. vol. ii. p. 282. 


narrdwiiess of his circumstances compelled him, chap^ 


whcBf yotlHg, to enter into the menial service of ^ 
some ^f the Venetian nobility, and prevented his a. d. i62i- 


attending to literary studies until he bad attained A.'p<mt.ix' 
the fifteenth year of his age. (a). He afterwards 
applied' himself to them with great diligence, and 
under the instructions of Benedetto Brognolo, 
Giorgio Valla, Janus Lascar, and Marc- Antonio 
Sabellico, made an uncommon proficiency. On the 
recommendation of the latter he changed his bap- 
tismal name of Gian-Pietro, for the more classical 
and sonorous appellation of Pierio. His educa- 
tion was completed at the university of Paduai 
where he arrived about the time that Fracastoro 
quitted it, whom he regrets that he had only seen 
three times. Being driven from his country by 
the irruption of the imperial troops into Italy in 
the year 1509, he resorted for safety to Rome, 
where he soon formed ah intimacy with several 
eminent men, and among others, with the cardinsd 
Egidio of Viterbo, and Gian-FranceSco della Ro- 
vere> archbishop of Turin j the latter of whom, be- 
ing appointed keeper of the castle of S. Angelo, 
gave Valeriano a residence there. But he was still ' 
more fortunate in having attracted the notice of 
the cardinal de' Medici, afterwards Leo X. who no 
sooner ascended the pontifical throne, than he re- 
ceived Valeriano among his constant attendants 
and gave him a competent support. Thus attach- 

(a) He Infers to his servitude in his Eleg. de calamiM, sua vita. 
'* A patruo demum Venetas accitus ad undas, 
Vix menses nostro viximus sere, decern, . 
Patriciis igitur servire coegit egestas 
JErumnosa, bonis invida principiis.'^ . 

O 2 


CHAP, ed to the service of the pontiflF, he accompanied 
• Giuliano de' Medici on his matrimonii expedition 

A. D. 1621. to Turin, and was afterwards appointed hy Leo X. 

Aipontix! instructor of the young favourites, Alessandro and 
Ippolito de' Medici, (a) At this period of life he 
distinguishied himself hy bis Latin poetry, and is 
commemorated by Arsilli in his poem De Poetis 
llrbanis, as a successful imitator of Horace and 
of Propertius. (b) That he attended also on the 
literary feasts of Cory cius, he has particularly men- 
tioned in his works, (c) After the death of Leo, 
he retired for some time to Naples, but was re- 
called to Rome by Clement VII. who had a pride 
in remunerating the learned favourites of his illus- 
trious predecessor, and who conferred on Valeri- 
ano the rank of protonotary, with several ecclesi- 
astical preferments, and appointed him to fill the 
chair of professor of eloquence at Rome. He af- 
terwards passed some part of his time at flor^nce, 
but after the death of the cardinal Ippolito in 
1535, and the assassination of,the duke Alessandro 
de' Medici, he retired to Belluno, whence he trans- 
ferred his residence to Padua, at which place he 
continued to devote himself in tranquillity to his 
favourite studies until the close of Ins days in the 
year 1558. (rf) 

(a) Valerian. Hexamet. in Episi. Dedicat. ad Caiharinam Gattia 
Reginam. Ven. 1650; et v, ante, chap. xi. vol. ii. p. 282. 

(6) The poems of Valeriano, in five books, under the title of 
Amorum, were first printed in 1524, and afterwards by Giolito, at 
• Venice, in 1549. His hexameters, odes, and epigrams, were also 
printed by Giolito, in 1550. 

(c) Valerian, Hieroglyph, lib. xvii. tit Ep. nuncupat. ad JEgidium 
Viterbiensem Card, p. 123. 

(d) Tiraboschi, Storia deUa Lett, Ital. vol. vi. par.iii. p. 299. 



Yaleriano is chiefly known to the present times chap. 
by his brief, but curious and interesting work, De ^^^' 
Literatorum Infelicitate, which has preserved a. d. 1521. 
many anecdotes of the principal scholars of the jj^'^^jx 
age, not elsewhere to be found, (a) His Latin 
poetry has also considerable merits and has fre- 
quently been cited in the foregoing pages, as illus- 
trating the events of the times. His extensive 
learning is, however, chiefly discoverable in his 
great work on Hieroglyphics, divided into fifty- 
eight books, in which he has undertaken to illus- 
trate, from Egyptian, Greek, and Roman symbols, 
almost every branch of science and of art ; but in 
this undertaking he is supposed to have displayed 

Sig. Ticozzi, who has published a history of the literati and artists 
of the department of Piave, amongst which is inserted that of Va- 
leriano, places his birth in 1477, and his death in 1560. From 
this work Count Bossi has made many extracts, contrasting them 
with the account here given, which they serve to correct, to eluci- 
date, or to confirm ; but for which I must refer to ItaL ed, vol. x. 
p, 115, et seq.* 

(a) This work was not published until nearly a century after it 
was written, when it appeared at Venice, in a supplement to the 
ArUiquitates Bellunenses^ of the same author. It was afterwards 
annexed to various editions of the " Hieroglyphics," and lastly, 
was inserted by Menckenius in his Analecta de Calamitate Litte^ 
rn^arumy Lips. 1107, where it is preceded by the tract of Petrus 
Alcyonius De Exilioy a work full of commendations of Leo X., 
who, as Cardinal de' Medici, is represented as taking the lead as 
one of the interlocutors. This latter piece was first published at 
Venice in 1522, and is the work which, from the elegance of its 
style, has induced some critics to suppose the author had discover- 
ed the lost work of Cicero, D< Gloria^ but had suppressed it, in 
order to publish a portion of it as his own. 37. note of M. Henke, 
(krm. ed, vol. iii. p. 354. To this I may add, that the work of 
Valerianus, De InfeUdtaie, &c. was also published separatdy, with 
an appendix by Cornelius ToUius. Anut. 1647.* 

198 . THE LIFE OF 

CHAP, naore imagination than judgment^ and more labour 


. than discrimination, (a) Under the title; of Ji^ti- 
A. D. 1521. quttates Bellunenses, he also published a work on 
aIpohlix. the antiquities of his native ^ace. r This author is 
entitled to a kind of commendation, not to be in- 
discriminately given to the eminent scholars of bis 
time, having been no less remarkable for the pro- 
bity of his life, and the inoflfensiveness of his man-' 
ners, than for the many learned works whicb ififsu- 
ed from his pen. 
c^io cai- Few men of this period had made a greater pro- 
cagnrni. ^cicucy iu literary studies and scientific acquire- 
ments than Celio Calcagnini of Ferrara. His fa- 
ther was of a respectable family, and held the rank 
of an apostolic notary ; but it is conjectured with 
great probability, that Celio was not the offspring 
of a matrimonial coimexion. He was born in the 
year 1479. In his early studies under Pietro 
Pomponazzo he had a3 an associate the celebrated 
Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi, with whom, and with Pi- 
erio Valeriano, he maintained throughout his life 
a strict intimacy, which was cemented by a con- 
formity of studies and pursuits. In his early years 
he had devoted himself to a military life, and serv- 
ed for some time in the army of the emperor Maxi- 
milian. He afterwards engaged in the service of 
Julius IL and was employed in several important 
negotiations. Returning to Ferrara, he obtained 
the particular favour of the family of Este, and 

(a) The opinions of various authors on this, and other produc- 
tions of Valeriano, may be found in the Censura ceUbriorum autho^ 
rum of Pope Blount, p. 557. Ed. Genev. 1710, 4to. And see also 
a long and interesting note of Count BossL ItuLed. vo). x. p* 122, 

LEO THE : T^^TH. 199 

^iras chosati to accompany the cardinal Ippolitd on chap, 
his journey into .Hungary . About the year 1520 ^™^' 
he was appointed professor of the belles lettres in a. d. 1521. 
the university of Ferrara ; a situation which he a'^^^. 
lield with great credit until the time of his deaths 
in the year 1541. His writings, which are very 
nu^merous^ w^e collected and printed at Basle 
in the same year. They relate to almost every 
branch of learning ; to philosophy^ politics^ moral 
and natural science. His Latin poetry is^ how- 
ever^ preferred in pomt of elegance to his prose 
writings^ and entitles him to a respectable rank 
among the most eminent of his contemporaries. 
In some of these pieces he highly applauds the 
Mberality of Leo X. of whose bounty it is proba- 
Ue that he partook in common with his two learn- 
ed friends, (a) In an interview which took place 
between him and Erasmus^ when the latter was on 
a visit at Ferrara^ Calcagnini addressed that great 
scholar in Latin with such fluency and elegance^ 
as not only to surprise him^ but as he himself con^ 
fesses^ almost to deprive him of the power of mak- 
ing a reply. (J) Some years afterwards, the trea- 
tise of Calcagnini JDe Libera Arbitrio, written by 
him in opposition to the Lutheran doctrine of 
predestination^ being dispersed abroad in manu- 
script, fell into the hands of Erasmus, who finding 
that Calcagnini agreed with him in the opinions 
which he had avowed in his Diatribe on the same 

(a) V. Appendix, No. CCIII. 

(6) " Salutavit me summa quidem humanitate, sed oratione tarn 
diserta tamque fluently ut ego prorsus viderer elinguis.** Erasm, 
£p. lib. xxviii, ep. 25. t . . 

200 TttE LIF]B OF * 

CHAP, subject, (a) wrote to him with high commenda- 
^^' tions of his work; which he assures him he meant 
A.D.1521. to have sent to the press, had it not contained in 
A.'p^tjx*. ^^^ passage some insinuations to the prejudice of 
Erasmus, as a friend to the proceedings of Lu- 
ther, (b) He then takes an opportunity of vindi- 
cating himself from any connexion with the re- 
formers. He complains with great justice, that 
whilst he endeavours to keep upon terms with 
both parties, he is persecuted by both, jand in- 
veighs against the theologians and monks, who, as 
he asserts, detest him on account of his labours 
for the promotion of learning, which they hate 
even worse than they do Luther himself, (c) In 
his reply to Erasmus, Calcasnini attacked Luther 
and Ws doctrines with gre^ bitterness. Adv^ 
ing then to the conduct of Erasmus, he informs 
him, that those who censure him the least do not 
hesitate to represent him as one who acts a double 

(a) In reply to this Diatribe of Erasmus, Luther wrote his trea-' 
tise, De Servo Arhiirio^ 'which is published in the general collection 
of his works, torn. iii. p. 160. 

{h) " Libellus tuus, De libera Arbitrio^ mi Car/t, usque adeo mi- 
hi placuit, ut editurus fuerim in tui nominb gloriam, ni me locus 
uniis ofiendissel, in quo suspicionem quorundam qui me dictitant 
hoc spectaculo delectari, quod hactenus tacitus consertisque mani- 
bus viderim aprum ilium ferum devastantem vineam Domini, $ic 
refers, quasi non fueris ab eadem alienus." Erasm. Ep. lib. xx. 
ep. 53. 

(c) " Caeterum video illud esse fati mei, ut diim utrique parti 

consulere studeo, utrinque lapider.'* " et interim Theologi Mo- 

nachique, quorum implacabile odium in me concitaram ob provec- 
ta bonarum literarum studia, quas istae pecudes multo pejus ode- 
runt quam Lutherum ipsum, tam pertinaciter ac stolide debacchan- 
tur in me, ut ni mihi fuisset animus adamantinus, vel horum odiis 
potuerim in castra Luiheri propelli/' Erasm. ibid. 


part, and who, aHhough he alone might extinguish chap. 
the Aame, stands hy unconcerned whilst the al* ^^^' 
tars of the gods are destroyed, (a) He assures him, a. d. 1521. 

^^ A X't AjR 

however, that these are not his sentiments, and aIpodux. 
declares, that he is fully convinced of his piety 
aiad his sincerity, as a proof of which he requests 
that he will not only correct the passage which 
has given him so much concern, hut wUl alter or 
expunge any expression which may he supposed 
to convey the slightest reflection on his charac- 
ter. (&) Under the smooth polish of urbanity which 
appears in this letter, Calcagnini has, however, 
conveyed no small portion of reproof; nor is it, 
indeed, surprising, that the rigid adherents of the 
Roman church should feel highly indignant at one 
of their most accomplished chieftains, who in the 
day of battle refused to oppose himself openly to 

(a) ^^ Nam quod epistolis et aliis tuis commentariis Lutheri &- 
bulam non probari abs te asseveras, et tibi votum consulendi utri- - 
que parti testabare, sic interpretabantur, quasi alia manu panem 
ostenderes^ alia l£q>idem absconderes, et quod duos parietes de ea- 
dem fidelia adlinens, utrinque plausum aucupareris. Qui vero vd 
modestissime vel parcissime de te obloquebantur, ii te quasi ces- 
satorem arguebant, quod tantum incendium excitatum videres, 
quantum non alius praeter Erasmum posset extinguere, et tamen, 
quasi ea res per jocum gereretur, aut nihil ad te pertineret, insin- 
uatis manibus flagrantes aras deorumque focos spectares.'^ Calcag. 
Ep. ad Erasm, int. Eras, Ep. lib. xx. ep. 54. 

(b) '* Illud itaque, mi Erasme, certum persuasumque babeto, me 
toa bonitate, sinceritate, pietate, nihil exploratius habere aut testa- - 
tiiia. Si quid est tamen eo in libello, quod aut aures tuas ofiendat, , 
aut quod tibi videatur malevoUs dare ansam posse male cogitandi^ . 
expunge, dele, interline, immuta ; ut lubet. Fac denique ut nulla 
latebra si^rsit in qua nsevus uUus delitescat." Calcagn, ui mp. 
Much additional information respecting Calcagnini may be found ; 
in the nqteSi^of Bossi^ in ItaU cd. v0l..x.. pp. 129, 100, \Zh &t. 


cjWAP. the enemy^ and to use the language of .C^cagnVu 
himself^ looked sedately on '* whilst the^drhiNur 


A.D.1521. rooted up the vineyard of the Lord/ ^ 

A.*PontJx. In the course of the preceding work, we Iw^e 
liiioGrego- ^^d frcqueut occasiou to refer to the writings of 
no Gyraidi. /ljUq Gregorio Gyraldi, and particularly: to his 

treatise on the Latin poets of his own times. 
There are^ indeed, few departments of literature 
which have not heen the subjects of his inquiry, 
and in whatever study he engaged he made a dis- 
tinguished proficiency. He was bom of a respect- 
able family at Ferrara, in the year 1489 ; and. al- 
though his finances were scanty, he had the good 
fortune to obtain instructions from Luca Riva and 
Battista Guarini. In his youth he paid a visit to 
Naples, where he had an opportunity of forming 
aa intimacy with some of the distinguished scholars 
who then resided there. He afterwards visited 
Hirandula^ Carpi, and Milan; in which last city he 
prosecuted the study of the Greek language under 
Demetrius Chalcondyles. (a) Thence he passed to 
Modena, where, at the request of the countess 
Bianca Rangone, he undertook to superintend the 
education of Ercole Rangone, one of her sons. 
On the countess transferring her residence to 
Rome^ at the invitation of Leo X. who, as has al- 
ready been related, made a splendid provision for 
her and her family, (J)) Gjrraldi followed his pa- 
troness, and had apartments assigned to him. by 

the pontiff in the Vatican ; where he not only con- 

^ ■' • • . • 

. (a) Tirab. Storia della Lett. ItaL voLyii. pajr« ii. jf^;%L6y^^7. 
Bom,note^ in ItaL ed, vol. x.. pp. 133, 134. 

{b) V. Ante^ chap, xiv« v(^. iii; p. IM. ^ ^ 

LEO . THE ^BNTH. 203 

tiimed til watch over the education of his pupil, chap. 
who was afterwards rafised hy Leo X. to the dig- 

J .1 

nity of a cardinal, but delivered instructiotts to .a. d* 1^21 • 
such other young men of eminence as wer6 indiur A-Vonux. 
ed to attend him. (a) The favour with which he was 
regarded by Leo X. ^nd hy his successors, Adrian 
YI; and Clement YII:, might have induced him 
to flatter himself with the hope pf some impor- 
tant preferment ; but tibe only office which he ob- 
tained was that of an apostolic notaty. Diiring 
his residence in the pontifical courts Gyraldi is 
siud to have indulged himself too freely in the 
luxuries of the table^ in consequence of which 
he contracted the gout.(&) With the pangs of 

(a) In a manuscript copy of the poetics of Vida, cited by Tira- 
boschiy is the following passage : 

" I puer ; atque fores Lili pulsare docentis 
Ne dubita, et vatis sacratum insist^re limed. 
Excipiet facilis, teque admiretur ab annis, 
Spesque avidas ultro dictis accendat amicis." 
These lines were omitted by Vida, on printing his poem ; a cir- 
cumstance which gave great offence to Gyraldi, who alludes to it 
in the following lines : 

.'^ Poscere non ausita Vidam, promittere quamvis 
Sit montes auri solitus ; .nam carmine nomen 
Ipse suo expunxit, nostroque a limine vates 
Summovit teneros ; hunc qui succurrere credas V* 
And to the same cause may be assigned the sarcastic mannier in 
which Oyraldi characterizes the poetical writings 6f Vida in his 
treatise De Poet.- suor. temp, 

(b) ^'.Admonui etiam ut mores pestileiitissim^ Urbis caveret, 
et cceli insalubritatem declinaret, unde jam podagram et nephritim 
contraxit. Atque id feci libentius, quod Lilium ab ineunte aetate 
semper impense amaverim, et in eum omnia contulerim officia. 
Sed nescio quomodo, postquam atriuiyi illud Circes adiit, alios in- 
duit mores, et a se prorsus descivit." Celiq Calcag, Joan. Fr. Pico, 
, Ep. ap. Tirab. vol. vii. par. ii. p. %16, 


CHAP, this disorder he had also to sustain other misfor^ 
^^^' tunes. In the sacking of the city of Rome, in the 

A.D. 1621. year 1527, he was plundered of all his property, 
I'.^nux. not heing ahle to save even his hooks. In the 
same year he lost, hy an untimely death, his great 
protector the cardinal Ercole Rangone, in conse- 
quence of which he left the city of Rome and 
retired to Mirandula, where he was most kindly 
received by Gio van-Francesco Pico, lord of that 
place. The treacherous assassination of that learns 
ed prince, in the year 1533, again deprived Gy- 
raldi of a liberal patron, and had nearly involved 
him in destruction. He effected, however, his 
esc^e to Ferrara, where in the friendship of Gio- 
vanni Manardi, and Celio Calcagnini, and the fa- 
vour of the duchess Renata, one of the daughters 
of Louis XII. he found at length a refuge from 
his misfortunes. With his returning prosperity 
his disorder, however, acquired new strength, and 
he was at length confined entirely to his bed, 
where he still continued his studies, and composed 
several of those learned works which have trans- 
mitted his name with credit to future times. He 
died in the year 1552 ; having, during his resi- 
dence at Ferrara, acquired a considerable sum of 
money, which he gave by his will to the duke to 
be divided among the poor ; a disposition which 
would have been more to his honour, had he not 
left six nieces of marriageable age wholly destitute 
of support. His books he bequeathed to his rela- 
tives Giambattista Gyraldi (a) and Prosperp Pa- 

(a) Well known under the name of Giovambattista Giraldi 
Cynthio, as the author of the HecatommUhi, or hundred novels, 
in the manner of Boccaccio, which have been frequently printed. 

A coUection 


setio. In consequence of the frequent praises be- chap. 
stowed by Gyraldi on the duchess of Ferrara, who 

was generally supposed to be favourable to the a. d. 1521. 
opinions of the reformers, Gyraldi was himself Aipontix. 
suspected of a similar partiality. His numerous 
writings on history, criticism, morals, and other 
subjects, were collected and published in two vo- 
lumes in folio, at Leyden, in 1696. These volumes 

contain also his Latin poems, which entitle him to 
rank among the most correct and learned writers 
of his time. 

A collection of his poems was published at Ferrara in 1537} at the 
close of which is a treatise of Celio Calcagnini, De Imitationei ad- 
dressed to Cynthio. This volume rarely occurs. For a further 
account of Cynthio, or Cintio Giraldi, and of several other of the 
scrittori poligrqfi, or miscellaneous writers, of the times, the Italian 
reader may consult the additional notes of Count Bossi, in ItaL 
ed. vol. X. pp. 122, 123, 134, 135. 

•• \^ 




REVIVAL of the Fine Arts — Research of Antiques en^ 
couraged by Leo X. — His Iambics on the statue of Lu- 
cretia — Collection of Angelo ColoccU^Erection and im» 
provements of the Vatican palace-^Extensive views of 
Julius IL"^ Architectural works of Bramante — Most 
flourishing period of the Arts — Michelagnolo Buonaroti 
— Emulation between him and Lionardo da Vinci — LfO- 
nardo da Vinci visits Florence — Cartoons qfthe Wars of 
Pisa — Commencement qfthe modem church of St. Peter*s 
at Rome — Michelagnolo undertakes the tomb of Julius 
11. — Erects the statue of that pontiff^ in Bolognor^Raf' 
faeUo D'Urbino '-Michelagnolo commences his works in 
the Capella^ Sistina — Paintings of Raffaello in the Va- 
tican — Whether Raffaello improved his style from the 
works of Michelagnolo^^Circumstances decisive of the 
controversy^^Picture of HeUodorus — Leo X. engages 
Michelagnolo to rebuild the church of S. Lorenzo at 
Florence^^RaffaeUo proceeds in painting the frescos of 
the Vatican — Works executed by him for Agostino Chigi 
— Roman school of art — Loggie ofRqffaello — Polidoro 
da Caravaggio — The Cartoons of RaffaeUo'^Hall of 
Const antine — Traasflguration of RaffaeUo painted in 
competition with Michelagnolo^-^RaffaeUo employed by 
Leo X. to delineate the remains of ancient Rome — His 
report to the Pope on that subject — Death of Raffaello 
^"Other artists employed by Leo X.^-^Luca della Rob- 
bia^^Andrea Contucci — Francia Bigio — Andrea del 
. SartO'^acopo da PuntormO'-^Lionardo da Vinci said 
to have visited Rome — Origin of the art of engraving on 
Copper — Stampe di Niello^^Baccio Baldini — Andrea 
Mantegna — Marc-Antonio Raimondi and his scholars — 
Invention of Etching. 



The encouragement afforded by the Roman pon- a.d. 1521, 
tiffs to paintings to sculpture, and to architecture, AiponVix. 
is almost coeval with their revival in modern times, n^^^^i of 
For a long succession of ages the genius of the ^® ^^^ *^ 
predominating religion had, indeed, been highly 
unfavourable to these pursuits, and uniting with 
the ferocity of barbarian ignorance, had almost ex- 
tirpated the last remains of those arts which had 
been carried by the ancients to so great a degree 
of perfection, (a) The fury of the Iconoclasts sub- 
sided, as the restoration of paganism became no 
longer an object of dread, and some of the meagre 
and mutilated remains of ancient skill, sanctified 
by new appellations, derived from the objects of 
Christian worship, were suffered to remain to at- 
tract the superstitious devotion, rather than the 
enlightened admiration of the people. The re- 
monstrances and example of Petrarca seem first to 
have roused the attention of the Romans to the 

(a) " Ma quelloy che sopra tutte le cose dette, fu di perditi e 
danno infinitamente a le predette professioni, fii il fervente zelo 
della nuova religione Crisdana. La quale non guast6 solamente, 
o gett6 per terra tutte le statue maravigliose, e le sculture, pitture, 
musaici, ed omamenti de' fallaci Dii de' Gentili-; ma le memorie an- 
.cora, e gli onori d* infinite persone egregie, alle quali per gli.eccel- 
lenti meriti loro dalla virtuosissima antichit^ erano state poste in 
publico le statue, e F altre memorie." Va9arif Vue Je* PiUoriy in 
Proem, 73. 



CHAP, excellence of those admirable works, by the re- 
^^^' mains of which they were still surrounded. '^ Do 

A. D. 1521. you not blush,'' said he, '* to make an infamous 
A.'^nt.ix. traffic of that which has escaped the hands of your 
barbarian ancestors ; and to see that even the in- 
dolent city of Naples adorns herself with your 
columns^ your statues, and the sepulchres that co* 
ver the ashes of your forefathers ?" (a) From thi§ 
period some traces appear of arising taste for these 
productions, which in the course of the succeed- 
ing century became a passion that could only be 
gratified by the acquisition of them. Of the lar 
hours of Niccolo Niccoli, of Poggio Bracciolini, 
and of Lorenzo, the brother of the venerable Cos- 
mo de*^ Medici, some account has been given in 
other works, {b) By Lorenzo the Magnificent thi? 
object was pursued with constant solicitude and 
great success ; and the collection of antiques form- 
ed by him in the gardens of S. Marco at Florence, 
became the school of Michelagnolo. 
Research This rclish for the remains of antiquity^ whether 

of antiques _ • t i* i 

encouraged they cousistcd 01 statucs, gems> vases> or other spe- 
^y Leo X. (ji jjjgjjg Qf sj^ju^ ijj^ J h^exL cultivated by Leo X. from 

(a) *' Non vi siete arrossiti di fare un vile guadagno di cid, che 
ba sftiggito )e mam de'lbarbari vontri maggiorl ; e ddk vostre co- 
lonne, de' limitari de' vostri templi, delle statue, de' sepolchri sot- 
to cui riposayano le Yeiia*ande ceneri de' yostri antenati, per tacer 
d' altre cose, or s* abbellisce e s' adorna Y oziosa Napoli ?" Pietrar. 
Hortat. ad NicoL Laurent^ ap. Tirab. Storia deUa Letter. haL toI. 
▼. p. 312. 

(6) Shepfierd*s lAfe of Poggio Braccioiim, ekapw Tii. p» 281. 
Ltfe of Lorenzo de* Medici, diap. ix. vol. iL pp. 193^ 195, 201, Sge. 
4to. ed. Cowit Bossi has also enlarged on diis subject, and given 
an account of several other early cdlections, and works of art in 
Italy. V, Ital, ed. vol. xi. p. 114.* 


Ilis earliest years under his paternal roof; wherd chap. 
the? instructions of the accomplished Politiano had , 
enabled him to combine amusement with improve- a. d. 1521. 

_ . . 1 , . • A.^t.46. 

knent^ and to unite a correct taste with the science A.Pontjx. 
of an antiquarian. Before he was raised to the 
pontifical chair, he had distinguished himself by 
the encouragement which he had afforded to the 
research of antiquities af Rome, (a) By his assidu-^ 
ity a piece? of sculpture was discovered in a small 
idand of the Tiber, representing the ship of -3Es- 
eulapius ; an incident which is referred to by one 
of the poets of the time, as an augury of the elec- 
tion of Leo to the pontificate, and of the tranquillity 
and glory of his reign, {b) In the year 1508, under 
the pontificate of Julius II. the group of the Lao- 
coon, one of the most precious remains of anti- 
quity, was discovered in the ruins of the baths of 
Titus, afltJ the fortunate discoverer was rewarded 
by the pontiff with an annual stipend, arising from 
the income of the gate of S. John Lateran. On 
the elevation of Leo to the pontificate, he removed 
this inestimable memorial of art to the Vatican, 
and in exchange for the annuity, conferred on the 
person who discovered it the honourable and lu- 
crative office of an apostolic notary, (c) The en- 

(a) In the Laurentian library, Pint, xxxiii. Cod. 37, is preserved 
a Latin poem of Andrea Fulvius, in two book% entitled, ArUiqua~ 
via, in which he describes at great length the antiquities of Rome, 
with many encomiums on Leo X. v. Fabr. Leon, X. vit. p. 305, 
note 111. 

(b) The Latin verses of Valeriano on this occasion are given 

in the Appendix, No. CCIV. ? 

(c) " So trovato in una relazione manoscritta, degna di fede, 
che papa Giulio II. diede a Felice de' Fredis, e a suoi figUuoli introi^ 
ttu et portionem gabeUa Porta S. Johannis Laieranensis, in premio 


212 " THE LIFE OP 


couragement thus afforded to those who 'devoted 
themselves to these inquiries, gave new vigour 
A. !>• 1521. to their researches. The production of sl genuine 

A.iEt.46. . . . . ^ , , n "' 

A.Pontjx. specimen of antiquity secured to the fortunate 
possessor a competency for life, and the acquisi- 
tion of a fine statue was almost equivalent to that 
of a bishoprick. In these pursuits little attention 
was paid by the pontiff to economy. Whatever 
appeared deserving of his notice was purchased at 
any expense, and paid for from the revenues in- 
tended for the use of the church. Many of the 
cameos and gems of great value, which had been 
collected by his ancestors and dispersed during the 
misfortunes of his family, were fortunately recover- 
ed by him, and to these, important additions were 
made by his own assiduity. He placed in the 
front of the pantheon, now called the church 
of La Rotunda or S. Maria ad Martyres, (a) a 

d' avere scoperto il Laocoonte; e cheLEox X. restituendo queste 
rendite. alia chiesa di S. Giov. Laterano, assegn6 loro in vece 
Officium Scriptories Apostolica, con nn breve in. data del 9 Novem- 
bre, 1617." Winckel. Staiia delle arti. Nota delV edit. vol. ii. 
p. 193. The merits of this fortunate inquirer were also inscribed 
on his tomb. 

" Felici de Fredis, 
Qui ob proprias virtutes, 
£t repertum Laogoontis divinum quod 
In Vatican© cemes fere 
Respirans simulacrum^ 
Immortalitatem meruit, 
Anno Domini MDXxvini." 

V, Richardson sur la Pcinture, torn. iii. p. 711. 

in addendis. 
(fl) This was commemorated by the following inscription : 
Leo X. Pont. Max. raoviDENffiss. Princeps 


' ' - Ne 


fine porph3rry vase, which has since been removed chap. 
by Clement XII. into the church of the Lateran. ^^"' 
The discovery of these monuments of ancient skill a. d. 1521. 
called forth the panegyrics of the moist accomplish- A.l^ntjx.^ 
ed scholars of the age. To the Latin verses of 
Sadoleti on the Laocoon and the Curtius we have 
before had occasion to refer, (o) Castiglione has 
in like manner celebrated the statue of Cleopatra, 
now supposed to be that of Ariadne, in a poem of 
great elegance, in which he has taken occasion 
highly to commend the taste and munificence of 
Leo X. (b) Even Leo himself, whilst yet a cardi- iambics by 
nal, exercised his talents on a similar subject ; and 
his Iambics on the discovery of a statue of Lucre- 
tia among the ruins of the Transtevere, exhibit 
the only specimen that has been preserved to us 
of his poetical compositions, and atford a sufficient 
proof, that if he had devoted a greater share of hia 
attention to the cultivation of this department of 
letters, he might not wholly have despaired of suc- 
cess, (c) 

The particular favour with which Leo X. re- 
garded antiquarian studies, gave them a new im- 
pulse at Rome, where many of the cardinals and 
distinguished prelates began to form collections 
which have since been highly celebrated. Among CoUection 
these, that of Angelo Colocci, in the villa and gar- Coiocci. 


Obolesceret in hunc modum refoni 
exornarique jussit. 

Baetholom^cs Valla. Uediles Fac. Cur. 

Ramundus Capoferrus, 3 
(a) ». Ante, chap. xvii. vol. iii. pp. 271, 359. 
lb) V. Appendix, No. CCV. 
(c) This piece is given in the Appendix, No, CCVI. 

214 TH£ LIFE OF 

CHAP, dens of Sallust, is deserving of particular nB^iv^.' 
^^^^- His statues, busts, sepulchral mepaorials, cameo9y 
A. D. 1521. coins, and medals, were numerous and valuable.(a) 
Alpfntix. "^^ w^ls ^f ^^^ house were decorated with clfts- 
sical monuments in marble ; and the Roman 3twd- 
ard, and the consular Fasti of Colocci, have fre- 
quently been referred to, a^ the most authentic 
documents for ascertaining circumstances of con- 
siderable importance in the topography and his- 
tory of ancient Rome, (b) 
Erection The palace of the Vatican, first erected by the 
^vments poutiff Symmachus, about the beginning of thB 
?ac^o?the sixth ccutury, (c) had been enlarged by Nicholas 
Vatican, jjj^ g^ ^g ^^ agprd a commodious residence for 

the chiefs of the Christian church ; but the magr 
nificent idea of increasing the splendour of the 
Roman see, and rendering the city of Rome the 
centre of literature and of arts no less than of reli- 
gion, was first conceived by Nicholas V. about the 
middle of the fifteenth century. As a part of this 
design, he resolved to complete the palace of the 

(a) *' Andreas Fulvius memorat inter alia monumenta ab An* 
gelo Colotia collecta, fuisse signum Socratis Alcibiadem complec- 
tentis, Jovis Ammonis, Protbei, iBsculapii ; prseterea signa Men- 
sium cum Diis tutelaribus," &c. Uhaldiniy vita Colotii, p. 26. 

(b) " Hortuli Colotiani ad Aquam Virginem siti, maxima ve-r 
tustorum monumentorum copia instructissimi| quae primis illi^ 
temporibus> quibus antiquitatis studium caput extollere ccepit, 
unus Angelus Colotius, sanctissimus doctissimusque vir, eo in 
loco summa cum diligentia bine inde coUegit^ magnam mibi In- 
scriptionum multitudinem suppeditarunt.^' Fanvinii Fast. lib. ii. 
ap. Ubaldini, vitam Colotiiy p. 31. 

(c) " Symmachus baec primus vicina palatia PetrOi 

Condidit ; bine alii longo post tempore patres 
^dificaverunt, coluereque protjnus sedes." 
Andr. Fulvius^ de Antiq. Urbis, lib. i. Ed. Rom. 1^1^. 


Yaticaii on such an extensive scale, and with such chap* 
degance of ornament, as to render it the largest, ^^^' 
as well as the most beautiful fabric in Christen- a. d. 1521. 
dom* It was his intention not only to prepare a a/^u^i^ 
suitable residence for the supreme pontiff, and for 
$he cardinals of the church, by whom, as his con- 
stant council, he ought always to be surrounded, 
but to provide appropriate buildings for transact- 
ing all the affairs of the Roman court, with ac- 
conmiodations for the officers both of the church 
and state ; so as to give to the seat of the supreme 
pontiff the utmost possible degree of convenience 
and of pomp. Splendid apartments were also to be 
provided for the reception of the sovereigns and 
great personages^ who for devotional or secular 
purposes might visit the holy see, and an immense 
theatre was to be erected for the coronation of 
the Roman pontiffs. This extensive structure 
formed, however, a comparatively smaH part of 
his vast design, which, it seems, was to compre- 
hend the whole of the Vatican hill, and to enclose 
it from the rest of the city. The communication 
with the latter was to be formed by extensive cor- 
ridors, which might be used for shops and mer- 
cantile purposes, and which were designed in such 
a manner as to be secure from the inconveniences 
arising from the winds that prove so injurious to 
the inhabitants, and from all causes of infection 
and disease. The buildings were intended to be 
surrounded with gardens, with gallerie^j^ fountains, 
imd aqueducts ; an4 among them were to be erectr 
ed chapels, libraries, and a large and elegant struc- 
ture for the assembly of the conclave. '* What a 
glory would it have been for the Roman church," 


CHAP, exclaims the pious Vasari, '* to have seen the su- 
^^^^* preme pontiff, as in a celebrated and sacred mo- 

A.D. 1521. nastery, surrounded by all the ministers of reU- 
A.*]^m.ix. gion, and living, as in a terrestrial paradise, a ce- 
lestial and holy life ; an example to aU -Christen- 
dom, and an incitement to unbelievers to devote 
themselves to the true worship of God, and of 
our blessed Saviour." (a) Whether the completion 
of this plan would have been productive -of such 
happy consequences, may, perhaps, be doubtful, 
but the arts would have been fostered and re- . 
warded by such an application of the immense 
treasures then derived from every part of Chris- . 
tetidom, which would, at least, have been expended 
in elegant and harmless pursuits, instead of being 
devoted, as has been too often the case, to the 
purposes of luxury, of corruption, and of war. 
The artist employed by Nicholas V. in executing 
his immense designs, was Bernardo Rosselini. His 
plans were completed and approved of; the work 
was commenced ; and such part of the buildings 
as front the cortile of the Belvedere, with a part 
of 'the extensive walls, was ' erected, when the 
death of this munificent pontiff terminated his 
mighty projects ; not, however, before he had, by 
the assistance of the same eminent architect, com- 
pleted several magnificent buildings, as well within 
the city of Rome as in other parts of Italy. As -a 
painter, Pietro della Francesca was employed by 
Nicholas V. to decorate, conjointly with other ar- , 
tists, some of the chambers of the Vatican; (ft) but 

(a) Vasariy vite de Pittoru voU i. p. 181. 
{b) *' Haecloca tuta parum primus munita reliqliit 
-' Njcoleos^uintus, qui moenibus amlmt altis ; » 



their labours were destroyed during the pontifik^ate chap. 


of Leo X. to make way for much superior pro- 
ductions. A. D. 1621. 

A JEt. 46. 

The buildings of the Vatican were increased A'.Poiit.ix. 
by -Pius II., Paul IL, and Sixtus IV. who erected 
the- chapel known by his name, with the library Extensive 
and conclave; and by Innocent VIII. who com- JIJ]^^ n. 
pleted several extensive galleries and apartments, 
and ornamented them with paintings an,d mosaics. 
A stately tower was raised by Alexander VI., the 
apartments of which were decorated with pictures 
by the best artists of the time ; (a) but the honour 
of having carried forwards to a great degree of 
perfection the splendid designs of Nicholas V. 
was reserved for Julius 11. Shall we, with Bembo, 
attribute it to the good fortune of this pontiff, that 
he was surrounded by three such artists as Bra- 
mante, Raflfaello, and Michelagnolo, or may we 
not with greater justice suppose, that Julius com- 
municated to them a portion of the vigour and 
impetuosity of his own character ; and acknow- 
ledge that these great men were indebted to the 
pontiff for some part of their reputation, and per- ^ 
haps of their excellence, by the opportunities 
which his magnificent projects and vast designs 
afforded them, of exercising their talents on a 
theatre sufficiently ample to display them to full 
advantage ? 

The first patron- of Bramante, after his arrival 

Stnixit et oraavit pictis laquearibus aulas ; 
Binaque ubi fieret res sacra sacella peregit 
Multa quoque incoepit, inulta imperfecta reliquit. 

And, Fulv, de antiquit, Urbis^ lib. i. 
(a) ** Sextus Alexander, postremo in vertice turrem 
Addidit, andquis quae prasminet sedibus altam." 

Andr. Fulv. ut iup. 

%19 THS LIF£ OF 

PHAP, fyimx MUan at Rome^ was the cardioal OUv^iia 
^^^ CaxsSk, for whom be designed and coBipieted the 
A. p. 1521. choir, in the convent of the Frati della Peuse^ 
A!^nt. IX. This specimen of his talents recommended him to 
Architcttu. *^® notice of Alexander VI. by whom he was em* 
rai works of ployed in executing the pontifical arms in fresco, 
over the great doors of S- John Lateran^ when 
that church was opened for the cdebration of the 
jubilee in the year 1500. Alexander afterwards 
conferred upon him the office of his sub-architect ; 
but on the accession of Julius II. a fairer oppor- 
tunity was afforded him of displaying his talents. 
No sooner was Julius seated in the chair^ than be 
determined to facilitate the communication be* 
tween the gardens of the Belvedere and the pon- 
tifical palace^ by two magnificent corridors, the 
execution of which he committed to Bramante. 
The inequality of the surface, instead of proving 
an obstacle to the artii^t, enabled him to exhibit 
the powers of his invention to greater advantage ; 
and the model which he formed is acknowledged to 
have been equal in grandeur, in elegance, and in 
extent, to the most celebrated works of the anci^ 
^nts. Of this immense design, th^ Loggie, that 
extend four hundred yards in length, and yet form 
one of the chief ornaments of the Vatican, were a 
part; and were intended to correspond with a 
simOar range of buildings on the opposite side^ 
the foundations of which were laid, but which, in 
consequence of the death of the pope, and that of 
the artist, who did not long survive him, remained 
unfinished, until they were completed by Pius 
IV. (a) The model formed by Bramante of these 

(a) K<wari, Vita rf^' Pittori^ pamm* According to Bos8i,%ra« 

'I . ■■ 

fOt^gmfie^ structures^ in which 1^^ jievels of the chap.^ 
different buildings were connected by flights of ^^^^ 

Sft^ps^ designed with wonderful ingenuity^ and or- a. d. 1621, 
imputed by ranges of Doric, Ionic, and Corin- A..'pouax. 
thiaa columns, was considered as an astonishing 
performance, and seems to have resembled tb9 
^Id inventions of a more modem artist, who be^ 
ing unable, in latter days, to obtain an adequate 
employment for his extraordinary talents, found ^, 
a gratification in designing imaginary buil4i9gs^ 
which rise pile above pile in towering sublimity^r 
and present to the eye masses of surchitectur^, 
which the labour of ages could not accomplisli^ 
apd of which the revenues of kingdoms would not 
defray the expense, (a) 

Bramante having thus become the *professe4 
architect and favourite of Julius !!• frequently 
accompanied the pontiff on his military expedi- 
tions, who in return for his attachment ^nd his 
services, conferred on him the lucrative office of 
sealer of the pontifical briefs. Under his direJQ^ 
tions, Bramante executed in Rome and its vicinity 
several considerable buildings ; and such was th^ 
fervour of the artist who laboured, and of th# 
pontiff who stimulated him, that these inunen^^ 
£ibrics, to use an compression of Vasari, seemecl 
rather to be born than to be built. 

The most illustrious period of the arts is that Most flou- 
which commences with the return of Michelagnolq nod of the 

Hiante was bora in 1444, and died at seventy years of age in 1514* 

Leo X. is said to have ordered a magnificent funeral for Ipm^ 

which he attended himself, with his whole court. Many additional 

ftfurticulars respecting this great architect may be fQu^d in tta^* fd. 

ToL ix. p. 115,. et aeq.* 

(a) D Cavaliero Giamb^ttiata Pinv^esii 


CHAP, from Rome to Florence, about the year 1500, and 
terminates with the death of Leo X. in 1521. 

A. D. 1521. Within this period, aknost all the great works in 
A.*Pont.ix. painting, in sculpture, and in architecture, which 
have been the admiration of future times, were 
produced. Under the successive but uninterrupt- 
ed patronage of Julius II. and Leo X., the talents 
of the great artists then living were united in one 
simultaneous eflFort; and their rival productions 
may be considered as a joint tribute to the muni- 
ficence of their patrons, and the glory of the age. 
Midheiag- ^ short timc prior to the expulsion of Piero de' 
nolo Buo- Medici from Florence, in the year 1494, Michel- 
agnolo had quitted his native place, from an ap- 
prehension of the disturbances which he saw were 
likely to. ensue. After a short and unprofitable 
visit to Venice, he took up his residence at Bo- 
logna, where he gave some specimens of his ta- 
lents, not only as an artist, but as a polite scholar ; 
and his host Aldrovandi was delighted with his 
recitation of the works of Dante, Petrarca, Boc- 
caccio, and other Tuscan writers, (a) On the es- 
tablishment of the government under Pietro Sode- 
rini, Michelagnolo returned to Florence, where he 
executed for Lorenzo di Pier-Francesco de' Me- 
dici a statue in marble of St. John^ which has un- 
fortunately eluded the researches of his admi- 
rers, (i) About the same time he also completed, 
in marble, a figure of Cupid sleeping, which at 
the suggestion of the same Lorenzo, he is said to 
have placed for some time in the ground, for the 

(a) Vasarif vita di Michelagn. in vite, torn. iii. p. 197. And 
see note of Count Bossi, in ItaL ed. vol. xi. p. 122.* ' • 

{b) Bottari, Nota al Vasari, vol. iii. p. 197. 


purpose of giving to it the appearance of a piece ^Jl^J 
of ancient sculpture. It was afterwards sold as a 


real monument of antiquity to the cardinal Raf- a. d. 1521. 

A JEt 46 

faello Riario^ who, having discovered the decep- Aipontix. 
tion^ and being insensible of its intrinsic merit, re- 
turned it on the hands of the artist, (a) Notwith- 
standing this impeachment of the taste of the car- 
dinal, he soon afterwards invited Michelagnolo to 
Rome, where he remained about the space of a 
year, but without being employed by the cardinal 
in any undertaking worthy of his talents, {b) He 

(a) This figure afterwards came into the possession of Caesar 
Borgia, who presented it to the marchioness of Mantua, at which 
city it gave rise to an anecdote recorded in the life of De Thou. 
That great man heing at Mantua, in the year 1673, was, as we are 
told, gratified with the sight of the sleeping Cupid of Michelag- 
nolo, of which he and his friends expressed their high approba- 
tion ; but on being shewn, immediately afterwards, another figure 
of the same subject, of antique workmanship, they were instantly 
convinced of the inferiority of the modern artist ; whose work ap- 
peared, in comparison with the other, a shapeless block ; and were 
ashamed of having expressed their approbation of it. This story, 
if true, does no credit tp the taste of De Thou and his companions. 
They might, perhaps, justly have preferred the ancient to the mo- 
dem statue, but in thus extravagantly condemning that which 
they had, the moment before, commended, they proved that they 
had no real standard of taste, and were not qualified to judge on 
the subject. 

M. Henry, the French translator of the present work, has given, 
in a note, the history of the Sleeping Cupid somewhat differently. 
17. ed. Fran, tom. iv. p. 234, 2nd ed.* 

{b) It is strange that Michelagnolo should, at the request of the 
cardinal, have condescended, as Vasari relates, to make a design 
for a painting of St. Francis receiving the stigmata, which was to 
be finished in colours by the tonsor of the cardinal. It appears, 
however, to have been executed, and after having been coloured 
by the barber " molto dihgentemente," was honoured with a place 
in one of the chapels of S, Pietro a Montorio^ at Rome. Such is 


CHAP, did not, hofWevcf, quit the city without giti 
^^^^ siplendid proo& of his genius ; among which, hi^ 

A. D. 1621. figures, in marble, of Cupid, and of Bacchus, (rt) 

A.'^ntix. executed for Jacopo GalM, a Roman gentleman, 

dnd his astonishing production of the Madonna 

and dead Christ, completed at the instance of the 

cardinal of Rohan, are the most distinguished. 

It was not, howerer, until the return of Michel- 
agnolo to Florence, about the close of the century, 
that he may be said to have started in the career 
of his glory, to which he was incited by a spirit 
of emulation, and a fortunate concurrence of cir- 
Emuiation cumstances. On the ruin of Francesco Sforza, attd 
Mid^ei^. the capture of Milan by the French, in the yeaf 
liin^tda 1500, the celebrated Lionardo da Vinci quitted 
^*^*^- that city, where he left many noble monuments of 
his genius, and repairing to Florence, arrived there 
lionardo da about the samc time that Michelagnolo returned 
iw^'*^ from Rome, (b) The rising reputation of Michel- 
agnolo was contrasted with the veteran glory of 
Lionardo. They each felt the excellences of the 

at times the wayward fate of genius ; condemned, on one occasion, 
to gratify the gaze of folly by erecting a statue of snow, and on 
another, to be the footstool for a barber to mount to immortality. 

(a) The statue of Bacchus is (or lately was) in the Florentine 
gallery. It has been engraved in the cdlection of ancient and 
modem statues by Domenico Rossi. Rom. 1704, and in the third 
volume of the Museum Florentinum, 

(b) At what time Michelagnolo returned to Florence is not 
precisely stated by his biographers ; but Condivi informs us, that 
at the time he executed the Madonna for the cardinal of Rohan at 
Kome> he was twenty-four or twenty-five years of age ; conse- 
quently, as he was bom in 1474, his return may be placed with 
tolerable accuracy in 1499. This also Agrees sufficiently with hia 
contest with Li(Niardo da Vinci, which occurred soon afterwards. 
Candiviy Vita di Michelagn. p. 14, ed. Fer, 1746, fo. 


Other; and they each aspired to rival them. By chap. 
this collision the spark was produced which was ^^"' 

shortly to illuminate Italy. The first contest be- a, d. 15^1, 
tween these illustrious artists was fovourable tolp^ix. 
the credit of Michelagnolo. A large block of 
marble, to which Simone da Fiesole, a Florentine 
sculptor, had unsuccessfully attempted to give the 
resemblance of a human figure of gigantic size^ 
bad remained neglected upwards of a hundred 
years, and was supposed to be irremediably de- 
formed. The magistrates of Florence were de^ 
sirous that this opprobrium of the art should be 
converted to the ornament of the city, for which 
purpose they applied to some of the most eminent 
professors of the time, and among the rest to Lio- 
nardo da Yinci and Michelagnolo. Lionardo, who 
had excelled in the productions of the pencil rather 
than of the chisel, hesitated to undertake the task, 
dleging, that the woi^ could not be completed 
without supplying the defects with additional 
pieces of marble, (a) Michelagnolo akme engaged 
to form it into a statue of one entire piece ; and 
under his hands this shapeless block becaBoe th^ 
wonderful colossal figure of IHivid, which was 
afterwards placed by order of the magistrates be^ 
fore the gates of the palace of justice. With such 
accuracy had he estimated the dimensions of this 
celebrated statue, that in several parts^ of the 
figure he has left untouched the ruder labours of 

(a) Besides Lionardo and Michelagnolo, Andrea Contucci, an 
excellent artist, had been treated with to undertake the work. 
. Vasari Fi*e, vol. iii. p. 203. The document from the public record's 
of Florence, by which this task was intrusted to Micfaelagnolo, 
is puUished by Gori, in \m Amotations oa CMidivi^ p* 106. 


CHAP, his predecessor!, upon which he could not employ 
^^^^' ' his chisel without injury to its proportions. 
A.D. 1521. The spirit of patronage which at this time actu- 
/LF^niix.^^^ the Florentine government, soon afforded 
CATtoons 6f these great artists another opportunity of exerting 
^ware o ijjgjj. ^j^g^j talents, in which Lionardo might justly 

have flattered himself with a fairer prospect of 
success. The magistrates having resolved to de- 

* corate the council-hall of Florence with a pictu- 
resque representation of some of the battles in 
which the republic had been successfully engaged, 
intrusted to Lionardo and Michelagnolo, in detach- 
ed portions, the execution of this extensive work. 
The subject proposed was the wars of Pisa, in the 
result of which the Florentines obtained the final 

* dominion of that place. The cartoons, or designs 
for this purpose, were immediately commenced. 
The preparations made by each of the artists, and 
the length of time employed, as well in intense me- 
ditation, as in cautious execution, sufficiently de- 
monstrated the importance which they attached to 
the result. From variety of talent, or by mutual 
agreement, they each, however, chose a different 
track. Lionardo undertook to represent a combat 
of horsemen, which he introduced as a part of the 
history of Nicolo Piccinino, a commander for the 
duke of Milan. In this piece he concentrated all the 
result of his experience, and all the powers of his 
mind. In the varied forms and contorted atti- 
tudes of the combatants, he has displayed his tho- 
rough knowledge of the anatomy of the human 
body. In their features he has characterised, in 
the most expressive manner, the sedateness of 
steady courage, the vindictive malevolence of re- 


venge, the mmgled impressions of hope and of chap. 
fear, the exultation of triumphant murder, and the ]_ 

despairing gasp of inevitable death. The horses a. d. 1521. 
mingle in the combat with a ferocity equal to that Aipontix.' 
of their riders, and the whole was executed with 
such skill, that in the essential points of concep- 
tion, of composition, and of outline, this produc- 
tion has, perhaps, seldom been equalled, and cer- 
tainly never excelled. Michelagnolo, on the other 
hand, devoted solely to the study of the human 
figure, disdained to lavish any portion of his 
powers on the inferior representations of animal 
life. He therefore selected a moment in which he 
supposed a body of Florentine soldiers, bathing in 
the Arno, to have been unexpectedly called into 
action by the signal of battle. To have chosen a 
subject more favourable to the display of his pow- 
ers, consistently with the task committed to him, 
was perhaps impossible. The clothed, the half- 
clothed, and the naked, are mingled in one tumul- 
tuous group. A soldier just risen from the water 
starts in alarm, and turning towards the sound of 
the trumpet, expresses in his complicated action 
almost every variety incident to the human frame. 
Another, with the most vehement impatience, 
forces his dripping feet through his adhesive cloth- 
ing. A third calls to his companion, whose arms 
only are seen grappling with the rocky sides of 
the river, which from this circumstance appears 
to flow in front, although beyond the limits of 
the picture ; whilst a fourth, almost prepared for 
action, in buckling round him his belt, promises to 
stoop the next moment for his sword and shield 
which lie ready at his feet. It would be as extra- 


226 ^^^ ^^^ ^^ 

CHAP, vagant a» unjust to the talents of Michelagnote, 

^^^- to carry our admiration of this production so far 

A. D. 1521. as to suppose, with the sculptor Cellini, that he 

iL^nt.ix. never afterwards attained to half the degree of ex*- 

cellence which he there displayed ; (a) hut it may 

be asserted with confidence, that the great works 

which this fortunate spirit of emulation produced, 

marked a new aera in the art, and that upon the 

study of these models almost all the great painters, 

who shortly afterwards conferred such honour on 

their country, were principally formed, (b) 

Commence- Qu the clcvatiou of JuUus II. to the pontificate, 

modern^ ouc of thc first objccts of his amhitiou was to 

s^'pet^^at have his memory immortalised by the labours of 


(a) " Stettero questi due Cartoni (di Lionardo, e di Michelag- 

nolo) uno nel palazzo de' Medici, e uno nella sala del Papa ; in 
mentre che eglino stettero in pi^, fuirofto la scuola del mondo; 
sebbene il divino Michelagnolo fece la gran capella di Papa Julio^ 
dappoi non arriv5 a questo segno mai alia metd, la sua yirtd noo 
aggiunse mai alia forza di quei primi studj." Vita di Benv» CclUm, 
p. 13. Further observations on the cartoon of Pisa may be found 
in ItaL ed. vol. xi. p. 126. 

(b) Neither of these works was ever completed, and eveli the 
cartoons have long since been lost or destroyed. That of Lionardd 
was, however, engraved by Edelinck, when young, from an im- 
perfect design. It has since been engraved with less elegance, 
but from a better model, and publish^ in the Etruria Pittrice, No. 
xxix. There is abo a print of a part of th6 caHoon of Micb'^kg^ 
nolo by Marc- Antonio, which wad also re-engraved by AgosdiM 
Veneziano. This print is known by the name of the Grimpeun* 
The only copy ever made of the whole composition of the car- 
toon of Michelagnolo is among the pictures collected by the late 
LbrdLei^^ter; and is how in the possession of Mr. Coke at Hdlk- 
haih. " It is a small picture in oil, in chiaro-scuro, and the p^ 
formance of Bastiano da S. GaUo, surnamed'^^ri^o/ti^, from* his 

,, learned or verbose descants on that surprising work." Scward'4 

Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons, vol. iii. p. 137. This work has 
now been engraved atid published. 


LEe THE. TBNTfl. 227 

tbe greatest sculptor of hk time. He therefore chap, 
iDTited Michelagnolo taRome, and ^agagedbiau by ^^^^ 
liie most liberal offers to form for bim the design a. d. 1521. 
of a sepulchral monument, (a) The great artist aI^j^ix. 
had now found a proper theatre for the display of 
his powers. His mind laboured with thi& favourite 
subject. For several months he is said: to have 
bfooded over it in silence^ without even tracing am 
eutUne ; hvt the medit^ions of such a mind are 
not destined to be £ruitles6> and the result of his 
iUiberations appeaa?ed in^ a design, which far ex- 
ceeded in elegance^ in grandeur^ in exquisite omar 
ment^ and abundance of statues, every monument 
of anciest workmanship or imperial splendour. 
The magnanimous spirit of Julius II. caught new 
fife from the productions of this wonderful man, 
and it was^art this moment that he formed the reso*- 
lotion of rebuilding the church of St. Peter in a 
manner worthy of receiving, ^id of displaying to 
advantage, so happy im effort of human powers, (b) 

(a) It has been supposed that Julius II. called Michelagnolo to 
Rbme, soon after his elevation, in the year 1508, v, Condivi, p. 16. 
But Bottari has observed, that the colossal statue of David was not 
enected at Florence until 1504, after which Michelagnolo executed 
some other works there ; whence he concludes that Julius did not 
call him to Rome until the fourth or Jiflh year of his pontificate. 
Bottari is right in his premises, but wrong in his conclusion. Mi- 
chelagnolo certainly did not quit Florence immediately after the 
accession of Julius, but his arrival at Rome was as certainly not 
later than 1505, or the second year of the pontificate of Julius, as 
will appear from subsequent circumstances. 

(6) That this design first suggested to the pontiff the idea of 
rebuilding St. Peters, is asserted by Vasari, vol. ii. p. 83, and 
again^ vol iii. p. 211 ; also by Bottari, ivi, note 1, and by Condivi, 
Vila di Michdagnolo, p. 19. This monument, which was not 
completed until long after the death of the pontiff, was not, how- 

ft 2 

&28 THE LrPE 0¥ 

CHAP. This task he intrusted to his favourite architect 
^^^^' Bramante ; and of the designs formed by him for 

A.D. 1521. this purpose, one was selected by the pontiflF, which 
A. pontix. in grandeur, variety, and extent, surpassed all that 
Rome had seen even in the most splendid days of 
the republic. The ancient cathedral was demo- 
lished with an almost indecent rapidity, insomuch 
that many valuable remains of art, and represen- 
tations and monuments of eminent men, were in- 
discriminately destroyed. In a short time the 
modem church of S. Pietro began to rise from the 
Tuins of the former pile, on a scale yet more ex-r 
tensive than it has since been found practicable to 
complete it. In the execution of this building, as 
well as in the design, Bramante gave proofs of the 
wonderful powers of his genius; but the brief 
limits of human life are not commensurate with 
such vast projects. Long after the death of both 
the architect and the pontiff, the church of S. Pie- 
tro continued to employ the abilities of the first 
artists of the time ; and by the immense expenses 
which it occasioned to the Roman see, became the 
cause, or the pretext, of those exactions through- 
out Christendom, which immediately led the way 
to that irreconcileable dissension which we have 
before had occasion to relate, (a) 

ever, erected in the church of S. Pietro Vaticano, but in that of S. 
Pietro in Vinculis, where it yet remains, r. Dr. Smith's Tour to the 
Continent, vol. ii. p. 39. 

(a) " Pertanto quell' edifizio materiale di S. Pietro rovind in 
gran parte il suo edifizio spirituale ; percioche, a fin d'adunare 
tanti millioni quanti ne assorbiva Y immenso lavoro di quella chiesa, 
convenne al successore di Giulio far ci6 d'onde prese origine 
r Eresia di Lutero, che hd impoverita di molti piii millioni d'ani- 
me la chiesa." Fallavicini, Concil. di Trento, chap. i. p. 49. 


Having obtained the approbation of the pontiff chap 


to the design of his monument^ Michelagnolo en- 
sased in the execution of this immense work with a. d. 1521. 
aU the ardour which was natural to him, and with A.Pontix. 
all the expedition of which so laborious a per- Michdag- 
formance would admit. The colossal figure of "^^j^^^ '^^«'- 

*-' takes the 

Moses^ which yet occupies the centre of this asto- tomb of 
nishing piece of ^art, was soon completed, (a) and 

(a) This celebrated figure has given rise to a hterary production 
which has been considered as scarcely inferior in point of subli- 
mity to the statue itself. 



" Chi k Costui, che in dura pietra scolto^ 

Siede gigante, e le piii illustre e conte 

Prove deir arte avanza, e ha vive e pronte 

Le labbia si, che le parole ascolto ? 
Quest' ^ Mos^ ; ben mel diceva il folto 

Onor del mento, e 1 doppio raggio in fronte, 

Quest' h Mos^, quando scendea dal roonte, 

E gran parte del Nume avea nel volto, 
Tal era allor, che le sonante e vaste 

Acque ei sospese a se d' intorno, e tale 

Quando il mar chiuse, e ne fe tomba altrui. 
E vol sue turbe un rio vitello alzate ? 

Alzate aveste imago a questo eguale ! 

Ch' era men fallo V adorar costui." 


And who is he that, shaped in sculptured stone, 

Sits giant-like ? stem monument of art 

Unparallel'd, whilst language seems to start 
From his prompt lips and we his precepts own ? 
— 'Tis Moses ; by his beard's thick honours known 

And the twin-beams that from his temples dart ; 

'Tis Moses ; seated on the mount apart, 
Whilst yet the Godhead o'er his features shone. 
Such once he look'd, when ocean's sounding wave 

Suspended hung, and such amidst the storm^ 




CHAP, several other statues destined to fffl thek ppraer 

XXII • • t r 

L stations in the monument, were either finished, «r 

A. D. 1621. in a state of great forwardness. The «low jm- 
Aiontix! gress of the hand of art was, however, ill €alc*- 
lated to correspond with the impatient temper 
and rapid ideas of the pontiff, who expected by 
striking the ground with his foot to ohtam the ac- 
complishment of his wishes. As the labour eoH- 
tinued, and the expense increased, the pontiff be- 
t^ame dissatisfied, and at length appeared indi&r- 
•ent to the completion of the work. The demands 
of Michelagnolo for the charge of conveying the 
marble from the quarries of Carrara to Rome, 
were treated with neglect, and when he requested 
an interview, Julius refused to admit him into his 
presence. The artist did not long deliberate on 
the course of conduct which it became him to 
adopt. He requested the attendants of the pope 
to inform his holiness, that whenever he chose to 
inquire for him, he might seek him elsewhere, and 
immediately taking his departure from Rome, he 
hastened to Poggibonzi, within the territories of 
Florence, (a) This decisive step equally surprised 
and chagrined the pontiff. Five successive cou- 
riers were despatched from Rome to pacify the 
artist, and prevail upon him to return ; but all 
that they could obtain from him was only a short 
letter to the pope, in which he requested his par- 
don for having so abruptly relinquished his la- 

When o'er his foes the refluent waters roar'd. 
An idol calf his followers did engrave ; 
But had they raised this awe-commanding form, 
Then had they with less guilt their work adored, 
(a) Condivi, vita di Michelagn, p. 20. 


boors^ which he assured him he was only induced chap. 


to do by being driven from his presence ; a re- 
ward which his &ithful services had not merited(a) a* d. 1521. 

A JE.t»46* 

Returning to Florence, Michelagnolo employed A.'pont.ix. 

;elf during three months in finishing his design 
of the Cartoons in the great hall of the city. 
Whilst he was thus engaged, the pope despatched 
to the magistracy of the city three successive briefs, 
in which he strenuously insisted on their sending 
Michelagnolo again to Rome. The violence and 
p^rseverimce of the pontiff, whose character was 
well known, alarmed Michelagnolo, who began to 
entertain thoughts of quitting Italy and retreating 
to Constantim^le ; but at the entreaties of the Gon* 
&kmiere Soderini, he at length consented to comply 
with the wishes of the pope by returning once more 
to Rome. The remonstrances of Soderini to Mi- 
chelagnolo on this occasion are preserved by Con- 
divi. '^ Thou hast tried an experiment upon the 
pope,'* said the Gonfaloniere, *' upon which the 
king of FrMice would scarcely have ventured. He 
must not therefore be under the necessity of sub- 
mitting to further entreaties, nor must we on thy 
account risk the dangers of war and the safety of 
the state. Prepare therefore to return, and if thou 
hast any apprehensions for thy safety, thou shalt 
be invested with the title of our ambassador, which 
will suflficiently protect thee from his wrath.**(A) 

The reconciliation between Michelagnolo and Erects the 
Julius took place in the month of November, juiiu^ii. 
1506, (c) at Bologna, which place had just before '""^^^^ 

(a) Condivi, vita di Michelagn. p. 20. 

(6) Ibid. 

(c) V. ArUeychsLf. vii. vol. ii« p« 44. 


CHAP, surrendered to the pontifical arms. In conse- 


quence of the indisposition of the cardinal Soderini, 
A.D.1521. who was expected to have been the moderator on 

A J£a 46 

a! Pont.ix. this occasion, Michelagnolo was introduced by one 
of the bishops who was attached to the service of 
the cardinal. The artist submissively waited for 
the apostolic benediction ; but the pope, with an 
oblique glance and stern countenance exclaimed, 
" Instead of coming here to meet us, thou hast 
expected that we should come to look for thee !". 
Michelagnolo, with due humility, was proceeding 
to apologize for bis precipitancy, when the good 
bishop, desirous of appeasing the anger of the 
pope, began to represent to his holiness, that such 
men as Michelagnolo were ignorant of every thing 
but the art they professed, and were therefore en- 
titled to pardon. The reply of the pontiff was 
made with his staff across the shoulders of the 
bishop, and Julius having thus vented his wrath, 
gave Michelagnolo his benediction, and received 
him once more into his favour and confidence, (a) 
On this occasion that great artist erected, in front 
of the church of S. Petronio at Bologna, a statue 
of the pontiff in bronze, which he is said to have 
executed so as to express in the most energetic 
manner those qualities by which he was distin- 
guished ; giving grandeur and majesty to the per- 
son, and courage, promptitude, and fierceness to the 
countenance, whilst even the drapery was remark- 
able for the boldness and magnificence of its folds. 
When Julius saw the model, and observed the 
vigour of the attitude and the energy with which 
the right arm was extended, he inquired from the 

(a) Condivi, vUa di Mkhclagn, p. 22.: 


artist whether he meant to represent him as dis- chap. 
pensing his benediction or his curse ; to which 1_ 

Michelagnolo prudently replied, that he meant to a. d. 1521. 
represent him in the act of admonishing the citi- A.*Pont.ix*. 
zens of Bologna. In return, the artist requested 
to know from his holiness whether he would have 
a book in his hand. '^ No/* replied Julius, " give 
me a sword. I am no scholar." (a) 

The completion of this statue employed Michel- luiraeiio 
agnolo for sixteen months, at the expiration of ^' '"°" 
which time he repaired once more to Rome. He 
there met with a yet more powerful, although much 
younger rival than he had left at Florence, in the 
celebrated Raffaello d' XJrbino. This distinguished 
painter Julius II. had, on the recommendation of 
his architect Bramante, who stood related to Raf- 
faello, invited to Rome, at which city he, as well 
as Michelagnolo, arrived in the year 1508.(i) Raf- 
faello was now twenty-five years of age, having 
been born at Urbino in the year 1483. His father 
was a painter, and although of no great eminence^ 
is supposed to have directed the early studies of 
his son in their proper track. He was afterwards 
placed under the tuition of Pietro Perugino, whom 
he soon rivalled in execution, and surpassed in de- 
sign. After visiting Citta di Castello, where he 
exercised his talents with great applause, he was 
called to Sienna, to assist the celebrated piainter 

(a) The fate of this statue is before related, chap. viii. vol. ii. 
p.- 91. 

(b) It appears from the narrative of Vasari, that Rafiaello 
arrived at Rome before Michelagnolo * returned from Bologna, 
after having completed the statue of Julius II. Vita di Michelagn. 
in vitc de* Pittori, vol. iii. p. 219.' v. Marictte .Observ, mr la vie 
de Mich, Ang, par Condivi, p. 72. 


CHAP. Pinturicehio, who- was employed by the cardinal^ 


* Francesco Piccolomini, afterwards: PUis JII., to 

A.D. 1521. decorate the library of the cathedi^l in that 
A.Pont.ix. city. Raffaello had already sketched several de- 
signs for Hie work, and had himself executed . a 
part of it, whten- hearing of the jcartoons /oi Lio- 
nardo da Vinci and of Micfaelagnolo at Florence, 
he determined to pay a visit to that place, wh^e 
he arrived in the year 1404, and is enumerated 
among the young artists who enlarged their judg- 
ment and improved, their taste fncnn those cele- 
brated modelsc (a) The des^h of his parents com- 

(a) *' Tutti coloro che su quel cartone studiarono, e tal cosa 
disegnarono, diventarono persone in tale arte eccellenti, come ve- 
dreme poi ; che in tale cartone studid Aristotile da Sangallo arni- 
ca suo, Ridolfo GriUandajo, i^o^oe/ Sanzio da UrlnnOy Francesco 
Granaccio, Baccio Bandinelli, e Alonzo Berugetto Spagnuolo.*' 
Vasari, vol. iii. p. 209. Bottari ed. It is remarkable, however, 
that in the first edition of Vasari, in two volumes, Pior, 1550. 
Raffaello is not enimierated among the artists who studied from 
the cartoons of Pisa. The painters there mentioned are Aristotile 
da San Gallo» Ridolfo Ghirlandajo^ Francesco Granacci, Baccio 
BandineUo, and Alonzo Berugetto ; to whom are added Andrea 
del Sarto, II Francia Bigio, Jacopo Sansovino, II Rosso, Maturino, 
Lorenzetto, 11 Tribolo, Jacopo da Pontormo, and Perin del Vaga. 
That Raffaello studied the works of Michelagnolo is, however, 
liighly probable, and so far from being derogatory to his charac- 
ter, coofers honour both on his diligence and his taste> as a young 
man of twenty years of age, eager to obtain improvement, and ca- 
pable, of selecting the best models of imitation. The judicious 
observations of M. Mariette on this subject deserve the notice of 
the reader. " II est vrai que Tun et Tautre 6toient n^s deux 
honunes superieurs ; mais M. Ange est venu le premier, et c'au- 
roit et^ une mauvaise yanit4,^ Raphael^ dontil n'^toitpas^p^ble, 
que de ^legliger d!etudier ayec tons les autres j/euiieii p^i^tses de 
son tems, d'apr^s un ouvrage, qui de Taveu de tous, ^toit supe- 
rieur,^ tout ce qui avoit encore jparu." Mariette, Observ. mr Iqvie 
de Michelagn* par Condivif p. 72. 


peUed faim to return for some time to Urbno, for chap. 


the arraBgement of his domestic concerns, but he ]_ 

soon ^tfterwiirds paid a second visit to Florence, a. d. 1521. 
^here he may be said to have completed his pro- A.P(«t.ix. 
fessional education, and from the labours of Ma- 
saocio in the chapel of the Brancacct, and ihe 
works of Mididagnolo and Lionardo da Vinci, to 
have derived those constituent elements of his 
design, vdiich, combined by the predominating 
power of his own genius, formed that attractive 
manner which unites the sublime and the graceful, 
in n grater degree than is to be foimd in the pro- 
ductions of any other master, (a) 

Soon after the return of Michela^molo from Bo- Michciag- 

^ nolo com- 

logna to Rome, the pope, who was well aware mences his 
of the variety mid extent of his talents, formed ^^^sC 
the resolution of decorating the chapel erected by **'**^ 
his uncle Sixtus IV. with a series of paintings <m 
Mcred subjects, in a style of grandeur superior to 
nny that had before been produced* The execu- 
tion of this immense work he committed to Mi- 
cbdngnolo, who, we are told, felt great reluctance 
in undertaking it, being desirous to proceed with 
the tomb of the pontiflf ; and endeavoured to pre- 
vail upon the pope, rather to intrust it to Raf- 
£ieIIo, who was mudi more conversant than him- 
self with the process of painting in fresco- It has 
also been said, that the pope was prompted to en- 
-gage Michdagnolo in this employ by the envy or 
malignity of tlie enemies of that artist, and par- 
ticulsrly of Bramante, who, being well aware (rf 

(a) Many interesting particulars respecting this great artist, his 
works, «id scholars, may be ibtmd in the notes of Count Boni. 
m. ltd. ed.^6L3L}^ lt7, 131, 14B, &c* 


CHAP, the superiority of Michelagnolo as a sculptor, con- 
'^^^' ceived that as a painter he would be found inferior 
A.D. 1521. to Raffaello ; but imputations of this kind are ge^ 
A.*Ppnt.ix.* nerally the result of little minds, that attribute to 
more elevated characters the motives by which 
they are themselves actuated, and the instances of 
mutual admiration and good-will which.appear in 
the conduct of Raffaello and Michelagnolo towards 
each other, are, at least, a sufficient proof that 
they were both equally superior to an illiberal 
jealousy. The pontiff, who had destined the ta- 
lents of Raffaello to another purpose, would how- 
ever admit of no apology. The paintings with 
which the chapel had been decorated by the elder 
masters were immediately destroyed, and the de- 
signs for the ceiling by Michelagnolo were com- 
menced. Conscious, however, of his inexperience 
in the mechanical part of his art, he invited from 
FJorence several painters to his assistance, among 
whom were Granacci, Giuliano Bugiardini, Ja- 
copo di Sandro, the elder Indaco, Agnolo di Don- 
nino, and Aristotile di San Gallo, who for some 
time painted under his directions ; but the efforts 
of these secondary artists were so inadequate to 
his own conceptions, that he one morning wholly 
destroyed their labours, and shutting the doors of 
the chapel against them, refused to admit them to 
a sight of him. From that moment he proceeded 
in his work without any assistance, having even 
prepared his colours with his own hands. The 
difficulties which he experienced are particularly 
noticed by his biographer Vasari ; but they were 
conquered by the diligence and perseverance of 
the artist, who on this occasion availed himself, of. 

LEO THE TfiNTH. 237 

the experience and advice of Giuliano da S. Gallo. crtAP. 
When Michelagnolo had completed one half of ^^"' 

the work, the pontiff insisted on its heing publicly a. d. 1521. 
shewn. The chapel was accordingly opened, the A/pont.ix'. 
scaffolding removed, and in the year 1511, the po- 
pulace were gratified with the first specimen of 
these celebrated productions. The applauses be- 
stowed on them induced the pontiff to urge Mi- 
chelagnolo to proceed in the work, regardless of 
the advice of Bramante, who, as we are told, was 
now desirous that the termination of it should be 
intrusted to Raffaello. As it approached towards 
a close, the eagerness and importunity of the pon- 
tiff increased. Having impatiently inquired from 
the artist when he meant to finish it, and Mi- 
chelagnolo having replied, '^ When I am able ;" 
''When< I am able!" retorted Julius, in great 
wrath, ^' thou hast a mind then that I should have 
thee thrown from the scaffold!" (a) After this 
threat, the completion of the work was not long 
delayed, and on the day of All-Saints, in the year 
1512, the paintings were exposed to public view ; 
without, however, having received from the artist 
the final touches of his pencil. The whole time 
employed by Michelagnolo in this labour was 
twenty months, and he received for it, in different 
payments, the sum of three thousand crowns. 

Such were the circumstances attending the exe- 
cution of the great works in fresco of Michelag- 
nolo, which yet remain in the chapel of Sixtus IV., 

(a) '* n papa dimandandolo un giorno, quando linirebbe quella 
oappella, e rispondendo e^i, quando potr6 ; Quando potrd ! egli 
soggiimse ; Tu hat voglia, chHo iifaccia gittar giu di quelpalco !" 
Condimt vita di M, A, ap, Botlari, 

238 THB LIFfi OF 

CHAK although darkened bfjr time, and obseured by the 

^^^^' perpetual use of wax tapers in the services e£ the 

A.D.1521. Roman church. The different eompartments of 

iLPontlix! *^^ celling were occupied by various subjects of 

sacred history ; and on the walls of the chapel^ 

sit in solemn grandeur those sublime aad terrific 

jBgures of the sybils and prophets, that un£E^ 

ideas of form and of character beyond the limits ai 

common nature, and commensurate with the divine 

functions in which they ^pear to be engaged, (a) 

(a) The following sonnet is not unworthy of the grandeur of 
tke subject. 


Di Alessavd&o Gtuibi. 

" Veggia il gran di della giusti^a etema-^ 
Dal Tosco Afelle^ in Vatican dipinto ; 
£ 1 veggio d' ira e di furor si tinto 
Che r alma sbigottita al cor s' interna. 

Veggio il gran corso ver la valle infema^ 
£ 1 vaneggiar de' miei pensier, sospmtn 
Fuor dell' usanza sua, rimane estinto ; 
£ provido timor me sol gov^na. 

E veggio quei, che dalF eterno danno 
Movono lungi, e in fra i beati cori, 
Su per lo cielo, a' seggi lor sen vanno. 

—Gran ministri di Dio fansi i colori 
Della bell' arte, alia mia mente, e sanno 
Darle novi pensieri e novi ardori !" 


1 see die awful judgment day unfold, 

TuacAK Apsllbs, pictured by thy hand ; 

Where such strong tints of ire.and rage expand^; 

That my heart shudders, and my blood runs cold. 
Ditim towards th' infernal gulf in tumult roird> 

I see the sinful crew ; and fear-struck stmadi; 

Cfaeek'd in those tiua. pursuits I once had plann'd, 

Whilst timely dread restrains transgression bold. 



Or^r the ahsr-piece is the great picture of the chap: 
last judgment; the master-piece of Michelagnolo, ^^^' 
and the adHuration and reproach of future artists; a. d. 1521. 
but this immense offspring of labour and of ge- A.'pontJx'. 
nius, although requisite to complete the grand 
cjde of divine dispensation which the artist had 
formed in his own mind, was not conunenced until 
the pontificate of Paul III. nearly thirty years 
after he had terminEted the earlier part of his 

Whilst Michelagiiolo was thus employed by Ju* Paintuigtof 
lius II. in the Sistine chapd^ RaffaeUo was en- S^^. 
gaged in decorating the chambers of the Vatican 
with those admired productions, which first dis^ 
played the extent of his genius, and the wonderful 
fertility of his invention. He commenced his la- 
bours in the Camera della Segnatura^ with the 
celebrated picture, usually, but erroneously, called Picture of 
the dispute oif the sacraments; a work so daring ^"''^• 
m its design, and so complex in its composition^ 
as to hove given rise to various conjectures re- 
specting the intention of the artist. The scene 
comprehends both earth and heaven. The veil of 
the empyreiun is withdrawn. The eternal^ Father 
is visible. His radiance illuminates the heav^is* 
The cherubim and seraphim smround him at awful 
distance. With the one hand he sustains the 
earth ; widi the other he blesses it. Below him, 
but in another atmosphere, sits the Son ; who with 

I see the happier tnoB, who £ur apart 
From dai^et move, and joyfid take their, place 
Amidst the doudless regions of the blest 

O wondrous effiyrt of the Painter^s art! 

Where oolomrs are God*s ministers of grace, 
That with new ardours fire my glowing breaati* 


CHAP, outstretched hands, and a look of extreme com- 


|_ passion, devotes himself for the salvation of man- 

A.D. 1521. kind. On one side of Christ sits the virgin mother, 

A. J£t 4fi 

A. Pontix. who adores him ; on the other, St, John the Bap- 
tist, who indicates him as the saviour of the world. 
The great assembly of patriarchs, prophets, evan- 
gelists, and martyrs, all of whom are strongly cha- 
racterized, are seated in the beatific regions, and 
enjoy the divine glory. Among these appears our 
first parent Adam, now purified from the eflFect of 
his transgression. Such is the celestial part of 
this composition. On earth, the altar appears in 
the midst supporting the host. On each side are 
arranged various pontiff, prelates, and doctors of 
the church, whose writings have illustrated the 
great mystery of the Trinity. Their attention is 
not directed to the awful scene above, the view of 
which is intercepted by thick clouds, but is con- 
centrated in the contemplation of the holy wafer, 
as the visible and substantial essence of deity. 
The extremities of the picture to the right and 
left are filled by groups of pious and attentive 
spectators, among whom the painter has intro- 
duced the portrait of his relation and patron Bra- 

The high commendations bestowed on this pic- 
ture, as well at the time it was produced, as by 
every one who has since had occasion to mention 
it, are not, beyond its merits ; (a) yet to do full 

(a) It has frequently been engraved, particularly by Giorgio 
Ghisi of Mantua, in a large print of two sheets. A sketch of it 
has also lately been given by Mr. Duppa, in his life of Raffaello ; 
accompanied by several heads, elegantly engraved after drawings 
of the same size as the original picture, published by Robinsons, 
1802, l^ge fo. 


justice to the artist^ some regard must be had to chap. 
the state of the art in the age in which he lived. ^^^^' 

To this may be attributed the formality of the de- a. d. 1521. 

A Tfy*. Ad 

sign, by which the two sides of the picture emerge Aipontix. 
from the centre, and correspond, perhaps too me- 
chanically, to each other; the barbarous custom 
of gilding some parts of the work, in order to 
produce a richer effect ; and lastly, the extraordi- 
nary solecism of introducing an extraneous light, 
which extends through the whole composition, 
and affects, in the midst of their concentrated 
glory, the divine characters there represented, in 
common with the rest of the piece ; an error of 
which artists of much inferior character were soon 
aware, and which Federico Zuccaro, in his cele- 
brated picture of the Annunciation, in the church 
of the Jesuits at Rome, was careful to avoid, (a) 

This representation of theology was followed 
by that of philosophy, exemplified in the Gymna- 
sium, or school of Athens, where, in a splendid 
amphitheatre, the ancient philosophers are intro- 
duced as instructing their pupils in the various de- 
partments of human knowledge. Pythagoras, So- 
crates, Plato, and Aristotle, are characteristically phuosophy. 
distinguished. Empedocles, Epicharmus, Archy- 
tas, Diogenes, and Archimedes, pursue their vari- 
ous avocations. The presiding deities are Apollo 

(a) It is remarkable, that in order to shew his decided inten- 
tion, Zuccaro has, in this work, represented the sun rising in.full 
splendour, a circumstance which produces no effect of light and 
shadow on the picture, the beams of the sun being absorbed in 
the superior light which issues immediately from the Deity. 
This picture is described by Vasari, in his life of Taddeo, the 
brother of Federigo ; Vitc, vol. iii. pp. 161, 162, and has been 
carefully engraved by J. Sadeler, 1580. 



CHAP, and Minerva> exhibited in their statues. A noble 


'_ youth, in a white mantle, ornamented with goldjt 

A.D. 1521. is said to represent Francesco Maria deUa Rovere, 
A.Poiit jx. great nephew of the pontiff. Another youth, at- 
tentive to the demonstrations of Archimedes^ is 
supposed by Vasari to be the portrait of Federigo> 
marquis of Mantua, who was then at Rome ; and 
in the person of Archimedes, the artist has again 
taken an opportunity of perpetuating the likeness 
Poetry, of Bramantc. The subject of the picture intend- 
ed as a representation of poetry, is the assembly 
of Apollo and the Muses on the summit of mount 
Parnassus. The most distinguished characters of 
ancient and modem times are there introduced. 
The father of epic poetry, in an attitude of great 
dignity, recites his compositions. Virgil pointil 
out to Dante the track he is to pursue. Of living 
authors, only Sanazzaro and Tebaldeo are ad- 
mitted into these regions of poetic immortality. 
The artist has, however, claimed a place for him- 
self in this august assembly. He appears near to 
Virgil, crowned with laurel, ''and is deservedly 
admitted," says his warm admirer Bellori, '' into 
that Parnassus, where he drank from his infancy 
the waters of Hippocrene, and was nursed by the 
d^'*" Muses and the Graces." (a) The representation 
of jurisprudence includes two distinct actions, at 
two distant periods of time, which are rendered, 
however, less objectionable by their being sepa- 
rated by the position of the window* On one 
side sits Gregory IX., who delivers the decretals 
to an advocate of the consistory ; but under the 
character of that pontiff, the painter has intro- 

(a) Bellori, Dacritt, &c. p. 53* 


dvLced the portrait of Julius !!• In the cardinals, chap. 


who surround the pope, he has also represented 
those of his own times, and particularly the cardi- a. d. 1521. 
nal Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X., An-A.Ponux. 
tonio cardinal del Monte, and the cardinal Ales- 
sandro Famese, afterwards Paul III. On the left 
side of the window appears the emperor Justinian, 
who intrusts the Pandects to Trebonian. By these 
incidents the painter evidently intended to exhibit 
the establishment and completion of civil and of 
canon law. Above the window, the virtues of 
prudence, temperance, and fortitude, the indis- 
pensable attendants on justice, are displayed in 
their proper symbols. The labours of Raffitello 
in this chamber form a complete series. His ob- 
ject was to exemplify, in a picturesque manner, 
the four principal sciences, the guides and instruc- 
tors of human life. The key to this, if any were 
wanting, is found in the single figures painted in 
circles in the ceiling, above each picture, and de- 
cisively marking the intention of the artist. Above 
the representation of the Trinity is the emblema- 
tical figure of Theology; above the school of 
Athens, that of Philosophy ; above the Parnas- 
sus, Poetry ; and above the Jurisprudence, that 
of Justice ; four figures, in which the peculiar 
grace and manner of the artist are not less dis- 
played than in the more laborious compositions 
beneath. The basement and interstices of the 
room are richly ornamented with paintings in 
chiaro-scuro, executed after the designs of Raf- 
faeUo, by Fra. Giovanni of Verona ; among which 
are several emblematical and historical works, il- 
lustrating the same subjects. Under the arch of 

R 2 


CHAP, the window of this chamber, which looks towards 
^^^' the gardens of the Belvedere, is yet inscribed. 

A. D. 1521. Julius II. Ligur, Pont. Max. Ann. Chr. mdxi. 

A. iEt.46. r \ 


Whether This prccisc period, when RaffaeUo had finished 

Ranaello ■■/» •/•■■•i-i •i-rr* j 

improved the first scrics of his labours m the Vatican, and 
the works ^ Michelagnolo exposed to public view a part of his 
a^io!*^" paintings in the Sistine chapel, recalls to consider- 
ation a question which has been discussed with 
great warmth, and at great extent, by the writers 
on this subject ; (b) Whether RaffaeUo acquired a 

(a) Count Bossi has observed, that these paintings of RaffaeUo 
in the Vatican have been described and illustrated in several dis- 
courses by the celebrated d'Hankervilley so well known for his 
antiquarian researches and publications ; in which he has applied 
himself principally to investigate the intention of the painter. 
" lo sono stato/' says Count Bossi, " pfii volte presente alia let- 
tura fatta, dalF autore medesimo, di questi discorsi ; e debbo con- 
fessare, che sono rimasto sempre attonito della vastitil dell* erudi- 
zione svilluppata in questi scritti. lo ne ho fatta menzione nel 
niio discorso ' sulla erudizione dcgli artisti ;* stampato in Milano, 
ed in Padua nel 1809. Se Rafiaelle avesse avuto le idee, le viste, 
le cognizioni, le intenzioni, che quel mio vecchio amico gli attri- 
buisce, RaffaeUo sarebbe stato Tuomo piii dotto del suo secolo e 
forse di molti secoU." ItaL ed. vol. xi. p. 46. Count Bossi then 
proceeds to state, that these precious writings were, in part, 
placed in the hands of an Englishman, who proposed to publish 
them, but that he has not heard whether they have been made 
public. To this information I can add, that these discourses now 
are, or lately were, in the possession of Mr. Wolstenholme Parr, 
a native of Liverpool ; who, not having found sufficient encourage- 
ment to engage in the pubHcation of them, translated several of 
them into English, and delivered them to respectable audiences, as 
lectures, at the Liverpool Royal Institution. Mr. Parr being now 
on the continent, I cannot ascertain whether these valuable dis- 
courses are yet in his possession, or in what manner he may have 
dii^>osed of them.* 

{b) Particularly by Vasari, Condivi, Bellori, Giuseppe Crespi in 


greater style from observing the works of Michel" chap. 
agnolo? This contest originated with Vasari, who ^^^^' 

informs us in his Life of RaflFaello, that when Mi- a. d. 1521. 
chelagnolo was obliged to retreat from Rome to A.'^nt.ix. 
Florence, on account of his dissensions with Ju- 
lius II. in the Sistine chapel, Bramante, who kept 
the keys of the chapel, secretly introduced his re- 
lation Raffaello, and allowed him the inspection of 
the work ; in consequence of which he not only 
painted anew the figure of Isaiah, which he had 
then just finished, above the statue of S. Anna by 
Sansovino in the church of S. Agostino, but after- 
wards enlarged and improved his manner by giv- 
ing it greater majesty ; insomuch that Michelag- 
nolo on his return was aware, from the style of 
RafiaeUo, of the transactions which had occurred 
during his absence, (a) On this story, it must how- 
ever be acknowledged, that little reliance can be 
placed : Condivi, who is supposed to have written 

the Lettere Pittoriche, Bottari in his notes on Vasari, and finally 
hy Lanzi with great judgment, but perhaps with too evident a 
partiality to Raffiiello. 

(a) ** Awenne adunque in questo tempo che Michdagnolo fcee 
al Papa nella capella quel romorc e paura di che parleremo nella 
vita sua, onde fa forzato fuggirsi a Fiorenza ; per il che avendo 
Bramante la chiave deUa capella, a RafiaeUo, come amico, la fece 
vedere, accioch^ i modi di Michelagnolo comprendere potesse. 
Onde tal vista fu cagione, che in Sant Agostino sopra la Sant* 
Anna d* Andrea Sansovino, in Roma, RafiaeUo subito rifacesse di 
nuovo lo Esaia Profeta, che ci si vede, che di gi^ 1* aveva finito. 
Nella quale opera, per le cose vedute di Michelagnolo, migliord 
ed ingrandi fuor di modo la maniera, e diedele piii maestk ; per- 
ch^ nel veder poi Michelagnolo V opera di RafiaeUo, pens6 che 
Bramante, come era vero, gli avesse fatto quel male innanzi, per 
.fare utile e nome a RaffiieUo." Vas, Vita de' Pittori^ vol. ii. p. 104. 


CHAP, the life of Michekgnolo under the immediate in- 
^^^^' spection of that great artist, (a) alludes to no such 
A, D. 1521. circumstance ; to which it may be added, that the 
A.*^m.i|. quarrel between Julius II. and Michelagnolo oc- 
curred whilst the latter was employed in prepar- 
ing the tomb of the pontiff, long before the com- 
mencement of the works in the Sistine chapel; and 
that it does not appear that he ever quitted Rome 
in 4isgust after such work was begun, although 
Vasari, in his life of Raffaello, pronrises to relate 
such an incident when he treats on the life of Mi- 
chelagnolo. So far, however, is he from perform^ 
ing his promise, that when he arrives at this pe^ 
riod in the life of Michelagnolo, he not only forr 
gets or declines to relate this incident, but ex- 
pressly assigns the first sight which Raffaello had 
of the Sistine chapel, to the period when Michel* 
agnolo publicly exposed a part of his work ; from 
the consideration of which, as he then tells us, 
Raffaello instantly changed his manner, and adopt- 
ed the great style which he displayed in his future 
productions, [b) We may therefore reject the story 
of the private visit of Raffaello to the Sistine 

(a) " Plus je lis cette vie," says M. Marietta, " plus je suis 
convaincu, que I'auteur Tecrivoit presque sous la dict6e de Micbel- 
Ange. II y regne un air de verite que n'a point celle de Va- 
sari." Observations sur la vie de M. A. de Condivi, p. 72. 

{b) *' Trasse, subito che fu scoperto, tutta Roma a vedere, ed 

il Papa fu il primo, non avendo pazienza che abbassasse la polvere 

per il disfare de' palchi ; dove Raffaello da Urbino^ che era molto 

ecceUente in imitare, vistola, mut6 subito mani^a, e fete a un trat- 

to per mostrare la virti^ sua, i profeti e le sibiUe dell' opera deUa 

pace; e Bramante allora tent6, che I'altr^ met^ della capella si 

desse dal Papa a Raffaello." Vasari, Viie di Pitfori^ vol. in. f* 


chapel, on the authority of Vajsari himself, (a) But chap. 
the question will equally recur; Whether Raffaello ^^^' 

invigorated and enlarged his style from the works a. d. 1521. 
of Michelagnolo ? Aiponux. 

Without engaging in a minute examination of circum- 
the opinions of the many different writers who ci«veofthe 


(a) The origin of Vasari's error is discoverable by a comparison 
of the original edition of his lives, in 1550^ with those which fol- 
lowed it. In this first edition we find no account of any quarrel 
between Julius and Michelagnolo respecting his tomb ; but in re- 
lating the circumstances attending the painting the Sistine chajpel, 
Vasari informs us, that the pope was eager to see the progress of 
the wojrfc, for which purpose he had paid a visit to the chapel, 
where he was refused admittance by Michelagnolo. That the ar- 
tist knowing the infleidble temper of the pontiff, and being appre- 
hensive that some of his attendants might be induced, either by 
bribes or threats, to admit him^ pretended to quit Rome for a few 
4ays^ and gave the keys to his assistants, with orders that no one 
should be allowed to enter, even if it were the pope himself. He , 
then i^ut himself up in the chapel, and proceeded with his labours, 
wken the pope made his iqppearance, and was the first to mount 
die sca^d ; but Michelagmrfo, pretending not to know him, sa- 
luted him with a shower of tiles and slates, insomuch that he was 
glad to effect his escape. Immediately afterwards, Michelagnolo 
quitted the chapel through a window, and hastened to Florence, 
leaving the key oi the chapel with Bramante. Vas. vol. ii. p. 963. 
Ed. 15^. Better infonmition, or a further consideration of the 
subject, convinced Vasari of his error, and in his subsequent edi- 
tion, he has, in his life of Michelagnolo, properly assigned the 
light of Michelagnolo to a former period, when he was employed 
on the tomb of Jidius II. and omitted the story of the disagreement 
in the chapel. Through inadvertence, however, he left the refer- 
ence to this incident in the life of Raffaello as it originally stood, 
in which he has been followed by subsequent editors ; whence the 
passage in which he alludes to the time, ^* che Michelagnolo fece 
al Papa nella capella quel xomore e paura di che parleremo nella 
Tita sua: onde fu fi>rzato fuggirsi a Fiorenza," has no corre- 
i^nding passage, except by a reference back again to the life of 
Raffaello, in the later editions of his works. 


CHAP, have eipbraced opposite sides of this question^ so 
^^^^' interesting to the admirers of the fine arts, (a) it 

A.D. 1521. may be sufficient to advert to two circumstances 
A.'^nivi, which seem to be sufficiently decisive of the con- 
troversy. I, By a reference to the works of Raf- 
faello, even as they may be seen through the me- 
dium of the elder engravings by contemporary 
artists, it is not difficult to perceive a gradual al- 
teration and improvement of his style, from the 
meagre forms of Perugino, to the full but modest 
outline of his riper productions. That this was 
the result of patient study and judicious selection, 
is evident from the visible gradations by which it 
was formed ; and what master of this period was 
so deserving of being studied by Raffaello as Mi- 
chelagnolo ? It was to this circumstance that Mi- 
chelagnolo himself referred, with equal truth and 
delicacy, when he said, that Raffaello did not de- 
rive his excellence* so much from nature, as from 
persevering i^tudy ; an expression which has been 
considered as unjust to the pretensions of the Ro- 
man artist, but which, on the contrary, confers on 
him the highest praise, (b) II. The expression at- 
tributed by Condivi, to Raffaello, without contra- 
diction by other writers, that he thanked God that 

(a) Bellori boldly denies that Raffaello imitated the manner of 
Michelagnolo in any respect whatever, *' sia il disegno, il colore, 
I'ignudo, i panni ; o sia Tidea e il concetto delF invenzione," an as- 
sertion which has been controverted with great success by Crespi, 
Letter e Pittoriche, vol. ii. p. 123. 

(b) ** Anzi (Michelagnolo) ha sempre lodato universalmente 
tutti, etiam Raffaello da Urbino, infra il quale e lui gii fu qualche 
contesa nella pittura ; solamente gli ho sentito dire, che Raffaello 
non ebbe quest' arte da natura, ma per lungo studio.*' Condivi^ 
vita di Mkhelagn, p. 66. 

LEO THE TEl^TH. 249 

he had been bom in the time of Michelagnolo, is a chap. 
sufficient indication that he had availed himself of ^^^^' 

the labours of his great contemporary^ and refers a. d. 1521. 
to the opportunities which had been afforded him A!pont.ix. 
of improving his style by the study of them, as 
well in his youth at Florence, as in his riper years 
at Rome, (a) The study of Raffaello was not, 
however, imitation, but selection. The works of 
Michelagnolo were to him a rich magazine ; but he 
rejected as well as approved. The muscular forms, 
daring outline, and energetic attitudes of the Flo- 
rentine artist, were harmonized and softened in 
the elegant and graceful productions of the pencil 
of Raffaello. It is thus that Homer was imitated 
by Virgil ; and it is thus that genius always at- 
tracts and assimilates with itself whatever is ex- 
cellent, either in the works of nature or the pro- 
ductions of art. (b) 

The labours of Raffaello in the Camera della picture of 
Segnatura had obtained the fuU approbation of ^*^^~*°'"'' 
the pontif]^ and a second apartment contiguous to 
the formef, was destined to receive its inestimable 

(a) " Raffaello d'Urbino, quantunque volesse concorrer con 

. Michelagnolo, piii volte ebbea dire, cbe ringraziava Iddio d'esser 

nato al suo tempo, avendo ritratta da lui altra maniera di quella, 

che del padre, che dipintor fu, e dal Perugino suo maestro avea 

imparata." Ihid, 

{b) Tbe judicious Lanzi, although warmly attached to the cause 
of Raffaello, sufficiently admits that he attained a bolder style of 
design from the works of Michelagncdo. *' Nel rimanente non 
avria, credo (Raffaello) negato mai, che gli esempj di Michelangi- 
olo gli avean inspirata certa maggiore arditezza di disegno, e che 
nel carattere forte gli avea talora imitati. Ma come imitati? Col 
rendere^ riflette il Crespi medesimo, quella maniera pid bella e piu 
maeitosa" Lanzi^ Sioria PUtorica^ vol. i. p. 396. Bossi, note 
in ItaL ed. vol. x. p. 153. 


CHAP, ornaments from his hand. The subject first cho- 
/^^' sen by Raflltello was the story of Heliodorus^ the 

A. D. 1521. prefect of king Seleucus, who, whilst he was em^ 

A J£t. 4fi 

A.'i>ont.ix. ployed in plundering the temple of Jerusalem of 
the treasures intended for the support of the wi- 
dows and orphans, wai? assailed by a formidable 
warrior and two celestial youths, whom the prayers 
of Onias the high priest had called to his aid. 
The pencil is no less the instrument of flattery 
than the pen, and in this piece the artist is sup* 
posed to have alluded to the conduct of Julius II. 
who had driven the tyrants and usurpers of the 
j^atrimony of St. Peter from their posaeasMns, and 
united them with those of the churclu (a) This 
idea is confirmed by the introduction of the pon- 
tiff, as being witness of this miraculous interposi- 
tion. He is carried in his chair of state, and is 
surrounded by numerous attendants, in some of 
whom the painter has represented the portraits of 
his friends. Among these are the celebrated en- 
graver Marc-Antonio Baimondi, one of the disci- 
ples of Baffaello, and Giampietro de' FoUari, se- 
cretary of the petitions to the Roman see. Over 
the window which occupies part of another side 
of the apartment, the painter has represented the 
miracle at Bolsena ; in which, to the confusion 
of the incredulous priest who officiated at the 
celebration of mass, the holy wafer miraculously 
dropped blood, In this piece also th^ pontiff i^ 
introduced, kneeling in prayer, and intent on the 
celebration of the mass. He is attended by two 
cardinals and two prelates of the court, probably 
friends of the artist, although the resemblanp^s 

(a) Bellori, JJjucritt, pp. 67, 71. 


are now no longer known. In these works Raffa- c ij a p. 
ello demonstrated^ that with a grander character ^^^^' 
of design, he had also acquired a greater know- a. n. 1521, 
ledge of the effects of light and shadow, and a ^ pf^jx. 
more perfect harmony of colour ; insomuch, that 
he may justly he said tp have united and exem- 
plified in himself^ at this period^ all the great re- 
quisites of the art. 

Such was the progress which had heen made in Leo x. en- 
these pursuits^ and such the state of them in the chl^iJio 
city of Rome, when Leo X. was called tp the ^f^^ch 
pontifical throne. One of the 'earliest objects of ^^iFb-"' 
the attention of the new pontiff was the rebuilding, rencc. 
in a most splendid manner, the church of S. Lor 
renzo at Florence, for which purpose he resolved 
to avail himself of the great architectural talents 
of Michelagnolo, who was then employed under 
the cardinals Lorenzo Pucci and Leonardi Grossi 
in finishing the tomb of Julius IL A model wa$ 
accordingly prepared, and Michelagnolo was di- 
rected to proceed to Florence and take the sole 
direction of the work. He was, however, unwil- 
ling to relinquish an undertaking, which he per-^ 
haps considered as more worthy of his talents^ 
and endeavoured to excuse himself to the pontiff, 
by alleging that he stood engaged to the two car- 
dinals to complete the tomb. Leo, however, in- 
formed him that he should take it upon himself 
to "Satisfy them in this respect, and Michelagnolo^ 
contrary to his wishes, was obliged to repair to 
Florence. Genius resembles a proud steed, that 
whilst he obeys the slightest touch of the kind 
hand of a master, revolts at the first indication of 
compulsion and of restraint. Every incident became 


CHAP, a cause of contention between the artist and his 


^_ patron. Michelagnolo preferred the marble of 

A. D. 1621. Carrara; the pope directed him to open the quar- 
aCpwiiLix. ries of Pietro Santa^ in the territories of Florence, 
the material of which was of a hard and intract- 
able kind, (a) The artist had called on the envoy 
of the pope for a sum of money, and finding him 
engaged, had not only refused to wait for it, but 
when it was sent after him to Carrara, had re- 
jected it with contempt, (b) Under these discou- 
raging circumstances, the proposed building made 
but little progress. The ardour of the pontiflF was 
chilled by the cold reluctance of the artist. Du- 
ring the life of Leo the work did not proceed be- 
yond the basement, and a single column of marble 
brought from Carrara, served only as a memorial 
of the unfortunate disagreement which had pre- 
vented the erection of this splendid fabric. In 
fact, the talents of Michelagnolo owe little to the 
patronage of Leo X. the interval of whose pontifi- 
cate forms the most inactive part of the life of that 
great artist, (c) A few models and designs for 
ornaments of internal architecture, are the princi- 
pal works which the vigilance of his historians 
has been able to discover during that period ; and 
it was not until after the death of the pontiff that 
Michelagnolo returned to his favourite task, the 
completion of the tomb of Julius II., and com- 
menced, under the directions of Clement VII., 

(a) Condiviy Vita di Michelagnolo^ pp. 30, 31. 

(b) Vasari, Vita di Michelagnolo. Vite de* Pittori, vol iii. p. 233. 

(c) The reader may consult with advantage the additional 
notes of Count Bossi in ItaL ed, vol. x. p. 440, et seq., p. 166, et 


those splendid monuments for the chiefs of the chap. 
Medici family^ which have conferred greater ho- ^^^' 
nour on himself than on those for whom they were a. d. 1521. 
erected, (a) t'^^i^^ 

The individual who, as an artist, forms the chief RaflfaeUo 
glory of the pontificate of Leo X. is the accom- gimtingthe 
plished Rafiaello ; who, uniting to an elevated ge- the\^<»iu 
nius and a great variety of talents, the most en- p^^^^^ ^^ 
gaging modesty and complacency of manner, at- ^"i**- 
tracted in an eminent degree the favour and muni- 
ficence of the pontiff. Under such patronage, the 
works already commenced in the chambers of the 
Vatican proceeded with increased ardour. The 
first subject in which Raffaello engaged after the 
elevation of Leo X. was the representation of At- 
tila, king of the Huns, opposed and driven from 
Italy by the admonitions of the sainted pontiff 
Leo I. which occupies one of the sides of the apart- 
ment in which Raffaello had before represented 
the Heliodorus and the miracle at Bplsena. The 
conception of this picture affords a decisive proof 
that Raffaello combined the fancy of the poet with 

(a) It has before been noticed that Michelagnolo distinguished 
himself by his Italian poetry ; and I shall take this last opportu- 
nity to observe, that his writings, although not marked by splen- 
did imagery and striking ornament, bear the same elevated cha- 
racter as the productions of liis chisel and his pencil. His ideas 
are all drawn from the same source ; and whether embodied in 
visible forms, or expressed through the medium of language, dis- 
cover the same indications of their superior origin. Throughout 
his whole life he appears to have been impressed with a deep re- 
ligious feeling. His poems in fact are not amatory ; although 
many of them apparently bear that character. The beauty which 
he admires and celebrates is not sensual. Through the perfec- 
tions of the creature he contemplates only the Creator, and the 
breathings of his passion are breathings afler immortality. 


CHAP, the skiD of the painter. He saw, that to have ex- 
^^^^^ hibited a fierce and exasperated warrior retiring 
A.D. 1521. with his army at the pacific admonition of a priest, 
a;^«.k. could only have produced an insipid and uninter- 
esting effect. But how greatly is this incident 
dignified, how much is its importance increased, 
by the miraculous interposition of St. Peter and 
St. Paul, the chief protecting saints of the Roman 
church, who descending through the air in menac- 
ing attitudes, although visible only to the monarch, 
inspire him with that terror which the astonished 
spectators attribute to the eloquence and courage 
of the pontifl"! (a) Nor is it to be supposed, that 
this incident detracts from the merits of S. Leo, 
whose character and conduct derive from such 
auxiliaries higher honours, than the display of any 
mortal talents could bestow. That which appears 
to the faithful believer as a miracle, is, however, 
in the eye of the discriminating critic, only an ele- 
gant and expressive allegory, by which the artist 
insinuates, that on this important occasion the pon- 
tiff was actuated by the genuine spirit of religion 
and a true regard for the honour and safety of the 
Christian church. In such iastances the sister arts 
assimilate with each other, and the pictura loqtiens, 
and the muta poesis are synonymous terms. 
Its aiiegori. All the powers of mind and of mechanism dis- 
^pE!" P%^d by RaffaeUo in this picture, are, however, 
• only the subordinate instruments of one great pur- 
pose; that of flattering the reigning pontiff. Even 
S.Leo himself, and his dignified attendants, become 

{a) The Attila has been engraved, not only from the picture, 
but from the original design of RaffaeUo, v. Bottari, nota al Vasart, 
Tol. ii. p. 109. 

LEO TH£ T£NT&. ^$6 

only supposititious personages, intended to im- chap. 

mortalize Leo X. and the cardinals and prelates of ^ '_. 

his court, whose portraits are actually substituted a. d. 1521. 

A JEt 46 

for those of their predecessors in the honours and Aipon'ux. 
dignities of the Roman see. Here a new allegory 
commences; which 1ms hitherto wholly escaped 
the observation of the numerous commentators on 
these celebrated productions. To have represent- 
ed Leo X. as living in the time of Leo III. would 
have been an anachronism. To have exhibited 
him ai^ miraculously expelling Attila from Italy, 
would have been a falsehood. But Attila himself 
is only the type of the French monarch Louis XIL 
whom Leo had, within the first months of his pon- 
tificate, divested of the state of Milan and expelled 
from the limits of Italy, (a) Here the allegory is 
complete ; and here we discover the reason, why, 
amidst the real or fictitious transactions of past 
ages, this particular incident should have been se^ 
lected for the pencil of the artist, and why he has 

(a) It has already been observed, that the triumph of Oamillus, 
represented at Florence in the year 1514, was intended to com- 
memorate the same event, r. Ante, chap. xii. vol. ii. p. 328. The 
above construction of the intention of the artist, in the picture of 
Attila, may receive further confirmation from a Latin poem of Li- 
Uo Gregorio Gyraldi, which purports to be a hymn to Saint LeOf 
but which is, in &ct, intended, Uke the picture, to celebrate the 
conduct of Leo X. in expelling the French from Italy. It is 
highly probable that this poem was written before the picture of 
Raffaello was painted, as otherwise its author would scarcely have 
omitted so striking and poetical an incident, as the appearance of 
the two heavenly auxiliaries ; an incident not related in the legend, 
b«t devised by the painter, to express, in a poetical manner, the 
effects of the pontiff's exhortations. This poem, not printed in 
the general collection of the works of Gyraldi} may be found in 
the Appendix, No. CCVII. 

256 TfiE LIPE OF 

CHAP, chosen to treat it in the manner already describecL 


The liberation of St. Peter from prison by the 
A D. 1521. interposition of an angel, was the next subject 
A'.Pont.ix. which Raffaello undertook. This picture is oppo- 

Libcration ^^*^ '^ *^^* ^^ *^® mass of Bolscua^ and over the 
of St. Peter, wiudow of the apartment which looks towards the 
Belvedere. Flights of marble steps seem to as- 
cend on each side the window to the prison, which 
is illuminated by the splendour of its heavenly vi- 
sitant^ who with one hand gently awakes the sleep- 
ing saint, and with the other points towards the 
door already open for his escape. In this piece 
the artist alludes to the capture of Leo X. at the 
battle of Ravenna^ and his subsequent libera- 
tion, (a) In four compartments of the ceilings 
formed by arabesque ornaments in chiaroscuro, 
executed before Raffaello commenced his labours, 
and which he left untouched^ he has introduced 
four subjects of scripture history. Over the pic- 
ture of Heliodorus is the representation of the 
Eternal Father, who promises to Moses the libera- 
tion of the children of Israel. Over that of Attila 
is Noah returning thanks to God after the deluge. 
Over the mass of Bolsena is the sacrifice of Abra- 
ham ; and over the liberation of St. Peter, the 
dream of Jacobs with the angels ajscending and de- 
scending. Above the window of this apartment, 
which looks towards the Belvedere, yet remain the 
arms of Leo X. with the inscription, leo x. pont. 


(a) Bellori, Descritt. p. 97. 

(b) Bossi supposes that Raffaello employed nine years in deco- 
rating the Vatican. The si:^ historical works which allude, under 
different allegories, to Leo X. were terminated in 1517. lial. ed. 
vol. xi. p. 168.* 


The reputation which Raffaello had acquired by chtap. 
the &st part of his works in the Vatican, occasion- ^^^^' 
ed the productions of his pencil to be sought after a. d. 1521. 
with eagerness by the prelates and wealthy inha- .t^nux. 
bitants of Rome. Of these no one displayed works exe- 

cutcd bv 

greater earnestness to obtain them than the opu- Raffaeiio ' 
lent merchant Agostino Chigi, who in his admira- chi^f***^'' 
tion and munificent encouragement of Raffaello 
almost vied with the pontiff himself, (a) Even un- 

(a) Of the liberality of Agostino towards the professors of liter- 
ature some account has already been given in this work, ante, 
chap. xi. vol. ii. p. 263. It is remarkable, that Agostino had sup- 
ported his credit for integrity and ability, and had enjoyed the fa- 
vour of several successive pontiffs. Under Alexander VI. he is 
said to have converted even his silver plate into coin, for the use 
of Caesar Borgia, on his expedition into Romagna. He acted not 
only as banker, but as superintendent of the finances to Julius 
II. who honoured him by a sort of adoption into the family of 
Rovere. But it was not only in his patronage of letters and of the 
arts, that Agostino emulated the Roman pontiffs ; he vied with 
them also in the luxury of his table, and the costly and ostenta- 
tious extravagance of his firsts. On the baptism of one of his 
children, he is said to. have invited Leo X. with the whole college 
of cardinals and the foreign ambassadors at Rome, to an entertain- 
ment, in which he provided the greatest delicacies, and among the 
rest, several dishes of Parrots' tongues, variously cooked. The 
plates, goblets, and vessels, were all of wrought silver, and when 
once used, were thrown into the Tiber, which flowed near the 
house. If we may credit Paullus Jovius, Agostino was one of the 
admirers of the beautiful Imperia. v, ante^ chap, xi. vol. ii. p. 241. 
For these anecdotes the reader will find the authorities in Bayle, 
Diet, Histor. Art. Chigi; observing, however, that the authors 
whom he cites are, as is usual with him, of very doubtful autho- 
rity. Ailer the death of Agostino, the family of Chigi were driven 
from Rome by Paul III. who seized upon their mansion in the 
Transtevere, and converted it into a sort of appendage to the Far- 
nese palace, whence it has since been called the Farnesina, But in 
the ensuing century, the £iimily of Chigi rose to pontifical honours, 
in the person of Alexander VU. Fabio Chigi; who established it 



CHAP, der the pontificate of Julius 11. Agostino had pre- 
^^^^' vailed upon Raffaello to execute for him, in his 
A. D. 1521. newly erected and elegant mansion in the Trans- 
A!pont.ix. tevere, now called the Famesina, a picture in fres- 
co, representing Galatea home in a car over the 
waves hy dolphins, and surrounded hy tritons and 
sea nymphs, (a) This was soon afterwards fol- 
lowed hy the paintings in the family chapel of 
Agostino, erected hy him in the church of S. Ma- 
ria della Pace at Rome. In this work, which, if 
we may helieve Vasari, was conmienced hy Raf- 
faello after he had seen the productions of Michel- 
agnolo in the Sistine chapel, {b) he undertook to 
represent the sybils; in which he united a grander 
style of design than he had before displayed, with 
a greater perfection of colouring, insomuch that 
these pieces are enumerated amongst the most ex- 
quisite productions of his pencil, (c) In the inter- 
vals of his engagements with Leo X. Raffaello re- 
turned to the house of his friend Agostino, where 
he decorated one of the apartments with the his- 
tory of Cupid and Psyche, in a series of pictures, 
and represented in the ceiling, in two large com- 

in great credit, without, however, restoring to it the fiunily man- 
sion, which has descended with the possessions of the Famese to 
the king of Naples, to whom it now belongs. 

^a) The print engraved from diis picture hj Marc-Antonio, is 
rare and valuable ; it has also been engraved hj severaLsubsequent 
artists, but in a much inferior style. 

{b) Vasari, Vite de* Pittori, vol. ii. p. 104. 

(c) '^ Quest' opera,'' says Vasari, <' lo fe stimar grandemente 
vivo, e morto per essere la ]^d rara, ed eccellente opera cfae Raf- 
faello facesse in vita sua." Vasari, vol. ii. p. 104. This, highly 
commended work has never been well engraved, and having now 
been injured from wsuit of care, and vetouched by inferior hands, 
may be considered as lost to the world. 


p.rt««.ts, Venu. «.d Cupid pleading .g«.t each c h« 
other before Jupiter in the assembly of the Gods, [_ 

and the marriage of Cupid and Psyche, (a) This a.d.i52l 
labour was, however, frequently interrupted by A.*pont.ix. 
the occasional absence of the artist, who being 
passionately enamoured of a beautiful young wo- 
man, the daughter of a baker in Rome, whence she 
was usually called La Fomarina, deserted his oc- 
cupation for the sake of her society ; a circum- 
stance of which Agostino was no sooner aware> 
than he prevailed upon her to take up her abode 
in his house, and Raffaello in her presence pro- 
ceeded in his work with great diligence, (b) Noif 
was it as a painter only that Raffaello devoted his 
talents to the service of bis friend. As an archie 
tect he furnished Agostino with the designs from 
which he erected his before mentioned chapel, and 
even favoured him with a drawing for the eleva- 
tion of his stables. He also undertook to superin- 
tend the execution of a magnificent sepulchre, 
which Agostino, in imitatioai of Julius 11. was de- 
sirous of having prepared in his own lifetime, and 
which was intended to have been erected in his 
chapel. The workmanship was intrusted to the 
sculptor Lorenzetto, who executed two figures in 
marble as a part of the sepulchre, after models 
said to have been furnished by Raffaello, when the 
further progress of it was interrupted by the death 

(a) In this work Raffaello is supposed to have been assisted by 
some of his scholars. Some parts of it have been engraved by 
Marc-Antonio or his pupils, and the whole of it by Cherubino Al- 
befti» by Audran, and by Nicolo Dorigny, v. Bottari, note oii Vasa- 
riy vol. ii. p. 122. Dr. Smith has given a full account of this ce- 
lebrated work, in his Tour on the Continent^ voL ii. p. 2l 

{b) Vasari, Vite U Piitari, vol. ii. p. 122. 

^9 2 


CHAP, of both Raffaello and his patron, (a) One of these 
^^"* %ures is the celebrated statue of Jonah, which is 

A. D. 1621. allowed to exhibit a degree of excellence scarcely 
A.ip^t!ix! exceeded by the finest remains of ancient art- (h) 
To this period of the life of Raffaello may be as- 
signed the production of many of his pictures in 
oil, which were eagerly sought after, not only iii 
Rome, but in other parts of Italy, and have since 
formed the chief ornaments of the most celebrated 
cabinets in Europe. Nor did he less distinguish 
himself by the excellence of his portraits, in which 
the utmost degree of truth and of nature was em- 
bellished by that ineffable grace, which like the 
splendour that surrounds the pictured features of 
a saint, gives to all his works a character of divi^ 
nity. Among these his portrait of Leo X. attend- 
ed by the cardinals Giulio de* Medici and Luigi 
Rossi, is eminently distinguished; and the ap^ 
plauses bestowed for nearly three centuries on this 
picture, whilst it remained in the ducal gallery at 
Florence, will now be re-echoed from another part 
of Europe, (c) 

(a) These events were not far distant from each other ; Agos- 
tino having died at Rome, on the tenth day of April, 1520. v. Fo' 
bron. Vita Leon. X, in adnot:121, p. 313. 

(b) The statue of Jonah, with the other statue which was not 
finished by Lorenzetto, occupy two niches in front of the Chigi 
Chapel, in the church of S. Maria del Popolo, at Rome; the other 
two niches being filled with statues by Bernini. In their unbound- 
ed admiration of the statue of Jonah, the Italians have been rival- 
led by many accomplished strangers who have visited Italy, and 
been struck with the exquisite design and perfect style of execu- 
tion which this performance displays. A very particular and ani- 
mated description of it may be found in Drc Smith's Tour on the 
Continent, vol. ii. p. 23. 

(c) This picture must have been painted between the years 
1517 aad 1519; as it was only dujQpg that time that Rossi en- 



although secret) were not fruitless ; he became an chap. 
artist before he produced a specunen of his talents, ^^^^* 
and at eighteen years of age seized the pencil and a. d. 1521. 
astonished his employers. The disciples of Raf- A/p^t.K. 
hello owned no superiority but that of genius. 
Polidoro da Caravaggio was received among them poWoto da 
as a companion and a brother, and by his future "*^*^°* 
eminence added new honours to the school in 
which he had been formed, (a) After the comple- 
tion of the Loggity Raffaello was employed by 
the pontiff to embellish in a similar manner one of 
the saloons of the Vatican, where he painted seve- 
ral figures of the apostles and saints ; and availing 
himself of the assistance of Giovanni da Udine, 
decorated the interstices with arabesques, in which 
he introduced the figures of various animals, which 
had at different times been presented to the pope,(6) 
who was so highly gratified by the judgment and 
fency displayed in these works, that he invested 
Raffaello with the general superintendence of all 
the improvements of the Vatican. 

The demands made by Leo X. upon the talents The Car- 
and the time of Raffaello were indeed unremit- ^^ 
ting, and could not have failed to have exhausted 
die efforts of a less fertile imagination or a less ra- 
pid hand. Having determined to ornament one 
of the apartments of the Vatican with tapestry, 

(a) Vasari, Vita di Polidoro da Cara/oaggio; Vitc d^ Pittori, 
vol. ii. p. 283. 

(b) This work was destroyed by the ignorant and superstitioiM 
Paul IV. (Caraffa), who, as Vasari tells us, "per fare certi suoi 
stanzini e bugigattoli da ritirarsi, guast6 quella stanza, e priy6 
quel palazzo d' un' opera singolare ; il che non arebbe fatto quel 
sant' uomo, s' egli avesse avuto gusto nell' arti del disegno," Fa- 
sarif torn. iii. p. 47. 



CHAP, which was at that time woven in Flanders with 
^^^ the utmost perfection and elegance ; he requested 
A.D.1621. Raffaello to furnish the designs from such portions 
tpfniit of scripture history as might be suitable for the 
purpose. The passages which he chose were se- 
lected from the Acts of the Apostles ; and these h^ 
designed, on cartoons^ or paper, as models for the 
imitation of the Flemish artists. Each of these 
subjects was ornamented at the bottom with a 
frieze, or border, in chiaro scUro, representing the 
principal transactions in the life of Leo X. The 
pieces of tapestry wrought from these designs, and 
which, until very lately, decorated the papal cha- 
pel, were executed by the tapestry weavers with a 
harmony of colour and brilliancy of eflfect that as- 
tonished all who saw them, and seemed to be rar 
ther the production of the pencil than the loom. 
In this work Leo expended the enormous sum of 
seventy thousand crowns, (a) But although the 
tapestry arrived at Rome, the drawings, yet more 
valuable, were suffered to remain in the hands of 
the Flemish workmen, from whose descendants 
it is supposed they were purchased, in the en- 
suing century, by the accomplished but unfortu- 
nate Charles I. {b) During the disturbances which 
soon afterwards arose in these kingdoms, these 

(a) ** Cost6 quest' opera settanta mila scudi, e si conserva an- 
cora nella Capella papale/' Vasari, voL ii. p. 124, but Panvinius, 
in his life of Leo X. states the expense to have been 50,000 gold 
crowns. Vile de' Pontefici, ii. 495. 

(b) Richardson, Traite de la PeinturCy iii. 459. The same au- 
thor adds, that Charles II. would have sold them to Louis XIV. 
who applied to him by his ambassador to purchase them, but that 
he was dissuaded from it by the earl of Danby, aflei;wards duke 
of Leeds. Ibid* 


of Raffitello, or, as it has usually been denomi- ghap. 


nated in the annals of painting, the Roman school 
of design ; the professors of which, without emu- A.D.1521. 
lating the bold contours of the Florentine artists, A."p<ma£ 
or the splendid tints of the Venetians, have united 
with chastity of design, an appropriate gravity of 
colouring, and displayed a grace and a decorum 
not less interesting than the more obtrusive ex- 
cellences of their rivals. The subjects represent- 
ed in this apartment are selected from the history 
of those distinguished pontiffs who had borne the 
same name as the reigning pope. The coronation 
of Charlemagne by Leo III., and the justification 
of the same pontiff from the accusations preferred 
against him to that monarch, occupy two sides of 
the room. The other two exhibit the victory of 
S. Leo IV. over the Saracens at the Port of Ostia, 
and the miraculous extinction of the conflagration 
in the JBorgo Vecchio at Rome ; incidents which 
we may be assured were not selected without a re- 
ference to the views and conduct of the reigning 
pontiff, who, in raising these monuments to the 
memory of his illustrious predecessors, meant to 
prepare the way to the more direct celebration of 
the transactions of his own life ; (a) but the time 
was fast approaching which terminated these mag- 
nificent projects ; and the actions of Leo X. were 
destined to be commemorated in another place, 
and by a much inferior hand, {h) 

(a) This apartment was finished in the year 1517, as appears 
by the inscription over the window, towards the Belvedere, where, 
under the arms of Leo X., we read 

Leo X. Pont. M. Pontificatus 

Anno Christi. sui anno. 


(b) The grand duke Cosmo I. employed Giorgio Vasariy the 

264 • THE lilFB OF 

CHAP. The galleries of the Vatican, intended to Unite 

Y Y IT ^ 

the detached parts of that immense fabric, and 

A.D. 1521. usually denominated the Loggie, having been left 
A.Pontix. by Bramante in an unfinished state, Leo X. pre- 
i^oggie of vailed upon Raffaello, who had already given seve- 
KaffaeUo. ygi spccimeus of his skill in architecture, to under- 
take the completion of the work. He accordingly 
formed a model for that purpose, in which he in- 

historian of the painters, to represent, in fresco, on the walls of 
his palace at Florence, the achievements of the family of Medici, 
commencing with the elder Cosmo, Pater Patria, proceeding 
through those of Lorenzo the Magnificent, Leo X. Clement VII. 
the duke Alessandro, Giovanni, captain of the Bande Nere, and 
terminating with those of Cosmo I. Of this immense labour Va- 
sari has himself left an account, not less diffuse and ostentatious 
' than the work itself, in a series of dialogues, entitled Rxgiona- 
MENTi del Signor Cavaliere Giorgio Vasari, Pitlore e Architeiio 
AretinOf sopru le invenzioni da hi dipinte in Fir^nze, net palazzo di 
hro Altezze Serenissime^ con lo illustriss, ed eccellentiss. Signore D. 
Francesco Medici allora Principe di Firenze, which was published 
after the death of Vasari, by his nephew, in 1688, and reprinted 
at Arezzo, in 1762, 4to. Of the style in which this work is writ- 
ten, and of the manner in which Vasari thought fit to represent 
the principal incidents in the life of Leo X. the reader may find a 
specimen in the Appendix, No. CCVIIL As an artist, Vasari 
has incurred the severe, but I fear, too well founded reprehen- 
sions of the late professor of painting to the royal academy ; 
who denominates him ** the most superficial artist, and the most 
abandoned mannerist of his time, but the most acute observer of 
men, and the most dexterous flatterer of princes. He over- 
whelmed the palaces of the Medici and the popes, the convents 
and churches of Italy, with a deluge of mediocrity, commended by 
rapidity and shameless bravura of hand. He alone did more 
work tlian all the artists of Tuscany together ; and to him may be 
truly applied what he had the insolence to say of Tintoretto, that 
he had turned the art into a boy's toy." Fuseli's 2nd Lecture, p. 

For some remarks more favourable to the character of Vasari, 
as an artist, v. notes of Count Bossi, in ItaL ed, vol. )d. pp. 76, 



traduced great improvements on the design of ^^^' 

Bramante^ arranged the whole in a more conve- ^ L 

nient manner^ and displayed the elegance of his ^-^{^^g* 
taste in various appropriate ornaments. The exe- Aiponux. 
cution of this plan gave great satis&ction to the 
pontiff; who, being desirous that the interior em- 
bellishments of this part of the palace should cor- 
respond with its exterior beauty, directed Raf- 
faello to make designs for such ornamental works 
in painting, carving, and stucco, as he thought 
most suitable for the purpose. This afforded the 
artist an opportunity of displaying his knowledge 
of the antique, and his skill in imitating the an- 
cient grotesque and arabesque ornaments, speci- 
mens of which then began to be discovered, as 
well in Italy as in other places ; and which were 
collected from all parts at considerable expense by 
Raffaello, who also employed artists in various 
parts of Italy, and even in Greece and Turkey, to 
furnish him with drawings of whatever remains of 
antiquity might appear deserving of notice, (a) 
The execution of this great work was chiefly in- 
trusted to two of his scholars, Giulio Romano 
and Giovanni da Udine ; the former of whom su- 
perintended the historical department, the latter 

(a) Vasari, vite de' PiUori, vol. ii. p. 118. A print of the time 
of Raffaello is in my possession, representing the base of a 
column, ornamented with bos relirfs of two female figures, each 
supporting a buckler ; between them a large circle or shield, with 
the letters S. P. Q. R., and below, three boy« with festoons of 
flowers. At the foot is inscribed, 

Bazamento d, la colona d, Constantinopolo 
mandato a Rafelo da Urbino. 
This print, although not marked, is engraved by Agostino Vene- 

266 THE LIFfi OF 

CHAP, the Btucco and grotesques, in the representation 
/^^' and exquisite finish of which he excelled all the 
A. D. 1521. artists of his time ; but various other artists, who 
Aipontix! had already arrived at considerable eminence, were 
, employed in the work, and laboured with great as- 
siduity. Among these were Giovanni Francesco 
Penni, called // Fattore^ Bartolommeo da Bagna- 
cavallo, Perino del Vaga, Pellegrino da Modena, 
and Vincenzo da S. Gemignano. (a) In the vari- 
ous compartments of the ceiling Raffaello design- 
ed a series of pictures from sacred history, some of 
which are supposed to have been finished with his 
own hand, and the rest by his pupils under his 
immediate direction, (i) The great extent and 
variety of this undertaking, the fertility of ima- 
gination displayed by Raffaello in his designs, the 
condescension and kindness with which he treated 
his pupils, who attended him in great numbers 
whenever he appeared in public, and the liberality 
of the pontiff* in rewarding their labours, all com- 
bined to render the Vatican at this period a per- 
feet nursery of art. Among the lowest assistants, 
a boy had been employed in carrying the compo- 
sition of lime and other materials requisite for the 
works in fresco. From daily observing these pro- 
ductions he began to admire them, and from ad- 
miring to wish to imitate them. His meditations, 

(fl) Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, vol. ii. p. 118. 

(b) The paintings of RafFaello in the Loggie have frequently 
been engraved in fifty-two pieces, and are known by the name of 
the Bible of RafFaello ; particularly by Giovanni Lanfranco and 
Sisto Badalocchi, pupils of Annibale Carracci, to whom they de- 
dicated the work in 1607, and by Horatio Borgianni in 1615» as 
well as by many subsequent artists; for a further account of 
whom, V, Bottari, note an Vasari, vol. ii. p. 119. 


These engagements did not, however, prevent ^^ p- 
this indefatigable artist from prosecuting his la- ^ 1- 

A.D. 1521 
joyed the dignity of the purple. It now forms a part of the im- a! At 46.' 

mense collection of the Louvre. A.Pont.IX, 

This picture has, I believe, since been restored to Florence. 
Count Bossi has cited, in the advertisement to vol. viii. of his 
translation, an account given by M. Simon, in his Travels in Eng- 
land, of the picture of Leo X. and the two cardinals, seen by him 
some years since in my possession at Allerton ; but as such account 
is, in many respects, erroneous, it may here be proper to give a 
more correct narrative of the transactions he has referred to. 

Vasari relates, in his life of Andrea del Sarto, that when Fede- 
rigo, duke of Mantua, passed through Florence to visit Clement VIL 
he saw, in the palace of the Medici, the portrait by RafFaello of 
Leo X. with the cardinals Giulio de' Medici, (then Clement VIL) 
and de' Rossi ; with which he was so highly pleased, that on his 
arrival at Rome he requested it as a gift from the Pope, who ge- 
nerously complied with his wish, and sent orders to his relative, 
Ottaviano de' Medici, to forward the picture to Mantua ; but he, 
being unwilling that the family should be deprived of such a trea- 
sure, sent to Andrea del Sarto, and requested him to copy it, which 
he did with such success, that Ottaviano himself (who was an ex- 
cellent judge of works of art) could not distinguish the copy from 
the original. Concealing therefore the picture of Ra£faello, he 
sent the copy to Mantua, with which the duke was perfectly satis- 
fied ; and even Giulio Romano, the favourite pupil of Raffaello, 
who then resided at Mantua, was not aware of the deception. 

In this error they might have remained, had not an extraordi- 
nary incident led to an explanation. — Vasari, then a young and 
rising artist, desirous of forming an acquaintance with Giulio Ro- 
mano, paid a visit to Mantua, where he was received with great 
civility by Giulio, who after gratifying him with a sight of the 
works of art which the city afforded, at length exhibited to him 
the picture of Leo X. and the cardinals, as the production of Raf- 
faello, and the greatest ornament of the place. *' A beautiful work," 
cried Vasari, " but not by the hand of Rajaello,** " How so" said 
Giulio, " is it possible I should not recognise the touches of my own 
pencil upon itf* " Yoti are mistaken,** replied Vasari, " this picture 
is the work of Andrea del Sarto (under whom Vasari studied at the 
time the copy was made) and as a proof of it, there is a mark, which 
I will show you" The picture was therefore taken down, and the 
mark discovered ; upon which Giulio declared that he valued the 



c H A P. bours in the Vatican, and a third apartment was 

— TL. destined by Leo X. to receive its ornaments from 

A^^ulk ^is talents ; but human efforts have their limits ; 

A. Pont. IX. 3^nd Raffaello, whilst he furnished the designs, and 

diUgently superintended the execution of the 

Roman work, frequently giving the last finish with his 

:Jt"' '' own hand, found it necessary to employ young 

artists of promising talents in the more laborious 

parts of the undertaking. Hence arose the school 

copy no less than the original : — ** «ay," added he, " even more, 
because it is incredible that one painter should so exactly imitate the 
manner of another" 

What the mark (segno) was, by which Andrea distinguished his 
copy from the original, Vasari has not mentioned; but his editor, 
the prelate Bottari, informs us that he had heard Gabbiani, who was 
himself a very eminent painter, and was born soon after the middle 
of the seventeenth century, and who had associated with many old 
professors, say, that the mark set upon the picture by Andrea, was the 
writing his name on the edge of the panel which was covered by the 
frame ; and thai when Vasari had the picture taken out of the frames 
Giulio read the inscription, v. Vas. vol. iL p. 236. Ed, Bot. 1759. 

Shortly after the picture of Leo X. and the cardinals came into 
my possession, I had it taken out of the frame, in the presence of 
some of my friends conversant with works of art; when, on one 
of the upright edges of the panel, which is about three quarters 
of an inch thick, we found the remains of an inscription, which was 
much obliterated, but which, according to the best judgment that 
could be formed of it, was composed of the letters 

ANDREA. F. P. - - - - 

probably followed by the date of the year, which was however 
quite illegible. 

The coincidence of this fact with the relation of Vasari, and the 
tradition of Gabbiani, was considered by the parties present, as a 
sufficient evidence of this being the identical picture of Andrea del 
Sarto; although it is said that such picture is now at Capo di Mow 
te. It must however be observed, that another copy was made 
by Vasari, for Ottaviano de' Medici ; v, Vas. vol. iii. p. 507, for 
which he received five hundred crowns, and which is probably one 
of the three pictures now known. 

This picture now holds a conspicuous station in the splendid 
collection at Holkham. 


precious monuments were exposed to sale, in com- chap. 
mon with the rest of the royal collection: but ^^^^• 
Cromwell was not so devoid of taste as to permit a. d. 1521. 
them to be lost to this country, and directed that l^^^^^'l 
they should be purchased, (a) No further atten- 
tion seems, however, to have been paid to them, 
and soon after the accession of William III. they 
were found in a chest cut into strips for the use of 
the tapestry weavers, but in other respects without 
material injury. For several years these celebrated 
cartoons formed the chief ornament of the palace 
of Hampton Court, whence they have been re- 
moved by the orders of his present Majesty to his 
residence at Windsor. Let not the British artist 
who is smitten with the love of his profession and 
owns the influence of genius, fail to piy his fre- 
quent devotions at this shrine, (b) 

(a) The number of cartoons was originally twelve. It is proba- 
ble that Giulio Romano added that of the Magi, which was exhi- 
bited with the rest. Sevc!n of these only are now preserved, aT- 
though some mutilated fragments have been discovered, which are 
supposed to have been parts of those which are lost. But for fur- 
ther information respecting the dispersion and present state of 
these interesting works, v, note of Bossi, in ItaL ed, vol. xi. p. 
168, et seq, 

(b) Richardson has entered into a long disquisition to prove 
diat the cartoons, then at Hampton Court, have preserved the 
most perfect specimen of the productions of Ria£faello, by his own 
hand, that now exists in any one place ; and that they are to be 
preferred to his works either in the Vatican or the Famesina. 
Traite dc la Peinture, iii. 439, &c. Bottari has noted this obser- 
vation without attempting to reply to it. Note al Vasari, ii. 124 ; 
and Lanzi has confirmed it by asserting, that in these works the 
art had arrived at its highest pitch of excellence, and that the world 
has' not since seen any production of equal beauty, *' Anche in 
in questi arrazzi Tarte tocc6 il piii alto segno, n^ dopo esst ha ve- 
duta il mpndo cosa ugualmente bella." Lanzi, Storia PittaricOf i. 


CHAP. We now touch the confines of the highest state 


• of the art; of that period when the powers of 

A. D. 1521. Raffiiello^ who undoubtedly united in himself aU 
A.Ponux. the great requisites of a perfect painter in a higher 
The Tnutt. degree than any other individual^ were exerted to 
their full extent. To distinguish this sera was the 
destination of his last great work^ the transfigura- 
tion of Christ on Mount Tabor. In the production 
of this piece Raffaello was attracted by friendship, 
and stimulated by emulation. During the absence 
of Michelagnolo from Rome, that great artist had 
heard the praises of Raffaello resounded from erery 
quarter, and had found his productions conmiend- 
ed for propriety of invention, correctness of de- 
sign, grace of composition, and harmony of colour- 
ing ; whilst his own were represented as having no 
other excellence than truth of drawing to recom- 
mend them, (a) Relinquishing for a moment that 
department which was more consonant to the. se- 
vere energy of his own genius, and in which he 
stands without a rival in modem times, he resolved 

401. The cartoons have been frequently engraved by various ar- 
tists, and the friezes of the life of Leo X. by Pietro Santi Bartoli 
of Perugia. Mr. Holloway, an eminent English artist, is now em- 
ployed (1805) in engraving the cartoons, on a large scale ; and 
fkom the specimens which the public have already had of his abi- 
lities, there is reason to expect that they will be executed in a su- 
perior style. 

(a) " Mentre che lavorava costui (Sebastiano del Fiombo) 
queste cose in Roma, era venuto in tanto credito Raffaello nella 
pittura, che gli amici ed aderenti suoi dicevano, che le pitture di 
lui erano, secondo V ordine della pittura, piik che quelle di Michel- 
agnolo vaghe di colorito, belle d* invenzioni, e d* arie ^h vezzose c 
di correspondente ^segno ; e che quelle del Bonarotti non ave- 
vano, dal disegno in faori, niuna di queste parti." Va^&riy VUcy 
vd. ii. p. 470. 


to oppose a barrier to the teiumphs of hiid great chap. 
competitor^ and by availing himself of the experi- ^^ 

enced pencil and attractive colouring of Sebastiano a. d. 1521. 
del Piombo^to give to his own vigoi*ous conceptions a!^jx. 
those advantages which were necessary to exhibit 
them with full effect This nnion of genius with 
talent, gave rise to several celebrated productions, 
the designs of which were furnished by Michelag- 
nolo, and the execution intrusted to Sebastiano. (a) 
At this juncture the cardinal Giulio de' Medici 
had engi^ed Raffaello to paint for him in oil the 
picture of the transfiguration, which was intended 
to ornament the great altar of the cathedral of 
Narbonne, of which place the cardinal was archbi- 
shop. No sooner had he commenced the work, 
than Sebastiano begun, as if in competition with 
him, his celebrated picture of the raising of Laza- 
rus, which was painted with the greatest atten- 
tion, and in part from the designs of Michelagnolo, 
and under his inunediate superintendence and di- 
rection, (b) Such a contest was well calculated to 
call forth all the efforts of Raffaello, and the work 
which he produced is acknowledged to have dis- 
played his various excellences to full advantage, (c) 

(a) Amon^ fhese a Traasfiguration in fireBCo^ a Flagellatioii of 
Christ, with other pieces, in one of the chills of S. IKero in 
Montorio in Rome, are mentioned as having attracted particular 
approbation, v. Vasari^ ut sup. and Lanzi, Storia Pittorica^ 1 404. 

(b) *' Fu contra&tta e dipinta con diHgenza grandissima sotto 
ordine e disegno in alcune parti di Michelagnolo*" Vasariy ii. 471. 
This picture was sent by the cardinal de' Medici to his cathedral 
of Narbonne, instead of the Tran^guration of Raffiiello. It has 
•ince been transferred to this country, and enriched die magnifi- 
eent and sdect collection of Mr. Ang^rstnn^ whiefa now forms a 
portion of the National Gallery. (1826.) 

(c) '' II quadro della Transfigurazuute^" says Mengs, ** h una 


CHAP. The pictures when completed were exhibited to- 


gether to public view in the chamber of the con- 

A. D. 1621. sistory, and both received high commendation. 

A.Poiit.ix. The work of Sebastiano was universally approved 

of, as a wonderful instance of energetic design and 

powerful effect ; but the warmest admirers of Mi- 

chelagnolo have not hesitated to confess, that in 

beauty and in grace the picture of Raffaello had no 

equal, (a) 

HaUof Among the last and unfinished labours of Raf- 

tine. faello, are the designs for another apartment in the 

Vatican, now called the Hall of Constantine, which 

were begun by him under the directions of Leo 

X. and terminated after the death, both of the ar- 

chiara riprova che Rafiaelle avea acquistato magglor idea del vero 
bello ; poich^ contiene assai pid bellezze che tutte le altre sue an- 
teriori." Op. di MengSj i. 134. On the death of Raffaello, which 
happened shortly after the completion of this picture, the cardinal 
de' Medici changed his intention of sending it to Narbonne, and 
, placed it in the church of S. Pietro in Montorio at Rome, where it 

remained until it was lately brought to France, and placed in the 
Collection of the Louvre. 

(a) This picture was engraved by the scholars of Marc-Antonia 
Raimondi, in 1538 ; and afterwards by several other artists. A 
large print from the cartoon of it has also lately been published at 
Rome by Francesco de' Santis, which exhibits, by a comparison 
with the former prints, the alterations made by the artist in the 
execution of his design. The manner in which Ra£faello has 
treated this subject, in representing the transfiguration of Chnst 
on the mountain, and the presentation for cure of the boy possess- 
ed by an evil spirit below, has given occasion to some critics to 
charge him with having represented two separate actions, and two 
distinct periods of time, in the same picture. This, objection has 
been answered by several writers, and particularly at great length, 
by Mr. Rutgers, in his letter on this subject to Mess. Richardr 
sons, printed in the addenda to their treatise Sur la PeirUure ; and 
more concisely, but more decisively, by Mr. Fuseli, at the end of 
his third lecture at the Royal Academy. 


tistand the pontiff, by Giulio Romano and Gian- chap. 

A ' ¥ WIT 


Frtocesco Penni, who are acknowledged to have 
proved themselves by this work the worthy dis- a D.1521. 
ciples of so great a master. This series com- A.Pont.ix. 
prises four grand comipositions^ each occupying 
one side of the apartment. The first represents 
the vision of Constantine^ with the miraculous ap- 
pearance of the holy cross. The second and 
largest is the victory of Constantine over Maxen- 
tius. The third is the baptism of the emperor ; 
and the fourth, the donation made by him to the 
church. On the basement of this apartment are 
represented the figures of several of the Roman 
pontiffs who distinguished themselves by their su- 
perior piety ; each of whom appears to be seated 
in a niche, and to be attended by two angels, who 
support his mantle, or assist in holding the book 
which he is employed in reading, (a) Among 
them are the sainted pontiffs, Pietro, Damaso, 
Leo, Gregory, and Silvester. On the base of a 
column, at the foot of the picture which repre- 
sents the baptism of Constantine, is inscribed, 


As an architect, Raffaello is scarcely less en- luffaeUo 
titled to commendation than in the other depart- S^JeZ^ate 
ments of art. On the death of Bramante, in the ^/^^^ 
year 1514, a competition took place for the office Ro"e. 
of superintendent of the church of S. Pietro, be- 
tween the professors of architecture at Rome; 
among whom were Fra Giocondo, Raffaello, and 
Balthazar Peruzzi, the latter of whom, at the re- 
quest of Leo X. formed a new model for the build- 

(a) Bellori, DescrittUme, Sfc. p. 150. 


CHAP, iug, excluding such parts as appeared to him not 


to correspond with the rest, and comprehending 
A.D. 1521. the whole in one majrnificent and simple form. 
A.'pont.ix.But^ although the design of Peruzzi gave great 
satisfaction to the pontiff, and some parts of it 
were even adopted by succeeding architects in 
carrying forwards, this great work, yet Leo, in 
compliance with the dying request of Bramaate, 
conferred the office of architect on Raffaello^ giving 
him as a coadjutor, or assistant, the experienced 
Fra Giocondo, then at an advanced period of 
life, (a) The appointment of Raffaello, which is 
dated in the month of August, 1514, contaans 
high commenda.tions of his talents, and assigns to 
him a salary of three hundred gold crowns^ with 
full power to call for the supplies necessary for 
carrying forward the work, (ft) For the same piu^ 
pose he was also authorized to make use of such 
marble as might be found in the city of Rome^ or 
within the distance of ten miles Arom its walls ; 
and a penalty was imposed upon all persons, who, 
upon discovering the remains of any ancient edi*- 
fice, should not, within three days, give notice of 
the same to Raffaello, who^ as praefect of St. 
Peter's, was empowered to purchase and n^e 
use of such part of it as might suit his purp6se. 
These regulations were the aieans of preserving 

(a) Fra Giocondo was not only an eminent architect, but an ac- 
complished scholar, and instructed the learned Julius Caasar Sca- 
liger in the Greek and Latin languages. On his erecting for 
Louis XII. the famous bridge over the Seine, Sannazaro pro- 
duced the well-known couplet : 

<* Jocundus geminum imposuit tibi Sequana pontem, 
Hunc tu jure potes dicese Pontificem" 
(6) Appwidix, No. CCIX. 


from destruction many remains of ancient art, chap. 
which would otherwise undoubtedly have perish- 

ed. In the brief, addres^d by the pontiff to Raf- a. d. 1521. 
£EieUo on this occasion, it is observed, that " great A-'ponUx. 
quantities of stone and marble are frequently dis- 
covered with inscriptions or curious monumental 
devices, which are deserving of preservation for 
the promotion of literature, and the cultivation of 
the Latin tongue; but are frequently cut or 
l^oken, and the inscriptions obliterated, for the 
sake of using them as materials in new building." 
The pontiff therefore imposes a heavy fine upon 
any person who shall destroy any inscription, 
without the permission of Raffaello.(a) These 
precautions could not fail of answering, in a great 
degree, the commendable ends which the pontiff 
had in view ; and to him may be ascribed the pre- 
servation of such memorials of former ages, as had 
escaped the ravages of his predecessors ; many of 
whom had not only permitted these venerable re- 
lics to be defaced, at the pleasure of those who 
found them, but had themselves torn down some 
of the finest works of antiquity, and employed the 
splendid fragments in the churches and modern 
edifices of Rome. 

The progress of this great work, during which Report of 
the pontiff had frequent interviews with his archi- the i^pe! 
tects, suggested to him a yet more extensive and 
magnificent plan. This was the forming an accu- 
rate survey of the city of Rome, with representa- 
tions of all the remains of ancient buildings, so a^ 
to obtain, from what might yet be seen, a com- 
plete draught or modieil of the whole, as it existed 

(a) Appendix, No. CCX. 
T 2 



CHAP, in the most splendid aSra of its prosperity, (a); 
L This task he also intrusted to Raffaello^ who un- 

A. D. 1621. dertook it with great alacrity, and appears to have 
aIpobuix. made some progress towards its completion ; but 
the untimely death of that great artist, which hap- 
pened soon after the commencement of the un- 
dertaking, frustrated the views of the pontiff. A 
singular memorial of the measures adopted by Raf- 
faello for carrying this purpose into effect, yet how- 
ever remains, in a letter addressed by him to the 
pope, and which, until within the space of a few 
years past, has been erroneously attributed to the 
Count Baldassare Castiglione. (h) In this letter, 

(a) This commendable undertaking has been in some degree re- 
vived in the present times by the Roman academy of Archaeology, 
V. note, Ital, ed, vol. xi. p. 90,* 

{h) In the year 1799, the Abate Danide Francesconi pub- 
lished a discourse on thiB subject, addressed to the Florentine 
academy, and modestly entitled Congettura che una lettera creduta 
di Baldassar Castiglione sia di Raffaelle d'Urbino, for a copy of 
which extract I am indebted to the obliging attention of the learn- 
ed Abate Jacopo Morelli, librarian of S. Marco at Venice. In 
this discourse, and the judicious notes by which it is accompa- 
nied, the author has demonstrated, in the most satisfactory man- 
ner, that the letter in question is, in fact, the answer or report of 
Raffaello to the commission delegated to him by the pontiff. 
Among the reasons given by the Abate Francesconi for this opi- 
nion are the following : 

I. It appears from the internal evidence of the letter, that the 
pope had employed the writer of it to Aimish him with the plans 
and drawings in question, and it is not likely that he would have 
committed the task to two different persons. Discorso, p. 35. 

II. That Raffaello, at the time of his death, was employed in 
m^ddng drawings of the remains of ancient Rome, is well known^ 
|Bom the information of Jovius, of Calcagnini, of Andrea Fulvio, 
and of the author of the anonymous life of Raffaello, published by 
ComoUi, attributed to Giovanni della Casa ; all of whom are 
cited by Francesconi. Discorsot 21, 22. 

m. It 



which displays in every sentence the knowledge of ^^^^' 
a practical artist, the author has fully explained the L. 

. A. D. 1521, 

III. It is scarcely probable, that a nobleman, and ambassador A, Mi, 46. 

at the Roman court, like Castiglione, would devote himself to the • ^^** * 
laborious task of investigating, and accurately measuring the an- 
cient edifices of Rome ; although this might be a proper employ- 
ment for an artist by profession, like Raffaello. Discor^o, 33. 

IV. The striking circumstance mentioned in the letter, that the 
writer bad been nearly eleven years stationary in Rome, corre- 
sponds with the life of RafTaello, who arrived at that city in the 
year 1508, and probably wrote the letter in question in 1619 ; but 
disagrees with that of Castiglione, who only visited it as a publie 
envoy, and was frequently absent. Discorso, 51, &c. 

V. The instrument described by the author of the letter, as 
having been employed by him, is described by Joviusas the dis- 
covery of RaflfaellOy novo quodam acmiroibiU invento. Discorso, 

VI. The elegant and well-known lines, of Castiglione on the 
death of Rafi^llo contain a constant. allusion to the efforts of the 
artist, in restoring the city of Rome to its ancient splendour ; 
without the least allusion to any such attempt by Castiglione him* 
sel£ These lines are alone sufficiently decisive of the question : 

De Mort£ Raphaelis Pictoris. 

'' Quod lacerum corpus medica sanaverit arte, 

Hippolytum stygiis et revocarit aquis, 
Ad Stygias ipse est raptus Epidauriusundas; 

Sic pretium vitaB mors fuit Artifici. 
Tu quoque dum toto laniatam corpore Romam 

Componis, miro, Raphael, ingenio, 
Atque urbis lacerum ferro, igni, annisque cadaver 

Ad vitam, antiquum jam revocasque decus. 
Movisti superum invidiam, indignataque Mprs est^ 

Te dudum extinctis reddere posse animam ; 
£t quod longa dies pauUatim aboleverat, hoc te 

Mortali spreta lege, parare iterum. 
Sic miser, heu ! prima cadis intercepte juventa, 

Deberi et morti nostraque nosque mones." 

If the foregoing reasons were insufficient, much additional evi- 
dence might be adduced^ confirmation of them. I shall, how- 


CHAP, nature of his undertaking, the rules which he had 
^ prescribed to himself for carrying it into effect. 

A.D. 1521. and even the implements made use of for that pur- 
A.'pont.ix. pose. '^ There are many persons," says he, " Holy 
Father, who, estimating great things by their own 
narrow judgment, esteem the military exploits of 
the ancient Romans, and the skill which they have 
displayed in their buildings, so spacious, and so 
richly ornamented, as rather fabulous than true. 
With me, however, it is widely different ; for when 
I perceive, in what yet remains of Rome, the di- 
vinity of mind which the ancients possessed, it 
seems to me not unreasonable to conclude, that 
many things were to them easy which to us ap- 
pear impossible. Having, therefore, under this 
conviction, always been studious of the remains 
of antiquity, and having, with no small labour, in- 
vestigated and accurately measured such as have 
occurred to me, and compared them with the 
writings of the best authors on this subject, I con- 
ceive that I have obtained some acquaintance with 
the architecture of the ancients. This acquisition, 

ever, only refer to the two following authorities. I. In the close 
of his third part, Vasari expressly mentions his obligations to the 
writings of Lorenzo Ghiberti, Domenico Grillandai, and Rab- 
FAELLO d' Urbino ; which in all probability can only relate to this 
letter, and v, Richardson, vol. iii. p. 708. II. The assiduity of 
RafFaello in prosecuting his laborious undertaking is referred to 
in the following lines of Celio Calcagnini : 

Rafhaelis Urbinatis industria. ^ 

" Tot proceres Romam tam longa exstruxerat setas> 
Totque hostes, et tot saecula diruerant ; 
Nunc Romam in Roma quaerit, reperitque Raphael. 
Quaerere magni hoitiinis, sed reperire Dei est" 

Carm. lUust, Poet, ItaL vol, iii. p. W. 


whilst it gives me great pleasure^ has also affected chap. 
me with no small concern^ in observing the inani- ^^^^' 
mate remains^ as it were, of this once noble city, a. d. 1521. 
the queen of the universe, thus lacerated and dis- a.'p^ux. 
persed. As there is a duty from every child to- 
wards his parents and his country, so I find myself 
called upon to exert what little ability I possess, in 
perpetuating somewhat of the image, or rather 
the shadow, of that which is in fact the universal 
country of all Christians, and at one time was so 
elevated and so powerful, that mankind began to 
believe that she was raised beyond the efforts of 
fortune, and destined to perpetual duration. 
Hence it would seem that time, envious of the 
glory of mortals, but not fully confiding in his 
own strength, had combined with fortune, and 
with the profane and unsparing barbarians, that 
to his corroding file and consuming tooth they 
might add their destructive fury ; and by fire, by 
3word, and every other mode of devastation, might 
complete the ruin of Rome. Thus, those famous 
works which might otherwise have remained to 
the present day in full splendour and beauty, were,. 
by the rage and ferocity of these merciless men, or 
rather wild beasts, overthrown and destroyed ; yet 
not so entirely as not to leave a sort of mechanism 
of the whole, without ornament indeed ; or so ta 
express it, the skeleton of the body without the 
flesh. But why should we complain of the Goths, 
the Vandals, or other perfidious enemies, whilst 
they who ought, like fathers and guardians, to 
have protected the defenceless remains of Rome,. 
have themselves contributed towards their de- 
struction. How many have there been, who^ 

280 ' THE LIFE OF 

CHAP, having enjoyed the same office as your holiness, 
^^^' but not the same knowledge, nor the same gireat- 

A. D. 1521. ness of mind, nor that clemency in which you re- 
A.*^^jx. semble the Deity, how many have there been who 
have employed themselves in the demolition of an- 
cient temples, statues, arches, and other glorious 
works ! How many who have allowed these edifices 
to be undermined, for the sole purpose of obtain- 
ing the pozzolana from their foundations ; in con- 
sequence of which they have fallen in ruins ! What 
materials for building have been formed from 
statues and other antique sculptures ! Insomuch, 
that I might venture to assert, that the new Rome 
which we now see, as large as it may appear, 
so beautiful and so ornamented with palaces, 
churches, and other buildings, is wholly com- 
posed of the remains of ancient marble. Nor can 
I reflect without sori'ow, that even since I have 
been in Rome, which is not yet eleven years, so 
many beautiful monuments have been destroyed ; 
as the obelisk that stood in the Alexandrian road, 
the unfortunate arch, and so many columns and 
temples, chiefly demolished by M. Bartolommeo 
della Rovere. It ought not, therefore, holy father, 
to be the last object of your attention, to take care 
that the little which now remains of this the an- 
cient mother of Italian glory and magnificence, be 
not, by means of the ignorant and the malicious, 
wholly extirpated and destroyed ; but may be pre- 
served as a testimony of the worth and excellence 
of those divine minds, by whose example we of the 
. present day are incited to great and laudable un- 
dertakings. Your object, however, is ratl^er to 
leave the examples of the ancients to speak for 



themselves^ and to equal or surpass them by the chap. 
erection of splendid edifices^ by the encourage- ^^^^' 
ment and remuneration of talents and of genius^ a.d.i^i. 
and by dispensing among the princes of Christen- iVp^uxl 
dom the blessed seeds of peace. For as the ruin 
of all discipline and of all arts is the consequence 
of the calamities of war, so from peace and public 
tranquillity is derived that desirable leisure which 
carries them to the highest pitch of excellence." 
After this introduction, the author proceeds: — 
" Having then been commanded by your holiness 
to make a design of ancient Rome, as far as it can 
be discovered from what now remains, with aH 
the edifices of which such ruins yet appear, as may 
enable us infallibly to ascertain what they origi- 
nally were, and to supply such parts as are wholly 
destroyed by making them correspond with those 
that yet exist, I have used every possible exertion, 
that I might give you full satisfaction, and convey 
a perfect idea of the subject** He then enters up- 
on a technical description of the principal edifices 
then existing in Rome, which he divides into three 
classes, those of the ancients, of the middle ages, 
and of the moderns, giving to each their peculiar 
characteristics. He describes a mathematical in- 
strument which he has employed for completing 
his task with accuracy, and which appears, from 
the use of the mariner's compass, the same as 
that which is now called the plane-table; and after 
having thus given a full explanation of his proteeed- 
ings, he transmits to the pope the drawing of an 
entire edifice, completed according to the rules 
which he had laid down, (a) 

(a) The reader may consult the original letter in the Appendix, 

No. CCXI. 



CHAP. With the dmth of his favourite artist it is pro- 
^^^^' bable that Leo relinquished this undertaking. This 

A. D. 1521. event happened on Good Friday, in the year 1520, 

Ai^BtJx. RaflFaello having on that day completed the thirty- 

th f seventh year of his age. (a) The regret which every 

Raffa«iio. adifiirer of the arts must feel for his early loss, is 

Since the publication of the former editions of the present work, 
I have had the pleasure of finding the account I had given of this 
great undertaking of RafiaeUo most an^y confirmed, by the dis* 
covery of the original drawings, by his own hand, in the MS. li- 
brary of T. W. Coke, Esq. at Holkham. This precious v(dume 
contains thirty-five folio sheets, some of which are folded, and 
drawn on both sides. These drawings are, for the most part, ex- 
ecuted with a reed pen, in brown ink, or bistre, and are sometimes 
accompanied by short memoranda^ in the hand-writing of Ra£[ae]]0| 
stating where the subjects of them were found, &c. The drawings 
consist of capitals, friezes, cornices, bases, ceilings, &c., with a 
few on other subjects ; amongst which is a fine free sketch of Moses 
raising the brazen serpent, as painted by Michel Agnolo on the 
ceiling of the Sistine chapel, with variations by RafFaello; which 
may assist in deciding the warmly contested question, wJiether Raf' 
faello studied the works of Michelagnolo ? 

That this volume of drawings, which' was obtained in Italy, 
about a century ago, by the late Lord Leicester, is a portion of 
those executed by Kaffaello for his great work, there cao be no 
doubt ; such decision not resting on a mere inspection of thoaa, al- 
though this will sufficiently shew, that they cannot be the work of 
any other hand ; but being confirmed by the express evidence of 
several Italian writers, by whom the present volume is particularly 
referred to. In a note in the anonymous Life of Rafiaello, pub- 
lished by ComoUiy is the following passage : — 


*< I molti disegni architettonici da lui &tti a questo oggetto, so- 
no stati mai sempre Fammirazione e lo stupore de' conoscitori." — 
" Winckelman {Osservazioni suW Architettura, p. 50, note 6, Ediz. 
Roma,) ne ricorda due coUezioni ; una presso il Barone di Stosck, 
Faltra nella Biblioteca di Tomaso Coke^ Lord Leicester" (Vita di 
Raff, edit, da Comolli, p. 72, note 8Q^* 

(a) *' Periit in ipso aetatis flore,, cum antiquae urbis aedificiorum 
vestigia architecturae studio metiretur, novo quidem ac admirabili 
invento, ut integram urbem architectorum oculis consideratam 
proponeret." JovH, vita R0hael. 


increased by the reflection, that this misfortune chap. 
was not the result of any inevitable disease, but is ^^^' 

to be attributed to the joint consequences of his a. d. 1521. 
own imprudence, and of the temerity or ignorance Alpont^. 
of his physician, (a) With every accomplishment, 
both natural and acquired^ with qualities that not 
only commanded the approbation, but conciliated 
the affection of all who knew him, it was his mis- 
fortune not sufficiently to respect the divine talents 
with which he was endowed. His friend the car- 
dinal da Bibbiena had endeavoured to prevail on 
him to marry, and had proposed to give him his 
niece as a wife ; [b) but the idea of restraint was 

(a) '* Raffaello attendendo in tanto a suoi amori, C03i di nas«- 
costo, continu6 fuor di roodo i piaceri amorosi, onde awenne 
ch' una Volta fra V altre, disordind pid del sotito, percbi^ tomato a 
casa con una grandissima febbre, fu creduto da? Medici che fosse 
risealdato. Onde non confessendo egli il disordine che aveva fat- 
to, per poco prudenza loro gli cavarono sangue, di maniera che in- 
debolito si sentiva mancare ladove egli aveva bisogno di ristbro/' 
Vasari Vke, y<A. ii. p. 132. 

(6) Richardson rdates, that he had seen a letter of Raffaello con- 
taining many curious paJFtieulars of his life, some of which he has 
given, and which seem to be authentic. Traite de la Peinture, 
vol. iii. p. 463. Raffaello made a formal disposition of his pro- 
perty, whereby, after providing for the support of his favourite 
mistress, and the salvation of his soul, which latter object he se- 
cured by directing that a chapel should be built, and endowed 
with a certain number of masses, he left the residue of his effects to 
his disciples Giulio Romano and Gian Francesco Penni, and ap- 
pointed Baldassar Turini, then 4atary to the Pope, and usuaUy 
called Baldassare da Pescia, to whose unpublished correspondence 
we have had such frequent occasion to refer in the course of this 
work, the only executor of his will, Vasari^ voL ii. p. 132. 

A further account of the works of Raffaello, and of his scholars 
who assisted him in the execution of themi may be found in the 
very interesting notes of Count Bossi, ia IlaL ed. vol. xk pp.164, 
168, 181, &c.* 


CHAP, intolerable to him; and wkilst he appeared dis- 


[_ posed to comply with the wishes of the cardinal, 

A.D.1521. he still found means, under various pretexts, to 
A,Pont .1x1 postpone the union. Among the reasons assigned 
for this delay it has been alleged, that on the fin- 
ishing the pictures in the^'Vatican, the pope in- 
tended to confer on him, in reward of his labours, 
the rank and emoluments of a cardinal. It must, 
however, be confessed, that such a promotion, if 
indeed it ever was in contemplation, would have 
conferred little honour either on the artist or his 
patron. In the estimation of his own times^ as 
well as of the present, he already held a higher 
rank than Leo could bestow ; and the hat of a 
cardinal could only have disgraced the man whose 
chief pretensions to it were founded on his pallet 
otkerart- and his pencils, (a) 
^bTL^o^ '* would be no less unjust to the character and 


(a) Vasari asserts, that the pope wept bitterly at the death of 

Raffaello. "' La sua morte amaramente lo fece piangere.'' Vas» 
vol. ii. p. 33. The great picture of the Transfiguration, whick 
Raffaello had only just finished, was displayed at the head of the 
i^artment where his remains were placed prior to interment. His 
epitaph was written by Bembo. 

D. O. M. 

Raphaeli Sanctio Joan. F. Urbikat. 

pictori eminentiss. veteruhque jemulo 

cujus spiranteis prope imaoineis 

si contemplerb 


JuLii II. ET Leonis X. Pont. Max. 
PICTURE ET Architect, operibus 

Yll. ID. ApBII. MDXX. 


liberality of Leo X. than to the disinterestedness of c h a p. 

•' YYTT 

Raffaello, and indeed to the merits of the age, to '^ 

suppose that the patronage of the pontiff was con- a. d. 1521. 
fined to the encouragement of a single artist, to a!podux. 
the exclusion of all contemporary excellence. In 
truth, no person was ever more free from that envy 
which is the invariable mark of inferior talents, 
than Raffaello himself. Amoiig those whom he 
reconmiended to the favour of Leo X. was Luca Lnca ddia 
della Robbia, who had carried to high perfection ^^*^'*- 
an art which had long been practised by his ances- 
tors; that of painting on Terra invetriala, or glaz- 
ed earth ; an art which has since been lost, or at 
least is now confined to the narrow limits of en- 
^miel painting. In this method he executed the Im- 
pre^a, or arms of Leo X. which yet adorn the apart- 
ments of the Vatican, and completed the floors of 
the papal Loffgie.(a) In the decoration of the 
Vatican, Leo was desirous of obtaining the as- 
sistance, not only of the most eminent painters, 
but of the most skilful artificers in every kind of 
ornament ; to the end that this place might con- 
centrate and exhibit in one point of view, all that 
was exquisite in art (6) His exertions for this 
purpose were eminently successful ; and in the en- 
suing century the celebrated French painter, Nic- 
colo Poussin, was employed by Louis XIII. in 
making drawings of the decorations of the Vati- 
can, to be employed in the palace of the Louvre, 
which he was then erecting ; (c) a circumstance 
which confers honour on the taste of that sovereign, 

(a) Fasari, Vite d£ PUtori, vol. i. pp. 202, 203. 

(b) Ibid. vol. ii. p. 123. 

(c) Bottari, nottal Vasari, vol. ii. p.l20. 


CHAP, and marks the commencement of that improve- 
^^^' ment^ which under the patronage of his successor^ 
A. D. 1521. arrived at its highest pitch of excdience. 
A^'^irtjx. The reputation acquired by Andrea Contucci, 
Andrea caUcd Audrca dal Monte Sansovino^ by his cele*- 
brated group in the chapel of Gorizio, to which 
we have before had occasion to refer, induced the 
pope to require his assistance in completing the 
ornaments for the chapel of our Lady of Loretto, 
which had been commenced by Bramante, but left 
imperfect at his death. This work consisted of a 
series of pieces in sacred history, executed in basso 
rUievo in marble. The talents displayed by An- 
drea in this undertaking fully justified the choice 
of the pontiff, and even Yasari, although devoted 
ta the admiration of Michelagnolo, acknowledges 
that these productions were the finest and most 
finished specimens of sculpture which had until 
that time been seen, (a) The enterprise was, how- 
ever, too extensive for the accomplishment of aain- 
dividual ; and some of the rilievos being left by 
Andrea in an unfinished stsCte, were completed 
by succeeding artists. Thus Baccio Bandinelii 
fikiished the representation of the birth of the Vir^ 
gin; Raffaello da Monte Lupo that of her mar- 
riage; and Girolamo Lombardo the nativity of 
Christ, and adoration of tli^ Magi. The miracle 
of the migration from Sclavonia to Loretto of this 
&mous chapel, which is pretended to have been 
the birth-place and residence of the Holy Virgin, 
supplied another subject f^r the inventive talents 

(a) " Ma quanto in questa parte appartiene ad Andrea, quesd 
suoi lavori sono i pid bdli, e meglio condotti di scultura, che mai 
fossero stad fatti fino a quel tempo." Vasmif vol. ii. p. X70. 


of Andrea^ and his design was afterwards executed chap. 

by the Florentine sculptor Triboto. (a) L 

Among other great works completed by Leo X. a. d. mi. 
during his brief pontificate^ may be enumerated a*.poiujx. 
the rebuilding' and adorning with paintings the 
church of our Lady at Montecello^ the superin-^ 
tendence of which place had been intrusted to him 
whilst a cardinal. He also restored and beautified 
the baptismal font of Constantino in the Lateran^ 
which had nearly become ruinous. He vigilantly 
repaired the road& and bridges within the Roman 
territories ; erected or enlarged many magnificent 
palaces in different parts of his dominions ; con- 
ducted to his &yourite villa of Malliana a plenti- 
ful supply of water, and ornamented the place by 
a beautiful building. Beyond the limits of the 
Roman state, he attendled to the completion and 
decoration of the palace of Poggio Cajano, situate 
between Pistoja and Morenee, which had been 
erected by his father Lorenzo. The direction: of 
this undertaking was intrusted by tihe pontiff to 
his relation Ottaviano de' Medici, who possessed 
the same taste for the arts which distinguished the 
rest of bis family, and lived on terms of friendly 
intimacy with the most eminent painters of the 
time. It was the intention of the pontiff to orna- 
ment the walls and ceiling of the great hall with 
paintings in fresco, the execution of which had 
been committed to Francia Bigio ; but Ottaviano Fnmcia bi- 
de' Medici called in further assistance, and allot- dd sarto,^ 
ting only one third of the work to Bigio, appor-^ S^o. 
tioned the rest between Andjrea del Sarto, and Ja- 
copo da Puntormo, in hopes that, by the emulation 

(a) Vasarif vol, ii. p. 174. 


CHAP, thus excited, the work would be better and more 


'_ expeditiously performed. One of the pictures un- 

A. D. 1521. dertaken by Bigio was the representation of Cicero 
A.Ponux. carried in triumph by his fellow citizens, (a) An- 
drea del Sarto commenced a picture of the tribute 
of various animals presented to Caesar, (b) and Ja- 
copo da Puntormo, one of Vertumnus and Pomo- 
na, characterised by their insignia, and their at- 
tendants. Other pieces were also commencied ; but 
the great deliberation with which the artists pro- 
ceeded, in the hopes of surpassing their competi- 
tors, and perhaps some degree of dissatisfaction 
arising from the partition of their labour, delayed 
the completion of their undertaking, until its fur- 
ther progress was eflfeciually prevented by the 
death of Leo X. An event which, as Vasari has 
observed, not only frustrated many great works at 
Rome, at Florence, at Loretto, and other places, 
but impoverished the world by the loss of this true 
IMLecsenas of aU distinguished men. (c) 
liomirda Amoug Other artists, whom the elevation of Leo 
X. to the pontificate induced to visit the city of 
Rome, Vasari has enumerated the accomplished 
Lionardo da Vinci, who is said to have accompa- 
nied Giuliano de' Medici from Florence, on that 
occasion, (d) The same author informs us, that on 

(a) Vasari, vite de' Pittori, vol. ii. pp. 217,231. 

(b) Ibid. vol. ii. p. 655. 

(c) " Ma mentre che si lavorava quest* opera venendo a morte 
Leone, cosi rimase questa imperfetta, come molt' altri simili a Ro- 
ma, a Fiorenza, a Loreto, e in altri luoghi, anzi povero il mondo 
e senza il vero M ecenate degli uomini virtuosi^'' Vasofi, vol. ii. 
p. 655. 

{d) ** And6 a Roma col Duca Giuliano de' Medici nella crea- 
zione di papa Leone." Vasari, vol. ii. p. 12. 


lis arrival, the pope gave hima iSiubject on which ^ ^ ^ ^• 
he might employ his pencil. Lionardo, who de- L 

voted much of his time to the improvement of the a. d. 1521. 
mechanical processes of his art, began tp prepare A.Poiit.ix. 
oils and varnishes ; whereupon the pope exclaim- 
ed, " What, alas! can be expected from a man 
who attends to the finishing before he has begun 
his work !" We are also told, that on this occasion, 
Lionardo executed for Baldassare Turini da Pes- 
cia, a picture of the Madonna and infant Christ, 
and an exquisite portrait of a boy ; both of which 
were, in the time of Vasari, in the possession of M, 
Giulio Turini at Pescia. (a) To what a degree of 
proficiency Lionardo might have attained, had he 
devoted to the prosecution of his art that time 
which he misapplied in alchemical experiments, 
or lost in puerile amusements, may readily be cour 
jectured from the astonishing specimens which he 
occasionally produced ; but whilst Raffaello and 
Michekgnolo were adorning Italy with their im- 

(a) In the former editions of this work I had stated at 
length the reasons for the doubts I entertained as to the visit of 
Lionardo to Rome.; but I have since met with a document which 
removes all uncertainty on the subject. In the Histoire de la Fein-- 
iure en Italiey par M. B. A^A, Paris, 1817, 2 tom. 8vo., a quota- 
tion is given from a MS. of Lionardo himself, as follows : " Je 
partis de Milan pour Rome, le 24 Septembre, 1614, avee Fran- 
cis Melzi, Salai, Lorenzo, et Fanfoia :** tom. ii. p. 234. Although 
the period here mentioned diflers one year from that assigned for 
the festivities at Rome on Giuliano de' Medici being received into 
the rank of a Roman citizen {v. ante, vol. ii. p. 228,) yet it is ded- 
fiive of the fact, that Lionardo was at Rome in the time of Leo X. 
On this question, and on the works and studies of Lionardo da 
'Vinci, the Italian reader may consult the observations of Count 
Bossiin his notes in Ital ed. vol. od. p. 193 to 204, vol. xii. p. 


296 TAK LIFE or 

CHAP, mortal labours^ Lionardo was blowing babbles to 
^^^^' fill a whole apartment, and decorating lizards witt 

A.D. 1621, artificial wings. Even these occupations maiy, 
A.'^nt.ix'. however, be taken as indications of the same cha- 
racter, which he frequently manifested in his works, 
impatient of the limits of nature, and aiming at the 
expression of something beyond what had ever oc- 
curred to his observation; a propensity which 
marks a great and daring mind, but which if not 
regulated and chastened by the laws of probability 
and of truth, is in danger of leading, as in fact it 
too often led Lionardo, to the expression of cari- 
cature, deformity, and grimace. 
Origin of It has bccu considered as a great advantage to the 
engravi^ . rcputatiou of Michclaguolo, and as a misfortune to 
on copper, ^jj^^ ^f Rafiaello, that whilst the former was yet 

living, the transactions of his history were record- 
ed by two of his scholars, whilst no one was found 
among the numerous admirers of the latter, who 
would undertake to perform for him the same of- 
fice ; (a) but this disadvantage was amply compen- 
sated by another circumstance, whidh has perhaps 
rendered more service to the character of Raffa- 
eilo, than could have been done by the most elo- 
quent encomiums, or the most flattering pen. This 
observation can only apply to the promulgation of 
his beautiful designs, by mean^ of engravings from 
plates of copper, an art then recently invented, 
and rapidly rising to perfection. From the prac- 
tice of chasing and inlaying metals, wood, or ivory, 

(a) " Gran, vantaggio alia fama di Michdangido fu avec due 
scolari che lui vivente e morto gi^ Rafiaello ne scrivesser la vita ; 
e grande infortunio fu per Rafiaellanon avere altriettanta fortuaa.'^ 
Lanzi, Storia pittaricat i. 394. 


called by the Italians Lavori di Niello, and which chap. 
had been cultivated by the Florentines with great ^^' 

success^ the modem method of engraving derives a. d. 1521. 
its origin. In designing the subjects to be inlaid A^pontix. 
on armour^ on househdd plate, and other imple- ^^^ 
ments, the painter was not unfrequently called in 
to the aid of the mechanic ; and as these labours 
began to be performed with greater care and at- 
tentk>n, it became usual to take impressions from 
the engraved metal, in order to judge of the effect 
of the work, before the cavities were filled with the 
substance intended. This substance was in gene- 
ral a composition of silver and lead, which being 
black, was denominated niello, (nigellum). Of these 
impressions, which are hence called prints in niello ^ 
the industry of modem inquirers has discovered 
several specimens, which are distinguished from 
Other early prints, not only by the inscriptions 
being reversed in the impression, but by their 
rudeness in other respects. From this practice to 
that of engraving on metal for the express pur- 
pose of multiplying the design, the transition was 
not difficult. Among the first persons who distin- 
guished themselves in this new career, were An- 
tonio PoUajuolo and Sandro BotticelH, the latter 
of whom fumished the designs for the edition of 
Dante, published in 1488, which were engraved 3^^^^^^. 
by Baccio Baldini. (a) Many other early artists dim. 

(a) This is generally supposed to be the first book which was 
ornamented with engravings on copper, but Mr. Heineken has 
cited others of anterior date. Idee Generale^ &c, 143. Diet, des 
JrhsteSf iii. 208. It appears to have been the intention of the 
printer to have plaoed a vignette at the head of each canto, but 
only two are inserted, viz. at the commencement of the first a^d 
second canto of the Inferno, and if three be found, the third is only 

u 2 



^xxii^ are enumerated by writers on this subject, but 

- their pretensions are in general extremely doubt- 
A^/46*^^^' and we may with great justice attribute to 
A.Pontjx. Andrea Mantegna, the merit of being the first per- 
Mantegna. SOU who by his pcrformauccs gave stability and 
importance to the art. The prints of Andrea yet 
frequently occur to the collector, and display great 
indention and expression of character, (a) They 
sometimes even border on grace and elegance. (6) 
His drawing is in general correct, and in some in- 
stances exhibits great freedom. All his prints are 
peculiarly distinguished by the shadows being 
formed by diagonal lines, which are always found 
in the same direction, and not crossed by other 
lines^ as has since been practised. He has not af- 
fixed the date to these productions, but they are 
certainly to be placed among the earliest efforts of 
the art, and may for the most part be assigned with 
confidence to the latter part of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, (c) 

a repetition of the second. It is now incontestably proved, that 
the supposed rare editions of this book, which are said to contain 
a greater number of these engravings, and which are alluded to by 
the learned Morelli, in his lAhreria Pinelliana, vol. iv. p. 280, have 
no existence ; and that if any work has such an appearance, the 
prints are either pasted on the leaf or copied by a pen. Of the 
last description is that of the Pinelli library, described by Morelli. 
The copy which I possess agrees with that description in every re- 
spect, and appears to be the same book. 

(a) Of this his two prints of the battle of sea-monsters, and the 
triumph of Silenus, afford sufficient proof. 

(h) As in his print of four nymphs dancing. 

(c) Mantegna died in 1505. Vasari, who places this event in 
1517> has confounded it with the date of the monument erected to 
Mantegna, in the church of S. Andrea at Mantua. Pilkington's 
Diet, of Painters, edited by Fuseli, p. 313. 


The person, however, who was destined to carry chap. 

this art to. a much higher degree of perfection, was ^ 

Marc- Antonio Raimondi, of Bologna, frequently a. d. 1521. 
called, from having when young studied under A.'^ntix. 
the painter Francesco Francia, Marc- Antonio di Jfo*]^^*^ 
Francia. A modem writer conjectures that he ^^^^* 
was bom in the year 1487, or 1488, (a) but one of 
his pieces bears the date of 1502, (b) and some of 
his others appear to be anterior to it, whence we 
may perhaps place that event some years earlier. 
His first attempts were in Niello^ in which he ob- 
tained great applause, (c) but having taken a jour- 
ney to Venice, he there found exposed to sale se- 
veral of the prints of Albert Durer, both from cop- 
per and wood. The purchase of these works ex- 
hausted his slender finances, and in order to repair 
them, he began to copy the series of prints of the 
life of Christ, by Albert Durer, consisting of thirty- 
six pieces engraved in wood, which he imitated 
with such exactness on copper, as efiectually to 
deceive those who saw them, and enable him to 
sell them as the prints of the German artist. Va- 
sari informs us, that when Albert was acquainted 
with this circumstance, by a friend who transmit- 
ted to him one of the copies by Marc- Antonio, he 
immediately repaired to Venice to complain of the 
fraud to the senate ; but that the only satisfaction 
wMch he could obtain, was a decree prohibiting 
Marc- Antonio from affixing the name or the em- 
blem of Albert to his own engravings in future.(rf) 

(a) Heinek, Diet, des Artistes, i. 276. 

(b) His print of Pyramus and Thisbe. 
. (c) Vasari, Vitede' PUtori, ii. 412. 

{d) Vasari, Vite de' Pittori, ii. 413. 


CHAP. An attentive examination of the works of these 
^^^' artists, affords, however, no little reason to douht 
A.D.1621. of the truth of this narrative, which Vasari has 
-^Ponux! probably adopted without sufficient authority. 

From Venice Marc- Antonio repaired to Rome, 
where soon after his arrival he -attracted the no- 
tice of Raffaello, by engraving from one of his de- 
signs a figure of Lucretia. (a) This print being 
shewn to that great artist, he immediately saw the 
important uses to which the talents of the engraver 
might be applied, and from that time the abilities 
of Marc-Antonio were chiefly devoted to the re- 
presentation of the designs of Ra£Bsiello. The 
first piece assigned to him by Raffiiello was the 
judgment of Paris, which he executed with great 
ability, {b) and this was succeeded by several other 
works, which were the admiration of all Italy, 
and have preserved to the present day many ex- 
quisite designs of that great artist, which would 
otherwise have been lost to the world. It has 
been said that Raffaello not only directed Marc- 
Antonio in the execution of his labours, but that 
he frequently engraved the outlines of his figures, 
so as to render them as correct as possible ; (c) 
and, although this may be allowed to rest on con- 
jecture only, yet it is certain that the labours of 
Marc- Antonio were highly approved by Raffaello, 
who, as a proof of his proficiency, transmitted im- 

(a) Marc- Antonio engraved this subject twice s^ter Raffaello, 
but the larger print was the first engraved. They are both with- 
out mark or date. 

(6) Vasari, Vitc de* Pittarif vol. ii. p. 416. 

(c) On this subject, see Heinck^ Diet, des Artistts, vol.. u p* 


pressioHB of his prints to Albert Durer, and re- chap. 
ceived in return a present from the German artist 1. 

of m^y of his works. The reputation of ]^arc- A.D.1521. 
Antomo was now established. The utility of his A.Ponlix. 
art was universally acknowledged. His school 
was thronged with disciples, many of whom be- 
came great proficients. Sjlarco da Ravenna, Agos- 
tmo Yenetiano, and Gi\Uio Bona^one, were scarce- 
ly inferior to their master, and by their labp^rs, 
a^4 those of their successors, a correct and ge- 
nuine taste for picturesque repre^e&tatipn has be^n 
diffiised throughout Eui^ope. 

The art of engraving jn copper by the 6uijiii,inTentionof 
?ww appompanied, or speedily succeeded, by ano- ^*^^* 
ther inventiop of no less i9lportl^lce ; that pf en- 
graying by means of aq^afortiSy or as it is now 
called, etching. The great labour and long expe^ 
rience lehich the management of the,tool required, 
had divided the province of the engraver ir<?m 
that of the painter, and it might frequently have 
happened, that through the incorrect or imperfect 
medium of the former, the latter could scarcely 
recognise his own works. The art pf etching, as 
it required but little mechanical skill, enabled the 
painter to transfer to the copper his own precise 
ideas ; and to this we have been indebted fdr some 
of the most exquisite productions of genius and 
of taste. In fact, these prints may justly be es- 
teemed as original drawings of the masters who 
have produced them ; and, although the works of 
the modem engraver may frequently be entitled to 
great admiration, yet they will never, in the esti- 
mation of an experienced judge, be allowed to 
rival those free and unfinished, but correct and ' 


CHAP, expressive sketcheiS, which the immediate hand of 


a great painter has produced. 

A.D. 1521. The oriffin of this invention has heen attributed 

A ^Et 46 

A.'ponux. by the Italians to Parmegiano; but it was cer- 
tainly known in Germany, if not before Panne- 
giano was born, at least before he was able to 
practise it. If, however, Parmegiano was riot the 
iiiventor, the beautiful works which he has left in 
this department, and which exhibit all the ele- 
gance, grace, and spirit of his paintings, which 
they will in all probability long survive, give him 
a decided superiority over all that preceded him ; 
nor whilst we possess these precious remains, can 
we suppress our regret, that the same mode of 
execution was not occasionally resorted to by the 
other great artists of the time, and that we are 
not allowed to contemplate the bold contours of 
Michelagnolo, or the graceful compositions of 
Raffaello, as expressed and authenticated by their 
own hand, (a) 

{a) The reader who is desirous of more ample information re- 
spectmg the rise and progress of engraving, may consult the re- 
ferences of M. Henke in Geim. cd. vol. iii pp. 429, 431, and the 
notes of Count Bossi, ItuL ed. vol. xi. pp. !204,*209« 211, 214, &c. 
But the most satisfactory information on this subject may be found 
in the History of Engraving, by Wm. Young Ottley, Esq., in two 
Tols. 4to. London, 1816, a work not less remarkable for its deep 
research, than for the beautiful fac-similes of early art by which 
it is illustrated.* 



TRANQUILLITY of Italy — Leo seizes upon several of 
the smaller states --^ Attempts the duchy of Ferrara — 
Meditates the expulsion of the French and Spaniards 
from Italy — Engages a body of Swiss mercenaries — 
Treaty with the Emperor for restoring the family of 
Sforza to Milan — The French general VEcus made a 
prisoner by Guicciardini and liberated — Hostilities com^ 
menced against the French — Francis prepares to defend 
his Italian possessions — The allies attack Parma-- The 
duke of Ferrara joins the French — The cardinal Giulio 
ife' Medici legate to the ailied army — The Swiss in the 
service of France desert to the enemy — The allies pass 
the Adda — Capture of Milan^^The allies attack the 
duke of Ferrara "^Sudden indisposition of Leo X. — 
His death-^Reasons for believing that he was poisoned 
— His funeral and monument. 



Italy had now for some years enjoyed a state a. d. 1591. 
of repose ; nor did there appear to exist among Ai^i^ux. 
the sovereigns of Europe any immediate cause Tranquuuty 
which might lead them to disturb her tranquillity. ** ^' 
Charles Y . had hitherto been too much engaged in 
confirming his authority, and regulating his admi- 
nistration in Germany, in Spain, and in Flanders, 
to pay any particular attention to his Neapolitan 
possessions ; and Francis I. appeared to be rather 
solicitous to secure his dominions in the Milanese, 
than ambitious of further conquests. The Vene- 
tians, who by the aid of the French monarch had 
recovered the important cities of Brescia and Ve- 
rona, still maintained with him a close alliance; 
and the secondary states of Italy were too well 
aware of the dangers whifch they might incur in 
the general commotion, to give occasion to new 
disturbances. Even the duke of Feirara, although 
by no means reconciled to the loss of Modena and 
R^gio, which were still retained by Leo X., 
thought it prudent to suppress his resentment, 
lest it should afiford the pope a pretext, of whi^h 
he would gladly have availed himself, to do him a 
more essential injury. 

Nor were the great prosperity of the Roman see 
and the personal character of the pontiff, coosi* 
dered as slight assurances of the cantiauanoe of 
peace. The disaensicms which, under the pontifii? 



CHAP, cates of Alexander VI. and Julius II. had torn the 
^xm^ states of the church, were at length appeased^ and 
A. D. 1621. Leo found the obedience of his subjects unlimited, 
iLP^tKi aiid his authority uncontrolled. To the posses- 
sions of the Roman see, he had united the cities 
and territories of Urbino and Sinigaglia ; whilst 
Tuscany, then in its highest state of riches and 
. population, remained as a patrimonial inheritance 
at his absolute disposal. Thus fortunately situated, 
and the continuation of his prosperity being se- 
cured by friendly alliances with the other sove- 
reigns of Europe, he not only indulged his natu- 
ral disposition in the encouragement of literature, 
and the promotion of works of art, but is said to 
have devoted himself to an indolent course of life, 
from which he was roused only by the pursuit of 
his pleasures, which consisted in music, in hunt- 
ing, or in the company of jesters and buffoons. 
From this quarter therefore no danger was appre- 
hended ; and in the confidence of the continuance 
of tranquillity, Italy had already revived from her 
terrors, and begun to lose the remembrance of her 
past calamities. 

If, however, the pope devoted his leisure to 
amusement, it may be doubted whether he had 
thereby acquired that total dislike of public busi- 
ness, which has been so generally attributed to 
him ; on the contrary, if we may judge from his 
conduct, it may be presimied that no one watched 
more narrowly over the affairs of Italy, or observed 
those of Europe with greater vigilance. For some 
years he had, turned his attention towards the 
smaller states in . the vicinity of the Roman terri- 
tory, which had been seized ^ upon by successful 

Leo seizes 
upon seve- 
ral of the ' 


adventurers, or were occupied by domestic tyrants^ chap: 
but over which the church had always asserted its ^^^"• 
superiority, whenever an opportunity dccurred of J^^^TissT. 
enforcing its claims. The city of Perugia was go- ^^^^jl' 
vemed by Gian-Paolo BagUoni, who; if we may 
believe contemporary historians, was a monster of 
iniquity and impiety ; but the cruelty with which 
he exercised his usurped authority, rendered hiin 
no less an object of dread, than his other crimes 
did of horror, (a) Acting on' those maxims which 
he appears to have adopted on other occasions, 
and which, however fallacious, have found apolo- 
gists in subsequent times, Leo conceived that 
against such an offender, every species of treachery 
was justifiable. Pretending, therefore, that he 
wished to consult with BagUbni oh afl^rs of im- 
portance, he invited him to Rome ; but Baglioni, 
affecting to be indisposed, sent in his stead his son 
Gian-Paolo, for the purpose of discovering the 
intentions t)f the pope. Leo received the yoxith 
with the greatest kindness, and after detaining 
him some time, sent him back to his father, whom 
he again, requested to take a journey to Rome, 
and at the same time transmitted to him a safe- 
conduct. The violation of such an assurance was 

(a) " Dall' anonimo Padovano, scrittore contempoianeo ci vien 
dipinto come tiranno non solo di questa citt^ ma di tutti i luoghi 
circonvicini ; uomo empio, senza fede, e per dir tutto in una pa- 
rola, monstro di natura orrendissimo. Se di tutto egli fosse reo, 
nol saprei dire." Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 142. 

Some further remarks on the character of Baglioni, and on the 
petty tyrants who had obtained possession of different cities in 
Italy, whose enormities frequently afford subjects for the novelists 
of the times, may be found in the notes of Bossi, ItaU ed. vol. 
xii. p. 259, &c.* 


CHAP, a crime^ whieh even the guilty mind of Bagiioni 
^^^^™' could not conceive, and he accordingly hastened 
A.D. 1521. to Rome, where he was admitted to the presence 
l^ix! ^f ^^^ pontiff, and to the honour of kissing ha 
feet. On the following day, however, he was 
taken into custody by Annibale Rangone, captain 
of the pontifical guard, and subjected to the tor* 
ture, where he is said to have disclosed enormia' 
ties, the perpetration of whidi could not have 
been expiated by a thousand deaths, (a) This trea- 
cherous and tyrannical act was closed by the de- 
cavitation of Bagiioni, in the castle of S* Angelo, 
and by the pope possessing himself of the states 
of Perugia ; whilst the family of Bagiioni sought 
a shelter at Padua, under the protection of the 
Venetian republic, in whose service he< had long 
been employed. From similar motives, and under 
similar pretexts, Leo despatched Giovanni de' Me- 
dici with one thousand horse and four thousand 
foot, to attack the city of Fermo, th6n held by 
Lodovico Freducci, a military commander of great 
courage and experience. On the approach of the 
papal army, Freducci quitted the city, and at- 
tempted to make his escape at the head of two 
hmidred horse ; but having been intercepted by 
Giovanni, and refusing to submit, he was, after a 
desperate resistance, left dead on the field, with 
one half of his followers ; and Fermo was received 
into the obedience of the papal see. (b) The fidl 
of Freducci intimidated the petty tyrants who 

(a) " Doppo di che processato e tormentato, confess^ un infi- 
nite di enormi delitti, per le quali non una, ma mille mord meri- 
iktti ; laonde fa una notte decapitato in CasteHo Sant' Angelo/' 
Murat. Ann. vol. x. p. 143. 

{b) Murat. Ann. vol. x. p, 143.' 


had possessed themselves of cities or fortresses in chap. 
the march of Ancona ; some of whom effected ^^™' 
their safety by flighty and^thers resorted to Rome a.d.i621. 
to solicit the clebiency of the pope. It appeared^ l*.^i.ix! 
however^ that they who distrusted him^ had form^ . 
ed a more accurate judgment of his character^ 
than they who confided in him; several of the 
latter having beein imprisoned, and a strict inquiry 
made into their conduct ; in consequence of which, 
such as were supposed to have committed the 
greatest enormities were executed, without any 
regard to the circumstances under which they 
had placed themselves in the power of the pon- 

In the dissensions between Leo X. and the Attempts 
French monarchs, the part adopts by the duke ^fVt^ 
of Ferrara had given great offence to the pope^ 
whb did not, however, discover by his public con- 
dttct, the resentment which he harboured in his 
breast. After having frequently been caUdd upon, 
without e%ct; to fiilfil his prom^e of Restoring t6 
the duke the bities of Modena and Reggio, Leo at 
length avowed his resolution to retain them ; and 
in the close of the year 151&, when Alfonso was 
incapacitated by sickness from attending to bis 
defence, and his life wais supposed to ht in dang^t, 
the vigilant pontiff marched ati army into the vi- 
cinity of Ferrara, for the purpose, as was sup- 

{d) Murat. Annal. vol. x. p. 143. " Est et laqueo suspensiis 
Amddettt Recinaditm Tyraiinus, rdrum ndvaruni author. Iteinqtie 
e Fabriano Piceni oppido ndbili Zibichius, qui tutbukntissimiisi cob- 
cionibus passim habids, exules et oberatos ad arma concitarat. 
Lnit et capite poenas apud Beneventanos Hector Sevcrianus, vir 
ianguinarius, factione potens, et virium robore insignis," &c. Jov» 
9^a Leon. X. lib. iv. p. 83. 


CHAP, posed, of occupying the government in case of 
^^^"' the death of the duke. The friendship and ac- 

A.D. 1521. tive interference of Federigo,. marquis of Mantua, 
A.pontix. who had shortly before succeeded to that dignity, 
on the death of his father Francesco, defeated this 
project. The Roman army was withdrawn, and 
mutual expressions of confidence and respect took 
place between the pontiff and the duke. These^ 
circumstances did not, however, pre vent the pope,, 
in the course of the ensuing year, from forming a 
plan for possessing himself of the dty of Ferrara 
by treachery. The person whom he employed 
for this purpose was Uberto Gambara, an aposto- 
lic protonotary, who afterwards attained the dig- 
nity of the purple, A secret itttercourse was esta- 
blished between Uberto and Ridolfo Hello, the cap- 
tain of a body of German soldiers in the service 
of the duke, who having r-eceived the sum^ of two 
thousand ducats as the reward of his. treason, €3^^ 
gaged tO' deliver up one of the gatejs of the city 
to the papal troops. Orders were accordingly sent 
to Guido Rangone, who commanded the papal 
army, and to Guicciardini, governor of Modena, to 
collect their forces Under other pretexts, and to be 
in readiness to possess themselves of the gate, which 
they were to defend until further succours should 
arrive ; but when the plan was arranged and the 
day for the attack agreed on, it was discovered 
that Ridolfo had from the beginning communi- 
cated the whole affair to Alfonso, who having seen 
sufficient of the intention of the pontiff, and be- 
ing unwilling that matters should proceed to ex- 
tremities, took the necessary means for convinc- 
ing the pope that Ridolfo had imposed uppn 



him. (a) The conduct of Leo ^. towarcU the chap, 


duke of Ferrara, discloses some of the darkest * 

shades in his character ; and in this instance^ ^ we a. d. 1521. 
find those licentious principles which induced him A-'ponux". 
to forfeit hia most solemn promises^ on pretence 
of the criminality of those to whom they were 
made^ extended to accomplish the ruin of a prince 
who had not, by his conduct, furnished any pre- 
text for such an attempt. 

(a) Muratori has not scrupled to assett that the pope entered 
into a conspiracy to assassinate the duke, and that Gnicciardini 
found himself unintentionally involved in this black transaction. 
For diis imputation he refers, in general, to the Ferrarese histo- 
rians, and to Guicciardini. I have taken the trouble of examining 
these writers, and apprehend that Muratori has on this, as on other 
occasions, been led by his partiality to the family of Este, to ex- 
tend the accusation against the pope beyond what his authorities 
can justify. Of the histories of Ferrara, that of Pigna terminates 
in the year 1476, and consequently throws no light on this 
transaction. Gyraldi, although he relates the animosity between 
the duke and the pontiff, and mentions the determination of the 
latter to possess himself of Ferrara, has not accused him of any 
treacherous attempt against the life of the duke ; Sardi, or rather 
his continuator, Faustini, has indeed informed us, *' that in the be- 
ginning of the year, 1520, the life of the duke was attempted by 
one Ridolfello, captain of his German guard, who having been 
corrupted by a large sum of money, entered his chamber with an 
intent to assassinate him ; but that being overawed by the appear- 
ance and countenance of the duke, he relinquished his design, and 
confessed the whole transaction." This relation differs so greatly 
from that of Muratori, that it can scarcely be considered as the 
authority on which he has relied. Faustini has not eyen insinuated 
diat the pope was an accomplice, nor has he connected this trans-* 
action with the movements of the papal army. The narrative of 
Guicciardini corresponds v^ith that which I have given, and con- 
tains no charge of any intention on the part of the pontiff to assas- 
sinate the duke ; nor has Paulus Jovius, wbo has left a very full 
and circumstantial narrative of the life of Alfonso^ taken any no- 
tice of such a transaction. 



CHAP. Nor were the designs of the pope, at this period, 
^^^^^' limited to the subjugation of tiiie smaller states of 

A. D. 1621. Italy. The most decisive evidence yet remains, 
A.'pont.ix. that he had not only formed a project for expdl- 
Leomedi. ^^S *^^ Freuch monarch from the territories of 
tatestheex- Milan and of Genoa, but that he also intended t& 

pulsion of 

the French tum his arms against the kingdom of Naples, and> 
^ i^' by delivering it from the yoke of the Spaniards, 
^^^' to acquire the honour to which Julius II. had so 
ardently aspired, of being considered as the assertor 
of the liberties of Italy. He was, however, well 
aware, that these great undertakings could not be 
accomplished merely by his own strength and his 
own resources, and he therefore resolved to take 
advantage of the dissensions which had already 
arisen between Francis I. and the emperor, to 
cahy his purposes into effect. 
Enpgesa Bcforc hc engaged in negotiations, which he 
Swimmer- forcsaw must involve him in hostilities, he resolv- 
ed to raise such a force as would pot only be suf-' 
ficient for his own defence, but would enable him 
to co-operate vigorously with his allies, in effect- 
ing the purposes which he had in view. To this 
end he despatched, as his envoy to Switzerland, 
Antonio Pucci, bishop of Pistoja, with directions 
to raise for his service a body of six thousand 
men. (a) In this undertaking the bishop found 
no diflficulty, as the pontiff had, ever since the 
war of Urbino, taken care to renew his treaties 
with the Helvetic chiefs, and had intrusted the 
bishop with one hundred and fifty thousand gold 
crowns for their pay. (b) Having thus prepared the 

(a) Guicciardi lib. xiv. vol. ii. p, 175. 

(b) Muratori, Annali^ v6l. x. p. 146. 



way &r active operations, he proposed to Francis xmIl* 
I. to unite with him in an attack upon the king^ 

dam of Naples. In the conditions of this treaty ^ ^^f^' 
it was stipulated that Gaeta, and the whole of the A.Wtj£ 
Neapolitan territory between the river Garigliano 
and the, ecclesiastical state, should be united to 
the dominion of the church ; and that the remain* 
der of the kingdom should be held for the second 
son of the French monarch, who was then an in- 
tanty and should be governed by an apostolic nun- 
cio,, until he was enabled to take upon himself 
the -government, (a) Whilst these negotiations 
were depending, the Swiss troops in the service 
of the pope were permitted to pass through the 
states of Milan, and were stationed in different 
parts of Romagna and the march of Ancona. This, 
however, was the only advantage which Leo de- 
rived from his treaty with the French monarch ; 
and was, in all probability, the sole object which 
he had in view. Francis now began to see with jea- 
lousy the conduct of the pontiff, and declined the 
overtures which had been made to him. His de- 
lay, or his refusal, afforded Leo a plausible pretext 
for a step which it is highly probable that he had 
previously determined upon ; and he immediately 
and openly united his forces with those of the 
emperor, for the express purpose of wresting from 
Francis the dominion of Milan, and expelling the 
French from Italy, {b) 

On the expulsion and death of MaximiUano J^2^^ 
Sforza, the right of that family to the supreme ^^J^^^^ 
authority of the Milanese had devolved upon his of sforza to 

(a) Guicciard. chap. xiv. vol. ii. p. 176. 
(6) Muraioriy Annali, vol. x. p. 146. 

X 2 

308 ^ THE LIFE aF 

CHAP, brother Francesco, who had taken refuge at Trent; 
^^^^^' where he impatiently waited for a fitvouraUe op- 

A.D.1521. portunity of recovering the possessions of his an-^ 
t^i^. cestors ; having constantly refused ; all the offers 
of the French monarch to induce him to relin- 
quish his claims. His expectations had been en- 
couraged by the zeal and activity of Girolamo 
Morone, formerly chancellor to Maximiliano, duke 
of Milan, and by whose advice that city had been 
surrendered to the French; but who, not having 
experienced from Francis L the same attentions 
as from his predecessor, Louis XIL had. assidu- 
ously, though secretly, laboured to overturn his 
authority. By the interference of Morone, a treaty 
was concluded, on the eighth day of May, 1521, 
between the pope and the emperor, for establish- 
ing Francesco Sforza in his dominions. By this 
treaty it was also stipulated, that the cities of 
Parma and Piacenza should again be united to 
the dominions of the church ; that the emperor 
should support the claims of the pope on the Fer- 
rarese; and that he should confer on Ales^andro 
de' Medici, the illegitimate son of Lorenzo, duke 
of Urbino, then about nine years of age, a territo- 
rial possession in Naples ; (a) and on the cardintd 
Griulio de' Medici, a pension of ten thousand 
crowns, payable from the archbishopric of Toledo, 
then lately vacated, (b) But for the more eflTec- 
tual accomplishment of the objects proposed, it 

(a) This was agreed to be the duchy of Civita di Penna, which 
brought in an annual revenue of ten thousand crowns, and which 

^ Alessandro afterwards enjoyed. 

(b) This treaty is given by Liinig, Codex Ual, Diplomat, vol. i 
p. 167, and by Du Mont, Corps Diplomat, yol. iv. par. viii. suppl» 
p. 96. 


was agreed that this alliance should not be made chap. 
public until measures had been taken^ as well in ^^"^' 

Genoa as in Milan^ for overturning the authority a. d. 1521. 
of the French, either by fraud or by force. a/i^oux. 

The government of the French in Milan had ^^ ^^^^ 
given great dissatisfaction, insomuch that many of general 
the noble and principal inhabitants had quitted madeapri. 
the city, and taken refuge in different parts of G^lLi- 
Italy, intending to join the standard of Francesco ^iJJl!"*^' 
Sforza, as soon as he should be enabled to take 
the field. By the advice of Morone, it was deter- 
mined that this force should be concentrated in 
the city of Reggio, which place, as well as the 
city of Modena, was then governed on behalf of 
the pope by the historian Guicciardini, who was 
directed secretly to forward the enterprise, and to 
advance to Morone ten thousand ducats for the 
pay of his troops. About the same time the papal 
galleys were ordered to unite with those of the 
emperor, then at Naples, and to proceed with two 
thousand Spaniards to the port of Oenoa, accom- 
panied by Girolamo Adorno, one of the Genoese 
exiles who had been compelled to quit that place 
by the rival faction of the Fregosi, and whose ap- 
pearance it was expected would conciliate the fa- 
vour of the populace to the attempt. The doge 
Fregoso had, however, been informed of their ap- 
proach, and had so effectually secured the coast,, 
that the commander of the fleet found it expedient 
to retire without attempting to disembark, (a) In 
the mean time the Sieur de L'Ecus, (b) who during 

(a) Gmccidrd. lib. xiv. vol. ii. p. 183. 

(Ji) Thomas de Foix^ Sieur de LXcus. Capello in his Commen- 
tariesj denominates him Thomaso Fusio chiamato Consignor de^ 


CHAP, the absence of his brother, Odet de Foix, Mares- 
^^^"' chal de Lautrec, held the chief authority in Milan, 

A. D. 1521. being apprized of the assemblies of the Milanese 
A.PM,ix. exiles within the papal states, resolved to use his 
endeavours for suppressing them. Taking with 
him therefore a company of foiir hundred horse, 
and followed by Federigo Gonzaga, lord of Boz- 
zolo, at the head of oile thotisand infantry, he 
made his appearance before the gates of Reggio, 
in the hope, as Guicciardini conjectutes, that he 
might be enabled to sectire the persons of the ex- 
iles, either by prevailing upon the governor, who 
was not a soldier by profession, and was supposed 
to be wholly unprovided for an attack, to ddiver 
them up to him, or by availing himself c^f some 
pretext for entering the place. Guicciardini had; 
however, received intimation of his design, and had 
requested the papal commander, Guido Rangone, 
then in the Modenese, to enter the city of Reggid 
by night ; he had also called in to his assistance 
the soldiers raised by Morone, and directed thit 
the neighbouring inhabitants should be in rea^ 
ness, at the sound of the bell, to repair to the gates. 
In the morning the French commander presented 
himself before the city, and sent one of his officers 
to request an interview with the governor. Guic- 
ciardini complied with his wishes, and a pliace was 
appointed where the meeting should take place 
without the walls. L'Ecus accordingly made his 
appearance, with several of his followers, and dis- 
mounting from his horse, proceeded towards the 
gate through which Guicciardini and his atten- 

VEscus; Guicciardini calls him Lo ScudOf and Rob^tson the 
Martschal de Foix. 


dants passed to meet him. The French com- chap. 
mander Uien began to complain to the governor ^^* 

that he had shown favour and afforded support to a. d. 1521. 
the Milanese rebels^ who had been suffered to as- A.'pfnux. 
semble in that city for hostile purposes; whilst 
the governor^ en the other hand, lamented that a 
body of French troops had thus, without any pre- 
yious representations having been made as to their 
object, suddenly entered the dominions of the 
church. During this interview, one of the French 
officers, availing himself of the opportunity afford* 
ed him by the opening of one of the gates, for the 
purpose of admitting a waggon laden with corn, 
attempted to enter the city at the head of his 
troops, but was repulsed by the sddiers provided 
for its defence. This incident excited a general 
alarm, and the inhabitants, supposing that the 
Fx^ch commander had been privy to the attempt, 
began to dischai^e their ajrtUlery from the walls, 
by which Alessandro Trivulzio, an eminent Italian 
commander in the service of the French, who 
stood near L'Ecus, received a wound of which he 
died on the second day following ; nor was it to be 
attributed to any other cause than the fear of in- 
juring the governor, that L'Ecus himself escaped. 
In his turn he accused Guicciardini of treachery ; 
and not knowing whetlier to remain where he 
stood, or to seek his safety in flight, suffered the 
governor to take him by the hand and lead him 
into the city, accompanied only by La Motte, one 
of his officers. The rest of his troops, supposing 
that their chief was taken prisoner, betook them- 
selves to flight in such haste, that several of them 
left their weapons behind them. After a full ex- 


CHAP, planation had taken place, Guiceiardini setatli- 


_l_l_berty the Frendi commander, who despatched La 
A.D^J52i.Motte to Rome to inform the pope of the cause 
a! Pont IX. of his visit toReggio^ and to request that he 
would give orders for prohibiting the assembling 
of the Milanese . exiles within his territories. (a) 
Of this incident Leo availed himself to repr^ent 
to the consistory the misconduct and treachery of 
the French^ whom he accused of a design of pos- 
sessing themselves of the city of Reggio ; he de- 
clared it to be his intention to unite his arms with 
those of the emperor ; and although the treaty 
with Charles Y. had actually been concluded, he 
now affected to treat with the imperial ambassador 
as to the terms of the confederation, and issued a 
papal bull, by which he excommunicated as well 
the French monarch as his two commlanders, Odet 
and Thomas de Foix, until they should restore 
the cities of Parma and Piacenza to the authority 
of the holy see. [b) 
Hoftuities Hostilities being now unavoidable, Leo called 
against the to Rome the celebrated Italian commander Pros- 
^'*^- pero . Colonna, who had been appointed by the 

(a) Guicciard. lib. xiv. vol. ii. p. 180. Murator. Annal. vol. x, 
p. 147. 

(h) This document is preserved in Du Mont, Corps Diplomat. 
Suppl. vol. iii. par. i. p. 71. Charles V. also issued an imperial 
edict, which Leo published at Rome. About this time an, explo- 
sion of gunpowder happened in the citadel of Milan, supposed to 
have been occasioned by lightning, by which several French sol- 
diers lost their lives, and the fortifications were considerably da- 
maged. Guicciard. lib. xiv. vol. ii. p. 186. This incident is com- 
memorated in a Latin poem by Antonius Thylisius, of Cosenza, 
entitled, Turris de calo pcrcussa ; published, with his other poems, 
at Rome, 1524, 8vo. 


emperor one of the imperial generals^ to consult chap. 
with him on the most effectual means of carrying '^'"* 

on the war. (a) He also engaged in his service a. ^^^^i. 
Federigo^ Marquis of Mantua, (i) and conferred a* Pontjx. 
on him the title of captain-general of the churchy 
to which he had long aspired. On this occasion 
the marquis sent back to France the insignia of 
the order of S. Michael^ with which he had been 
honoured by the king.(c) The army of the allies 
consisted of six thousand Italian troops^ two thou- 
sand Spaniards who had returned from the attack 
of Genoa^ and two thousand more who were des- 
patched from Naples, under the command of Fer- 
dinando D'Avalos^ marquis of Pescara. These 
were afterwards joined by six thousand Germans, 
raised at the joint expense of the pope and the 
emperor, and by the Swiss troops which Leo had 
brought into Italy ; whose numbers had, however, 
been reduced, by the return of many of their as- 
sociates, to about two thousand. If to these be 
added the papal and Florentine troops not enu- 
merated with the above, the force of the allied 
army may be computed to have amounted to up- 
wards of twenty thousand men,(d) Of these the 
chief command was confided to Prospero Colonna ; 
but the immediate direction of the papal army 
was intrusted to Guicciardini, who, under the 
name of commissary-general, was expressly in- 

(a) Muraior, AnnaL vol. x. p. 148. 

(6) He had previously entered into stipulations with the mar- 
quis for 300 men at arms, the treaty for which is given by Du 
Mont, Corps Diplomat, voL iv. par. i. p. 322. 

(c) GukciarA. lib.xiv. vol. ii. p. 186. . 

(d) Ibid. p. 187. 


€HAP. vested with authority oyer the marquis of Mm- 
^^"^' tua. In the month of August the Italian troops 
A. D. 1521. assembled at Bologna ; and Colonna^ having soon 
A.*^uix. Afterwards effected a junction with the German 
and Spanish auxiliaries^ proceeded to the attapk 
of Parma. 
Frauds I. Thcse formidable proceedings occasioned greai 
Sethis alarm to Francis I. Svho now began to perceive 
^J^" the effects of his own imprudence in divesting the 
pope of Parma and Piacejuza. But whilst he en- 
deavoured in vain to mitigate the resentment of 
the pontiff^ he resorted to such measures as seem* 
ed necessary for the defence of his possessions, 
and Lautrec^ then in Frsmce^ was ordered to re- 
turn to his government^ with a promise^ on the 
part of the king, that he should speedily receive a 
supply of tiiree hundred thousand ducats. On 
his arrival Lautrec began to collect the French 
forces, dispersed in different parts of Lombardy. 
The Venetians also despatched to the assistance of 
their allies a body of eight thousand foot and about 
nine hundred horse, under the command of Teo- 
doro Trivulaio and Andrea Gritti. (a) The most 
strenuous efforts of both the contendiag parties 
were, however, employed in obtaining the assist- 
anro of the Swiss, on whose determination it was 
conceived that the event of the contest would 
finally depend ; and, notwithstanding the repre- 
sentations and promises of the cardinal of Sion, 
and of the imperial envoys, the cantons agreed to 
fulfil, the treaty which they had previously farmed 
with Francis I. and to ^^upply him with a consi- 
derable force ; in consequence of which four thou- 

(a) Murator. Annal. vol. x. p. l47. 


isxid of these mercenaries/ being a comparativdy chap. 
small part of the number for which he had stipu- '_ 

lated^ arrived at Milan, (a) Lautrec now com-' a. d. 1521. 
menced hid operations^ and despatching his bro- a!foiiLix. 
ther L'Ecus^ at the head of five hundred lances^ 
and Federigo of Bdzzolo^ with five thousand in- 
£mtry, to the defence f»f Parma, emjdoyed the ut- 
most vigilance in securing the city of Milan and 
the rest of its territory against the expected attadc« 

The allied forces, after various dissensions be- The aiues 
tween the Italian, German, and Spanish troops, ^'^^'" 
and grea;t diversity of opinion amongst the com- 
manders, stt length commenced their attack upon 
Parma; and although they were frequently 'on 
the pbint €f relinquishing the attempt, they at 
length succeeded in compelling the French giuf- 
rison to retire to that part of the city which i»^ 
beyond the river, and immediately occupied liie 
station which their adversaries had left. The in^' 

(«) The number agreed for waS; ten thousand, v, Guicciard* 
lib. xiv. vol, ii. p. 188. Planta's Hist, of the Helvetic States, vol. 
ii. p. 116. 

* The importance which the Swiss acquired in the affairs of Eu- 
rope by their courage and lailitary skill, hiis been properly bo- 
ticed by Count Bossi ; who has, at the same time, observed, that 
the practice of hiring out their troops to the best bidder, and often 
to both the contending parties, occasioned the loss of that influ- 
ence, and even of their dignity and power. Ital, td, vol. xii. 
p. 28. This disgi^ceful practice was strongly reprobated hy 
Zttinglius, who with die views of a patriot, and the feelings 6f an 
enlightened preacher of the gospel, represented to his fellow citi- 
zens, in the most energetic manner, the disgraces and losses they 
brought upon their country, by suffering themselves to be hired 
lis mercenaries by foreign powers. The citizens of Zuricb were 
the only persons that paid any attention to him. Skidan. Com. 
lib. iii. p. 159. op. Henke^ Germ, ed. vol. iii. p. 453.* 

316 THE LIF£ OF 

CHAP, habitants of this district expressed the greatest 
^^"^' satisfaction on being again restored to the do- 
A. D. 16M. minion of the church ; but their joy was speedily 
A.*Pont.ix. terminated by the outrages committed by the 
promiscuous soldiery^ who had proceeded to sack 
the city. From this violence they were, however j 
at last restrained by the most decisive measures 
on the part of the commander Colonna, who, 
among other instances of a just severity, executed 
by the halter a number of soldiers, who had vio- 
lated the sanctuary of a monastery, and thus at 
length succeeded in appeasing the tumult, (a) 

In the mean time, the French and Venetian 
army, of which Lautrec had now taken the com- 
mand, although consisting of upwards of fifteen 
thousand men, had remained inactive, in expecta- 
tion of the arrival of the additional body of six 
thousand Swiss, by whose assistance they might 
be enabled to oppose the papal and imperial troops 
in the field. On receiving intelligence of the at- 
tack upon Parma, they advanced, however, to the 
banks of the Taro, about seven miles from that 
city, for the purpose of opposing the further pro* 
The duke of gress of the enemy, (b) At this juncture, the hopes 
the'^S*6f the French were encouraged by the duke of 
Ferrara, who having discovered the tenor of the 
treaty between the pope and the emperor, and 
finding no security for himself but in the success 
of the French, took the field at the head of a for- 
midable body of troops, and advancing into the' 
Mbdenese, captured the towns of Finale and San 
Felice, threatening even the city of Modena. This 

(a) Mutator , AnnaU vol. x. p. 148. 
(6) Ibid, vol. X. p. 149. 


n&expected event compdled'the alGes to divide chap. 
their forces ; Guido Rangone was despatched with 


a powerful body of* troops to oppose the duke of a»d.i52i. 
Ferrara ; all further attempts on the city of Parma A.Pontix. 
were abandoned ; and an opportunity was afforded 
the French commander of supplying the place 
with provisions^ and fortifying it against subse- 
quent attacks, (a) 

The retreat of the papal army from Parma was The audi- 
a cause of great vexation to the pontiff^ who had Se' m!^ 
hitherto been obliged to bear almost the whole J^*^*** 
expenses of the war^ and who now began lo. doubt 
whether his views had not been counteracted by 
the insincerity of his allies, (b) He therefore^ by 
means of his envoy^ the cardinal of Sion, redoubled 
his efforts to obtain a reinforcement from the 
Swiss ; and although the Helvetic chiefs had al- 
ready despatched several bodies of troops into 
Italy^ to the aid of the French, yet such was their 
avidity for pay and for plunder^ that they agreed 
to furnish the pope with twelve thousaAd men^ 
under the pretext that they should be employed 
only in the defence of the states of the church.(c) 
At the same time Leo despatched his cousin^ the 
cardinal Giulio de' Mediqi^ under the title of le- 
gat<e of the churchy to take upon hiniself the su- 
perintendence of the allied army^ and to allay by 
his authority the disputes and jealousies which 
had arisen among the commanders^ and which 
seemed daily to increase. 

(a) Muratorip Annati, vol. x. p. 149. 

(5) Gukciard. lib. xiv. vol. ii. p. 198. Mutator. Anna!, vol. x. 
p. 140. 

(c) truicciard, lib. xiv. vol. iL p. 199. 

318 THE LITB t>r 

c UAP. The opposing armies^ after fr^nent mfttements^ 
and some skirmishes of little unportance^ naw 

A. D. 1521. waited with the utmost impatience for the arriyd 
A!^Dt.ix. of those reinforcements from Switzerland^ wfaieli 
The Swiss ^^ heen promised to both» and which were ex- 
in thcser- pected to givo the party which shoukl obtain^theif 
France de- serviccs a decided superioritj* A considerable 
enemy. ^ body of thcsc mercenaries at length arrived, an^ 
formed a junction at Gambara with their coun- 
trymen in the pay of the allies ; the two cardi- 
nal legates of Medici and of S]<m, preceded by 
their crq^es of silver, marching in the midst of 
them, to tbe great scandal of their religion^ and 
office. A negotiation was now opened, in which 
it may be presumed the services of the Swiss were 
offered to the highest bidder ; but the Fraich ecRO^ 
mander having been disappointed in his promised 
supply of three hundred thousand ducats from 
France, which had been appropriated by the 
duchess of AngoulSme, mother of the French moK 
narch, to her own use, the offers and promises of 
the pontifical legates prevailed; and the Swiss, 
notwithstanding the remonstrances and ^Eorts of 
Lautrec, united their forces with those of Colon-r 
na ; whilst those in the service of the French mo?* 
narch deserted their standards, and either joined 
the papal troops or returned to their own country. 
The aUies Dispirited by this disappointment, and alarmed 
idda. ^ at the accession of strength which his adveesaries 
had thus obtained, Lautrec thought it expedient 
to retreat beyond the banks of the Adda. Having 
therefore strongly garrisoned Cremona and Pizzi- 
ghitone, he broke up his camp, and took his station 
on the side of the river next to Milan, intending to 


Oppose the fortiier progress of the enemy. The pa-^ chap; 
pal and imperial commanders, having with their ^"^' 

new accession of strength acquired fresh spirits^ a. d. 1521. 
resolved to relinquish dl attempts of less import-^ a/poqux. 
ance and proceed immediately to attack the city 
of Milan. The passage of the river was conductr 
ed with a degree 6f secrecy and despatch which is 
allowed to have coilferred great honour on Colon-> 
na ; and its success attached no less disgrace to 
the military talents of Lautrec^ who had boasted^ 
even in a despatch to his sovereign, that he would 
prevent his enemies from effecting their purpose. 
The transportation of the army took place at Ys^ 
prio, about five miles from Cassano, where the 
French troops were then encamped ; the cardinal 
de' Medici having accompanied the first detach^ 
ment of the army in one of the boats employed 
foi" that purpose, (a) No resistance was made on 
the part of the French; and although the move- 
ment was rendered tedious by various circum^ 
stances unavoidable in such an attempt^ yet a con- 
siderable body of the allied army effected a land- 
ing. It might have been presumed^ that when 
Lautrec wad apprized of this circumstance, he 
would have marched his Whole force against the 
mvaders ; but after a fatal deliberation of some 
hours, tie despatched hid brother^ with a body of 
French infimtry, four hundred lances, and some 
pieces of artillery, to oppose their further pro- 
gress. A vigorous action took place, in which 
the stiperiority was warmly contested. The French 
commander, with the cavalry, fought with great 
courage ; and if the artillery had arrived in time 

(a) Guicciard, lib. xiv. vol, ii. p. 207. 


CHAP, it is supposed that the French would have re- 
^^^^^' pulsed the allies. The troops which had not yet 

A. D. 1521. passed^ seeing the danger to which their associates 
A.*PonUx. were exposed^ made the utmost efforts to cross 
the river to their assistance. Giovanni de' Me- 
dici^ prompted by thftt fearless magnanimity by 
which he was always distinguished, plunged into 
the current at the head of his troops, mounted on 
a Turkish horse^ and arrived in safety on the op- 
posite shore. By these exertions L'Ecus was com- 
pelled to' retreat with considerable loss to Cassano^ 
where Lautrec immediately broke up his camp 
and hastened towards Milan, intending to con- 
centre all his forces in the defence of that capi- 
tal. On his arrival he committed an act of useless 
and imprudent severity^ by the public execution 
of Cristoforo Pallavicini^ a nobleman not less re- 
spectable by his age and character than by his 
rank and in^uence^ and who had i»reviously been 
committed to prison as a partisan of the pc^e, be- 
tween whom and his family there had long sub- 
sisted a friendly intimacy. 
caDtureof On the nineteenth day of November, 1521, the 
^ ^' allied army arrived, without further opposition, in 
the vicinity of Milan, where an incident took place 
which'has been represented as of a very surprising 
nature. Whilst the legates and principal officers 
were debating near the abbey of Chiaravalle, on 
the mode to be adopted for the attack of the city, 
they are said to have been accosted by an old 
man, in the dress of a peasant, who informed them 
that if they would, instantly prosecute their en- 
terprise, the inhabitants would, at the sound of 
the bells, take up arms against the French ; an 


incident^ says Guicciardini^ *' which appears mar- chap. 
vellous ; as, notwithstanding all the diligence that ^^^^^' 

could be used^ it never was discovered either who a. 0.1521 
this messenger was, or by whom he had beenA.Poatx 
sent/' At the approach of night, Ferdinando d'Ava- 
los, marquis of Pescara, at the head of the Spanish 
troops, proceeded to the attack. On presenting 
himself before one of the bastions in the suburbs 
of the city, which was defended by a party of Ve- 
netians, a mutual discharge of musquetry took 
place ; but on the assailants making an attempt 
to scale the walls, the Venetians, abandoning their 
station, betook themselves to flight, (a) The mar- 
quis, pursuing his good fortune, entered the sub- 
urbs, , and after a short contest, in which the Ve- 
netian commander Trivulzio was wounded and 
taken prisoner, dispersed the French and their 
allies. On his approaching the gates of the city, 
they were instantly opened by his partisans, whilst 
the cardinal de' Medici, and the other chiefs were 
received with their followers at another of the 
gates, according to the assurances received from 
their unknown visitor. The French commander, 
surprised and dispirited by the sudden approach 
of the enemy, and terrified by the general indig- 
nation expressed by the populace, withdrew with 
his troops to Como, having first strongly garri- 
soned the citadel of Milan. Some apprehensions 
were entertained for the safety of the citizens 
from the violence of the victorious army ; but by 
the vigilant conduct of the cardinal de' Medici, 
and the prudent advice of Morone, all outrage 
was prevented, and a proclamation was issued 

(a) Commentarj di Galeazzo Cupclln^ lib. i. p. 11. 



CHAP, prohibiting, on pain of death, any injury to the 

L inhabitants. In the morning an embsk^sy of twelre 

A.D. 1521. citizens of the order of nobility aj^eared before 
A.Pont.ix. the cardinal legate to surrender the city and en- 
treat protection. Morotee, iti the name of Fran- 
cesco Maria Sforza, now regarded as duke of Mi- 
lan^ took possession of the government under the 
title of his lieutenant. The other cities of the 
Milanese successively submitted to his authority, 
and Parma and Piacenza once more acknowledged 
the sovereignty of the Roman see. (a) 
Theaiues No sooucr had the papal conmiahders accdm- 
dukeof * plished this object, than they turned their arikis 
against the duke of Ferrara, who, by an act of 
open hostility, had now afforded th,e pope that 
pretext for a direct attack upon hiiid, which he 
had long sought for. The towna of Finale and 
San Felice were speedily retaken, ahd many of 
the principal places of the duchy of Ferrara, on 
the confines of Romagna, Were occupied by the 
papal troops. The Florentines at the i&ame time 
possessed themselves of the extensive district of 
Garfagnana, whilst Guicciardini, as commissary of 
the pope, seized upon the small province of Prig- 
nano, which had been remarkable for its fidelity 
in adhering to the duke. In the midst of these 
hostilities the pope issued a monitoty, in which, 
after loading the duke with reproaches, he ex- 
communicated him as a rebel to the church, and 
placed the city of Ferrara under an interdict. The 
violence of these measures instead of intimidating 
the duke, only served to stimulate his exertions 

(a) Guicciardini, lib. xiv. vol. ii. p. 211. Muratgri, Atmali, 
vol. X. p. 161. 



and to rouse his resentment. He determined to ^^^p- 


ctefend his donunions to the last extremity. He 

fortified the city of Ferrara as completely as pos- ^-^-^^^i* 
sible, and provided it with ammunition and prov i- a! pouVix. 
sions for i, siege. He increased his Italian militia 
and engaged in his service four thousand German 
mercenaries. To the monitory of the pope he re- 
plied by a manifesto^ wherein he insisted on the 
justice of his cause, and bitterly complained of 
tl^ outrageous and treacherous conduct of the 
pontiff. But just as the storm was expected to 
burst forth, an event occurred which not only re- 
lieved him from his apprehensions, but produced 
a most important alteration in the concerns of 
lialy^ and in the general aspect of the times, (a) 

When the {intelligence arrived of the capture of ^|*^^***Jj^^' 
Milan^ and the recovery of Parma and Piacenza, of Leo x. 
Leo was passing his time at his villa of Malliana. 
He immediately returned to Rome, where he ar- 
rived on Sunday, the twenty-fourth day of No- 
vember, for the purpose of giving the necessary 
directions to his commanders, and partaking in 
the public rejoicings on this important victory. 
It was at first rumoured that the cardinal de' Me- 
dici had prevailed upon Francesco Sforza to cede 
to him the sovereignty of Milan, in consideration 
of which he bad agreed to surrender to the duke 
Us cardinal's hat, with the ofiice of chancellor of 
the holy see, and all his benefices, amounting to 
the annual sum of fifty thousand ducats ; and it 
was supposed to be on this account that the pope 
expressed such symptoms of joy and satisfaction 

(a) Alfonso has commemorated his unexpected deliverance in a 
medal struck on this occasion, with the motto, Ex ore Leonis. 

Y 2 

324 .!. THE. LIFE OF * 

CHAP, as he Imd on no other occasion erincei, and gave 


1 orders that the rejoicings should be continued in 

A. D. 1621. the city during three days. On being asked by 
A. Pont. IX. his master of the ceremonies whether itivould not 
also be proper to return solemn thanks to God on 
such an occasion^ he desired to be informed of the 
opinion of this officer. The master .of the cere- 
monies told the pope, that when there was a war 
between any of the Christian princes,, it was not 
•usual for the church to rejoice upon any victory, 
unless the holy see derived some benefit from it ; 
.that if the pope, therefore, thought that he had 
obtained any great advantages, he should manifest 
his joy by returning thanks to God ; to which the 
pope smiling replied, " that he had indeed, obtain- 
ed a great prize." (a) He then gave directions 
that a consistory should be held on Wednesday, 
the twenty-seventh day of November ; and finding 
.himself somewhat indisposed, he retired to his 
chamber, where he took a few hours rest, (b) 
His death. The iudispositiou of the pontiff excited at first 
but little alarm, and was attributed by his physi- 
cians to a cold caught at his villa. The consis- 
tory was not, however, held ; and on the morning 
of Sunday, the first day of December, the pope 
suddenly died. This event, was so unexpect^, 
that he is said to have expired without those ce- 
remonies which are considered as of such essential 
importance by the Roman church, (c) Jovius re- 

• ♦ 

(a) '^ Quod bonum magnum in manibus haberet." 

Par. de Grassis^ Diar. Inedii. 
{b) These circumstances are related on the authority of Paris 
de Grassis. The original is given in the Appendix No. CCXII. 
(c) The death of the pontiff without the sacraments, occasioned 


lates^ that a short time before his death, he re- ^xiii. 
turned thanks to God with his hands clasped to- , 

gether and his eyes raised to heaven; and ex-^'^|^^y 
pressed his readiness to submit to his approaching A.Pont.ix. 
fate, after ^having lived to see the cities of Par- 
ma and Piacenza restored to the church, and the 
Ftench eflfectually humbled ; (a) but this narrative 
deserves little further credit, than such as it de- 
rives from the mere probability of such an occur- 
rence. • In truth the circumstances attending the 
death of the pontiff are involved in mysterious 
and total' obscurity, and the accounts given of this 
event by Varillas and similar writers in subse- 
quent times, are the spurious offspring of their 
own imagination. (6) Some information on this 

the following lines, attributed, but perhaps without reason, to Sa-- 
nazzaro : 

** Sacra sub extrema si forte requiritis hora 
Cur Leo non potuit sumere ; vendiderat." 

(«) J(mii vita Leon, vol. x; lib. iv, p. 93. 

(Jb) Anecdotes dc Florence, p. 303. Essais de Montaigne, vol. i. 
p. 15. Seckendoff, lib. i. sec. xlvii. p. 191, &c. A very apocry* 
phal account of the conduct of the pontiff in his last moments,' is 
also given by Fra Callisto Piacentino, regular canon of the Late- 
ran, an enthusiastic preacher of the school of Savonarola ; who in 
one of his discourses on the words, " Seminastis multum et intulistis 
parum, exclaims, ** Povero Papa Leone ! che s'aveva congregato 
tante dignitadi, tanti thesori, tanti palazzi, tanti amici, tanti servi- 
tori, et a quella ultimo passaggio del pertuso del sacco, ogni cosa 
ne cadde fuori. Solo vi rimase Frate Mariano, il qual per esser 
leggiere (ch' egli era buffone) come una festuca rimase attaccato 
al sacco; che arrivato quello povero Papa al punto di morte, di 
quanto e' s* havesse in questo mondo nulla ne rimase, eccetto Frate 
Mariano, che solo Tanima gli raccomandava, dicendo,, Raccorda- 
tevi di Dio, 'Santo Padre. £ il povero Papa, in agonia constituto, 
a meglio che potea, replicando dicea, Dio, buono, Dio buono, Dio 
huono ! et cosi V anima rese al suo Signore. Vedi s'egli k vero. 


CHAP, important event might have been expeeted from 
^^^^' the diary of the master of the ceremonies, Paris 

A. D. 1621. de Grassis ; but it is remarkable, that from Sun- 
A.'poitJX. day the twenty-fourth day of November, when 
the pope withdrew to his chamber, to the same 
day in the fpllowing week, when he expired^ no 
notice is taken by this officer of the progress of 
his disorder, of the particulars of his ccmduct, or 
of the means adopted for his recovery, (€i) On 
the last mentioned day Paris de Grassis was called 
upon to make, preparations for the funeral of the 
pontiff. He found the body already, cold snd 
livid. After having given such directions as 
seemed to him requisite on the occasion, he sum- 
moned the cardinals to meet on the foUowi^ day. 
All the cardinals then in Rome, being twenty- 
nine in number, accordingly attended ; but the 
concourse of the people was so great in the pa- 
lace, that it was with difficulty they could make 
their way to the assembly. The ol\ject of this 
meeting was to arrange the ceremonial of the fu- 
neral, which it was ordered shoiiM take place on 
the evening of the same day. (d) 

che qui congregat merces ponit eos in sacculum pertusum" ap, Tirah. 
Storia della Lett. Ital, vol. vii. par., iii. p. 419. 

(a) Leo was bom on the eleventh of December, 1475 ; elected 
pope eleventh of March, 1513 ; and died, first of December, 1521 ; 
having governed the church eight years, eight months, and twenty 
days. Bossi has defended this chronology against the erroneous 
statement of the Benedictine fathers, in the Art de Verifier les dates, 
that Leo died at forty-four years of age, " age seidemerU de qua- 
rante quatre ans ;'' and against Moreti, who has placed the death 
of the pontiff on the second of November, 1521. ItaL ed. vol. 
xii. p. 110.* 

{b) V. Appendix, No. CCXIII. 



Such is the dubious and unsatisfactory narrative chap. 

of the death of Leo X., which occurred when he l_ 

had not yet completed the forty-sixth year of his a. d. 1521. 
age ; having reigned eight years, eight months, A-Vonuix. 
and nineteen days^ It was the general opinion at Reasons for 
the timfe, and has been confirmed by the suffirages ^at l^x. 
pf succeeding histoHan^, that his death was occa- ^ ^'^^' 
sioned by the excess of his jOy on hearing of the 
iuccess pf his arms. If, however, after all the vi- 
cissitudes of fortune which Leo had experienced, 
hid nund had not been sufficiently fortified to resist 
this jnflpx of good fortune, it is probable that its 
^ffi^ts i^ppJd have be?n more sudd0n< On this 
occasion it has: been well observed, that an excess 
of. joy is dangerous only on a first emotion, and 
that Leo survived this intelligence eight days, (a) 
Jt s^ms therefore not unHkely that tibds story was 
&baricated merdy as a pretext to concekl the real 
^use of his death; and that the slight indisposi- 
tion and temporary seclusion erf the pontiff, af- 
£prded an opportunity for some of his enemies td 
gratify their resentment, or promote their own 
ani^bitious views, by hiiS ; destruction. Some cir- 
cumstances are ifelated which give additional cre- 
dibility to this supposition. Before the body of 
the pope was initeired, Paris de Giassis, perceiv- 
11^ it to be much inflated, inquired from the con- 
sistory whether they would have it opened and 
93iamined, to which they assented. On perform- 

(a) M, de Brequigny, ap. Notices des MSS. du Rot, torn. ii. p* 

^It kas also been noti<eed by earlier writers, as l^eidaii, Jovius, 
][>e-Thoa» anii others, p.. Catp. Burmann. Anaktta^ de Ha^rUma 
VL p. 52, ap HcnkCf Germ. ed. vol. iii.p. ^7.f 


CHAP, ing this operation, the medical attendants re- 
^^^^ ported that he had certainly died by poison. To 

A.D. 1521. this it is added, that during his illness the pope 
A/pfnux. had frequently complained of an inteinal burning; 
which was attributed to the same cause ; '' whence,'' 
says Paris de Grassis, '' it is certain that the pope 
was poisoned." In confirmation of this opinion, 
a singular incident is also recorded by the same 
officer, who relates in his diary, that a few days 
before the indisposition of the pontiff, a person 
unknown and disguised, called upon one of the 
monks in the monastery of S. Jerom, and request- 
ed him to inform the pope, that an attempt would 
be made by one of his confidential servants to 
poison him ; not in his food but by his linen. The 
friar, not choosing to convey this intelligence to 
the pope, who was then at Malliana, communicated 
it to the datary, who immediately acquainted the 
pope with it. The friar was sent for to the villa, and 
having there confirmed in the presence of the pon- 
tiff what he had before related, Leo, with great 
emotion, observed, '^ that if it was the will of God 
that he should die, he should submit to it ; but 
that he should use all the precaution in hife poweri" 
We are further informed, that in the course of a 
few days he fell sick, and that with his last words 
he declared that he hail been murdered, and could 
not long survive, (a) 

The consternation and grief of the populace on 
the death of the pontiff were unbounded. On its 
being rumoured that he died by poison, they, in 
the first emotions of their fury, seized upon Ber- 
nab6 Malespina, . one of the pope's cup-bearers, 

(a) V. Appendix, No. CCXIV. ' 


who had excited their suspicions, by attempting to chap. 
leave the city at this critical conjecture, on the ^^^^^' 
pretext of hunting, and dragged him to the castle A.D.1521. 
of S. Angelo. On his examination it was alleged A.ponux. 
against him, that the day before the pope became 
indisposed, he had received from Malespina a cup 
of wine, and after having drunk it, had asked in 
great anger what he meant by giving him so dis- 
agreeable and bitter a potion. No sufficient proofs 
appearing of his guilt, he was, however, soon after- 
wards liberated ; and the cardinal legate de' Medici 
arriving at the city prohibited any further exami- 
nation on the subject, (a) He could not, however, 
prevent the surmises of the people, some of whom 
conjectured that Francis I. had been the instiga- 
tor of the crime ; a suspicion wholly inconsistent 
with the ingenuous and open character of that 
monarch. It has since been suggested that the 
duke of Ferrara, whose dominions were so imme- 
diately endangered by the hostile attempts of the 
pontiff, or the exiled duke of Urbino, might have 
resorted to these insidious means of revenge ; (b) 

(a) The cardinal de' Medici communicated the intelligence of 
the death of Leo X. to Henry VIII. in a letter, the original of 
which is preserved among the Cottonian MSS. in the British Mu- 
seum ; at the same time the cardinal transmitted to him the papal 
bull for his new title of Defender of the Faith, v. Appendix, No. 


{b) Fabron, vita Leon. X. p. 239. 

M. Henke has observed, in confirmation of this opinion, that 
tbe duke of Urbino, in the very first days of the funeral obsequies 
of the pontiff, made preparations for the recovery of his domi- 
nions, for which he cites the authority of Paris de Grassis in 
Hoffman, Novum Scriptorum ct Monumentorum Collect, vol. i. p. 
487. V. Germ. ed. vol. iii. p. 459 ; but Bossi seems inclined to im- 


CHAP, but of these individuals the weightier suspicion 
^^"^' would fall on the latter, who, by his assassination 
A.D.1621. of the cardinal of Pavia, had given a decisive 
tv^.^'. proof, that in the gratification of his resentment 
he knew no bounds ; and who had by his com- 
plaints and representations to the sacred college, 
succeeded in exciting a considerable enmity against 
the pontiff, even within the limits of the Rcmian 
His funeral Thc obscquics of the pope were p^ormed in 
mcnt. the Vatican, without any extraordinary pomp ; (a) 
the avowed reason of which was the impoverished 
state of the Roman treasury, exhausted as it was 
alleged by his profuse libendity, and by tte wars 
in which he h^-d been engaged. The recent suc- 
cesses with which his efforts had been crowned, 
ini^t, however, have supplied both the motives 

pute this crime to the duke of Ferrara ; who was at this time 
closely attacked by the Pope, and in danger of losing his domi- 
nions. v. ItaL ed. vol. xii. p. 47.* 

(a) This event furnished some one of his adversaries with an 
occasion of stigmatizing his memory by the foUowiqg lines : 
" Obruta in hoc tumulo est, cum corpore, fema Leonis. 
Qui male pavit oves, nunc bene pascit humum." 
On the other hand the death of the pontiflp gave rise to nume- 
rous panegyrics, to which it would be equally tedious and useless 
to refer, as they may be found in the works of ahnost all the 
poets of the time ; I shall therefore only cite the following lines of 
G. M. Toscani, .from his Peplus Italue, p. 30. 

" Purpureo ante diem Medices velatus amictu, 
Ante diem Petri sede potitus erat ; 
Sed non ante diem Musis amplexus amicis, 

Est tamen, heu, Musis mortuus ante diem. 
Hoc etenim Musas sublato nullus amavit 
Sic Medicem et Musas abstulit hora brevis.'' 


and the resources for a more splendid fun^al^ if chap. 
other circumstances, arising from the peculiar ^^™- 
and suspicious manner of his deaths had not ren- A.D.1521. 
dered it improper or inexpedient His funeral ji'J^^^ 
panegyric was proncmnced by his chamberlain 
Antonio da Spello^ in a rude and illiterate manner^ 
highly unworthy of the subject ; for which reason 
his oration has not been preserved ; (a) but in the 
academy delki Sapienza at Rome^ a discourse is 
wnually pronounced in praise of Leo X. Msoky 
of these have been printed^ and are occasionally 
met with in rare collections, (b) For several years 
no n^onument distinguished the place of his se- 
pulture ; but after the death of Clement VII. the 
cardinal Ippcdito de' Medici^ having removed his 

(a) " Non trovo notizia a stampa di chi abbia fatta Y orazione 
funebre a papa Leon X. ma ne' Diarii Manascritti di Marino Sa- 
nuto, nella Biblioteca di S. Marco di Yenezia, vi h inserita una 
lettera anoniroa, da Roma, 21 Dec. 1521, in cui si scrive cos). 
La orazione funebre del papa fu fatta Martedi, che fu V ultimo 
giomo delle exequie, per Antonio da Spello, suo Ckunenere^ assai 
hrutta; e da Piovan di Villa. Dunque per essere stata troppo 
inetta questa orazione rest6 sconosciuta.'' Lettera inedit, del Sig, 
Abate Jac. Morelli alV Autore. 

(b) " Ogni anno nella Sapienza di Roma si fa mi' orazione deUe 
lode di Leone ; e perci6 ne sono a stampa sei del P. Paulino 4i 
san Giuseppe, e altre di Alessandro Burgos, Antonio Afaria Vez- 
zosi, Filippo Renazzi, Tomaso Maria Mamaccbi ed altri." Let' 
tara del Sig. Ab, Morelli^ ut supr. Another of these pieces was in 
the very select collection of the late Canon. Bandini of Florence, 
and is entitled, Tbishegistus Mediceus ; sive Leo. X. P. O, M. 
tribus Orationibtu in anniversario triennio funere laudatus^ a Jacobo 
Albano Ghibbesio, Medicinal Doctore, at^ in Rotnana SignaUia 
Eloquentia profes9ore. Clamayit Leo super ^ip^cvla^ Eoo Sum. 
Ronutf (ut videtur) in 8ro. sine Typographi nomine. Ex rtknione 
Clariss. Bandini. 

332 THE XIFE OF ' 

CHAP, remains from the Vatican to the chapel of S: 
^^^^^ Maria adMinervam, employed the eminent sculp- 
A.D. 1621. tor Alfonso I^ombardi to erect suitable memorials' 
I'j^nux! to the memory of the two pontiffs, to whom he 
stood so nearly related. Lombardi accordingly 
formed the models, after sketches furnished by 
Michelagnolo, and repaired to Garrara to pro- 
cure the marble requisite for the purpose ; but, 
on the untimely death of the cardinal, he was de- 
prived of this favourable opportunity of display-" 
ing- his talents ; and through the influence of Lu- 
crezia Salviati, the sister of Leo X., the erection 
of the mdnument of that pontiff was intrusted to 
Baccio Bandinelli, who had made a model of it 
during the life of Clement VII., and who com- 
pleted it in the church of S.Maria ad Minervam^ 
where it is yet to be seen in the choir behind the 
great altar, and near to it is that of Clement VII. (a) 
The statue of Leo is the work of Raffaello da 
Monte Lupo ; and that of Clement VII. is by the 
hand of Giovanni Bigio. (b) Another monument 

(<i) ** S. Maria sopra Minerva belongs to the DomiDicans, and 
is of a long, narrow figure. It was built on the ruins of a temple 
of Minerva. In the choir are the very conspicuous Mausoleums 
of Leo'X. and Clement VII. Dr, Smith's Tour on the Continent^ 
vol. ii. p. 154 

(b) Titi, Nuovo studio di Pittura, Sfc, p. 20. 

But it appears from the Lettere Pittoriche, that Clement VII. 
had employed Michelagnolo to prepare his monument ; and that 
the method he took to get it completed was to excommunicate the 
artist in case he laboured at any other work, either of painting or 
sculpture, until he had finished it. This extraordinary breve is 
given' in the Lettere Pittoriche, at length, by Bottari, from the 
archives of the Vatican, and is, I presume, the only evidence by 
which it appears that Michelagnolo was employed to execute a 
monument of Clement VII. v. Lett. Pitt. vol. vi. p. 203, and note,* 


to Leo X. is said to have been erected in the chap. 


church of S. Pietro in Vaticano, (a) under an arch 

near the famous sculpture of a charity by Michel- a. d. 1521. 

A JEt. 46 

agpolo; where however it is now no longer to be Aiponux. 

(a) ^* Sotto la volta dell' Arco contiguo erano due depositi, uno 
di Leone X. che non v'e piu ; Y altro di Leone XI.** Titi, Nuovo 
studio^ p. 30. 

It was on this monument of Leo X. that the following well- 
known epitaph is said to have been placed^ 

** Deliciae humani generis, Leo maxime, tecum 
Ut simul illuxere, interiere shnul.*'* 


DIVERSITY of opinion respecting the character of Leo 
X, — Causes of such diversity -^From his family con- 
nexions-^From political enmities^^From his conduct as 
head of the church — Inquiry into his real character — 
His person and manners — His intellectual endowments — 
His political conduct — His ecclesiastical character"^ 
His supposed neglect of sacred literature — Charges of 
profligacy and irreligion — Aspersions on his moral cha- 
racter — His relaxations and amusements — Encourage- 
ment of letters and arts-^Howfar he was rivalled in this 
respect by the other princes qfhis tifnc^Conclusion. 




Among all the individuals of ancient or modern t^ivmity of 
times, who, hy the circumstances of their lives, by specting'the 
their virtues, or by their talents, have attracted l^!^' ^^ 
the attention of mankind, there is perhaps no one 
whose character has stood in so doubtful a light 
as that of Leo X. From the time of his pontificate 
to the present day, the applauses so liberally be- 
stowed upon him by some, have been counter- 
balanced by the accusations and reproaches of 
others, and numerous causes have concurred in 
giving rise to erroneous opinions and violent pre- 
judices respecting him, into which it may now be 
necessary, or at least excusable, to institute a dis- 
passionate inquiry. 
That distinguished excellence, or even superior Causes of 

" * such diver- 

rank and elevation, is as certainly attended bywty. 

envy and detraction, as the substance is followed 
by the shadow,* has been the standing remark of 
all ages ; but independently of this common ground 
of attack, Leo X. was, from various circumstances, 
the peculiar object of censure and of abuse. This 
liability to misrepresentation commenced with his 
birth, which occurred in the bosom of a city at 
all times agitated by internal commotions, and 
where the pre-eminent station which his family From his fa- 
had long occupied, rendered its members ob-nenoM? 
noxious to the attacks and reproaches of their po- 
litical opponents. Hence almost all contempo- 

VOL. IV. z 



^xn^ ^^ historians may be considered as partisans^ 

either warmly attached^ or decidedly adverse to 

him ; a circumstance highly unfavourable to the 
impartiality of historical truth, and which has 
tinged the current of information at its very 
source, with the peculiar colouring of the narra- 
tor. Nor did these prejudices cease with the 
death of Leo X. The exalted rank which his far 
mily afterwards acquired by its near connexion 
with the royal house of France, and the important 
part which som^ of its members acted in the af- 
fairs of Europe, are circumstances, which, whilst 
they recalled the ancestors and relations of the 
Medici tp more particular notice, gave occasion to 
the warmest sentiments of commendation and of 
flattery on the one hand, and to the most un- 
bounded expressions of contempt and of execra- 
tion on the other, (a) 

From poiiti- Another source of the great diversity of opinion 
respecting this pontiff, is to be traced to the high 
office which he filled, and to the manner in which 
he conducted himself in the political concerns of 
the times. As many of the Italian potentates, 
during the wars which desolated Italy, attached 

(a) Among these panegyrical and satirical productions may be 
t enumerated Le Brilliant de la Boyne ; ou, ks vies des hommcs Hhts- 
ires du nom de Medici^ par Pierre de Boissat, Seigneur de Licieu, 
1693, a work not without merit, but highly favourable to the fa- 
mily of the Medici. On the other hand, there appeared in 1663, 
a piece entitled Discours merveilleux, de la vie, actions, et deporte- 
mens, de la Reyne Catherine de Medicis, Mere de Francis II. Charles 
IX. Henry III. Rois de France; in which the character of Leo X. 
with those of others of the family, is vehemently abused. 

(The author of this curious book was probably the celebrated 
Henry Stephens, v. Meusel. BibL Hist, vol, ix. torn. i. p. 200, ap. 
Henke, Germ. ed. vol. iii. p. 464.) * 

LEO THE TEirrH. S39 

theixiselves to the cause of foreign powers, in like chap. 
manner several of the Italian historians have es- ^^^^' 
poused in their writings the interests of other na- 
tions, and have hence been led to regard the con- 
duct of Leo X. with an unfavourable eye, as the re- 
sult of an ambitious and restless disposition. This 
indifference to the independence'and common cause 
of Italy, is observable even in the greatest of the 
Italian historians, and has led Guicciardini himsdif 
unjustly to depreciate, rather than duly to estimate 
the merits of the pontiff. The same dereliction of 
national and patriotic spirit is yet more apparent 
in Muratori, who has frequently written with too 
evident a partiality to the cause of the French 
monarchs ; a partiality which is perhaps to be ac- 
counted for from the close alliance which subsisted 
between them and the ancestors of his great pa- 
trons, the family of Este. It may further be ob- 
served, that Leo frequently exerted his authority, 
and even employed his arms, against the inferior 
potentates of Italy, some of whom severely felt the 
weight of his resentment ; and that these princes 
have also had their annalists and panegyrists, who 
have not scrupled, on many occasions, to sacrifice 
the reputation of the pontiff to that of their pa- 
trons. To these may be added various other 
causes of offence, as well of a public as of a private 
nature, unayoidably given by the pontiff in the 
course of his pontificate, and which afforded a 
plausiblie opportunity to those whom he had of- 
fended, of vilifying his character, and loading his 
memory with calumny and abuse, (a) 

(a) To the conduct of such persons Lilio Gregorio Gyraldi has 
pointedly referred in his Paraneticus adversus Ingratos, op. vol. ii. 

z 2 


CHAP. But the most fruitful cause of animosity against 
^^^' Leo X. is to be found in the violence of reUgioiis 
From his zcal and sectarian hatred. That he was the chief 
Z^TZ of the Roman church has frequently been thought 
church. ^ suflScient reason for attacking him with the moist 
illiberal invectives. To aspersions of this nature 
he was more partfcularly exposed by the circum- 
stances of the times in which he lived, and by the 
part which he was obliged to act in opposing the 
progress of the reformation. In this kind of war- 
fare, Luther was himself a thorough proficient; 
nor have his disciples and advocates shewn any 
want of ability in following his example. Still 
more unfortunate is it for the character of Leo, 
that whilst, by the measured which he adopted 
agamst the reformers, he drew down upon himself 

p. 710, where he thus laments the untimely death of Leo X., and 
expresses his indignation against those who were so eager to 
asperse his memory. " O fallacem (quod ait M. Cicero) honii- 
num spem, fragilemque fortunam ! O vana nostra studia, quae in 
medio ssepe spatio nos deserunt, et in ipso plerunque portu ob- 
ruuntur ! Nos vero miseros atque infelicies, qui cum primum tua, 
Leo Pontifex Maxime, sapientia, consilio, et fortitudine liberi esse 
coepissemus, in medio felicitatis cursu, te liberatorem ac vindicem 
Romani Imperii totiusque Italise, te sacri ordinia et religioniB as- 
sertorem, divinarum privatarumque ceremoniarum peritissimimif 
virtutum denique omnium parentem, fautoremque amisimus.^ 
♦ ♦ ♦ " Tu ergo in hunc, Ingrate, omnibus modis invectus es ? 
Tu canina, non dicam fecundia, sed rabie quadam et feritate, 
latrare et maledicere non desinis? Tu ilium scilicet privatas 
opes, tu publicum serarium, tu ilium Petri patrimonium depecula- 
tum fuisse, illiusque sacram supellectOem distraxisse, sceptrum et 
tiaram conflasse dicis ? Tu mitissimum, Ingrate, Pontificem, et 
clemetitissimum, immanem et crudelem, tu liberalissimum et ma^- 
nificentissimum, prodigum profusumque, et si quae foediora sunt 
^ scurrarum et nebulonum convicia, fracta ilia tua voce, impuden- 
tissime, vocare non cessas ?'* &c. 


their most unlimited abuse^ he has not always had chap. 


the good fortune to escape the severe censure of ' 
the adherents of the Romish church ; many of 
whom have accused him of a criminal lenity^ in 
neglecting to suppress the new opinions by more 
efficacious measures, and of attending to his own 
aggrandizement or gratification, whilst the church 
of Christ was suffering for want of that aid which 
it was in his power alone to afford, (a) 

The difficulties which arise from these various inquirvinto 
representations respecting the character of Leo ra^^r. 
X., instead of deterring us from further inquiry, 
render it a still greater object of , speculation and 
curiosity. What then, we may ask, were his per- 
sonal and intellectual accomplishments ? Was he 
a man of talents, or a mere favourite of fortune ? 
Will his public and private conduct stand the test 
of an impartial examination ? In what degree is 
the world indebted to him for the extraordinary 

(a) *' Papa Leone X. che ruminando alti pensieri di gloria 
mondana, e pid che agli afiari della religione agonizante in German 
nia, pensando air ■ ingrandimento temporale della chiesa/' &c. 
Muratar. AnnaL vol. x. p. 146. 

To the censures of the Protestant writers on the one hand, 
and of the adherents to the church of Rome on the other, Count 
Bossi has given an ample and satisfactory reply. Among the 
former he has particularly noticed the unfavourable manner in 
which Jortin has, in his Itfe of Erasmus^ represented the charac- 
ter of the pontiff; observing, that his remarks are all conceived 
in general terms, and are only simple assertions, not substantiated 
by any facts, but derived from the most prejudiced of the Pro- 
testant writers, r. ItaU ed. vol. xii. p. 113. On this subject the 
reader may also peruse the note, or rather dissertation of Bos^, 
Std problema Storico, " se la riforma promessa da Lutero avrebbe 
UDUto luogo, nel caso, che in vece di Leone X, avesse alcun altro OC' 
cupato la sede pontificia V^ hah ed, vol. vi. p. 323.* 

342 THE lilPB OP 


and man- 

CHAP, proficiency in literature and the arts which took 
place during his pontificate ? Such are some ot 
the questions which naturally arise^ and to which 
it is now reasonable to expect a reply. 

His person That thc hand of nature has impressed on the 
external form and features indications of the mind 
by which they are animated^ is an opinion that has 
of late received considerable support, and which, 
under certain restrictions, may be admitted to be 
well founded. From the accounts which have 
been transmitted to us of the countenance and 
person of Leo X., and from the authentic portraits 
of him which yet remain^ there is reason to be- 
lieve that his general appearance bespoke an uii- 
common character ; and the skilful physiognomii^ 
might yet, perhaps, delight to trace, in the ex- 
quisite picture of him by Raffaello, the expres- 
sions of those propensities, qualities, and talente, by 
which he was more peculiarly distinguished. In 
stature he was much above the common standard. 
His person was well formed ; his habit rather full 
than corpulent ; [a] but his limbs, although ele- 
gantly shaped, appeared somewhat too slender in 
proportion to his body. Although the size of his 
head, and the amplitude of his features, approach- 
ed to an extreme, yet they exhibited a certain de- 
gree of dignity which commanded respect. His 
complexion was florid ; his eyes were large, round, 

{a) Paris de Grassis gives us, however, a singular picture of 
the pontiff whilst he performed divine service in hot weather. 
" Est enim crassqs, et crasso corpckre, ita ut nunc semper in sudo- 
ribus sit, et nunquam aliud facit inter rem divinam quam aliquo 
Imteolo caput, faciem, guttur, et manus sudore madentes abster- 
gere." Diar. inedit. 


and prominent, even to a defect; insoxntich, that chap. 
he could not discern distant objects without the ^^^^' 
aid of a glass, by the assistance of which, it was 
observed, that in hunting and country sports, to 
which he was much addicted, he saw to a greater 
distance than any of his attendants, (a) His hands 
were peculiarly white and well formed, and he 
took great pleasure in decorating them with gems. 
His voice was remarkable for softness and flexi- 
bility, which enabled him to express his feelings 
with great effect. On serious and important oc- 
casions no one spoke with more gravity ; on com- 
mon concerns, with more facility ; on jocular sub- 
jects, with more hilarity. From his early years he 
displayed a conciliating urbanity of manner^ which 
seemed perfectly natural to him, but which was 
probably not less the effect of education than of 
disposition; no pains having been spared in im- 
pressing on his mind the great advantage of those 
manners and accomplishments which soften ani^ 
mosity, and attract esteem. On his first arrival at 
Rome, he soon obtained the favourable opinion of 
his fellow cardinals by his uncommon mildness, 
good temper, and affability, which led him to resist 
no one with violence, but rather to give way when 
opposed with any great degree of earnestness. 
With the old he could be serious, with the young 
jocose; his visitors he entertained with great at- 
tention and kindness, frequently taking them by the 
hand and addressing them in affectionate terms, 

(a) " Admoto autem cristallo concavo, oculorum aciem in vena* 
tionibus et aucupiis adeo late extendere solitus, ut non modo 
spatiis et finibus^ sed ipsa etiam dlscernendi felicitate cunctos 
anteiret.'' Jov. in vita Leon, X. 


CHAP, ^nd on some occasions embracing them^ as the 
^^^^' manners of the times allowed. Hence, all who 
knew him agreed that he possessed the best pos- 
sible dispositions^ and believed themselves to be 
the objects of his particular friendship and regard ; 
an opinion, which on his part, he endeavoured to 
promote, not only by the most sedulous and unre- 
mitting attention, but by frequent acts of genero- 
sity. Nor can it be doubted, that to his uniform 
perseverance in this conduct he was chiefly in- 
debted for the high dignity which he attained so 
early in life, (a) 
His Intel jj^ his intellcctual endowments Leo X. stood 


dowments. much abovc the commou Icvcl of mankind. If he 
appears not to have been gifted with those crea- 
tive powers, which are properly characterized by 
the name of genius, he may justly be said to have 
displayed the highest species of talent, and in ge- 
neral, to have regarded the times in which he 
lived, and the objects which presented themselves 
to his notice, with a comprehensive and discrimi- 
nating eye. His abilities haye indeed been uni- 
formly admitted, even by those who have in other 
respects been sparing in his praise, (b) That he was 

(a) This account of Leo X. is chiefly^ obtained from the frag- 
ment of a Latin life of him by an anonymous author ; which will 
be found, now first published from the original preserved in the 
archives of the Vatican, in the last number of the Appendix. 

For some judicious observations on the character and personal 
accomplishments of Leo X. r. also Bossi, ItaL e(f. vol. xii. pp. 
122, 126.» 

(6) " Principe, nel quale erano degne di laude e di vituperio 
molte cose, e che ingann6 assai F espettatione che quando fu as- 
sunto al pontilicato s'aveva di lui ;, conciosia ch' ei riuscisse di 
maggior prudenza, ma di molto minore bonta di quello, ch' era 
jgiudicato da tutti." Guicciard. lib. 14. 


not affected by the superstitious notions so preva- 
lent in his own times^ is itself a proof of a clear and 
vigorous mind, (a) The memory of Leo was re- 
markable ; and as he read with great patience and 
perseverance, frequently interrupting and prolong- 
ing his meals by the pleasure which he took in this 
employment, so he obtained a very extensive ac- 
quaintance with the historical events of former 
times. In the regulation of his diet he adhered 
to the strictest rules of temperance, even beyond 
the usual restraints of the church, (b) Although 
not perhaps perfectly accomplished as a scholar, 
yet he was well versed in the Latin language, 
which he both spoke and wrote with elegance and 
facility, and had a competent knowledge of the 
Greek. Nor ought it greatly to diminish our opi- 
nion of him in this respect, that Bembo has thought 
proper to detract from his reputation for learning, 
when we consider that this ungenerous insinua- 
tion was intended merely to flatter the reigning 
pontiff, Paul III. at the expense of his more illus- 

(a) He ridiculed the folly of Paris de Grassis, who requested 
him to order prayers and processions to avert the evils which were 
foretold by inundations, by thunder, by the fall of a crucifix, or a 
consecrated wafer carried away by the wind. " There is nothing 
in all this," said the pope to his master of the ceremonies, " but 
what is perfectly natural. People believe that it indicates an in- 
vasion by the Turks, and I yesterday received letters from the em- 
peror, informing me that the princes of Christendom have united 
to attack Constantinople, and drive the Turks from their domi- 
nions." Par. de Chrass, ap. Notices des MSS. du Rou torn. ii. p. 

{h) " Itemque animo vere pudico, die Mercurii carnes non edere, 
die autem Veneris nihil gustare, praeter legumen et olera, ac die 
demum Saturni coena penitus abstinere incorrupta lege instituisset.'' 
Jov. in vita Leon. X. lib. iv. p. 86. 




^^^' trious predecessor, (a) By Joviiis we are inform- 
L ed that he wrote verses both in Italian and in 

Latin. The former have in all probability pe- 
rished. Of the latter a single specimen oidy is 
known^ which has already been submitted to the 
judgment of the reader, (b) 
His pouticai In his political character^ the great objects which 
Leo appears to have generally pursued, suffici- 
ently evince the capaciousness of his mind, and 
the just sense which he entertained of the impor- 
tant station in which he was placed. The pacifi- 
cation of Europe, the balancing of its opposing 
interests in such a manner as to insure its tran- 
quillity, the liberation of the states of Italy £rom 
their dependence on foreign powers, the recovery 

(a) In dedicating to Paul III. the official letters written in the 
name of Leo X. Bembo thus addresses his patron. ** Eas autem 
ad te, Paulle, potissimum literas mitto, qui et Poatifex Maximus 
es, ut Leo Decimus fuit, et in optimarum artinm disciplinis muUo 
quam ille habitus doctior." 

In estimating the causes of the diversity of opinions respecting 
Leo X. Mr. Henke has observed, that his successor, Adrian VI., 
was a man so unlike him in almost every respect, that vnthout 
calumniating Leo X. no one could praise him ; and without com- 
mending Leo X. no one could detract from him. Compared with 
this successor Leo X. must, especially to men of literature and ge- 
nius, have appeared much greater, and more commendable than 
their gratitude had before considered him. — Of Adrian VI. they 
very unanimously believed what was said by Pierio Valeriano, 
** Si aliquanto diutius vixisset, gothica ilia tempora ad versus 
bonas literas videbatur suscitaturus." Henke, Germ, ed, vol. iii. 

p. 4e6.» 

(b) V. Ante, vol. iv. chap. xxii. p. 213, and App. No. CCVI. 
Valeriano thus refers to the literary acquirements of the pontiff: 
** Leo X. Pont. Max. nuHo non doctrinae genere institutus, GrJaeds 
Latinisque literis optime eruditus, acerrimique judicii vir, et seu 
solutam orationem scriberet, seu carmen pangeret, laudem in utro- 
que meritus.'* Be Uterator. Ivfel lib. i. p. 19. 



of the imcient possessions of the churchy and the chap. 

repressing and humbling the power of the Turks, '^ 

were some of those great purposes, which he ap- 
pears never to have abandoned. On his elevation 
to the papal throne he found the whole extent of 
Italy oppressed or threatened by foreign powers, 
and torn by internal commotions. The Spaniards 
were in possession of the kingdom of Naples ; the 
French were preparing for the attack of Milan ; 
and the states of Italy, in aiding or opposing the 
cause of these powerful intruders, were at con- 
stant war with each other. The first and most 
earnest desire of the pontiff was to free the whole 
extent of Italy from its foreign invaders ; an ob- 
ject not only excusable, but in the highest degree 
commendable. Whilst the extremities of that 
country were occupied by two powerful and am- 
bitious monarchs, the one of them always jealous 
of the other, its interior could only become the 
theatre of war, and be subjected to continual ex- 
actions and depredations. The preponderating 
power of either the one or the other of these 
sovereigns might prove fatal to the liberties of the 
whole country ; and at all events, the negotiations 
and intrigues to which they both had recourse, 
for supporting their respective interests among 
the inferior states, occasioned an agitation and 
ferment which kept it in continual alarm. In this 
situation, the accomplishment of the ends which 
the pontiff had proposed to himself, was the only 
mode by which he could reasonably hope to esta- 
blish the public tranquillity ; and if this be kept 
in view, it will enable us to explain, although it 
may not always excuse, many parts of his conduct. 


CHAP, which may otherwise appear weak^ contradictory^ 
. or uninteUigible. To oppose himself to suet ad- 

versaries by open arms was impossible ; nor, whilst 
the same causes of dissension remained^ was there 
the most distant prospect of forming an effective 
union among the Italian states ; several of which 
had^ by a weak and unfortunate policy, entered 
into, close alliances with the invaders. Nothing 
therefore remained for the pontiff but to turn the 
strength of these powerful rivals against each 
other, and to take advantage of any opportunity 
which their dissensions might afford him^ of libe- 
rating his country from them both. Hence it 
was his great object to secure, by incessant nego- 
tiations and constant assurances, the fevour and 
good opinion of the French and Spanish monarchs ; 
to be a party to all their transactions, and to enter 
into all their designs, so that he might be enabled 
to maintain a kind of equilibrium between them, 
and to give the preponderance, on important oc- 
casions, either to the one or the other of them, as 
might best suit his own views. This policy was, 
however, at some times combined with more open 
efforts ; and the inefficacy of the papal arms was 
supplied by powerful bodies of Swiss mercenaries, 
which the pope retained in his service by liberal 
stipends, and by whose assistance he twice ex- 
pelled the French from Italy. Although frequent- 
ly counteracted and defeated in his projects by 
the superior strength and resources of his adver- 
saries, yet he never appears, throughout his whole 
pontificate, to have deviated from the purposes 
which he had originally in view. His exertions had 
at length opened to him the fairest prospects of 


sucH^ess ; and it is highly probable, thtit if an untime- chap. 

ly death had not terminated his efforts, he would L 

finally have accomplished his great undertaking, (a) 
That he had intended to retain the command of 
the Milanese, or to vest the supreme authority of 
that state in the cardinal Giulio de' Medici, may 
be regarded as certain ; (b) and the union of these 
territories with those of Tuscany and of Rome, 
together with the continued aid of his Swiss allies, 
would have enabled him to attack the kingdom of 
Naples, then almost neglected by its young sove- 
reign, with the fairest probability of success. In 
examining the public conduct of Leo X. by this 
test, it will be found to display a consistency not 
to be discovered by considering it in separate 
parts, or on detached occasions. His insincerity 
in his treaties with Francis I. although not justi- 
fied, was. occasioned by this unalterable adherence 
to his primitive designs ; and the avidity of that 
monarch in depriving the pontiff of the districts 
of Parma and Piacenza, confirmed him in his re- 
solution to seize the first opportunities of carrying 
those designs into effect. The French monarch 
should have known, that even in the moment of 
victory, it is not always expedient to grasp at 
every possible advantage, or to subject a humi- 
liated adversary to intolerable or irksome terms ; 
and that as morality and good faith should enforce 
the execution, so justice and moderation should be 
the basis of public engagcfinents. 

Nor was Leo less uniform and consistent in his 

(a) Bossi has taken a different view of this subject. Ital. ed. 
vol. xiu p. 126.* 

(b) Guicciard. lib. xiv. vol. ii. p. 175. 

350 THE lilFE OF 

CHAP, endeavours to* allay the dissensions among the 

^ Christian powers, with the view of inducing them 

to unite their arms against the Turks ; a course 
of conduct which has given occasion to charge him 
with extravagant and romantic views ; but which 
cannot be fairly judged of without considering the 
state of the times, and recollecting that those 
powerful barbarians had then recently established 
themselves in Europe, had overturned in Egypt 
the empire of the Mamalukes, and made several 
attempts against the coast of Italy, in one of which 
they had possessed themselves of the city of Otran- 
to. That the pontiff was defeated in his purpose, 
is not to be attributed to any want of exertion on 
his part, but to the jealousy of the Christian states, 
which were yet more fearful of each other than 
they were of the Turks. And if, in this instance, 
the pontiff could not inspire the rulers of Christen- 
dom with his own feelings, and actuate them with 
good-will towards each other, and with animosity 
only towards their common enemy, he yet suc- 
ceeded so far as, in all probability, to deter the 
Turks from turning their arms against the western 
nations ; so that during his pontificate, the Chris- 
tian world enjoyed a respite from commotion, 
which, when compared with the times which pre- 
ceded, and those which followed, may be consi- 
dered as a season of tranquillity and of happiness. 
If amidst these splendid and commendable pur- 
poses, he occasionally displayed the narrow poli- 
tics of a churchman, or the weaker prejudices of 
family partiality, this may, perhaps, be attributed 
not so much to the errors of his own disposition 
and judgment, as to the example of his predeces- 



sors, and the manners of the age, which he could chap. 

not wholly surmount ; or to that mistaken sense [^ 

of duty, which has too often led those in power to 
consider all measures as lawful, or as excusable^ 
which are supposed to be advantageous to those 
whom they govern, or conducive to the aggran- 
dizement of those, who, from the ties of nature, 
look up to them for patronage and for power. 

In one respect, however, it is impossible that 
the conduct of Leo X. as a temporal prince can 
either be justified or extenuated. If a sovereign 
expects to meet with fidelity in his allies, or obedi- 
ence in his subjects, he ought to consider his own 
engagements as sacred, and his promises as inviol- 
able. In condescending to make use of treachery 
against his adversaries, he sets an example which 
shakes the foundations of his own authority, and 
endangers his own safety ; and it is by no means 
improbable, that the untimely death of the pontiff 
was the consequence of an act of revenge. The 
same misconduct which probably shortened his 
days, has also been injurious to his fame; (a) and 
the certainty, that he on many occasions resorted 
to indirect and treacherous means to circumvent 
or destroy his adversaries, has caused him to be 
accused of crimes which are not only unsupported 
by any positive evidence, but are in the highest 
degree improbable, (b) He has, however, sufl&cient 

(a) To this circumstance the anonymous author of the life of 
Iieo X., given in the appendix, attributes with great appearance of 
probability, the numerous lampoons which soon after the death of 
the pontiff were poured out against his memory. 

(b) Thus he has been accused of having poisoned Bendinello 
de' Sauli, one of the cardinab who conspired against bim in the 


CHAP, to answer for in this respect, without being charged 
^^^^' with conjectural oflFences. (a) Under the plea of 

freeing the territory of the church from the domi- 
nion of its usurpers, he became an usurper himself; 
and on the pretext of punishing the guilt of others, 
was himself guilty of great atrocities. If the ex- 
ample of the crimes of one could justify those of 
another, the world would soon become only a great 
theatre of treachery, of rapine, and of blood ; and 
the human race would excel the brute creation 
only in the superior talents displayed in promoting 
their mutual destruction. 
Hiseccie- lu his ccclcsiastical capacity, and as supreme 
ch"^^. head of the Christian church, Leo X. has been 
treated with great freedom and severity. Even 
the union of the temporal and spiritual power in 
the same person, has been represented as totally 

year 1517, v. ante^ chap. xiv. vol. iii. p. 126, and yet more posi- 
tively, although more preposterously, with having destroyed, by a 
similar act of treachery,' the cardinal da Bibbiena, his early pre- 
ceptor and great favourite, who was supposed to have aspired ta 
the pontificate, and who died at Rome in the month of November, 
1520. Jovii Elogia, No. Ixv. p. 156. Bandin, II Bibbiena^ p. 49. 
Instead of attempting to vindicate the pontiff from these absurd 
and unfounded accusations, I shall lay before the reader the 
Threni, or funeral verses on the death of Bibbiena, addressed by 
Pierio Valeriano to Leo X. v. App. No, CCXVI. 

(a) Valerianus informs us, that immediately after the death of 
the pontiff, his conduct and character were attacked by the most 
scurrilous libels, and that it was even debated in the consistory 
whether his name and acts should not be abolished from the re- 
cords of the holy see. " Quod longe infelicius bono Principi foit> 
ab obitu cum maledicentissimis omnium libellis infamatus esset, in 
Senatu toties de nomine, deque actis ejus abolendis per adversae' 
factionis hostes actitatum. Quod nulli antea Pontifici post obitum 
accidisse neque legimus, neque meminimus." De Lilerator. InfeL 
lib. i. p. 21. 


destructive of the true spirit of religion, and as/^*^AP. 

productive of an extreme corruption of morals. ]_ 

*' The ecclesiastical character/'^ says a lively wri- 
ter, *' ought to have the ascendancy, and the tem- 
poral dignity should be considered only as the ac- 
cessary ; but the former is almost always absorbed 
in the latter. To unite them together is to join a 
living body to a dead carcase ; a miserable, con- 
nexion, in which the dead serves only to corrupt 
the, living, without deriving from it any vital in- 
fluence."(«) The Lutheran writers have indeed , 
considered this union of spiritual and temporal au- 
thority as an unequivocal sign of Antichrist ; (b) 
yet it may be observed, that even after the refor- 
mation, the necessity of a supreme head in matters 
of religion was soon acknowledged ; and as this 
was too important a trust to be confided to a se- . 
parate authority, it has in most protestant coun- 
tries been united to the chief temporal power, and 
has thus formed that union of church and state, 
which is considered as so essentially necessary to 
the security of both. Hence, if we avoid the dis- 
cussion of doctrinal tenets, we shall find, that all 
ecclesiastical establishments necessarily approxi- 
mate towards each other ; and that the chief dif- 
ference to an individual is, merely whether he may 
choose to take his religious opinions on the autho- 
rity of a pope or of a monarch, from a consistory 

(a) Bayle, Diet, in art. Leon, X. 

(b) " Lutheri et protestantium sententide accedit ; qui insocia- 
bilia esse judicant, magnum orbis principatum et vicarium Christi ; 
immo coDJunctionem utriusque potestatis, eosque tuendi iniquos 
mores, int^r apertissima Antichristi signa dudum reputarunt." 
Seckendorf, de Lutheran, lib. i.sec. 5. ^»Vl. 

VOL. IV. 2 A 


CHAP, or a convooatioii^ from Luther^ from Calvin, from 
^^^^' Henry VIIL or from Leo X. (a) 
His 8uppo6- But dismissing these general objections, which 
^^/r^ all events apply rather to the office than to the 
terature. p^^sonal conduct of the pope, we may still admit, 
that an evident distinction subsists between a great 
prince and a great pontiff, and that Leo, howev» 
he might possess the accomplishments of the one, 
may have been defective in those of the other. 
That this was in &ct the case, is expressly assert* 
ed, or tacitly admitted, by writers in other respects 
of very different opinions. '^ Leo X. displayed/' 
says Fra Paolo, *' a singular proficiency in polite 
literature, wonderful humanity, benevolence, and 
mildness ; the greatest liberality, and an extreme 
inclination to favour excellent and learned men ; 
insomuch, that for a long course of years, no one 
bad sat on the pontifical throne that could in any 
degree be compared to him. He would, indeed, 
have been a perfect pontiff, if to these accomplid)* 
ments he had united some knowledge in matten 

(a) Bossi has endeavoured to establish a distinction between the 
pope and a temporal sovereign, which appears to me to be futile; 
observing, that '< the pope exercises his sovereigBtj in respect of 
his being at the head of the Christian religion, whilst the tenapoitl 
princes, inasmuch as they are invested with a territorial govero* 
ment, exercise an authority over the religious worship of their re- 
spective states." ItaL ed. vol. xii. p. 73. To this I shall reply in 
the words of a writer whom I have before cited : *^ Whence dmroh 
governors pretend to derive this right, does not signify. It can 
neither be derived from the nature of Christianity, the doctrine or 
practice of Christ or his apostles, the condition of man in a state 
of nature, his condition as a member of society, subject to magis- 
tracy, nor, indeed, in England, from any thing but ^eact of su- 
premacy; an aet which transferred a power over men's consciences 
from the pope to the king." Arcana, p. 52. * 


of religion^ and a greater inclination to piety, to chap. 
neither of which he appeared to pay any great at- ^^^^'' 
tention." (a) These animadversions of Fra Paolo 
are thus adverted to by his opponent Pallavicini, 
who has entered very fuUy into the consideration 
of this part of the character 6f Leo X. '' It has 
been asserted by Paolo," says this writer, '' that 
Leo was better acquainted with profane literature 
than with that called sacred, and which appertains 
to religion; in which I by no means contradict 
him. Having received from God a most capar 
cious mind, and a studious disposition, and find- 
ing himself, whilst yet almost in his infancy, placed 
in the supreme senate of the church, Leo was 
wanting in his duty, by neglecting to cultivate 
that department of literature which is not only 
the most noble, but was the most becoming his 
station. This defect was more apparent, when 
being constituted at thirty-seven years of age the 
presidait and chief of the Christian religion, he 
not only continued to devote himself to the curio- 
sity of profane studies, but even called into the 
sanctuary of religion itself, those who were better 
acquainted with the fables of Greece, and the de- 
lights of poetry, than with the history of the 
church, and the doctrines of the fathers." * ♦ 
^' Nor will I affirm,'' says the same author, " that 
he was as much devoted to piety as his station re- 
quired, nor undertake to commend, or to excuse 
all the coiKiuct of Leo X., because, to pass over 
that which exists in suspicion rather than in proof, 
(as scandal always delights to affix her spots on 
the bri^test characters, that their deformity may 

(a) Fra PaolOf Cone, di Trent, lib. i. p. 6. 

2 A 2 


CHAP, be the more apparent,) it is certain, that the atten- 
^^^' tion which he paid to the chase, to amusements, and 
to pompous exhibitions, although it might in part 
be attributed to the manners of the age, in part to 
his high rank, and in part to his own natural dis- 
position, was no slight imperfection in one who 
had attained that eminence among mankind which 
requires the utmost degree of perfection."(«) But 
whilst the partisans of the reformers on the one 
hand, and the adherents of the Roman church on 
the other, have thus concurred in depreciating the 
character and conduct of the pontiff, they have 
been guided by very different motives. The for- 
mer, with Luther at their head, have accused him 
of endeavouring, by the most rash and violent 
measures, to enforce that submission which ought 
at least to have been the result of a cool and tem- 
perate discussion; whilst the latter have repre- 
sented him as too indifferent to the progress of the 
new opinions, and as having indulged himself in 
his own pursuits and amusements, whilst he ought 
to have extirpated, by the most efficacious me- 
thods, the dangerous heresy which at length defied 
his utmost exertions. To attempt the vindication 
of Leo against these very opposite charges' would 
be superfluous. In their censure of hina the zeal- 
ous of both parties are agreed ; but to the more 
moderate and dispassionate, it may appear to he 
some justification of his character to observe, that 
in steering through these tempestuous times, he 
was himself generally inclined to adoptaniiddle 
course ; and that if he did not comply with the 
proposal of the reformers, and submit the ques- 

(a) Pallav. Con, di Trento^ lib. i. cap. ii. p. 61. 


tions between Luther and himself to the decision chap. 


of a third party, neither did he adopt those violent 1_ 

measures, to which the church has occasionally 
resorted for the maintenance of its doctrines, and 
to which he was incited by some of the persecut- 
ing zealots of the age. (a) To countenance the 
doctrines of the reformers was incompatible with 
his station and office ; to have suppressed them by 
fire and sword, would justly have stigmatized him 
as a ferocious bigot ; yet either of these extremes 
would certainly have procured him, from one party 
at least, that approbation which is now refused to 
hiin by both. 

Nor has the concurring testimony of Fra Paolo, 
Pallavicini, and other polemical vrriters, been uni- 
formly assented to as a sufficient proof of that 
gross neglect of sacred literature imputed to 
Leo X. (b) Of the encouragement afforded by him 
to many learned ecclesiastics, who devoted them- 
selves to the study of the sacred writings, several 
instances have before been given, to which, if 
necessary, considerable additions might yet be 
mJEide. (c) On this subject we might also appeal 
with great' confidence to the evidence of a con- 
temporary writer, who assures us that . *' Leo X. 
diligently sought out those men who had signa- 
lized themselves in any department of knowledge, 

(a) " PiA oppositamente di tutti scrisse tontra Martino Luthero 
Frate Giacomo Ogostrato (Hoogstraaten) Dominicano Inquisi- 
tore;',il quale esort6 il pontefice a convincer Martino coa ferro, 
fuoco, e fiamme." Concil. di Trento^ p. 8. 

(6) " Minime autem dubitabis illos mendacii insimulare, qui ab 
eo divinas disciplinas prae humanioribus, negligentius cultas hono- 
ratasque fuisse affirmant." Fabron, Vita Leon* X. p. 183. 

(c) V. particularly chap. xi. passim. 


CHAP, moral or natural^ human or divine; and partica- 
^^^' larlv in that chief science which is called theology; 
that he rewarded them with honourahle stipends, 
conformed himself in his conduct to their sug- 
gestions^ and treated them with the same kind- 
ness and affection that he experienced from them 
in return." The same author adds^ that the most 
celebrated philosophers and professors of the civil 
law were ako invited by Leo X. from all parts of 
Italy and France to Rome ; ^' for the purpose," 
says he, '' of rendering that city, which had al- 
ready obtained the precedency in religion, in dig- 
nity, and .in opulence, not less celebrated as the 
seat of eloquence, of wisdom, and of virtue/' (a) 

But perhaps the most decisive proof of the par- 
tiality witii which Leo regarded real knowledge 
and useful learnings may be found in the particu- 
\bx attention shewn by him, on all occasions, to 
the moderate, the candid, and truly learned Eras- 
mus. Between him and the pontiff an epistolary 
intercourse occasionally subsisted, which, notwith- 
standing the opinions of the religious zealots of 
opposing sects, who have condemned the conde- 
scension of the one, and the commendatory style of 
the other, confers equal honour on both. Before 
the elevation of Leo to the pontifical chair, they 
had met together at Rome, and had formed a 
friendly intimacy. When the character of Leo, 
as supreme pontiff^ had in some degree unfolded 
itself, and he appeared as the pacificator of the 
Christian world, and the promoter of liberal studies, 
Erasmus addressed to him, from London, a long 
and congratulatory epistle, which may be consi- 

(o) BrandoHnif Leo, p. 127. 


dered as a compendimn of the previous life and chap. 
conduct of the pontiff. After adverting to the ex- ^^^ ^' 
traordinary circumstanccB which prepared the way 
to his elevation^ he compsn^es the pontificate of Leo 
with that of Julius 11.^ and expatiates at large on 
the happy effects of his measures^ when contrasted 
with the warlike pursuits of his restless predeces- 
sor. He then alludes to the recent humiliation of 
Louis XIL and to the ascendancy which Leo had 
obtained^ as well over that monarchy as over Henry 
Vni. Thence he takes occasion to refer to the 
eameit efforts then making by the pontiff for the 
union of the princes of Christendom against the 
Turks ; without^ however, approving of violent 
«ad sanguinary measures, which he considers as 
inconsistent with the character and conduct of 
Christians, who ought to set an example of bene- 
volence, forbearance, »rid piety, and subdue the 
world by these virtues, rather than by fire and 
sword. But the chief object of his letter is to 
request the favour of the pontiff towards a new 
and corrected edition of the works of S. Jerom, 
which he had then undertaken at the instance of 
William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, and 
which was soon afterwards published, with a dedi- 
cation to that munificent prelate, (a) To this ad- 
dress Leo returned a highly satisfactory reply, in 
which he recognises his former acquaintance with 
Erasmus ; expresses his most earnest wishes that 
the Author of all good, by whose providence he 
has himself been placed in so elevated a station, 
may enable him to adopt the most efficacious mea- 
sures for the restoration of true virtue and piety 

(a) Erasmi Epist» lib. ii. ep. i. Ed. Lond, 1642. 


CHAP, amonfif mankind ; and assures Erasmus^ that be 


1. expects with jojrful impatience the volumes of S, 

Jerom, and of the New Testament, which he had 
promised to transmit to him. (a) At the same 
time he wrote to Henry VIII. recommending 
Erasmus to him in the warmest terms, as deserving 
not only of his pecuniary bounty, but of his parti- 
cular favour and regard. (6) The edition of the 
New Testament in Greek and Latin, with the^ cot- 
rections and annotations of Erasmus, made its ap- 
pearance soon afterwards, accompanied with a 
dedication to Leo X. to whom Erasmus also ad- 
dressed a letter, expressing his grateful acknow- 
ledgments for the recommendation of him to Henry 
Vni. which had been the result of the kindness 
and favourable opinion of the pontiff, without his 
own solicitation, (c) At a subsequent period, when 
this eminent scholar had incurred the suspicion: of 
being secretly attached to the cause of the refi)r- 
mers, he again addressed himself to Leo X. as well 
as to some of the cardinals of his court, vindicat- 
ing, in a respectful, but manly style, the modera- 
tion of his own conduct ; at the same time lament- 
ing, that the advocates of the church had resorted 
to violence and scurrility for the defence of their 
cause, and that the pope had^ by the intemperance 
of others, been prevented from attending suffi- 
ciently to the mild and liberal suggestions of his 
own disposition. (^) In the course of his corre- 
spondence, Erasmus has celebrated the pontiff fer 

(a) Erasm» Epist, lib. ii. ep. 4. 

' {b) Ibid, ep. 6. 

(c) Ibid, ep. 6. 

(d) Ibid, lib. xiv. ep. i. 5. 


three ;great benefits bestowed upon mankind; the chap. 
restoration of Christian piety, the revival of letters, ^^^^' 
and the estabMshment i of. peace , throughout Chris- 
tendom, (a) The attentio9 paid by Leo to the 
graver studies of theology, jurisprudence, philo- 
sophy, and medicine, is also admitted by Erasmus; 
who solicits. the pontiff to patronise the study of 
languages, and elegapt literature, merely that they 
may be of use in promoting the knowledge of those 
more important subjects, to which he has already 
refierred. (J) 

Were we to place implicit confidence in the ^^^^^^ 
opinions of many authors who have taken occa- andirreu- refer, to the character of Leo X., we must ^^* 
unavoidably suppose him to have been one of the 
most dissolute, irreligious, profane, and unprin- 
cipled of mankind. By one writer we are told 
that Leo led a life little suited to one of the suc- 
cessors of the apostles, and entirely devoted to vo- 
luptuousness ; (c) another has not scrupled to in- 
sert the name of this pontiff in a list which he has 

(a) '* Tria quaedam praecipua generis humani bona, restitutum 
iri videam ; Pietatem illam Tere Christianam multis modis coUap- 
sam ; Optimas literas, partim negleatas hactenus, partim corrup- 
tas ; et publicam ac perpetuam orbis Christiani concordiam, pietatus 
et eruditionis fontiem parentemque." Erasm, Epist. lib. i. ep. 30. 

(b) " Ita fiet ut graviores iUae, quas Tocant facultates, Theolo' 
gia, Jurisprudential Philosophia, MedicinOy harum literarum ac- 
cessione, non xnediocriter adjuventur. Sine ut hoc quoque bei^e- 
ficium debeant bonse literae, quae jam Beatitudini tuae nihil no^ de- 
bent, quam in multam aetatem religioni suae instaijirandse propia- 
gandaeque tueatur Christus Opt. Max." ErcLsm, Ep. lib. x^. ep. 9 ; 
and see note of Mr. Henke, Germ, ed. vol. iii. p. 482» and of Count 
Bossi^ Jtah ed. vol. xii. . p. 128. 

(c) " II mqna une vie peu convenable aux successeurs 4es Ap6- 
trcB, et tout*a-fait voluptueuse." Bayle, DicL Art. Leon, X, 


CHAP, formed of the supposed atheists of the time. (a) 
^^^' John Bale, in his satirical work, entitled, Thepor 
gemnt of Popes, in which, in his animosity against 
the church of Rome, he professes it to be his in* 
tention to give her double aecordmg to her mwkst 
has informed us^ that when Bembo queued to Leo 
X., on some occasion, a passage from one of the 
evangelists, the pope replied. It is well known to 
all ages how profitable this fable of Christ luu been 
to us; (b) a story, which it has justly been re- 
marked, has been repeated by three or four hmi* 
dred different writers, without any authority what- 
soever, except that of the author above referred 
to.(c) Another anecdote of a similar nature is 

(a) Mosheim. ap. Jortin, Remarks on Ecclesiasi, Hist, vol. v. p. 

(b) ** On a time when cardinall Bembnt did move a question 
out of the gospelly the pope gave him a very contemptuose an* 
swere, saying : All ages can testtfye enough how profitable thai fable 
of Christe hath ben to its and our companie.** Balers Fageant qf 
Popes, p. 179. Ed. 1674. 

Of the candour and accuracy of this zealous friend to the re* 
formed religion, the following passage affords an ample specimen : 

** This Leo did enrich ahove measure his bastardes and cosins, 
advanncing them to dignityes hoth spirituall and temporal!, with 
robbing and undoing other. For he made JuUanus his sister's 
son duke of MutinensiSf and Laureniianus, duke of UrUn ; marry* 
inge the one to the sister of Charles, duke of Savoye, and the other 
to the duchess of Poland," &c. Baie, p. 180. 

(c) " Shtantum nobis nostrisque ea de Christo fabula profuerit 
satis est omnibus seculis notum. On voit ce conte dans le Mysiere 
d* imquite, et dans une infinite d'autres livres sans 6tre mom de 
citation, ou n'aient pour toute preuve que Tautorit^ de Baleus ; de 
sorte que trois on quatre cens auteurs, plus ou moins, qui ont de- 
bit^ cela en se copiant les uns les autres doivent ^tre r^nits a ua 
seul temoin, qui est Baleus, temoin manif^tement recnsable, puis- 
qu'il eerivoit en guerre ouverte contre le Pape, et contre toute Fe- 
glise Romaine.*' Bayle, in art. Leon. X. 


found in a Swiss writer ; who, as a proof of the chap. 


impiety and atheism of the pontiff relates, that he 1. 

directed two of the buffoons whom he admitted to 
his table, to take upon them the characters of phi- 
losophers, and to discuss the question respecting 
the immortality of the soul ; when, after having 
heard the argum^its on both sides, he gave his 
decision by observing, that he who had maintained 
the ctffhmalive of the question, had given excellent 
reasons for his opinion, hut that the arguments of 
his adversary were very plausible. This story rests 
only on the authority of Luther, who on such an 
occasion can scarcely be admitted as a sufficient 
eYidence.(a) We are told by another protestant 
author, that at the time ''when Leo was thun- 
dering out his anathemas against Luther, he was 
not ashamed to publish a bull in favour of the pro- 
fane poems of Ariosto ; menacing with excom- 
munication all those who criticised them, or de- 
prived the author of his emolument," (h) a circum- 
stance which has been adduced by innumerable 
writers, and even by the dispassionate Bayle, (c) 

{a) " Leonis X. Papse dictum refert (Lutherus) qui audita dis- 
putatione in qua unus immortalitatem animse delendebat, alter op- 
pugnabat, dixerit ; tu quidem vera videris dkere, sed adver$ari% tui 
oratiofacit bonum vultum,** ap. Seek. Hb. iii. p. 676. It is obser- 
vable, tbat in the satirical Vie de Cath, de Medicit, vol. i. p. 13, 
this story is related of Clement VII. 

(6) ^' Presque au mftme tems qu'il foudroya ses anathemas con- 
tre Martin Luther, il n'eut point de honte de publier une buUe en 
faveur des poesies pro&nes de Louys Arioste, mena9ant d'excom- 
munication ceux qui le blameroient, ou empecheroient le profit de 
rimprimeur." David BlondeL ap, Bayle^ art, Leon, X, 

(c) '' Etoit ce garder le decorum de la Papaut^, que d*expedier 
une bulle si favorable aux poesies d'Arioste V* Bayle, Diet, art, 
Leon, X, Other authors have asserted, that Leo actually excom- 


CHAP, as an additional proof of the impiety of the pontiff, 
^^^^' and of the disgraceful manner in which he abused 
" his ecclesiastical authority. But in answer to this 
it may be sufficient to observe, that the privilege 
to Ariosto was granted long before Luther had 
signalized himself by his opposition to the Romish 
church, and that such privilege is in fact nothing 
more than the usual protection granted to authors, 
to secure to them the profits of their works. That 
it contains any denunciations against those who 
censure the writings of Ariosto, is an assertion 
wholly groundless ; the clause of excommunica- 
tion extending only to those who should surrepti- 
tiously print and sell the work without the consent 
of the author ; (a) a clause which is found in all 
licenses of the same nature, frequently much more 
strongly expressed; and which was intended to 
repress, beyond the limits of the papal territories, 
those literary pirates, who have at all times, since 
the invention of printing, been ready to convert 
the industry of others to their own emolument. 

municated all those who should .dare to criticise the writings of 
Ariosto. '^ Leon X. fit publier une bulle, par laquelle il excom- 
munioit tous ceux qui oseroient entreprendre de critiquer ce poeme 
d'Arioste, ou d'en empecher la vente." Richardson sur la Peinlwe, 
torn. iii. p. 435. ** Leo, whilst he was pouring the thunder of his 
anathemas against the heretical doctrines of Martin Luther, pub- 
lished a bull of excommunication against all those who should 
dare to censure the poems of Ariosto." WartorCs History ofEng- 
gUsh Poetry, vol. ii. p. 411. 

(a) There are two copies of this bull extant, which agree in 
substance, but I have preferred that which was published in the 
first edition of the Orlando Furioso. Ferrara, 1516, and repub- 
lished in the appendix to the Pontifical Letters qfSadoleti, p. 1^« 
The other copy may be found in the Pontifical Letters of Bembo, 
lib. x. ep. 40, v. App. No. CCXVIL 


-• ^ 

Nor has the moral character of Leo X. wholly chap; 


escaped those disgraceful unputatiohs which aflSx , 
a stain of all others the most readily made^ and Asoersions 
the most difficult to expunge. These accusations 2^^:^ 
are noticed by Jovius, who, at the same time, 
justly asks, whether it was likely, that amidst the 
abuse and detraction which theii characterized 
the Roman court, the best and most blameless 
prince could have escaped the shafts of malice ? 
or whether it was probable that they who levelled 
tliese malignant imputations against the pontiff, 
had an opportunity of ascertaining their truth ?(a) 
To these remarks he might safely have trusted 
the vindication of Leo, without indecently and 
absurdly atteinpting to extenuate the aUeged of- 
fence of the pontiff as a matter of slight impor- 
tance in a great prince ? (b) With respect to the 
moral conduct of Leo X. in private life, the most 
satisfactory evidence remains, that he exhibited not 
only in his early years, but after his elevation to the 
pontificate, an example of chastity and decorum, 

(a) ** Non caruit etiam infamia, quod parum honeste nonnun- 
los e cubiculariis (erant enim e toto Italia nobilissimi) adamare, et 
cum his tenerius atque libere jocari videretur. Sed quis, Jvel op- 
timus atque sanctissimus princeps in hac maledicentissima aula li- 
Tidorum aculeos vitavit ? Et quis ex adverse tarn maligna impro- 
bus ac invidiae tabe consumptus, ut vera demum posset objectare, 
noctiiim secreta scrutatus est?" Jov. in vita Leon, X. lib. iv. p. 

(b) Sed alia principis, alia hominis esse yitia quis nescit ? Hsec 
uni privata conditione quumnoceant, etiam aliquibus fortasse pro- 
tunt ; ilia vera ab dira potestate, et luctum et calamitatem univer- 
sis mortalibus apportant ; idque verissimum esse, constat praeclaro 
quondam populi Romani testimonio, qui neminem sibi principem 
Trajano meliorem exoptavit» quanquam eum illicitae libidinis ac 
ebrietatis censura notasset. Job. ut sUp. 




tioQB tnd 

the more remarkable, as it was the more unusual in 
the age in which he lived, (a) Nor can it be sujk 
posed that so many writers would, in commending 
the pontiflF for virtues which he was known, or 
suspected, not to possess, have incurred the dou^ 
ble risk of degrading their own characters in the 
eye of the world, and giving the pontiff reason to 
suppose that they had ironically or impertinently 
alluded to so dangerous a subject 

But whilst we reject these unfounded and scan- 
dalous imputations, it must be allowed that the 
occupations and amusenvents in which the pontiff 
indulged himself, were not always suited either 
to the dignity of his station, or to the gravity of 
his own character. ^^ It seems to have been hk 
intention," says one of his biographers^ '^ to pass 
his time cheerfully, and to secure himself agamst 
trouble and anxiety by all the means in his power. 

{a) Andrea Fulvio, a contemporary author, alluding to the Ii& 
of Leo X. says, 

Shtid r^f&am castas vita sine crimine mores ? 
And another writer of the same period dwells yet more expressly 
on the acknowledged, and even unsuspected chastity of the pontiff 
as the chief of his virtues : ^< Equidem cum multa et maxima et 
admiratione summa dignissima Hhenter commemoradm et memi- 
nerinii super omnia tamen est ceteris eximiis Tirtutibus continen- 
tifls incredilHUs adjecta vis, qu» adeo cireumfusas undique sensi- 
btts voluptates perdomuit, perfiregitque, ut non extra libiUnem mo- 
do, sed et quod rara ulli contigit extra famam libidinisj tarn in pen- 
tificatu quam in omni anteacta vita se conservarit, jugiterque con- 
senret." Math, Herculanus, ap. Pabren. vita Leon, X, m adnot, p. 
84. Even the adversaries oi Leo, in taxing him with too great aa 
attention to jesters and buffoons, tacitly acquit him of those vices 
with which they freely charge his predecessors. 

" Sixtum LenoneSf Jnlium rexere Cmadi^ 
Imperinm vant Scwn^a Leonis habet'' 

H. Stephens, Apoi, four Herodote. p. 554. 


He^ therefore^ sought all opportunities of pleasure chap. 
and hilarity^ and indulged his leisure in amuse- ^^ 
ment^ jests^ and singing ; either induced by a nar 
tural propensity^ or from an idea that the avoiding 
vexation and care might contribute to lengthen 
his days." (a) On some occasions, and particularly 
on the first day of August in every year, he was 
accustomed to invite such of the cardinals as were 
admitted to his more intimate acquaintance, to 
play cards with him ; and of this opportunity he 
always availed himself to display his liberality, by 
distributing pieces of gold among the crowd of 
spectators whom he allowed to be present at these 
entertainments, (b) In the game of chess he was 
a thorough proficient, and could conduct its most 
dififtcult operations with the utmost promptitude 
and success ; (c) but gaming with dice he always 
reproved, as equaUy inconsistent with prudence 
and injurious to morals, (d) 

His knowledge of music was not only practical 
but scientific. He had himself a correct ear, and 
a melodious voice, which had been cultivated in 
his youth with great attention. On the subject of 
harmony, and the principles of musical notation, 
he delighted to converse, and had a musical instru- 
ment in his chamber, by the assistance of which he 
was accustomed to exemplify and explain his fii- 

(a) Vita Leon, X, ab. Anon, in App. No. CCXVIII. 

(b) Jomi Vita Leon, X, lib. iv. p. 86. 

(c) " Nostro Signore sta la maggior parte del di, in la stanaa 
sua, ad giocare ad scacchi, ed udire sooare, e aspectaodo alia gior- 
nata quello si farll, dl per di* per quelle feste/' Lett, imdit, di 
Bait, da Pescia. MSS. Flor. 

{J) Jomi Vita Leon, X. lib. iv. p. 86. 



CHAP, vourite theory, (a) Nor were the professors of 
^^^' music less fevoured by him than those who ex- 
celled in other liberal arts. To the cultivatibnr 
and encouragement of this study he was more 
particularly led by the consideration of its essen- 
tial importance to the due celebration of the 
splendid rites of the Romish church, (b) In the 
magnificence of his preparations^ the propriety of 
his own person and dress^ and the solemnity and 
decorum of his manner on these occasions^ he 
greatly excelled all his predecessors, (c) In order 

(d) Fabron. vita Leon. X, p. 206. 

(b) " Ipsa laxamenta curarum honesta ; lioii eniin vel consi- 
lium, vel tngenium, vel aeftas, vel Pontificalium opuih affluentia in 
obscoeoa solatia, turpesque voluptates, vel qui desidiam sequun- 
tur lusus, sublimem animum dejecerunt, aut in delicias detorquent ; 
sed rerum molibus interdum subductura nunc variarum vocum 
suavissiiha modulatid, nunc sonbrum armonia excepit ; non moUi- 
busillis, impudicisque condita modis, quibUs dlim tbeatra, scenae, 
fora perstrepebant, sed quibus Dei laudes xanimud, quibusque sa- 
crorum cseremonias honoramus." Matt. HerctUan, Encom. Leon, 
X, ap, Fabron, in adnot, 84. 

(c) " Non per6 si vogliono tralasciare il gran decoro, e la 
maesti^, con cui esercit5 sempre le sacre funzioni, sopra tutti gG 
antecessori, '&c. Pallavicini, Cone, di Trento, lib. i. cap. ii. p. 5fi. 
Tbat he did not allow his ostentation to interfere with his -devo- 
tion, appears from a passage in Par, de Grassis. " Vespera in Vi- 
gilia Corporis Christi, papa fuit semper nudo capite, in processione 
portan's saoramentum. £t hoc fecit ex devotione; licet majore 
cum majestate fuisset cum mitra." Diar. inedit, Leo did not, 
however, approve of long sermons. In the year 1514, he ordered 
his master of the palace, on pain of excommunication, to .see 'diat 
the sermon did not exceed half an hour ; and, in the -month of 
November, 1517, being wearied with a long discourse, he directed 
his master of the ceremonies to remind the master of the palace* 
that the council of the Lateran had. decided, that a sermon should 
not exceed a quarter of an hour, at the most. In consequence of 
these remonstrances there was no sermon on the first day of the 


to give a more striking effect to these devotional chap. 

services, he sought throughout all Europe for the ^ 

most celebrated musical performers, both vocal 
and instrumental, whom he rewarded with the ut- 
most liberality. As a proof of the high estima- 
tion in which these professors were held by him, 
he conferred on Gabriel Merino, a Spaniard, whose 
chief merit consisted in the excellence of his 
voice, and his knowledge of church music, the 
archbishopric of Bari. (a) Another person, named 
Francesco Paolosa, he promoted, for similar quali- 
fications, to the rank of an archdeacon ; (b) and the 
pontifical letters of Bembo exhibit various in- 
stances of the particular attention paid by him to 
this subject, (c) 

year 1518 ; the master of the palace being fearful that the preacher 
would exceed the prescribed limits. P. de Grass, Diar, ap. Notices 
des MSS. du Roi, vol. ii. p. 598. 

(a) Fabron. vita Leon. X. p. 205. 

{b) Ibid. p. 207. 

(c) Pietro Aaron, a Florentine of the order of Jerusalem, and 
canon of Rimini, a voluminous writer on the science of music, in 
the dedication of his treatise entitled, ** Toscanello della Musica^* 
the most considerable of all his writings, printed at Venice, 1523, 
informs us, that he had been admitted into the papal chapel at 
Rome, during the pontificate of Leo X., in speaking of whom he 
says, ** though this pontiff had acquired a consummate knowledge 
in most arts and sciences, he seemed to love, encourage, and exalt 
music more than any other ; which stimulated many to exert 
themselves with uncommon ardour in its cultivation. And among 
those who aspired at the great premiums that were held forth to 
talents, I became," says he, "a candidate myself; for being born 
to a slender fortune, which I wished to improve by some reput- 
able profession, I chose music ; at which I laboured with unre- 
mitting diligence till the irreparable loss 1 sustained by the death 
of my munificent patron, Leo." Dr, Bumey's Hist, of Music, 
vol. iii. p. 154. 

VOL. IV. 2 B The 


CHAP. That a mind, which, like that of the po&tiff, 


L could discriminate aU the excellences of literar- 

ture and of art^ could^ as we are told was the fact, 
also stoop to derive its pleasures from the lowest 
species of buffoonery^ is a singular circumstance^ 
but may serve to mark that diversity and range of 
intellect which distinguished not only Leo X.^ but 
dl&o other individuals of this extraordinary fa- 
mily, (a) To such an extreme was this propen- 
sity carried^ that his courtiers and attendants 
could not more effectually obtain his favour than 
by introducing to him such persons as by their 
eccentricity, perversity, or imbecility of mind, were 
likely to excite his mirth, (b) On one occasion this 

The pope is said to have diverted himself with the fdly and ab- 
surdity of Evangelista Tarasconi of Parma, whom he prevailed <m 
to write a treatise on music, full of the most absurd precepts, ad- 
vising, among other things, that the arms of the performers should 
be tied up in a particular manner, so as to give greater strength 
to their fingers, &c. Jovius in vita Leon. X, lib. iv. p. 84. But 
the learned Padre Ireneo Aff5 thinks that Jovius has caricatured 
his picture too highly. Tarasooni was a man of considerable 
learning, and among others, left a work entitled, Historia Cala- 
mitatum Italia, tempore Julii IL which has not, however, been 
printed, and is now probably lost. ». Afd, Memorie degli Scrit- 
tori Parmigiani, vol. iii. p. 230. 

(a) This peculiarity in the character of the pontiff was dis- 
covered even by the licentious Pietro Aretino, who odierwise 
would not have experienced his bounty. "Certamente Leone 
ebbe una natura da stremo a stremo, e non saria opra d'ognuno il 
giudicare chi piii gli dilettasse, o la virtii de' dotti, o le danck de* 
bufibni ; e di ci6 fa fede il suo aver dato all' una e all' altra specie, 
esaltando tanto questi, quanto quegli." Fabr, in adnot. 8<&. 

(6) Of the society that occasionally frequented the pontifical 
table, some idea may be formed from the foUowing passage: 
'' Habet iste bonus pontifex apud se lurconem quendam edacem/ 
et mendi(ium fratrem, nomine patrem Martinum et Marianom, 
qui pullum columbarium, sive assum, sive elissum, bolo uno sor- 


well-known disposition of the pontiff is said to ^"^^* 

have subjected him to an unexpected intrusion. L 

A person having waited in v^in for several days, 
in the hope of speaking to him, addressed himself 
at length to the chamberlain, assuring him that he 
was a great poet, and would astonish the pope by 
the most admirable verses he had ever heard ; a 
stratagem which procured him immediate admis- 
sion, although to the chagrin and disappointment 
of the pontiff, (a) That Leo could bear a jest 
with a good grace is, however, evinced by another 
incident: a person having presented him with 
some Latin verses in hopes of a great reward, the 
pope, instead of gratifying his expectation, re- 
peated to him an equal number of lines with the 
same terminations ; whereupon the disappointed 
poet exclaimed. 

Si tibi pro numeris numeros fortuna dedisset, 
Non esset capiti tanta corona tuo. 

Had fortune your verses with verses repaid, 
The tiara would ne'er have encircled your head : 

and the pope, instead of being offended, opened 

bitione unica glutit, ova, ut ferunt, qui viderunt, absorbet quadrin- 
genta, viginti quoque devorat capos," &c. Titius. ap, Fabron. 
adnoL 82. 

(a) Jan, Nycii Etythrai Finacotheca, vol. ii. p. 110. If Leo wa« 
disappointed on this occasion, he might have consoled himself on 
another, in which one who had been thought a very sage person- 
age, and whom he had honoured with the name of his poet^ 
turned out, (by no uncommon metamorphosis) to be a mighty 
great fool. *^ In die et fe^to sanctorum Cosmse et Damiani, haec 
missa fuit habita cum vesperis, more solito ; et papa creavit unum 
Poetam, quem curia semper prudentem opinata est, et tunc cogno- 
vit eum stuhum et fatuum,^' P, de Grass, Dior, inedit. This pro- 
bably alludes to the story of Baraballo. v. Ante, chap. xvii. 

2 B 2 



CHAP, his purse/and rewarded him with his usual libera- 

XXIV. 1.. / N 

uty. (a) 

There is reason to believe that the pleasure 
which Leo X. derived from the sumptuous enter- 
tainments so frequently given within the precincts 
of the Roman court, arose not so much from the 
gratijQcation of his own appetite, in the indulgence 
of which he was very temperate, (b) as from the 
delight which he took in ridiculing the insatiable 
gluttony of his companions, (c) Dishes of an un- 
common kind, or composed of animals not usually 
considered as food, but so seasoned as to attract 
the avidity of his guests, were occasionally intro- 
duced, and by the discovery of the fraud, gave rise 
to jocular recrimination and additional mirth, (d) 
It is not however improbable that these accounts 
have been either invented, or exaggerated, by the 

(a) Histoire des Papes, torn. iv. p. 418. Ed. La Haye, 1733, 

The author of this work, Francois de Bruys, relates this anec- 
dote from the collection of witty and merry sallies, La sage folk, 
of the Italian poet and historian Spelta, Note of M. Henke, 
Germ, ed, vol. iii. p. 492.* 

{h) Even when he celebrated the anniversary of his election 
with the cardinals, in the Vatican, he set an example of sobriety 
in his own person, as appears from Par. de Grassis. '^ Anniversa- 
rium electionis Papse Leonis, Papa in fine fecit prandium cardina- 
libus, ut alias. Ipse quotidie jejunat et sero coenat." Dior, inedit. 

(c) ** Verum festivissimis eorum facetiis, salibusque et perurba- 
nis scommatibus magis quam ullis palati lenociniis oblectabatur.'* 
Jov, vita Leon, X, lib. iv. p. 85. 

(d) ** Multa enim eorum palato ac aviditati aliena cibaria, fiilsa 
gratissimarum rerum specie concinnata, uti simias et corvos coenan- 
tibus apponebat, quae tametsi jucunda omnibus, ac urbano nobili- 
que principe digna erant, in eo tamen qui Augusti Pontificis dig- 
nitatem sustineret, a sevens et tristibus notabantur.'' Jov. viia 
Leon. X. lib. iv. p. 85. 


fertile imagination of the narrator ; and it is cer- ^^xnT 
tain that they are greatly at variance with others ■ 
which are entitled at least to equal credit The 
severe rules of abstinence which the pope con- 
stantly imposed upon himself^ and the attention to 
his studies^ even during his meals^ which has be- 
fore been noticed^ are circumstances not easily to 
be reconciled to the riot and dissipation which he 
is supposed to have so indecorously encouraged. 
To these may be added the evidence of a contem- 
porary writer, who appears to have been one of 
his guests, and to have formed an opinion very 
different from that of Jovius, as to the conduct of 
the pontiff on these occasions. *' Such was the 
attention of Leo X. to improvement/' says this 
writer, '' that he would not allow even the time of 
his meals to elapse without some degree of utility 
to his guests. Nor could all the splendour of the 
table, and the apparatus of the feast, engage our 
attention, or prevent our entering into conversa- 
tion, not indeed on light and trifling topics, but on 
the most sacred and interesting subjects, and such 
as in their discussion required the greatest erudi- 
tion^ and the most perspicacious mind." (a) 

When Leo occasionally retired from the tu- 
mults of the city to his villa of Malliana, about 

(a) '* Tanto studio tenebatur, ut ne ipsum quidem epularum 
tempus sine nostra utilitate prsetervolare sinat, quod non auro ar- 
gentove refertis abacis, non pretiosa supellectile exquisitis ingeniis 
24>paratus, ferculorum admiratos defixosque nos tenet, sed cum 
convivis et circumstantibus lepide comiterque habitis serroonibus, 
non de inani levique materia, sed de Deo, natura, sacris, jure, le- 
gibus, vita, moribus, Riorum gestis, caeterisque rebus, quae sura- 
mae eruditionis, ac perspicacis ingenii dignse visse fuerint. Matt, 
Herculan. ap. Fabron, in adnot, 83. 



CHAP, gyg m^gg fj^Qjj^ Rome, he dedicated a considerable 

1^ portion of his time to the amusements of fowling 

and hunting, in which he engaged with such 
earnestness as to disregard all the inclemencies of 
weather, and the inconveniences arising from want 
of acconunodation. To these active exercises he 
was most probably led to accustom himself, from 
an idea that they were conducive to his health, (a) 
Having, from his youth, been devoted to these 
sports, he was well skilled in conducting them ; 
and was highly offended with any of his compa- 
nions, whatever their rank might be, who, through 
. ignorance or carelessness, spoiled the expected di- 
version, (b) An unsuccessful chase seemed to be 

(a) A contemporary author informs us, that the pontiff was not 
, induced to pursue these amusements so much for the pleasures of 
the chase, as for the purpose of invigoradng hoth his body and 
mind for tlie due performance of his more important occupations. 
" Interdum etiam venandi studium in lustra saltusque abducit, 
non tam quidem ut feras conficiat, quam ut inde postmodum cor- 
poris simul et animi agitatione, quasi renovatis viribus, vegetior 
acriorque in pontificatus gravissimas curas relabatur, sed et inter- 
dum, ne quo unquam temporis momento a mortalium commodis 
animum avocasse putes, vicinas urbes ingreditur, oppida intervi- 
sit, et gentium desideriis occurrit, et si segri aliquid in iis sit cura- 
tionem adhibet." Matt. Herculan. ap. Fabron, m adnot. 84 
Reasons of nearly a similar nature are alleged by the pontiff him- 
self, in justification of his frequent use of those active diversions, 
as appears from a papal brief addressed by him to Giovanni Ne- 
roni, in which he appoints him Pontifical Gamekeeper, and directs 
him in what manner he is to execute this important trust. Bembi 
Ep, Pont. lib. X. ep. i. 

Mr. Henke has given, in the appendix to the Germ. ed. No. 
XXXII., a curious Latin epistle from the celebrated Ciceronian, 
Christopher Longolius, to Leo X., which was accompanied by the 
present of two excellent hourids, Longol. Orai. et Ep. p. 85, e<L 
Flor. 1524. Germ, ed. vol. iii. p. 404.* 
(Jb) His master of the ceremonies, Paris de Grassis, was highly 


<nie of the heaviest misfortunes ; whilst those who chap. 
were hunting for the pontifical favour, rather than 
the beasts of the fields always found that it was 
the best time to obtain it when the exertions of 
Uie pontiff had been crowned with success, (a) To« 
wards the decline of tiie year, when the heat of 
the season began to be mitigated by the rains, he 
visited the warm baths of Yiterbo, the vicinity of 
which aboimded with partridges, quails, and phea- 
sants, and where he frequently took the diversion 
of hawking. Thence he passed to the beautiful 
lake of Bolsena, where he spent his time in fishing 
on the island in the midst of the lake, or at the 
aitrance of the river Marta. In this neighbour- 
hood he was always splendidly entertained by the 
cardinal Alessandro Farnese, afterwards Paul III. 
who had erected there superb viUas and palaces, 
and by extensive plantations of fruit and forest 
trees, had ornamented and enriched the surround- 
ing country, (b) After quitting these confines, he 

scandalized at the profane habiliments in ^hich the pontiff took 
the field. ** Die martis X. Janoarii^ &cto prandio, Papa recessit 
ex urbe profecturus ad Tuschanellam, et alia loca ibi vicina. £t 
fuit cum stola, sed pejus sine rochetto, et quod pessimum cum 
stivalibus, sive ocreis, in pedes munitus." Diar. inedit. 

(a) Joviif vita Leon, X. lib. iv. p. 88. 

(6) The learned Abate Andres, in his Frodromus of the Greek 
and Latin anecdotes, in the library of the king of Naples, printed 
in 4to. 1816, has published a poem entitled Tranquilli Molossi 
Palietuh, seu Descriptio VenationiSt quam Alexander Famesius in 
Palieti nti silvis Leoni X. p. m. aliisque Romanes Aula proceribus 

From this poem some considerable extracts are given by Count 
Bossi, for which I must refer to ItaL ed. vol. xii. p. 130, &c. In 
the tame work are several epigrams by the same author, one of 
which, adverting to the visit of Leo X. to the Cardinal Farnese, 


CHAP, usually pursued his journey along the Tuscan ter- 
^xiv^ ritories, until he arrived at the shore of the sea, 
near Civita Yecchia. Here an entertainment of 
the most acceptable kind was provided for him. 
In a large plain^ surrounded with hills like an am- 
phitheatre^ and overspread with underwood for 
covert^ a great number of wild boars and deer 
were collected^ and the Roman pontiff^ forgetful 
of both church and state^ enjoyed the pleasures of 
the chase in their highest perfection. From Ci- 
vita Vecchia he returned about the month of No- 
vember, by Palo and the forest of Cervetri, to 
Rome ; which, however, he soon quitted for his 
villa at MaUkma; a place with which he was 
so delighted, notwithstanding the insalubrity of 
the air, occasioned by the exhalations of the sur- 
rounding fens, thatjt was with difficulty he could 
be prevailed on to return to the, city, unless a 
meeting of the consistory or some important oc- 
casion required his presence. His arrival at Mal- 
liana was welcomed by the peasantry, with no less 

and to the preparations made in honour of him, is as follows : 

Hunc quicumque vides factum de frondibus arcum, 

Forsitan ignoras serta quid ista velint. 
Frondibus ornantur magnorum templa Deorum, 

Dum celebrat laetos Martia Roma dies. 
Fronde renidet Hymen, gaudet Victoria fronde, 

Laetitiae semper convenit ilia novae. 
Cura Deum manifesta Leo, quo preside rerum 

Felicem terris credimus esse Jovem. 
Visit Alexandri Farnesia tecta, decetque 

Tarn festum laeta fronde virere locum. 

Molosstts is one of the Roman poets mentioned by A^siUi in his 
poem de Boetis Urbanis, v. ante, vol. iii. p. 417. For some ac- 
count of him, V. Bossi, Ital. ed, vol. vii. p. 260.* 


joy than the appearance of an abundant harvest chap. 
His bounty was showered down alike on the old ^^^^' 
and the young, who surrounded him on the road 
to present to . him their rustic offerings. But not 
satisfied with indiscriminate generosity, he fre- 
quently entered into conversation with them, in- 
quired into their wants, paid the debts of the 
aged, unfortunate, or infirm; bestowed marriage 
portions upon.the damsels, and assisted those who 
had to provide for a numerous family ; there be- 
ing, in his opinion, . nothing so becoming a great 
prince, as to alleviate distress, and to send away 
every person . satisfied and cheerful from his pre- 
sence, (a) 

After all, however, it must be confessed that £nco 


the claims of Leo X., to the applause and grati- ten and 
tude of after-times,. are chiefly to be sought for in *^ 
the munificent encouragement afforded by him to 
every department of polite literature and of elegant 
art. It is this great characteristic, which, amidst 
two hundred and fifty successive pontiffs, who, 
during the long space of nearly twenty centuries, 
have occupied the most eminent station in the 
Christian world, has distinguished him above all 
the rest, and given him a reputation, which not- 
withstanding the diversity of political, religious, 
and even literary opinions, has been acknowledged 
in all civilized countries, and by every succeeding 
age. (b) It is true, some modem authors have en- 
deavoured to throw doubts even upon this subject, 

(a) Jovii vita Lean. X. lib. iv. pp. 88, 80. 

(b) ** Quantum Romani Pontificis fastigium inter reliquos mor- 
tales eminet, tantum Leo inter Romanos pontifices excellit," says 
Erasmus, lib. i. ep. 30. 

of let- 


CHAP, and have indirectly questioned^ or boldly denied 
J^:^ the superiority of his pretensions, as a jitron of 
letters, to those of the other sovereigns of the age. 
'' It is well known/' says one of these writers, 
'^ what censure attaches to the character of Leo X. 
for having &vonred and rewarded musicians and 
poets, in preference to theologians and professors 
of the law ; whilst the glory of having revived 
and promoted the studies of polite literature, is to 
be attributed rather to the pontiffs, his predeces- 
sors, and to his own ancestors, than either to him- 
self or to his cousin Clement VII." (a) '' I ob- 
serve," says another eminent literary historian, 
*' that these times are generally distinguished as 
THE Age of Leo the Tenth ; but I cannot per- 
ceive why the Italians have agreed to restrict to 
the court of this pontiff that literary glory which 
was common to all Italy." '^ It is not my inten- 
tion,'' adds he, '^ to detract a single particle from 
the praises due to Leo X. for the services rendered 
by him to the cause of literature. I shall only re- 
mark, that the greater part of the Italian princes 
of this period might with equal right preteiid to 
the same honour ; so that there is no particular 
reason for conferring on Leo the superiority over 
all the rest." (b) After the pages which have beai 
already devoted to enumerate the services ren- 
dered by Leo X. to all liberal studies, by the es- 
tablishment of learned seminaries^ by the recovery 
of the works of the ancient writers, and the publi- 
cation of them by means of the press^ by promo- 
ting the knowledge of the Greek and Lati^ lan- 

(a) DaUna, Revoluzume d! Italia^ lib. xxL cap. 12, neljine. 
{h) Andres, dclV Orpine, Sfc. d! Ogni Letteroimrm^ vol. i. p. 380. 


guages^ and by the munificent encoon^ement be- chap. 
stowed by him on the professors of every branch ^^^^' 
of science^ of literature, and of art, it would surely 
be as superfluous to recapitulate his claims, as it ho^ far 
would be unjust to deny his pretensions to an emi- yaiied i^ " 
nent degree of positive merit, (a) How tax he was ^thfS^L 
rivalled in his exertions in these commendable pur- ^^^^ 
suits, by the other princes of his time, is a question 
which has not hitherto been particularly discussed. 
If, however, for this purpose, we take a general 
view of the states of Italy, or even of Europe, 
and compare the eflTorte made by their sovereigns 
with those of Leo X. we shall find little cause to 
accede to the opinion so decisively advanced. In 
Naples, with the expulsion of the family of Arar 
gon, and the introduction of the Spanish govern- 
ment, the literary constellation which had shone 
so bright at the close of the preceding century, 
suddenly disappeared, and left that unfortunate 
and distracted country in almost total darkness. 
The vicissitudes to which the city and territories 
of Milan had been exposed, and the frequent change 
of its sovereigns, had effectually prevented that 
place from being considered as a safe asylum for 
dther the muses or the arts; and even the cha- 
racter of the princes of the house of Sforza, in the 
time of Leo X., as displayed during the short pe- 
riod in which they held the sovereignty, exhibited 
few proofs of that predilection for literature, by 
which some of their ancestors had been distin- 
guished. Although the city of Venice was fur- 
ther removed from the calamities of the time, yet 

(a) For some observations on this subject the reader may con- 
sult the notes of Count Bossi in ItaL ed, Vol» xii. p. 136, &o.* 

380 THE LIFE OF . 

CHAP, the continental territories of that state had suffer- 
^"^^' ed all the horrors of warfare ; and even the capital 
derives more celebrity, in the estimation of the 
present day, from its having been fixed upon by 
Aldo for the establishment of his press, than from 
the literary character of its inhabitants, (a) The 
family of Gonzaga, the sovereigns of Mantua, have 
justly been distinguished as eminent patrons of 
learning ; but the inferiority of their resources, 
which were exhausted by military expeditions, 
and the narrow limits of the theatre of their exer- 
tion, prevent their being placed in any degree of 
competition with Leo X. On the death of Gui- 
dubaldo, duke of Urbino, in the year 1508, and 
the accession of his successor, Francesco Maria 
della Rovere, that court changed its character; 
and after the expulsion, of the duke by Leo X., in 
the year 1516, the duchy of Urbino may be consi- 
dered as composing, like the Tuscan state, a part 
of the dominions of Leo X. Of all the princi- 
palities of Italy, Ferrara is the only one that had 
any pretensions to contend with the pontifical see 
in the protection and encouragement afforded to 
men of talents, learning, and wit, and the posses- 

(a) For a more favourable account of the state of literature at 
Venice, I think it incumbent on me to refer to the statement of 
^ Bossiy who has alleged, in addition to his own opinion, that of my late 
excellent and learned correspondent the Cav. Morelli, who has in 
several of his works vindicated the claims of that republic to a high 
degree of literary merit. In admitting to a certain extent the va- 
lidity of these claims, I shall not greatly weaken my argument, 
which^ strictly speaking, applies only to individuals, and not to 
aggregate bodies ; and besides, the Venetians may be admitted to 
have had a considerable share in the early promotion of Hterature, 
without being allowed to have rivalled, in that respect, Leo X. 
V, ItaL ed. vol. xii. p. 138.* 



sion of Ariosto alone, is an advantacre not to be chap. 


counterbalanced by any individual of the Roman 1 

court ; yet the patronage conferred on this great 
man by the family of Este^ was so scanty^ as 
to have supplied him with frequent subjects of 
remonstrance and complaint. As a patron of 
learnings Alfonso was greatly inferior to many of 
his predecessors, and he was indebted for his glory 
rather to his military exploits^ than to his suc- 
cessful cultivation of the arts of peace. During 
his avocations or his absence, the encouragement 
of literature devolved, with the care of his states, 
on his duchess Lucrezia, to whom is to be attri- 
buted no small share of the proficiency made in 
liberal studies during the times in which she lived. 
Nor is there any person of the age who is better 
entitled to share with Leo X. in the honours 
due to the restorers of learning, than the accom- 
plished, but calumniated daughter of Alexander 

Still less pretensions than the Italian potentates 
have the other sovereigns of Europe, to partici- 
pate in or to diminish the glory of Leo X. The 
cold and crafty policy of Ferdinand of Spain, and 
the vanity, imbecility, and bigotry, of the em- 
peror elect, Maximilian, were ill adapted to the 
promotion, or the toleration, of liberal studies ;(a) 

(a) Mr. Archdeacon Coxe, after noticing the present work, in 
a manner which demands my sincere acknowledgments, has re- 
marked, that I, like Rohertson and Hume, " have treated the cha- 
racter of Maximilian I. with mimerited contempt ; and that be- 
ing misled by their authorities, by the prejudices of the Italian 
historians, and by the fluctuation of his conduct in the Italian 
states, I have depicted him without a single virtue or good qua- 
lity." Hist, of the House of Austria^ vol. i. p. 443. On this I 


CHAP, and their youthful successor, Charles V. and his 
^^^* rival, Francis I., were too much engaged in hosti- 
lities against each other, to allow them at this 
time to afford that encouragement to letters and 
to arts, which they manifested at a subsequent 
period. The most munificent, as well as the most 
learned monarch of his time, was Henry VIII. 
under whose auspices England vigorously com- 
menced her career of improvement ; but the un- 
accountable versatility, and unrelenting cruelty of 

may be allowed to pbserre, that the only instances in which I 
have had occasion to advert to the character of this sovereign, 
htve been in connexion with the afiPairs of Italy, in which Mr. 
Coxe himself candidly admits that his conduct was fluctuating ; 
and if, in this opinion I am also supported by Hume and Robert- 
son, I cannot be supposed to have deviated far from the trutL 
On this head the German edition of the present work exhibits a 
much longer critique by Mr. Henke, who is of opinion, (Germ, 
td. vol. iii. p. 500), that before we can positively decide on the 
relative merits of Leo X. and the other sovereigns of the time, as 
promoters of science and literature, a further investigation would 
be necessary. In bringing forwards the exertions of Maximilian 
I. in this respect, as described by Frommarmiy {Comment, dc Maxim. 
L in Rem Lkerariam meritUf p. 632) Mr. Henke has not, how- 
ever, thought proper to place them in any degree of competition 
with those of Leo X. On the contrary, he has, at considerable 
length stated the reasons why Leo X. was enabled to render greater 
services to the cause of literature than it was in the power of 
Maximilian to do ; thereby admitting all that I have ventured to 
contend for. I would willingly, with Mr. Henke, *<* give every 
merit its crown," but I cannot, for that reason, assent to the opi- 
nion of Dmina, that the glory of having revived and promoted the 
studies of polite literature is to be attributed rather to the prede- 
cessors of Leo X. than to himself; nor to that of the Abate Andres, 
that the greater part of the Italian princes of this period might, 
with equal right, aspire to the same honour ; and that, therefore, 
there is no particular reason for conferring on Leo the superiority 
over the rest, or for characterizing these thnes as The Age of 
Leo X * 


his disposition, counteracted in a great degree the chap. 
effects of his liberality ; and it was not until the ^^' 
more tranquil days of his daughter Elizabeth^ that 
these kingdoms rose to that equality with the 
other states of Europe in the cultivation of sci- 
ence and of literature, which they have ever since 

That an astonishing proficiency in the improve- concimion. 
ment of the human intellect was made during the 
pontificate of Leo X., is universally allowed. That 
such proficiency is principally to be attributed to 
the exertions of that pontiff, will now perhaps be 
thought equally indisputable. Of the predomi- 
nating influence of a powerful, an accomplished, 
or a fortunate individual on the character and 
manners of the age, the history of mankind fur- 
nishes innumerable instances ; and happy is it for 
the world, when the pursuits of such individuals, 
instead of being devoted, through blind ambition, 
to the subjugation or destruction of the human 
race, are directed towards those beneficent and ge- 
nerous ends, which, amidst all his avocations, Leo 
THE Tenth appears to have kept continually in 




2 c 


r : — n 


(Page 5.) 

Lutheri op. t^m, i. p. 102. 

Epistoke DtuE Academice Wittembergemis. 

Magmjico et Generoso Viro, Dn. Carolo de MiUiiZy ok^*- 
ctU^urio 40creiQy et Nuncio ApoHoUmy PfUrom no^trore- 
werenier ceiendo* 

NoN sine grayi ammomm nostrorum dolore intelleximus^ 
magnifice et generose Vir, Reverendum Patrem Martinum 
Lutbemm Augustimanum^ Bacrae Thedogiae et bonarum 
Artiiim MagTstrum, Academise nostrae membrum praestan- 
tisiSmuin^ in tantam sanctae Settis Apostolicae adductum in- 
vidianiy ut citatus Romam^ multiplici sua oblatione fidei, 
pe talSs et officii, Chiistiano homine digna, impetrare non 
potn e rit liactenas, ut causa in Germania commissa Judici- 
bus non -suspectis, et locis tutls judicetur. 

Btnmis eium ita, cum erga totamC!hristianam rdigionem, 
turn erga sanctam Sfdem A^ostQUcam et sanctam Roma- 
nam Ecclesiam affectij ut si eertum esset nobis, Doctorem 
Martinum lapsum, In tarn ftedos et impios errores, primi 
omnium eum non solum permitteremus Legibus, sed etiam 
exigeremus ejiceremusque ; tantum abest, ut favere veli- 
mus, a via veritatis evangelicae erranti. 

Verum experti multis ab bine annis hominis eruditionem 
tam multijugam, quam pene singularem, moribus integerri- 
mis et defecatissimis conjunctam, eamque multis regionibus 

2c 2 


Christianse fidei, nedum nobis cognitam, nostri muneris pu- 
tamusy rogare pro pio Patre, tam prsclare de nobis merito. 
Nisi enim talis esset, neque Christianissimo et iUustrissimo 
Principi nostro, Domino Friderico, Duci Saxoniae, S. Ro- 
mani Imperii Electori et ArchimarschaUo, Academiae nos- 
tras conditori, Patrono et patri pientissimo^ neque nobis in 
diem hodiemum fiQsset tolerabilis. 

Quapropter magnificentiam tuam etiam atque etiam ve- 
hementer rogamus, ut hominem pientissimum simul et eni- 
ditissimum, erga sanctissimum Dominum nostrum, D. Leo- 
nem X. Pontificem maximum, ita habeat commendatum, ut 
impetrare possit, quod sese obtulit factujnim pro defensione 
sua. Nam cum te gratiosum sciamus apud pontificem sum- 
mum, non dubitamus, te adjutore, te patrcHio, eo fitcilius 
consequuturum quod petimus, quo mitioris est ingenii Pon- 
tifex Maximus, optimis et Uteris et Praeceptoribus a puero 

Da igitur, quaesumus, hoc patriae tusd, ut Germanus Grer- 
mano non desis, praesertim eo calamitatis genere laboranti, 
ut nobis persuadeamus, multo feliciorem futunmij si Ponti- 
fex Maxim, integritatem, pietatem, eruditionem yiri certe 
cognovisset Scimus enim omnia facturum, quas Christiano 
Theologo conveniimt, et nihil minus commissurum, quam 
ut in scirpo nodum quaesivisse insimulari possit ab aequo 

Quod si magnificentia tua nobis gratificabitur,. hahebit 
nos semper non minus sibi devotissimos, quam perpetuos 
tuarum laudum praecones. Valeat magnificentia tua feHcis- 
sime. Datum Wittembergae, xxv Septemb. Anno M.D.xyin. 

Rector, Magistri, et Doctores Academus 




(Page 5.) 
Lutheri op. torn* i. pp. 18S^ 183. 

Leo Papa X. dilectoJiUo Degenhardo Pfeffinger^ dtleciis' 
Ami^lii, nobilispiri Friderici Ducts Saxonue^ Consiliario. . 

DilecteJiU, salutem et ApostoUcam benedictionem. 

QuANTO affectu paternoque amore, sacratissimam auream 
Rosam, quotannis a Romanis Pontificibus quarta Dominica 
sacratissimae Quadragesimae consecrari magno mysterio, et 
alicui ex primoribus Christianorum Regi vel Principi dicari 
et mitti solitam^ hoc anno dilecto filio, nobili viro^ Friderico 
Duci Saxonise, utpote suorum clarissimorum progenitomm, 
more, de nobis et sancta Apostolica Sede bene merito, ut- 
que posthac magis mereri possit, dicaverimus, ex dilecto 
filio Carolo Miltitz^ Nuncio, cubiculario secreto, ac familiari 
nostro, et quaedam quae nos Sedisque praedictae dignitatem 
authoritatemque respiciunt, Devotio tua plenius intelliget. 
Scientes insuper, et merito quidem, quanta sit Devotionis 
tuae apud eundem Ducem gra;tia, quantive ille, salubre et 
pnidens consilium tuum, faciat, Devotionem ipsam tuam 
hoTtamur in domino, ac pateme requirimus, ut pro sua de- 
bita erga nos, eandemque Sedem devotione et observantia, 
recte considerans, quanto decore, quove muhere eundem 
Ducem dignum duxerimus, considerans etiam quam detes- 
abilis sit unius Satanae filii Fratris Martini Lutheri nimia 
temeritas, quae etiam et notissimam haeresin sapit, et tanti 
Ducis clarum nomen, claram etiam suorum Progenitorum 
famam denigrare potest, eodem Carolo Nuncio nostro audi- 
(o, ea eidem Du6i suq sano concilio persuadere velit, per 
quae nostrae et dictae Sedis dignitati, et ejusdem Ducis de- 
cor! recte consulatur, et dicti Martini temeritas comprima- 
tur, et error, heu nimium gravis, qui in populo plerunque 
nimium credulo ita seminatur, te uno potissimum rem ju- 
vante, teque bono consultore, tollatur. 


In quo Devotio eadem tua, Deo Salvatori nostro, cujus 
causa agitur, rem acceptam, et nobis, qui nihil magis, quam 
zizaniam loliumque hujusmodi ex agro Domini extirpare 
posse studemus, gratissimam faciet, pro qua in suis efiam 
piis votis et desideriis Devotio eadem tua nos Sedemque 
prsedictam magis sibi pvopitios inv^iiet atque benignos, 
prout ex eodem Carolo a nobis plene instructo eadem De- 
votio plenius intelliget Datum civitatb veleiis YiterbieD. 
Diocoesis, sub annulo Piscatoris, KLalend. Januar. Anno 
M.D.xix. Pbntificatus nostri antio vn. ErangeHsta sub- 

Lea Papa X. Dilecto Filio Georgia Spalatino^ dilecii 

FiUi nobilis. 

Viri Dn. Friderici Dudi Seeretarid* 

TttttR S. Laurentii in Damaso Presbyter Card, de Me(S. 
S* R. E. Magnifico Domino Georgio SpakUino, lUui' 
trissimi Saxonice Duds Secretario, Amico nostra pros- 

Maonificb DoifiNE, amice noster prsee^ue. CumYene- 
labitis Dominus Carekis de Mildt^ suaefissimi Dtmmi 
Bostri Cubieularius secretus, pro nonnuUis ejus negoeiid, ad 
Ulustrissimum Principem, Saxoniae Ducemj se conferat^ de- 
siderantes sibi, quo possumus &vore et auadlio adesse, vi- 
sum est nobis Magnificentiam vestran^ quse plurimum ^Hid 
ejus Excellentiam autoritate et gratia videt, emxe horim ml 
non solum ejusdem Caroli rebus fistverci sed eidem in non- 
nullis^ honorem et dignitatem siEuictissimi Domini nostri^ et 
sanctae Romanse Eccksise concementibu^ quie coram mC' 
lius explicabit, fidem adhibere, et res ecclei^ticas prsefiito 
Principi c(nnmendare velit, per iUius Excelloitiamy pnede^ 
cessorum suorum more fovendas et tuendas. In quo Mag- 
nificentia vestra sanctissimo Domino nostro et noUs pluri- 
mum satisfiunet, eui nos o£ferimu&. Qii» bene vakal^ ex 




Luiheri €p4 torn, i.ppy 188, 184 

Beaiissimo Patri Leoni X. Pontifici Maximo^ F^ Martinus 
Lutherus Augustinianus, salutem cetemam. 

BfiAf ls9iBffl! Pat^r^ cogitote reram Ae<ces9itas^ ui ega fitet ho- 
tAdaiWL eft fmlvis t^ri^, ad beatittidni^m tixoxAy toiit^imque 
Sfej^edt^m It^qua/. Quare paterhas ac vere Chrkti vkA^ 

daife dignetut B^atkudo tud^ et baktum meum huilc ofbcb- 

Fui€ apud tk)s konestcis bic Yir Camlus MiMticts^ S^atv- 
td^fij^s tud? Sec^etarius Cubieukf in^ grarissime^ causattts, 
nomine Beatitudinis tua& apud Illustrissimum Plfkldp^m 
Fiiderieuin^ de intea in RomMvm Ecclesmm et Beatitadi- 
^in f aatin, ^ irr^vet^titia et tefis^ritatciy expostutans mfA%^ 
ftefioneai. Ego> ista audiens, plurimiu»f dolui, officiosissi^- 
^tim offidum liieubi tam infeUx esse^ iH qtrod piro taendo 
boi^ore Eccleisiffi Romans^ mitceperam^ in irrevet^eiMSam> 
etiam apud ipstun vertioem e^dem Eeclen^a^^ t4 ]^enaili 
omnis mali suspicionem^ renerit 

Sed quid agatn, Beatissdme Pater I Desunt ntihi condilid 
Jtforsna. Potestatem irae tuse fenfe non poMum, et quo 
modo eripiap^ ignoro. Revocationem expostolor Disputa- 
tionis, qua3 si id posset ^^stare^ quod per €^m qua^itur^ 
sine mora ego pr^starem eam. Nunc autem, cum resisten^ 
tibus et pTementibtts adver^ariis^ seripta mea latins ragentur 
quam unquam spefarerantj sknul proftindius h^sefint pluri-^ 
morom animis, quam ut revocari poseint ; quin cum Gerraa- 
nia nostra hodie mire floreat ingeniis> eruditione^ judicio^ si 
Romanam Ecclesiam volo honorare, id mihi quam maxime 
curandum video, ne quid ullo modo revocem ; nam istud re- 
Yocare nihil fieret, nisi Ecclesiam Romanam magis ac magis 
foedare^ et in ora omnium hominum accusandam tradere. 




nil, ill], heu ! Beatissime Pater, banc Ecclesiae Romanae 
intulerunt injuriam, et pene infamiam apud nos in Germa- 
nia, quibus ego restiti, id est, qui insulsissimis suis sermoni- 
bus, sub nomine Beatitudinis tus non nisi teterrimam ava- 
ritiam coluerunt, et opprobrio iEgypti contaminatam et 
abominandam reddiderunt sanctificationem. Et quasi id 
non satisfieret malorum, me, qui tantis eorum monstris oc- 
curri, authorem suae temeritatis apud Beatitudinem tuam in- 

Nunc Beatissime Pater, coram Deo et tota creatura sua 
testor, me neque voluisse, neque bodie velle, Ecclesiae Ro- 
manse ac Beatitudinis tuae potestatem ullo modo tangere, 
aut quacunque versutia demoliri. Quin plenissime confi- 
teor hujus Ecclesiae potestatem esse super omnia, nee e 
praeferendum quidquam sive in coelo, sive in terra, praeter 
unum Jesum Christum Dominum omnium. Nee Beatitudo 
tua ullis malis dolis credat, qui aliter de Luthero hoc ma- 

Et quod unum in ista causa facere possum, promittam 
libentissime Beat, tuae istam de Indulgentiis materiasi me 
deinceps relicturum, penitusque taciturum (modo et adver- 
sarii mei suas vanas ampuUas contineant) editurum denique 
in vulgus, quo intelligant et moveantur, ut Romanam Ec- 
clesiam pure colant, et non illorum temeritatem huic impu- 
tent, neque meam asperitatem imitentur adversus Roma- 
nam Ecclesiam, qua ego usus sum, imo abusus et excessit 
adversus balatrones istos, si qua tandem gratia Dei, vel eo 
studio rursum sopiri queat excitata discordia. Nam imi- 
cum a me quaesitum est, ne avaritiae alienae foeditate pollue- 
retur Ecclesia Romana, mater nostra, neve populi seduce- 
rentur in errorem, et charitatem discerent posthabere In- 
dulgentiis. CsBtera omnia, ut sunt neutralia, a me vilius 
asstunantur. Si autem et plura facere potero aut cogno* 
vero, sine dubio paratissimus ero. 

Christus servet Beatitudinem tuam in aetemum. 
Ex Aldenburgo III. Martii, Anno m.d.xix. 





(Page 11.) 
Lutheti op. torn, i.p, 385. 

Leoni X. Romano Pontifici Martinus Lutherus, salutem in 
Christo Jesu Domino nostro. Amen. 

Intbr monstra hujus ssculi^ cum quibus mihi jam in ter- 
tium amium res et bellum est^ cogor aliquando et ad te sus- 
picere^ tuique recordari, Leo Pater beatissime ; immo cum 
tu solus mihi belli causa passim habearis, non possum un- 
quam tui non meminisse. Et quamquam impiis adulatori- 
bus tuis in me sine causa saevientibus, coactus fiierim a Sede 
tua ad futurum provocare concilium/ nihil veritus Pii et 
Julii tuorum prsedecessorum vanissimas constitutiones^id 
ipsum stulta tjrrannide prohibentium^ non tamen unquam in- 
terim animum meum a tua Beatitudine sic alienavi, ut non 
totis viribus optima quaeque tibi Sedique tuse optarim^ ea- 
demque sedulis, atque quantum in me fuit^ gemebundis pre- 
cibus apud Deum, quaraierim ; atqui eos, qui me autoritatis 
et nominis tui majestate hactenus terrere conati sunt, pene 
contemnere ac trimnphare coepi. Unum superesse video, 
quod contemnere non possum, quae causa fuit, ut denuo 
scriberem ad tuam Beatitudinem. Haec est, quod accusari 
me et magno verti mihi vitio intelligo meam temeritatem, 
qua nee tuae personam pepercisse judicor. 

Ego vero, ut rem aperte confitear, conscius mifai sum, 
ubicunque tuae personam meminisse oportuit, non nisi mag- 
nifica et optima de te dixisse. Si vero a me secus factum 
esset, ipsemet nullis modis probare possem, et illorum de me 
judicium omni calculo juvarem, nihilque libentius, quam pa- 
linodiam hujus temeritatis et impietatis meae canerem. Ap- 
pellavi te Danielem in Babylone ; et innocentiam. tuam in-f 
signem adversus contaminatorem tuum Silvestrum, quam 
egregio studio tutatus sim, quivis lector intelligit abunde. 
Scilicet, celdbriatior et augustior'est in omni terrarum orbe^ 


tot tantonim virorum Uteris cantata opinio et vitas tuas in- 
culpata fama, quam ut a quovis vel maximi nominis possit 
quavis arte impeti. KoH sum tarn stultus, ut eum incessam, 
quern nullus non laudat ; quin et mei studii fuit eritque sem- 
per, nee eos incessere, quos publica fama foedat Nullius 
enim delector crimitie^ qui et ipse wSibi satis conscius sum 
njagnae trabis meae in oculo meo^ nee primus esse queaip, 
qui in adulteram lapidem mittat. 

Communiter quidem u\ impias doctrinas invectus sum 
acriter, et adversariody non ob malos mores, sed ob impieta- 
teM, MOn segniter moraordk Cujos me adeo non poeaile^ 
ul awMMniin indiixeriniy eoniempto homimmi judicioj in ea 
vekeawntift zeU perMr?enire> Christi exemplo, ^i gedimina 
viperanm, cceeosy bypoeritasi Alios diaMi 8uo» adyersarios 
pro zela suo sufp^Uat. Et Paukui ISlium diabol^ fienmk 
mnni dole et malilaa Magum crirauMitiur, canesi subdolos^ 
cavipoMUtores qirasdam tfadmcit Ubi^ di des moUteulos is- 
tos audiioresy nUifl erit Paulo iftiordaeius et imlnodeslios^ 
Quid merdacifeis Proi^bttis? Nostri sane sa^tdi aiires iU 
delicatas reddidit adulalorttin vesana multitudo, ut q^am 
primnm nostra non sentiattius pvobar^ mord^ no9 chamft- 
mus; et eum veritatem alio titulo' repdlere nequeanMs, 
mordacitatis; inpatientiae, immodestiae pra^xtu fiigimus. 
Q«id proderit sal, st non mordeat? Quid os gladiiy si non 
caedat? Maledictus vir^ qui fa»t opuft Domini fraudulenler. 

Quare optime Leo^ his me Kleris rogo expurgatom ad* 
mittas, tibii|ue persuadeas, me nihil vnquam de persona tua 
maU cogitasse. Deinde me takm esse^ qiu tibi optima ve* 
lim contiagere in atemu% neque mSii cum ullo bondne de 
moribus, sed de solo rerbo vmtaitis esse contentionem* In 
omnibus aliis oedsm cnivis. Yerbum desereve et negare nee 
possttm neo voie^ Qui aliud de me sentit, avt aliter mea 
haunt, non reete sentit^ nee vera hausit. 

Sedem a«item tuarn, quae Curia Romana didCur, quam 
neque tu, neqne ullns homintmi potest negare^ cormptio- 
rem esse quavis Babylone et Sodoroa, et quantum ego ca- 
pb, pf orai|s deploratae, desperatas atque eondamataB impie- 
talis, sane detestatus sum, indigneque tuh sub tuo noanne et 

pr»t($jttu RcManee Ecehsim, ludi GhiisA popidum; atque 
itarestili, resisCamque duin spiritasf fidei m me tixerit. Nmi 
quod ad impodsibilia nitari et ^ercfin mea solius opiera^ tot 
Tt!fmgnsLn6hns tank adnktottitn^ i^idquaui promotcii in 
iatar Babytone ccHiftiskBinia. S^ quod Aebitotettk me &g^ 
ndieam Fratram meenan, qmbm cotisuli a me oport^t, or 
▼d panebned/ vel mititis a Romanis peslibtis perdantur. 
Neque enim atiud e Roma jam e multfe annis in orbem iny 
luidat (qtR>d non ignoras ipse) quam vastitaifr rerum^ corpo- 
nrni^ anittianmi^ et omnium f&BSitmfvm feinffl pessima ex-^ 
empla ; luee enira base 6nifiibu& ebtioipa smit, et facsta est e 
Bcnnafiisi Ec^lesia, qviofidam omnium sanctissma^ spekmea 
ktronum licentiosissima^ lupanar omninm impndeYitiSfiiHMH^ 
f egnum peeeati^ movtis et infemi; ut admalitiam quod ae^ 
cedat, jam cogitare non possit ne Anticbi^ktus quidem si 

Interim t« heo, stent agttns in medio lupevum sedes> si* 
cf^BiBMiel in medio Leonum^t cum Eosechiele mfeif Seot-^ 
fiones babiCas. Quid bis monstri^ unus opponas? Adde 
tibt emditissimos et ofi^imos Cardinales tres ant quatuor. 
Quid bi mier lantos? Ante veneno omnibus pereundmn 
vtobiff, quam de remedio statuei*e prae^umef etis. Actum est 
de Ronuna Curia ; perrenit in «am ira Dei usque in finem. 
Concilia odk, refbn»Mri metuit, furorem impietatis suee miti- 
gare neqist^^ el knplet matris suae elogiura, de qua dicitur : 
Curavimus Babylonem, et non est sanata, derelinquannis 
earn. Officii quidem ttd Cardinatiumque tuiorum fiierat, bis 
maiis mederi; sed lidet medicam ista podagra manum, et 
neecuvrns aikKt babenas. Hac affectione tactus dolui sem- 
per, (^time Leo, las seculi? te Poittificem ikctam, qui meli- 
oribu» d^iras eras. Non enim Romana Curia meretur te 
tuiqtw similes, sed Satanam ipsum, qui et rere phis quamftu 
in Bal^I^ie kta regnat. 

O utinam deposita ista, quam tibi gloriam esse jactant 
bostes tui perffitiseimi, p^ivato potius sacerdotiolo, aut bm- 
reditate patema rictitares I Hao glorm gloriari non sunt 
digni, nisi Scbariotidles, ftlii perditionis. Quid enim has 
in Curia, mi Leo, nisi quo quisque est sceleratior et exeera- 
tier, eo ieHcius utatur tua nenne et autoritate, iad perden- 


das hominum pecunias et animas, ad multiplicanda scelera, 
ad opprimendam fidem et veritateili} cum tota Ecclesia Dei* 
O revera infelicissime Leo, et periculosissimo sedens solio!. 
Veritatem enim tibi dico, quia bona tibi volo. Si aiim 
Bernhardus suo Eugenio compatitury cum adhuc meliore. 
spe Romana sedes, licet tum quoque corruptissima impera- 
ret, quid nos non queramur, quibus in trecentis annis tan- 
tum accessit corruptioms et perditionis ? 

Npnne verum est, sub vasto isto coelo nitiil esse Romana 
Curia corruptius, pestilentius^ odiosius? Incomparabiliter 
enim Turcarum vincit impietatem. Ut revera quse olim erat 
janua coeli, nunc sit patens quoddam os inferni, et tale os, 
quod^ urgente ira Dei obstrui non. potest, uno tantum re- 
licto miseris consilio, si queamus aliquot a Romano (ut dixi) 
isto hiatu revocare et sefvare. 

Ecce mi Leo Pater, quo consilio, qua ratione in sedem 
istam pestilentiss debacchatus sim. Tantum enim abest, ut 
in tuam personam saevirem, ut sperarem. etiam gratiam im- 
turum me, et pro tua salute staturum, si carcerem istum 
tuum, immo infemum tuum strenue et acriter pulsarem. 
Tibi enim tuaeque saluti profuerit, et tecum multis aliis, 
quidquid in impias hujus Curiae confusionem moliri potest 
omnium ingeniorum impetus. Tuum officium faciunt, qui 
huic male faciunt. Christum glorificant, qui eam omnibus 
modis execrantur. Breviter, Christiani sunt, qui Romani 
non sunt. 

Sed ut amplius loquar, nee hoc ipsum unquam super. cor 
meum ascendit, ut in Romanam Curiam, inveherer, aut 
quidquam de ea disputarem. Videns enim desperata omr 
nia saluiis.remedia, contempsi, et dato repudii libello, dixi 
ad eam, ''qui sordet, sordescat adhuc,. et qui immundus.est, 
immundus sit adhuc," tradens me placidis et quietis sacra- 
rum literarum studiis, quibus prodessem Fratribus eircum. 
me agentibus. 

Hie cum nonnihil proficerem, aperuit oculos suos Satan 
et servum suum Johannem Eccium, insignem Christi adver- 
sarium, extimulavit . indomita glpriae libidine, ut me trahe- 
ret in arenam insperatam, captans me in uno verbul.o, de 
primatu Romanae Ecclesiae, mdhi obiter elapso. Hie Thra-. 


SO iUe gloriosus, spumans et frendens jactabat, pro gloria 
Dei, pro honore sanctse sedis Apostolicse, omnia se ausu- 
ruin, et de tua inflatus abutenda sibi potestate, nihil certius 
expectabat quam victoriam ; lion tarn primatum Petri, quam 
suum principatum inter Tbeologos hujus sseculi, quaerens; 
ad quern non parvum momentum habere ducebat, si Luthe- 
rum duceret in triumpho. Quod ubi Sophistae infelidter 
cessit, incredibilis furia hominem exagitat. Sentit eium 
sua culpa solius factum esse, quidquid Romanes infiuniae 
per me natum est. 

Atque sine me, quseso, optime Leo, hie et meam aliquan- 
do causam agere, verosque tuos hostes accusare. Notum 
esse arbitror tibi, quid mecum egerit Cardinalis S. Six'ti Le- 
gatus tuus imprudens et infeUx, imo infidelis. In cujus 
manu ob tui nominis reverentiam, cum me et omnia mea 
posuissem, non hoc egit, ut pacem statueret, quam uno 
verbulo potuisset facile statuere, cum ego tum promitterem 
silentium et finem causae meae facturum, si adversariis idem 
mandaretur. At homo glorias non contentus eo pacto, coe- 
pit adversarios justificare, licentiam aperire, et mihi palino- 
diam mandare, id qiiod in mandatis prorsiis non habuit.' 
Hie sane, ubi causa in optimo loco erat, iUius importuna 
tyrannide venit in multo pejorem; unde quidquid post haec 
secutum est, non Lutheri> sed Cajetani tota culpa est, qui 
ut silerem et quiescerem non est passus, quod tum summis 
viribus poscebam. Quid enim facere ampUus debiii ? 
. Secutus est Carolus MHtitius, et ipse Beatitudinis tuas 
nuntius, qui multo et vario negotio cursans et recursans^ ni- 
hilque omittens, quod ad reparandum causae statum, quem 
Cajetanus temere et superbe turbaverat, pertineret,* vix tan- 
dem etiam auxilio illustrissimiPrincipis Friderici Electoris 
effecit, ut semel et iterum familiariter mecum loqueretur. 
Ubi denuo tuo nomini cessi, paratus silere, acceptans etiam 
judicem vel Archiepiscopum Treverensem, vel Episcopum 
Nuremburgensem. Atque ita factum et impetratum. Dum 
haec spe bona aguntur, ecce alter et major hostis tuus, kruit 
Eccius cum Disputatione Lipsica, quam instituerat contra 
D. Carolostadium, et nova accepta de primatu Papae qiiaes- 
tione, in me vertit insperata arma, et penitus hoc consilium 

308 APMVDix, n(ucLXXTa. 

pads difliipfil. Expectat interim Caio^ MiMtiiui. Die- 
polBtur. /udices eligmtur, nee hie aliqnid dececmtor. 
Nee ttiirum; quando flecii mendaeiis^ mmakitieiiibus^ teeh- 
vis mnm ubique erant titrbatissiMa, eKuleerstisBima, canfii- 
siiskiiA, ut i|noeiinque inelinasset seatenda, majus esfiet ex- 
erituriini ineeodium ; gknriam eniM, hob <reittatem quaei^foat. 
Nihil etiam hie omisi, quod a me fieri oporteret. 

l£t finteor hac occasione non parum^enisse ad lueem Re- 
SMMorum OMrruptelaTUHiy 9pd m qua, si quid peceatum e^t, 
Eccii culpa est, qui onus supra vires susdpiens, dum glor 
rian soaM furiose eapta^ ignoninian Romanam in totum 
orben revehL 

Hie est Sle hostis tuus, mi Leo, seu potius Curias tuse. 
Hiyus unius eicemplo disoere posaumus, nqn esse hostem 
adulatore nocei^rem* Quid eoim sua adulatione ppomo- 
yrit, nisi malum, quod nullus Regum promorere potuisset? 
Fcetet enim hodie nomen Romanae Curiae in orbe^ et lan- 
gaet papatis autoritas, £unosa inscitia male audit ; quonmi 
nalhua andircnms^ si Eocius CaroU et meum de pace consi- 
Uom mn turhnsset, id quod non obscure et ipse sentit, nero 
et frnstca indignatas in Libeliorum meorum edidonem. 
Hoe debebat turn oogitare, cmn tatus in gloriam, sicut hin- 
Biens emissarins, iasaniret, neque alia quam sua in te, tuo 
(amen maximo periculo qusereret. Sperabat homo vanissi- 
raos me fbrmidine nonunis tm ceseurum et tacitunun (nam 
de ingenio et eroditione non eredo, quod prsBsumpserit). 
Nunc eum nimia me confidere et sonare videat, sera poeni- 
tentia temexitatis suae, intelligU esse in coeloy qui superbis 
neais^t, et praesumentes humiliet, si tamen inteUigit. 

Nibil itaqne hac disputatione promoventibus nobis nisi 
mtqoran oonfiistonem Romans caussBi jam tertio Carets 
Miliitius Patrea ordinis Caf^ulo oongregatos adit, consilium 
petiit componendse cansaev quae jam distutbatissima et peri- 
cubfifisima esset. Mittttntur hine ad me, cum viribus in 
me (Deo propitto) non sit spes grassandi, aliquot celebri- 
ores €^ illis, qui petunt, ut akam T. B. personam honorem, 
et Hteris humilitatis excusem itinocentiam et tuam et meam; 
esse adhnc rem non in extreme desperaticmis loco, si Leo 
X. pro sua innata bonitate manum admoveret. Hie ego, 

APPENDIX, vo. ctxxxiu 999 

<]pii semper paoem et o1>luli et optaTi, Ht pladdicnribus et 
utilioribus studiifi msemiem, eum et in hoc ipsiun tafdo spi- 
ritu sun tiimultuattts, ut eo8» quos nSii longissiwie anpares 
68ie Tidebami magnitudine et impetu, tam verborimi qaam 
annau conpesceremi non modo libens cessif sed et earn gau* 
dio et gratitudine acceptavit ut graTissminm beneficiun, si 
dignuni fiterit spei nostrse satisfacere. 

Ita venio> Beatissime Pater, et adbnc prostratus logo, si 
fieri potest, BMOum apponas, et adulatoribus istis, pads 
hostibus, dum pacem simulant, firenum injicias. Porvo pa< 
linodiam i\t canam, BeatiMime Pater, non est quod ulus 
pw^mat, ni/si malit adbuc msgore turbine causam invoU 
yere* Deinde leges interpretandi verbi Dei non pador, cum 
oporteat yerbum Dei esse non aUigatum, quod libertatem 
doeet omnium aliorum^ His duobus salvia, nihil est, quod 
wm &cere et pati possim, ac libentiaaime veUm ; contoitio*- 
nes odi^ peminei^ provoiQabo, sed provocari rursus nolo ; 
pravoqatus aut^m, Cbristo magistro, elingnis non ero. Po'* 
terit ernm tua Beatitude brevi et facili yerbo oontei^onibus 
i^ ad s^ y<>cati9 et ei^tinptis sUeotitun et paeem utrkique 
vomMv^, id quod s^nper audu*e desideravi. 

Froinde, mi Pater Leo, cave Syrena^ istos aiudias, qui te 
non (Nmim bominem, sed mi^tum Deum &ciunty ut quasvis 
mandltre et esdgere possist Non fiet ita, nee pr»valebis. 
Sh^tvus aervorumes, et pra^ omnibus honunibus miser rimo 
et perieiflo^simo loeo<i Non te fallant, qui te Dorainum 
miindi &igunt, iiui sine tua autboritate nullum Cbristianum 
esse pimmt, qui te in ccelum, infiBmum, pnrgatorittm posse 
aliqnid gamunt* Hostes hi tui simt et aaimam tuam ad 
pudendum, qu^runt, siout Esaias dicit : Popule meu9, qui 
te beatum prs^dicant, ipai te decipiunt." Errant, qui te $u* 
pra Concilium et univi^rsalem Ecclesiam evebant. Errant, 
qi|i tibi soli Scriptures interpretandee jus tribuunt; suas 
enun hi omnes impietates sub tuo nomine statiiere in Eccle- 
aia qnQ^runt, et proh doknr, multum per eos Satan profecit 
in tiiia prsedecessoribus* 

Summa, nullis crede, quiteisxaltant, sed qui te humiliant. 
Hoc emito est jndiiiium Dei: Depotuit potentes de sede, ex- 


altavit humiles. Vide quam dispar sit Christus suis Sucoes- 
soribus, cum tamen omnes velint ejus esse Vicarii, et metuOi 
ne revera plurimi eorum sint, et nimium serio Yicarii ejus 
Yicarius enim absentis principis est. Quod si Pontifex, ab- 
sente Christo et non inhabitante in corde ejus> prassit, quid 
aliud quam Yicarius Christi est? At quid tum ilia Ecclesia 
nisi multitudo sine Christo est? Quid vero talis Yicarius 
nisi Aniicbristus et idolum est? Quanto rectius Apostoli, 
qui se servos Christi appellant praesentis, non Yicarios ab- 

Impudens forte sum, tantum verticem visus docere, a quo 
doceri omnes oportet, et sicut jactant pestilentiae tuae, a quo 
judicantium Throni accipiunt sententiam. Sed semulor S. 
Bemardum in libello de Consid. ad Eugenium, omni Ponti- 
fici memoriter noscendo. Neque enim docendi studio, sed 
pune fidelisque sollicitudinis officio hoc facio, quae cogit nos 
etiam omnia tuta vereri proximis nostris, nee patitur rado- 
nem dignitads aut indignitatis haberi, solis periculis et com- 
modis alienis intenta. Cum enim sciam, tuam Beadtudinem 
versari et fluctuari Romae, id est, medio mari infinids peri- 
culis undique urgente, et ea te miseriae condidone laboran- 
tem, ut edam cujusque minimi fratris minima ope indigeas, 
non videor mihi absurdus, si interim majestatis tuae oblivis- 
car, dum officium charitads implevero. Nolo adulari in re 
tam seria et periculosa, in qua si amicus esse et plus quam 
subjectissimus tibi non inteUigar est qui intelligat, et judicet 

In fine ne vacuus advenerim, Beadssime Pater, mecum 
affero Tractatulum hunc sub tuo nomine editum, velut aus- 
picio pacis componendae, et bonae spei ; in quo gustare pos- 
sb, quibusiiam studiis ego malim et possim fructuosius oc- 
cupari, si per impios adidatores tuos liceret, et hactenus 
licuisset. Parva res est, si corpus spectes, sed summa, ni 
fallor, vijae Chrisdanae compendio congesta, si sentendam 
captes. •) Neque habeo pauper aliud, quo gradficer, nee tu 
alio eges, quam spirituali dono augerL Quo et meipsum 
Patemitad et Beadtudini tuae commendo, quam Dominus 
Jesus servet in perpetuum, Amen. 

WittembergcB^ m.d.xx. &Aprilis. 



(Page 22.) 
Lutheri op. torn* i. p. 423. 

BuUa Leonis X. contra Errores Martini Lutheri et Se- 


Leo Episcopus, Seryus Seryorum Dei. Ad perpetaam rei 
memoriam. Exurge Domine, et judica causam tuam, me- 
ntor esto improperiorum tuorum, eorum quae ab insipienti- 
biiis fiunt tota die. Inclina aurem tuam ad preces nostras, 
quoniam surrexerunt vulpes qusrentes demoliri vineanij cu- 
jus tu torctdar calcasti solus, et ascaisurus ad Patrem, ejus 
ciiram, regimen et administrationem Petro tanquam Capiti, 
et tuo Vibario, ejusque successoribus, instar triumphantis 
Ectslesiae commisisti ; extierminare nititui: earn aper de silva, 
et singularis ferus depascitur earn. 

Exurge Petre, et pro pastorali cura praefata (ut prsefer- 
tur) tibi divinitus demandata, intende in causam sanctas 
Romanae Ecclesiae matris omnium Ecclesiarum, ac fidei 
Magistral, quam tu, jubente Deo, tuo sanguine consecrasti. 
Contra quam, sicut tu prsmonere dignatus es, insurgunt 
Magistri mendaces, introducentes sectas perditionis sibi ce- 
lerem interitum superducentes, quorum lingua ignis est, in- 
quietum malum, plena veneno mortifero, qui zelum amarum 
habentes, et contentiones in cordibus suis, gloriantur, et 
mendaces sunt adversus veritatem. 

Exurge tu quoque, quaesumus Paule, qui eam tua doc- 
trina, ac pari martyrio illumin|isti atque illustrasti. Jam 
enim' surgit novus Porphyrins, qui sicut ille olim sanctos 
Apostolos iiijuste momordit, ita hie sancftos P^ntifices Prae- 
decessores' nostros, contra tuam doctrinam eos non obse- 
crando, sed increpando mordere, lacerare, ac ubi causae suae 
diffidit, ad convicia accedere non veretur, more haeretico- 
rum, quorum (ut inquit Hieronymus) ultimum praesidium 
est, ut, cum conspiciant causas suas damnatum in, incij^nt 

VOL. IV. 2 D 


virus serpentis lingua diffundere, et cum se victos conspici- 
ant| ad contumelias prosilire. Nam licet hsereses esse ad 
exercitationem fidelium, tu dixeris oporterei eas tamen ne 
incrementum accipiant, neve vulpeculae coalescant, in ipso 
ortu> te intercedente et adjuvante, extingui necesse est. 

Exurgat denique omnis Sanctorum, ac reliqua umversa- 
lis Ecclesia, cujus vera sacrarum literanim interpretatione 
posthabita, quidam, quorum mentem pater mendacii excoe- 
cavit, ex veteri haereticorum instituto, apud semetipsos sapi- 
entes, scripturas easdem aUter, quam Spiritus sanctus flagi- 
tet, proprio duntaxat sensu, ambitionis auraeque popularis 
causa (teste Apostolo) interpretantur, imo vero torquent, et 
adulterant. Ita ut juxta Hieronymum, jam non sit Evange- 
lium Christi, sed hominis aut quod pejus est, Diaboli. Ex- 
urgat, inquam, praefata sancta Ecclesia Dei, et una cum 
beatissimis Apostolis praefatus apud Deum omnipoientem 
intercedat, ut purgatis ovium suarum erroribus, eliminatis- 
que a Fidelium finibus haeresibus universis, Ecdesiae sus 
sanctae pacem et unitatem conservare dignetur. 

Dudum siquidem, quod prae animi angustia et mcerore 
exprimere vix possumus, fide dignorum relatu ac fama pub- 
lica referente ad nostrum pervenit auditum, immo vero, proh 
dolor, oculis nostris vidimus, ac legimus, multos ac varies 
errores, quosdam videlicet jam per Concilia, ac Fraedeces- 
sorum nostrorum constitutiones damnatos, haeresim etiam 
GraBcorum et Bohemicam expresse continentes, alios vero 
respective vel haereticos, vel falsos, vel scandalosos, vel pia- 
rum aurium ofiensivos, vel simplicium mentium seductivos a 
falsis fidei cultoribus, qui per superbam curiositatem, mundi 
gloriam cupientes contra Apostoli doctrinam, plus sapere 
volunt quam oporteat, quorum garrulitas (ut inquit ESero- 
nymus) sine Scripturarum autoritate non haberet fidem, nisi 
viderentur perversam doctrinam; etiam divinis testimoniis, 
male tamen interpretatis, roborare, a quorum oculis Dei 
timor recessit, hiunani generis hoste suggerente, noviter 
suscitatos, et nuper apud quosdam leviores in inclyta natione 
Germanica seminatos. 

Quod eo magis dolemus ibi evenisse, quod eandem nati- 



onem et nos et Prsedecessores nostri in visceribus semper 
gesserimus charitatis; nam post translatmn ex Grascis a 
Rom. Ecclesia in eosdem Germanos Imperium, iidem Pras- 
decessores nostri et nos, ejusdem Ecclesiae advocatos de- 
fensoresque ex eis semper accepimus. Quos quidem Ger- 
manos, catholicae veritatis vere germanos, constat haeresium 
acerrimos oppugnatores semper fuisse. Cujus rei testes 
sunt laudabiles illae constitutiones Germanorum Imperato- 
rum pro libertate Ecclesiae, proque expellendis exterminan- 
disque ex omni Grermania hasreticis, sub gravissimis po^s, 
etiam amissionis terrarum et dominiorum, contra receptato- 
res, vel non expellentes, olim editae, et a nostris Predeces- 
soribus confirmatae ; quae si hodie servarentur, et nos et ipsi 
utique hac molestia careremus. 

Testis est in Concilio Constantiensi Hussitarum ac Wic- 
levistarum, nee non Hieronymi Pragensis damnata ac punita 
perfidia. Testis est toties contra Bohemos Germanorum 
sanguis effusus. Testis denique est praedictorum errorum, 
seu multorum ex eis, per Coloniensem et Lovaniensem Uni- 
veraitates, utpote agri dominici piissimas, religiosissimasque 
cultrices, non minus docta quam vera ac sancta confiitatio, 
reprobatio, et damnatio. Multa quoque alia allegare posse- 
mus, quae, ne historiam texere videamur, praemittenda cen- 

Pro pastoralis igitur officii divina gratia nobis injuncti 
cura, quam gerimns, praedictorum errorum virus pestiferum 
ulterius tolerare, seu dissimulare, sine Christianas religionis, 
nota atque orthodoxae fidei injuria, nuUo modo possumus. 
Eorum autem errorum aliquos praesentibus duximus inse- 
rendos, quorum tenor sequitur et est talis. 

Haeretica sententia est, sed usitata. Sacramenta novae 
legis justificantem gratiam illis dare, qui non ponunt obicem. 
In puero post Baptismum negare remanens peccatum, est 
Paulum et Christum simul conculcare. 

Fomes peccati, etiamsi nullum adsit actuale peccatum 
moratur exeuntem a corpore animam ab ingressu coeli. 
Imperfecta charitae morituri, fert secum necessario mag- 



num timorem, qui se solo satis est facere pcenam purgatorii, 
et impedit introitum regni. 

Tres esse partes poenitentiae, Contritionem, Confessionem 
et Satisfactionem, non est fundatum in Scriptura, nee in an- 
tiquis Sanctis Christiams Doctoribus. 

Contritio qiue paratur per discussionem, coUectionem, et 
detestationem peccatorum, qua quis recogitat annos suos in 
amaritudme animse su^, ponderando peccatorum gravita- 
tern, multitudinem, foeditatem, amissionem asternae beatitu- 
dinis ac astemae damnationis acquisitionem, haec contritio 
facit hypocritam, imo magis peccatorem. 

Verissimum est Proverbium, et omnium doctrina de con- 
tritionibus hucusque data praestantius, de caetero non facere 
summa poenitentia, optima poenitentia, nova vita. 

NuUo modo pra^umas confiteri peccata venialia, sed nee 
omnia mortalia, quia impossibile est, ut omnia mortalia cog- 
noscas. Unde in primitiva Ecclesia solum manifesta mor- 
tidia confitebantur. 

Dum volumus omma pwte confiteri^ nihil aliud facimus, 
quam quod misericordiae Dei nihil volumus relinquere ig- 

Peccata non sunt uUi remissa, nisi remittente Sacerdote 
credat sibi remitti; imo peccatum maneret, nisi remissum 
crederet, non enim sufficit remissio peccati, et gratias dona- 
tio, sed oportet etiam credere esse remissum. 

NuUo modo confidas absolvi propter tuam contritionem, 
sed propter verbum Christi: Quodcunque solveris, &c. 
Hie, inquam, confide si Sacerdotis obtinueris absolutionem, 
et crede fortiter te absolutum et absolutus es, quidquid sit 
de contritione. 

Si per impossibile confessus nou esset contritus^ aut Sa- 
cerdos non serio, sed joco absolveret, si tamen credat se 
absolutum, verissime est absolutus. 

In Sacramento poenitentiae, ac remissione culpae, non plus 
facit Papa ' vel Episcopus, quam infimus, Sacerdos, immo 
ubi non est Sacerdos, aeque tantum .quilibet.Christianus, 
etiamsi muUer aut puer esset. 


NuUus debet Sacerdoti respondere, se esse contritum, 
nee Sacerdos recjuirere. 

Magnus est error eomm, qui ad Sacramentum Euchari$- 
tise accedunt huie innixi, quod sint confess!, quod non sint 
sibi cotnseii alicujus peccati mortalis, quod praemiserint ora- 
tiones suas et praeparatoria ; onuies illi ad judicium sibi 
manducant et bibunt. Sed si credant et confidant se gra- 
tiam ibi consecuturos, haec sola fides facit eos puros et dignos. 

Consultum videtur, quod Ecclesia in communi Concilio 
statueret, Laicos sub utraque specie communicandos, nee 
Bohemi communicantes sub utraque specie sunt hseretici, 
sed schismatici. 

Thesauri Ecclesiae, unde Papa dat Induigentias, non 
sunt merita Christi et Sanctorum. 

Indulgentiae sunt piae fraudes fidelium et remissiones bo- 
norum operum, et sunt de numero eorum quae licent, et non 
de numero eorum quae expediunt. 

Indulgentiae iis, qui veraciter eas consequuntur, non ya* 
lent ad remissionem poenas pro peccatis actualibus debitae 
apud divinam justitiam. 

Seducuntur credentes, Indulgentias esse salutares, et ad 
fiructum Spiritus utiles. 

Indulgentiae necessariae sunt solum publicis criminibus, 
et proprie concedunt duns solummodo et impatientibus. 

Sex generibus hominum Indulgentiae nee sunt necessa- 
riae, nee utQes, videlicet, mortuis seu morituris, infirmis, le- 
gitime impeditis, his qui non commiserunt <;rimina, his qui 
crimina commiserunt, sed non publica, his qui meUora ope- 

Excommunicationes sunt tantum extemae poenae, nee pri- 
vant hominem communibus spiritualibus Ecclesiae orationib. 

Docendi sunt Christiani plus diligere excommunicatio- 
liem, quam timere. 

Romanus Pontifex, Petri Successor, non est Christi Vi- 
carius super omnes totius mui^di Ecclesias, ab ipso Christo 
in B. Petro institutus. 

Verbum Christi ad Petrum ; Quodcunque solveris super 
terram, &c. extenditur duntaxat ad ligata ab ipso Petro. 


Certum est^ in manu Ecclesiae aut Papae prorsus non esse, 
statuere articulos fidei, imo nee leges morum, seu bonoruin 

Si Papa cum magna parte Ecclesiae sic vel sic sentiret, 
nee etiam erraret, adhue non est peccatum aut haeresis eon- 
trarium sentire> praesertim in re non neeessaria ad salut^n* 
donee fiierit per Concilium universale alterum reprobatuaii 
alterum approbatum. 

Via nobis facta est enarrandi autoritatem ConciUorum^ et 
libere eontradicendi eorum gestis^ et judicandi eorum de- 
fcreta, et confidenter confitendi quidquid verum videtur^ sive 
probatum fuerit, sive reprobatum a quocunque Concilio. 

Aliqui articuli Johannis Hus, condemnati in Concilio Con- 
stantiensi sunt Christianissimi, verissimi, et Evangelici, quos 
nee universalis Ecelesia posset damnare. 

In omni opere bono Justus peecat. 

Opus bonum optime factum, est veniale peccatum. 

Hereticos eomburi, est contra voluntatem Spiritus. 

Proeliari adversus Tureas> et repugnare Deo. visitant! 
iniquitates nostras. 

Nemo est certus, se non semper peeeare mortaliter^ prop- 
ter oecultissimum superbiae vitium. 

Liberum arbitrium post peccatum est res de solo titulo, et 
dum facit quod in se est, peecat mortaliter. 

Purgatorium non potest probari ex sacra Seriptura quas 
sit in Canone. 

Animae in Purgatorio non sunt seeurae de eorum salute> 
saltem omnes, nee probatum est, ullis aut rationibus aut 
Scripturis, ipsas esse extra statum merendi, aut augendse 

Animas in Purgatorio peccant sine int^rmissione, quam- 
diu quaerunt requiem, et horrent poenas. 

AnimaB ex Purgatorio liberatae suffragiis viventium, mi- 
nus beantur, quam si per se satisfecissent. 

Praelati ecclesiastici et Pripcipes seculares non maleface- 
rent, si omnes saccos mendicitatis delerent. 

Qui quidem errores respective quam sint pestiferi^ quam 
perniciosi, quam scandalosi, quam piarum et simfdieium 



mentuunseductiviy quam denique sint contra omnem chari* 
tatem ac S. RomanaB EcclesiaB Matris omnium fidelium et 
magistrae fidei reverentiam, atque nervum ecclesiasticae dis- 
ciplinae, obedientiam scilicet, quae fons est et origo omnium 
virtutum^ sine qua facile unusquisque infidelis esse convin- 
citur, nemo sanae mentis ignorat. 

Nos igitur in praemissis, utpote gravissimis, propensius 
(ut decet) procedere, nee non hujusmodi pesti, morboque 
canceroso, ne in agro dommico tanquam vepres nocivus, 
ulterius serpat, viam praecludere cupientes habita super 
praedictis erroribus et eorum singulis diligenti trutinatione, 
discussione, ac districto examine, maturaque deliberatione, 
omnibusque rite pensatis ac saepius ventilatis cum venera- 
bilibus Fratribus nostris, sanctas Rom. Ecclesiae Cardinali- 
bus, ac Regularium ordinum Prioribus seu M inistris gene- 
ralibus, pluribusque aliis sacrae Theologian, nee non utri- 
usque Juris Professoribus, sive Magistris, et quidem peri- 
tissimis, reperimus eosdem errores respective (ut praefertur) 
aut articulos non esse catholicos, nee tanquam tales esse 
dogmatizandos, sed contra catholicae Ecclesiae doctrinam, 
sive traditionem, tanquam adeo veram divinarum Scriptura- 
mm receptam interpretationem, cujus authoritati ita acqui- 
escendum censuit Augustinus, ut dixerit, se Evangelio non 
fiiisse crediturum, nisi Ecclesiae catholicae intervenisset au- 
toritas. Nam ex*eisdem erroribus, vel eorum aliquo, vel 
aliquibus palam sequitur, eandem Ecclesiam quae Spiritu 
sancto regitur, errare et semper errasse. Quod est utique 
contra illud c^od Christus discipulis suis in ascensione sua 
(ut in sancto Evangelio Matth. legitur) promisit dicens : Ego 
vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem seculi. Nee non 
contra sanctorum Patrum determinationes, Conciliorum quo- 
que et summorum Pontificum expressas ordinationes seu 
Canones, qidbus non obtemperasse, omnium haeresium et 
schismatum, teste Cypriano, femes et causa semper fuit. 

De eonmdem itaque venerabilium Fratrum nostrorum 
consilio et assensu, ac omnium et singulorum praedictorum 
matura deliberatione, praedicta autbtitate omnipotentis Dei, 
et beatorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, et nostra, praefatos 


et siiigulos articulos seu errores tanquam (ut prsemittitur) 
respective h»reticos aut scandalosos, aut falsos, aut piarum 
aurium offensivos, vel simplicium mentium seductivos ett 
veritati catholics obviantes, damnamus, reprobamus, atque* 
omnino rejicimus, ac pro damnatis> reprobatis et rejectis 
ab omnibus utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus haberi debere> 
harum serie decernimus et declaramus. Inhibentes in vir- 
tute sanctae obedientiae, ac sub majori3 excommunicationis, 
talae sententiae, nee non quoad Ecclesiasticas et regulares 
persoiiasy Episcopalium omnium, etiam Patriarchalium, M e- 
tropolitanorum, et aliarum cathedralium Ecclesiarum, Mo^ 
nasteriorum quoque et prioratuum, etiam Ck>nyentuaUum et 
quorumcunque dignitatum, aut beneficiorum Ecclesiastico- 
rum, secularium, aut quorumvis ordinum regularium, pri« 
vadonis et inhabilitatis ad ilia, et alia in posterum obtinenda. 

Quo v^ro ad conventus, Capitula seu domos aut pia loca 
secularium, vel reg^larium, etiam mendicantium, nee non 
Universitatis etiam studiorum generalium, quorumcumque 
privilegiorum indultorum a Sede Apqstolica vel ejus Lega- 
tis, aut alias quomodolibet habitorum vel obtentorum, cu.- 
juscunque tenoris existant; nee non nominis et potestatis 
studium generale tenendi, legendi, ac interpretandi quasvis 
scientias et facultates inhabilitatis ad ilia, et alia in posterum 
obtinenda; predicationis quoque officii ac amissionis studii 
generalis et omnium privilegiorum ejusdem. 

Quo vero ad seculares ejusdem excommunicatiQnis, nee 
non amissionis cujuscunque emphiteosis, seu quorumcunque 
Feudorum, tarn a Romana Ecclesia, quam alias quomodo- 
libet obtentorum, ac etiam inhabilitatis ad ilia et alia in 
posterum obtinenda. 

Nee nor^ quoad omnes et singulos superius notninatos, in- 
hibitiones ecclesiasticae sepulturae, inhabilitatisque ad omnes 
et singulos actus legitimos, infamiae, ac diffidationis, et cri- 
minis laesae Majestatis, et haereticorum et fautorum eprun- 
dem in jure expressis pcenis, eo ipso et absque ulterior! 
declaratione, per omnes et singulos supradictos, si (quod 
absit) contra fecerint, incurrendis. A quibus vigors qiiibus- 
cunque facultatis et clausularum etiam in confessionalibus 


quibusvis personis, sub quibusvis verborum fortnis conten- 
tarum, nisi a Rom. Pontifice vel alio ab eo ad id in specie 
&cultatein habente, prseterquam in mortis articulo consti- 
tuti absolvi nequeant 

Omnibus et singulis utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus tarn 
Laicis quam Clericis, secillaribus, et quorumvis ordinum re- 
gularibus et aliis quibuscunque personis, cujuscunque status, 
gradus vel conditionis existant, et quacunque Ecclesiastica 
vel mundana praefulgeant dignitate ; etiam sanctas Romanae 
EccledisB Cardinalibus, Patriarchis, Primatibus, Archiepis^ 
copis, Episcopis Patriarchalium, Metropolitanorum et ali- 
arum cathedralium, collegiatarum, ac inferiorum Ecclesia^ 
rum Prselatis, Clericis, aliisque personis ecclesiasticis^ secu- 
laribus, et quorumvis ordinum, etiam Mendicantium, Regu- 
laribus, Abbatibus, Prioribus, vel Ministris generalibus vel 
particularibus Fratribus, seu Religiosis, exemptis et non 
exemptis Studiorum quoque Universitatibus saecularibus et 
quorumvis ordinum etiam medicantium Regularibus. 

Nee non Regibus, Imperatoribus, Electoribus, Princi- 
pibus, Ducibus, Marchionibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Ca- 
pitaneis, Conductoribus, Domicellis, omnibusque Official^ 
bus, Judicibus, Notariis ecclesiasticis et secularibus, Com- 
munitatibus, Universitatibus, Potentatibus, Civitatibus, cas- 
tris, terris et locis, seu eorum vel earum civibus, habitatoribus 
et incolis, ac quiisusvis aliis personis, ecclesiasticis, vel regu- 
laribus (ut praefertur) per universum orbem ubicunque, 
praesertim in Alemania existentibus, vel pro tempore futuris, 
ne praefatos errores, aut eorum aliquos, perversamque doc- 
trinam hujusmodi asserere, affirmare, defendere, praedicare, 
aut illi quomodolibet, publice vel occulte, quovis queesito 
iilgenio vel colore tacite vel expresse favere praesumant. 

Insuper, quia errores praefati, et plures alii continentur 
in Libeliis seu Scriptis cujusdam Martini Lutheri, dictos 
Libellos, et omnia dicti Lutheri Scripta, seu Praedicationes, 
in latino, vel quocunque alio idiomate reperiuntur, in qui- 
bus dicti errores, seu eorum aliquis continentur, similiter 
damnamus, reprobamus, atque omnino rejicimus, et pro 
omnino damnatis, reprobatis ac rejectis (ut ptaefertur) haberi 


volumus. Mandantes in virtute sanctae obedientiae> et sub 
poenis prsedictis eo ipso incurrendiSi omnibus et singulis 
utriusque sexus Cliristi fidelibus superius nominatis ne hu- 
jusmodi Scripta, Libellos, Prsedicationes seu schedulas> vel 
in eis contenta capitula, errores aut articulos supradictos 
continentia legere, asserere^ prsBdicare^ laudare, imprimere, 
publicare sive defendere> per se, vel alium^ seu alios, directe 
vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, publice vel occulte, aut in 
domibus suis, sive aliis, publicis vel privatis locis tenere 
quoquo modo praesumant. Quinimo iUa statim post haram 
publicationem ubicunque fuerint, per Ordinarios et alios 
supradictos diligenter quaesita, publice et solenniter, in prse- 
sentia Cleri et populi, sub omnibus et singulis supradictis 
poenis comburant. 

Quod vero ad ipsum Lutherum attinet, bone Deus, quid 
praetermisimus, quod non fecimus, quid patemae charitatis 
omisimusy ut eum ab hujusmodi erroribus revocaremus? 
Postquam enim ipsum citavimus, mitius cum eo procedere 
volentes, ilium invitavimus, atque tarn per diversos tractatus, 
cum Legato nostro habitos, quam per literas nostras hortati 
fuimus, ut e praedictis erroribus discederet, aut ad nos, ob- 
lato etiam salvo conductu, et pecunia ad iter necessaria, sine 
metUy sine timore aliquo> quern perfecta charitas foras mit- 
tere debuit, veniret, ac Salvatoris nostri, Apostolique Paul! 
exemplo, non in occulto, sed palam, et in facie loqueretur. 
Quod si fecisset, pro certo (ut arbitramur) ad cor reversus, 
errores suos cognovisset, nee in Romana curia, quam tanto- 
pere vanis malevolorum rumoribus plusquam oportuit tribu- 
endo vituperat, tot reperisset errata, docuissemusque eum, 
luce clarius, sanctos Romanos Pontifices, Praedecessores 
nostros, quos praeter omnem modestiam injuriose laceret, in 
suis Canonibus seu Constitutionibus quas mordere nititur, 
nunquam errasse. Quia juxta Prophetam, nee in Gblaad 
resina, nee medicus deest. 

Sed obaudivit semper, et praedicta Citatione, omnibus- 
que et singulis supradictis spretis, venire contempsit, ac us- 
que in prassentem diem contumax, atque animo indurate 
censuras ultra annum sustinuit. Et quod detenus est, ad- 


dens mala mails, de Citatione hujusmodi noticiam habens, 
m vocem temerariae Appellationis prorupit ad futurilm Con- 
cilium, contra constitutionem Pii II. ac Julii II. praedecesso* 
rum nostrorum, qua cavetur, taliter appellantes haereticorum 
pcena plectendos, (frustra enim Concilii auxilium implora- 
▼it, qui iUi se non credere palam profitetur). Ita ut contra 
ipsum, tanquam de fide notorie suspectum, imo vere hereti- 
cum, absque uUa Citatione, vel mora, ad condemnationem 
et damnationem ejus, tanquam hseretici, ac omnium et sin- 
gularum suprascriptarum pcenarum et censurarum severita- 
tem procedere possemus, Nihilominus de eorundem Fratrum 
nostrorum consilio, omnipotentis Dei imitantes clementiam, 
qui non vult mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut convertatur et 
vivat, omnium injuriarum hactenus nobis et ApostolicsB Se- 
di illatarum obliti, omni qua possumus pietate uti decrevi- 
mus, et quantum in nobis est, agere, ut proposita mansuetu- 
dinis via, ad cor revertatur, et a prsedictis recedat erroribus, 
ut' ipsum, tanquam Filium ilium prodigum ad gremium Ec- 
clesiae revertentem benigne recipiamus. 

Ipsum igitur Lutherum, et quoscunque ei adhaerentes, 
ejusque receptatores et fautores per viscera misericordiae 
Dei nostri, et per aspersionem sanguinis Domini nostri Jesu 
Christi, quo, et per quem humani generis redemptio, et 
sanctas matris Ecclesiae aedificatio facta est, ex toto cordis 
hortamur et obsecramus, ut ipsius Ecclesiae pacem unitatem 
et veritatem, pro qua ipse Salvator tarn instanter oravit ad 
Patrem, turbare desistant, et a praedictis tam perniciosis er^ 
roribus prorsus abstineant, inventuri apud nos, si effectua- 
liter paruerint, et paruisse per legitima documenta nos cer- 
tificaverint, paternae charitatis affectum, et apertum mansue- 
tudinis et clementiae fontem. 

Inbibentes nihilominus eidem Luthero ex nunc, ut inte- 
rim ab omni praedicationis, seu praedicationis officio omnino 
desistat. Alioqui ut ipsum Lutherum, si forte justiciae et 
virtutb amor a peccato non retrahat, indulgentiaeque spes 
ad poenitentiam non reducat, poenarum terror coerceat dia- 
ciplinae, eundem Lutherum, ejusque adhaerentes, complices, 
fautores et receptatores tenore praesentium requirimus, et 


monemus in virtute sanctae obedientiffiy et sub praedictis om- 
nibus et singulis poenis, eo ipso incurrendis, districte praed- 
piendo mandamus, quatenus infra sexaginta dies, quorum 
viginti pro primo, viginti pro secundo, et reliquos viginti 
dies pro tertio et peremptorio termino assignamus, ab af- 
fixione praesentium in locis infrascriptis, immediate sequen- 
tes numerandos, Ipse Lutberus, compUces, fautores, adhae-' 
rentes et receptatores praedicte a praefatis erroribus eorum- 
que prasdicatione ac publicatione et assertione, defensione 
quoque, et librorum seu Scripturarum editione, super eis- 
dem, sive eorum aUquo, omnino desistant: librosque ac 
Scripturas omnes et singulas, praefatos errores, seu eorum 
aliquos quomodolibet continentes, comburant, vel comburi 
faciant. Ipse etiam Lutherus errores et assertiones hujus-^ 
modi omnino revocet, ac de Revocatione hujusmodi per 
publica documenta in forma juris valida, in manibus duo- 
rum Praelatorum consignata, ad nos infra alios similes sexa- 
ginta dies transmittenda, vel per ipsummet (si ad nos venire 
voluerit, quod magis placeret) cum prae&to plenissimo salvo 
conductu, quern ex nunc concedimus, deferenda, nos certi- 
ores efficiat, ut de ejus vera obedientia nuUus dubitationis 
scrupulus valeat remanere. 

Alias, si (quod absit) Lutberus praefatus, complices, fau- 
tores, adhaerentes et receptatores praedicti secus egerint^ 
seu praemissa omnia et singula infra terminum praedictum 
cum effectu non impleverint, Apostoli imitantes ddctrinam, 
qui haereticum hominem post primam et secundam correcti- 
onem.vitandum docuit, exnunc prout extunc et e coitverso 
eundem Lutberum complices, adhaerentes, fautores et re- 
ceptatores praefatos, et eorum quemlibet, tanquam aridos 
almites, in Christo non manentes, sed doctrinam contrariam, 
catholicae fidei inimicam, sive scandalosam, seu damnatam, 
in non modicam offensam divinse Majestatis ac universalis 
Ecelesiae, et fidei catholicae detrimientuin, et scandalum 
dogmatizantes et praedicantes, claves quoque Ecclesiae vifi- 
pendentes, notorios et pertinaces haereticos eadem authori- 
tate fuisse et esse declarantes, eosdem, ut tales harum serie 
condemnamus, et eos pro talibus haberi ab omnibus utrius- 


que isexus Chrbti fidelibus supradictis volumus, et manda- 
mus. Eosque omnes et singulos omnibus supradictis et 
aliis contra tales a jure inflictis poenis praesentium tenore 
subjicimus, et ebdem irretitos fuisse et esse decemimus et 

Inhibemus praeterea sub omnibus et singulis prasmissis 
poenis eo ipso incurrendis omnibus et singulis Christi fide- 
libus superius nominatis, ne Scripta etiam prae&tos errores 
non conlinentia, ab eodem Luthero quomodolibet condita 
yel edita, aut condenda vel edenda, seu eorum aHqua, tan- 
quam ab homine orthodoxae fidei inimico^ atque ideo vefae- 
menter suspecta, et ut ejus memoria omnino deleatur de 
Christi fidelium consortio, legere^ asserere, praedicare, lau- 
dare, imprimere, publicare^ sive defendere^ per se, vel sdium 
seu alios directe vel indirecte, tacite vel expresse, pub&ce 
vel occulte, seu in domibus suis^ sive aliis locis publicis vel 
privatby tenere quoquo modo prassumiEint, quinimo ilia com- 
buranty ut praefertur. 

Monemus insuper omnes et singulos Christi fideles supra- 
dictos sub eadem excommunicationis latae sententiae poena, 
ut haereticos prasdictos declaratos et condemnatos, manda- 
tis nostris non obtemperantes, post lapsum termini supra- 
dicti evitent, et quantum in eis est, evitari faciant, nee cum 
eisdem vel eorum aliquo commercium aut aliquam conversa- 
tionem, seu communionem habeant nee eis necessaria minis- 

Ad majorem praeterea dicti Lutheri suorumque compli- 
cum, fautorum et adhaerentium, ac receptatorum praeidicto- 
rum sic post lapsum termini prs^dicti declaratorum hsereti- 
corum, et condemnatorum confusionem, universis et singu- 
lis utriusque sexus Christi fidelibus, Patriarchis, Archiepis- 
copis, Episcopis, patriarchalium, metropolitan, et aliarum 
cathedralium, coUegiatarum, ac inferiohun Ecclesiarum Prae- 
latis, Capitulis, aliisque personis ecclesiasticis, secularibus, 
et quorum vis ordinum, etiam Mendicantium (praesertim ejus 
congregationis, cujus dictus Lutherus est professus, et in 
qua degere, vel morari dicitur) regularibus, exemptid, et 
non exemptis. Kec non universis et singulis Principibus, 


quacunque ecclesiastica vel mundana fulgentibus dignitatem 
Regibus, Imperatoribus, Electoribus, Ducibus, Marchioni- 
buSy Comitibus; Baronibus, Capitaneis, Conductoribus, Do- 
micellisy Communitatibus, Universitatibus, Potentatibus^ Ci- 
vitatibus, Terris, Castris et Locis, seu eorum habitatoribus, 
dvibus et incolis, omnibusque aliis et singulis supradictis 
per universum orbem^ prsesertim in eadem Alemania consti- 
tutis mandamus, quatenus sub praedictis omnibus et singulis 
poems, ipsi vel eorum quilibet prsefatum Lutherum, compli- 
ces, adhasrentes, receptatores et fautores personaliter capi- 
ant, et captos ad nostram instantiam retineant, et ad nos 
mittant ; reportaturi pro tam bono opere, a nobis et Sede 
Apostolica remunerationem prsemiumque condignum, vel 
saltem eos, et eorum quemlibet de metropolitanis, cathedra- 
libus, collegiatis et aliis Ecclesiis, domibus, monasteriis, con- 
ventibus, civitatibus, dominiis, universitatibus, communitati- 
bus, castris, terris ac locis respective, tam clerici et regula- 
res, quam laici omnes et singuli supradicti, omnino expel- 

Civitates vero, dominia, terras, castra, villas, comitatus, 
fortilitia, oppida et loca, quaecunque ubilibet consistentia, ea- 
rum et eorum respective, Metropolitanos Cathedrales, Col- 
legiatas et alias Ecclesias, Monasteria, Prioratus, Domus, 
Conventus, et alia loca religiosa, vel pia, cujuscunque ordi- 
nis (ut praafertur) ad quae praefatum Lutherum, vel aliquem 
ex praedictis declinare contigerit, quam diu ibi permanserit, 
et triduo post recessum, ecclesiastico subjicimus interdicto. 

Et ut praemissa omnibus innotescant, mandamus insuper 
universb Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, patriarcha- 
lium, metropolitanorum et aliarum cathedralium ac coUegi- 
atarum Ecclesiarum Praelatis, Capitulis, aliisque personis 
ecclesia^tids, secularibus et quorumvis ordinum supradicto- 
rum regularibus Fratribus, Religiosis, Monachis, exemptis 
et non exemptis supradictis ubilibet, praesertim in Alemania 
constitutis, quatenus ipsi, vel eorum quilibet sub similibus 
censuris, et pcenis eo ipso incurrendis, Lutherum, omnes- 
que et singulos supradictos, qui elapso termino, hujusmodi 
mandatis seu monitis nostris non paruerint, in eorum Eccle-. 


siisi dominicis et aliis festivis diebus, dum inibi major populi 
multitudo ad divina copvenerit, declaratos hsereticos et con- 
demnatos publice nuncient, faciantque, et mandent ab aliis 
nunciariy et ab omnibus arctius evitari. Nee non omnibus 
Christi fidelibus, ut eos evitent pari modo, sub praedictis 
censuris et pcenis. Et praesentes literas, vel earum trans* 
sumptum sub forma infrascripta factum in eorum Ecdesiis, 
monasteriby domibus, conventibus, et aliis locis, legi, publi-^ 
cariy atque affigi faciant 

Excommunicamus quoque et anathematizamus omnes et 
singulos cujuscunque status, gradus, conditionis, praeemi- 
nentiee, dignitatis, aut excellentiee fuerint, qui, quo minus 
prae^entes literas vel earum transsumpta, copiae, seu exem- 
plaria, in suis terns et dominiis legi, affigi et publicari pos- 
sint, fecerint, vel quoquo modo procurayerint, per se vel 
alium seu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel indirecte, 
tacite vel expresse. 

Postremo, quia difficile foret praesentes literas ad singula 
qua^ue loca deferri, in quibus necessarium foret, Volumus 
et Apostolica autoritate decemimus, quod earum trans- 
siunptis manu publici Notarii confectis et subscriptis, vel in 
alma urbe impressis, et sigillo alicujus ecdesiastici Praelati 
munitis, ubique stetur, et plena fides adhibeatur, prout ori- 
ginalibus Uteris staretur et adhiberetur, si forent exhibitae 
vel ostensae. 

Et ne praefatus Lutherus omnesque alii supradicti, quos 
praesentes literas quomodolibet concemunt, ignorantiam ea« 
rundem literarum, et in eis con^entorum omnium et singulo- 
rum praetendere valeant, literas ipsas in BasiUcae principis 
Apostolorum, et Cancellariae Apostolicae, nee non cathedra- 
lium Ecclesiarum Brandenburgen. et Misnen, et Mersbur- 
gen. valvis affigi et publicare deberi voluimus, Decernentes, 
quod earundem literarum publicatio sic facta, supradictum 
Lutherum, omnesque alios et singulos praenominatos, quos 
literae hujusmodi quomodolibet concernunt, perinde arctent, 
ac si literae ipsae die affixionis et publicationis hujusmodi, 
eis personaliter lectae et intimates forent. Quum non sit ve- 


risimile, quod ea, quae tam patenter fiunt» debeant apud eos 
incognita remanere. 

Non obstantibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus Apos- 
tolicb, seu supradictis omnibus et singulis, vel eorum ali- 
cubi, aut quibusvis aliis a Sede Apostolica praedicta, vel ab 
ea potestatem habentibus, sub quavis fonna, etiam confes- 
^ionalis, et cum quibusvis etiam fortisnmis claiisulis, aut ex 
quavis causa, seu grandi consideratione induUum, vel con- 
cessum existat, quod interdici, suspendi, vel excommunicari 
non possint per literas apostolicas non fadehtes plenam et 
expressam, ac de verbo ad verbum, non autem per clausulas 
generalesy id importantes de indulto hujusmodi mentiohem, 
ejusdem indulti tenores, causas et formas, perinde ac si de 
verbo ad verbum insererentur, ita ut omnino tc^tur^ prae- 
sentibus pro expressis habentes. 

NuUi ergo omnino hominum liceat banc paginam nostras 
damnationis, reprobationis, rejectionis, decreti, dedaratio- 
nis, inhibitionisy voluntatis, mandati, hortationisy obsecraiio- 
nis, requisitionis, momtionis, assignationis, confbssionis, con- 
demnationis, subjectionis, excommunicationis, et anathema- 
tizationis infringerei vel ei ausu temerario contra ire. Si 
quis autem hoc attentare prsBSumpserit, indignationem omni- 
potentis Dei, ac beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum ejus, 
se noverit incursurum. 

Datxun Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, Anno Incamatio- 
nis Domiliicae, m.,d.xx. 17. Kalend. Julii, Pontificatus nos- 
tri anno octavo. 

Visa ; R. Milanesius. 




. (Page 23.) 
Lutheri op. torn. ii. p. 257. 

Leo Papa X. Friderico SaxonuB Duct, Sacri Romani 

Imperii Electori. 

Dilecte Fili, Salutem et ApostoUcam Benedictionem. 

Quod ad nos gravissimorum hominum testimoniis allatum 
est, Nobilitatem tuam pro sua prsstanti pradentia, et in 
summum Deum ejusque fidem orthodoxam, pietate, nobili- 
tate animi et generis Majorumque tuorum, quorum singu- 
laris, semper extitit in Christianam Rempublicam et hanc 
sanctam Sedem voluntas, infensos semper habuisse iniquita- 
tis filii Martini Lutheri conatus, eique, nee auxilio, nee 
favori unquam fuisse, id fuit majorem in modum gratum; 
atque ita, ut eam quam de tua egregia virtute habuimus 
opinionem, et paternam nostram erga te beuerolentiam, 
hsec eadem res vehementer auxerit. Nee vero possumusr 
constituere, utrum hoc sapientius abs te, an religiosius ju- 
dicemus esse factum. Fuit enim singulalris skpientiae, h6- 
minem furentem, nequaquam congrua suae professioni, quae 
hurailitatem postulat, ambitione, veteres haereses Vuik, Le- 
viensium, Hussitarum, Bohemorum, jam ab universali Ec- 
clesia damnatas suscitantem, vulgi auram manifeste quasreih- 
tem, ansas peccandi simplicibus animis, suis Scripturae iifi- 
terpretationibus praebentem, vinculum contiitentiae, et innb* 
oenti^B, potiissimum Confessionem cordisque Contritionem 
prophanis vocibus evertentem, faventem Turcis, Haeretico- 
rum poenas deplorantem, denique omnia summa imis pet- 
miscere conantem, cognoscere, esse immissum, non illu^ 
quidem a Christo,' sed a Satana, qui in tantum superbiae at- 
que amentias sit evectus, ut sit ausus palam et dicer^ et 
scribere, se neque sanctorum Doctorum scriptis, neque 
oecumenicorum Conciliorum decretis, nee Romanorum Pon- 
tificum institutis, sed sibi se uni et opinionibus suis fidem 

VOL. IV. 2 E 


habere veUe, Quod nemo certe unquam praesumpsit heere- 

Ergo tua Nobilitas si^ienCissime hujus pestOentis ac ve- 
nenati hominis familiaritatem aspemata est, qui certe, quod 
potes existimare, nonnullam Domui vestrse nobilissims h,* 
beniy maximam vero Gterinanicc&^tioni adfert. Illud vero 
religion! tribuendum est» qupd nnnquam in quenquam tao- 
torum errorum consensisti, et eb pptius obstitisti. Nee per 
te occasio ulla data est, a vetere et diutumo per Spiritum 
sanctum tot secuUs conservato drdine, fidfei orthodoxa^ de- 

Qu89 nos de te audita, et ut diximus, miiltorum testimo- 
nils cognita, non solum nobiscum, sed cum pluri]|iis maximis 
ac gravissimis viri^ communicantes, toamque nobilitatem 
dignis laudibus in Domino commendtuites>, ei4em Domino 
gratias agentes, quod honunis scelerati et nefiM^ impiis co- 
natibus tales quoque obices oppositos teUet. . Quo|iiam nos 
eum quoque, cum diutius pa£fsi esseBiu^/ea ratipne moti 
quod ad pcenitentiatn redire optabamus; postquai^ vero nee 
mansuetudo nostra, nee moaita^ quidquam proficereat, ftiit- 
que periculum, ne morbosa ovia aliquairi partem g^egis do- 
minici corrumperet, necessario ad acriora r^media deveni- 
mus. Itaque aacro venerabilium Fratrum bodtrorum, et 
aliorum in sacris Canonibus omuiumque divin^k Scriptura 
peritisidmorum virorum convocato Conctlio^ re midtum agi- 
tata atque discussa, tandem prseeui^e Spiritu sancto, qui in 
hujusmodi causis huie sancto Sedi aunquam ab&ut, Decre- 
tum fecimus. Uteris Apoistolicis inscriptumi et plumbea Bulla 
insignitum, in quo ex innumerabilibus prope hujus hominis 
erroribus eos ex ordine perscribi jussimus, qui partim plane 
ha&retici essent, fideraque rectam perverterent ; partim lax- 
atis apud simpliciores animos dbedientiae, cOntinentise et 
humilitatis vinculis, ad omne scandalum et nefas invitarent. 
Nam quod plurimos ille idem felle injusti odii paratus, in 
banc sanctam Sedem evomuit, eorum Dei ^it, non nostra, 

Quarum literarum exempla in ahna Urbe nostrja impressa, 
B^d Nobilitatem tuam misimus, ut ilia, recognitis diligentius 


ministri- Satanas erroribuSy eum sicut in eisdetn Uteris pro 
ApostoHca mansuetu^ne scriptum est, Primum hortari et 
monere, ut abjecto contumftciae et siiperbiee spiritu, ad sani- 
tatem redire, Dei et nostram clementiam experiri, abnega^ 
tis palam detestandis opimonibusy yelit. Sin autem persti- 
terit in amentia, tunc elapso tenninoi- in eisdem Uteris con- 
tentOy eum declaratum Hsereticum, quantum in tua est au^ 
toritate et potestate, capi, captumque ad nostram instantiam 
custodiri curet et studeat. . 

In quo Nobititas tua praeekris inilils virtutis suae eximiaB 
pares reddiderit exitus, nee mediocrem macukm a sua et 
famiUae et Germanicae nationis claritate repulerit^ hancque 
apud Deum et homines excelsam laudem promereberis, esse 
tuaa NobiUtatis opera ac pietate* oiiens incendium pravae 
haeresis a splendore fldei orthodoxae et coetu fideUum sum^ 
inotum et extinctum. 

Datum Romae apud S. Petrum, sub annulo Piscatoris, 
die 8 JuUi, Anno m.d.xx. Pontifioatus nostri anno iix. 


Lutheti op. tarn. ii. p» 356. ' • 

Exemplum Responsiohis Scriptce a Duce Sdxonice Elec- 

tore Friderico. 

Ad D.Yalentinum a Deitleben^ eo tempore Ronue agentem. 

Quod scribitis, si forte accidat^ ut hoc et alia nostra nego^ 
tia apud.sanctissimum Doounum Papam praegravata labo- 
rent, id omne, vestro judicio, attribuendum esse immodestiae 
et temeritati Doctoris Martini Lutheri, quod, sicut vos lo- 
quimini, nescio quae nova dogmata contra sanctitatem Pon- 
tificiami et ipsam sanctam Sedem et Ecclesiam Romanam 
sparsait, et erga reverendissimos Dominos Cardinales non 
pro debita modestia et reverentia sese submiserit^ et nos 
singillatim, quod pubUca fama adfirmet, ilium a nobis ali, 
foveri et clementer haberi. 



Ad hec vobis breviter et bono studio respondemus, Nos 
doctrinam et scripta Poctoris Martini Lutheri nunqmon co- 
natos esse nostra autoritate aut patrocinio tueri aut defen- 
dere, ac ne nunc quidem hoc conari : non eium nobis sumi- 
mus judicium pronuntiandi quid ille recte et jure, aut cont^ra 
fecerit, et quae pie ac Christiane, aut secus^ ab eo doce- 

Tametsi non dissimulandum duximus^ quod nos audimus 
hujus Viri doctrinam, multorum eruditorum et intelligen- 
tium judicio piam et Christianam haberi et adprobari, quod 
tamen nos in medio relinquimus, et ut de illius doctrina non 
praejudicamuSy ita suorum dogmatum defensionem ipsi Au- 
tori integram relinquimus ; prsesertim cum tota haec causa 
ad legitimam cognitionem rcgecta sit, cui sese ipse subjecit, 
sic, ut obtulerit se apud Pontificiie sanctitatis Conmiissa- 
rium jam delectum, aequis conditionibus, videlicet imposita 
cautione de assecuratione seu fide publica, obedienter com- 
pariturum esse, ad reddendam rationem eorum, quse docuit 
aut scripsit ; addita etiam uberiore submissionis et obedien- 
tise oblatione, se, si de quovis suo dogmate aliud et rectius, 
ex verbo Dei edoctus, et veris testimoniis Scripturse de er- 
rore convictus fuerit, ultro mutaturum sententiam et recan- 
taturum esse, ut ex ipsa forma Protestationis seu oblationis 
ab ipso edita apparet. 

Etsi autem non satis causae erat, cur ad hunc modum se 
ofierenti aliquid oneris praeterea imponeretur, Nos tamen 
priusquam res ad has conditiones deduceretur, hoc etiam 
cum ipso Doqtore Martino Luthero egimus ac efiecimus, ut 
sua sponte ex nostra Ditione et Academia sese cessurum 
esse polliceretur. Et quidem jam cessisset, nisi ipse Nun- 
tius Pontificiae sanctitatis D. Carolus a Miltitz intercessisset, 
multis precibus a nobis contendens, ne ilium dimitter^nus> 
metuens videlicet, ne se in ea loca conferret, ubi multo libe- 
rius et tutius scribere et agere posset quae vellet, quam hac- 
tenus nostram et Scholae nostrae autoritatem reveritus, fece- 
rit. Quod ut caveretur, consultius visum fuit, eum a nobis 

His et aliis pluribus de causis, judicamus nos ita cnnnibus 


purgatos esse debere, ut nemo inerito vel de nobis male sus- 
.picandi causam habeat, mtdto minus suggillationibus et falsa 
criminatione nos praegravandi. Quare confidimus nostra 
negotia apud sanctitatem Pontificiam hoc nomine nihil odii 
aut impedimentorum habitura esse. Vere enim hoc adfir- 
mare possumus, neo nobis quidquam tristius et acerbius ac- 
cidere posse, quam nobis viventibus, et nostro patrocinio 
aliquos pemiciosos errores spargi et confirmari, ut banc 
nostram mentem datis literis ad reverendissimum Dn. Car- 
dinalem S. Georgii, Dominum et amicum nostrum copiosius 

Vos tamen, ut tanquam cum Give nostro, propter com- 
munem Patriae conjunctionem, paulo Uberius conferamus, 
etiam ea, quae ex communibus sermonibus hominum intelli- 
gimus, nolumus celare. Adfirmant multi, Doctorem M arti- 
num Lutherum, sicut et ipse dicitur scriptis et sermone pa- 
lam fateri, non sua voluntate, sed invitum ad has controver- 
sias de Papatu descendisse, videlicet eo pertractum a Doc- 
tore Eccio, et saepe provocatum ac lacessitum quorundam 
scriptis Romae et aliunde in ipsum editis, coactum fuisse re- 
spondere, qui si quievissent, nunquam ista, quae nunc dispu- 
tantur, fiiissent prolata, sed prorsus silentio sepulta jacierent. 

Et cum nunc Germania floreat ingeniis, et multis doctrina 
et sapientia praestantibus viris, peritis Unguarum et omnis 
generis literarum, cumque etiam nunc vulgo Laici sapere 
inoipiant, et studio cognoscendae Scripturae teneantur, iniilti 
judicant ralde metuendum esse, si neglectis aequissimis con- 
ditionibus a Doctore Luthero oblatis, sine legitima cogni- 
tione, tantum Ecclesiasticis censuris feriatur, ne has conten- 
tiones et certamina multo magis exasperentur, ut postea non 
ita facile ad otium et compositiones res deduci possit. Nam 
Lutheri doctrina, ita jam passim in plurimorum animis in 
Germania et atibi infixa radices egit, ut si non veris ac fir- 
mis argumentis et perspicuis testimoniis Scripturae revinca- 
tur, sed solo ecclesiasticae potestatis terrore ad eum oppri- 
mendum procedatur, non videatur res sic abitura, quin in 
Germania acerrimas offensiones et horribiles ac exitiales 
tumultus excitatura sit, unde nee ad sanctissimum Domi- 


num Pontificem, nee aliis quklquam ulilitatis redire potent 
Hsec DOS vobis bono studio, ut qui et Ecdesiam et Rempub. 
quam maxime salvam optamus, respondenda esse duximns^ 
et Yobis nostra officia cleinenter offerimus. 

Datum Torgae, Kalen. April. Anno m.d.xx. 


(Page 24.) 

Lutheri op. torn. ii. p. 25& 

Appellatio F. Mart. Luth. 


NoTUM sit omnibus Christianis, quod ego Martinus Luthe- 
rus antea a L^ne X. Papa legitime et juste ^pellavi ad 
futurum Concilium, iniquis ad hoc coactus gravaminibus 
ejusdem Leonis Papse. Quae vero hie sequuntur, sunt ejus* 
dem Appellationis quaedam appendix. 

Postquam autem prasdictus Leo X. in impa sua tyran* 
nide induratus perse verat, et in tantum cresdt, ut me qua- 
dam Bulla, ut fertur, neque vocatum, neque auditum, neque 
convictum in Libellis ineis, damnarit; ad haec Concilium 
Ecdesiasticum esse in rerum natora neget, fugiat ^t vitupe- 
ret, tanquam infidelis et apostata, suamqUe tyrannideiiti il- 
lius potestati impiissime pneferat, jubeatque impudefitis- 
sime, ut abne^em fidem Christi in Saoramentis percipiendfe 
necessariafa, atque lit hihil ondttot, quod Aniidbristum refe- 
rat, sacram Scripturam sibi subjidat/et conculoet incredibiU 
blasphemia, shnque his intolerabihbusigraYatninibusfgraybf 
sim^ Isesus. Ego praedictus Mai^tinUs Omnibus 6t singuliB 
in Domino.notum iacio, me adhuc nittet iiibaerereAppellav 
tioni fact8& et praedictse, eamquei legitame oor&m Notario et 
fide dignis tesdbus inuovavi, et bis s^Hrqptis innqv^, et inno*- 
vatam pronuntio, et in yirUite cgusdiem. adhticperse^^efp ap- 
peUans et Aposlolos pietens jure et thodo, qmbus fieri potest 
et debet melioribus, coram vobis Domino Ndtario publico^ 


et autentica persona, et his testibus a,A futurum ConciKum a 
praedlcto Leone. 

Primum tanquam ab iniquo, temerafio, tyrannicoque Ju- 
dice, in hoc, quod me noaconvictum nee ostensis causis aut 
informationibus, mera potestate judicat. Secundo, tanquam 
ab erroneo, indurato, per Scripturas sanctas damnato, Hae- 
retico, et Apostata, in hoc, quodmihi mandat fidem catho- 
Ucam in Sacramentis n^cessariam abnegare. Tertio, tan- 
quam ab hoste, adversario, Antichristo, oppressore totius 
sacraB Scripturae, in hoc, quod propriis, meris, nudisque 
yerbisi sui3 ag^t, contra verba divinae Scripturas sibi adducta^ 
Quarto, tanquam a blasphemo, superbo contemptore sanctae 
Ecclesiae Dei, et legitixni Concilii, in hoc, quod praesumit ^t 
mentitur. Concilium nihil esse in rerum natura, quasi igno- 
ret etiam, si non sit actu congregatum, tamen esse personas, 
in Ecclesia non nihil in rerum natura, immo Dominos et 
Judices omnium, qui ad Concilium pertinent pro tempore 
congregandum. Nequeenim idea Imperium aut Senatus 
nihil est, quia Imperator cum Principibus aut Senatores non 
sunt congregati, quorum interest congregari, sicut hie insig- 
niter . et crasse delirat Leo cum suis Leiinculis. Horum 
omnium rationem reddere paratus, ofiero me pro loco et 
tempore, ad comparendum et standum et audiendum, quia 
contradicat mifai. 

Quocirca oro supphciter, Serenissimum, illustrissimos, in^ 
clytosy gebecosos, nobiles, strenuos, prudentes viros et Do- 
minos, Carolum Imperatorera, Electores Imperii, Principes, 
Contttes>: £arones, Nobiles, Senatores, et quidquid est 
Christiani Magistrtfttts totios Germaniae, velint pro redi- 
menda^^catholiaa' veritate et gloria Dei pro fide et Ecclesia^ 
Chri$ti i)ra Kbertate et jure legitimi Concilii, mihi meaeque 
Appellatiom adbaerere, Papae in(;redibilem msaniam adver- 
sari, ^q^bnidi ejtis impiissimae resistere, aut saltern quies- 
cere, lett^BuU^a^ eju6modi executioriem omittere et differre^ 
donee legitime vocatus, per sipquos judices, auditus, fet Scrip- 
turis 4igiii^uei4oeameiiti8 coavictus fiiero. In quo sine^ 
dubio Christo rem feciertt, in die novissima,^ ctimulatissima? 
gratia remuaerandam. Quod si qui banc meam petitionem 


contemnenteS} pergant, et Papae impio homini plus quam 
Deo obediant, volo his Scriptis me excusatam coram omni- 
bus et uniuscujusque conscientiam hac fideli fratemaque 
monitione requisitam^ obstrictam, suoque onere gravatam 
habere, et judicio extremo Dei super eum locumdare ; IKxi. 


(Page 26.J 

From the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum. ViteV. 

6.4, /?. 111. 

Pope^s Sentence against Marten Luther, published at 


The xij daye of Maye in the yeare of our Lord 1521, and 
in the thirteenth yeare of the Reigne of our Soverai^ne 
Lord Kinge Henry the eighte of that Name, the Lord 
Thomas Wolsey, by the grace of God Legate de Latere, 
Cardinall of Sainct Cecely and Archbishop of Yorke, came 
unto Saint Paules Churche of London, with the most parte 
of the Byshops of the Realme, where he was received with 
procession, and sensid by Mr. Richard Pace, then beinge 
Deane of the said Church. After which ceremonies done, 
there were four Doctors that bare a canope of cloth of gold 
over him goinge to the Highe Alter, where he made his ob- 
lacion ; which done, hee proceeded forth as abovesaid to 
the Crosse in Paules Church Yeard, where was ordeined a 
scaffold for the same cause, and he, sittinge under his cloth 
of estate which was ordeined for him, his two crosses on 
everie side of him ; on his right hand sittinge on the place 
^here hee set his feete, the Pope's embassador, and nexte 
him the Archbishop of Canterbury: on his left hand the 
Emperor's Embassador, and next him the Byshop of Du- 
resme, and all the other Byshops with other noble prelates 
sate on twoe fqrmes outeright forthe, and ther the Byshop 
of Rochester made », sermon, by the consentihge of the 
whole clergie of En^land^ by th^ c(»nmaiulement of the 

Pope, against one Martinus Eleuthereus, and all his workes, 
because hee erred sore, and spake against the hoUie faithe; 
and denounced them accursed which kept anie of his bookes, 
and there were manie burned in the said church yeard of 
his said bookes duringe the sermon, which ended, my Lord 
Cardinall went home to dinner with all the other prelates. 


(Page 32.) 
Lutheri op. torn. ii. p. 412. 

Carolus V. Dei Gratia Romanorum Imperator, semper 
Augustus, 8fc. Honorabilif nostra dilecto, devoto. Doc- 
tori Martina Luthero, Augustiniani Ordinis, 

HoNORABiLis, Dilecte Devote, Quoniam nos et sacri Im- 
perii status, nunc hie congregati, proposuimus et conclusi- 
inus, propter doctrinam et libros, aliquandiu hactenus abs 
te editos, scrudnium de te sumere, Dedimus tibi ad venien- 
dum hue, et iterum hinc ad tuam securam reditionem, nos- 
tram et Imperii liberam, directam securitatem et Conduc- 
tum, quem tibi circa haec mittimus. 

Desiderantes, ut velis te statim accingere itineri, ita, ut 
infra xxi. dies in hujusmodi Cpnductu nostro nominatis om- 
nibus modis hie apud nos sis, et non domi maneas, neque 
ullam vel violentiam vel iiyuriam timeas, Volumus enim te 
in prse&to noi^tro Conductu .firmiter manu tenere et nobis 
persuadere, te v^nturum. In hoc namque facies nostram 
severam sententiam. Datum Wormaiiae, Die VI. Martii, 
Anno Domini m.i>.xxi. Regnorum nostrorum, ^c. 



(Page 40.) 

Leitere di Principif vol, i. jp. 92, 

Polizza di Carlo Quinto Imperatore a i Principi deU 

Imperio ridotti in VormcUia. 

Vol sapete Signori, ch' io ho havuta \ origine mia da i 
Christianissimi Impferatori della natione Gennana, da i Cat- 
tolici Re di Spagna, da gli Arciduchi d' Austria, et da i 
Duchi di Borgogna; i quali tutti insino da fanciulli, son 
stati sempre ubidientissimi alia sede Apostolica, et a* sommi 
Pontefici, et hanno fin' alia morte pers^verato nella loro 
fidelta ; et sono stati sempre difensori, et protettori della 
fede Catolica, delle cerimonie sante, de'santi Decreti, de' 
santi ordini, et buoni costumi, per 1' honore di Dio, ac- 
crescimento della fede, et salute delle anime. Onde ancora 
che siano morti, ci hanno pero per V ordine della Hatura, et 
ragioni di heredita, lasciate queste sante cotistitutioni per 
osservarle di roano in mano ; affine che seguendd i vestigi 
loro, et i loro essempi, venissimo poi a morte nella vera os- 
servatione di quelle, come per la gratia di Dio, ess^ido noi 
veri imitator! de gli ottimi antichi nostrij habbiamo vissuto 
fin' a questo giorno, et pretendiamo dimorire. A questo 
fine adiinque mi sono fermato, et ho preso ri&olutione d'es- 
sere difensore, et far mantenere tutto quello, che imieipre- 
decessori, et noi habbiamo fin qui osservato, et mandato in 
essecutioaej ch'e qiielb stesso, cJh' fe stato^ebnduso/ et-dif- 
finite^, non^tatifanel i^atcro* Cdm^iliodf Costanza, ^uantd ne 
glialtri^anoora. Et pereioche gli ^ cosa manifesta, che un 
solo£i*ate ingannato della sua propria opinione, vuoleman^ 
dar sottofioprav et abbagliare gli intelletti, et^iuditii dtiutta 
la Christianity, con levar via quelle cose, che gia molti et 
molti anni sono confermate da un lungo uso : pero se la sua 
opinione fosse vera, ci farebbe facilmente credere, che fin' a 
questi tempi tutto il Christianesimo fosse vissuto in errore. 
Ma conciosia che ella e falsissima, et pessima^ et inventione 

diabolica trovata da lui^ ho deliberato del tutto di esponere, 
et impiegare i miei Regni^ 1' Imperio, et potentatii gli amici^ 
il corpo^ il sangue, la mia vita^ et Y anima ancora, se bisog^ 
nera, perche questo tristo^ et infelice principio non passi 
piu oltre; considerando che cid mi ritomarebbe a troppo 
gran disonore, et biasimo, come parimente ritornarebbe a 
Yoi stessL che sete V Ulustrissima natione ddla tanto cele- 
brata Germania, essendo avenuto per spetial previlegio^ che 
voi siate detti, et nomati osservatori della giustitia, protet- 
tori, et difensori della fede Cattolica, cosa certamente;, ch^ 
non v' e di poco honorCj auttorita, et riputatione. La onde 
se a* tempi nostri qualcbe^ non voglio dir' heresia^ ma sospi* 
tione di errore, oveto qual si voglia altra cosa, che indebo- 
lissd la ReUgione Christiana, prendesde vigore ne i cuori 
de' Christiani, et che noi gli lasciassimo fare la radice, senza 
forvi a tutto nostro potete la debita provisione, oltre che 
noi offenderiamo Dio> ci saria per sempre rinfacciato questo 
da j nostri successori di mano in mano, come cosa in vero 
d^^ia d'ogni vituperio. Per tanto poiche habbiimio udita 
r oatinata risposta, che hieri Lutero oi diede alia presep^a 
di tutti voi) vi rendo sicuri per questa mi^ scrittura di mia 
proipria mono, et vi dico certo, che mi displace moltO|'et*mi 
duole iiel ouore haverdifferito tanto tempo^ -et esser ^tato 
tanto a fulmiiiar processo contra il detto Lutero^ et contrfk 
la sua £Edsa doctrina> di modo che ho preso risoluti^^iein me 
stesso di mai piu tioti volerlo udire, commaodando^ che su- 
bito egli mk' riootidotto fuori della Corte^nostra, seeondo il 
tenore del Buo salvocondotto^ con questo patto^ •che sieiio a 
pieno odservate le oonditiotii, che vi donoeapresse^ di' non 
precKcare^' scriverie, kie essere in modo^ aleuno occasioned! 
sollevatiotie popoUire. Net i*imanente poi sono deliberato^^ 
come ho gia detto/ di prooedere contra di lui con quelle va>^ 
gioni che si debbe prooedere contra un' her^tico manifesto^ 
et vi rieerco> che in questa causa sia deliberato quelio^ che 
voi Giete tenuto dl fare, come buoni, et fedetiChristianiy^che 
sete, 6t come m' havete promesfsa di fare. Scritta di mia 
propria manu in Vormatia a 19 d' Aprile, 15SL 

' ' Carlo Imperatore. 


No. CXC. 

(Page 40.) 

Sadolet. Ep. Pont. No. LXXVI. p. 106. 


Charissime, &c. Cum in hac Catholieae Fidei causa te ad- 
vocato hujus sanctae Sedis adversus impias opiniones novo- 
rum hsereticorum, ac filium praecipue iniquitatiB Martimun 
defendenda, ea expectaremus de tuae Majestads animo at- 
que judicioy qusB de maximo Principe et pnestantifiidino 
Cesare poterant expectari. fatebimur tamen veram, longe 
vicit yirtus tua nostram expectationem. Ita enim ad nos 
omnium constanti voce perlatum est, tantam in te gravita- 
tem, admirabilem insignemque sapientiam, tantum in te ex- 
titisse servandsB et custodiendae ejus, quam a Deo et patri- 
bus nostris accepimus, Religionis studium, ut omnibus ma- 
nifeste apparuerit, Deum tibi comitem, et Dei spiritum tuis 
optimis consiliis adfuisse. Res igitur acta per te omnibus 
saeculis memorabilis, exemplum salutare. Ceteros enim cer- 
nimus, auctoritatem tuam in damnanda perfidi hominis oon- 
tumacia facile secutos. Qui modus ? aut quonam haec a te 
studio gesta sunt? quae magnitudo animi? quae constantia? 
cujusmodi erga Deum pietas, digna quidem Caesare, sed 
summo et optimo Caesare? Domine salvum fac Regem 
hunc, et exaudi nos in die qua invocamus te. Quid quod 
tute decretum tuum conscripsisti, altis illis et magnificis 
verbis exorsus ; decere te, ex Ducibus, Archiducibus, Re- 
gibus, Imperatoribusque oriundum, simiiia illis, in Dei omni- 
potentis honorem et fidei suae sanctae salutem, agere, nee 
Majoribus tuis deesse. Scilicet hoc non est esse similem, 
sed longe virtute antecedere. Non enim jam te ex Majo- 
rum tuonim exemplo cohortabimur, sed haec erit animi tui 
et virtutis excelsitas, in universam posteritatem omnibus 
Principibus exemplo. Nos quidem, qui novo quodam amo- 


ris affectu erga Majestatem tuam incitati sumus, deprecantes 
tibi apud omnipotentem Deum omnia prospera et gloriosa, 
gratias tibi agimus pro tuo officio tanto^ non quas debemus, 
id enim est infinitum, sed quantas animo capere aut verbis 
referre possumus maximas ; quod et perpetuo acturi sumus, 
id supra omnia desiderantes, ut aliqua sese nobis offerat oc- 
casion ut quid de tua singulari natura sentiamus, quantumve 
tua causa cupiamus, possimus tibi memorabili aliquo facto 
declarare; quod tamen Deo auspice futurum confidimus. 
Sed et de bis omnibus, et quam optemus, Majestatem tuam 
quae bene coepta sunt ad salutarem finem deducere, scribi- 
mus Nuntiis nostris, ut cum Majestate tua nostro nomine 
communicent ; quibus ilia fidem habere dignabitur. Datum 
Mallianae, die 4, Maji, 15S1. Anno nono. 

Gratias tibi quas possumus habemuSf Redempiorem nos- 
trum humiliter deprecantes, tibi concedat prospera 
cuncta, impleat sancta desideria, tribuatque Majestati 
tuce similem semper animum, etparem virtuiem. 

Verba manu propria SS. D. N. 

No- CXCI. 

(Page 45.) 

Vidce op. torn, iup, 161. 

Ad Henricum VIIL Anglia Regem. 

Diis Ccelitibus. 

Qui cceli colitis domos, 

Dii, post funera lucidas, 

Laudi si sua prsemia 

Sunt hie pro bene&ctis ; 
Henrici accipite inclyta 

Regis dona ter optimi. 

Moerentem aspicite, aurea 

Ejus pro pietate. 

430 A^PVEUBtt, m6. cxcir. 

. Hie aras opibus qiiibus 

V08tn|s eumque potest, juvat 
.Nee^Ydstmin decus impiger 
i^olis pr0tegit araus* 

Lingua diQiicat acrius, 
Novis duqi rationibus 
Doctus sacrilegos premit 
In yos 01*6 furentes. 

Quis unquam iuit> aut erit, 
vQui regi in^riti» tot huic, 
Tot virtutibus enitens 
Compararier ausit? 

Huic omnes igitur, boni, 
Quod opt£ft datey coelites. 
Hunc (nam caetera suppetunt) 
Prole au^ete virili. 

Tantum sit procul orbitas. 
Sit cui laeta Britannia 
Post hunc pareat ultimas 
Ad usque Oceani oras. 


(Page 47.) 

Rymeri Fcedera, torn. vi. par. i. p. 199. 

BuUapro Titulo Defensoris FideL 

Leo Episcopus Servus Servorum Deiy Carissimo in Christo 
Filio, Henrico Anglice Regi, Fidei Defensori, Salutem et 
Apostolicam Benedictionem. 

Ex supernae dispositionis arbitrio, licet imparibus meritis, 
XJniversalis Ecclesiae Regimini Praesidentes, ad hoc cordis 
nostri longe lateque diffundimus cogitatus^ ut Fides Catho- 
lica, sine qua nemo proficit ad Salutem, continuum suscipiat 
Incrementum, et ut ea, quae pro cohibendis conatibus Olam 
deprimere aut pravis mendacibusque comentis pervertere 

APFENDiXy iio«cxcn. 431 

et denigrare molieiidiiiiiy sanaChrisli EideUmn, presertim 
Dignitate Regali Fulgentiuuiy Doctrina sunt disposita^ <con- 
tiiiuis peificiant Ino^ementis, Partes nostri MiniaterH et 
Opesam impendimus efficaoes. 

£t, sicut>alu. Romfmi Pontifiees, Praedecesso«es.po8triy 
GatboliooB Pmoipea (prout Berumet Temponim quiditas 
exigeb8t)spBQialibu» favoribtts. prosequi consueverunt^ iHos 
pnescrtim, - qui procellosts temporibuSy et rapida. Soismati- 
oonun et Haereticoram fenrente perfidia, non solmn in iFidei 
Serenitftte et DerotioQe iUibata.Saorosancts Romans Ec- 
desiie immobilea peistiCenmt, Terum etiam^^tanquam ipsius 
Bcdesias kgitimi Filii, ac fortissimi AtUetae, Scismaticorum 
et H^retioorum insanis FuDortbus spirituaUl^ rt tempora- 
Uter se.opposuerunt ; ita edam nos Mqfestmtem tumi^ prop- 
ter Excelsa et Immortalia ejus erga Nos*et banc Saqctam 
Sedem, m qua, Penmssione Diyma, sedemus, opera et ges- 
tae condignis et immortalibus preeconiis et laudibus etSerre 
d&AieacaxnxiBy ac ea sibi concedere propter quaB;invigilare 
debeat a Grege Dominico Lupos: aroere, et putida membra, 
qwB Mysticum Christi Corpus iaficiunl^ .ferro etmateriali 
gladio abseifldere, et nutantium corda Fidelium in.Eidei so- 
Udijbiite oonfimiare, 

Sane^um nup^ Dikotus Filius Johatmesi Clerk, Majes- 
t«tis tu«» ^ud Nos Orator, in Connstorio oosteo, coram 
Venerabilibus Fratribus nostris Sanctse Homanae Eocleinae 
Cardinalibus, et coippluribus aliis Romanae Cudaet Prtelatis, 
L^mwy quern M^^jesfm tmi, cbarit$te> j}ii» omnia sedulo 
et nihil perperam agit, FideiqueCatkolicm zelo accansa, ac 
Devodonis erga Nos et banc Sanctam Sedem fervore in- 
flamata, contra Errores diversorum Ha^reticorum, saepius 
ab hac Sancta Sede Di^nnatos, nuperque per Martittum 
Lutkerum snscitatos et innovatos, tanquamnobile ac salu- 
tare quoddam anddotum, composuit, NoUs examinandum, 
et deinde Auctoritate nostra apprc4>andum, obtulisset, ao 
luculenta Oradone sua exposuisset, Mqjestatem tuam pa- 
ratam ac dispositam esse ut, quemadmodum veris Radonibus 
ac irrefragabilibus Sacrse Scripturae et Sanctorum Patrum 
Auctoritatibus notorios Errores ejusdem Martini confuta- 


verat) ita etiam omneft eos sequi et defensare pnesumentes 
totius Regni sui viribus et armis persequatur r 

Nosque ejus lAbri admirabilem quatidam et ccdestis 
Gratise rore conspersam, Doctrinam diligenter accurateque 
introspeximusy Omnipotenti Deo, a quo omne Datum opti- 
mum et omne Donum perfectum est^ immensas Ghratias egi- 
muSy qui optimam et ad omne bonum incUnatam mentem 
tuam inspirare, eique tantam Gratiam superne inftindere 
dignatus fiiit, ut ea scriberes quibus Sanctam ejus fidem 
contra novum Erronim Damnatorum hujusmodi Susoitato- 
rem defenderes, ac reKquos Reges et Prindpes Christianos 
tuo exemplo invitares ut ipsi etiam Orthodoxae fldei et 
Eyangelicie Veritati, in periculum et discrtmen adductae, 
omni ope sua adesse opportunequefavere vellent; aequum 
autem esse censentes eos, qui pro Fidei Christi hujusmodi 
Defensione pios Labores susceperunt, omni Laude et Ho- 
nore afficere; Yolentesque non solum ea, quae Mcye8ta$ 
tua contra eundem Mariinum Lutherwm absolutissima Doc- 
trina nee minori Eloquentia scripsit, condignis laudibus ex- 
toUeie ac magnificare, Auctoritateque nostra approbare et 
confirmare, sed etiam Mcgestcdem ipmm tali Honore et Ti- 
tulo decorare, ut nostris ac perpetuis Aituris temporibus 
Christi Fideles omnes intelligant quam gratum acceptum- 
que Nobis fiierit Majesiaiis ttuse munus, hoc prassertim tem- 
pore nobis oblatum ; 

Nos qui Petri, quem Christus, in ccelum ascensurus, Vi- 
carium suum in Terris reliquit, et cui curam Gre^ sin 
commkit, veri Successores sumus, et in hac Sancta Sede, 
a qua omnes Dignitates ac Tituli emanant, sedemus, habita 
super his cum eisdem Fratribus nostris matura Delibera- 
tione, de eorum unanimi Consitio et Assensu, Majestaii tua 
Tituium hunc (videlicet) Fidei Defensorem donare decre- 
vimus, prout Te tali Titulo per Praesentes insignimus ; Man- 
dantes omnibus Christi Fidelibus ut Majegtatem tuam hoc 
Titulo nominent, et cimi ad earn scnribent, post Dictionem 
Regi adjungant Fidei Defensori. 

Et profeeto, hujus Tituli excellenlia et dignitate ac sin- 
gularibus Meritis tuis diligenter perpensis et consideratis, 


nidlum neqtie dignius neque Majestati iuae convenientius 
nomen excogitare potuissemus, quod quotiens audies aut 
legesy totiens proprise Yirtutis optimique Meriti tui recor- 
daberis ; nee hujusmodi Titulo intumesces yel in Superbiam 
elevaberis^ sed solita tua Prudentia humilior, et in Fide 
Christi ac Devotione hujus Sanctae Sedis, a qua exaltatus 
fueris, fortior et constantior evades, ac in Domino bonorum 
omnium Largitore Isetaberis perpetuum hoc et immortale 
Gloriie tuae Monumentum Posteris tuis relinquere, illisque 
viam ostendere ut, si tali Titulo ipsi quoque insigniri opta- 
bunt, taHa etiam Opera efficere, praeclaraque Majestatis 
tua Vestigia sequi studeant, quam, prout de Nobis et dkta 
Sede optime merita est, una cum Uxore et Iiliis, ac omni- 
bus qui a Te et ab IDis nascentur, nostra Benedictione, in 
Nomine illius,. a quo illam concedendi Potestas Nobis data 
est, larga et liberali Manu B^enedicentes, Altissimum ilium, 
qui dixit, per Me Reges regnatd et Principes imperanty et 
in cujus manu Corda sunt Regnm^ rogamus et obsecramus 
ut earn in suo Sancto Proposito eonfirmet, ejusque Deiroti- 
onem multiplicet, ac prseclaris pro Sancta Fide gestis ita 
iQastret, ac toti Oibi Terrarum conspicnam reddat ut Ju« 
dicium, quod de ipsa fecimus, eam tam insigni Titulo de- 
corantes^ a nemine falaum aut vanum judicari possit ; De- 
niBBi, nortalis hujus Vitse finito Curriculo, senqpitemse illius 
Glorias consortem atque participem reddat. 

Dat. RonuB apud Sanctum Petmni, Anno IncamatioiHS 
Dominican Millesimo, Quingentesimo, Vigesimo Primo, 
Quinto Idus Octobris, Pontificatus noatri anno Nono. 

Ego Leo Decimus, CathoUcce Eccksice Episcopus* 

Locus Signi» 

Ega B. Epis. Ostien. Card. S. 
Ego N. Card, de Flisco Episc. Albn. 
Ego A. Episc. Tuscul. de Famesiis. 
Ego Episc. A, Alban. 
Ego P. Tit. S. Eusebii Presbyt. Card. 

VOL. IV. 8 p 

434 APPENDIX, NO. cxcn.- 


Ego A. Tit. S. . Manse in Transtyberim Presbyt. Car. . 
Bonon. , 

Ego Laur. Tit. Sanctorum Quatuor Coronatorum* Pres- 
byt. Card, manu propria. 

Ego Jo. Do. Tit. S. Jo. an. Por. Lat. Presbyt* Cardin. 
Recanaten. manu propria. 

Ego A. Tit. S. Prisce. Presbyt. Card, de Vafle manu 

Ego Jo. Bap. Tit. S. Apollinaris Presbyt. Card. Caval- 

Ego S. Tit. S. Cyriaci in Thermis Presbjrt. Car. Comen. . 

Ego D. Tit. S. dementis Presbyt. Car Jacobinus. 

Ego L. Tit. S. Anastasise Presbyt. Car. Campegius. 

Ego F. Ponzettus, Tit. S. Pancratii Presbyt. Car. 

Ego G. Tit. S. Marcelli Car. Presbyt. de Vie. 

Ego F. Armellinus Medices, Tit. S. Callisti Presbyt. Car. 

Ego Tho. Tit. S. Xisti Card. Po-esbyt. 

Ego E. Tit. S. Mattbaei Presbyt. Card. 

Ego Cb. Tit. Marias Arse Coeli^ Presbyt. Car. . 

Ego F. S. Mariae in Cosmedin.. Diacon; Car. Ursinus.^ 
manu prop. 

Ego P. S. Eustachii Diaconus, Car. manu propria. 

Ego Alex. S. Sergii et Bacchi. Diacon. Car: Csesarinus. : 
manu prop. 

Ego Jo.SS. Cosmas et Dam. Diac.. .Car. de .&ilyiatis. 
manu prop. 

Ego N. S. Yiti et Mod. Diacon.. Car. Rodulphus. manu / 

Ego Her. S. Agatbae Diaconu's Car. de Rangon. manu 

Ego Aug. S. Hadriani Diaconus Car. Trivultius. manu 

Ego F. S. Mariae in Portion Car. Pisanus, manu propria. 

Locus Sigilli. 

H. 4>£ CoMITIBUS. . 


Explicatio Nominum, Titulorum, et Familiarumy, supra* > 

scriptorum subscribentium. 

Episcopi Cardinales. 

Bernardinus Carvaial Hispanus, Episcopus Ostien. Car- 
diifalis Sanctae' Criicisv 

Nicholaus Cardinalis de Flisco, Episcopus Albn. 
Alexander Episcopus Tusculanus de Farnesiis. 
Ahtoiiius de Monte Sancti Sabini, Episcopus Albanus. 

Presbyteri Cardirmles, 

Petrus de Accoltis^ Tituli Sancti Eusebii, Presbyter- 

Achilles de Crassis, Tituli Sanctee Mariae trans Tyberim 
Presbyter Cardinalis Bononien. 

Laurentius Puccius, Tituli Sanctorum qtiatuor Corona- 
torutii Presbyter Cardinalis. 

Johannes Dominicus de Cupis, Tituli Sancti Johannis' 
ante Portam Latinam Presbyter Cardinalis Recanaten. 

Andreas de Valle, Tituli Sanctae Priscae Presbyter Car- 
dinalis de Valle. 

Jo. Baptista Palavicinus^ Tituli Sancti Apollinaris Pres- 
byter Cardinalis Cavallicen. 

Scarramuccia Trivultius, Tituli Sancti Cyriaci in Ther- 
misy Presbyter Cardinalis Comensis. 

Dominicus Jacobatius, Tituli Sancti Clementis, Presby- 
ter Cardinalis Jacobinus. 

Laurentius Campegius, Tituli Sanctae Anastasiae, Pres- 
byter Cardinalis Campegius. 

Ferdinandus Ponzettus, Tituli Sancti Pancratii, Pres- 
byter Cardinalis. 

V GhiUielmus Raymuhdus de Vicos Tituli Sancti Marcelli 
Cardinalis Presbyter de Vic. 

Franciscus Armellinus Medices, Tituli Sancti Calisti, 
Presbyter Cardinalis. 

Frater Thomas de Vio, Tituli Sancti Xisti, Presbyter 

2f 2 

iS6 AfPiNDix, NO. cxcm. 

Frater iEgidus Viterbensis, Tituli Sancti Matthsi, Pres- 
byter Cardhiidis. 

Frater Cbristophorus HanNdias, Tituli Sanctae Manse 
de Aracceli, Presbyter Cardinalis. 

Diatcani Cardincdes. 

Franciottus Ursinus, Sanctse Marie in CosmedBn Difr- 
conus CardinaUsy Urdnus. 

Paulus de CaesiS) Sancti Eustachn, Diacomis Cardmalis. 
* Alexander Csesarinus Sanctorum Sergii et Bacchi Diaco- 
nus Cardinalis Caesarinus. 

Johannes Salviatus, Sanctorum Cosmae et Damiani Dia^ 
conus Cardinalis de Salviatis. 

Nicholaus Rodulphus Sanctorum Yiti et Modesti in Mo- 
cello, Diaconus Cardinalis Rodulphus. 

Hercules Comes de Rangonibus, Sancte Agadiae Dia- 
conus Cardinalis de Rang^tAus. 

Augustinus Trivultius, Sancti Adriani Diaccmus Cardir 
nalis Trivultius. 

Fraadacus de Pisanis, Sanctae Marias in Portieu IMaeo^ 
nus Cardinidis Piaanus. 

No. cxcin. 

(Page 67.) 

Albvoerden Hist. Mich. Serveti, pp. 67. 73. 91, Pd. 


A mes ires honoris Seigneurs^ Messeigneurs les SyncUcs et 

Conseil de Geneve. 

SuppLiE humblement Michael Servetus accu3ey mettant en 
faict que c'est une novelle invention^ ignoree des Apostres 
et Disciples et de TEglise anciene, de &ire partie crimineUe 
pour la doctrine de TEscriture, ou pour questions proced^- 
tes d'icelle. Sela se monstre premierement aux Actes des 
Apostres, cbapitre xviii et xix. ou dels accusateurs sont de- 
boutes, et renvoyes aux Eglises^ quant ni aultre crime que 

APPENDIX) NO. cxcni. 437 

questions de la Religion. Pareillement du temps de I'Em- 
pereur Constantin le grand, ou il y avoyt grandes heresies 
des Arriens, et accusatimis crinmielles, tant du coste de 
Athanal^uSy que du coste de Arrius, le diet Empereur par 
son ^onseil e conseil de toutes les Eglises, aitesta que suy- 
Tant la aneiene doctrine, teles accusations narionl poynt de 
lieu, voire quand on seroyt un heretique, c^Dnline estoyt 
Arrius. Mais que toutes leurs qliestions seriont decifteeis 
par les Eglises, et que estila que seroyt convencu, ou -con^- 
damna. piar iceles, si ne se voloyt reduire pi^- r^pentanc«, 
seroyt banni. La quiel epunition a este de tout temps ol>> 
serve en I'anciene eglise contra les heredques, comme se 
preuve par mille autres histoires, et authorites des -Docteurs. 
Pour quoy, Messeigneurs, su}rvant la doctrine d^s Apos* 
tres et Disciples, que ne permirent oncques tieles accusa- 
tions, et suy vant la doctrine de I'anciene eglise, en la quiek 
tieles accusations ne estiont poynt admises, requiert le diet 
Suppliant estre mis dehors de la accusation criminelle. 

Secondament, Messeigneurs, vous supplie considerer, que 
n*a poynt ofiknse en yostre terre, ni alHeurs, n'a poynt este 
sedicieux, ni perturbateur. Car les questions que luy tracte, 
sent difficiles, et seulement dirigees a gens sgavans. Et.qiie 
de tout le temps que a este en AUemagne, n'a jamais parl^ 
de ees questions, que a CEcolampadius Bucer et Capito. 
Aussi en France n'en ha jamais parle a home. En oultre 
que les Anabaptistes, sedicieux contre les Magistrats, et que 
▼<£ont faire les choses commimes, il les a tousjours re- 
prouve et reprouve. Done il conclut, que pour avoir sans 
sedition aueune mises en avant certaines questions des an- 
ciens Doeteurs de Peglise, que pour sela ne doyt aulcune- 
ment estre detenu en accusation criminelle. 

Tiersament, Messeigneurs, pour ce qu'il est estranger, 
et ne scait les costumes de ce pays, ni comme il fault parler, 
et preceder en jugement, vous supplie humblement luy do- 
ner un procureur, lequiel parle pour luy. Ce fesant fares 
bien, et nostre Seigneur prosperera vostre Republique. 
Faiet en vostre cU£ de Geneve, le ^. d'aost. 1553. 

Michel Servetus. 
De Ville neufve, en sa c^mepropre. 


Mes tres honoris Seigneurs. 

Je vous supplie tres humbl^nent, que vous plaise. abr^er 
ces grandes dilation$« on me mettre bors de la criminalite. 
Yous voyes que Calvin est au bout de son roulle,. ne sachant 
ce que doyt dire, et pour son plaisir me voult icy fiiire 
pourrir en la prison. Les poulx me mangent tout vif,.mes 
cbauses sont descirees, et n'ay de quoy changer, ni purpoint, 
ni cbamise, que une mechante. Je vous avois presente une 
aultre requeste, la quiele estoyt selon Dieu. Et pour la 
empecher, Calvin vous a allegue Justinian. Certes il est 
malbeureux, d*alleguer contre moy ce que luy mesme ne 
.croyt pas. Luy mesme ne tient point, ni croyt point, ce que 
Justinian a diet de Sacrosanctis Ecclesiis, et de Episcc^is, 
.et Clericis, et d'aultres choses de la Religion ; et scait bien 
^que Teglise estoit desja depravee. Cest grand honte a luy, 
^encores plus grands, qu*il a cinq Semeines, que me tient icy 
si fort enferme, et n'a jamais allegue contra moi un seul 

Messeigneurs ; je vous avoys aussi demande i^n procureur, 
ou advocat, comnie avies permis a ma partie la quiele n'en 
avoyt, si afaire que moy, que suys estrangier, ignorant les 
costumes de ce paijs. Toute fois vous I'aves permis a luy, 
non pas a moy, et Faves mis hors de prison, devant de cog- 
noistre. Je vous requier que ma cause soyt mise au conseil 
de deux cents, aveque mes requestes; et si j'enpuys appel- 
ler la, j'en appelle, protectant de tous despsuis, dammages 
et interes, et de poena talionis, tant contra le premier accu- 
sateur, que contra Calvin son maistre, que a prins la cause a 
soy. Faict en vos prisons de Geneve le xv. de Septembre, 

Michel Servetus, 
En sa cause projpre. 

Tres honores Seigneurs. 


Je suis detenu en accusation criminelle de la part de 
Jeban Calvin, lequelm'a faulsamant accuse, disant que 
j'aves escript, 


I. Que les ames estiont mortelles^ et aussi 
> .II. .Que. Jesu Christ n*avoyt prins de la vierge Maria, 
rque la quatriesme partie de son corps. 

Ce sont choses horribles et execrables. En toutes les 

aultres heresies, et en tons les aultres crimes, n'en a poynt 

si grand, que de faire Tamemortelle. Car a tous les aultres 

il y a sperance de salut, et non poynt a cestuicy. Qui diet 

•cela, ne croyt po3mt quil y aye Dieu, ni justice, ni resurrec- 

ition, ni Jesu Christ, ni sainte Escriture, ni rien : si non que 

ttout e mort, et que home et beste soyt tout un. Si j'aves 

* diet cela, non seulement diet, mais escript publicament, pour 

enfecir le monde, je me condemnares moy mesme a mort. 

Pourquoy, Messeigneurs, je demande que mon faulx ac- 

-cusateur soyt puni poena tdionis, et que soyt detenu Priso- 

iner comme moy, jusques a ce que la cause soyt diffinie pour 

mort de luy ou de moy, au aukre peine. Et pour ce faire je 

me inscris contra luy a la dicte peine de talion. Et suis con- 

itentdemorir, si nou est convencu, tant de cecy, que d'aultres 

dioses, que je luy mettre dessus. Je vous demande justice, 

.Messeigneurs, justice, justice, justice. Faict en vos prisons 

de. Geneve, le xxii. de Septembre, 1553. 

Michel Servetus, 
En sa cause propre^ 


(Page. 94.) 

Rymer. Feeder a^ torn. vi. par. 1. p. 119. 

Papa adJRegem super Anticipatione ^quinoctiorum, et de 

Kalendario emendando. 

Carissime in Christo Fili noster Salutem et Apostolicam 

Cum, Doctorum Virorum relatione, in Sacro Lateranensi 
'Goncilio propositum fuisset Kalendarium, quod in positione 
•Vernalis iEquinoctii, Solis cursum designantis, a suo recto 


cursu defluxerat, correctione indigere, ut Pascha, quod, 
preecipue a vemali eequinoctio et quartadeoiBia Luoii novo- 
rum pendet, recte observaretur, ac dignum reputantef pn 
hujusmodi Lateranensis ConcUU celebralione errorem hu- 
jusmodi agnosci et agnitum emendari: movissemusque et 
hortati fuissemus Theologos et Astrologos ac alios in hiB 
Viros doctissimos de remedio et emendatione congrua co^ 
tare ; sententiisque eorum partim scriptis partim dispuiiuir 
onibus habitis, reipsa in sacris dioti Concilii Cardmalinin 
et Prs^latonim Disputationibus crebris disceptationibuaque 
agitata, nonnuUss difficultate9 quae ex iUa <mebantur appa- 
ruissent ; volentes ea omnia mature et considerate disceroi 
ut decreta postea et deliberata ab omnibus observarentur, 
Mcyestatem tuam hortati fUimus ut Theologise et Astrolo- 
gise Professores Viros claros, quos in regno tuo haberes, 
ad Lateranense Concilium, ut errorb hujusmodi discussio 
et illius emendatio salubri r^nedio perquireretur, et ad 
veram determinationem et sinceram obserrationon ommum 
votis perduceretur, venire juberes atque curares; impeditis 
autem prasciperes quid eorum quisque in his statueret, et 
quid juxta conscientiam meam arbitraretur, ad Nos in scrip- 
tis transmitteret ; et, ut ipsi venturi vel remansuri conveni- 
entius rem considerare et discutere possent, summariam ali- 
quarum propositionum, super prsemissis in dictis disputati- 
onibus exhibitam mittendam curavimus : 

Cumque factum fuerit, hortationibus nostris hujusmodi, 
ut aliquorum scripta ad Nos pervenerint, illis in disputa- 
tionibus praefatis diligenter examinatis; denuo compendium 
cum quibusdam propositionibus, diversos modos correctio- 
nis Kalendarium hujusmodi continentibus, a doctis et sapi- 
entibus prolatum, Uteris nostris, universis et singulis Patri- 
archis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, ac Rectoribus Universi- 
tatum studiorum generalium directis, adjunctum duximus 
destinandum ; ut super his quod conclusum atque scriptum 
pro majori parte fuerit per Patriarchas, Archiepiscopos, et 
Episcopos, eorum sigiUis muoitum, §altem infra quatuor 
menses per proprium sen alium Nuncium ad Nos destinare 
procurent, ut in prima sessione^ quam ea potissimum Qs^xm 


jmI pridie Kalendas Decembris distulimus ac prorogavimus, 
negothun htgusmodi absolv^e ac maturius et consultius 
tenmnare valeamus. 

Cupientes i^tur opus hujasmodi tarn laudabile ad finem 
optatum, cum omnium fidelium pace et spirituali consola- 
tione deduci, Majestatem tuam bortamur in Domino ut yi- 
los doctos quos babes ad veniendum, seu quid ipsi in prsB- 
misns sentiant scribendum inducere, ac eorum scripta ad 
no8 transmittere, ac opem et operam efficaces adbibere ve« 
lis quod dictas nostne litterae Patriarcbis, Arcbiepiscopis, 
Episcopis, Rectoribus Universitarum bujusmodi Regni tui 
fiddSter et diligenter prsBsententur, ac juxta mandata nostra 
per eos executioni debite demandentur; Quod si feceris ut 
speramus rem in primis Deo acceptam, Nobis vero gratam 

Datum RonkE, apud Sanctum Petrum, sub Annulo Pis- 
catoris, die dedma JuUi, millesimo quingentesimo decimp 
sexto, Pontificatus nostri anno quarto. 



Charissimo in Chriito FiUo nostra Henrico AngUce Begi 

No. CXCV. 

(Page 115.) 

Sodoku Ep, Poni. No. XXIV. p. S^. 

Leo Papa X. 

DiLECTB Fili, «alutem, et Apostolicam benedictionem. 
Nihil est in hoc honore ad quem impares mentis, divina 
providentia vocati fuimus, quod nobis gratius aut magis ju« 
cundum accidere possit, quam esse quandoque apud nos 
prssmia fortibus et bonis etproestantibus viris constituta: fit 
autem hoc idem jucundissimum, cum iilae quae nos invitant 
ad liber^Utatem ciiu$sae ita consentiunt^ ut ad peculiarem 


•sensum beneyokntias nostrae, communis quoque udlitatb ra^ 
tio accedat^ ut uno, atque eodem facto, et prsemhim spec- 
tatae virtuti, et speratas exempli imitationem pn^Mmamus. 
Cum itaque te etiam antea in minoribus cognoverimus ipsi, 
egregie omatum eis dotibus, quae ad praestantem virum effi- 
ciendum accommodatae sunt, cum genere natus honestissimo, 
et litterarum studiis antecellas, et bellica ex laudenon me- 
diocre nomen sis conseculxis, quodque ante omnia nos mo- 
vet, singulari erga nos et Sanctam Sedem Apostolicam Aie- 
ris voluntate atque observantia, dignitatb et meritorum tuo- 
rum rationem habere volentes, Nubtlariae castrum agri Pi- 
sauriensis, nobis et S. Romanae Ecclesiaa directi dominii 
jure subjectum, quod dilectus filius nobilis vir Franciscus 
Maria de Ruvere, Dux Urbini, Ahnae Urbis nostraePraB- 
fectus, S. Rom. Ecclesiae Generalis Capitaneus noster, in 
dicta civitate perpetuus Yicarius, tibi, liberis, posterisque 
'tuis masculis, qui ex te legitime orientur, cum arcibus, ho- 
minibus, juribusque • omnibus ejusdem, in fidei tuae prae- 
mium, et suae benevolentiae testimonium tradidit, et titulo 
irrevocabilis inter vivos donationis concessit, sicut in dicti 
Ducis litteris uberius continetur, tibi tenore prassentium 
litterarum confirmamus ; eamque ipsam donationem tam in 
universum, quam partes omnes, et singula in ea contenta 
approbamus, Apostolicaeque nostras confirmationis, atque 
approbationis robore communimus; supplentes omnes de- 
fectus tam juris, quam facti, si qui forsitan intervenissent in 
eadem : nee non quatenus opus sit, Castrum supradictum 
cum omnibus juribus, arcibus, bonis, et pertinentiis, ac vas- 
sallis suis, meroque et mixto imperio^ et omnimoda jurisdic- 
tione, ac gladii potestate tibi, liberis, posterisque tuis mas- 
culis, qui ex te legitime orientur de novo concedimus, in 
perpetuumque condonamus: contrariis etiam, de quibus 
specialis et expressa mentio, ac forsitan de verbo ad verbum 
habenda esset, non obstantibus quibuscumque. Yolumus 
autem apud Veh. Fratrem R. Episcopum Ostiensem Ca- 
merarium nostrum fidelitatis solitum per alios feudatarios 
nostros hujusmodi praestes juramentum, quodque in die SS. 
Petri et Pauli in recognitionem directi dominii, quod Sedes 


Apostolica obtinet^ Camerae nostras Apostolicae cereum 
unum e cera Candida librae unius apnuum censum, ta et suc- 
cessores tui praedicti in perpetuum persolvatis. Datum in 
Villa nostra Manliana, sub annulo Piscatoris, die vigesima 
secunda Maii, millesimo quingentesimo quartodecimo, Pon- 
tificatus nostri anno secundo. 

Jac. Saik)letus. 

A tergo. Dilecto Filio Balthassari Castilioneo Castri Nu- 
bilariae Domino. 

. No. CXCVI. 

• (Page 117.) 
Carm. v. Illustrium Poetar.p. 171. Ed. Ven, 1548. 
Hippolyte Balthassari Castilioni ConjugL 

HiPPOLYTE mittit mandata haec Castilioni, 

Addideram imprudens, hei mihi, pene suo. 
Te tua Roma tenet, mihi quam narrare solebas, 

Unam delicias esse hominum atque Deum. 
Hoc quoque nunc major, quod Magno est aucta Leone 

Tam bene pacatiqui imperium orbis habet. 
Hie tibi nee desunt, celeberrima turba, sodales, 

Apta oculos etiam multa tenere tuos. 
Nam modo tot priscae spectas miracula gentis, 

Heroum et titulis clara trophaea suis ; 
Nunc Vaticani surgentia marmore templa, 

Et quae porticibus aurea tecta nitent ; 
Irriguos fontes, hortosque et amoena vireta, 

Plurima quae umbroso margine Tybris habet. 
Utque ferunt coetu convivia laeta frequenti, 

£t celebras lentis ocia mixta jocis. 
Aut cithara aestivum attenuas, cantuque calorem ; 

Hei mihi quam dispar nunc mea vita tuae est. 
Kec mihi displiceant, quae sunt tibi grata, sed ipsa est 

Te sine lux oculis pene inimica m^is. 

i44f appbndU, mo. oxcvi. 

Non auto aut gemma caput Aomare mtenti 

Me juvat, aut Arabo spargere odore comas ; 
Non cekbres ludos fSastis spectare diebusi 

Cum popufi complet densa corona fbrum^ 
£t ferus in media exultat gladiator arena, 

Hasta concurrit vel cataphractus eques. 
Sola tuos vultus referens, Rapfaaelis imago 

Piota manu, curas idlevat usque meas. 
iluic ego delicias facio, arrideoquc jocorque, 

Alloquor^ et tanquam reddere verba queat, 
Assensu, nutuque mihi saepe ilia videtur, 

Dicere velle aliquid, et tua verba loqui. 
Agnoscit, balboque patrem puer ore salutat. 

Hoc solor longos, decipioque dies. 
At quicunque istinc ad nos accesserit hospes, 

Hunc ego quid dicas, quid faciasque rogo. 
Cuncta mihi de te incutiunt audita timorem; 

Vano etiam absentes saepe timore pavent. 
Sed mihi hescio quis narravit saepe tumultus, 

Miscerique neces per fora, perque vias. 
Cum populi pars haec Ursum, pars ilia Columnam 

Invocat, et trepida corripit arma manu. 
Ne tUy ne, quaeso, tantis te immitte periclis. 

Sat tibi sit tuto posse redire domum. 
Romae etiam fama est, cultas habitare puellas, 

Sed quae lascivo turpiter igne calent^ 
nib venalis forma est, corpusque, pudorque, 

His tu blanditiis ne capiare, cave. 
Sed nisi jam captiun blanda haec te vinda tenerent, 

Tam longas absens non paterere moras. 
Nam memini cum te vivum jurare solebas 

Non me si cupias posse carere diu. 
Vivis Castillo, vivasque beatius, opto ; 

Nee tibi jam durum est me caruisse diu. 
Cur tua mutata est i^tur mens ? cur prior iUe, 

Die tuo nostri corde refrixit amor ? 
Cur tibi nunc videor vilis ? nee, ut ante solebam, 

Digna thori sociam quam patiare tui ? 


ScSicet in ventos prcmiissa abiere, fidesque, 

A nostris simulac vestii abiere oculi* 
Et tibi nunc forsan subeunt fiEUitidiB nostri, 

Et grave jam Hippolytes nomen in aure tua est. 
Verum ut me fugias, jmtriam fiigis improbe, nee te 

Chara parens, nati nee pia c«ra lienet. 
Quid queror ? en tua scribenti mihi epistola venit ; 

Grata quidem, dictis si modo certa fides. 
Te nostri desiderio languere, pedemque 

Quamprimum ad patrios velle referre lares, 
Torquerique mora, sed magni jussa Leonis 

Jamdudum reditus detinuisse tuos. 
His ego perlectis, sic ad tua verba revixi, 

Surgere ut aestivis imbribus herba solet. 
Quae licet ex toto non ausim vera fateri, 

Qualiacunque tamen credulitate juvant. 
Credam ego, quod fieri cupio, votisque &vebo 

Ipsa meis ; vera hsBC quis vetet esse tamen ? 
Nee tibi sunt praecordia ferrea, nee tibi dura 

libera in Alpinis cautibus ursa dedit. 
Nee culpanda tua est mora, nam praecepta Deorum 

Non fes, nee tutum est spemere velle homini. 
Esse tamen fertur dementia tanta Leonis, 

Ut facili humanas audiat ore preees. 
Tu modo et iUius numen veneratus adora, 

Pronaque sacratis oscnla da pedibuv. 
Cumque tua attuleris supplex vota, adjiee nostra, 

Atque meo largas nomine funde preees. 
Aut jubeat te jam properare ad mcstiia IMbntus, 

Aut me Romanas tecum habitare domes. 
Namque ego sum sine te, veluti spoliata magistro 

Cymba, procellosi quam rapit unda maris. 
Et data cum libi sim utroque orba puella parente, 

Sohis tu mihi vir, solus uterque parens. 
Nunc niims ingrata est vita haec mihi, namque ego tantum 

Tecum vivere amem, tecum obeamqua libens. 
PraestalHt veniam mitis Deus ille roganti, 

Auspiciisque bonis, et bene dicet, eas. 

446 APPENDIX} NO. cxcvn; 

Ocyus hue celeres mannos conscende viator, 
Atque moras omnes rumpe, viamque vora, 

Te laeta excipiet, festisque omata coronis 
Et Domini adventum sentiet ipsa domus. 

Vota ego persolvam tempio, inscribamque tabells; 
Hippolyte salvi conjugis ob reditum. 


(Page 132.) 

From the original, in the possession of the Reverend Mr. 

Hinckes, of Cork, 


Quel Gismondo. Arovello, degno de tutti gli honori men- 
tre rapresenta il Re vostro ne la imbasciaria, prima che la 
bonta vostra affermasse F haver egli ritratto la somma de i 
trecento scudi, che doveva darmi come dono di sua Maesta, 
et ordine di voi altri miei fautori, ha sempre giurato di non 
havere il modo di darmigli del suo/e che subito che se gli 
rimettino, manderamigli sino acasa, e che pagaria del pro- 
prio sangue a non essere caduto ne lo errore del ferirmi ; et 
che di cio e suto cagione il Medico de gli Agustini, che gli 
ha riportato il falso ; ipa. che- s' io voglio diventargli amico, 
che mi sara tal mio in Ii^hilterrai che beato me. M^ hora 
che ha inteso come per tutta questa citta e sparso il nome, 
che prova il come molto tempo e, che hebbe tali denari, si e 
posto in su le furie, et dice, ma de si ; che gli ho ; negUene 
vo dare, perche L' Aretino ha detto mal di me; et voglio 
scrivere al protettore cose stupende di lui. Onde non si 
parla d* altro, . che de la tracagnaria di cosi insolente homo, 
al quale non ho fatto altro dispiacere che chiedergli il nuo. H 
che voi giustissima creatura del grande Henrico, non sop- 
portarete gia ; ma. piaccia a Dio che fomisca cpsi empia 
lite, senza altro interresse che di danari et parole; et bascio 


la mano di V. S. con tutto F animo. Di Venetia, U viiii. di 
Luglio, 1548. 

Obligatissimo Serv. 

PiETRo Aretino. 
Al Honoratissimo Signor Fillippo Obi Imbasciatore del 
Re de Inghilterra apresso la Maesta di Cesare. 


(Page 133.) 

Opere Burlesche del Bemi ed altri, vol. ii. p. 112. 

Contro a Pietro Aretino. 

Tu ne dirai, e farai tante, e tante, 

Lingua fracida, marcida, senza sale, 

Ch' al fin si troyera pur un pugnale 

Miglior di quel d' Achille, e piu calzanie. 
n Papa e Papa, e tu sei un furfante, . 

Nudrito del pan d' altri, e del dir male ; 

Un pie hai in bordello, e Y altro alio spedale ; 

Storpiataccio, ignorante, ed arrogante. 
Giovammatteo, e gli akri ch' egli ha presso, 

Che per grazia di Dio, son vivi, e sani, 

T' affogheranno suicora un di n' un cesso. 
Boja, scorgi i costiimi tuoi ruffiani : 

E se pur vuoi cianciar, di di te stesso ; 

GKiardati il petto, e la testa, e le mani. 
Ma tu fai come i cani, 
Che da pur lor mazzate se tu sai, 

Scosse che Y hanno, son piu bei che mai, 
Vergognati haggimai, 
Prosuntuoso porco, mostro infame. 

Idol del vituperio, e della fame ; 
Ch* un monte di letame 
T' aspetta, manigoldo, sprimacciato, 

Perche tu muoja a tue sorelle allato, 
Quelle due, sciagurato. 

44^ APPENDIX, NO* cxcini. 

C* hai nel bordel d' Arezzo a grand' honorei 
Di queste, traditore, 
Dovevi far le frottole, e noveUe, 
£ non del Sanga, che non ha soreUe. 
Queste saranno quelle, 
Che mal vivendo ti faran le spese, 

£ *1 lor, non quel di Mantova, Marchese. 
Ch* ormai ogni paese, 
Hai ammorbato, ogni huom, ogni animale, 
n Ciel, e Dio, e 1 Diavol ti vuol male* 
Quelle veste ducale, 
O ducali accattate, e furfantate, 
Che ti piangono mdosso sventurate, 
A suon di bastonate 
Ti saran tratte, prima che tu muoja, 
Dal reverendo padre Messer Boja ; 
Che r anima di noja, 
Mediante un capresto, caveratti, 
£ per maggior favore squarteratti* 
£ quei tuoi Leccapiatti 
Bardassonacci, Paggi da tavema, 
Ti canteranno il requiem etema. 
Or vivi, e ti gorema, 
Bench' un pugnale, un cesso, o vero lui node, 
Ti faranno star cheto in ogni modo. 



(Page 143.) 

Bayle Diet. Histor. et Critiq. Art. Leon. X. torn. iii. p. 655. 

Venerabili Fratri Alberto Moguntin. et Magdeburgen. 
Arciiepiscopo, Administratori HcMerstaten. Principi 
Electori ac Germanue Primati. 

Leo pp. X. 

Venerabilis Frater, Salutem et Apostolicatn benedictio- 
nem. Mittimus dilectum filium Joannem Hey tmers de Zon- 
velben, Clericutn Leodiensis Dioeceseos, nostrum et Apos- 
tolicse sedis Commissarium ad inelitas nationes, Germanise, 
Danism, Svetise, Novergiae, et Gothiae, pro inquirendis dig- 
nis et antiquis libris qui temporum injuria periere, in qua re 
nee sumptui nee impensae alicui parcimus, solum ut sicut 
usque a nostri Pontificatus initio proposuimus, quod Altis- 
simo tantum sit honor et gloria, viros quovis virtutum ge- 
dere insignitos praesertim literates, quantum cum Deo pos- 
sumus, foveamus, extollamus, ac juvemus. Accepimus au- 
tem penes Fratemitatem Tuam, seu in lods sub illius di- 
tione positis esse ex dictis antiquis libris, praesertim Roma- 
narum Historiarum non paucos qui nobis cordi non parum 
forent. Quare cum in animo nobis sit tales libros, quotquot 
ad manus venire potuerint in lucem redire curare pro com- 
muni omnium literatorum utilitate, Fratemitatem Tuam ea 
demum qua possumus affectione hortamur, monemus, et 
enixius in Domino obtestamur, ut si rem gratam unquam 
&cere animo proponit, vel eorundem librorum omnium ex- 
empla fideliter et accurate scripta, vel quod magis exopta- 
mus ipsosmet libros antiques ad nos transmittere quanto 
citius curet, illos statim receptura, cum exscripti hie fue- 
rint, juxta obligationem per Cameram nostram Apostolicam 
fiictam, seu quam dictus Joannes Commissarius noster prae- 
sentium lator, ad id mandatum sufficiens habens, nomine 

VOL. IV. 2 G 


dictas Cameras denuo duxerit faciendam. Et quia dictus 
Joannes promisit nobis se brevi daturum trigesimum ter- 
tium librum Titi Livii de bello Macedonico, illi commisimus 
ut eum ad manus Tuae Fratemitatis daret, at ipsa quam 
primum posset per fidum nuntium ad nos, vel dilecto Filio 
Philippo Beroaldo Bibliotbecario Palatii nostri ApostoUci 
mittat. Quoniam vero eidem Joanni certam summam pe- 
cuniarum hie in urbe enumerari fecimus pro expensis fadk 
et fiendisy et certam quantitatem debemus, Tolumus, et ita 
Fratemitati Tuae committimus et mandamus, ut postquam 
acceperit praedictum librum Titi Livii, ipsi Joanni solvat 
seu solvi faciat centum quadraginta septem ducatos auri ^e 
Camera ex pecuniis indulgentiarum concessarum per ilHus 
provincias in favorem fabricae Basilicas Principis Apostolo* 
rumde urbe ; quam quidem pecuniarum summam in comr 
putis Tuaei Fratemitatis cum Camera Apostolica admitte- 
mus, prout in prassentia per praesentes admittimus et adr 
mitti mandamus. Juvet praeterea eundem Joannem sal^ 
conductibus, litteris et auxiliisi et illi per Proyinoias s^ 
assistat pro libris extrahendis, et pro illo eliam fide jub^ati 
si opus est, pro dictis libris in^a certum tempus a nobis re- 
stituendis et ad sua loca remittendis. ^od si Frateniit93 
Tua fi^cerit, ut omnino nobis persuadomis, et ingens mnn^ 
apud Viros literatos consequetur, et nobis rem gratissinuiiii 
faciet. Datum Romas, apud S. Petrum, sub annulo Pisca* 
tons, ^e XXVI. Novembris, m.pxvii. Pontificatiis nostri 
anno quinto. 

Ja. SxpQhMTVS. 

Leo pp. X. 

DiLECTi FiLii, Salutem et Apostplicam benediotionem. 
Rettulit nobis dilectus filius Joannes Heytmers de Zonvd^ 
ben Clericus Leodiensis diceceseos, quern nuper pro inqui* 
rendis antiquis libris qui desiderantur, ad inclitas na<ionef 
Germanias, Daniae, Norv^iae, Svetias, et Gothias, nostnmi 
et Apostolicas sedis specialem nuntium et commissariiaB de- 
^^Oftvnnus, a quodam quem ipse ad id substituerat, aece^ 


pisse U(;era3> quibus ei signijGicat in vesixa BibBotheca repe- 
risse Codicem antiquum, in quo omneB Decades Tid Liyii 
sunt descripta^ impetrasseque a vobis illas posse exscribere, 
cum originalem codicem habere fas non fuetit. Laudamus 
profecto vestram humanitatem et erga sedem Apostolicam 
pbedientiam. Verum, dikcti filii, fuit nobis ab ipso usque 
Pontificatus nostri initio ammus, viros quovis genere exor- 
natos, prsBsertim literatos, quantum cum Dbo posiSumus, 
extoUere ac juvare. £a de causa hujusmodi antiquos et 
desideratos libros, quotquot redpere possumus, prius per 
viros doetissimosy quorum copia Dei munere in nostra ho- 
die est curia, corrigi facimus, deinde nostra imp^nsa ad 
conununem eruditorum utilitatem diligentissime imprimi cu- 
ramus* Sed si ipi^os originales libros non habeamus, nostra 
intentio non plane adimpletur, quia hi libri, visis tantum ex- 
emplis, correcti in lucem exire non possunt. Mandavimus 
in camera nostra Apostolica sufficientem praestare cautio- 
nem de restituendis hujuscemodi libris integris et illaesis eo- 
rum Dominis, quam primum hie erunt exscripti ; et dictus 
Joannes, quern iterum ad praemissa Commissarium deputa- 
vimus, habet ad eandem cameram sufficiens mandatiun, il- 
1am obligandi ad restitutionem praedictam, modo et forma 
quibus ei videbitur. Tantum ad commodum et utilitatem 
Tirorum eruditorum tendimus. De quo etiam dilecti filii 
Abbas et conventus Monasterii Corviensis Ordinis S. Be- 
nedict! Padebomensis dioeceseos nostri locupletissimi pos- 
sunt esse testes, ex quorum Bibliotheca cum primi quinque 
libri Historian Augustas Cornelii Taciti qui desiderabantur, 
fiuto subtracti fuissent, illique per multas manus ad nostras 
tandem pervenissent, Nos, recognitos prius eosdem quinque 
libros et correctos a viris praedictis literatis in nostra curia 
i^xisteniibus, cum aliis Cornelii prasdicti operibus quae exta- 
})an% nostro sumptu imprimi fecimus ; deinde vero, re com- 
perta, unum ex yoluminibus dictr Cornelii, ut praemittitur, 
Qorrectum et impressum, ac etiam non inordinate ligatum, 
ad dictos Abbatem et Conventum Monasterii Corviensis 
remisimu^s, quod in eorum Bibliotheca loco subtracti repo- 
nere poatsept. ^ ut cognoscerent ex ea subtractione po- 

2g 2 


tius eis cotnmodum quam incommodum ortum, imdmus eis- 
dem pro Ecclesia Monasterii 'eorum indulgentianiy perpe- 
tuam. Quocirca vos et vestrum quemlibet, ea demum qulEi 
possumus affectione in virtute sanctae obedieniiae monemus, 
hortatnur, et sincera in Domino caritate requirimus, ut si 
nobis rem gratam facere unquam animo proponitis, eundem 
Joannem in dictam vestram Bibliothecam intromittatis, et 
exinde tarn dictum codicem Livii, quam alios qui ei vide- 
buntur, per eum ad nos transmitti permittatis, illos eosdem 
omnino recepturi, reportaturique a Nobis prsemia non vul- 
garia. Datum Romae, apud S. Petrum, sub annulo Pisca- 
toris, die prima Decembris, mdxvii. Pontificatus Nostri 
anno quinto. 

Ja. Sadoletus. 

No. CC. 

(Page 143.) 

Nova lAtteraria Maris Balthici et Septentrionis. An. 1699. 

Edit. Lubecce. 4io. p. 347. 

Hensburgi. Joannes Mollerus inter varias de Scriptoribus 
Danicis observationes curiosas a Viro Rev. et antiquitatum 
patriarum callentissimo, Petro Jani, Lucoppidano Pastore 
Dioeeeseos Landensis in insula Thorsing prope Fioniam, 
secum communicatas, singularem nuper Leonis X. Papse 
Romani Bullam adeptus est, quam si obtinuisset citius, prae- 
fationi BibliothectB suae Septentrionis eruditi inseruisset; 
probaturus inde paucitatis ac penuriae veterum apud Sep- 
tentrionales monumentorum Litterariorum eausam, Italis 
quoque adscribendam, qui ea forte sub initium superioris 
saeeuli peremissarios suos undique conquisita ave^erint. Id 
enim e Bulla ista Pontificia, sive Leonis X. ad Christiemum 
II. Daniae Regem epistola, ad oculum patere existimat; 
cujus copiam publico non invidens, hoc saltern monet, Cal- 
lundburgi olim vetustum Regni Daniae Archivum sive Ta- 
bularium fuisse, quamvis locus ille, non, ut Bulla habet, ad 


Dioecesin Ottoniensem seu Fionicam, sed potius ad Roes- 
kildensem vel Selandicam, pertineat: et licet Pontifex Regi 
monumentorum veterutn ab ipso impetratorum restitutionem 
promittat; earn tamen, ob insequutum paullo post Regis 
I exilium, quin et mutationem religionis, aliasque varias Sep- 
tentrionis turbas, nunquam factum fuisse, videri verisimile. 
Bulla ipsa ita habet. 

Carissimo in Christo Filio Christiemo, Dacuse, Norvegice 

et GothitB Regi illustri. 

Leo Papa X. 

Carissime in Christo Fili, salutem et apostolicam bene- 
dictionem ; Retulit nobis dilectus filius Joannes Heytmers 
de Zonalben Clericus Leodiensis Dioeceseos, commissarius 
noster, quern dudum ad inquirendum Libros vetustos, ad 
inclytas nationes GermaniaB, Dacias^ Sveciae, Norwegiae, et 
Gothiae miseramus, in regno tuo, in castro videlicet Callen- 
bnrgensi^ Ottoniensis Dioeceseos, alias repertos libros non- 
nuUos vetustos Auctorum clarissimorum, Romanas prasser- 
tim Historias continentes/illosque tuo jussu diligenter cus- 
todiri. Magnum nos desiderium invasit, et ab ipso primo 
pontificatus nostri initio, yiros quovis virtutum genere insig- 
nitos, praesertim litteratos, quantum cum Peo possumus, 
fovere, extollere, et juvare. Qua de causa, licet et nobis 
nonnihil dispendiosum sit, curamus indies diligentissime ut 
nostra impensa antiqui libri, qui temporum malignitate peri- 
rent, in lucem redeant. Quocirca Majestatem tuam ea,. 
qua demum possumus affectione, hortamur, monemus, et 
enixius in Domino obtestamur, ut, in quantum nobis rem 
gratam facere unquam animo proponit, tam dictos, quam 
alios quosvis antiquos libros sui regni dignos, et qui deside- 
rentur, ad nos transmittere curet, illos statim receptura, cum 
exscripti hie fuerint, juxta obligationem per Cameram nos- 
tram Apostolicam factam, seu quam dictus Joannes Heyt- 
mers ad id mandatum sufficiens habens, nomine dictae came- 
ras denuo duxerit faciendam. Quod si Majestas tua fecerit, 
et ingens nomen apud viros litteratos consequetur, et nobis 


adeo rem gratam faciei, ut nihil supra. Mittimus autett in 
praesentia Majestati tuae confessionale in forma Prindpum, 
tarn illi, quam susb Consortia et duodecim personis, per vos 
nominandis concessum; munus, si id ad ccelum respicere 
Yolueris, maximum. Non minora etiam pollicemur, et Ma-^ 
jestati tuae o£ferimus, quae iUi grata esse in dies cognoscemua. 
Datum Romae, apud S. Petrum, sub annulo Piscatoris, 
octavo Novembris. An. m.d jcviii. Pont, nostri anno quinto. 

Jac. Sadoletus. 

No. CCI. 

(Page 156.) 

Ex Codice MS. MarucelUano. Fhrent. A. 82. 

Ode Zenobii Acciaioli, qua Leo X. Luminare Majus Ec" 
clentB, SoU sen ApoUini comparatur, invitaturque ad 
coUis Quirinalis ornatum ; exemplo Leonis iUius qui par- 
tem urbis Transtyberinam, did a se Leoninam voMU 

Veris Descriptio. 

Orbis ut nostri superas ad Arctos 
Sol pater Lucis redit, atque Phryou 
Aureus vector gemino refiilget 
Splendidus auro, 
Excitus fundo locuples ab imo 
Dis opes farcti penoris remittit ; 
i^quus alternis variare summum 
Dotibus orbem. 
Qua^ue contractis hyemem diebus 
Passa, fumoso latuit sub antro, 
Vesta, mutatos viridi colorat 
Ghramine vultus. 
Chloris augustam Charitesque matrem 
Sedulo circum refovent honor&; 
Veris ubertim gravido ferentes 
MuneiE comu. 

jIppbndiXi no. ca. 455 

Jam caput hetum Dominae sedenti 
Frondibus silvce teneris obutnbrant, 
Jamque substemi pedibus decoris 
Lilia certant. 
Rondo ludit pecus omne eampoi 
Reddit et lucus volucrum querelasi 
Blanda subsultim penetrat voluptas 
Ssecla animantum. 
Ipse Pythonis colubri nepotes 
Enecat cinctus radiis Apollo ; 
Ipse et arguto chelyos sonore 
Temperat orbem. 
Flecte nunc versus^ age mens canenti> 
Numen ut sacri recinam Leonis ; 
Quem parem Dio, simUemque Soli 
Mimdus adorat. 
S0I9 Leo noster, domus anne Solis ? 


Ipse Sol idem^ domus atque Solis ; 
Quem sub arcano Sophia nitentem 
Pectore gestat 
Ergo non artis medicse salubresi 
Respuit noster titulos ApoUo^ 
Doctus et vocum numeros^ lyraeque 
Carmina doctus. 
Qua movet gressus, hilarata palqro 
Ridet occursu facies locorum ; 
Sive per campos, Tiberisque vallesi 
Seu juga fertur. 
Nempe cum visens Laterana templa 
Movit ex imo> veniens ad altos 
Romuli collesi manifesta Solis 
Fulsit imago. 
Fulsit et vemi species nitorisi 
Sole cum tristes abeunt pruinae 
Cumque prsBtaitu vario renidet 
Daedala tellus* 


Quippe quae vastis regio minis 
Horret, aggestas operitque moles, 
Attali cultu Tyrioque late 
Splenduit ostro. 
Coccinis tecti juvenes aboUis, 
Aureis tectos prariere patres ; 
Impari sicut radiant Olympi 
Sidera luce. 
Ille sed fulgor radios euntis 
Obruit turbas populique visus, 
Celsa cum Phoebo similis refulsit 
Thensa Leonis. 
Namque gemmato rutilabat auro 
Triplici surgens obitu coronsB, 
Inferi, summi, et medii potestas 
Inclita mundi. , 
Lenis augusto gravitas ab ore 
Testis arcanae bene fida mentis, 
Pace diffusa populi tuentis 
Pectora traxit. 
Quale non unquam Latio potent! 
Saeculis vidit decus evolutis 
Roma, cum victrix domito triumphos 
Extulit orbe. 
Sive cum strato Macedum tyranno 
Regios hausit male sana luxus, 
Sive cum Troja genitos ad astra 
Misit Julos. 
Quippe non cassis hominum maniplis, 
Tollimus nostro titulos Leoni; 
Capta nee R^gum Latia ferimus 
Colla bipenni. 
Munda sed cordis pietas amici, 
Debitos reddit meritis honores ; 
Ambitu pulso patefacta gaudens 
Regna tonantis. 

APPENDIX, NO. ecu* 457 

Ponimus juris cupido tuendi, 
Ponimus pacis cupido triiunphos, 
Ponimus, sacras Domino colenti 
Palladis artes. 
Jamque fundator Latise Quirinus 
tJrbis, e divo sibi dedicato 
Gestit, ardentique vocat Leonis 
Numina voto. 
Ad vocat trina similis corona, et 
Jure Silvester parili Leonem 
Collis abrupti modica sacratum 
Numen in ara. 
Solis adventu siquidem Leonis, 
Squalor informis senii recedet, 
Surget et templo domibusque sedes 
Aucta verendis. 
Hue frequens almi jubar, hue Leonis 
Adsit, hue frontis radios amicae 
Fleetat, hue sedes amet, hue beatos 
Dueere gressus. 
Parva ne solum, tenuisque Roma 
Tibris objectu, a Latio recedens ; 
Ipsa sed major quoque jam vocetur 
Roma Leonis. 


(Page 175.) 

Brunei. AncUecta vet Poet. Grcec. torn. ii. p. 49. 



Tig, TTodev 6 TrXacmjc; Siicuwvcoc* Ovvofm Sri rig; 

Avcwinroc, Sv Si, rig ; Kaipog 6 wavSafidrwfi. 
TliTTB 8' iir aicpa j3ISf}icac > aet Tpoxato. . Tl 8c rapaovg 

lioaerlv ^x^iC Si^vccc^ hrrofi wrtivifuog. 

458 AffEvmx, no. ccn. 

Xeipl Se HKiTBpy tI ij^ipug ^vpbv ; AvSpam duyfta 

'Qg aKfiTig iracnic iKirtpoc t^XIO^* 
'H Si K6fiii, rt Kar 6^v ; Yiravtiifravri Xa€lo#Eic. 

Ni) A£a, ra^oTTcOiv S* elc ^^ ^oXaK/oci iriXei ; 

Ovric ?0' Ifutptav S/oa^ercu c^cdrcdcv. 
Towv€x 6 rcxvfrac ^ &<irXa<rcv ; £lv€ic€v Vfdi^Vf 
JSccvE, ical Iv wpoBipoic Oijkc 8eSa(rKaX£t)V. 

/n Simulacrum Occasioms et Pcemientia. 
^ AusoniuSf Epig* xii. 

Ciyus opus ? Phidiae, qui signum Pallados, ejus 

Quique Jovem fecit tertia palma ego sum. 
Sum dea quae rara, et paucis Occasio nota. 

Quid rotuke insistis ? Stare loco necjueo. . 
Quid talaria babes ? Volucris sum. M etcurius quae 

Fortunare solet^ tardo ego^ cum vblui. 
Crine tegis faciem. Cognosci nolo. Sed heus tu 

Occipiti calvo es. Ne tenear fugiens. 
Quae tibi juncta comes ? Dicat tibi. ZXe rdgo quae sis. 

Sum Dea cui nomen nee Cicero ipse dedit. 
Sum Dea, quae facti, non fkctique exigo poenas ; 

Nempe ut poenitent, sic Metanoea Tocor. 
Tu modo die quid agat tecum ? Si quando volavi 

Haec manet, banc retinent quos ego praeterii. 
Tu quoque dum rogitas, dum percontando moraris 

Elapsam dices me tibi de nmnibos. 

Capitolo delT Occasione di Nicolo MachiavelU. 

Chi sei tu, cbe non par donna mortale, 
Di kmta grazia il ciel t' adorna et dota? 
Percbe non poiH ? pevcbe a' piedi lud F ale ? 

lo son r Occasione^ a pochi nota. 
£ la cagion cbe sempre mi travagli 
£', perch' i» tsngo un: pie sopra una f ota* 

Volar noa eehe ai ndo ewrer s' agguagU^ 
E perd Fale a' piedi mi mantengo^ 
Accio nel co«»o nuo ciasono aWbaglL 

APPENDIl^ Na COIIa 4i58 

Cdi sparsi miei capei dinanzi io tengo; 
Con essi nu ricuopro il petto e 1 volto 
Perch' un non mi conosca quando vengo. 

Dietro del capo oghi capel m' e tolto, 
Onde in van s' affatica un^ se gli ayvienei 
Ch' io r abbia trapassato, o s' io mi volto. 

-Dimmi chi e colei che teco viene ? 
E' Penitenza ; e pero nota e intendi 
Chi non sa prender me costei ritiene. 

E tUy mentre parlando il tempo spendi, 
Occupato da molti pensier yani^ 
Gia non t' av vedi, lasso, e non comprendi 

Com' io ti son fiiggita dalle mani ! 


Hah! who art thou, of more than mortal bkth, 

Whom heaven adorns with beauty's brightest beam ? 
On wings of speed why spum'st thou thus the earth ? 

Known but to few, Occasion is my name. 
No rest I find ; for underneath my feet 

Th' eternal circle rolls that speeds my way. 
Not the swift eagle wins his course so fleet ; 

And these my glittering pennons I display, 
That from the dazzling sight thine eyes may turn away. 

In fiill luxuriance o'er my angel face 

Float my loose tresses free and unconfined. 
That thro' the veil my features few can trace ; 

But not one hair adorns my head behind. 
Once past, for ever gone ; no mortal might 

Shall bid the ceaseless wheel return again. 
But who is she, companion of thy flight ? 

Repentance. If thou grasp at me in vain 
Then must thou in thy arms her loathsoig^ form retain. 

And now, whilst heedless of the truths I sing. 
Vain thoughts and fond desires thy time esofiloy ; 

Ah, seest thou not, en soft and silent wing. 
The form that smiTd so Mt bm glided l^ ! 



(Page 199.; 

Carm. Ulust. Poet ItaL vol. Hi. p. 70. 

Ad Leonem X. 

CoeUi Calcagninu 

Vix adniittere vota, vix rogari 
Se sinunt alii ; nee erubescunt 
Quum rogaveris usque^ pemegare : 
Aut, si dant, dare (Dii boni) arroganter 
Ita ut displiceat tulisse votum. 
At nos Maximo^ et Optimo Leoni 
Grates dicimus, antequam rogemus. 
O incredibilein^ atque singularem, 
Quam nee ssecula viderint priora. 
Nee Ventura debinc tacere possint 
Longa saecula, liberalitatem, 
Dignam numine Maximi Leonis ! 

No. CCIV. 

(Page 211.) 
Pierii Vahriam Hexametri, %c.p. 68. Ed. Fer. 1550. 

Ad Leonem X. De Nam ^sailapii in Insula Tyberina 
paulo ante exerta quum ipse Card, olim a Navicula, 
Pont. Max. efficeretur. 

Illa ergo nuper reddita lumini 

Longe Esculapii Navis, in insula 

Quam vorticosus turbulenta 

Mordet aqua Tyberinus amnis. 
Quae fato in alta delituit diu 

Oppressa harena, et sentibus obsita 

NuUi advenarum per tot annos 

Nota, neque jndigenis Quiritum. 


Visa ilia quondam Sarronico ,e sinu 
Appulsa ; Romae quum veheret sacrum 
Anguem laboranti salutem, 
Gaudiaque, et requiem daturum. 
Quae firma nostra in ripa ubi constitit 
Plaudente Roma, et remige per foros 
Lasciviente, atram repente 
Ilia luem, ilia famem hinc fugavit. 
Mox quanta ponto porgier in latus 

Proramque puppimque est solita, hie diu 
Mansura, consensu Deorum 
In lapidem obriguit sacratum, 
Dum Roma summam rerum habuit potens, 
Dumque Imperator jura dabat probus 
i^uata cunctis, in verendo 
Cultu habita, et celebrata Navis. 
Postquam furore et civium, et hostium 
V In longa adaucto secula, fimditus 
Eversa Roma est, et Triremis 
Obruta in his latuit minis. 
Effossa at imo non temere est solo 
Nunc demum, et undis eminet ardua 
Spondens salutem rebus aevi 
Pestiferis operosiorem. 
Praesente nam qui numine Pontifex 
Electus, ima in Tartara dat scelus 
Bellorum, et accersitam Olympo 
Hue placidam jubet ire pacem. 
Hanc iUa quondam Navicula in jugis 
Suspensa Romae fatidico omine, 
Rectore Jano, olim afiuturam 
Pollicita est miseris quietem. 
Quae vel per omnia aequoris impetus 
Jactata, nunquam victa laboribus 
Emersit, en felix subit nunc 
Hostia tuta tenetque portum. 
Nee viperini terga voluminis 
Nugasque, verum sed Medicum tibi 


Exponit adveetiUBy petitamque 
Urbibus, et populb sabitem; 

Qui signa passim toUere Tulnemm 
Et fironti inustas approperet notas 
Quae decoloravere pukhram 
Italiae faciem venustae. 

Jam criminosis Principibus modus, 
Tamque obstinatis sedidonibus 
Ponenda finis. Mens Leokis 
Sanguineum prohibere bellum* 

Seu Gallia omnb, sive Britannia 
Tota, inquietus seu stiepit Adria, 
Fluctusve Iberus^ seu superbit 
Sarmatiae imperiosus »stus. 

Exurge Virtus incly ta, et, o pii 
Prodite mores ; vos Leo, vos favor, 
Quem mente tota olira petisds 
Evocat, et precium laboris 

In circo honesti ponit, ut omnium 
Mens excitetur ; nemoque inaniter 
Sudabit hie, uteumque fessust, 
Jamque animet sua quemque Virtus* 

At litterarum o praesidium, o Virum 
Decus bonorum, si tibi maxima 
Rerum potestas, sique habenas 
Suppositi moderaris orbis ; 

Si miUe jam sunt nomina, milleque 
Artes juvandi, Vive Pater diu. 
Hoc nos precari ex corde quimus ; 
' Tu^facere, et superare vota. 


Na CCV. 

(Page 213.) 

Carm* qtmque iUmtr. Poet. p. 64. 
BaUhasaris Castilionii. 


M ARMORE quisquis in hoc saeTis iLdmorsa colubris 
Brachiay et etema torpentia lumina nocte 
Adspicis ; invitam ne crede occumb^e letho. 
Victores vetuere diu me abnimpere viiam, 
KeginsL ut yeherer celebri captiva triumpho ; 
Scilicet et nuribus parerem serva Latiuis, 
IQa ego progenies tot ducta ab origine regum, 
Quam Pharii colnit gens fortunata Canopi* 
Delitiis fovitque suis Mgyptia. tellus, 
Atque Oriens omnia Divum dign^tus hmiore est. 
Sed virtus, pulchrseque necis generosa eupido 
Yicit vitaB ignomkiiam, insidiasque tyrannL 
Libertas nam parta nece est, nee vincula s^isi, 
Umbraque Tartareas desoendi libera ad undas ; 
Quod licuisse mihi indignatus perfidus hostis, 
SsBvitise insanis stimulis exarsit, et ira. 
Namque triumphali invedus Capitolia oumi, 
Insignes inter titulos, gentesque subactas, 
Extincts infi^ simulacrum duiiit, et amens 
Spectacle explevit orudelia lumina inani. 
Neu longaeva vetustas facti famam aboleret, 
Aut seris mea sors ignota nepotibus esset, 
Effigiem excudi spiranti e marmore jussit, 
Testari et casus fatum miserabile nostri. 
Quam deinde, ingenium artificis miratus Julus 
Egregium, celebri visendam sede locavit 
Signa inter veterum heroum, saxoque perennes 
Supposuit lacrimas segrse solatia mentis ; 


Optatae Don ut deflerem gaudia mortis, 
(Nam mihi nee lacrimas lethali vipera morsu 
Excussit, nee mors ullum intulit ipsa timorem) 
Sed earo ut cineri, et dileeti conjugis umbrae 
yEtemas lacrimas, atemi pignus amoris 
Moesta darem, inferiasque inopes, et tristia dona. 
Has etiam tamen infensi rapuere Quirites. 
At tu, Magne Leo, Divum genus, aurea sub quo 
Saecula, et antiquae redierunt laudis bonores, 
Si te praBsidium miseris mortalibus ipse 
Omnipotens Pater aethereo demisit Olympo, 
Et tua si immensae virtuti est aequa potestas, 
Munificaque manu dispensas dona Deorum, 
Annue supplicibus votis, nee vana precari 
Me sine ; parva peto ; lacrimas, Pater optime, redde, 
Redde, oro, fletum, fletus mihi muneris instar, 
Improba quando aliud nil jam Fortuna reliquit. 
At Niobe, aiisa Deos scelerata incessere lingua, 
Induerit licet in durum praecordia marmor, 
Flet tamen, assiduusque liquor de marmore manat. 
Vita mihi dispar ; vixi sine crimine, si non 
Crimen amare vocas ; fletus solamen amantum est 
Adde, quod afflictis nostrae jucunda voluptas 
Sunt lacrimae, dulcesque invitant murmure somnos. 
Et cum exusta siti Icarius canis arvaperurit; 
Hue potum veniunt volucres, circumque, supraque 
Frondibus insultant, tenero tum gramine laeta 
Terra viret, rutilantque suis poma aurea ramis, 
Hie ubi odoratum surgens densa nemus umbra 
Hesperidum dites thmcos non invidet hords. 

APPENDIX, NO. ccyi. 465 

No. CCVI. 

(Page 213.) 

Leon. X. Pont, Max. lambicu 

In LucreticB Statuam, 

LiBENTER occumboy mea in praecprdia . 
Adactum habens ferrum ; juvat mea manu 
Id praestitisse, quod Viraginum prius 
Nulla ob pudicitiam peregit promptius ; 
Juvat cruorem contueri proprium, 
Ulumque verbis execrari asperrimis. 

Sanguefi mi acerbius veneno colchico, 
Ex quo canis Stygius, vel Hydra praeferox 
Artus meos compegit in pcenam asperam ; 
Lues flue, ac vetus^ reverte in toxicum. 
Tabes amara exi ; mihi invi$a et gravis^ 
Quod fecesis corpus nitidum et amabile. 

Nee interim suas monet Lucretia 
Civeis, pudore et castitate semper ut 
Sint praeditae, fidemque servent integram 
Suis maritis, cum sit haec Mavortii 
Laus magna populi, ut castitate foeminaB 
Laetenturj et viris mage ista gloria 
Placere ^tudeapt, quam nitore et gratia ; 
Quin id probasse caede vel mea gravi 
Lubet, statim animum purum oportere extrahi 
Ab inquinati corporis custodia* 

VOL. IV. 2 H 



(Page 255.) 

LilU Gregorii GyraJdi Poematia. Ed. Lugd. 15S6. 
Hymnus ad Dimm Leonem, Pont. Max. 

O QUI me gemino Pamassi in vertice sistat ? 
Aoniumque mihi prsesenti numine plectrum 
Sufficiat ? dum te canimus, Leo Maxime, cuji^ 
Auspiciis felix tranquilla per otia pads 
Mundus agity veteres et dedidicere tumultus 
Mortales ; ssevus cum jam fera bella tyrannus 
IntentanSy summa cuperet dominarier urbe. 
Ferret et indomitos malesano in corde furores ; 
Eduxit Scythicamque manum, populumque ferocem 
Vastantem late loca ; dumque ea fama vagatur, 
Italiae gentes omnes, Romanaque pubes 
Ancipiti est perculsa metu, spes nulla salutis, 
Nulla fugae ratio est, ostentant omina dirum 
Exitium. Haud aliter Gallis intrantibus urbem 
Pertimuit, vel cum Cannensi clade superbus 
Annibal insultans urbi est extrema minatus. 
ErgO; te populusy te plebs^ adiere patresque 
Orantes veniam divos, pacemque per aras 
Exquinmt^ miserasque ferunt ad sydera voces. 
At tecum (miseratus enim) turn plurima volvens 
Obvius ire paras Regi, si flectere mentem^ 
Si possis dictis animum ad meUora referre. 
Esc locus^ Eridano quo sese Mincius ingens, 
Mincius Ocneas gelido qui pectore flammas 
Servat adhuc, vatum placidus quique irrigat ora^ 
Miscet agens ; hue jam provectus barbarus hostis 
Venerat armato stipatus milite denso. 
nium hoc forte loco^ parva comitante caterva 
Offendis fidens animi^ atque interritus armis. 
Non tibi baccatum triplici diadema corona, 


Sed lituus tantum pra^it, tAveaqne minister 
Non peplum ex humero signis auroque coruscum. 
Discinctus tunica. Tarn Rex consistere jussit 
Agmina, miratus quae sit fiducia inermi. 
Ecce autem (mirum) facies emittere lumen 
Visa tua est, subitoque ignis splendente corona 
Involvi, summoque duos de yertice diros 
Fundere, lambebatque comas et tempora flamma. 
Rex pavidus trepidare metu, mussare cohortes, 
Diriguere animis visu, mens efFera cessit ; 
Expleri nequit intentus Rex usque tuendo 
Flagrantes vultus, haeret sed pectore toto. 
Non secus iEneas stupuit, cum fandere Juli 
Visus apex lumen, vel cum Lavinia virgo 
Regales accensa eomas, pater ipse Latinus. 
Turn sic affaris, sustollens lumina, Regem. 
Ipse Deum tibi me genitor mandata per auras 
Ferre jubet, coelum et terras qui numine torquet. 
Abstineas a caede manus, Romanaque linquas 
Tecta, nee Ausonium fas est tibi visere Tybrim. 
Cede Deo ; Divos nee contra audentior ito. 
Vix ea fatus erat, cum Regi multa paranti 
Obstruit OS Divum Pater, et vox faucibus haesit. 
Jam tum consilia in melius, tum denique mentem 
Vertere Rex coepit, ponitque ferocia mitis 
Corda, volente Deo ; nee jam parat obvius ire, 
Quin dictis paret, vetitaque excedere terra 
Actutum celerat, patriasque exquirere sedes 
Omnibus est animus, par est sententia cunctis. 
Ergo alacres redeunt. Tu pacis munera Romam 
Laeta refers : te laeta capit Romana juventus ; 
Nomen in astra ferunt, laetis clafnoribus omnes 
Ingeminant paeana, et festa fronde coronas 
Intexunt, cava tum tinnitus turribus altis 
JErsL cient, feruntque Leo, Leo, compita et arae. 
Haec tua facta quidem. Sed quo nunc carmine dicam ? 
Vel cum restituitque manum castissima virgo? 
Vel cum consilioque patrum sacrique senatus 



Dissidium unigense reluisy cogisqtie feteri 
Nestorium esse triplex uno sub nuknine numen. 
Barbarica disjecta manu, nova moenia Romas 
Tu reparas, urbeinque tuo de nomine poois. 
Tu sacros ritus, tu myatica munera noris. 
Et fandi numeros, et sacra volumina legis. 
Tuque Dei interpres, tu prsepetis omina coeU 
Numina tu Yatum, et venientia tempora sentis. 
Hinc tua te quando jam £Eita extrema vocar^ot, 
Et circumfusi gemerent populusque patresque, 
Haec ollis oracla canis, divine Sacerdos. 
Parcite lamentis^ lachrymas et mittite inaneis. 
Praedicam ; veniet olim labentibus annis 
Tyrrhena qui gente meo me nomine reddet, 
Atque umbrata geret regali tempora mitra, 
Uni cui pacis studium, cui secula curse 
Aurea, qui rursus pacata per otia mundum 
Componet, convulsa suo qui corpore membra 
Restituet, patresque vocet^ sanctumque senatum, 
Sacraque cui lambent proni vestigia Reges. 
Quique Scythas super et Turcas, super et Garamantas 
Proferet imperium Romas, gentesque salubri 
Mersabit fluvio mores vitamque docebit 
Relligionem animis, hunc expectate fiiturum. 
Haec dicens, placida compostus pace quiesti, 
. Aureaque in solio stellantis regia coeli 
Te capit, et Divum numerum felicior auges. 
TJnde reos voti damnas, propriusque tonantis 
CoUoquio frueris divino nectare pastus* 
Salve, sancte pater, Romani maxime custos 
Imperii, salve magnum decus addite magnis 
Coelicolis, Italae magnum decus addite genti. 
Jamque tuo felix adsis, pater alme, Leoni, 
Et votis faveas princeps et rite secundes. 
Si tua consequitur cupidus vestigia morum, 
Si Solium hoc animo et Sceptrum sacramque Tiaram 
Suscepit, populos vocet ut sub foedera pacis. 



(Page 264.) 

Vasairi Ragionamenti, p. 88. 

Giorgio e Principe, 

G. i>opo questa congiura^ che V. E. ha detto, segui la 
morte di Papa GiuHo secondo, onde al Legato de' Medici 
conveime andare a Roma al conclave pier fare il nuovo Pon^ 
tefice, e molti buoni ingegni dal proceder delta vita felice- 
mente augurarono, tal dignita dovere cadere in lui. Gio^ 
vumi adunque entrato in conclave tiro dalla parte sua con 
r afiabilita, e le altre sue. virtu tutti i Cardinali piu giovani, 
e nati di sangue reale, e iUustri, e in quella eta fioriti di virr 
tuy e di ricchezze ; e anchorche mplti Cardinali vecchi per 
merito, e per dottrina, e benevolenea popolare si promettes- 
sero il Papato, e piu degli altri Raflfaiello RiaHo Cardinale 
di San Giorgio^ fii con universal concorso adorato Ppnte- 
fice, considerato da' Cardinali, che V imperio della Repub*- 
blica Christiana si doveva p^ ogni sorte di virtu di animOj 
e di corpo dare a GiovannL E perche mi e parso^ che la 
corona^ne sia. piu gloriosa, e storia piu d^na d* onore» 
che il crearloy per la pubblica pompa fatta da lui a San 
Giovanni Laterano, ho figurato quello spettacolo onorato, e 
glorioso, e degno di tanto merito ; cosi ho cerco farci tutte 
qudle persone segnakte, che a questa onorata incorona- 
raone si trovarono. 

P. Bene avete fatto: ma incon^nciate un poco a dirmi^ 
chi sono que' quattro. a cavallo armati d* arm^ bianca con 
queUi stendardi in mano? benche mi par conoscere, che 
qnesli, che e qua innanzi su quel cavallo leardo sia all' effi- 
gie il Signor Giovanni mio avdo ; ditemi e egU esso ? 

G« y • E' f ha conosciuto, perche a questa incoronazione 
egU porto lo stendardo dentrovi 1' arme del Papa. Quell' 
altro, che gK e allato in su quel turco rosso a cavallo, che 


ha annata la testa con quella croce bianca al coUo, e barba 
nera^ e Griulio de' Medici allora Cavalier di Rodi, cugino di 
Leone, il quale porto lo stendardo della Religione, che fii 
poi dopo Papa Adriano chiamato Clemente settimo. L' al- 
trOy che e in su quel cavallo ginnetto dietro a loro con la 
barba bianca, anch' egli armato, e Alfonso Duca di Ferrara, 
che come.Capitano Generate porto lo stendardo della Chie- 
sa. L* ultimo con la barba nera, e tonda e Francescoma- 
ria Duca d' Urbino Prefetto di Roma, che portava lo sten- 
dardo del Popolo Romano in compagnia loro. 

P. Veramente che tutti e quattro meritano lode : ma di- 
temi, que' due Cardinali vestiti con le dalmatiche da Dia- 
coni, che incoronano Papa Leone, son' eglino ritratti fix na- 
turale, come mi pajono? 

G. Signore son ritratti, e non solamente questi, ma tutto 
questo coUegio, che e intomo al Papa. L' uno delli assis- 
tenti con 1' abito di Diacono a man dritta e Francesco Pic- 
colomini, e 1' altro col medesimo abito e Lodovico d' Axar 
gona. Questo primo qua innanzi, che ci volta le spalle col 
piviale rosso, e con la mitra in capo di dommasco, che ac- 
cenna inverso il Papa, e Alfonso Petrucci Cardinal Sanese, 
il quale parla con Marco Cardinale Cornaro anch' egU ves- 
tito nel medesimo abito, ma da paonazzo. 

P. Questi e quegli, che &vori tanto Leone nel conclave; 
ma ditemi, quegli, che gU e vicino, mi pare Alessandro Car- 
dinal Farnese, che fu poi Papa Paolo terzo ; mi pare aver 
visto quella cera altre volte ; e egli esso ? 

G. Signore gU e desso, e sopra lui e il Cardinale Bandi- 
nello Sauli Genovese ; 1' altro in proffilo con quella barba s) 
neretta e il Cardinale San Severino ribenedetto da Leone, 
che era al conciUo contra Papa Giulio, il quale parla con 
Francesco Soderini Cardinale di Volterra. 

P. Chi e quel piu giovane, che siede sopra, allato a lui ? 

G. E' Antonio Cardinale di Monte, il quale, perche fu 
ardentissimo neUe cose del concilio contra il San Severino, 
e gU altri, sendo Auditor di Ruota, fu da Giulio secondo 
fatto Cardinale, 

P. Bellissima, e onorata fatica ; ^ gran ventura di questa 

APPENDIX, NO. ccvm. 471 

opera aver trovati tanti ritratti di si alti personaggi. Con- 
sidero, Giorgio, a questa felicita, cbe pose Lui, e casa nos- 
tra in tanta akezza ; « certo cbe avete tenuto nello spartirgli 
unbell'ordine: ma questo ignudo a giacere qua innanzi a 
uso di fiune ammiratissimo, che guarda Papa Leone, cbe 
significa ? 

G. E* fatto per il fiurne del Tevere, il quale appoggiato 
in svL la sua Lupa, cbe allatta Romolo e Remo, e coronato 
di quercia, e di alloro mostra la fortezza, e la grandezza 
dell' imperio Romano; il como della copia, e il remo da 
barche, 1' uno e per 1* abbondanza, in che tenne Leone Ro- 
ma nel suo Pontificato, Taltro per la sicurta de' Mari: die- 
tro v'e queUa Roma di bronzo, la quale fu per lui restau- 
rata, pasciuta, e rimunerata; e mostrano vedendo il Tevere, 
e Lei incoronar Leone quel segno maggiore di allegrezza, 
che possonp, e di felicita. Certo, Signor Principe, che fu 
grandissima cosa vedere di questa illustre Casa un Papa 
nobilissimo di sangue, e di costumi, gravissimo di lettere, e 
altre virtu rare, e di natura piacevole. 

P. E lo dimostro infinitamente in questa sua incoronazi- 
one, o creazione, poiche perdono a tutti i suoi nimici, fino a 
i Cardinal! ribelli per il concilio fatto contra Giulio secondo; 
ditemi, dove si fece questa incoronazione ? 

G. A San Giovanni Laterano, e fii a' dieci d* Aprile nel 
tredici, e cavalco il medesimo caval turco, sul quale egli fu 
fatto a Ravenna prigione ; e se io avessi avuto luogo, che 
avessi potuto dipignere gli apparati, e Y abbondanza delle 
livree, e altre cose grandi, non mi sarebbe bastata questa 
sala, ne forse tutto questo palazzo ; massime che da Leone 
in qua a San Giovanni non s* e fatto per sei Pontificati, cbe 
sono stati dopo lui, altra coronazione, considerato che la 
camera Apostolica, e il Popolo Romano fece allora una 
spesa, e una festa, cbe non ebbe mai Roma la piu felice in 
tutte le coronazioni dei Pontefici. 

P. Certamente che n' ho avuto piacere ; voltiamoci a 
questo ottangolo del canto, che segue. 

G. Eccomi; questo Signor Principe fu, che il Popolo 
Romano per onorar Leone con gTandissima pompa, e ambi- 

472 APPENDIX, NO. ccvm; 

zione feciono GiuHano de' Medici fratello carnale del Papa 
Cittadino Romano, e che Leone in que' giomi creo que- 
quattro Cardinali, die sono quelli, che io ho dipinto, che 
gli seggono intorno ; che il primo capello fii dato da Sua 
Santitsk a Giulio de' Medici suo cugino, quasi che con la 
provvidenza dell' intelletto suo cercasse di perpetuare per 
questo modo la grandezza di casa sua, poiohe Giulio Cardi- 
nal de' Medici non molto dopo sede nel medesimo luogo. 

P. Io veggo il suo ritratto nell' abito di Cardinale^ che lo 
somiglia molto, che ha la berratta nella mano, che si appog- 
gia al petto. 

G. Egli e desso ; 1' altro, che siede a' piedi a Leone con 
cera oscura, con la barba nera, e Innocemdo Cibo figliuolo 
di Maddalena sua sorella, maritata al Signor Franceschetto 
Cibo, riconoscendo il gran principio della dignity sua datagli 
nella sua adolescenza da Papa Innocenzio ottavo, rimettendo 
il cappello rosso in quella casa, donde I'aveva cayato*. D 
terzo cappello fu dato a quel vecchio, ohe siede sotto Lmor 
cenzio Cibo, il quale e Lorenzo Puccij che lo meritd.da 
Leone per etsi, e singolar fede, la quale d' ogni tempo non 
yenne mai meno in lui verso la casa de' Medici. II quarto 
cappello fii di Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena, che per fatica 
d' ingegno, e di fedele industrial e di amicabil familiaiits^ lo 
servi fino allamorte, che e quella figura tutta intera, vestita 
di paonazzo chiaro, con Y abito Cardinalesco. 

P. Io ho visto quella efBgie altre volte: maditemi,qudlo 
armato tutto di arme bianca,^ inginocchione dinanzi a Papa 
Leone, che riceve que' due* stendardi, uno con 1' arme di 
santa Chiesa, e 1' altro dicasa Medici, ricevendoquel breve 
Papale, mi pare riconoscere, che sia al proffilo il Magnifico 
Giuliano fratello del Papa* 

G. Egli e desso, che fu mandato poi in Lombardia per 
ovviare all' impresa, che disegnava lare Francesco Primo 
Re di Francia, desideroso impadronirsid' Italia. 


No. CCIX. 

• • ^ 

(Page 274.) 
Bembi Ep. Powtif. lib. ix. ep» 13. 

Raphaeh UrbinatL 

Cum praeter picturae artem, qua in artete excell^re omnes 
homines intelligunt, is a Bramante Architecto etiam in con- 
struendis aedibus es habitus, ut tibi illo recte Principis Apos- 
tolorum templi Romania a se inchoati sedificationem committi 
posse moriens existimaverit, idque tu nobis forma ejus templi 
conjfecta, quae desiderabatur, totiusque operis ratione tradita 
docte atque abunde probaveris : Nos quibus nihil est prope 
antiquius, quam ut phanum quam magnificentissime quam- 
que celerrime constniatur, te magistrum ejus operis facimus 
cum stipendio nummum aureorum trecentorum, tibi annis 
singuhs curandorum a nostris pecuniarum^ quae ad eju/s 
phani aedificationem erogantur, ad nosque perferuntur. 
Magistris a quibus id stipendium aequis pro tempore portio- 
nibus dari tibi cum petieris, sine mora etiam mensibus singu- 
lis jubeo. Te vero hortor, ut hujus muneris curam ita susci- 
pias, ut in eo exercendo cum existimationis tuae ac nominis, 
quorum quidem in juveniU aetate bona fundamenta jacere 
te oportet, tam spei de te nostrae, patemaeque in te bene- 
volentiae, demum etiam phani> quod in toto orbe terrarum 
longe. omnium maximum atque sanctissimum semper fuit, 
di^tatis et celebritatis, et in ipsum principem Apostolorum 
debitae a nobis pietatis^ rationem habuisse videare. Dat. 
Cal. Aug. An. secundo« Roma. 


No. CCX. 

(Page 275.) 
Bembi Ep. Poniif. lib. x. ep. 51. 

Raphaelo UrbinatL 

Cum ad Principis Apostolorum phanum Rotiianum exaedi- 
ficandum maxime intersit^ ut lapidum marmorisque copia, 
quae abundare nos oportet, domi potius habeatur, quam pe- 
Tegre advehatur: exploratum autem mihi sit magnam ejus 
rei facultatem urbis ruinas suppeditare^ effbdique passim 
omnis generis saxa fere ab omnibus, qui Romae, quique etiam 
prope Romam edificare aliquid, vel omnino terram vertere 
parumper moliuntur : te quo magistro ejus aedificationis utor, 
marmorumy et lapidum omnium, qui Romae quique extra 
Romam denum milium passuum spacio posthac eruentur, 
Praefectum facio, ea de caussa, ut quae ad ejus phani aedifi- 
cationem idonea erunt, mihi emas. Quare mando omnibus 
hominibus, mediocribus, summis, infimis, quae posthac mar- 
mora, quaeque saxa omnis generis intra ejus, quem dixi, loci 
spacium eruent, effbdient, ut te earum rerum praefectum de 
singulis erutis effbssisve quamprimum certiorem faciant. Id 
qui triduo non fecerit, ei a centum usque ad trecentum num- 
mum aureorum, quae tibi videbitur, mulcta esto. Praeterea 
quoniam certior sum factus, multum antiqui marmoris et 
saxi, Uteris monumentisque incisi, quae quidem saepe monu- 
menta notam aliquam egregiam prae se ferunt, quaeque ser- 
vari operae precium esset ad cultum literarum Romanique 
sermonis elegantiam excolendam, a fabris marmorariis eo 
pro materia utentibus temere secari, ita, ut inscriptiones 
aboleantur : mando omnibus, qui caedendi marmoris artem 
Romae exercent, ut sine tuo jussu aut permissu lapidem 
ullum inscriptum caedere secareve ne audeant: eadem illi 
mulcta adhibita, qui secus atque jubeo fecerit. Dat sexto 
Cal. Sept. Anno tertio. Roma. 


No. CCXI. 

(Page 281.) 

Francesconi, Discorso aW Academ. Fiorentina. Firen. 


Raffaello X)' Urbino a Papa Leone X. 

SoNo molt], Padre Santissimo, i quali misurando col loro 
picciolo giudicio le cose grandissime, che delli Romani circ^ 
r arme, e della Cittcl di Roma circa al mirabile artificio, ai 
ricchi omamenti, e alia grandezza degli edificj si scrivoiio, 
quelle piii presto stimano favolose, che vere. Ma altrimenti 
a me suole awenire ; perche considerando, dalle reliquie che 
ancor si veggono delle mine di Roma, la divinita di quegli 
animi antichi, non istimo fiior di ragione il credere, che 
molte cose a noi pajano impossibili, che ad essi erano faci- 
lissime. Pero essendo io stato assai studioso di queste anti- 
quita, e avendo posto non picciola cura in cercarle miniita- 
mente, e misurarle con diligenza, e leggendo i buoni autori, 
confrontare Y opere con le scritture, penso di aver consegiiito 
qualche notizia dell' Architettura antica. II che in un punto 
mi da grandissimo piacere, per la cognizione di cosa tanto 
eccellente ; e grandissimo dolore, vedendo quasi il cadavero 
di quella.nobil patria, che e stata regina del mondo, cosi 
miseramente lacerato. Onde se ad ognuno e debita la pteta 
verso i parenti, e la patria, tengomi obligato di esporre tutte 
le picciole forze mie, accioche piu che si puo resti vivo un 
poco della immagine, e quasi V ombra di iquesta, che in vero 
^ patria universale di tutti li Christiani, e per un tempo e 
stata tanto nobile, o potente, che gia cominciavano gli uomini 
a credere, ch' essa sola sotto il cielo fosse sopra lafortuna, 
e, contro il corso naturale, essente dalla morte, e per durare 
perpetuamente. Pero parve, che il tempo, come invidioso 
della gloria de' mortali, non confidatosi pienamente delle sue 
forze. sole, si accordasse con la fortuna, e con U profani, e 
scellerati Bsurbari, li quaU alia edace lima, e venenato morso 


di quello aggiungessero Y empio furore, e 1 ferro, e il fiioco, 
e tutii quelli modi cbe bastavano per ruinarla. Onde quelle 
famose opere che oggidi j^u che mai sarebbono floride, e 
belle, furono dalla scellerata rabbia, e cnidele impeto de' 
malvagj uomini, anzi fiere, arse, e distrutte ; sebbene non 
tanto, che von ti restasse quasi la macchina del tutto, nut 
senza ornamenii, e, per dir cosi, V ossa del corpo senza came. 
Ma perche ci doleremo noi de"* Gotti, Vandali, e d' altri tali 
perfidi nemici ; se queHi li quali come padri, e tutori dove- 
vano difendere queste povere reliquie di Roma, essi meder 
simi hamio lungamente atteso a distruggerle ? Quanti Pon- 
tefici. Padre Santissimo, li quali avevano il medesimo officio 
dieha Vostra Santit^ ma non gia il medesimo sapere, ne il 
medesimo valore e grandeaosa d' animo, ne quella clemenasa, 
che la & simfle a Dio ; quanti, dico, Pontefici hanno atteso 
a ruinare tempj antichi, statue, archi, e altri edificj gloriosi ! 
Quanti hanno comp<Hrtato, che sokmente per pigliar tenra 
posvolana si sieno scavati dei fbndamenti! onde in poco 
tempo poi gli edificj sono venuti a terra. Quanta calce. si e 
fatta di statue, e d' altri omamenti antichi ! che ardirei dire, 
che tutta questa Roma nuova, che ora si vede, quanto grande 
ch' ella si sia, quanto bella, quanto ornata di palagi, chiese, 
e altri edificj che la scopriamo, tutta e fabbricata di cake di 
marmi antichi. N^ senza mcJta compassione posso io ricor- 
darmi, che poi ch' io sono in Roma, che ancor non e Y un- 
decimo anno, sono state rumate tante cose belle, ccmie la 
Meta che era nella Via Alessandrina, Y Arco maF aTventu- 
rato, tante colonne, e tempj, massimamente da M. Barto- 
lommeo dalla Rpvere. Non deve adimque. Padre Santis- 
simo, essere tra gli ultimipensieri di Vostra Santita Io aver 
cura che quel poco che resta di questa airtica madre della 
gloria, e della grandezza Italiana, per testimonio dd valpre, 
e della virtik di quegU animi divini, che pur talor c(m la. loro 
memoria eccitano alia virtu gU spiriti che oggidi sono tra 
noi, non sia estirpato, e guasto dalli maligni, e ignorant! ; che 
pur ttoppo si sono infin qui &tte ingiurie a queUe anime, 
che col loro sangue partorirono tanta gloria al mondo. Ma 
piu presto cerchi Vostra Santitd, lasciando vivo il pan^gone 


deglt antichi/aggttagliarli, e supietairli; come ben fa con 
gi^andi edificj, col nutrire, e favbrire le yirtuti, risvegliare 
gP ingegniy dar premio alle virtuose fatiche, spargendo il 
santisshno seme della pace tra li Principi Cristiani ; perche 
come dalla calamita della guerra nasce la distruzione, e ruina 
di tutte le discipline, ed arti, cosi dalla pace, e concordia 
nasce la felicitsl a' popoli, e il laudabile ozio, per lo quale ad 
esse si ptid dar opera, e farci arrivare al colirio dell' eccel- 
lenza ; dove per lo divino consiglio di vostra Santita sperano 
tiitti che si abbia da pervenire al secolo nostro ; e questo i 
lo essei'e veramente Pastore clementissimo, anzi Padre ottiino 
di tutto il mondo. Essendomi adunque comandato da Vostra 
Santitsi, che io ponga in disegno Roma antica, quanto conos- 
eere si pno : per quello che oggidi si vede, con gli edificj che 
di' se dimostrano tali reUquie, che per vero argomento si 
possono infallibilmente ridurre nel termine proprio come 
stavano, facendo quelU membri, che sono in tutto ruinati n^ 
si veggono punto, corrispondenti a quelli che reistano, in 
|>ied], e si veggono, ho usato ogni dilig^iza a me possibile, 
accioche V animo di Vostra Santits^ resti senza confusione ben 
satisfatto ; e benche io abbia cavato da molti autAri Latini 
quello che intendo di dimostrare, pero tra gli akri principal- 
mente ho seguitato** il quale per esser stato degli ultimi, pud 
dar piu presto pardcolar notizia delle ultimo cose. £ perche 
forsc a Vostra Santiti potrebbe parere che difficil foisse il 
conoscere gli antificj antichi dalH modern!, o li piu antichi 
dalli meno, non pretermettero ancor le vie antiche, per non 
lasciar dubbio alcuno nella sua mente ; anzi dico, che con 
poca fatita far si puo ; perche tre sorti di edificj in Roma si 
trovano ; 1* una delle quali sono tutti gli antichi, ed antichis- 
simi, li quali durarono fin' al tempo che Roma fu ruinata, e 
guasta da* Gotti, e altri Barbari ; F altra, tanto che Roma fu 
dominata da' Gotti, cf anoor cento anni dappoi ; 1' altra, da 
quello fin' alU tempi nostri. Gli edificj adunque modemi, 
e de' tempi nostri sono notissimi, si per esser nuovi^ come 
ancor per non avere la maniera cosi bella come quelli del 
tempo de|^' Imperatori, ne cosi gofia come quelli del tempo 
de' Gotti ; di modo che, benchd siano piu distanti di spazio 


di tempo, sono pero piu prossimi per la quaUt^, ^ posti quasi 
tra r uno e V altro. E quelli del tempo de' Gotti, benche 
siano prossimi di tempo a quelli del tempo degl' Imperatori, 
sono differentissimi di qualitsi, e come due estremi, lasciando 
uel mezzo li piu modemi. Non e adunque difficile li eonos- 
cere quelli del tempo degF Imperatori, i quali sono li piu 
eccellenti e fatti con grandissima arte, e bella maniera 
d'Architettura ; e questi soli intendo io di dimostrare ; ne 
bisogna che in cuore d' alcuno nasca dubbio, che degli edificj 
antichi li meno antichi fossero men belli, o meno intesi, 
perche tutti erano d' una ragione. E benche molte volte 
molti edificj dalli medesimi antichi fossero instaurati, come 
si legge che nel luogo dove era la Casa Aurea di Nerone, nel 
medesimo dappoi furono edificate le Terme di Tito, e la sua 
Casa, el'Anfit^atro ; nientedimeno erano fatte con la mede- 
sima ragione degli altri edificj ancor piu antichi che il tempo 
di Nerone, e cpetanei della Casa Aurea. E benche le lettere, 
la scultura, la pittura, e quasi tutte Taltre arti fossero Inn- 
gamente ite in dectinazione, e peggiorando fin' al tempo degF 
ultimi Imperatori, pure Y Architettura si osservava, e man- 
tenevasi eon buona ragione, e edificavasi con la medesima che 
li primi ; e questa fu tra Y altre arti Y ultima che si perde; 
n che si puo conoscere da molte cose ; e tra F altre dall' Arco 
di Costantino, ilcomponimento del. quale e hello, e ben fatto 
in tutto quello che appartiene alF Architettura ; ma le scul- 
ture del medesimo Arco sono sciocchissime, senza arte, o 
bontate alcuna. Ma quelle che vi sono delle spoglie di Tra- 
jano, e d' Antonino Pio, sono eccellentissime, e di perfetta 
maniera. II simile si vede nelle Terme Diocleziane ; che le 
scultwre sono goffissime, e le reUquie di pittura che vi si veg^ 
gono, non hanno che fare con quelle del tempo di Trajano, 
e Tito : pure Y Architettura e nobile ; e bene intesa. Ma 
poiche Roma da' Barbari in tutto fii ruinata, e arsa, parve 
che quello incendio, e misera ruina ardesse e ruinasse insieme 
con gli edificj, ancor Y arte dello edificare. Onde essehdosi 
tanto mutata la fprtuna de' Bomani, e succedendo in luoga 
delle infinite vittorie, e trionfi, la calamita, e misera servitu; 
quasi che non convenisse a quelli che gii erano soggiogati, e 


£Ettti servi ddUBarbari abitare di quel modoi e con quella 
grandezza che facevana quando essi avevano soggiogali li 
Barbari, subito, con la fortuna si muto il modo dell* edi- 
£care> e dello abitare ; e apparve un' estremo tanto lontanq 
dair.altro, quanto e la servitu dalla libertsk; e si ridusse a 
maniera confonne alia sua miseria, senza misura, e senza 
grazia aleuna ; e parye che gli uomini di quel tempo, insieme 
con la liberU perdessero tutto I'ingegno, e V arte ; percbe 
divennero tanto goffi, che non seppero fare U mattoni cotti, 
non che altra sorte d' ornamenti ; e scrostavano li muri an- 
tichi per torre le pietre cotte; e pestavano li marmi, e con 
essi muravano ; dividendo con quello mistura, le pareti di 
pietra cotta ; come ora si vede a quella Torre che chiamano 
delta MiUzia. £ cosi per buono spazio seguirono con quella 
ignoranza che in tutte le cose di quel tempi si vede; e parve 
che non solamente in Itaha venisse questa atroce, e crtidele 
procella di guerra, e distruzione, ma si diffondesse ancora 
nella Grecia, dove gia furono gF inventori, e perfetti maestri 
di tutte r arti. Onde di la ancor nacque una maniera di 
pittura, scultura, e architettura pessima, e di nessun valore. 
Parve dappoi, che i Tedeschi cominciassero a risvegliare un 
poco questa arte; ma negli ornamenti furono goffi, e lontanis- 
simi dalla bella maniera de' Romani ; li quali, oltre la mac- 
china di tutto Tedificio, avevano bellissime cornici, heUi fregi, 
arohitravi, colonne ornatissime di capitelli, e basi, e misu- 
rate con la proporzione del? uomo, e della donna; e li Tedes- 
chi (la maniera de' quaU in molti luoghi ancor dura) per 
ornamento spesso ponevano solamente un qualche figurino 
rannicchiato, e mal fatto, per mensola a sostenere un traye; 
e aninlaU strani, e figure, e fogliami go£S, e fuori d' ogni ra- 
gione naturale. Pure ebbe la loro Architettura questa ori^ 
gine, che nacque dagU arbori non ancor tagliati, li quali> 
piegati li rami, e rilegati insieme, fanno U loro terzi acuti. 
E benche questa origine non sia in tutto da spreazare;. pure 
6 debole ; perche molto piu reggerebbono le capanne fatti 
di travi incatenate, e poste a uso di colonne, con li culmini> e 
coprimenti, come descrive Vitruvio della origine dell' opera 
Dorica, che gU terzi acuti, U quali hanno due centri : £ pero 


tnoho piu ancor Bostiene^ secondo la ragione mattematica^ tin 
mezzo toiido^ il quale ogni sua Unea dra ad un centre solo; 
perch^, oltre la debolezza, un terzo acuto non ha quella grazia 
air occbio nostro ; al quale piace la per£ezk>ne del ciroolo; 
onde vedesi cfare la Natura non cerca quasi altra forma.' Ma 
non i necessario parlare dell' Architettura Romana, per 
fame paragone con la Barbara ; perche la di£Cerenza enotis- 
sim£i ; ne ancor per descrivere V ordine suo, essendone stato 
gia tanto eccellentemente scritto per Vitmvio. Basti dunque 
sapere^ che gli edificj di Roma infino al tempo degli ultimi 
Imperatori furono sempre edificati con buona ragione di 
Architettura, e pero concordavano con li piu antiche, onde 
difficolta alcuna non e discemerli da quelli che furono al 
tempo de' Gotti, e iuicor molti anni dappoi ; perche furono 
questi quasi due estremi, ed opposti totalmente ; ne ancor' e 
malagevole il conoscerli dalli nostri modemi, per molte qua- 
lita, ma specialmente per la noviti, che li fa notissimi. 
Avendo dunque abbastanza dichiarato, quali edificj antichi 
di Roma sono quelli ch' io intendo di dimostrare. a Vostra 
Santita, conforme alia sua intenzione ; ed ancor come &cil 
cosa sia il conoscere queUi dagli altri; resta ch' io dica il 
modo che ho tenuto in misurarli, e disegnarli, accioche 
Vostra Santita sappia s' io avero operato I'uno e 1' altro senza 
errore; e perche conosca che nella descrizione che seguira, 
non mi sono governato a caso, e per sola pratica, ma con 
vera ragione. E per non aver' io infin' a mo veduto scritto, 
n^ inteso che sia appresso d'alcuno antico il.modo di miisu- 
rare con la bussola della calamita ; il qual modo sogUo usare 
io; stimo che sia invenzione de' moderni; e pero, volendo 
anche in questo ubbidire al comandamento di Vostra Santita, 
diro minutamente come si abbia da adoperaie> primache si 
passi ad altro. Farassi adunque un' instromento tondo,- e 
piano, come un' astrolabio; il diametro del quale sara due 
palmi,:o piu, o meno, come piace a chi vuole adoperarlo; e 
la drconferenza di questo instromento si partira in otto parti 
giuste, ed a ciascuna di quelle parti si porra il nome d' uno 
degli otto venti; dividendola in trentadue altre parti picciok, 
che si chiamerano gradi. Cosi dal primo grado di Tramon- 


taiuii si tirera una linea dritta per mezzo il centre dell' in- 
stromento fino alia circonferenza ; e questa all' opposito del 
primo grado di Tramontana fara il prime d' Ostro. Mede- 
simamente si tirera pur dalla circonferenza un' altra linea, la 
quale passando per lo centre, intersechera la linea d' Ostro, 
e Tramontana, e fara interne, al centre quattre angoli retti, 
e in un lato della circonferenza segnera il prime grade del 
Levante, nell' altro il primo di Ponente. Cosi tra queste 
linee che fanno li seprascritti quattro venti principali, restera 
lo spazio degli altri quattro collaterali, che seno Greco, Le- 
becchio. Maestro, e Scirocco ; e questi si descriveranno con 
li medesimi gTadi, e mode che si e detto degli altri. Fatto 
queste, nel punte del centre, dove s' intersecane le linee, cen- 
ficcheremo un' umbilico di ferro, come un chiodetto, drittis- 
simo, e acute ; e sopra questo si mettera la calamita in bilan- 
cia, come si usa di fare negli orivoli da Sole, che tutto di 
yeggiamo ; pei chiuderemo queste luogo della calamita con 
un vetro, ovvero con un sottile come trasparente, ma che nen 
tocchi, per non impedire il mote di quella, ne sia sforzate dal 
vente. Dappei per mezzo deU' instromente, come diametre, 
si mandera un' indice, il quale sara sempre dimestrativo non 
solamente degli opposti venti, ma ancor de' gradi, come I'ar- 
milla nell' astrelabie; e questo si chiamera traguardo; e 
sara accencio di mode, che si petra volgere interne, stante 
fermo il reste dell' instromente. Con queste adunque misu« 
reremo egni serte di edificio, di che forma si sia, e tondo, e 
quadre, e con istrani angoli, e svoglimenti, quanto dir si 
pessa; e il mode e tale. Che nel luogo che si vuel misurare, 
si ponga le ihstremento ben piano, accieche la calamita vada 
al sue dritto, e s' accosti alia parte da misurarsi quanto com- 
porta la circonferenza dell' instromente; e queste si vada 
volgende tante, che la calamita stia giusta verse il vente seg- 
nate per Tramontana; e come e ben ferma a queste verse, si 
dirizzi il traguarde con una regola di legno, o d' ottone giusto 
a file di quella parete, o strada, o altra cesa che si vuele 
misurare, lasciando lo instromente fermo, accieche la cala- 
mita servi il sue diritto verso Tramontana. Dappei guardisi 
a qu£d vente, e a quanti gradi ^ velta per diritta Unea quella 

VOL. IV. 2 I 


parete, la quale si misurerii con la canna, o cubitOi o pahao, 
fin' a quel termine che il traguardo porta per dritta Imea; e 
questo numero si noti; cioe tanti cubitii e tanti gradi di 
Ostro^ o Scirocco, o qual si sia. Dappoi che il traguardo 
non serve piu per dritta linea, devesi allora svogIiere> comiii* 
ciando Y altra linea che si ha da misurare, dove termina la 
misurata; e cosi indrizzandolo a quella, medesiinainente 
notare i gradi del vento, e il numero delle misure fin tanto 
che si circuisca tutto V edificio. £ questo stimo io che basti 
quanto al misurare, benche bisogna intendere le idteaze, e i 
tondi; li quali si misurano in altra maniera; oome poi si 
mostrera a luogo piu accomodato. 

Avendo misurato di quel modo che si e detto, e notate 
tutte le misure, e prospetti, cioe tante canne, o palni, a tanti 
gradi di tal vento; per disegnar bene il tutto, & opportuno 
aver una carta della forma, e misura propria della bussola 
della calamita, e partita appunto di quel medesimo modo, 
con li medesimi gradi delli venti ; della quale ci serviremo 
come mostrero. Piglierassi dunque la cartasopra la quale 
si ha a disegnar lo edificio, e primamente si tirera.sopra 
d' essa una linea, la quale serva quasi per maestra, al diritto 
di Tramontana ; poi vi si soprappone la carta dove jsi hadis^- 
nata la bussola, e si dirizza di modo, che la linea di Tramon- 
tana nella bussola disegnata si convenga con quella che si e 
tirata nella carta dove si ha a disegnare lo edificio. Dqppoi 
guardasi il numero deUi piedi che si notarono misurando, e 
i gradi di quel vento verso il quale e indirizzato il muro, o 
via che si vuol disegnare f e cosi trovasi il medesimo grado 
di quel vento nella bussola disegnata, tenendola ferma con la 
linea di Tramontana sopra Y altra- linea descritta nella carta; 
e tirasi la linea di quel grado diritta, che passi per lo centro 
delta bussola disegnata, e si descrive nella carta dove si vuol 
disegnare. Dappoi riguardasi, quanti piedi si traguardo per 
dritto di quel grado, e tantf se ne segneranno con la misura 
delli nostri piccioli piedi su la linea di quel grado* E se, 
verbi grazia, si traguardo in un muro piedi 30. a gradi 6. di 
Levante, si misurano piedi SO. e segnansi. £ cosi di mano 
in mano; di modo, che con la pratica si fara una lacilita 


grandissima ; e saxk questo quasi un disegno della pianta, e 
iin menuHiale per disegnare tutto 3 restante. E perche, 
secondo il mio giudkio, mbhi s' ingannanno circa il diseg- 
nare gC edificj ; che in luogo di &r quello che appartiene all' 
Architetto, fanno qudUp che appartiene al Pittore, diro qual 
modo mi pare che s' abbia a tenere, perche si possano inten- 
dere tutte le misure giustamente ; e perche si sappiano tro- 
vare tufeti li memhri de^ edificj s6nza errore. It disegno 
adunque degli edificj si divide in tre parti; detle quali la 
piruna e la pianta, o vogliamo djre disegno piano ; al seconda 
e la parete di fiiori, con li suoi ornamenti; la terza e la parete 
di dentro, pure con U snoi ornamenti. La pianta e queUa, 
che comparte tutto lo spazio piano del luogo da edificare, b 
vogliamo dire il disegno del fondamento di tutto V edificio^ 
quando gid e radente al piano della terra. H qual spazio, 
benche fosse in monte, bisogna ridurre in piano, e far che la 
linea delle basi del monte sia paralella con la linea delle basi 
de' piani dell' edificio. E per questo devesi pigliare la.linea 
dritta del piede del monte, e non la circonferenza dell' altezza, 
di modo^ che sopra quella cadano piombati, e perpendiculari 
tutti li muri; e chiamasi questo disegno pianta; quasi che, 
come lo spazio che oceupa la juanta del piede, che e fonda- 
mento di tutto fl corpo, cosi questa pianta sia fondamento di 
tutto r edificio. Disegnata che si ha la pianta, e comparti- 
tovi li suoi membri con le larghezze loro, o in tondo, o in 
quadro, o in qual' altra forma si sia, devesi tirare, misurando 
sempre il tutto con la picdola misura, una linea della larg- 
faiezza delle >basi di tutto 1' edificio ; e dal punto di mezzo di 
questa linea tirare un' altra linea dritta, la quale faccia dall' 
ua canto e dall' altro due angoli retti ; e questa sia la linea 
della intrata dell' edificio; dalle due estremita della linea 
della larghezza tireransi due linee paraleUe perpendiculari 
sopra la linea della base ; e queste due linee sieno alte quanto 
ha da essere 1' edificio ; dappoi tra queste due estreme linee, 
che fanno 1' altezza, si pigli la misura delle colonne, pilastri, 
finestre, e altri ornamenti disegnati nella meta della pianta 
di tutto r edificio dinanzi ; e da ciascun punto delle estremita 
di^Ue colonne, o pilastri, e vani, ovvero ornamenti di finestre, 

2 I 2 


si fara il tutto, sempre tirando linee paralelle a quelle due 
estreme. Dappoi per \o traverse si ponga Y altezza delle 
basiy delle colonne, delli capitelli, degli Architravi, delle 
finestre, fregi, cornici, e cose tali ; e questo tutto si &ccia 
con linee paralelle della linea del piano dello edificio ; ne si 
diminuisca nella estremita dell' edificio, ancorche fosse tondo, 
ne ancor se fosse quadro per fargli mostrare due fisU^cie; 
come fanno alcuni, diminuendo quella che si allontano piu 
dall*occhio; perche subito che li disegni diminuiscono, sono 
fatti con intersecare li raggi piramidali delP occhio ; che e 
ragione di prospettiva, e appartiene al Pittore, non all' Archi- 
tetto ; il quale dalla linea diminuta non puo pigliare alcuna 
giusta misura ; il che i necessario a questo artificio, che 
ricerca tutte le misure perfette in fatto; non quelle che 
appajonoy e non sono. Pero al disegno dell' Architetto 
s' appartengono le misure tirate sempre con linee paralelle 
per ogni verso. £ se le misure fatte talora sopra pianta di 
forma tonda scortano, owero diminuiscono ; ovvero fatte 
pur sopra il dritto in triangolo, o altre forme ; siibito si ritro- 
vano nel disegno della pianta; e quello che scorta nella pianta^ 
come volte, archi, e triangoli, e poi perfetto nelli suoi dritti 
diseghi; e per questo i sempre bisogno aver pronte le misure 
giuste de' palmi, piedi, dita, grani, fino aUe sue parti minime. 
La terza parta di questo disegno i quella che abbiamo chia- 
mata la parete di dentro con li suoi omamenti ; e questa ^ 
necessaria non meno che 1' altre due ; ed i fatta medesima- 
mente della pianta con le linee paralelle, come la parte di 
fuori, e dimostra la meta dell' edificio di dentro, come se 
fosse diviso per mezzo; dimostra il cortile; la corrispondenza 
dell' altezza delle comici di fiiori con quelle di dentro ; 
r altezza delle finestre, delle porte; gli archi delle volte a 
botte, o a crociera, o a che altra foggia si sieno. In somma 
con questi tre modi si possono considerare minutamente 
tutte le parti di ogni edificio dentro, e fiiori. £ questa via 
abbiamo seguitata noi, come si vedr^ nel progresso di tutta 
questa nostra descrizione, alia quale essendo omai tempo 
ch' io dia principio, porro prima qui appresso il disegno d' un 
solo edificio in tutti tre i sopradetti modi, perchi appaja ben 


ehiarb quanto ho detto. Se poi nel rimanente io avero 
tanta yentura, quanta mi viene in ubbidire, e servire a Vostra 
Santitd, primo e supremo Principe in terra della Christianity 
siccome potro dire d' esser fortunatissimo fra tutti li suoi 
piu divoti servitori ; cosi andero predicando di riconoscere 
r occasione di essa mia avventura dalla santa mano di Vostra 
Beatitudine; alia quale bacio umilissimamente li santissimi 


(Page 324.) 
Parid. de Grctss. Diar. inedit. ap. Bib, Pub. Parisiis. 

Die 24> Novembris, hora quasi prima noctis, audivimus 
bombardas in signum laetitiae ex Castro Sancti Angeli ob 
Jffediolanum captum a nostris militibus, cum nostro Legato 
Cardinali de Medicis, qui in civitatem Mediolani cum exer* 
citu Apostolico ingressus esset, direptis Gallorum castris. 
Et cum vix crederemus, publice per urbem ferebatur, Pa- 
pam ex hac captura multum laetum esse, tum quia ex favore 
suo Galli essent ex Italia pulsi, etiam dicebatur ipsum Le- 
gatum Cardin. de Medicis futurum Ducem Mediolani pro 
Duce Bari, qui in Ducem Mediolani suffecturum se putabat* 
Sed quia Cardinalis iste de Medicis dicebatur cum Impera- 
tore et ipso duce Bari sic composuisse ut ipse Cardinalis ce- 
deret Cardinalatui et Cancellariae et omnibus beneficiis quo- 
rum valor. L. mill, ducat, in favorem Ducis Bari, qui Dux 
Bari cederet juri suo super ducatu Mediolani in favorem 
legati, et quod sic Papa laetabatur propterea ut nunquam 
plus laetatus fuerit intrinsecus vel extrinsecus, ita ut signa 
per triduum fieri curaverit. Et a me fuit qusesitum Papa an 
vellet aliquas Deo gratias agere. Et papa respondit quid 
sentirem. Ego respondi quod quando bellum est inter prin- 
cipes Christianos, non solet gratulari Ecclesia, nisi Ecclesia 
babeat aliquid interesse, quo casu Papa faciet signa laetitiae. 
Itaque si Papa habet aliquid interesse magnum, sinuliter et 


l»titiam faciaty et gratias Deo agat. Papa ad hoc ridens 
dixit quod bonum magnum in manibus habere!. Ego refdi- 
cayi quod et magnas gratias Deo redderet. Et respomlit 
quod die Mercurii teneret Consistorium et quod recordari 
faoerem. Et cum hsec diceret cubiculum ingressus est, uU 
cum aliquas horas quievisset, dictus est non bene se hab^e. 
Et sic die Mercurii non fiiit Consistorium. 


(Page 326.) 

Parid. de Grass, Diar. inedit. ap. Bib. Pub* Parisiis. 

Die Dominica, quae fuit prima mensis Decembris, honi 
quasi septima, mortuus est Papa Leo X. ex catharro super- 
fluo, absque eo quod aliquis prsevidisset casum suum : nam 
Medici ipsumdicebant leviter aegrotare ex catharro concepto 
in villa Malliana. Ego vocatus sum hora quasi nona ut 
irem ad parandum funus ejus ; et ivi, eumque mortuum in- 
veni jam frigidum quasi nigrum ex tumore catharri. Om- 
nia solita praeparari feci in funere Papali, et feci significari 
Collegio ut de mane venirent, prout omnes venerunt, vide- 
licet S9 numero. Cum autem tantus populus esset in Pala- 
tio ut vix'Cardinales ingredi possent, tamen cum difficuhate 
ingressi sunt. 


(Page 328.) 
Parid. de Grass. Diar. inedit ap. Bib. Pub. Parisiis. 

Corpus hora noctis tertia vel circa fuit sepultum : sed ego 
videns iUud tumefactum petii a Cardinalibus an placeret 
quod ego facerem exenterari : et placuit. Et illo aperto, 
inventum est cor maculatum : et videntes Chirurgi et Ph ysici 
dixerunt pro certo ilium fuisse toxicatum, et maxime qiua 


ipse infceUx Papa ante obitum saepe doluerit sentire interiora 
sua quasi ex igne comburi. Itaque manifeste compertum est 
Papam Leonem venenatum periisse. QuaB res facile credita 
es^ quoniam per aliquos ajoite dies quidam ignotus in habitu 
simulate ivit ad fenestram unam Monasterii Sancti Hiero- 
nymi, et vocato certo fratre dixit ei quod eras omnino iret ad 
Papam, et significavet ei qualitervenenumparatum erat sibi 
de proximo a quodam ejus intrinseco, non in cibo aut potu 
sed aut in natistergio aut in camiscia seu mappula. Et cum 
iste frater non veUet ire ad Mallianam, ubi tunc Papa erat, 
ivit ad Palatium et dixit Datario, qui illico ivit ad Mallia- 
nam et retulit hoc Papae, qui illico misit pro isto fratre ut 
ad se Mallianam veniret. Et sic ivit et dixit Papae quod 
prius Datario dixerat. Quo audito, Papa stupefactus djxit, 
si voluntas Dei esset, quod pateretur; sed quod caveref 
quantum posset. Itaque inde ad paucos dies veniens Romam 
aegrotare coepit. Et cum aegrotaret saepe dicebat quod in-^ 
trinsecus ardebat, et verbis finalibus ^it se occisum et* 
mox moriturum esse. 

Et quia suspicio fuit de veneno propinato in vino, fuit 
captus quidem Camerarius pincema Papae simulcumCana* 
vaiio a furore populi, ex suspicione, quia iste visus est urbe 
exire : et captus ductus est in Castellum, et postea sicut in- 
nocens, liberatus est ; et eonclusum Papam non ex veneno 
sed ex catharro mortuum. 

No. CCXV. 

(Page 329.) 

From the Cottonian MSS. in the British Museum, Vitell. 

JB.4, p. 209. 

QuAM grave Vidnus acceperim ex acerbissima Sanctissimi 
Domini nostri morte facile est Majestati vestrae existimare, 
ut nil mirum videri debeat si doloris magnitudine victus, 
non ante quid mei officii ratio postulasset ad illam scripsi ; 
ita enim illo ictu conciderat animus, ut erigere se nullo mo- 


do posset. Cum primum vero me ex inoerore collegi, has 
ad Majestatem vestram Literas dedi, ut significarem eadem 
me in religione, omne tempus, studio atque animo futurum 
erga Majestatem vestram, quo semper ante hac ftiissem. 
Nam tametsi pennultum mihi a fortuna ademptum est de 
potestate illi serviendi, amoris tamen et observantiae nulla 
deductio facta est ; quia illam jam pridem cum primis et 
Christianis Principibus mihi maxime colendam proposui, 
cujusque benevolentiam omni officio mihi compararem; 
quam me ab humanlssimo et gratissimo principe plenissime 
consecutum spero, cum in suis ac sui regni^ cujus protec- 
tor sum, negociis, studium meum ac diligentiam perspex- 

Ornaverat Sanctissimus Dom. noster Majestatem ves- 
tram Christianas Fidei Defensoris cognomine, quod ad pos- 
teros quoque Reges transiret, amplissimo illo decreto quod 
maximo illustrique Regi conveniebaL Sed. quum nova res 
et admirabiUs visa est, in Rege maximo pietas et eloquentia 
tanta, amplioribus et non usitatis titulis, si qui reperiren- 
tur, illam exomare optabat, ideoque habebat adhuc apud se 
BuUam summorum cardinalium consensu super Defensoris 
Cognomine confectam ; quam nunc ad Majestatem vestram 
mitto, ut quum caetera illi debita Monimentorum genera 
mors praeripuit, habeat hoc saltem summum atque extremiim 
Sanctitatis suae benevolentiae ac judicii de se Testimoniunu 
Felicissime valeat Majestas vestra, cui me quam humillime 
possum commendo. Roma, xxiiii Decembris, m.d.xxi. 

Sacrae Serenissimae Majestatis Vestras^ 

Humillimus Servitor. 

Sacrae Serenissimae atque invictissim. AngUae et Franciae 

Regiae Majestati. 



(Page 352 ) 

Pierii Valeriani Hexametri, Sfc. p. 78, Ed. Fer. 1550. 

Thretii. Cardinale Bibiennio Defuncto. Ad Leonem X. 

Pont. Max. 

Nam quo ducentis tanta ope Porticum 

Passim &tiscentem ilicibus, Leo 

Supreme, suffulcire tentas/ 

Ne trahat haec subitam ruinam ; 
Ne tanta pessum machina comiat. 

Ah ne Raphaelitis inaniter 

Pictura vanescat, laborque 

Qui superat veterum labores. 
An tu Deorum scita adamantino 

Prsescripta libro toUere sic tibi 

Confingis ; immotasque leges 

Quas Lachesis tulit abrogate? 
Terum omnem opem jam sedulitas tua 

Ut sumptuosis parietibus ferat 

Firmetque Palati mentis 

Omne latus, nihil has dederunt 
Substructiones ; si Bibiennius 

HeroSj dicatae nomine Portions 

Dictus, vigens membris, et annis 

Tam subita opprimitiu* procella. 
lUa ilia fati nuntia Porticus 

Rimas ab imo fecerat, et malo 

Hoc destinato olim imminentis 

Prsetulerat speciem ruinas. 
Quo concidente scilicet est tibi 

Pars magna cordis visa sequi Leo ; 

Nee sarciendam uUum per sevum 

Ducere mensque, animusque labem. 


Hie, sive rerum lumina Cosmidas 
Antiquiores, seu coleret novos 
Gnatos, nepotesque, ultro Amicus 
De tenero tibi lectus ungui. 
Nam si laborum mole gravis nova, 
£t saepe rerum pondere tristium 
Oppressus esses, hie solebat 
SoUicitum exhilarare pectus. 
Idem gerendis haud rudis, haud piger 
Bellis, amica pace, precantia 
Verba audiendum, seu precandum 
Tempora, res, locus admonerent. 
Nempe O quis, O quis doctus erat magis, 
Quocunque vellet oorda potentium 
Movisse Regum, autconcitatis 
Sffivi animis populi imperare ? 
Seu fluctuaret vestri avidus bom 
Sa&pe aestuosis indomitus fretis,^^ 
Temnens protervorum procellas 
Atque Noti, atque Aquilonis atras. 
Quem Purpuratorum ordinibus patram 
Magno Senatus concilio sacri 
Non immerente^ adscrihis, esset 
Qui fidet monumentum amatao. 
Sic ille multos admoneat jugum 

Ferre, et laborem^ et dura peiaeula, 
Siquis clienteke probati 
Se semel addiderit Patroni. 
At corpus heu nunc exanimunpi |acet| 
Imago vana, elinguis, inutilis ; 
Ullas neque audit de querelis, 
Quas miseri ingemihant propinqui. 
Heu quae Nepotum moestitia, et lues, 
Quos nunc parabat tollere honoribus ! 
Heu spes amicorum, heu clientum 
De manibusque oculisque raptas ! 
Ergo hie dolores, hie gemitus graves, 
Bemar^e, etsdgtm tot quaerimonias 

APPENDIX, NO. ccxvn. 401 

Exaudinntur, lacrymisqne 

Luimna cuncta natant protasis. 
Kec qmermms quo te pietas tua 

Virtitsque leto occumbere iiescia 

Sublimem inauratis qiiadrigis 

Intulerit radianti Olympo* 
At tu noTO dum lumine sidera 

Adscitus astris alta perambulasy 

Heroas invis^is, et anlae 

^therese premis omne liraen, 
Divmn memento R^em, alios Deos 

Omnes precando flectere, si piis 

Ullam hie quietem, sique honores 

Rite sibi cupiunt haberi ; 
Quos Juliano Parca pio im{May 

Quos Lauro ademit tarn male, quos tibi 

Amios, benigne iilos Leoni 

Pontifid Decimo rependat. 


(Page 3640 

Sadoleti Ep. Pont. p. 193. 

Dilecto Filio Ludomeo de AriostU Ferrariensi. 

Leo Papa X, 

£)iLECTE filiy salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem. Sin- 
gularis tua et pervetus erga nos familiamque nostram obser- 
vantia, eg)regiaque bonarum artium et litterarum doctrina, 
atque in studiis mitioribus, praesertimque poetices, etegins 
ac praeclarum ingenium, jure prope suo a nobis exposcere 
videntur, ut quae tibi usui iutura sunt, justa pnesertim et 
honesta petenti, ea tibi liberaliter et ^atiose conoedaroufl. 
Quamobrem cum libros vemaculo sennone et carmine^ quos 
Orkndi Furiosi titulo insoripsiati, ludiero aore, l(U3go tamen 

492 AtFEV1>lX, MO. CCXVIII. 

studio et cogitadone, multisque vigiliis confeceris, eosque 
conductis abs te, impressoribus ac librariis edere cupias : 
cum ut cura diligentiaque tua emendatiores exeant, turn ut 
si quis fructus ea de causa percipi potest, is ad te potius, 
qui conficiendi poematis laborem pertulisti, quam ad alienos 
deferatur ; volumus et mandamus ne quis te vivente eos tuos 
libros imprimere, aut imprimi &cere, aut impresses Yenun- 
dare, vendendosve tradere ullis in locis audeat, sine tuo 
jussu et concessione. Qui contra mandatum hoc nostrum 
fecerit et admiserit, is universse Dei Ecclesiae toto orbe ter- 
rarum expers excommunicatusque esto, nee non librorum 
omnium amissione, ac ducatorum centum (quorum quinqua- 
ginta fabricae divorum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli de urbe, 
reliqui quinquaginta tibi et accusatoribus executoribusque 
pro rata adscribantur) poenis plectatur. Mandantes prop- 
terea universis et singulis V enerabilibus fratribus Archiepis- 
Copis et Episcopis, eorumque in spiritualibus Vicariis 6e- 
neraUbus, et aliis ad quos spectat in virtute Sanctse obedi- 
eotise, ut prsmissa servari omnino faciant, contrariis non 
obstantibus quibuscumque. Dat. Romse, apud Sanctum Pe- 
trum, sub annulo Piscatoris, die xxvii* Martii, M.D.xyi. 
Pontificatus nostri Anno quarto. 

Jacobus Sadoletus. 


(Page 367.) 

Ex originaU in Archiv. Vatican. 

Leonis X. Pant. Max. Vita, Auctare anonymo conscripta. 

ScRiPTURUs Leonis Decimi Pontificis Maximi gesta, ut 
quaeque memoria dignavisa fuerint, prius quam ea attingam 
statui ex ejus majoribus pauca repetere, quo clara magis om- 
nia magisque in aperto sint. Formam deinde cultumque cor- 
poris ejus breviter enarrabo, ac de natura moribusque pau- 
ca disseram ; bine reliqua prosequar, ac nonnulla quae 
iisdem temporibus memoratu digna iii Italia gesta fuerunt an- 

APPENDIX, NO. ccxvin. 498 

nectam ; quae si illustri brevitate complecti nequivero, qua, 
M. Tullii sententia in libro de Claris Oratoribus, nihil est 
in historia dulcius, aut si legentem copia aut orationis sua- 
vitate non potero detinere, at saltern veritatem quam maxima 
potero in lucem afferre conabor. Ex Cosmo itaque, Leonis 
decimi progenitore, initium sumo ; is enim mercator opulen- 
tbsimus atque in negotiis gerendis summiingenii ac felicita- 
tis vir, magnam apud Florentinum populum dignitatem gra- 
tiamque est consequutus ; quae ad Petrum filium transmissa, 
atque ab eo conservata, mox ad Laurentium nepotem per- 
venit. Isque eam maxime auxit : tantumque opibus, inge- 
nio, ac calliditate effecit ut ejus nutu in libera ilia civitate 
omnia gererentur, nihilque ei ad regnum praeter regium no- 
men deesset. Cum itaque Florentinorum opibus ex volun- 
tate uteretur, jamque potens clarusque apud omnes Italiae 
principes haberetur, majorem natu filiam Franceschetto, 
pontificis ut ferebatur filio, matrimonio coUocavit, cujus 
affinitatis gratia, Pontifex, Leonem hunc decimum, tunc 
Johannem appellatum, annum agentem sextum decimum, 
absentem, Cardinalem creavit ; ea enim inter eos dum affi- 
nitatem illam contraherent pactio intercesserat. Nam Lau- 
rentius plurimum ingenio prospiciens, cum Petri primoge- 
niti filii ingenium praeceps cognosceret, ac potentiam in libe- 
ra civitate suspectam periculosamque, nee satis firmam arbi- 
traretur, Johannem fiUum magnum in Ecclesia efficere, omni 
ope, cura, diligentia adnixus est, qui labentis aliquando 
familiae exilium calamitatemque, quam maxime pertimesce* 
bat, exciperet ; quod certe baud alitor ac ratus erat contigit; 
eo enim mortuo, expulsi ex Florentia Medici, atque ex flo- 
rentissimis opibus dejecti, Romae inopes apud Cardinalem, 
aetatem agebant ; qui eorum paupertatem atque exilium for- 
tunis Ecclesiae sustentabat, neque familiae decus graviter 
concussum, suae dignitatis splendorepenitus interire sinebat. 
lis itaque ad hujus enarrationis lucem praemissis, rem ipsam 
aggrediar. Fratrum filios, si in eorum mentionem incidero 
ob communem loquendi usum Nepotes appellabo. Leo ita- 
que Decimus Pontifex Maximus, natione Etruscus, piatria 
Florentmus, ex clara Medicorum familia ortus, patre Lau- 


rentioy ea tempestate, ut diximus, summo viro, statura fiiit 
excelsa, corpore gr&yi ac praepinguiy capite ingenti, coUxre 
purpureo, vastis tumidisque oeulis, ac mirum in modum ex- 
porrectby hebetibusque adeo ut ne notissimum quidem, roA 
admoto ad eos speculo dignoscere posset^ quod in oculorum 
subsidium gestare solitus erat ; latis humeris, quos a cervice 
baud longo spatio collum densum ac carnosum disjungebat ; 
guttur fere totummento obtegebatur; pectoreampk>; ventre 
magno ; foemoribus cruribusque adeo expeditis^ ut nee ventri 
nee capiti convenire viderentur ; manuum caiidore jnaxime 
delectabatur, earumque nitorem genunis ornatum ^aepius 
baud sine voluptate spectabat. Quod ad valitudinem attinet^ 
ulcere quodam quod fistulam vocant in inferiore parte cor- 
poris quae plurima came contecta est laborabat^ eoque inter- 
•dum graviter cruciabatur ; nam cum intercluderelur plerum* 
que sanies, retentaque fluere solita erat, eum ita perturbabat, 
atque itade valetudine dejiciebat, ut^prseter ulceris dolorem 
febre etiam corriperetur, sed ea brevi solvebatur. A prima 
adolescentia latinis litteris eruditus, ac calliditate artibusque 
patemis ad deliniendos conciliandosque hominuni animos 
instructus, postquam Romam Cardinalis profectus est, brevi 
incredibilem humanitatis mansuetudinisque ac bonitatis de se 
prt^buit opinionem ; mitis enim clemensque natura videba- 
tur. . Sermo iUi erat suavis et blandus ;, ad simulanda:iiegotia 
neque i^geiaium neque artes deerant. Juvabaturqua ad id 
Yultus quadam va^titate ad queeque dissimulanda aptissima. 
Cardinalium g]:atiam mira arte aucupabatur ; ita enim cinn 
eis agebat, ut non cum sequalibus, sed cum loQge digmoribus 
versari videcetur ; ad haec obsequi, cedere quocumque leid* 
ter urgerent, ingenium flectere, nihil cum eisyCQntend^E<e> ciBn 
. senibus graviter agi, cum junioribus jocunda tractare, ecHiim 
nuncios benigne liberaliterque aedpere, dextra appreben- 
dere^blande alloqui^atque interdum etiam amplex^ri; ita cum 
eis.agere.ut dominis referre cogerentur CardinalemMedices 
optimum virum eorumque amantissimum.esse; denique nihil 
pnetermittere quod ad eonun gratiam ineundam pertinere 
videretur. , Ad eorum autei^ animos aUiciendos usos est opeira 
potissimum Bemardi cigiisdAin Bibienas Fami^as. Medicae 

APPENDIX, NO. ccxvin. 405 

ahumu. Is enim vir facetus, ingenio haud absurdo erat, risunl 
mpvere» jocunditatem colloquiis commiscerey sale atque &be- 
tiis opportune respergere> ac propterea Cardinalibus qmbus- 
dam, Yoluptati ac venationibus intentis, gratus erat maxime 
atque acceptus ; eorum enim cupiditates moresque intus op 
time noverat, ac libidinis, si qua ilUs inerat, conscins erat. Ad 
luec ingenii quadam facilitate blandiri, obsequi, prout cujus- 
que cupido ferebat, ingenium declinare ; contumelias atque 
opprobria inter jocos aequo ammo pati, nihil se indignum 
putare modo se Cardinalibus illis gratum Domanum vero 
«ium probatissimum ac commendatissin^um redderet; ad 
consifia adhibitus aliquid ingenio valere. Joca atque seria 
oportuno loco agere, callide omnia dissimulare. Ceternm 
Bibiena natus oppido Etruriae tenui, Rithmos quos Sonettos 
Tocant, et alia hujuscemodi haud insulse perscripsit. Fuere 
ea tempestate qui affirmarent foedus illud, quod inter Arago- 
nensem, CorneUum, Saulum, ac Petrucium Cardinales, de 
imperio Leoni dando initum fuerat, ejus potissimnm consilio 
atque calliditate fuisse percussum, quae quidem opinio eo 
maxime invaluit, quod eum PontifSex postea maximis opibus 
cumulatum in amplissimorum Patrum numero conscripsit, 
eumque Cardinalem Sanctae Mariae in Porticu appellari jussrt. 
Sic qui antea inops fuerat, ac nulla dignitate prasditus, re- 
pente, tanquam somno beatus, amplissimas dignitatis splen- 
dore praefulgens, undique opibus affluebat. V ixit autem re- 
giis in delitiis ad octavum Pontificatus Leonis amium, eoque 
anno stomachi languore absumptus est, cadaverque ejus in 
CapitoUnum tnontem delatum atque in asde quam Aram Coeli 
vocant sepultum fuit. Quod vero ad Leonis ingenium attinet, 
▼enientes ad se humaniter honorificeque excipere, benigne 
unumquemque appellare, aditum ad se unicuique facikm 
prasbere, infimum quemque audire, blande alloqui, nemi- 
nem a se iratum aut indigni^tum dimittere, fracundiam yuhu 
obtegere atque intra pectus acerrimam cohibere, et oppor- 
tuno loco servare, nihil petentibus denegare, pecunias large 
effimdere, atque eas ita contemnere ut tametsi exul atque 
egens esset, nunquam tamen in pontificum electionibus ul- 
lius opibus corrumpi passus sit ; postremo nihU magi^ cura- 


hat, quam ut clementissimus liberalissimusque ab ommbus 
haberetur ; quibus rebus et artibus brevi patruin ae RomanaB 
curiae animos sibi conciliavit Bonarum artium haudqua- 
quam ignarus fuit : sed Musics prsecipuam ac continuam 
operam dedit, inque ea turn saepissime alios audiendo^ turn 
interdum ipse canendo, magnam aetatis partem consumpsit. 
Cum Julius II. Pontifex bellum adversus Francorum regem, 
Ferdinando Hispaniarum rege socio atque adjutore, apud 
Ravennam gereret, cum legatum ad exercitum misit^ poUi-* 
citus se post id bellum patriam ei restiturum ; ibique, solemni 
surrectionis die, praelio acerrimo commisso, superatisque 
pontifiois atque Hispani regis copiis, legatus capitur, Medio- 
lanumque perducitur, ac cum inde in Galliam captivus tra- 
hitur, in agro Papiensi, nescio quo benigno fato, a civibus 
quibusdam ejus civitatis, ei ante illam diem ignotis, e Gal- 
lorum manibus eripitur, liberque servatur, ac paucis post 
diebus incolumis in Etruriam revertitur, ibique cum Hispa- 
nis potissimum copiis capto prius per vim ac direpto Prato^ 
oppido Etruriae celebri, Florentiam ingreditur, eaque poti- 
tur, ejecto Petro Soderino perpetuo dictatore, vel ut Floren- 
tino vocabulo utar GonfaUonero. Ac ne satis quidem com- 
positis Etruriae rebus, nuncio de pontificis obitu allato, Ro- 
mam celeriter profectus, annos duo de quadraginta natus^ 
cum summa omnium admiratione, Pontifex renunciatur ; 
competitoribus quam plurimis senibus gravissimisque Cardi- 
nalibus repulsis* Adeptus autem est pontificatum suffragiis 
potissimum Cardinalis Aragonensis, Cornelii, Sauli, atque 
Petrutti ; ii enim pro eo acerrime decertaverant ; nam turn 
quia magnam in eo spem collocaverant, mansuetudine ac 
bonitate quam semper prae se tulerat freti, tum etiam ut senes 
quosdam sibi infestos Cardinales repellerent, illi imperium 
tradere conjuraverant; quod quidem nunquam assequuti fiiis- 
seht nisi bonitatis ejus opinio, quse diu maxime invaluerat* 
Cardinalium animos deflexisset, tametsi Matheus Cardinalis 
Sedunensis acerrimi vir ingenii, eorum sentential sese vebe- 
mentissime adjunxisset. Is enim eo anno magnas Helye* 
tiprum copias Pontificis stipendiis adversus Gallos in Cisal- 
pijpam Galliam duxerat, quibus ex Italia expectaret ingentes 


Opes, belli spolia. Magnifica dona acceperat, interque prae- 
cipua Viglevanuniy oppidum satis amplum, mercatoribus 
opulentis refertum, praeclara arce insigne, agrorum ubertate 
atque aquarum amsnitate perpollens, venatiombiis aliisque 
principum deliciis maxime opportunum ; abest autem a Me- 
diolMio viginti millia passuum, Novariam versus, pauIo tamen 
diversus ad laevam, iter quod Papiam ducit, contingens; 
quamobrem Leoni imperium tradere summa ope adnitebatur, 
existimans eum sibi magno adversus Gallos prassidio futu- 
rum, propterea quod eorum regi ea tempestate infestus erat 
maxime atque adversus. Nam Florentini, superioribus amiis, 
auctore Pedro Soderino, cum eo rege foedere atque societate 
conjuncti erant^ ejusque potissimum ope atque auxilio, Medi- 
corum factionem depresserant ; unde effectum est, ut Medici 
pontifids ae regis Hispani auxiliis, ejus regimini maxime ad- 
versis in patriam reducerentur. Sed Matha&i Cardinalis con- 
silium non satis prospere cessit, tametsi ratione susceptum 
esse videretur. Pontifex enim magis sui commodi memor 
quam beneficii a Mathaeo Cardinali accepti, cum eo Rege re- 
diit in gratiam ; quo deinde mortuo, cum Franciscus Anguil- 
lemi princeps, ad quern agnationis jure regnum pervenerat, 
cum magno exercitu in Italiam adventaret, Matha&us Cardi- 
naUs, cujus consilio atque auctoritate in ducatu Milani pace 
pariter atque bello omnia gerebantur, cum viginti Helvetio- 
rum millibus, quos ipse adduxerat, et Prosper Columna cum 
equitatu reliquiisque ducis copiis, obviam Regi propere ad 
Alpes procedunt,qua iUi descensus erat in Italiam properanti. 
Eo ubi pervenere ducis copis cum parte Helve tiorum, sub 
ipsis montium radicibus considerunt; reliqui Helvetii montem 
conscendunt ad jugum usque quod pene montis summitatem 
attingit, ibique levi praelio commisso, cum Galli intercepta 
itinera animadvertissent, ex diverso per asperrimas Alpes, 
loca prascisa atque praerupta, antea inaccessa, exercitus par- 
tem traducunt, consilio potissimum atque virtute Jo. JacoU 
Trivultii, clarissimi ducis, locorum ac rei militaris scientissimi, 
ducemque hostitun, nihil tale suspicantem, de improviso, 
cum omni gravis armatnraa equitatu, comprehendunt capiunt- 
que, dum Itali pariter atque Helvetii, tam gravi tamque 

VOL. IV. 2 K 

498 APPBKDiXt ^o. ccxvm. . 

inopinato casu perculsi, non quidem tierga dare, aut ankno 
demisso esse, sed armad intentique vigilare, omma ciicum- 
spicere, nemini satis credere, non jam Alpibiis aut locorum 
angustiis sed virtuti atque armis confidere. V erum cum Rex 
pecunia solicitar^t Bemenses, Philiborgenses, Suorenses, ae 
Valexiwos, qui cumHelvetiis in castra Venlsrant, jamque 
eorum fides dubia esse caepi^set, Cardinalis optimum factu 
ratus Mediolanum versus iter fecere, signii canere atque or- 
dines instrui jubet, simulque quadrato agmine incedere quasi 
prseliaturos, ne fugae simile videretur ; ipse vero ductoribus 
Helvetiorum adesse, monere, hortari, uti meminerint sibi cum 
Gallis bellum esse quibuscum ssepius felicit^r dept^nassent, 
Duceknque magis oppidanorum insidiis atque proditione, 
quam Gallorum virtute aut consilio iuisse comprehensum ; 
neque esse Regis praesentiaih pertimescendam, sed eamme- 
liorem belli conditibnem aff^rre. Primufai enin^ si viri essent, 
majorem esse ex victoria gloriam consequuturos : praeter^ 
pugnaturis bonam opem semper inesse debere ; eakn enim 
animos erigere atque ad ibrtitudinem exdtare sdlere ; se se 
tamen virtuti eorum confidere ut Regem in potestatem veh- 
turum speret ; quod ipsis atque Helvetionlm generi, prseter 
magnam vim auri quam ex eo habituri essent, immortalem 
gloriam afferret. Deinde belli spolia magis ampla tnagisque 
magnifica in promptu esse, propterea quod opulentissimi 
totius GallisB Regem insequerentur, exercitumque eorum non 
minus auro ac purpura quam armis exomatum esse ; Gallo- 
rum enim gentem magnum decus in magna luxuria ma^nisqde 
^mptibus coUocare; tantum fortitudine opus esse, quc& Hel- 
vetiis prae ceteris naiionibus semper iiinata extitit ; cseterum 
victoriam, decus, pra&terea gloriam atque opes pi^ope jam 
adesse. Ha&c atque alia hujusmodi commemorando, miUtum 
animos confirmat incenditque. Deinde ubi in i^^rum Nova-^ 
riensem pervenerunt illi quos supra a Rege solUcitatos dixi, 
exercitum deserunt* At Cardinalis ductoresque pro re con- 
silium capere, animo erecto esse, alios confestim ad id bellum 
accersere. Rex vero alacer ac i^pe plenus, magno animo 
prius, majori post captum hostium ducem, qua maxime 
aditus patet cekriter copias traducit, hostesque subsequitur 


Sed He longias quam deceat a Leone digrediar, faujus belli 
suDdmam paucissimis absolvam. Verum puio tAmen minime 
praetermittendum essemorem quendani Helvetiomm cognitu 
mea sententia non injucundum ; hi ^him hac aetate ssepius . 
alienis stipendiis extra fines suos bellum gerunt quam ipsrde 
finibus' aut de imperio armis contendunt ; venun cum contigit 
eos Societatum nomine belhim inferre aut excipere, cornu 
quoddam ingentis magnitudinis, quasi commune omnium 
eorum societatum insigne, in aciem ferunt^ et quam diu 
manus conserunty comifer ille horrendum adeo eo cornu 
canity ac tremendas adeo ex eo voces 'excitat, ut non solum 
hostibus sed pene etiam cfi&licolis ipsis luctum atque dadem 
ituneiare atque minitari videatur. Cum itaque magis socie- 
tatum nomine quam Maximiliani Ducis stipendiis bellum 
adversus eum Regem suscepissent^ cornu illud, ex vetusto ut 
diximiis gentis more; in castra attulerimt^ Cum Rex castra 
posuisset ad vicum quern Samdonatum vulgorocant, a Me- 
diolano baud amplius quinque milium ihtervallo, jamque fu- 
rentium HelvetiorUm impetum animo cemeret, praefectos^ 
denturioneSy aliosque, qui cum aliquo imperio in exercitu 
emnt, ad se venire jubet, atque apud eos hujuscemodi verba 
locutus est. Bellum hoc^ O fortissimi commilitones^ praedare 
hactenus aic felidter gessimus. Virtus enim nostra hostium 
consilia superavit ac vires jam prope contrivit ; atque hoc 
quod votis vix expetere ausi fuissemus, hostium ducemprius 
^pimus quam eum armatum aut ejus signa conspexerimus ; 
quod nisi me falht animus^ memoria nostra contigit nemini. 
Iter praeterea Alpimninterdusum, ac magnis hostium copiis 
obsessilm patefecimus, ac ne gregario quid^m milite amisso, 
hostes ab Alpibus summovimus atque repulimus; quae omnia 
taihetsi magna 'atque praeclara sint, vana tamen eruntnisi 
-eorumdem hostium nunc furorem atque audadam compres- 
serimus. Nunciatum'mihi est eos se ad pra&fium accingere, 
jam jam enim feroces aderunt ; qua propter vos hue advo- 
caviy uti commonefacerem ne vos imparatos aggrederentur. 
Scitis quidem milites^ genus hosdum ferox esse atque indo- 
mitum, verum nobilitati ac di^nitati vestrae impar^ quocirca 
vobis acrius adnitendum est, ne illis virtute inferiores sitis, 

2 K 2 


quibus longe dignitate prsestatis. Nam etsi Helvetiorum 
nomen in obscuro esse non potest, propterea quod nullum 
sine eis in Italia geritur magnum bellum, singuli tamen per 
se ignoti sunt, ac minime clari, quantumque quisque eonun 
cseteris virtute praestet pauci sciunt ; quoniam pari quadam^ 
audacia, patriis legibus ac disciplina astricti, progentis gloria 
magis quam pro laude propria, fortiter pugnare assueverunt. 
Vos vero cum unusquisque vestrum notus per se ac clams 
sit, non solum gentis vestrse honos, verum etiam laudis pro- 
prise conservandas atque amplificandae amor excitare atque 
iuflammare debet. Nam si quis vestrum turpi ter aliquid in 
praelio gesserit, turpitudo nomini ejus affixa per omnium ora 
volitabit, neque quisquam tam gregarius miles est, qui foede 
factum cogniturus sit, nomen autem ejus qui fecit, si modo 
aliquis vestrum fecerit, sit ignoraturus. Cum itaque plura ma- 
joraque quam Helvetii in discrimen adducatis, magis vobis 
quam illis virtuti parendum est ac fortius dimicandum. Ego 
quidem, quod officii mei fuit, omnia ad victoriam opportuna 
atque necessaria abunde comparavi ; quippe equitatum mag- 
num ac virtute praestantem, fortissimorum peditum maxi- 
mam vim, tormenta bellica multa atque idonea, neque vobis 
praeterea neque militibus, stipendia, commeatus atque alia 
quae ad belli usum necessaria sunt, unquam defuere ; quae 
omnia virtuti ac fidei vestrae credidi atque commisi ; quamo- 
brem cum omnia vobis non solum ad salutem, verum etiam 
ad decus et gloriam suppeditata sint, cavete ne vos mihi 
vobisque ipsis defuisse videamini. Nam si ea quam semper 
existimavi vobis aderit virtus, victoria nobis in manu est ; si 
vero hostium ferocitas atque audacia vobis terrori fiierit, 
virtutis ac dignitatis vestrae immemores, per socordiam vos 
meque perdere quam fortiter pugnando servare mahieritis, 
pro certo habetote vos foedissima morte graves poenas^esse 
daturos ; fortitudo enim in praelio, gloria, salus, conjunctae 
plerumque esse solent, ac contra timiditas, infamia, mors, 
alia aliam concomitari solet; postremo, ut brevi omnia 
complectar, si ex fuga salutem quaraiveritis^ nulla turpitu- 
dinis vestrae erit excusatio. Egoque praeterea omnium vindex 
.ero, vobiscum enim ima socius pericuU adero, non ut Rex, 


aut Imperator vester, sed ntunnsexcommilitonibus, testis 
cujusque virtutis, neque ulliini prseclarum facinus sine magno 
preemio esse sinam. Haec ubi dixit, ordines instrui, tor- 
mentaque disponi atque ad pra&Iium parari jubet, simulque 
imperat Germanorum peditum ordines in prima acie collo- 
cari. Hi sunt qui antiquo vocabulo Ruevi, nunc vero Lan- 
zenechi vulgo appellantur ; trans Rhenum incofamt, Helve- 
tiisque finitimi sunt, ac cum eis oHm continenter bellum ge- 
rere assueti ; qu^mobrem cum virtute pra&starent, et acri ad- 
versus hostes odio ino^isi essent, eos ad sustinendum eorum 
impetum fortes atque idoneos existimavit, accedebantque 
iisdem ordinibus atque eadem disciplina, neque impari forti* 
tudine ; militant eadem cum prodigalitate ; in ferrum atque 
in tormenta bellica irruunt. Deinde equitatum ita disponi 
jubet ut hostes ab latere invadere, atque eorum ordines, in 
quibus omnis disciplina, omnisque salus consistit, perturbare 
atque pervertere possit, parique loco consistere octo millia 
Aquitanorum,quosyasconas vocant: hi sagittis magnam hos- 
tibusstragem inferunt. Vixquejam Regis jussis obtempera*- 
tum erat, cum magnis vocibus conclamatum est hostes adesse. 
Tum Galli repente tuba canere, timpanorum militari sonitu 
animos excitare, arma distringere, signa atque ordines subse- 
qui, alius alium hortari animo intento paratoque esse, primum 
omnium tormentis, quibus plurimum valent, hostes eminus 
propellere conantur. Fit eorum magna clades ; jam enim 
integros pene artus, ac membrorum ingentia frusta ex eorum 
corporibus evulsa, cerneres volitare, totque ex confertissimo 
eorum agmine, quantumcumque longum est, uno ictu dejici 
atque prostemi ; ut qui prius conglobati atque in unum den- 
sissime eoacti erant, continuo aperiri, ac medio quodam inter 
se itinere disjungi atque separari viderentur ; moxque calca- 
tis seminudisque corporibus, rur^us conglobari atque redin- 
tegrari, neque tam immani clade deterreri aut retardari posr 
sunt, sed incredibili ferocitate, ingenti horribilique gemitu 
ex cornu illo excitato subsequente, tripartito agmine infestis 
signis incurrunt: magnun^que tribus in locis impetum faci- 
unt, quemGermani non modo fortiter excipiimt sustinentque, 
verum etiam adversus magna vi incurrunt, inque eas manus 

502 APPENDIX, NO. ccxvni. 

gradum, corporaque ferro incumbentia inferunt* PrffiUmn 
acerrimum committitur, cum uterque in acie mori quam pe- 
dem referre malit ; at eqidtes ab latere circumfusi, nihflo 
segnius magna vi urgent, ferodsinmos concitatissimosque 
equos in hostiumque ordines immittunt, ac quam maxime 
perturbant* . Vascones vero^sa^ttarum silv^s in-Helvetiorum 
corpora coi^iciunt, magnamque stragem {aciunt; illi vero 
acerrime resistunt, neque loco quem primum pugnando ce- 
perant dejici pationtur. Rex vero inter Germanorum pe- 
ditum turmasj ingens ipse, ingenti equo insidens, toto ver- 
ticfe caeteros suprastabat, incendebatque suapraesentia mill- 
turn animos, oculis, m^nu pariter atque animo promptus, 
aegniones alios vocey alios vultus severitate, inerepans, ad 
bonam spem atque ad virtutem erigebat ; fortiores vero no- 
minans appellabat, monebat, hortabatur, spiritus addebat, 
aoimos augebat, praemia ing^tia poUicebatur. Turn vero 
terribilis armorum fragor, feroces minacesque militum voces, 
toimentorum ingeptes atque intolerabiles strepitus, tubarum 
dangor^horrificitimpanorum pulsus, comuque illud Helve- 
tiorum ad cujus ingentem ac luctuosum gemitum gigantum 
exercitus contremisce^et, aures atque animos, ita coneu- 
tiebant, ut terra, aer coelumque pene ipsum,* contremis- 
cere videretur ; crebri prseterea tormentorum ignes, fumus- 
que qui pulvere ac sulfuris ftstore permixto circumqua- 
que volyebatur, postremo caedes luctusque, quibus omnia 
complebantur, horribile supra quam cuiquam credibile est 
spectaculum praebebant, eoque magis omnia exhorresce- 
bant, quod cadente jam sole tenebris undique circumfiin- 
debantun Audivi ego qui aderant afiirmantes, inclinan- 
tem tum solem, ingentes flammas, quasi sanguine permix- 
tas, evomere visum fuisse. Successerat tenuis lunae fulgor, 
cum quo usque ad tertiam noctis faoram ancipiti praelio pug- 
natpm est ; verum cum luna jam sese abdidisset, neque ob 
densissimas tenebras, satis ab amico hostis discemi posset, 
praelium diremptum est. Sunt qui dicunt, Regis exercitum 
tametsi acerrime restitisset, ad mille tamen passus pedem 
pugnando retulisse. At Galli pariter atque Helvetii post- 
quam ab armis cessatum est, non quieti, non cibo, non cor- 


pons curationi quicquion indulgere, sed annati iiitentique, 
quasi continuo prseliaturi, omnia circumspicere, nihil satis 
tatum arbitrari, hostem semper adesse suspicari. Rex vero 
cum proximo praelio nulla ratione hostinm ordines pertur- 
bare aut pervertere potuiss^^ ut nihil intentatum relinqueret^ 
equitatum modo hinc modo illinc inter obscurissimas tenebras 
magna vi in hostes impetum fi^cere jubet ; illi vero nihilomi- 
nus fortes acerrime resistunt, vestigiaque prius csepta, aut 
cmistantissime premunt, aut in hostes gradum inferunt, 
eosque repellunt ; illi re infecta ad i»ios se recipiunt, et cum 
totam noctem equites peditesfque armati pugnam expectantes 
coQStitiss^it, adveniente luce Bartholomeus Alvianus cum 
auxiliaribus Yenetorum copiis in castra regis venit. Tum 
GalHy quasi victoriam manibus tenentes, Helvetii vero nihil 
minus quam pr»Huinexhorrescentes, rursus magna yi utrim- 
que concumint ; prselium . atrocissimum redintegratur, et 
cum quinis aut senis horis magna ccede pugnatum esset« Hel- 
vetii> nonquidem fusi fugative, s^d catervatim, ordinibusque 
servatiSy Mediojanum versus pergunt. Et cum jumenta eis 
quibus tormenta veherentyr deessent, ipsi ea humeris, ju- 
mentorum loco, tra^ere, ac Mediolani proxima npcte quieve* 
runt ; postero die, cum stipendium postularent nee praB6ta>- 
retur, Comam versus iter faciunt, ac piurimis eorum reUctis 
domum revertuntur* Tum vero in campis ubi pugnatum 
erat, horribilis facies esse armis, equis, cadaveribi|s omnia 
constrata, vulnerum genera multa immania foedaque, atque 
inter se diversa, prout quiqiiam aut tremendis tormentorum 
ictibus patentia viscera trajecti, aut . sagittis confixi, aut 
cominus pugnando vulneribus acceptis conciderant, graviter 
saucii miserabiles voces emittere, eniti, exsiyrgere con^ri, 
rursusque prolabi atque concidere, pioxque animam efflare ; 
nonnulli, amicorum ope, sublevari, atque adcurandumduci, 
postremo spoliari atque omnia diripi. ^x veifo, victoria 
potitus, Mediolanum cseterasque urbes ultro se se dedente^ 
capita Maximilianus autem, reddita Regi Mediolani arce 
munitissima in quam confiiger^t, in de^ditionem accipitur, in 
Galliamque,. amissa libertate, perducitur. Tum Jo.. Jacobus 
Trivultihis Viglevanum, reQquasque opes, superiore Helve* 


tionim victoria ademptas, ac Mathaso cardinali tradilas, re^' 
cuperat ; ille vero, in Germaniam reversus de Episcopatus 
quoque Novariensis possessione detruditur, quern ei Julius 
pontifex contulerat; privato Frederico Sanseverinato car- 
dinali, cum quo nonnuUi cardinales adrersus pontificem con- 
jurati, conciUum ei Pisis indixerant, ac Ludorici Francorum 
Regis armis ac potentia fireti, eum de pontificatu detrudere 
conabantur ; quamobrem pontifex Romam citatos, nee im- 
perio parentes^ dignitate atque ecclesiasticis opibus privavit, 
quae contentio divina omnia atque humana perturbavit. Res 
quidem memoratu digna in longius nos ab incepto traheret; 
exitum tamen referam. Ex Cardinatibus conjuratis quos 
Scismaticos appellabant nonnulli interiere ; superstites, dum 
mortuo Pontifice per Tirrenum mare Romam versus iter fa- 
ciunt> apud Pisas capti sunt, ac post aliquos dies Florentiam 
perductiy moxque Romam ; ibique amplissima cardinalatus 
toga, atque omni ejus dignitatis spkndore exuti, palam de 
errato in senatu confess!, petitam suppliciter veniam impe- 
travere, simulque restituti luerunt. Satis jam evagata est 
oratio nostra; tempus est receptui canere. Ad Leonem 
redeo, in quo maxime declaratum est, quanta sit in res hu- 
manas fortunse potestas ; cum is qui exul atque egens erat, 
ac captivus a barbaris trahebatur, primum ab ignotis homi- 
nibus, quos aliena calamitas commovere non solet, e captivi- 
tate eripitur, ac paucis post diebus patriae dominatione, a 
qua multis ante annis ejectus fuerat, potitur, ac deinde, brevi 
intermisso spatio, summum est pontificatum adeptus. Hac- 
tenus quibus artibus, ac quanto fortunae benefido tantum 
imperium e senum Cardinalium manibus ipse aetate florens 
eripuerit, ut potui explanavi. Nunc vero quibus in ponti- 
ficatu moribus vixerit paucis absolvam. Primum omnium 
in animum induxerat hilarem vitam agere, ac curis animique 
doloribus quacumque ratione posset aditum intercludere, ac 
propterea gaudia jocunditatemque, summo studio amplexa- 
batur : ludis enim, jocis, ac cantibus omne fere otium indul- 
gebat, sive quod voluptatis appetens esset, sive quod se diu- 
tius' victurus existimabat, si animum curis atque molestiis 
vacuum conservasset. Nam imperii gubernationem Julius 


Cardinalis de Medicis ejus patruelis susceperat ; isque omnes 
curas excipiebat; vir^sane imperio magis quam Pontifex ap- 
tus ; commoda emm, rermn gerendarum gratia, plerumque 
postponebat; nequeeum ab negotiis unquam voluptas remo- 
rata est, laborisque ejus patiens erat, qui maxime principeiQ 
decet; magnam enim diei partem eis audiendis qui ad.eum 
plurimi confluebant impartiebatur. Ad hsdc, dum Florentis^ 
ageret, amieis prsesto esse, civium controversias dirimere, 
sere pubUoo abstinere, bene reipublicae consulere, matrona- 
rum pudicitiam minime attentare. Hasc atque alia hujusce- 
modi efficiendo, plebi patribusque juxta carus, majorum suo- 
rum apud eos gratiam exaequavit, tantamque sibi apud Pon- 
tificem gratiam atque auctoritatem comparaverat, quantam 
nemo unquam sanae mentis desiderare est ausus. Imperivim 
quidem commune inter eos, sed officia divisa esse videbantur. 
Pontifex enim Romas agere, ocio ac voluptatibus perfrui, pe- 
cunias supra quam cuiquam credibile est profundere, rur- 
susque alias omnibus modis parare, senatui, quern qunc cpn- 
sistorium vocant, adesse, principum oratoribus aures prae- 
bere, nihil ipse decernere, omnia ad patruelem referre per 
Johannem Mathasum, gratissimum utrique adolescentem, ni- 
hil eo inconsulto agere, statutis ejus auctoritatem impartiri. 
At Cardinalis cum principibus belli societates inire, foedera 
quaecumque vellet ferire, eaque sive incuria lacessitus, sive 
quod fides non servaretur, prout in rem fore videbatur re- 
linquere, atque ad alia convolare, beUa indicere, ipse in cas- 
tris agere, potentiam atque gloriam quaerere, Cardinales, 
Episcoposque quoscumque vellet creare, magistratus atque 
officia condonare, omnibus moderari, Romas pariter atque 
Florentiae benigne magis quam acerbe imperitare. Inest 
enim illi homini magna ingenii vis. Ad cogitandum enim ve- 
hemens atque acutus, ad mature autem efficiendum impiger 
ac minime segnis ; quae quidem summa munera paucis ad- 
modum mortalibus natura elargita est; plerumque enim eve- 
nit, ut qui ad cogitandum acutiores sunt, iidem ad efficien- 
dum tardiores plerumque ac segniores existant. At contra 
acriores manuprompti, ad quaeque perpetranda parati, consi- 
lio interdum ac cogitatu minus valient. At Julius Cardina- 

506 APPENDIX, NO. ccxvni. 

lis, cum solertissimus felicissimusque esset, incertum erat, 
solertia magis an felicitate praestaret Leo vero ex convi- 
Tiis ingentem capiebat voluptatem, eaque delicatissimis epu- 
lis, ac variis vinorum generibus referta consulto protrahebat 
inter cachinnos et scurrarum jocos quo pleniori voluptate 
perfimderetur, quibus tandem, expletb. cantu vocun^ jatque 
nervorum omnia compleri^^noctumisque prsesertim conyims, 
musicis instrumentis totum fere palatiumper8onare,.ponti- 
fexque eis omnes sensus totamque animam concedere.; 
tantaque internum dulcedine capi, ut plerumque animo 
deficere, peneque se ipsum Unquere yideret^r, ac summisso 
quodam .murmure eadem que ^udiebat interdum ipse der 
cantabat ; erat enim musicae artb peritissimus,^ ac prop- 
terea ejus professoribus, qui ad eum undecumque erudi- 
tissimi confluxerant, magna salaria praestitit, ac Johannem 
Mariam quendam Hebraeum, tangendis fidibus danun, 
Verrutio oppido condonatum, cpmitatus dictate exor- 
navit. Venationibus intentus ac maxime deditus erat (prae- 
ter patrium morem ; magis enim pecuniae ac vitas commo- 
dis quam inanibus hujusmodi officiis student) propterea- 
que saepius Mallianum, interdum Viterbium, atque in alia 
loca ad venandum opportuna, secedebat, Veiimi princeps 
hie facilis, mitisque, mansuetus omnibus videbatur, neque in 
tanta, tamque repentina fortunae mutatione ullum unquam 
ex eo insolens aut superbum responsum potuit exaudiri, se^I 
eam quam semper prae se tulerat humanitatem rptinuit, quod 
vix gravissimiac sapientissimi viri assequi potuerunt; ita 
enim potentia ^tque opes, si repente adveniant, mqrtalium 
animos exagjtant, atque de mentis sanitate deturbant; licet 
forte, ut quidant putant, alia vultu et lingua indicabat atque 
animo agitabat. Bgentes pietate ac lihieralitate est prose^ 
quutus ; namque ut ego accepi, ingentem pecuni^m pauperi- 
bus secretp condonabat, ac non solum Romae, verum etiam 
apud exterasiinationes, reUgipsis quibusdam, quorum vitaein-t 
tegritatis atque inopias faina ad eum pervenerat, opem fere- 
bat. Id ego tamen incertum babeo ; nam etsi quendam id refe- 
rentem audiyerim, ejus tam^n rei fam£^ non satis constans 
aut probata erat. Tanta prasterea benigi^tate praeditus erat. 


ut neminem iinquam a se, nisi hilarem ac spe plenum idisce- 
dere pateretur; omnia enim benigne pollicebatur, neque 
quicquam unquam petenti denegabat; qikod si promissa 
prsestitisset, tantam tamque inauditam in principe bonitatem 
omni laude/ praedicatione, litteris, monumentisque decoran- 
damexistimatemiMsed quanto gratior laudabiliorque ejus 
in promittendo facilitas ac Uberalitas videbatur, tanto acer- 
bior turpiorque in,frangenda fide vanitas atque inconstantia 
judicabatur; promissa enim reposcentibus solitus erat re- 
^pondere, non memineram me alteri promississe; quamobrem 
quamplurimos bonos ac magnos viros saspius delusos in acer- 
riufum sui odium impulit, quod diu ocoultum gravissimum 
in mortis ejus tempus erupit; hinc potissimum tot libelli in 
eum conscripti, tot acerba maledicta in eum passim jacta- 
bantur, ac foeda epitaphia quamplurima, vulgolectitabantur^ 
Litteratorum consuetudine plerumque delectabatur^ ac cum 
nonnu^Iis quibuscum familiariter agebat docta interdum col- 
loquia commiscebat ; erat enim ei ad bonas artes institutio 
minime rudis. Oblata carmina oradonesque benigne acci- 
piebat, eaque incredibili quadam ingenii celeritate legebat 
atque intelligebat ; si qua inter convi^ia afierebantur neque 
respuebat, neque ad finem convivii differebat, sed intermisso 
cibo ea continuo lectitabat; eratque ei judicium baud absur* 
dum, sed magis veritati proximum. Initia quidem ejus pontic 
ficatus Romae laetissima habita sunt; gaudebat enim Curia 
populusque Romanus, existimans sibi benignum ac liberalem 
prindpem contigisse, multique blandis ejus sermonibus illec- 
ti, aut eis artibus circumvenit, quas supra memoravi, in mag- 
nam spem devenerant. Alii enim opes ac dignitates maxi- 
mas, alii sacerdotia, alii honorifica stipendia, alii ad magna 
erigenda,auxilia sibi ipsis ex pontifice polHcebantur; qua qui- 
dem spe brevi dejecti quaaiplurimi fuere, prsesertimclarissi- 
ma Ursinorum familiay quae par tim factione freta, quae illi 
cum pontifice communis erat, partim necessitudine quae inter 
eos magna intercedebat, (erat enim pontifex matre Ursina 
natus) oppida quaedam jure, ut ajunt, ad se pertinentia, ex 
Columnensibus recuperare se posse, pontificis ope atque aux- 
ilip maxime confidebant;, ad idque eo magis incedebantur 


quod LaurenthuD, pontificis nepotem, cui nutternum genub 
ex Ursinis erat, magnifice pnedicantem audiverant, advenisse 
tempuSy quo Columnenses Trajecti ducatum aliaque castella 
Ursinis restituere cogerentur/isque eos prseterea secreto pa- 
lamque monebat, hortabatur, uti fortunse beneficio uterentur, 
rem magnis copiis non indigere, tantum cse^to opus esse ; 
ceterum neque pontificem neque auxilia eis defutura, sive 
jure sive armis decertaturi essent, idque prse ceteris rebus in 
ammo pontifici esse ; neque tunc Laurentius vana jactabat, 
id enim Pontifex decreverat, cui Ursina factio maxime 
cqrdi erat, neque ejus spem consulto fefellit Jam enim, 
Fabritium, Prosperumque, Columnensis factionis principes, 
ob earn causam in jus vocari jusserat: verum Prosper Bo- 
noniffi agebaty Fabritius vero magis ad arma quam ad 
judicia animum intendens^ exercitum parabat, quibus se 
suaque protegeret si vim afferre pontifex conaretur ; suis 
enim atque Hispani Regis copiis confisus, qui ea tempestate 
regnum NeapoHtanum obtinebat, ac Columnensium partes 
maxime tutabatur, armis cum pontifice decertare potius 
quam judicia subire paratus erat ; nam, pro certo habebat se 
sub adverso judice causam dicturum. Sed hsec atque alia 
Pontificis consilia disturbavit atque pervertit Franciscus 
Maria, quern ex patrio Urbini Ducatu pontifex expulerat. Is 
enim ex improviso cum multis armatorum millibus in eum du- 
catum impetum fecit, eoque confestlm recepto, quod oppidani 
magis ejus quam Florentinorum imperio assueti sese ultro 
dediderant, Florentinorum fines aggreditur; quo nuncio 
pontifex graviter perculsus, cum id bellum geri prius quam 
parari persensisset, multa agitare, pecunias undique perqui- 
rere, copias parare, Florentinis uti arma sumerent imperare, 
nuntios quam celerrime Mediolanum ad Gallorum praesidem 
mittere, atque ab eo auxilium implorare. £t cum haec non 
satis procederent, ac ingentem pecuniam frustra effunderet, 
gravioraque in dies de eo tumultu nuncia afferrentur,. statuit 
milites qui in hostis exercitu caeteris praeerant muneribus 
aggredi, pecunia solicitare ; ferebat enim eos parvis admo- 
dum stipendiis militare ; quae res prospere cessit, nam multi, 
magna pecunia accepta, a Francisco Maria defecerunty qui 

APPENDIX, no.vcxvm. S09 

ubi cum paucis se relictum iri animadvertit, Mantuse ad 
Francescum Gonzagam socerum se recepit. Hoc confecto 
bello, graviora Romae exorta sunt. Pontifici> enim persua- 
sum fuit Alfonsum Petrutium Cardinalem Senensem, quern 
una cum fratre Senis imperitantem pontifex ex dominatione 
dejeceraty in ejus necem cum nonitullis cardinalibus conspi- 
rasse. Pontifex vero, ut erat ad dissimulanda omnia paratus, 
Alfonsum Cardinalem benignis litteris^ multaque pollicitus 
ad se accersit ; tunc enim Marini apud Columnenses agebat, 
neque satis tuto Romse se esse posse arbitrabatur. Quamo- 
brem cum non satis pontificis fidei confideret^ neque manda- 
tis obtemperaret, ille Oratori Hispano ac Cardinali Saulo 
pro eo verba facientibus jurejurando affirmavit, Alfonso bene 
omnia eventura, si ad se veniret, seque rebus ejus optime 
consulturum. Victus imprudens juvenis, Romam, sese 
hilaris ac spe plenus contulit ; vixque jam ad palatium per- 
venerat, cum a militibus rapitur, atque in arcem trahitur, 
ibique in carcerem detruditur, et cum eo Bendinellus Saulus 
cardinalisy cujus sub fide Alfonsus miser ad pontificem vene- 
rate pari calamitate perducitur. Ac paucis post diebus 
Raphael cardinalis Sancti Georgii, aetate jam gravis, opi- 
busque ac dignitate clams, capitur, pariterque in carcerem 
conjicitur. Franciscus vero cardinalis Soderinus, qui cum 
Pontifice simultates gravissimas exercebat, propterea quod 
inter eos de Florentiae principatu magna contentio erat, in 
Campaniam ad Colunmenses confugit. Adrianus etiam car- 
dinalis, eadem suspicione perculsus, clam noctu profugit, ac 
magnis itineribus extra Romanae Ecclesias ditionem, Vene- 
tiam versus contendit hunc Pontifex, postea edictis evocatum, 
nee imperio parentem, cardinalatus dignitate privavit. Car- 
dinales vero, quos in carcerem conjectos diximus, per judices 
rerum capitalium de conjuratione, metu tormentorum injecto, 
interrogari, eorumque responsa conscribi jussit ; qui rei ma- 
jestatis judicati, in caput condemnati fiiere ; verum Raphael 
vitam centum quinquaginta millibus aureorum, Bendinellus 
vero viginti quinque millibus redemit. Alfonsus autem 
nunquam amplius visus fiut. V ulgo ferebatur illi gulam in 
carcere fuisse perfractam. Deinde Pontifex, sive quod non 

510 AFP£NI)IX» NO. CPl^VIU* 

satis cardinalium coUe^o confideret^ aive quod pecitnia 
egeretf quam ingentem superiore bello perfuderat, novum 
sibi collegium paravit ; unum enim supra tt^inta Gardinales 
luia die cieavit. Qua quidem die, cum sub primam noctis 
horam, senatu dimisso^ cardinales novi antiquis permixti 
domum redirent^ ingens horribilisque tempestas repente 
exorta est, fulmenque, in ipso Cardinalium conspectu, Chris- 
tum puerum abstulit ex gremio Virginis ad sedem Sanctae 
Marice transpontem sedentis ; idque prodigii loco habitum 



Vol. Page 

Academy, Roman, state of, oo the elevation of Leo }^. ii. 240 

restored by Leo X li. 245 

AcciAJuoLi Zanobio, librarian of the Vatican . . iv. 154 
AccoLTi Bernardo^ VUnico Aretino, account of his life 

and writings iii. 196 

AcHiLLiNi Gtooomt) Filoteo i. 103 

AcQUAyiYA Andrea MatteOy duke of Atri . . i. 69 
BelisariOf duke of Nardi . . • . . i. 70 
Adrian of Utrecht, afterwards Adrian VL made a car- 
dinal by Leo X. iii. 135 

iEciNETA Petrus, one of the Greek instructors of LeoX. r. 38 

AguilaR Gonsalvo cT, called the Great Captain . . i. 230 

recpvers the city of Ostia for Alexander VI. . . i. 276 

betrays the young duke of Calabria . • . i. 334 

compelled by the duke of Nemours to retreat to Bar- 

letta ii. 6 

defeats the French, and conquers the kingdom of 

Naples ii. 11 

dines at table with the kings of France and Spain . ii. 47 

disgpraced • . . . . . . . ii. 47 

repents of his errors . . . • ' . . ii. 47 

ineffectually vindicated by JoTius . . . . ii. 48 

Alamanni Luigi iiL 260 

his poem entitled La Co^ostbiitf .... iii. 263 

Albino Matteo i. 80 

Albandro Girolamo, papal legate to the Imperial court iv. 28 

harangues the diet of the empire against Luther . iv. 29 

account of his life and writings . . . . iv. 157 

appointed by Leo X. librarian of the Vatican iv. 162 

his private library iv. 166 

Alessandiu Akssandro dt^, his Geniales Diet . i. 74 

512 INDEX. 

Alexander VI. Roderigo Borgia . . . . i. 39 

elected Pope i. 129 

general apprehensions thereon i. 130 

forms a league with the Venetians and the duke of 

Milan . ! i, 137 

remonstrates with Charles VIIL on his intended en- 
terprise against Naples . . . . i. 154 
his interview with Alfonso 11. of Naples . i. 166 
forms an alliance with Charles VIII. . . . i. 206 
takes shelter in the castle of S. Angelo . • . i. 207 
refuses to grant Charles VIII. the investiture of 

Naples i. 209 

his remark on the conquest of Naples by Charles 

VIII i. 222 

attacks the Roman barons . . . . . i. 275 

his death i. 348 

remarks on his character i. 350 

Alfonso II. of Aragon succeeds his father Ferdinand as 

king of Naples . . . , . . . . i. 162 

prepares to defend himself against Charles VIII. . i. l&l 

his conference with Alexander VI. . . . i. 166 

his unsuccessful expedition against Genoa . . i. 167 

relinquishes his crown to his son Ferdinand . . i. 211 

takes shelter in a convent at Messina . . . i. 22S 

dies i. 267 

Alfonso I. duke of Ferrara, succeeds his father Ercole ii. 37 

possesses himself of the district of Este, &c. . ; ii. 72 

defeats the Venetians on the Po . . . . ii. 7S 

contributes to the victory of the French at Ravenna ii. 108 

detained at Rome by Julius II ii. 136 

effects his escape by the aid of the nobles of the Co- 
lon na family ii, 138 

sends Ariosto as his ambassador to Rome • . ii. 138 

assists at the coronation of Leo X. . . . ii. 183 

defeats the projects of Leo X. * . . . . iv.- 305 

joins Francis I. against Leo X. and the emperor . iv. 316 

is attacked by the allied array . . . * . iv. 322 
Alfonso, son of Emanuel king of Portugal nominated a 

cardinal by Leo X. iii. 135 

Alidosio Francesco, cardinal of Pavia, defends Bologna 

for Julius II ii. 91 



Alidosio PranceicOf assassinated at RayeDoa by the 


Altilio Gabfiele, bisbop of Polycastro 
Alviano Bartohmmeo (i% defeats the troops of Alex 
ander VI. . . . . . 

defeats the emperor elect Maximilian 

bis opinion on the defence of the Venetian state 

defeated and made prisoner by Louis XII. 

•restored to liberty. . . 

captures Cremona, Bergamo, and Brescia 

defends. Padua against the allies ... 

defeated at the battle of Vicenza 

retires to theBrentel before Cardona 

his rapid march to join the French 

engaged in the battle of Marignano • . - 

his death and character ' . . * . 
Ambbogio Teseo, professor of the eastern toogues in 

his introduction to the Chaldean and other languages 
Ammonio Andrta^ the pope^s collector in England 
'Ancient classic writings, early translations of 

Angeriano Girolamo 

Anjou, family of, its claims to the crown of Naples 
' Aniso Crtoronm, calfed Joftttf i4ity«}ta • 
Antiquakio Giacopa . . . < . 
Antiques, . the research of them encouraged by, Leo X 
AauiLA Serqfino d\ an Italian poet . . . • 
' Aragon, family of, its claims to the crown of Naples 

I>on Henry, Cardinal of . . . ..... 

Giovanni d\ son of Ferdinand king of Naples, a car- 


Aragona TuUiad'f an Italian poetess 
Aretino Pietro, account of his life and writiirgs 
Ariosto Lodovico, his early writings 

Ambassador, from the duke of Ferrara to Julius II. 

visits Leo X. at Rome' . • . » 

his. apologue respecting Leo X. . ... 

obtains a papal bull for the publication of his poem 

ii. 92 

i. 77 

i. 276 
ii. 58 
ii. 66 
ii. 69 
ii. 196 
ii. 203 
ii. 218 
ii. 219 
iii. 25 
iii. 35 
iiL 39 
iii. 48 

ii. 291 

ii. 292 

ii. 320 

iii. 319 

i. 77 

i. HI 

i. 75 

i. 104 

iv. 210 

i. 53 

i. 141 

i. 163 


repairs to Florence 


i. 42 
iii. 235 
iv. 125 

i. 88 

ii. 138 

iu. 215 
iii. 216 

iii. 218 

iv. 363 

iii. 220 

2 L 

514 IVDBX. 

Ariosto Lodavico, is deprive 'of his stipend by th« 

cardinal IppoUto d' £ste iiL 321 

establishes his residence in Ferrara • ", . . iiL 22S 

effects of hi# writiagton tht state of Europe . . iit* 324 

Abistotlb, effects of his writings . . . . ' iv. 74 

comnientaries on his works iv. 75 

Armellini Francesco, raised by Leo X. to the rank of 

cardinal . . iii« 134 

Arriyabene GiampieirOf his Gonxagidos . . . i. 95 

Arsilli Francesco, his poem De Fodis Urhanis . • iii. 355 

Arts, their revival in modern times • . iv. 909 

their most flourishing period .... iv. 319 

Roman school of iv. 362 

AuBiGNT Edoardo d\ general to Charles VIII., and his 

envoy at Rome » i. 154 

enters Romagna at the head of the French army . i. 170 

compels the dnke of Cidabria to retreat . . . i« 187 

appointed grand constable of Naples . . i. 339 

defeats Gonsalvo , i« 357 

defeated in Calabria by Cardona • • . . ii« 10 

Augurblli Giooanni Aurelio • • . • .iiL 374 

his Chrysopoeia • iii. 375 

AvALOs Alfonso ^, marquis of Pescara>. defends the 

Castel-nuovo at Naples against Cbailes VIIL i. 32S 
Costanta d\ an Italian poetess ... .iiL 335 
Ferdinando d*, marquess oi Pescara commands the 

light infantry at the battle of Rsvenna . . ii.. 110 

leads the attack at the battle of Vicenza . . iL 319 

^ his death . • . . . . . . iiir 328 

, B. 

Bagnacavallo- Banolomme0 da\ assists Raffaello in 

painting the Vatican hr. 366 

Bajazet, the Turkish Emperor, prevails on Innocent 

VIII. to keep his brother a prisoner . . . i. 44 

his correspondence with Alexander VI. . • . i. 317 

Baldini Baccio, an* early engraver on copper . . iv. 391 

Bambridge Christopher, cardinal archbishop of York, 

poisoned by his steward at Rome . . . iL 317 

3andello Mattco, account of his life and novels . iv. 133 



'. m 

. iv. 


. iv. 


• • • 

. III. 


• • • 

. JU. 


• • • 

. 111. 


iBiNBiNEui Bdccio . 

erects the monument of Leo X. . ... 
'Baraballo di Gaeta, a pretendei^' 10' Latin poetry 

his burlesque triumph at Rome 
Battiferra Laura, an Italian poetess 
Bayard Chevalier de, knights Francis L after the battle 

of Marignano . . iii. 40 

Bbazzano Jgostino, accompanies Bembo on' hi^ em* 

bassy to Venice , . . Si. 343 

accountof his life and writings .... iii. 207 
Belgioioso Count of, sent by Lodbvico Sforza to ihvite 
Charles VIU. to attack the ktngdbni of Naples 

Bellincione Bernardo . • . 
Bembo Pietro, afterwards cardinal 

his letter to Julius IL on the revival of shorthand 

writing ••.»••• 
appointed pontifical secretary by Leo X. 
despatched by .Leo X. .as legate to Venice 
hispropoA^o to the senate 
fails in the object of his raissitm 
historical mistakes I'especting it 
account of bis life and writings 
character of his Latin works .... 
his valuable library . . ... 

^Bentivoglio Giovanni ... .• 
expelled from Bologna by Julius IL 
Atmihale and Hermes restored to Bologna by the 


Benigno CbmeUo of Viterb0, publishes^ the works of 

Pindar av Rome 

'Bkvtzio Trifone, an Italian' poet .1 . 

BerKaudo Bernardo, ambassador fVom the king of 

' Naples to Spain . • . . . 

' Berni Fpancesco, account of his life and writingi^ 
his Oriaiido Innannorato . . . . • 

his satiricalsonnet against Pietro. Aretino . . 
Beroaldo Filippo the younger^ publishes a more com 
plete edition of the works of Tacitus • .. . 
appointed by Leo X. librarian oi the Vatican . 
BiBBiENA Bernardo da, directs the riper studies of Leo X 

2 L 2 




iii 164 

ii. 191 


ii. 340 

ii. 343 

ii; 344 

iii. 201 

iii. 273 

iv. 167 

i. 105 

ii. 43 

ii. 91 

ii. 264 

• • • 


i. 229 
iii. 237 
in. 212 
iv. 133 

iv. 152 

i'.. 28 



BiBBTENA Bernardo da, promotes the elecUon of Leo X. 
ratied to the rank of cardiDal 
his confidential letter to Giuliano de' Medici . 

• Legate of Leo X. to France .... 
obtains from Francis L the bishopric of Constance 
T%reni on bis death 

BiGi Lodovico of Ferrara, a Latin poet . . 
BiGio Francia, a painter employed by Leo X. 
•BiNi Gian-Francesco, cultivates the Poesia Bcmaca 
Blois, treaty of, between the Venetians and LomsXIL 
Boccaccio Giofoanm, effects of his writings 

* BoccHi AchilleSf called Phileroie .... 
BoDSNSTBiN Andrew, called Carloitadt, his public dispu 

tation at Leipsic . • • ... 
i BoiARDO Matteo Maria, count of Scandiano 

his Orlando Innamorato 

his ^mor^« and other writings 
Bologna,, state of literature there in 1492 
restored to the Roman see .... 


BBoLZANio Fra-lTr^ano of Belluoo 
BoNASoNE Givlio, an eminent engrarer on copper 
Borgia Cesare, second son of Alexander VL 
accompanies Charles VIII. on his expedition against 

Naples . • • • .. • • 

accused of the murder of his brother • • 
'his embassy to Louis XII. 
marries Carlotta^ daughter of John d'Albret, king of 
Navarre . . . ' . . . . 
'' attacks the cities of Romagna 

perseveres in his attempts against the states of ludy 
promises to restore the Medici to, Florence 
turns his arms against the Florentine state 
captures Urbino and other states of Italy 
forms an alliance, with Louis XII. . • . 
the princes of Italy oppose him ... 
puts several of them treacherously to death at Sini 

seizes on their territories . . ... 
aspires to the title of King of Romagna and Umbria 
compelled on the death of Alexander VI^ to quit Rome 
attacked by the Orsini . . * . • 

ii. 177 
ii. 22S 
iii. 11 
iii. 368 
iii. 373 
iv. 353 

i. 83 
iv. 287 
iii. 337 
ii. 195 
iii. 146 
iii. 328 

iv. 8 

i. 86 

i. 86 

i. 87 

i. 105 

ii. 134 

ii. 282 

iv. 295 

i. 164 

i. 206 
i. 283 
1. 293 

i. 308 
i. 314 
i. 331 
i. 333 
i. 334 
i. 335 
i. 339 
i. 339 

i. 341 

i. 347 

L 348 

ii. 11 

ii. 13 

INDBX. 517 

Borgia' Ceuire, the itates of Bomagna retain their fide- 
lity to him . ... . . . ii. 15 

negotiates with Julius II ii. 17 

betrayed by Gonsalvo, and sent to Spain . . iL 20 

his death . . . . . . . . ii. 22 

his character . . . . . . . ii. 23 

Gcoffroiy youngest son of Alexander VI. marries San- 
ciaofAragon . . • . . . . i. 163 

Gi&oamij, eldest son of Alexander VI. created Duke 
ofGandia . . . . ... . i. 163 

wounded at the siege of Bracciano . . . . i. 276 

created Duke of Benevento i. 276 

his death i. 277 

particular account of it by Burchard . . . i. 279 
LfMTma, daughter of Alexander VI. and wife of 

Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaro . . . .i. 275 

marries Alfonso of Aragon . . . . i. 293 

Roderigo, See Alexander VL 
BoscoLi Pietro Paolo, conspires against the Medici . ii*' 156 

decapitated ii. 199 

Boss> Count Cav,, remarks on the temporal authority of 

the pope .. . . . . . . . i. 10 

additional notices of Anttquario and his friends, from 

a work by Sig. Vermiglioli, Perugia, 1813 . . i. 104 
valuable manuscripts by Felice Feliciano in the MS. 
hbrary of Mr. Coke of Holkham> formerly in posr 

session of Count Bossi i. 113 

notices the use of artillery before the year 1330 . i. 157 
note on the character of Savonarola . . . i. 295 

his local knowledge, names of places corrected by him iii. 33 
farther notices of Bartolommeo d'Alviano, the great 

Venetian commander and patron of literature . iii. 50 
thinks it probable^ on the authority of the French 
writers, that some of the cardinals who conspired 
to poison Leo were put to the torture, of which 
there exists no evidence . . . . . iii. 120 
refutation of a charge against the author . . iii. 145 

Poggio Bracciolini, bis Facetiae ; number of editions 

cited by Panzer, Henke, &c iii. 147 

note on the author's too great reliance on the narra- 
tive of Luther, answered iii. 170 

518 iHbBx. 

Bossi Count Cav,, note on Tebaldeo, one of ^e first 
inqnvwisaiori in Italy, an' art practised also by 

Accoiti iii« 194 

note of> merits attention of the Italian reader . i iii. 926 
origin of the macaronic style in France, Gennanyi' 

and Italy . . . • *. . • . m, S45 
valuable additions to the correspondence of Gio. 
Giorgio Trissino> with the most celebrated charac- 
ters and scholars of the age . . • . .■' iii. ^5 
his opinion as to the absolute extinction of learning 

in Rome ii. S40 

interesting anecdotes of literary characters . . ii. 340 
cites several works respecting the first public establish' 
ment for botanical pursuits, before published, con- 
siderable additions to them tnight be made . ih '^7 
error in the French translation of the present work 

repeated in the second edition, pointed out . ii^ 361 
grants made by the popes of countries beyokid th^ 

limits of Europe ir. 304 

submitted to by European states • . . . . ii, S04 
error of the French translator of Leo, inserting the — ^ 
name of Louis XII. for that of Francis I. . . ti. 323 
favourable view of the character of Louis XII. « ii. 348 

errors of the modern French lexico-biograpbers re- 
specting Rucellai, corrected . . .iii. 258 
coincides with the author on the character of Vida ; 
defended against the French critics ; various edi'- 
tions of; that of Oxford, 3 vols. 8vo. 1722, 1725> 

and 1733 iii. 295 

note on the Syphilis of Fracastoro . . . iii. 304 

Latin poems of Flaminio, collected in a beautiful vo- 
lume of rare occurrence . . . . • iii. 327 
interesting notices of other writers of Latin poetry . iii. 381 
the author's opinion of Leo X. as a great patron and 

restorer of literature, confirmed 1 . . . iii* 358 
his opinion of Luther's character . . . . ' iv. ' 14 
note on the reformer Huss; singular fact respecting 

him and his followers . . . . ; i iv. 19 
remarks on controversial and heretical opinions . iv^ 39 
note on the imperial document against Luther « iv. 41 
account of Zuinglius , . ; . iv. 50 

iNiiBX. 519 

BoBsi Count Cav.^ refutation of a Catbolic opinion ad- 

. v9Qced by • . iv. 53 

$keteh of the character of Luther , . • . • iv. 57 

remark on the ill effects of the Reformation on lite- 
rary studies. • . .. . . . . If. 61 

notice of an " Essay on the Spirit and Influence of 
the Reformation of Luther/' by M. Villers. Note 
by th^ author in answier to M. Villers's statements iv. 69 

ilis fine MS. on vellum^ cf UAccerba^ a poem hy Cecco 

d*AscQU , . . . . . . . iv. 88 

epinion of the "Cento Novelk Antiche" . . iv. 121 
' of the historical vajue of the Italian novelists « . iv. 123 

pouits out a curious passage in the poem of ArsilU, 
deJPoetis Urhards .• .• » ... iv. 141 

<iffi>rts made for collecting books in Italy during the 
: sixteenth century .. . » • . • . . iv. 143 

mention of ancient copies ofVirgil and Terence, and 
other. valuable MSSfjaid to hav^ belonged to Bern bo. iv. 167 

accorate information respecting Macbiavelli . . iv. 174 

Tefiitation by the author, of bis charge of baviitg OiOiit? 

ted Varchi's history ^ • , . . • . . jv., 1S4 

his extracts from Tricozzi's history of the literati and 
artists of Piave . ♦ , . . . , . . iv, 197 

note on Raphael's paintings illustrated by d'Hanker* 
ville, whose valuable M$$. are in possession of an 
Englishman, Mr. Parr ..... iv. 244 

' remarks on the Swiss mercenaries, the system repro- 
bated by Zuinglius ...... iv. 315 

answer to the censures of both Catholic and Protes- 
tant writers ....... iv. 341 

remarks on the character aiid personal accomplish- 
ments of Leo . . , <• > . • • • iv. 344 

remark on his distinction between the pope and a 
temporal sovereign, by the author . . . iv. 354 
Bossi Dona/o, his chronicle ..... i. ICli 
Bosso Matteo, Abbot of Fiesole, invests Leo X. with 

the insignia of a cardini^ 1. 3S 

his moral writings • . iv. 106 

BoTTicEui Sandro, his designs for the edition of Dante 

of 1488 . . . . . . . IT. ^1 

Bracciouni Giovan Francesco . .... iii. 348 



Bkacciolini Poggto, effect of his writings 
Bramante, employed by Akxander VI. as his arebitect 
' great works executed by bim for Julius 11. 

commences the modern church of St Pietro at Rome 
Brandolini Eaffaello *• 
Brescia stormed by the French . 
Brissonet, bishop of St Maloes, appointed a cardinal 

by Alexander VI 

BarroNio Girolamo, a pretender to Latin poetry . 
BuoNACcoRsi Filippo, called Callimachus Experiens 
BuoNAROTi Mickelagnolo, quits Florence 

employed at Rome ..... 

emulation between him and Lionardo da Vinci 
' his colossal statue of David . 

his cartoon of the wars of Pisa 

undertakes the monument of Julius II. . 

his celebrated statue of Moses 

quits the service of Julius II. in disgust . 

his reconciliation with Julius II. . . . 

erects the statue of Julius II. in Bologna 

commences his works in the Capella SUHna 

how far imitated by Raffaello . • • . 

employed by Leo X. to rebuild the church of S. Lo 
renzo at Florence . . . • . 

designs for Sebastiano del Piombo in comrpetition 
with Raffaello • . . . 

visits Vittoria Colonna in her last moments 

employed to execjute a monument of Clement VII 
under threat of excommunication 

■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ c. • • ■ 

Cabot, John and Sebastian^ eminent navigators • 
Calcagnini Celio, account of his life and writings 
Calchi Bartolommeo . . . 

Calendar, attempts towards correcting it , . 
Calliergo Zaccaria, a Greek printer at Rome , 
Cailimachtis Experiens, see.Buonaccorsi, 
Ca^liheta Vincenzo ... 
Cambray, League of . 
C/iijAmTi Varino, called Pkavorinus 
his ITie^aurus, Cornucopia 

iii. 146^ 
iv. 218 
iv. 218 
iv. 286 
iii. ^341 
ii. 104 

i. 210 
iii. 347 

i. 50 
iv. 220 
iv. 221 
iv. 222 
iv. 223 
iv. 224 
iv. 227 
iv. 229 
iv. 230 
iv. 231 
iv. 231 
iv. 235 
iv. 244 

iv. 251 

iv. 271 
iii. 2^1 

iv. 332 

. iv.. 96-97 

. iv. 





. iv. 


• • 

. u. 





• • 

. II. 


• • 


• • 

• 11. 




Camerti Varino, called Pfuivorinus, appointed librarian 

to the Medici famity^ and bishop of Necera • ii. 873 

his Jpopkihegms ii. 275 

bis Greek dictionary under the name of Phaoorinus . ii< 276 

Camiuus, Triumph of, represented at Florence . • ii. 327 

Campbggio Lorenzo, nominated a Cardinal by Leo X. iii. 133 

Legate from LeoX. to Henry YIIL . . . iii. 36S 

Campson, Sultan of Egypt, defeated by Selim> emperor 

of the Turks iii, 364 

Canossa Lodovico, bishop of Tricarica, legate from Leo 

X. to France and England ii. 313 

his singular interview with Erasmus in London ii. 320 

appointed by Francis L bishop of Bayeux . • ti. 323 

his observation on the conduct of Leo X. . . iii. 390 

Capilupi, Lelio, Ippolito, and CamiUoy Latin poets . iii. 328 

Capponi Agostino conspires against the Medici • . ii. 156 

decapitated . . . . . • . . ii. 190 

Piero, his courageous opposition to Charles VIIL . i. 195 

Carraccioli Tristano. ^ .. . . v . i. 72 

Caraffa OUviero, a cardinal « « .. . . i. 42 

Caravaggio Polidoro da, an eminent painter • . iv. 267 

Carbone Girolamo • . . . . . . i. 72 

Antonio, Lord of Alise . . . . . . i. 75 

Cardinals in the college in 1492 . . . . i. 39 

thirty -one created in one day by LeoX. . iii. 131 
Cardona Don Raimondo, viceroy of Naples, his slow 

operations against Bologna . . • . . ii. 102 
commands the Spanish troops at the battle of Ra- 
venna . • . ii. 110 

assists the Medici to regain the city of Florence . ii. 142 

attacks Padua ii. 218 

commands the Spanish troops against Francis I. . iii. 25 

his indecisive opposition to the French ^ . . iii. 36 

Cariteo, a Neapolitan poet i. 67 

Carlostadt or Carlostadius, see Bodenstein, 

Carro Ludomco of Ferrara, a Latin poet . • . i. 83 

Carvajal Bernardo, cardinal, chief of the council of 

Pisa . . . . . . . . . ii. 94 

restored to his rank by Leo X ii. 232 

performs divine service on the termination of the 

council of the Lateran ..... iii. 143 



Caia Giovamd ddla, aroUnshop <if Benefento 
Castagno Crisiqfioro, attempts to asaasiiMite Zi^fn» 
brother of the emperor Bajazet • • • « 
CAiTiQLioNfi BMamare, account of his life 

hn Idbro del CoTttgiano ....... 

his verses on the statue of Cleopatra 
Cavanilla Trqfano, count of Troja .... 

Cento Navelie AtUiche 

Cent Nouvelles Nauvelks 

Ceri Renzo da, commands in the fortress of Crema 

employed against the duke of Urbino by Leo X. . 

Cesarini Alessandro, bish(^ of Pistoja, appointed a 

cardinal by ]>o JL ...... 

Cesio Faulo-Emilio raised to the rank of cardinal by 

Ghalcondtles Demetrius^ instructs Leo X. in Greek . 
Chabuis VIIL of France, invited by. Lodovico Sforza 

to attack the kingdom of Naples, and resolves to 

undertake the enterprise 
his character ..... 
, prepares for bis expedition 
accommodates his differences with Ferdinand king of 

Spain . . . . . . • 

and with the emperor elect Maximilian • 

negotiates with the Florentines for their assistance 

dismisses the Florentine ambassadors in displeasure 

is encouraged by the duke of Ferrani 

his indecision • . « . 

jengages Italian stipendiaries « 

passes the Alps «... 

is detained by sickness at Asti 

his interview at Pavia with 6iftn«Galeaz:(0 Sforza 

. duke of Milan . . . . 

hesitates as to the prosecution of his enterprise 
determines to proceed by way of Florence to Rome 
prevaibjon Piero de' Medici to surrender to him the 

fortresses of Tuscany « 
enters the city of Florence 
intends to reinstate the Medici 
concludes a treaty with the Florentines 
enters the states of the church 

Hi. 9M 

i. 44 
iv. Ill 
}¥. 119 
iv. tl3 

i. 71 
w. iSl 
iv. 123 
iii. 25 
iiL 92 

HI. iSS 

nu 134 
A. 28 

i. 1S6 
1. 137 
i. 145 

i. 147 

i. 148 
i* 150 
L 153 
i. 165 
i. 173 

i. 174 
4. 175 

i 176 

i. 178 
I 188 
i. 193 
i. 196 
i. 1^7 


Charles VML fonos an alliance with Akxaiidkr VI. . i. 307 

exercises supreme authority in Rmne . . . i.. 21G 

proceed» towards Naples . • • i^ MO 

enters the city of Naples as sovereign • • • i. 321 

his Conduct there . i. 225 

league among the states of Italy to oppose his return i. 230 

gives great dissatisfaction to the Neapolitans . . i. 232 

his coronation ....•«• i. 234 

resolves to return to France . .... i. 238 

proceeds through the Roman territories . . . i. 240 

arnVes at Viterbo i. 241 

at Siena . i. 241 

his interview with Savonarola at Pisa . . . i. 243 

his troops massacre the inhabitants of Pontremoli . i. 247 

he passes the Appennines i. 248 

is opposed by the allied -army tinder the marquis of 

Mantua . i. 249 

prepares for engagement . . . . . i. 251 
efiects the passage of the Taro . . . .4. $52 

returns to France i i. 262 

consequences of his expedition to Naples • . i. 263 

his death i. 201 

Charles, archduke of Austria, afterwards Charlbs V. 

assumes the government of the Netherlands . iii. < 5 
Charles V. having succeeded to the crown of Spain, 

forms the treaty of Noyon wiih Francis I. . . iii. 99 
endeavours to obtain the title of king of the Romans 

and the investiture of Naples « * . . iiL 376 
contends for the imperial crown . . . .iii. 382 

elected emperor iii, 386 

summons Luther to attend the diet of the empire . iv. 31 

declares his opinion o( Luther in writing . . iv. 40 

issues an imperial decree against him . . iv. 44 
unites with Leo X. in restoring the family of Sforza 

to Milan iv. 307 

Charles III. duke of Savoy, endeavours to reconcile 

lit I 

Francis I. and the Swiss . . » . . iii. 31 
Chisi Agostino, a merchant at Rome^ celebrates the elec- 
tion of Leo X. . . . •* . . I . ii« 186 
publishes the first Greek books at Rome ii. 265 

584 INDEX. 

Chisi. Agoiimo, employs Rt£Biello to decorate hit palace, 

now called the Pameima iv. 257 

CiBO Francnco, ton of Innocent VIII. marries Madda- 

lena, sister of Leo X. i. 19 

sells bis territorial possessions in the Roman state . i. 136 
Ifmocenzio, nephew of Leo X. raised to the rank of 

cardinal . . . . . • • . ii. 324 

CiBco Franctf^co, his poem, of ikfom^riono , • . i. 90 

CiNGOU Benedetto da i. 103 

CiNTHio da Tivoli, envoy of Leo X. to Louis XII. . ii. 269 

Cleofilo Ottavio, of Ferrara i. 83 

Clergy, their misconduct arraigned by the early pro- 
moters of literature iii. 144 

CoccAJo Merkno, see Fokt^, 

CoLOCci Angehf bis celebrated collection of antiques iv. 213 

Colombo Cristqfcro, or Cohunbus . . . ir. 96 

CoLOMMA Frotpero, conveys Caesar Borgia to Spain • ii. 22 

defeats d' Alyiano at the battle of Vicenza . • ii. 219 

opposes the French in tl^e Milanese • • . iii. 25 

surprised and made prisoner by the French . . iii. 27 

commands the allied army against Milan • iv. 813 

attacks the city of Parma ....... iv. 315 

passes the Adda iv. 318 

captures Milan iv. 320 

attacks the duke of Ferrara iv. 322 

Fabrizio, commands the Italian troops at the battle of 

Ravenna ii. Ill 

made prisoner ii. 112 

assists in releasing the duke of Ferrara from Rome . ii. 137 
Marc' Antonio, defends Ravenna against Gaston de 

Foix • . ii. lOS 

assists in liberating the duke of Ferrara . . . ii. 137 

defends Verona against the French and Venetians . iii. 96 

Pomp€;o, nominated a cardinal by Leo X. . iii. 195 
Vittoriaf account of her life and writings . .iii. 227 
her attachment to the reformed religion, stated by 
both the German and Italian translators of this 

work . iii. 231, 

Combat of thirteen French and thirteen Italian soldiers ii. 6 

Compare Pietro, a Neapolitan academician . . i. 75 



Conspiracy of the cardinals to poison Leo X. 
observations thereon . . 

CoNSTANTiNE, his supposcd donation to the church 


"CoNTi Francesco de\ appointed a cardinal by Leo X. 
CoNTUCci Andrea Sansovino, his celebrated group of St 

employed as a sculptor by Leo X. . 
Corbey, treaty of . . . . . 
GoRNAZZANo AfUonio, an Italian poet . 
CoRNBTO Cardinal Adrian di, a party in the conspiracy 

against Leo X 

CoBTESE Paolo, a promoter of literature at Rome 

CoRYiNO Massimo, bishop of Massa 

CosMico Nicolo Lelio, a Latin poet 

CoTTA Giovanni, a Latin poet .... 

Coryciana, a collection of Latin poems by Roman au* 

thors, in the time of Leo X. . . . . • 
CoRTcius Janus, see Gorizio. 
Coze, Archdeacon, answer to his observation on the 

author's character of Maximilian L . 

Crinitus Fetrus, see Ricci, 
CuGNA Tristano, ambassador from the king of Portugal 

to Leo X • 

Cupi Criovanni de\ appointed a cardinal by Leo X. 


iii. 116 

iii. 139 

i. 8 

iii. 134 

iii. 353 

iv. 286 

ii. 335 

i. 103 

iii. 133 

i. 53 

i. 77 

i. 91 

i. 79 

iii. 353 

iv. 383 

ii. 300 
iii. 133 

Dante, satirizes the Roman church .... iii. 144 

Decio Filippo, delivers instructions in the academy of 

Pisa to Leo X . i. ^Sl 

Delfino Pietro, one of the instrubtors of Leo X. and 
general of the order of Cat&aldoli. His letters, 
Venice, 1534, folio, very rare ; display great vi- 
vacity and learning : died in 1535 . . . i. 33 

Dijon, treaty of ...*.' 

DioscoRiDEs, his works published ' . 

Discoveries in the East and West Indies 
consequences thereof 

DuLCiATus Antonius, inscribes to Leo X. hi^ treatise De. 

Kalendarii CorrecHone ..*.'. . iv. 94 

ii. 316 

iv. 104 

iv. 95 

iv. 99 

I N D-^X. 


Eccivs Johofmes, animtdrerta on the propositions of 


intrusted with the execution of the papal bull, con- 
demning the doctrines of Luther . . , 
Ecus L\ a French general, made prisoner by Guicciar- 

.dini at Reggio 

Egidio of Viterho, an Italian poet • • . , 
raised by Leo X. to the rank of cardinal 
Cardinal, legate from Leo X. to Spain . 
Elio Giovanni, called Elio Marche^e . 
Eliseo Giaoamii, called Elysius Caieniiw 
Emanuel, king of Portugal, sends a splendid embassy 

to Leo X. . 

Engraving on copper,, its origin and progress 

&fTRAGHEs DV Governor pf the citadel of Pi#a . 

sells it to the inhabitants . • . • 

Erasmus Desiderius, his interview with Canossa, the 

pope's legate in London .... 

his account of a singular sermon delivered before 

Julius II 

favours the cause of Lqther, ... ... 

engages in the discussion of the questions agitated at 


his opinion respecting picturesque representations in 

places of worship . . 
friendly comespond^noe with LeoX^ 
Ercole d'Este, duke o/Ferrara, a promoter of literature 
encourages Charles VIIL to attack Naples . 
appointed um^e between the inhabitants of Flo- 
rence and Pisa 

dies. . . 

Este, tragical event in the family of • . . 
Ferdinando d\ remains fifty-foor years in prison 
Giylio, imprisoned for life .... 
Etching on copper invented • • . • 
Europe, state of, at die time of the bivtb of Leo^X; 
political system of .... . • . 
pacification of 

iii. 16^ 
iv. 23 

iv. 309 

L 79 

iii. laS 

iii. 368 

i, 75 

i. 78 

ii. 300 

iv. 290 

i. 246 

i. 268 

ii. 321 

iii. 150 
iii. 181 

iv. 10 

iv. 63 

iv. 358 

i. 82 

i. 156 

i. 290 
ii. 36 
ii. 38 
il 39 
ii. 39 
iv. 295 

i. 4 

i. 5 

iii. 97 




Faerno Gabriello, hU Latin fablea . . • ^ 
Fabnese Akssdndr^, cardinal, afkemrards Paul III. afi* 
nounces the election of Leo X. . • . 

legate from Leo X. to the emperor elect, Maximi- 
lian .... . 

his improvements in the vicinity of the li^e of Bol- 

sena . 

Eascitello Onarato, a Latin poet . . • • 
Federigo of Aragon, afterwards king of Naples, his in- 
terview with Charles YIII. .... 

succeeds his nephew Ferdinand II 

attempts* to defend his dominions againsi Louis XIL 

is betrayed by Ferdinand of Spain .... 

retires to Ischia . . . • . 

relinquishes tJM crown oC Naples . • . . 

mediates between the French and Spanish monarchs 
Ferdinand I. king of Naples^ forms an alliance with the 

endeavours to prevail on Charles VIIL to relinquish 
his enlerpitise .... 

prepares for his defence 

dies .... • . .... 
Ferdinand, duke of Calabria, afterwards Ferdinand II 
king of Naples, opposes the French in Romligna 

retreats before lyAubiguy . • . *. 

assumes the crown on the resignation of bis father 
Alfonso • . . .... 

preparations for defending, himself against Charles 

retires before the French* army 

releases his subjects ftom their oalh of fidelity • 

escapes to Ischia ....... 

kills Candina, lieutenant of tht caslfe of lochia 

refijses to treat with Charles VIIL for the surnonder 
of his crown 

resorta to the aid .of Ferdinand of Spain 

recovers the kingdom of Naples 

expels the French from his doniinions 
Ferdinand II. marnet his aunt Joanna 

iii. 329 
ii. 174 
iiL 368 

iv. 375 
iii. 329 

L 225 
i. 268 

i. 329 

i. 330 

i. 332 

ii. 25 

i. 138 

i. 159 
i. 161 
i. 161 

i. 170 
iv 187 

]. 214 

i. 215 
i. 218 
i 220 
i. ^20 
i. 221 

i. 235 
i. 228 
i. 257 
i. 259 
' i. 267 

596 iHiDrx. 

Fbrdinamd II. dies i. 368 

Ferdinand, king of Spaio^ agrees with Cbarks VIIL not 

to interfere in the concerns of Naples . • • i. 148 
assists Ferdinand II. king of Naples, to expel the 

French from bis dominions . . • . i. 228 
forms a secret treaty with Louis XIL for the partition 

of the kingdom of Naples . . . . .1. 327 
quarrels with Louis XII. respecting the partition of 

Naples , . ii. 4 

expels the French from Naples . . . . ii. II 

marries Germaine de Foix, niece of Louis XII. . ii. 41 

visits his Neapolitan dominions . . . . ii. 45 

joins Leo X« in the treaty of Mechlin . . • ii. 199 
forms an alliance with Henry VIII. and the emperor 

Maximilian against Francis I iii. 79 

his death and character . . . . . . iii. 81 

Fbrmo Oliverotto da, put to death hy Caesar Borgia at 

SinigagUa . ' i. 346 

Ferrara, state of literature there in 1492 . . . i. 80 

Fbrreri Bonifazio, appointed a cardinal by Leo X. . iii. 134 

FiciNo MarsiHo, appointed a canon of Florence . i. 126 
FiLiBERTA of Savoy, aunt of Francis I. marries Giuliano 

de' Medici iii. 9 

FiRBNZuoLA Agnolo . • iii. 240 

Flauinio Giovan'ArUanio, favoured by Julius II. • ii. 163 

MarC'AfUamo of Sicily i. 79 

iRfarc-i^iUomo of Serravalle, account of his life . iii. 317 

his writings • ' . . . . . . . iii. 326 

Flodden, battle of ii. 212 

Florentines attack Pisa i. 269 

form an alliance with Lodovico Sforza . • i. 289 

recover the possession of Pisa • . . . ii. 79 

extinction of their popular government . . . ii. 151 

their splendid pageants ii. 324 

state of their government on the death of Lorenzo 

dukeofUrbino iii. 391 

'i^>nc Gaston de, relieves Bologna . . . • ii. 100 

storms the city of Brescia ii. 104 

attacks Ravenna . . . . . . ii. 107 

defeats the allies before Ravenna . • . . iiM 1 1 

hisdeath . ii; 113 



FoLCRi Giovanni, conspires against tbe Medici • 

pardoned by Leo X 

FoEBNGt Teofilo, called Merlino Coccajo 

macaronic poems and other works 
FoRTiGUERRA Scipione, calkd Cdrteromachut 
Fracastoro Girolamo, account of his life • 

. his poem entitled Syphilis . . * • 
Francis, duke of Angoul^me 

succeeds to the crown of France by tbe name of 
Francis I. 

assumes the title of duke of Milan • 

forms an alliance with the archduke Charles . 

with Henry VIII 

with the Venetians 

prepares to attack the Milanese 

arrives at Turin ...... 

summons the city of Milan to surrender 

ineffectually endeavours to form an alliance with the 

defeats them at Marignano .... 
.knighted by the chevalier Bayard . 

possesses himself of the Milanese 

forms an alliance with Leo X. • • . 

; receives at Milan an embassy from the Venetians 

interview wilfh LeoX. at Bologna . 

aboHshes the prs^matic sanction, and concludes the 
. Concordat with Leo X. .... 
. forms designs upon tbe kingdom of Naples 
. suspects Leo X. of insincerity 

.endeavours to gain him over .... 

joins in the treaty of Noyon .... 

opposes the projects of Charles of Spain . 

cpntends with him for tbe hnperial crown 

prepares to defend his Italian possessions 

divested of tbe Milanese by Charles V. and Leo X. 
Franco Niccolo^ writes againit Pietro Aretino 
Frjbdeicicic, elector of Saxony, favours Luther . 

endeavoirrs to obtain a hearing of his cause in Ger- 

refuses to condemn Luther .... 

receives from Leo X. the consecrated rose 

VOL. IV. 2 M 

ii. 157 

ii. 190 

iii. 243 

iii. 244 

ii. 278 

iii. 295 

iii. 299 

ii. 348 



iii. 23 
iii. 31 
iii. 32 

• n m 


• • • 



• • • 



• • • 


• • •- 


• ft • 


ii(. 40 


iii. 99 
iii. 378 
iii. 382 
iv. 314 
iv. 320 
ivi 133 
iii. 166 



• • • 


• • ft 


iii. 169 
iii. 177 
iv. 4-5 

630 INDSIK. 

FiiEG<«o Antonio, called Fhileremo . . . . i. 104 
Ott(tDiauo, brings to Rome the first intelligence of the , 

battle of Ravenna . . . • . • . ii. 11'3[ 
Giano, escapes from Genoa • . . • . ii. 302 
t OttavianOf doge of Genoa, assumes the title of gover- 
nor for the king of France . . • • • iii* 30 
vin4icat68 himself to Leo X. • . • • • iii- 31 
surrenders Geno^ to the French .... . iji. 36 

FuMANi Adamo, a Latin poet iii. 339 

Fusco Tomaso, ^2l Neapolitan academician.. . • , i. 76 
FusEu Henry, his letter to. the author on the subject of 
Michelagnolo, and Vittoria Colonna; Michel- 
agnolp's painting, in chiaro scuro, of Christ at the 
Well with the woman of Samaria, formerly in the 
collection at Capo di Monte; since in the author's 
possession, and now in the collection of the Liver- 
pool Royal Institution iii. 390 


Galatbo Antonio, an eminent physician • . i. 78 

pALLo pilfenio, of MonCesano, an Italian poet. • . i. 81 

^>MA Vasco del, his discoveries celebrated. at Rome • ii. 399 

^MBABA Veronica, account of her life and writings • iii. .333 

Qazoldo Giovanni, poet and buffoon . . ... Jii. 347 

George, duke of Saxony, attends the disputes of Lu- 
ther and his adversaries at Leipsic . . . iv. . 8 
Ghiaradadda, battle of . . . . . . ii. 68 

Ghiberti Giammatteo, apostolic datary and bishop of 

Verona , . . iii. 306 

. an opponent to Pietro Aretino . . . . iv. 190 

GiANUARio Alfonso . . . . . ... i, 74 

, Pietro Jacopo . . . . . . . . , . i. 74 

Giovio Paullo, called PauUm Jovivs, his vindication 

of Gonsalvo ii. . 48 

• his tresiiise de Piscibus Romanis . ... « . iv. 105 

his favourable reception by Leo X. at Rome . . . iv. 1S6 

his historical writing^ . • . . . , . iv. 190 
GiusTiNiANi Agostino, publishes a polyglot edition of the 

Psalter ii. 393 

Qqnzago Lodovico, protects the Latin poet Cosmico 

from the inquisition • . . . . . i. 91 

INDBX. 531 

OoNZAQO Francesco, marquis of Mantua, commands the 

allied army of Italy against Charles Vllf. . . i. 249 

- opposes his pansa^e of the Taro . % v . i. 251 

high commendations of him . • % . . i. 256 

appointed captain -(general of the church . % . ii. 43 

taken prisoner by the Venetians . . . . ' ii. 75 

1 FederigOf marquis, of Mantua, appointed by Leo X. 

captain-general of the church . . . . iv. 313 

Ffcferi^o, lord of Bozzolo . . . . , ii. 116 

joins the French in the defence of Milan . . . iv. 310 

Ridoffo, a commander at the battle of the Taro . i. 249 

killed . . . . . . . . i. 254 

OoRizio Giovanni, called Janus Cotycius, a patron of 

learning at Rome iii* 351 

Granacci Francesco^ employed in the preparing the 

; t splendid exhibitions at Florence . . . . ii. 331 

Grasso Luca, a Neapolitan academician . « . i. 75 

QfLkviHA Pieiro, a Latin poet . . . . . i. 79 

Grudius Nicohs of Rohan, a Neapolitan academician . i. 80 
Grimani, cardinal, his library at Rome . . . iv. 166 
GuicciARDiNi Pvetro, envoy from Florence to congratu- 
late Leo X. . . . . . . . ii: 188 

Francesco, favoured and employed by Leo X. . '. iv. 182 

his history of Italy rv. 184 

makes the French general L'Ecus a prisoner at Reg- 

gio . . iv. 309 

appointed by Leo X. commissary-general of the papal ' 

army iv. 313 

GuiDACERio Agacio, dedicates his Hebrew grammar to 

LeoX. . . . . . . . . ii. 294 

GvRCK, cardinal of, Matteo Langi^ imperial ambassador 

toLeoX . ii. 220 

his'ambition and avarice "• 333 

Gyraldi Ldlio Chegorio, account of his fife and Writings iv. 203 

Gtraldi GiovambatHsta Cynthia i^* ^^^ 


Henke, interesting note of, in his German translation 

of this work . . . . . . . i, 17 

remark on the Geniales Dies of Alessandro de' Ales- 

sandri ; real name of this author . . . i. 74 

2 M 2 


Hbmkb, severe denuDciations of the Rotnan church 
pointed out, in the poem De CaiamiiatUms Tern- 
porum, hy Batista Mantuano • . . • k 98 

refutation of his charge of having overrated the 

merits of Aldo i. .1^ 

note of, which confirms the idea that the pope was v-, 

adverse to the war ; L 31 1 

note of, on the policy of Maximilian . . • i. 271 

authorities to prove Caesar Borgia guilty of the mur- 
der of his brother • • • * .? • ^* ^^ 

strictures on the character of the Car. Giulio de' Me- 


diciy afterwards pope Clement VIL • . . iii. 13L 
note by, on the influence of pagan mythology in the , 

age of Leo X iti. 151 

accusation of Leo's misapplying the property of the 

church, answered . • • • • iii. 157 

the title of emperor elect of the Romans, customary 

till the dissolution of the German imperial dignity Hi. 3B7 
thinks the reformation not unfavourable to the fine 

arts .....•«.. iv. 65 
observation on the poem entitled, Hippofyta, Baltha' 

sari Castilioni, Conjugi . , . . , • . iv. 117 

high opinion of the Latin poeiAs of tastiglione • . iv. 121 
quotei' some verses of Beroaldo, ^addressed to Giulio 

de'Medrcn'FojJ^'CreOfcntVIL '. \ . . iv. 15^ 
notes bn the lif^ and writings of Guicciardini • ^ |^* ^l^ 
note on Leo'SL; causes of the diversity of opinions 

respecting him . . . . . . . iv. 346 

ffives a curious Latin epistle from Longolius'to Leo %» iv. 374 
Henrt VIII. king of England, joins with Julius II. and 

Ferdinand of Spain against Louis XII. • • ii/ 97 
unites with Leo X. in the treaty of Mechlin . . ii. 199 
subsidizes the emperor elect Maximilian . . . ii. 200 

invades France ii. 210 

defeats the French at the battle of the Spurs . . ii. 211 
captures Tournay, and appoints Wolsey bishop of that 

see . . . ii. 211 

captures Terouenne and gives it to the emperor elect 

Maximilian ii. 211 

receives a congratulatory letter on his victories from 

Leo X ii. 213 



Henry VIII. king of England returns to England 

forms an alliance with Louis Xn."^ . . ' ; 

agrees to give his sister Mary in marriage to the 
French king . . . . . . ' • 

enters into an alliance with Francis I. . . • iii- 

admonishes him not to disturb the peace of Christen- 
dom . . . .... . . iii. 

joins the alliance against Francis I. ... iii. 

forms the treaty of London with the emperor elect 
Maximilian and Leo X iii* 

writes his vindication of the seven sacraments against 
Luther . . . ... . . iv, 

}$ honoured by Leo X. with the title of Defender of 

the Faith iv. 

. s^nds Aretino 300 gold crowns . . . . iv. 
Historians in the time of Leo X. • . . . iv. 

\ I. 

.^OBATio Domenico, appointed a cardinal by Leo X. 
James IV. king of Scotland, threatens Henry VJII. 
; enters England in great force .... 

is defeated and slain at the battle of Flodden 
iKGHiftAMi Tomaso Fedro, librarian of the Vatican 
Iknoc^nt VIII. {GiambatHsta Cibo) elected pope 

appoints Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X. 

receives him into the college . 

bis death and character .... 
Jovius PauUus, see Giovio, 
Italian poeU in the time of Leo X. 

general classification of them 
J.ULius II. {Giuli€mo delta Rovere) 

qaiU Rome on the election of Alexander VI. 
. his interview with the Cardinal de' Medici at Savona 

elected pope 

his treaty with Caesar Borgia . 

attempts to divest Borgia of his territories 

seizes the cities of Perugia and Bologna , 

joins in the league of Cambray 

excommunicates the Venetians 

ii. 217 
ii. 311 







• « 


• • 



ii. 212 

iv. 148 

i. 18 




iii. 191 

iii. 264 

I. 41 


• • 


• • 


• ft 


• • 


• • 


• ■ 



534 iN]>Bx; 

Juuus II. deserts hit aUies and forms an alliance with 

. . the Venetians ii. 81 

ezcommunioates the duke of Ferrara . . . * ii. 83 

is besieged in Bologna . . .. • . . ii. 84 

I captures Mi randola ii. 88 

restores it to Giovan-Francesco Pico . « . ii. 89 

k>seS{ the city iif Bologna. .. . . . . ' ii. 90 

. his statue by Michelagnolo destroyed . . . ii. 91 
uniies with Ferdinand of Spain and Henry .VIII. in ' 

f tli€ holy league . . .. ... . . . it. 96 

determines to restore the Medici to Florence . . ii. 98 

; opens the cou.ncil of the Lateran . . . . ii* 1^ 

deceives Louis XII • ' ii- 1^^ 

recovers Bologna . ii. 134 

his treacherous conduct to the duke of Ferrara J ii. 136 

threatens to h^ve the poet Afiosto thrown into the sea ii. 139 

his death ........ ii. 157 

his character and conduct considered . . . ii. 158 

library formed by him ... . . . ii. 164 

letter to him from Pietro Bembo • . . . ii.^ 164 

• his encouragement of the arts.. . . . . iv. 220 

undertakes to rebuild the church of S. Pietra . . iv. 227 

his monument by Michelagnolo . . * . * . iv. 229 

JusTiNiANo Paullo, an early instructor of Leo X. . ^ i. 32 


Ljbtus Pomponius, an eminent scholar at Rome • . t. 49 

Lampridio Benedetto, a Latin poet . . . . iii. 329 

Lanfredini Giovanni^ Florentine envoy at Rome * . i. 22 
Lapi Basilio, dedicates to Leo X. his treatise De (ttfUum 

compuiaiione iv. 94 

Lascar Giovanni, employed by Leo X. in the promotion 

of Gretrk literature ii. 250 

appointed to superintend the Greek press at Rome . ii. 261 

Lateran, council of, opened by Julius II. . . . ii. 123 

its sittings renewed by Leo X. . • . . ii. 220 

its termination . . . . . . . iii. 143 

Latin poetry, its progressive improvement . • iii. 269 

urbanity of Latin writers in the time of Leo X. . iii. 330 

particularly cultivated at Rome * . . • iii. 3%. 



Latin poetry> extemporary Latin poets 
Latino Gtocomo* of Flanders, a Neapolitan academician 
Laurentian library, its establishment and vicissitudes 
Lflo THE Tenth {Gioxfanni rfc' Medici) born 

destined to the church . . . 

receives the Tonsura . . . , . 

appointed by Louis XL abbot of Fonte dolce 

appointed abbot of Passignano by Sixtus IV. 

his numerous church preferments . 

raised to the rank of a cardinal ;. . 

his education . . . . 

causes of the defects in his ch^rabter 

repairs to the academy of Pisa' 

receives the insignia of a cardinal . 

quits Florence to reside at R6me . 
' his entry, and reception at Rome 

his first letter to his father 

his letter to his brother on the death of his father 

appointed legate of the patrimony and of Tuscany 

visits Florence 

returns to Rome on the death, of Innocent VIIL 
' retires again to Florence on th^ election of Alexander 

^ expelled the city of Florence with his brothers 

escapes to Bologna . . . . . 

retires to Castello . . . • . 

. quits Italy and travels through Europe . 
V his interview with the cardinal Giuliano della Rovere 
at Savona 

returns to Rome 

his moderation and prudence 

his difficulties and embarrassments 
I appointed'to the chief direction of the papal troops 
.; differs in opinion with the Spanish generals . 
• legate of the church at the battle of Ravenna . 
'' made a prisoner • . . . • 

despatches Giulio de' Medici to Rome . ' . 

delivered up to the custody of the cardinal Sanseveri no 
- conveyed to Milan . . . . • 

absolves his enemies . . • • • 

effects his escape . . > > 

in. 340 

i. 80 

iv. 139 

k 3 

i. 13 









i. 35 

i. ,t37 

i. . 38 

i. 39 

i. 125 

i. 125 

i. 125 

i. 126 





i. 131 
i. 184 
i. 185 
i. 191 
i. 340 

i. 312 

i. 317 

ii. 30 

ii. 33 

ii. 100 

ii. 102 

ii. 110 
ii. HI 

ii. 117 

ii. 116 

ii. 119 

ii. 120 

ii. 130 



ji. 146 
\u 149 
ii. 171 
il. 17S 
ii. 173 
ii. 174 
ii. 179 
u. 180 
ii. 182 
iL 189 
ii. 190 
ii. 191 
ii. 191 
li. 192 

Lbo the Tenth attempts by the aid of the Spanish 

troop to regain the eity of Florence . . . ii* 142 
endeavours to preserve from pillage the inhabitants 
ofPrato . . . . 

restored to Florence 

returns to Rome on the death of Julius IL 
• elected pope . . . . • . • 
assumes the name of Leo the Tenth 
motives of the choice of the coUege 
reasons for his assuming the name of Leo X. . 

his coronation 

splendid procession to the Lateran 

pardons the conspirators at Florence 

favours the family of Soderini 

recals Piero Soderini, late Goftfalomercy from exile 

appoints Bembo and Sadoleti pontifical secretaries 

resolves to establish the peace of Europe 

endeavours to dissuade Louis XII. from attacking 


opposes his attempt upon Italy 

forms the treaty of Mechlin .... 

subsidizes the Swiss 

recommends lenient measures to his allies 
iiis congratulatory letter to Henry VIIL . 
appointed to decide the differences between the Ve 

netians and the emperor elect Maximilian . 
renews the sittings of the Lateran council 
nominates four cardinals .... 
pardons the cardinals who had adhered to the coun- 
cil of Pisa . ii. 280 

receives the humiliation of Louis XIL • . . ii. 283 
high expectations formed of his pontificate • . ii. 242 
restores the GymnasiMm, or Roman academy . . ii. 245 
encourages the study of the Greek language . . ii. 249 

bis letter to Musurus ii. 281 

founds the Greek institute at Rome . . . . ii 252 
address to him in Greek verse, prefixed by Musurus 

to his first edition of I^ato .... ii. 253 
appoints Musurus archbiiihop of Malvasia , . \h 254 
dedication to him by Aide Manuzio, of the works of 
Plato , . ii. 256 

ii. 196 
ii. 199 
ii. 200 
ii. 201 
iL 207 
ii. 213 

ii. 220 
ii. 221 
ii. 222 



Leo tbb Tenth grants to Aldo a pontifical priyilege . 
establishes a Greek press at Rome 
obtains and poWsbes a more complete copy of the 

works of Tacitus 

encourages the study of Oriental literature 
vindicated by the author from the charge advanced 

by Mr. Henke of having increased the restrictions 

upon the press , . « . 
directs the translation of the scriptures by Pagohii 

to be published at bis expense 
encourages researches for eastern manuscripts 
orders public thanksgivings for the success of the 

Christian arms 
receives a splendid embitssy from the king of Portugal 
confers on him the consecrated rose 
grants to him the newly discovered countries 
endeavours to prevent the alliance of France, Spain 

and Austria • « . • 
attempts to reconcile the French and English sove 


forms desigas upon the kingdom of Naples 
enters into a secret alliance with Louis XIL 
his motives for such measure 
possesses himself of the city of Modena 
endeavours to reconcile the Venetians with the king 

of Spain and the emperor 
despatches Bembo as his legate to Venice 
endeavours to maintain his neutrality in the contests 

respecting Milan 
compelled by Francis L to take a decided part, he ac 

cedes to the league against France 
rdaxes in his opposition to Francis L 
forms an alliance with him* . 
visits Florence • . • • 
bk splendid procession 
visits the tonb of his father 
arrives at Bologna 
bis interview there with Francis L 
particular occurrences on. that occasion 
abolishes the pragmatic sanction • 
eohclodea the Cbncorioiwitb Francis L 

ii. 260 
ii. 261 

ii. 285 

ii. 289 

ii. 291 

ii. 294 
ii. 294 

ii. 299 
ii. 300 
ii. 303 
ii. 303 

ii. 307 

ii. 309 
ii. 333 
ii. 335 
ii. 337 
ii. 339 

ii. 340