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rhe LIFE and PUBLIC SERVICES of 
J. GLANCY JONES 



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The LIFE 

AND PUBLIC SERVICES 

of 

J. GLANCY JONES 



»^ 



CHARLES HENRY JONES 



IN TWO VOLUMES 
Vol. II 




PHILADELPHIA €«f LONDON 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 

1910 



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I 

1 v: 






35769B 







COPTBlGBTy 1910^ BT }. B. LlPPINCOTT COMPANT 



Published June, 1910 



Prinltd hy J. B, Uppincvn C%mptmy 
Tki Washington Squart Pnsi, PhiloMphia^ V, S. A 



Sold by order of 
Directors Sept. 19, 1924. 



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CONTENTS 



Chapter XXI. 

Organization of the Thirty-fifth Congress — Mr. Jones is ap- 
pointed chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means— 
The ardnons duties of his position — Congress meets for the 
first time in the new wings of the Capitol — ^The old Hall of 
Representatives — Letter to the Democrats of Philadelphia 
— ^The admission of Kansas as a State under the Lecompton 
Constitution — ^Mr. Jones is serenaded and makes a speech 
after the admission of Kansas into the Union 



Chapter XXII. 

Remarks of Mr. Jones in the House of Representatives upon 
the agreement with the Sioux Indians — ^The tariff — ^The 
revenue — ^The postal system — ^The panic of 1857 and the 
loan bill — ^The admission of Minnesota as a State into the 
Union 72 



Chapter XXIII. 

Speech of Mr. Jones in Washington at the meeting ratifying the 

• nomination of Colonel Berret for mayor — Death of Thomas 

X H. Benton — ^A call of the House — Reply of Mr. Jones to a 

*Z^ public testimonial offered him by the citizens of Philadel- 

, phia — ^The expedition against Paraguay 40 

I 

^ Chapter XXIV. 

^ The military expedition against the Territory of Utah — Re- 

«. marks of Mr. Jones upon the appropriation therefor — ^Re- 

\ marks of Mr. Jones upon the Indian appropriation bill — 

^ Walker's expedition against Nicaragua — ^Remarks of Mr. 

^ Jones against filibustering — The Pacific Railroad 59 



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vi CONTENTS 



Chapter XXV. 

The heated political campaign of 1858 — ^Mr. Jones' unanimous 
renomination for Congress for his fifth term by the Demo- 
crats of Berks County — His visit to Washington — ^Is sere- 
naded by citizens — His speech to the crowd from the bal- 
cony of his residence — ^A split in the party — ^Lecompton 
and Anti-Lecompton Democrats — ^Mr. Jones is opposed by 
a candidate without distinction of party — ^A memorable 
contest — ^Mr. Jones ' defeat by nineteen votes — Is appointed 
Minister to Austria — ^Resigns his seat in Congress — ^Visit to 
Washington — Speech in response to a serenade — ^Mr. Jones' 
departure for Austria 79 

Chapter XXVI. 

Mr. Jones' residence in Vienna — ^Rights of neutrals upon the 
high seas — ^Mr. Jones' diplomatic correspondence — ^Visit of 
Robert C. Winthrop and William H. Seward to Vienna — 
Mr. Jones' diary — The election of Abraham Lincoln — ^Ap- 
pointment of Anson Burlingame as Mr. Jones' successor — 
His rejection by the Austrian Government — Mr. Jones con- 
sents to remain temporarily — ^Appointment of J. Lothrop 
Motley as his successor — ^Mr. Jones' return to America — 
His diary 98 

Chapter XXVII. 

Mr. Jones' reception by the citizens of Reading — Speech of the 
mayor — ^Mr. Jones' reply — ^Mr. Jones returns to the prac- 
tice of his profession — ^March of the farmers of Heidelberg 
Township to Reading — ^The " Knights of the Golden Circle " 
— ^A mob at the Reading Railroad shops — ^The leader shot 
dead — ^Mr. Jones acts as attorney for the defendant — His 
acquittal — ^Mr. Jones ' speech upon the preservation of the 
Union 123 

Chapter XXVIII. 

Mr. Jones' views upon negro suffrage — ^A plea for political hon- 
esty — ^The Presidential campaign of 187a — Letters from 
Horace Greeley — Letter from the Hon. John Cadwalader — 
Death of Bfr. Jones — ^Resolutions upon his death adopted 
by the Bar of Berks County 139 



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CONTENTS vii 



APPENDIX 

Diplomatic Corrbspondencb op J. Glancy Jonbs while 
Minister to Austria. 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass i6i 

Mr. Jones to Count Buol-Schauenstein 165 

Count Buol-Schauenstein to Mr. Jones 165 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 166 

Baron Werner to Mr. Jones 168 

Mr. Lippitt to Secretary Cass 169 

Mr. Jackson to Count Buol-Schauenstein 171 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 171 

Baron Werner to Mr. Jones 175 

Mr. Lippitt to Secretary Cass 176 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 176 

Mr. Remak to Mr. Jones 1 78 

Mr. Jones to Commodore Lavalette 179 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 181 

Mr. Remak to Mr. Jones 186 

Mr. Remak to Commodore Lavalette 188 

Mr. Jones to Mr. Remak 190 

Mr. Jones to Count Buol-Schauenstein 193 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 193, 195, 203, 206, 219, 220, 228 

Mr. Jones to Count Rechberg 228 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 229 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 236 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 237 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 238 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 239, 247, 248 

Mr. Jones to Count Rechberg 252 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 253 

Mr. Jones to Count Rechberg 255 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 257 

Mr. Jones to Baron KOnneritz 258 

Baron KOnneritz to Mr. Jones 260 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Black 265 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 272 

Mr. Jones to Baron Koller 273 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 274 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 275 

Fundamental Laws of the State 278 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 283, 238 



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viii CONTENTS 



Mr. Burlingame to Secretary Seward ago 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 292 

Mr. Jones to Cotint Rechberg 398 

Baron KoUer to Mr. Jones 300 

Mr. Jones to Cotint Rechberg 301 

Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 302 

Baron Meysenburg to Mr. Jones 305 

Mr. Jones to Count Rechbo-g 306 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 309, 311 

Rescript to the Hungarian Diet 313 

Mr. Motley to Secretary Seward 326 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 327 

Colonel Madardsz to Mr .Jones 338 

Mr. Jones to Colonel Madardsz 341 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 342, 345 

Count Rechberg to Mr. Jones 358 

Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 359, 361, 363 

Letters from James Buchanan to J. Glancy Jones 364 



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rhe LIFE 

AND PUBLIC SERVICES 

J. GLANCY JONES 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Organization of the Thirty-fifth Congress — ^Mr. Jones is appointed 
chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means — ^The arduous 
duties of his position — Congress meets for the first time in the new 
wings of the Capitol — ^The old Hall of Representatives — Letter 
to the Democrats of Philadelphia — ^The admission of Kansas as a 
State under the Lecompton Constitution — ^Mr. Jones is serenaded 
and makes a speech after the admission of Kansas into the Union. 

THE first session of the Thirty-fifth Congress 
met at Washington on the 7th of Decem- 
ber, 1857, and James L. Orr of South 
Carolina was elected Speaker of the House. The 
vote was as follows: 

James L. Orr, Democrat 128 

Galusha A. Grow, Republican 84 

Felix K. ZoUicoffer 3 

Lewis D. Campbell 3 

H. Winter Davis 2 

James B. Ricaud 2 

Humphrey Marshall " i 

Francis P. Blair, Jr i 

Valentine B. Horton i 

Vol II.— 1 1 



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2 Th€ LIFE Mf J. GLANCY JONES 

There were in this Congress 128 Democrats, 
92 Republicans (among whom was that bold 
Abolitionist, Owen Lovejoy), and 14 Native 
Americans; from which it wfll be seen that the 
opposition to the Democratic party, which was 
divided into so many factions at the opening of 
the last Congress, had been gathered into the 
ranks of the Republican party, which had been 
organized at Cincinnati in 1854, and that this 
new party had suffered a signal defeat. It will 
be observed, also, by the large Democratic 
majority, that the country had endorsed the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the exist- 
ence of slavery in the Territories of the United 
States, and the right of the people of the Terri- 
tories to settle the question of slavery for them- 
selves, at the proper time, within their own 
borders. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones retained his position as 
the recognized leader of the House by his selec- 
tion as chairman of the Committee of Ways and 
Means. It is not possible in the limited space of 
a biography to convey to the reader, by the cita- 
tion of one or two speeches, any idea of the abil- 
ity, labor, and parliamentary sldll required upon 
the floor of the House from the man who, as chair- 
man of the Committee of Ways and Means, has 
charge of all the legislative measures that are 
necessary for the administration of the Grovem- 
ment. His name appears very frequently upon the 
records of the proceedings of the House. He en- 



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CHAIRMAN of WAYS and MEANS 3 

counters diflficulties at every step, in the form of 
amendments, opposition, and criticism. He must 
be eqtiipped with a thorough knowledge of the 
workings of the Grovemment in all its departments, 
not only in their customary but in their extra- 
ordinary details. He mtist be prepared with 
readiness to repel the attacks of the skilful and 
able members of the opposition, who at every 
turn seek to embarrass the party in power, and 
he must also be prepared to answer those who 
seek for information. The arrangement of the 
business of the House is largely under his control, 
and he must see to it that the time of the House 
iis not wasted, and that the measures in his charge 
get through without hindrance or delay. It is 
no wonder this position is universally conceded 
to be one of the most dfficult, responsible, and 
distinguished places in the machinery of the Grov- 
emment, and that the man who fills it should be 
regarded as the leader upon the floor of the House. 
Mr. Jones, when he came to this position, was 
well equipped with the necessary legislative ex- 
perience, acquired in his service through six ses- 
sions of the House, and he discharged the duties 
of this high position with distinguished ability 
and success through the long session of the Thirty- 
fifth Congress. His fellow-members upon the Com- 
mittee were John S. Phelps of Missouri, Nathaniel 
P. Banks of Massachusetts, John Letcher of Vir- 
ginia, Lewis D. Campbell of Ohio, H. Winter Davis 
of Maryland, John Kelly of New York, William A. 



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4 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Howard of Michigan, and James F. Dowdell of 
Alabama. 

This was the first Congress that occupied the 
new wings of the Capitol building. The House 
met for the last time in the old Hall of Represen- 
tatives — ^that grand old hall, with its semicircle 
of massive J^^ay columns and its half -dome over- 
head, its row of elevated desks at the back, 
between the columns, where the sons of the mem-' 
bers often used to sit, and its deep galleries for 
spectators, with their heavy draperies, behind 
the coltmMis, and the Speaker's chair. It is so 
rich in its associations, and was such a dignified 
and appropriate place for the deliberations of the 
Representatives of a great people, and such a 
suitable setting for the brilliant scenes that were 
enacted there in the first half-century of the 
nation's existence. How favorably does this old 
HaU compare with the plain quadrilateral cham- 
ber that has taken its place! 

The House removed to its new Hall in the south 
wing of the Capitol on Wednesday, December 
i6, 1857. 

During this session Mr. Jones occupied with 
his family a residence at No. 476 H Street. 

After the meeting of Congress Mr. Jones was 
invited to address a meeting of the Democrats 
of Philadelphia, but the laborious duties of his 
position as chairman of the Committee of Wa3rs 
and Means made this impossible. He therefore 
wrote the following letter declining the invitation: 



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PHILADELPHIA DEMOCRATS 5 

Washington, Dec. 26th, 1857. 

Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of yotir invitation to attend a meeting of the 
Democracy of Philadelphia, to be held on Monday 
next, for the purpose of sustaining the message of the 
President. I regret that my duties here compel me to 
forego the pleasure it would afford me to accept your 
invitation. The message is one which has my hearty 
and cordial approval. The doctrine of popular sov- 
ereignty is now a settled and integral part of the 
Democratic creed; so, also, is its correlative, that of 
non-intervention by Congress in the domestic affairs 
of the Territories. As ours is a government of law and 
order, the popular will of the Territory can only be 
known through its legal representatives. 

The mode and manner of conveying that will to the 
Federal Government, belongs exclusively to the people 
of the Territory. If they direct that it shall be made 
known only through the popular suffrage, ratifjong the 
acts of their representatives, it can be received in no 
other form. If they authorize their representatives to 
speak for them, without submission, or by partial sub- 
mission to the popular vote, it is alike binding ; for while , 
in each and every case, we have no right to dictate, 
suggest or intervene, I consider it the highest attribute 
of popular sovereignty to allow the people of a Terri- 
tory, not only to form and control their own domestic 
institutions, but to do this in their ovm way, and not 
the way that Congress may suggest. Kansas has done 
this. The President has no legal knowledge of the 
popular will there, except through its own chosen 
representatives. If he were to reject or disregard this, 
it would not only ntallify the acts of popular sovereign- 



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6 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ty, commtinicated to him through legitimate chamiels, 
but it wotdd be intervention with a high hand, and an 
Executive usurpation far more odious than Congres- 
sional. The new doctrine that the popular will cannot 
be made known through its own chosen agents, if it 
be their will so to do, is an abridgment of sovereignty — 
a limitation of the power of the people, imposed on 
them by Congress, which assumes, without Consti- 
tutional authority, to exercise it. It is setting up a 
higher law than the Constitution, inasmuch as it 
abrogates the whole system of representative govern- 
ment. 

I recognize in the people of Kansas, when they are 
sufficiently ntmierous, the absolute right, in the exer- 
cise of sovereign power, to settle their domestic insti- 
tutions ; and I recognize it as one of the highest attri- 
butes of that sovereignty, that they may choose their 
own way, their own mode and manner. If the Execu- 
tive or Congress can dictate the manner, or compel 
them to select a particular mode, other than that of 
their own choosing, then popular sovereignty is a 
farce. If the agents abuse the trust, to whom are they 
responsible? To the people, if they are sovereign — 
to Congress, if the people are not sovereign. If the 
Constitution of Kansas is not acceptable to the people 
of Kansas, it is easy for them to change it; popular 
sovereignty concedes them that right. But if Congress 
attempts to change it. Congressional sovereignty sup- 
ersedes popular sovereignty, and the battle of 1856 
has been fought in vain. I have no regard for the 
Lecompton Convention, or its Constitution, except so 
far as it is the manifestation of the will of a sovereign 
people, made known through their own agents. It is 



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The DOME of the CAPITOL 7 

because I am botind to regard this Constitution as the 
act of the people, and not of the Convention, that I 
accept it. I acknowledge the right of the people of 
Elansas to abrogate, alter, or amend this Constitution. 
I deny that right to the Executive, or to Congress. 
With these views, my sympathies and feelings are 
with you. 

Very truly yotirs, 

J. Glancy Jonbs. 

To Gborgb Plitt, Esq., and others, Conrniittee. 

Among other things, Mr. Jones took a deep 
interest, while he was chairman of the Committee 
of Wa3rs and Means, in the building of the dome 
of the Capitol at Washington. Captain Montgom- 
ery C. Meigs, who built it, having learned that he 
entertained some doubt of the security of the 
foundations, wrote to him the following letter: 

Washington, D. C, 24th Jtme, 1858. 
Hon. J. Glancy Jones, 

Reading, Pa. 
My dear Sir: 

Mr. Houston called to-day and told me he had letters 
from you showing that you had some tmeasiness about 
the Dome and the strength of its foundations. 

There has been much talk on this subject, I am 
informed, though I supposed I had put an end to it 
by a report made to the Committee of Ways and 
Means on the 5th of March, 1856. It is Mis. Doc. No. 
65, 34th Congress, ist Session. 

The fact is that the Dome rests upon a wall 5 feet 



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8 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

thick and 300 feet long, which gives, upon each sqiiare 
foot, a presstire of only about 10,000 lbs. 

There are Domes in Europe upon which the pres- 
sure is 90,000 lbs. to each sqtiare foot, or nine times 
as great, and I do not believe the masonry is any 
better, for the masonry of such btiildings as Saint 
Paul's, and others of that time, is not good. 

They had not the habit of using as freely as we do 
hydraulic mortar. The upper part of the masonry of 
this Dome was built by myself, and is such a piece of 
brick-work as is not to be found elsewhere. 

The bricks are laid in cement mortar and are bonded 
together by hoop iron bands. By the use of this 
system, Mr. Brtmel built for an experiment a half arch 
projecting 60 feet from the face of a pier like a bracket ; 
an arch which, if completed by building from another 
pier the remaining half to meet it, would have been 
a brick arch of 120 feet span and twelve feet rise. 
This brick masonry of the Dome, it is true, rests upon 
the old walls of the Rotunda, but these are much larger 
below than above, and have had 30 years to settle 
and harden. 

The whole weight is not much greater than that 
which the keel and keel-blocks of the Minnesota Steam 
Frigate supported when ready for launching. If a 
wooden keel of 300 feet in length and only some i& 
inches in width could carry this weight, certainly it 
seems probable that a stone and brick wall of 5 feet 
width and 300 feet length should be able to carry it. 

The Dome has not made as much progress as I 
could wish. I have had some difficulties in making 
contracts. These, I hope, are out of the way. I have 
had much intrigue to meet lately, and perhaps I have 



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The DOME of the CAPITOL 9 

given too much attention to it, to the injury of my 
work. Had I been less harassed I should have had the 
Dome further advanced. While I wish to relieve your 
mind from any doubt as to the stabiHty of the Dome, 
I do not wish this other matter mentioned. 

I have had, always, an efficient support from you 
in my work, and I believe I have had this, partly 
because you took some interest in the success of a 
Pennsylvanian, but principally because you wished to 
see an honest man show that it was possible to support 
such a position in Washington, and resist the attacks 
of the speculators who throng the places where public 
money is spent and public contracts are given out. 

I therefore write these few lines to assure you that 
I have carefully studied the matter of the foimdations 
of the Dome, and that I do not think the structure a 
bold one. 

There were plenty of people who, when Michael 
Angelo was building the Dome of Saint Peter's, thought 
it would never stand, and I know that when Wren 
was building Saint Paul's in London, he was far worse 
beset than I have been. Poor Barry was set almost 
crazy by disputes at the British Hotises of Parliament. 

I am very truly and respectfully yours, 

M. C. Meigs, 
Captain of Engineers in charge of the Dome. 

The last scene in the Kansas-Nebraska drama 
was enacted at this session of Congress. The 
regular territorial Legislature of Kansas had 
ordered an election to be held in October, 1856, 
to determine whether it was the will of the people 
that a State constitution should be framed. At 



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10 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

this election the anti-slavery party which sup- 
ported the revolutionary government at Topeka 
still refused to vote. It was decided at that elec- 
tion that a convention should be held. In pur- 
suance of this result, the regular territorial Legis- 
lature passed a law directing an election to be 
held in June, 1857, for delegates to a convention 
to frame a State constitution. Nine thousand 
two hundred and fifty-one voters registered in 
ptirsuance of this law, which was a perfectly just 
and fair law in all its provisions. At this election 
the anti-slavery party still persisted in its refusal 
to vote. It still continued, in open rebellion, 
notwithstanding the action of the last Congress 
in refusing to recognize it, to maintain its revolu- 
tionary government at Topeka, and to defy the 
regular territorial government. It went stiU 
further, and started an insurrectionary move- 
ment in the town of Lawrence, the hot-bed of 
Abolitionism in the Territory, which was only 
prevented from extending further by the inter- 
vention of United States troops. General Lane, 
the military leader of the anti-slavery party, 
undertook, by the authority of the Topeka Legis- 
lature (which was assuming to act as a State 
Legislature, notwithstanding the rejection of its 
constitution by Congress), to organize a volunteer 
military force, by the enrolment of the insurrec- 
tionists, for the purpose of defeating the Consti- 
tution and laws of the United States and resisting 
the laws passed by the regular territorial Legis- 



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The LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 11 

lattire. This regular territorial government, it 
will be remembered, had been established by Con- 
gress, and was recognized and supported by the 
President and the Congress of the United States; 
and the action of the anti-slavery party in setting 
up a hostile State government within the territory 
was treasonable in its character and utterly sub- 
versive of the authority of the Government of 
the United States, and those who encotjraged it 
were encouraging anarchy, with all its evil con- 
sequences. It was not a question whether the 
action of the regular territorial government was 
wise or just. It was a question whether it is the 
duty of the citizen to submit to the authority of a 
government regularly established over him by the 
laws of the land, and to obey the law, whether 
it accords with his private judgment or not. 

At this election a large majority of pro-slavery 
delegates were elected to the constitutional con- 
vention. This convention, which was the only 
legally constituted one held in the Territory, met 
at L^ompton and framed a constitution, which 
provided for the existence of slavery. The 
schedule to the constitution provided for the sub- 
mission to the people of the question whether 
or not slavery should exist in the prospective 
State. All this' transpired during the recess 
between the adjournment of the Thirty-fourth 
Congress and the meeting of the Thirty-fifth 
Congress, in December, 1857. The election was 
ordered to be held on December 21, 1857, and the 



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12 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ballots to be cast were to read, "Constitution 
with Slavery," or "Constitution with no Slavery." 
But the adherents of the revolutionary Toi)eka 
government, having determined to defy all other 
authority in the Territory, refused to take any 
part in this election. Accordingly, the result of 
the election showed 6226 votes in favor of slavery, 
and 569 votes against it. This constitution also 
provided for the holding of an election on the 
first Monday of January, 1858, for a Governor, 
other State officers, a Legislature, and a member 
of Congress. The anti-slavery party, abandoning 
its former revolutionary attitude, and thereby 
recognizing the authority of the regular territorial 
government and the constitution which it had 
prepared, decided to vote at this election, and a 
very warm contest followed, which resulted in 
the triumph of the anti-slavery party, and placed 
under its control the new State government. It is 
apparent from this that there was no foundation 
for the charge that a fair election could not be 
held under the laws of the regular territorial 
government. 

The Lecompton constitution was received by 
the President January 30, 1858, and was submitted 
by him to Congress February 2, 1858, with a 
message recommending that Kansas be admitted 
into the Union under that constitution. The 
Kansas-Nebraska question was now before Con- 
gress again, intensified in its bitterness by the 
events which had occurred in the Territory and 



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The LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 13 

by the agitation of that question throughout the 
country. Congress had provided by the act of 
1854, organizing the Territory, that it should be 
allowed to settle its own domestic afiEairs, includ- 
ing the question of slavery, in its own way. The 
I)eople had now done so, through their regularly 
organized government and laws, and by elections 
regtdarly held in the only way and by the only 
authority that the President and Congress had 
authorized, recognized, and sustained. The objec- 
tion urged to this constitution was, not that it 
had not been regularly formed and adopted, but 
that it did not represent the views of a majority 
of the people in the Territory, because certain 
people there had refused to vote upon the ques- 
tions involved. There was no allegation that they 
had been prevented from voting. They had been 
urged to do so, and ample opporttmity had been 
afforded them. How was it to be ascertained now 
whether their statement was true ? The opponents 
of slavery had refused to avail themselves of the 
only opportunity for ascertaining this fact. There 
was now no means by which their numerical 
strength could be ascertained. There was noth- 
ing for Congress to do but to accept the return 
of that election as the expression of the sentiment 
of the i)eople of the Territory, as the returns of 
all other elections are accepted. Congress could 
not now recognize these objections without assum- 
ing to regulate the domestic affairs of the Terri- 
tory, which it had expressly disclaimed the right 



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14 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

to do. It was bound to accept the result at the 
polls as the expression of the will of the people 
of the Territory. Those who had refused to avail 
themselves of the privilege of voting could not 
now ask to be heard. They had lost their oppor- 
tunity by their own choice. It could not be 
expected that Congress should undertake to say 
what the strength of the opponents of slavery 
in the Territory was, when those opponents had 
refused to show their strength in the only manner 
provided by the Constitution and the laws for 
its expression. The elections were regular, and 
had been duly held in pursuance of law. Congress 
had declared, in the act for the organization of 
the Territory, against the intervention of Congress 
in the question of slavery in the Territory, and 
had provided a means by which the residents of 
the Territory might determine that question for 
themselves. It had been determined by them, 
strictly and regularly, in conformity with those 
means. The constitution was republican in form, 
and the only thing left was for Congress to admit 
Kansas as a State under that constitution, and 
leave the State to dispose of the question of slavery 
afterwards. That was the only regular and law- 
ful cotu'se to pursue. 

The question whether slavery was right or 
wrong was not before Congress. But like every 
other question in which slavery was involved, it 
could not be considered fairly and dispassion- 
ately. Whenever the prejudices and passions of 



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The LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 15 

the opponents of slavery were aroused, they could 
see nothing, in their excitement, but the evils of 
slavery. All forms of reason and law were ignored 
by them, and when they were forced to admit that 
the Constitution and laws of the land furnished 
the only light by which that question could be con- 
sidered, they proclaimed that the Constitution 
was a "league with death and a covenant with 
hell," and they invoked "a higher law" than the 
Constitution. The President's message was fol- 
lowed by a debate which lasted over three months, 
and was bitter and denunciatory on both sides. 
The Abolitionists renewed their assaults upon 
slavery and the South with increased violence, 
and the Southerners resented them with intense 
feeling. The sessions often ran into the night. 
The excitement rose as the debate progressed. 
The action of State legislatures and other bodies 
throughout the country poured in upon Congress. 
Petitions of citizens were presented. Members 
of Congress were appealed to and importuned 
by their constituents. No Congress, probably, 
had ever been subjected to such an ordeal before. 
Mr. J. Glancy Jones took a firm stand in favor of 
the admission of the State under the Lecompton 
constitution. As the recognized leader of the Dem- 
ocratic party in the House, he used his influence 
constantly with his fellow members to secure the 
passage of the bill, which passed the SenateJMay 4, 
1858, by a vote of 31 to 22 (Mr. Douglas being the 
only Democrat who voted against it), and the 



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16 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Hotise by a vote of 112 to 103, a strict party vote, 
with the exception of a few followers of Mr. 
Douglas, among the Democrats, who voted in the 
negative, 

Mr. Douglas took the unsound position, at this 
stage of the Kansas-Nebraska controversy, that 
the people of a Territory might, at any time while 
the Territory remained in a territorial condition, 
determine the question whether or not slavery 
should continue to exist there. He did not deny 
the right of the slaveholder to take his slaves 
there, but he contended that he had no right to 
hold them there after the people of the Territory 
had abolished slavery. This was called " Squatter 
Sovereignty." He claimed for the citizens of a 
Territory the same rights that belonged to the 
citizens of a State. If, as the legislative, execu- 
tive, and judicial branches of the General Govern- 
ment had determined, a citizen of any State had 
a right to take his property there, no matter what 
the character of that property might be, because 
the Territory was common ground and belonged 
to all the citizens of the country alike, clearly 
the citizens of the Territories could have no con- 
trol over that question while the Territory 
remained in that condition. That right became 
theirs only when they were admitted into the 
Union as a sovereign State, under a constitution 
framed by them. 

Although this doctrine of "Squatter Sover- 
eignty" had been repudiated by the Cincinnati 



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ANTI-LECOMPTON DEMOCRATS 17 

platform of the Democratic party, upon which 
Mr. Buchanan had been elected to the Presidency, 
Mr. Douglas stoutly maintained it, and stood upon 
it alone, against his party, in voting against the 
admission of Kansas under the Lecompton con- 
stitution; and his views afterwards became the 
doctrine of by far the larger part of the Demo- 
cratic party of the North, who were known for 
that reason as Dotiglas, or Anti-Lecompton, 
Democrats. He had but few followers in Penn- 
sylvania, however. In the Pacific States and 
Connecticut the Democratic vote was about 
eqtially divided, but in New England and the 
Middle West the majority of the party were over- 
whelmingly in accord with his views. It was 
upon this issue that the Democratic party split 
at the Charleston Convention of i860, which made 
the election of Mr. Lincoln possible. Had it not 
been for this heresy, the united Democratic party 
might have saved the Union and avoided the 
Civil War. 

By the preamble to the act, Congress recognized 
the Lecompton government of the Territory. An 
ordinance had been submitted to Congress with 
the constitution which provided for a cession of 
public lands to the Territory six times greater 
than had been granted to any other State. The 
grant amounted to upwards of 23,000,000 acres. 
The preamble declared that this ordinance was 
not acceptable to Congress, arid it was declared by 
the act that Kansas was admitted to the Union 

Vol. II— 2 



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18 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

on an eqtial footing with the original States, under 
the proposed constitution, with this " fundamental 
condition precedent,'' namely, that the people 
of the Territory should first vote upon the propo- 
sition to reduce the grant of the public lands. 
If they agreed to the reduction, the President, 
without any further proceedings upon the part 
of Congress, should, by proclamation, declare 
Kansas to be admitted into the Union. If they 
did not agree to the reduction, Kansas should 
not be admitted. At an election held August 2, 
1858, the proposition was rejected, and the Le- 
compton constitution feU. It was not until Jan- 
uary 29, 1861, that Kansas was admitted to the 
Union, as a free State. 

There was great rejoicing in the city of Wash- 
ington over the passage of the bill admitting 
ICansas into the Union under the Lecompton con- 
stitution. The people paraded the streets with a 
band of music and serenaded Mr. Jones at his 
residence. Mr. Jones, being loudly called for, 
appeared, and delivered the following speech : 

Gentlemen : I am deeply sensible of the honor you 
have done me in this mark of your appreciation of my 
efiEorts to aid in securing the passage of the bill for the 
admission of Kansas into the Union. It has cost our 
friends a good deal of intense labor, but labor is well 
spent in so good a cause; but why has the cotmtry, 
from one extreme to the other, been so intensely inter- 
ested in this great measure ? Was it because the ad- 
mission of a new State into the Union was such an 



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SERENADE to MR. JONES 19 

extraordinary event as to agitate the popular mind like 
the upheavings of the ocean? Certainly not. The ad- 
mission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton 
constitution was one of a series of those measures which 
test the devotion of the American people to the Con- 
stitution and the Union. It was the sublime spectacle, 
after months of painful stispense, exhibited in the halls 
of Congress by the representatives of the true patriot- 
ism of otir common glorious country, in 3rielding up 
their personal and peculiar views, but not principles, 
to offer on the common altar of their country their 
devotion to that Union which their patriotic sines had 
founded in this heaven-bom spirit of mutual conces- 
sion for the welfare of the common brotherhood. 

You do not expect from me on this occasion a lengthy 
speech — ^it would be both out of time and place — but I 
have already remarked that the passage of the Kansas 
bill was one of a series of measures which have at vari- 
ous periods in otir coimtry's history tested severely the 
stability of the Union. 

The Missouri Compromise of 1820 inaugurated a 
peace policy, with the purest motives of its authors, 
the evils of which thirty years of prudential cotmsels 
and energetic labor have scarcely overcome. The 
Compromise Measures of 1850 ignored that restrictive 
line ; the enactments of that Congress rendering it null 
and void by construction. The Nebraska act of 1854 
simply proclaimed this construction, and boldly as- 
serted the doctrine of popular sovereignty — ^that the 
people of the Territories should be left free to form and 
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, 
to the exdtision of Congressional intervention. To the 
able and patriotic inaugural of otir distinguished Chief 



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20 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Magistrate we owe the bold and manly political avowal 
of the true construction of the Nebraska bill — ^that 
popular sovereignty means the recognized right of the 
people of a Territory, when suflSiciently nimierous to 
constitute a sovereign State in the confederacy, and 
not till then, to form and regulate their domestic 
institutions — a construction also sanctioned by the 
highest judicatory of the land. 

It was reserved for the Thirty-fifth Congress to 
consummate this series of measures, canying out the 
suggestions of the clear and able special message of 
the President to fix the limits of non-intervention by 
Congress. The Nebraska act extended it to the domes- 
tic institutions of the inchoate State. The act of 
yesterday determines it shall stop there, and that the 
supremacy of Congress, by direct intervention, shall 
be tmquestioned beyond that. By the Nebraska act 
Congress is forbidden to touch the constitution, or even 
to submit it to a vote of the people, that being within 
the exclusive province of the State itself; by the act 
of yesterday Congress does submit the land ordinance 
to a popular vote, thus asserting full jurisdiction over 
the public lands, botmdaries, &c., in which, as the 
custodian for the State, it ever will intervene when the 
faithful execution of the trust requires it. I regard 
this, my fellow-citizens, as the consummation of otir 
poKcy in relation to the whole subject of territorial 
rights and Congressional jurisdiction. Otir coimtry 
may now repose in peace, in this final settlement of 
its domestic policy, and every man in the land may 
rejoice in the assurance of the security of life, political 
equality, and the safety of his property. 

It is a peculiar honor to the administration of James 



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SERENADE to MR. JONES 21 

Buchanan that this vexed and dangerous question 
should be settled under his auspices. I have but to 
add, that, after the admission of Oregon, the poptala- 
tion of which may be short, I hope to see the policy 
settled, at least by the Democratic party, that no State 
shall be admitted into the Union hereafter without a 
population suflScient to entitle it to at least one repre- 
sentative in the House of Representatives, as fixed by 
the last preceding apportionment. I have been longer 
than I intended when I began, and again tender you 
my thanks. I bid you good night. 



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CHAPTER XXII. 

Remarks of Mr. Jones in the House of Representatives upon the 
agreement with the Sioux Indians — ^The tariff — ^The revenue — 
The postal system — ^The panic of 1857 and the loan bill — ^The 
admission of Minnesota as a State into the Union. 



w 



HEN the appropriation bills were before 
the House, Mr. J. Glancy Jones spoke 
as follows: 



The report of the Committee of Ways and Means on 
these amendments has been. mislaid, and I will state 
the action of the committee as the amendments are 
read. 

First amendment. Add as a new section: 

"To enable the Secretary of the Interior to perform 
the engagements and stipialations of General Harney, 
made with the Sioux Indians at Fort Pierre, in 1856, 
$72,000." 

One himdred thousand dollars was asked for. The 
Committee of Ways and Means recommend a concur- 
rence in the amendment. 

I will make a ghort statement of the reasons for this 
appropriation. The documents I have on the subject 
I will append. It appears that in 1856, General Hamey, 
then in command of the miHtary force of the United 
States, in order to secure amicable relations with vari- 
ous bands of the Sioux Indians, agreed to the enlist- 
ment into the Army of certain Sioux Indians. A list 
of them was sent to the War Department here. And, 
22 



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The SIOUX INDIANS 23 

in that agreement, he stipulated that they should have 
tinifonns, rations, and various other things ; the policy 
being to have portions of all the various bands of 
Indians connected and dovetailed into the Army, so 
as to keep them continually in check, and to keep our 
Indian relations upon an amicable footing. He made 
the promise, but it has never been fulfilled ; and it was 
in consequence of this non-fulfilment that the diffi- 
culties arose with the Sioux band last stmimer. They 
threaten to renew those difficulties this stmmier, and 
the Secretary of the Interior, together with the super- 
intendent of Indian affairs, earnestly recommend an 
appropriation of $100,000 for the purpose of carrying 
out the agreement of General Harney. The Senate 
thought $72,000 would be sufficient, and they placed 
that amotmt in their amendment. The Committee of 
Ways and Means recommend a concurrence. 

Mr. Crawford. There is one difficulty in the way 
of giving my support to this appropriation of $72,000. 
I am perfectly willing to pay that sum to the Sioux 
Indians as a present, or, if this Government has at any 
time authorized General Harney to make a promise to 
the Sioux Indians, to give it to them. But my diffi- 
culty is in reference to the authority vested in General 
Harney to make a promise to the Sioux Indians that 
this Government would give to them, for the purpose 
of securing a check upon that tribe, some seventy- 
two thousand dollars. If the head of the Waj^ and 
Means Committee can suggest to the Clerk any portion 
of that document which he has which shows the author- 
ity by which General Harney made the promise, I 
should like to hear him read it, and then I will give 
this amendment my support. I have never seen any 



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24 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

authority, and I presume the chairman of the Ways 
and Means has not. 

If our officers are to be permitted to make promises 
to the Indians, or to anybody else, without authority 
of law, to pay them seventy-five, one himdred, or two 
hundred thotisand dollars, we have no control over the 
Treasiuy. I ask my friend if he can show me the au- 
thority for this promise. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I think I understood my 
friend from Georgia, the other day, to say that if he 
were in command of the vessels in the Gulf, and he 
imderstood that a British man-of-war was boarding 
our vessels," he should not wait for orders from Wash- 
ington before he resented it. Apply that principle to 
this case. General Harney is sent out among these 
savage tribes as commander-in-chief of them, of the 
Army of the United States. They look to him as the 
representative of this Government. Of course, being 
savages, they have no conception of the powers with 
which he is clothed. They meet him clothed with 
military power, and he tells them that if they do cer- 
tain things which he believes to be for the interest of 
this Government, he will recommend to the Govern- 
ment to appropriate money enough to enlist them into 
the regular Army and to secure peace. He does this 
thing, of course, subject to the approval of this Govern- 
ment. He makes the arrangements for the good of the 
coimtry, and he reports the facts to his Government. 
The thing is neglected, and the Indians complain. 
But that is not all. These documents inform you 
that the white citizens upon our frontier tell us that 
in consequence of yotu* having withdrawn the troops 
from the frontier, no white man is safe, either in life 



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The SIOUX INDIANS 25 

or property, for a single day; that the Indians are 
assembling upon the Yellow Medicine, in numbers 
something like ten thousand, alleging that the United 
States has broken faith with them. They are pre- 
pared to deluge that cotmtry with blood. Now I 
want to know if Congress is willing to see our frontiers, 
unprotected by military force, the scene of Indian 
barbarities and cruelties for the want of a small appro- 
priation of money; and then come here next Congress 
and be told that although you were apprised of these 
facts, you chose to let our citizens be destroyed, merely 
because you had not ascertained whether General 
Harney had the right to do a certain act to save the 
lives of your citizens. But to put the committee in 
possession of all the facts, perhaps the communication 
from the Department had better be read. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I move that the message of 
the President be laid on the table and ordered to be 
printed. I will remark in connection with it that the 
message is based on the supposition that the House will 
not finish the appropriation bills till, perhaps, some 
late hour to-night. There are yet unfinished the 
Indian supplemental bill, the naval bill (on which the 
House disagreed to the report of the Committee of 
Conference), the revenue bill (which need not occupy 
twenty-five minutes), the Post Office bill (which is 
passed by the House and the amendments acted on by 
the House), the mail steamer bill (which is now before 
a Committee of Conference), the bill for the three regi- 
ments of volunteers, and the loan bill. 

Mr. Comins. And the light-house bill. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I do not include that. 



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26 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

That belongs to the gentleman from Massachtisetts. 
The loan bill has been kept back for one simple pur- 
pose. It is the desire of the Executive branch of the 
Government to ascertain, outside of the estimates of 
the Secretary of the Treasury based on existing laws, 
what will be required for the public expenditures. 
There is a contingency left open for the legislation of 
Congress on private bills, and on such public bills as 
may appropriate more than the estimates. Now, I 
propose, if it be the will of the House, to adjourn on 
Monday at twelve o'clock. [Cries of ** Good!"] I think 
it can be done. But in order to do it, this programme 
will have to be adhered to. In the first place, I propose 
to take up the loan bill to-day, and pass it at $15,000,- 
000. I propose to take up, not the Senate bill, but the 
House bill, and on its being sent back it will be open to 
amendment in the Senate, and can be kept there long 
enough to permit the appropriation bills to be figured 
up, so that the Administration may know the amotmt 
of contingencies arising from increased appropriations. 
I propose, therefore, to take action on the revenue bill, 
and on the loan bill, and on the bill to amend the Sub- 
Treasury law, and on the balance of the appropria- 
tion bills. My opinion is, that the House can pass 
intelligently on all these bills before four o'clock to-day, 
and if that is done, I believe that we can adjourn on 
Monday at twelve o'clock. [General shouts of ** Good!"] 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. If the committee will indulge 
me for a short time, I will endeavor to confine myself 
to a few sober facts in relation to the finances of the 
country. It might not, perhaps, be inappropriate to 
say to the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Burlin- 



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The REVENUES 27 

game] that, as he has made a war speech, I shall expect 
him, when called upon, to respond to all claims foi 
expenditiires for such a ptupose. I do not propose 
now, Mr. Chairman, to make a lengthy speech on the 
question. I know that the House is impatient to get 
through public business, with a view to an early ad- 
journment. I shall content myself now with a simple 
statement, availing myself of the privilege of adding 
to it in print, if I see proper. [Cries of "Agreed."] 

Mr. Sickles. I beg to ask the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania to give me a portion of his time, that I 
may make a few remarks in reply to the gentleman 
from Massachusetts. [Cries of "No, no!" "Object!"] 

Mr. Kunklb, of Pennsylvania. If the gentleman 
makes a war speech, we want all arotmd to make war 
speeches. 

Mr. Sickles. I want to make a peace speech. 

Mr. Kunklb, of Pennsylvania. I object, and hope 
my colleague will not 3deld. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. At the opening of this ses- 
sion of Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury, in 
submitting his estimates and his reports, referred to 
the condition of the finances of the coimtry generally, 
and particularly to the recent revulsion. From a full 
Treasury with a surplus of twenty or thirty millions of 
dollars on the 4th of March last, we have now a defi- 
ciency of $20,000,000. I do not propose to go into an 
argument to show the causes which produced this very 
extraordinary result. There are a great many differ- 
ent theories on the subject. I simply wish to confine 
myself to facts, and leave every gentleman to make 
up his own mind, or to adopt his own theory, and 
carry it into practice if he can. 



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28 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

I had intended, if this bill had come up at an earlier 
day, to have occupied the full extent of my hour in 
debating fully and frankly all its bearings as a revenue 
measure — ^a subject which some gentlemen seem to 
think there is a disposition to avoid upon this side of 
the House. It is said that we have an empty Treasiuy ; 
that we have borrowed $20,000,000, and are about to 
borrow $15,000,000 more, and yet that the Committee 
of Ways and Means is entirely silent as to the mode of 
replenishing the Treasxiry. I would be the last man 
to be guilty of an omission of this kind if it were in 
the power of the Committee of Ways and Means at 
this particular period to remedy this evil. But I know, 
every gentleman in this House knows, and the coimtry 
knows, that an adjustment of the tariff at this particular 
jimcture would not add a dollar to the revenue ; and 
we know the additional fact that if a protective tariff 
were imposed at this particular period upon the 
people, so far from benefiting either the revenue or any 
interest of the cotmtry, it would entail evils upon us 
that gentlemen upon the other side of the House would 
be the first to disavow and to hold us responsible for. 
If the tariff at this session were put at sixty per cent., 
it would not yield one dollar of revenue. In conse- 
quence of the cessation of imports, no tariff could 
affect either the revenue or the manufacturing inter- 
ests. The attempt and failure would only unsettle 
and confuse instead of giving stability or inspiring 
well-founded hopes for the future. 

But it is sent forth to the country that we are un- 
willing to afford relief, even on our own principle. 
We have often proclaimed to the whole cotmtry that 
we are not in favor of a tariff for protection alone, 



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The REVENUES 29 

but that we are in favor of a tariff for revenue ; and 
that under such a tariff, with revenue for its object, 
we will at all times do everything that we can con- 
sistently with this principle to incidentally benefit our 
domestic interests. That is our position, and if any 
gentleman will show me, now, how any adjustment of 
the tariflE can be made upon that principle that will 
yield revenue and benefit the cotmtry, I am ready this 
moment to act on it. I have seen no such practical 
suggestion anywhere. There must be a revival of 
trade; we must have importations before any tariff 
of any kind whatever can produce any effect ; and it 
is for this reason, and this alone, that I have proposed 
that we shall wait until there is a sufficient revival of 
trade, that we may see how to adjust the tariff with a 
view to secure revenue, give stability to the sjrstem, 
and encourage our own domestic industry, before we 
attempt to tinker with it. I have no hesitation in 
saying now that I shall not favor any tariff hereafter 
that is alone for protection in any of its features, with- 
out revenue for its object ; but if I find, after a revival 
of trade, that the present tariff will not fulfil our 
expectations, then, and not till then, I shall be ready 
to go into a movement that will give us, on that prin- 
ciple and on that basis, sufficient revenue to meet, not, 
as some of my friends have intimated, extravagant 
expenditures, but the legitimate expenses of a Govern- 
ment economically administered. 

I suppose it is hardly necessary for me to say that 
I am in favor of the postal system being generally 
self-supporting. I am willing to go, by judicious 
legislation, for a self-supporting system, both inland 
and foreign, and this can be effected without increas- 



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30 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ing the rates of postage, by reforming the abuse 
of the franking privilege. The reason why I do not 
propose it now, is precisely the same reason as that 
for which I am not willing to act upon the tariff. I 
am not willing to run pell-mell into a system of legis- 
lation at the heel of the session, changing laws in 
appropriation bills. But I am willing, in the regular 
mode of legislation, to reform and revise the postal 
system, foreign and inland, and to establish them upon 
a self-supporting basis. Having thtis given my views, 
I will not now enlarge upon them. I have said this 
much because it was perhaps due to the position which 
I occupy, and because hints have been thrown out 
from various quarters, coming, too, from my own 
State, that I had the power but lacked the inclination 
to come to the relief of the country, and was disposed 
to allow Congress to adjourn without even expressing 
my sentiments in regard to the amotmt of loan asked 
for. 

The revulsion of the current fiscal year, I have 
already remarked, was very sudden and imexpected. 
No man could foresee it in all its bearings. Under our 
laws the Secretary of the Treasury is required to report 
to Congress, each session, the acts of the past, and to 
estimate for the expenditures of the coming fiscal 
year. He is required to render an annual report to 
Congress of the expenditures and disbursements of the 
Government, and to submit to Congress, at each ses- 
sion, printed estimates in detail of all expenditures 
that will be required to carry on the Government for 
the next fiscal year. Our Government from its very 
foxmdation has looked for revenue to a system of 
indirect taxation, by the adjtistment of a scale of 



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The REVENUES 31 

duties on imports, known as the tariff. Equity re- 
quires that we should, in adjtisting it, throw the burdens 
on property, and exempt, as much as possible, the evil 
of capitation taxation. Direct taxation would impose 
nearly the whole burden upon the personal, real, and 
mixed estate of the coimtry, relieving production and 
persons comparatively free, upon the generally recog- 
nized principle in free government, that property shall 
bear the burdens of government as a consideration for 
the guarantees of inviolability and protection. We 
should, then, if we adopt the indirect taxation S3^tem, 
adjust it so as to throw its burden on property. The 
tariff should discriminate with revenue for its object; 
it should bear lightly on articles of necessity — of general 
consumption — ^and heavily on luxiuies and articles con- 
sumed by capitalists, or requiring capital for their 
production. The revenue of the cotmtry, under any 
tariff, necessarily depends mainly upon the crops and 
production generally (I mean, of course, a safe, steady 
revenue) and otir capacity for exporting these staples. 
Steady exportation will increase importation, and 
safely, too, in that ratio, and consequently enlarge 
the revenue by the receipt of imposts. Disaster, how- 
ever, is sure to follow the loss of their equilibrium, as 
bitter experience is now teaching us. Of late years 
our imports have vastly exceeded the safe standard, 
both in quantity and quality, and, thus engendering 
over-trading and a bloated credit system, have brought 
us to a dead halt. This apparent overflow of means 
has led the Government into a scale of expenditures 
which never would have been brought about if it had 
not been for the great apparent prosperity of the 
coimtry. 



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32 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

In this condition of things, the Secretary of the 
Treasiuy has been compelled to submit his estimates 
to Congress, based upon the condition of trade for the 
last twelve months — ^he must calculate for the future. 
Amid the existing fluctuations of trade, the derange- 
ment of currency, and a htmdred other perplexities 
arising out of the panic we have just passed through, 
it was impossible for htmian foresight to prepare for 
all contingencies. He asked at the opening of the ses- 
sion for $20,000,000. He asked for that amount in 
Treasury notes, and not as a permanent loan, because 
he hoped that trade would revive and sufficient revenue 
flow into the Treasury to supersede the necessity of 
relying upon anything but the current receipts to 
provide for the current expenditures of the Govern- 
ment — a temporary credit relieving a temporary re- 
vulsion. He hoped that, in another quarter, trade 
would revive to such an extent as to enable him to 
say to the country that he wanted no more money 
outside of the receipts. Money was plenty in the 
cotmtry, and, being only panic-stricken, it was sup- 
posed the paralysis would be temporary. That hope 
has been disappointed; not in the abundance of 
money, the crops, nor exports, but in the revival of 
trade. The statements I will lay before the House will 
show that not only has trade not revived, but that it 
has fallen off; and that while the revenue has been 
diminishing for the last three quarters, the expendi- 
tures have been increased by the Utah war and the 
demand for payment of debts incurred when the 
Treasury was fuU. It has thtis become the duty of the 
Secretary of the Treasury to bring these facts to our 
attention, and to ask for this additional loan. In his 



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The LOAN BILL 33 

estimates presented at the opening of the session, he 
did not include or anticipate the appropriations of 
$10,000,000 of deficiencies, which became necessary to 
be supplied to the Utah expedition. 

In submitting his letter asking for this loan, with 
the estimates, &c., all of which I will have read, you 
will perceive that he states he has called upon the 
several Departments of the Goverrmient to ascertain 
the probable expenditures for the portion of the next 
fiscal year, commencing with July and ending with 
December, and the result has been that the amount 
required will be $37,000,000. 

This loan bill has been kept back by me in order to 
see what provision would be necessary, in view of the 
appropriation bills and other bills requiring money 
which might pass Congress. The Secretary of the 
Treasury estimates the receipts from customs and 
other services for the two quarters of the next fiscal 
year at $25,000,000. This added to a loan of $15,000,- 
000 would give $40,000,000, to meet $37,000,000 of 
expenditures; but that $37,000,000 is based upon the 
estimates of the Department, exclusive of any appro- 
priation made by Congress in the way of private bills or 
increased appropriations beyond the estimates of the 
Department. It is for the purpose of ascertaining 
what the difference may be that the loan bill has been 
held back by me; but inasmuch as the House is so 
far in advance of the Senate, I think it proper to sub- 
mit the bill in the form in which it originated in the 
Committee of Ways and Means. It authorizes $15,000- 
000 to be borrowed on the credit of the Government for 
fifteen years. If it passes this House, it will then go 
to the Senate, and between this time and the action of 

Vol. II— 8 



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34 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

the Senate, the appropriation bills being passed, the 
accounting officers of the Treasury will be enabled to 
ascertain very nearly the amount which will be re- 
quired; whatever above fifteen n^llion dollars it 
reaches, will be sent to us as an amendment, and 
when it comes here, it will be understood that the 
increase is demanded to meet the requisition of our 
recent legislation. 

This public debt, amounting to upwards of twenty- 
five million dollars, all falls due between the present 
time and the year 1868. The present loan is purposed 
to be made for fifteen years, which will be five years 
beyond the period when our present public debt falls 
due. 

I have also prepared another table showing the 
estimated receipts and expenditures from the ist of 
July, 1858, to the 31st of December, 1858, and also 
one for the four quarters of the fiscal year ending the 
30th of June, 1858. It is understood that the loan 
asked for now, together with the estimated receipts, 
is to cover the expenses of the first two quarters of 
the next fiscal year, commencing July i. In conse- 
quence of the unsettled state of trade, we have no 
reliable basis upon which to make the estimate ; but 
we can approximate to the sum. By the ist of January 
next we will have light enough to know just how we 
stand; and then will be the time to revise our tariff, 
and everjrthing connected with it, according to the 
exigencies of the times and the indications of the 
future. 

The appropriations made at the present session of 
Congress will amount to probably $68,000,000. Of 
this, however, but $58,000,000 will be required for the 



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RETRENCHMENT and REFORM 35 

fiscal year 1859, the residue being incident to the 
fiscal year 1858. 

This nine millions and upwards for deficiency of 
1858 is no part of the ordinary expenses of the Govern- 
ment. We can come back in time to the ordinary 
standard without any great difficulty, by retrench- 
ment and reform. That retrenchment and reform only 
begun at this session of Congress cannot be effective. 
It must be determined on at the next session of Con- 
gress by legislation. There is no man in the country 
so wanting in intelligence as not to know that under 
the system of enormous land grants for railroad pur- 
poses, and under the system of squandering the public 
money in building custom-house monuments all over 
the country, inaugurated under a plethoric Treasury, 
we can never reduce the expenditures of the Govern- 
ment. We have now gone on from something like fifty 
millions a year to an expenditure of seventy or eighty 
million dollars, over two-thirds of which is legitimately 
expended for the purpose simply of conducting the 
Government. I believe it is in the power of the Demo- 
cratic party — and it will be responsible for it — ^to 
bring us back to a proper condition of economical 
expenditure; but to enable us to do this, we must 
first pay oflE the legacy entailed upon us of old debts 
incurred by this system of tmwise legislation, and begin 
our reform by discontinuing the practice. Our foreign 
relations now require an expansion in only one direc- 
tion — ^the increase of our Navy. That is a legitimate 
exercise of the powers of Government, and necessary 
to maintain our proper position in the family of 
nations. When the Government has ceased to build 
custom-houses and to multiply them all over the land. 



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36 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

and ceased also to convert every depot in the country 
into a port of delivery; when the Capitol extension is 
completed, which may be in a year, and the other 
Public Buildings, Patent Office, Post Office extension, 
Treasury, and aqueduct; when all these incidental 
expenses are got rid of, it will be within the power of 
the Democratic party, under the counsels of our present 
President, to bring down the expenses of the Govern- 
ment to $55,000,000 a year. I hope to see this realized 
in i860. I am in favor of this reduction. It is utterly 
impossible for any party to bring about this reform at 
once. The great point to be aimed at is not to exhibit 
a parsimonious economy in repudiating oiu* past 
debts, no matter how recklessly contracted, nor in 
changing laws in appropriation bills ; it must be done 
deliberately and systematically. It is not to be done 
by beginning at the heel of the session to exhibit a 
spirit of wonderful reform in scaling the public debt, 
but we must begin at the beginning. Let the Demo- 
cratic party, which certainly holds power in this 
House one session more (and if it will not go for reform, 
it does not deserve to be in power any longer), and 
holds the Executive and Senate for several years to 
come, commence at the beginning of the session, and 
we will cure this evil. It will not do to exhibit a won- 
derful display of economy just one or two days before 
the adjotimment of the session in filibustering on 
appropriation bills. I have to say, with all due defer- 
ence to my friends on both sides of the House, that 
the cotmtry tmderstands exactly what that is worth. 
Much capital is not made by it by any parties. 

Mr. Lovejoy. Will the gentleman from Pennsyl- 
vania let me say a word here? 



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FILIBUSTERING 37 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I cannot yield now, as my 
time is short. 

Mr. Lovejoy. Then I hope the gentleman does not 
charge us with filibustering. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I have seen a good deal of 
it on both sides of the House, and not a little this 
morning in the war speech of my friend from Massa- 
chusetts [Mr. Burlingame]. 

Mr. Lovejoy. You have not seen it on this side of 
the House on any single appropriation bill. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I have heard, within the 
last half-hour, a most tremendous demonstration of 
what I call filibtistering — a war speech on the loan 
bill, while I know that the gentleman who made it 
will not go for paying expenses. There is not a con- 
stituency of five men on that side of the Hotise who 
wotdd support a war measure before the country, or 
vote money to pay for it, if I were to bring in a bill 
to-morrow asking for the money and men to tise it. 
I do not blame them for it. Experience has taught 
us that the best way to get along is to insist upon our 
rights at all hazards, and to ask nothing but what is 
right. A war speech in time of peace is very safe, and 
naturally, like froth, works itself off. I will hold my- 
self ready to vote for war, and to vote for supplies to 
maintain it, whenever I think the honor of the country 
is assailed or touched. 

Mr. Kunkle, of Pennsylvania. So will we. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. But you would not now be 
found voting to give the President of the United States 
authority to redress instantly the first insult offered 
to our flag on every sea. I am ready to give the 
President money and men to do both, but I know such 



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38 Th€ LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

a position cotdd not be carried in this Hotise, and hence 
I refrain from making war speeches, only to end in 
words, and finding fault with such of my friends on the 
other side of the Hotise as indtilge in this harmless 
amusement for Buncombe. I could not let the oppor- 
ttmity pass without this remark, that it is rather incon- 
sistent in a gentleman to rise here in this body — and 
the country will fully appreciate it — and assail the 
Executive of the United States, no matter to what 
party he may belong, for not prosecuting a war, when 
that gentleman, by virtue of his being a member of 
Congress, is expected to know that, under the jealous 
reserve of the Constitution of the United States, the 
Executive has not the power to lift one finger in 
hostility without the action of Congress; and still 
worse is it when that gentleman would not vote to 
give him that power to-day. If the gentleman means 
what he says, why does he not vote to give the Execu- 
tive power? The idea of finding fault with the Execu- 
tive for not waging war, resenting insults, &c., when 
he has neither power nor money given him by Congress 
to do either, is a species of demonstration which I 
should be sorry to see often exhibited here by friend 
or foe, and must certainly (I say it with all due per- 
sonal regard for my friend) bring Congress into ulti- 
mate contempt at home and abroad, wherever it is 
tmderstood. 

Thus it appears that if the loan of $15,000,000 is 
granted, and you do not increase the expenses by 
legislation at this session, either in appropriation bills 
or by the passage of private bills requiring money, 
there will be a little over two million dollars in the 
Treasury on the ist of January next. Experience has 



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The LOAN BILL 39 

taught lis, however, especially under our present 
Mint system, that we* ought at all times to have a 
balance of $5,000,000 on hand in the Treasury in order 
to work the machinery of the Treasury Department. 
We shall, therefore, be short $3,000,000 of a good 
working balance; but it will be safe for months to 
rest it. I propose that the House pass this bill in its 
present shape, providing for a not exceeding six per 
cent, loan of $15,000,000 for fifteen years, and send it 
to the Senate. By the time the Senate takes action 
upon it, it will be able to figure up the exact amotmt 
of the appropriations that have been made, and if it 
shall be needed, the Senate can increase it, and I shall 
ask the House to concur in such increase as they may 
propose on this basis. I have submitted these remarl^ 
hastily, and may modify them somewhat hereafter, 
in order to enforce and explain more fully the positions 
taken. 

Minnesota was admitted into the Union as a 
State at this session of Congress by an act approved 
May II, 1858. 



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CHAPTER XXIII. 

Speech of Mr. Jones in Washington at the meeting ratifying the 
nomination of Colonel Berret for mayor — Death of Thomas H. 
Benton — ^A call of the House — Reply of Mr. Jones to a public 
testimonial offered him by the citizens of Philadelphia — ^The 
expedition against Paraguay. 

IN the Spring of 1858 a large mass-meeting of 
Democrats was held in the city of Washing- 
ton to ratify the nomination of Colonel 
Berret as their candidate for mayor of that city, 
Mr. Jones was one of the speakers invited to 
address this meeting, and spoke as follows: 

He remarked that he had occasion, as he was com- 
ing here to-night, to ask himself the question, why he 
was about to appear before this audience and address 
them; but when he arrived, and saw the vast multi- 
tudes assembled, he asked himself again what was the 
cause of this great gathering. Is it for the mere pur- 
pose of elevating a man to the mayoralty of Washing- 
ton City? Certainly not. While in Mr. Berret, the 
candidate of the Democratic party, they had a man 
who was in every respect qualified to do honor to the 
city, and who would be true to the principle which he 
had to-night pledged himself to support, and which 
was dear to the heart of every American freeman — ^the 
maintenance of law and order — ^yet they had assem- 
bled with views looking to something beyond that. 
It was because they lived in a country of political 

40 



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MAYOR of WASHINGTON 41 

equality, and because the nomination of Colonel Ber- 
ret represented the doctrine of political equality and 
American security, the dearest of all the rights which 
we possess. He did not propose to make a political 
speech, nor would he go into the local issues before 
the citizens of Washington at the coming election. The 
audience knew them, and knew the candidate better 
than he (the speaker) did; but he had known him for 
years, and it was becatase he regarded their nominee 
as a representative of the highest principles known to 
American freemen that he appeared before a Wash- 
ington audience for the first time on the occasion of 
a local election. He came here to-night to raise his 
voice in behalf of law and order; and it was because 
the dearest thing to him on earth was the doctrine of 
oiu* political rights, guaranteed to us by our fore- 
fathers, and handed down to us unbroken and sacred — 
because he should regard the success of Colonel Berret 
as an evidence to the country that the people of 
Washington were not yet so recreant, and so forgetful 
of the blood of their forefathers, shed in the glorious 
cause of freedom, as to allow their opponents the privi- 
lege of saying that they had elected a man who had 
no party and no principles. [Applause.] This, in the 
capital of the nation, would be a most humiliating 
degradation. He hoped that no portion of the Ameri- 
can people would vote for a man who had no prin- 
ciples, or was unwilling to acknowledge any. He did 
not mean to speak of the opposition candidate, for he 
had not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with 
him; but he knew perfectly well that the people of 
this city were conservative and law-loving; and he 
knew that they had felt the sad effects of that party 



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42 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

which had recently sprung into existence, bidding 
defiance to the laws of both God and man, denying 
men the right of the free exercise of their own con- 
science, and putting the laws of the land at defiance, 
tmder the names of rowdyism, Ljmch-law, or, to use 
the more familiar word of the day, "plug-ugljdsm." 
[Great applause.] He looked upon this matter in a 
serious light. It was this love for law and order, this 
principle of conservatism, that tritunphed in the 
presidential election of 1856 over the assailants of the 
constitution of our country. You are here to-night 
to promote the same purpose — ^to uphold the law 
which shall protect your wives and children and your- 
selves in peace and security. 

Mr. Jones then spoke of the bill recently introduced 
into Congress to reorganize the police force of the city. 
He understood that it provided for the better main- 
tenance of law and order, and accordingly gave it his 
support. He had observed that the great body of the 
republican and know-nothing members in the House 
of Representatives were strongly opposed to it. He 
did not impeach their motives, but he had felt that 
something should be done to render life and property 
more secure in the city of Washington. It was this 
•conviction that had induced him to come forward 
to-night to participate in a canvass where he was not 
a voter. He wished to contribute to the cause of " law 
and order" wherever he might go to the extent of his 
ability. [Here some one in the crowd cried out, what 
about ICansas?] Mr. Jones said he would speak of 
Kansas, but he feared the subject, like the old song of 
Dan Tucker, had been so completely worn out, that 
no one would care to hear any more of it. Kansas has 



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END of SECTIONALISM 43 

been finished up, and has ceased to bleed. He dwelt 
at some length upon the happy termination of the 
Kansas controversy, and believed that the principles 
imbodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill had become the 
fixed policy of the cotmtry. During the progress of 
this controversy, the presidential election of 1856 
occurred. It involved greater consequences than any 
previous contest of the same kind. It was nationalism 
against sectionalism, and he felt that if the latter pre- 
vailed, the greatest disasters might be apprehended. 
It had terminated as he could have wished. Sectional- 
ism had been overthrown. Now we find these same 
republicans, who composed this sectional party, claim- 
ing to be national in their views, and, as evidence 
thereof, adducing their vote in Congress to admit 
Kansas as a slave State if such was the will of the 
people. He hoped there would be no more sectional 
contests. The opposition changed positions according 
to the exigencies of the times, and he warned them 
that the no-party movement in this city was but a 
know-nothing or republican movement in disguise. 
He exhorted them to labor earnestly and zealously for 
the election of their candidate for mayor, and he 
believed, if they should do so, they would achieve a 
victory that would gladden the hearts of the people 
of the whole coxmtry. [Great applause and enthusiastic 
cheering.] 

Thomas H. Benton died in Washington, April 
9, 1858, and his death was announced in Congress. 

On May 14, 1858, a motion to adjourn was made 
in the House, at about five o'clock in the after- 
noon. On this motion Mr. Jones voted in the 



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44 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

negative. He inquired the result at the Clerk's 
desk, and was informed that the motion was 
carried by a majority of six. He then, with many 
others, left the House. Members afterwards 
changed their votes, and the result was announced 
as yeas 47, najrs 59 — ^less than a quorum; so a 
call of the House was made. During its progress 
the following debate took place: 

Mr. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. Is it in order to 
inquire whether the Sergeant-at-Arms has yet found 
the whereabouts of the chairman of the Committee of 
Ways and Means? 

Mr. Edwin B. Morgan, of New York. I rise to a 
question of privilege. 1 tmderstand that up at the 
President's house there are a large number of members 
of this House now dining. I tmderstand, further, that 
an officer of this House has been there and been re- 
fused admittance ; and that he has been told by mem- 
bers of that hotase, and by those having the house in 
charge, that no members of this House are there. I 
am told that there are members of this House there, 
and among others the distinguished head of the Com- 
mittee of Ways and Means, enjoying themselves, while 
we are sitting here without a quorum. I think that it 
is a disgrace to the House, and I would like to know 
what is to be done in a case of this kind. 

Mr. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio. I wish to inquire 
of the Sergeant-at-Arms, through the Chair, whether 
he has been at the White House. It is a fact that the 
country ought to know whether members are there 
and refuse to come in under the order of the House. 



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A CALL of the HOUSE 45 

Mr. James Hughes, of Indiana. I object to this. Let 
the Sergeant-at-Arms make his rettim to the House. 

The Speaker. That is the formal way. 

Mr. Morgan. Withdraw the objection. 

Mr. Hughes. No, sir; I object to semi-official 
assaults upon men who are not permitted to defend 
themselves upon this floor. 

Mr. Jewett. I do not profess to be much acquainted 
with the usages of the House, but I learn, for the first 
time, that it is not regarded as a good excuse that a 
member was dining with the President. 

Mr. Stanton. I would like to know whether a 
messenger is left waiting the convenience of members 
at the White House. 

Mr. Hughes. I object. 

Mr. Sherrard Clemens, of Virginia. There are at 
least two cases, where dinner-parties were in progress, 
where ladies have interfered and said that members 
of the House were not in the dwelling at the time. 
Is it fair to the members who are kept here, or brought 
here, that those who remain absent shall escape the 
penalties inctirred by those who have been brought in 
under the order of the House ? 

Mr. Benjamin Stanton. It seems to me that if 
the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means 
and the chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, 
gentlemen who wear the honors of the House, do not 
choose to bear its burdens, and if they choose to have 
to-morrow's session occupied in making a question of 
conduct on their absence, it is their responsibility, 
and not ours. 

Mr. Alfred B. Greenwood, of Arkansas. The 
name of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and 



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46 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Means has been used in this Hall to-night on more 
occasions than one, and I tl\ink he has been tinneces- 
sarily called in question as being one of the absentees 
on this occasion. I met the gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania in the area here while the vote was being 
taken on the motion to adjourn, and when it was under- 
stood that that motion had been carried. He was 
here, and seemed to regret that the business of the 
House could not have been proceeded with. He was 
making his way out of the Hall, in company with other 
gentlemen who had supposed that the motion pre- 
vailed. I do not see why his name should be selected 
in this cormection more than that of any other gentle- 
man who is absent at this time. 

The Sergeant-at-Arms appeared at the bar, and 
annotmced that, inobedienoe to the order of the House, 
Mr. J. Glancy Jones and others were within the bar. 

The Speaker. Mr. J. Glancy Jones, you have been 
arrested and brought to the bar of the House for ab- 
senting yourself from its sittings without its permis- 
sion. What excuse have you to make ? 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. During this entire session, 
I have been present at all the daily sessions of the 
Hotise, and have ever been in favor of proceeding with 
the public business as long as it was proper for us to 
remain here. I remained here until five o'clock this 
afternoon in the discharge of my duty. At five o'clock 
the vote was taken on the adjournment, and I was 
informed by the Clerk of the House that it was carried 
by six majority; and I left the House under the im- 
pression that the House had adjourned. As soon as 
I was informed that my presence was desired here, I 
presented myself at the earliest convenient oppor- 



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A CALL of the HOUSE 47 

txaiity. And I would say ftirther that I would be very 
happy to remain here so long as a quorum will remain 
here to transact business. 

Mr. Howard. In consideration of the former good 
conduct of the illustrious chairman of my Committee, 
I move he be excused on the payment of costs. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I will cheerfully pay the 
costs if my colleague will strike out the word " former." 

Mr. Hughes. I must have some information in 
regard to the facts of the case before I can vote for 
the motion of the gentleman from Michigan. I have 
objected to the gentleman who is now at the bar of 
the House being arraigned in his absence, and to 
allusions being made to his locus in quo. Now that he 
is here, before I can vote to excuse him, I feel impelled 
by a high sense of duty to call upon him to say whether 
he has been at that dinner which has been so mysteri- 
ously alluded to here several times to-night; and I 
want him to tell the House exactly what he got to eat. 
Then, again, it becomes important to inquire where 
the gentleman has been to dinner. 

The Speaker. The Chair thinks that would hardly 
be in order. 

Mr. Hughes. Now, the question is, shall the gentle- 
man from Pennsylvania be excused? Well, Sir, I am 
in favor of excusing the gentleman, and I am in favor 
of excusing him without the payment of fees. I. think 
he ought to be excused without payment of fees, be- 
cause I believe that, in common with many other 
gentlemen, he left the House under the impression 
that it had adjourned. I think it a great hardship 
that he and other gentlemen, myself included, have 
been brought back here under a sort of snap judgment. 



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48 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

The Speaker. The qtiestion recurs on the motion 
to discharge Mr. J. Glancy Jones on payment of fees. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I merely wish to answer the 
interrogatory propounded to me by the gentleman 
from Ohio. 

Mr. Sickles. I object. 

The Speaker. The gentleman has a right to answer 
it. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I had an invitation two or 
three days since to dine with the President of the 
United States to-day; such an invitation as I suppose 
has been extended to every other member. 

Several Members, on the Republican side of the 
House. On the other side, not this. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. Well, I hope it has, or will 
be. I accepted that invitation with the reservation 
that I always make. 

Mr. Morris, of Illinois. I rise to a question of order. 
The gentleman is not answering the question pro- 
poxmded to him. The question was, at what time he 
was notified by the Sergeant-at-Arms that the House 
was in session and without a quorum. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I hope the gentleman from 
Illinois will excuse me if I am a little prolix. 

Several Members. Come to the point. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I was sajdng that I accepted 
the invitation with the reservation that I would never 
leave this House so long as it was in session. And I 
would not have left the House till twelve o'clock to- 
night, or any other hour, tmless I had been under the 
impression that the House had adjourned. I always 
feel it my duty to remain here xmtil the House does 
adjourn; but I was informed that the House had ad- 



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A CALL of the HOUSE 49 

jotimed, and then I left here and went to my lodgings. 
I remained at my lodgings at least an hotir, and could 
have been summoned during that time. I left my 
lodgings at the end of an hour, supposing that after 
the Hotise had adjoiuned I was at liberty to do as I 
pleased, and since then I have received no commtmica- 
tion from any officer of the House except through a 
third person, and that commtmication was that I was 
expected to report myself here by half past nine or ten 
o'clock; and in obedience to that summons* I have 
reported myself here. 

Mr. Walbridgb. I wish to ask the gentleman at 
what time he received notice that the House was 
awaiting his presence and that of other gentlemen in 
order to make a quorum. 

Mr. Jonbs, of Tennessee. This House has not been 
in session for any business purposes for the last five 
hours. 

Mr. Curtis. The gentleman from Pennsylvania 
seems to put the blame of his delinquencies upon two 
officers of this House — ^first, upon the Clerk, who 
informed him that the House had adjoiuned, and then 
upon the Sergeant-at-Arms, who failed to notify him 
that his attendance was needed here. Under these 
circumstances, and as, according to his statement, 
these officers appear to have been culpable, I move 
that he be excused. 

Mr. J. Clancy Jonbs. Allow me to correct an 
erroneous impression. I want to do injustice to no 
one. The Sergeant-at-Arms, I have no doubt, dis- 
charged his duty faithfully. The information reached 
me through a third person, at a late hour. Nor is the 
Clerk of the House responsible. I went to the desk 

Vol. II— 4 



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50 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

myself and inquired how the vote on the adjourn- 
ment stood, and was .informed that there was a major- 
ity of six in favor of adjourning against my own vote. 
I could not anticipate that gentlemen would subse- 
quently change their votes. That was my error. I 
had no foreknowledge that gentlemen would change 
their votes and send after me. It was not the fault of 
the Clerk. Nor was it the fault of the Sergeant-at- 
Arms that I was not here sooner. In this "city of 
magnificent distances" it took a long period, perhaps, 
to reach me. 

Mr. Walbridge. I hope the gentleman will answer 
my question. My vote will depend upon his answer. 

Mr. Sandidgb. I hope the gentlemen with whom 
I have acted throughout this whole proceeding will 
allow the same action to be taken in this case as in 
others. [Cries of "Agreed," and "That's fair."] 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones was then ordered to be dis- 
charged from custody on pajrment of the fees. 

It was about eleven o'clock p.m. when Mr. Jones 
reached the House, and the House adjourned at 
II. 20 P.M. 

In June, 1858, upwards of one hundred and 
thirty influential citizens of .Philadelphia offered 
Mr. Jones a public dinner for the purpose of testi- 
fying their appreciation of his public services. 
The following is the correspondence: 

Philadelphia, June 22, 1858. 
Hon. J. Glancy Jones: 

Dear Sir: It would afford a number of the Demo- 
crats of this city much pleasure to meet you in friendly 



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A PUBLIC DINNER 51 

greeting, and extend to you a welcoming hand upon 
your rettim from your Congressional labors. Placed 
as you were as Chairman of the Committee of Ways 
and Means, in the very fore-front of the battle waged 
in support of the Administration of a Pennsylvania 
President, and thtis exposed to the shafts of a malev- 
olent and envious opposition, we feel we would be 
derelict to ourselves did we not seek an occasion to 
testify to you our high estimation of the able and 
patriotic manner in which you discharged the trust 
confided to your hands. We therefore hope that 
before leaving the city you will be pleased to dine 
with us, at such time as may suit your convenience. 
Very respectfully yours, 

N. HiCKs Graham, 
John Robbins, Jr., 
William L. Hirst, 
Robert Tyler, 

and others. 

Reading, ist July, 1858. 

Gentlemen: I have duly received yours of the 
2 2d ultimo, in which you do me the honor to invite 
me to meet you in friendly greeting, and to extend a 
welcome hand to me after a return from my Congres- 
sional labors, as a token of your appreciation of my 
public services. 

I regret that, deeply sensible as I am of this high 
mark of your regard and esteem, I am compelled to 
forego the pleasure it would afford me to accept, at 
this time, the invitation so cordially extended. 

While many important questions affecting the 
domestic and foreign relations of the Government 



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52 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

remain yet to be disposed of, the progress made in 
one short session in developing the policy of the Ad- 
ministration of President Buchanan is a jtist cause 
of gratulation to every true friend of the country. 

In this brief space of time filibusterism has been 
signally suppressed, the supremacy of the laws boldly 
maintained, and other nations taught that our own 
neutrality laws shall be faithfully observed in all oiu* 
relations in the family of nations; while we will also 
exact of them a fuU and free concession of all the 
reciprocal obligations growing out of this commonly 
recognized code. The recusancy of the Mormons of 
Utah in reftising to submit to the constitutional powers 
of the General Government; the agitation of section- 
alism in Kansas ; our relations with Central America, 
including the rights of proximity; the non-recognized 
principle of visitation or search of vessels bearing the 
American flag, by the ships of any other nation ; have 
each, in turn, passed in review before the representa- 
tives of the people, during this brief space of time. 

Many of these questions were not the subjects of 
legislation, but they each assumed, at different times, 
such a shape as to enable Congress, when no legisla- 
tion was required, in conjunction with the Executive, 
to settle the public sentiment of the country as to the 
future fixed policy of the Government. The derange- 
ment of the finances of the country, occasioned by a 
sudden and most extraordinary revulsion in the midst 
of the highest apparent prosperity, challenged the at- 
tention of Congress immediately after the opening of 
the last session; a plethoric Treasury, with a stirplus 
of thirty millions, in the short period of a few months, 
had undergone a transition to the other extreme, of a 



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A PUBLIC DINNER 53 

deficiency of $20,000,000, — ^and all this without the 
agency of a single act of Government, executive or 
legislative ; trade suddenly stopped, credit failed, com- 
merce suspended, and in the midst of universal plenty 
and universal health, general consternation and fear- 
ful apprehensions for the future prevailed everywhere. 

It was not in the power of Government to furnish 
relief; imports having almost entirely ceased, any 
tariff would become prohibitory, and no new tariff 
adjusted by any scale be operative on such a stagnant 
condition of the commerce of the country. 

This condition of things continued up to adjourn- 
ment of Congress, and continues still; and while it 
continues, the legislative power of the Government is 
just as impotent as the helmsman with the rudder of 
a becalmed ship at sea. Revenue the Government 
must have ; but being deprived of the means of rais- 
ing it in the ordinary way, she was compelled to raise 
money on her credit, and wait for a revival of trade, 
hoping by the next session of Congress to be able to 
probe the wotmd and apply the remedy. This delay 
was not occasioned by any indifference to the magni- 
tude of the subject, or the sufferings of our people, 
but from the absolute impossibility of producing, by 
legislation, any effect looking to the healthy and safe 
restoration of trade, and the industrial interests of the 
country generally. Without a revival of trade, fur- 
nishing a basis of action, a change in the tariff could 
effect nothing at all. As I have already remarked, 
the present tariff, under the present condition of things, 
is almost prohibitory. 

What then is to be the remedy? I answer, a modi- 
fication of the tariff for revenue at the earliest practi- 



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54 The LIFE oj J. GLANCY JONES 

cable moment; modified so as to secure us a revenue 
of from $50,000,000 to $60,000,000; an additional 
sum sufficient to liquidate the present debt of $65,000,- 
000. 

The idea of a protective tariff for the sake of pro- 
tection, is so completely obsolete that, except for 
political purposes, it is now never alluded to in Con- 
gress. It is practically abandoned by the South, the 
West, and all the New England States, and if it were 
possible to enact such a tariff its certain instability 
would prevent capitalists from investing under it. 
No tariff can now be adjtisted, with any hope of per- 
manency, except upon the principles of yielding 
revenue, and of discriminating so as to impose the 
burden of taxation upon capital. With these two 
points secured, as common principles upon which all 
the States of the confederacy can stand, as equal, the 
next point is to secure to our own industry the greatest 
possible benefit — ^revenue and equality of taxation 
being the object, as a basis of exact justice among our 
own people. 

The greatest amount of protection as the incident 
should be secured to. our own manufactures, by dis- 
criminating in their favor to the fullest extent com- 
patible with the foregoing principles. A tariff adjusted 
upon these principles would be just alike to all, and 
would secure stability. 

No one who loves his country can do otherwise than 
wish to prefer her manufacturing interests over that 
of all others, when he can do it without injustice to 
any of her own citizens ; and no man should be recog- 
nized as a true-hearted Pennsylvanian who would 
hesitate to use all his influence to secure for her mineral 



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A PUBLIC DINNER 55 

wealth and manufacturing resources all the benefits of 
legislation that may be consistent with the equal rights 
of the other States. 

I am in favor of such an adjustment of the tariff at 
the earliest practicable moment. Iron is the chief 
mantifacturing revenue of Pennsylvania, and iron, 
above all other articles of our own mantifactures, is 
most consumed by capitalists, and hence upon the 
foregoing principles should be taxed under our tariff 
to the utmost extent consistent with the revenue 
standard. I deem any movement in this country 
towards a protective tariff for protection sake, as noth- 
ing but an ingenious political device, to lead both 
capital and labor to their destruction. Constituted as 
our coimtry is, no such system, if enacted, could prob- 
ably stand, and hence, if temporarily successful, could 
only inveigle capitalists into investments which must 
prove ruinotis in the end. Looking no farther back 
than 1828 we find such instability fully illustrated. 
The tariff of 1828 was protective without regard to 
revenue, and it lasted but four years, just long enough 
to induce the investment of capital, but not long 
enough to secure a return. 

The Tariff of 1832 was for revenue, and it lasted 
ten years. The Tariff of 1842 was for protection, and 
it lasted four years. The Tariff of 1846 was for revenue, 
and it lasted eleven years. If a Protective Tariff could 
only be sustained for an average period of four years, 
when the manufacturing States had the preponderance 
of power in the Government, what shadow of hope can 
there be for the sjrstem when the area of the coimtry 
is nearly doubled, new States almost annually admitted 
into the Union, and those States all constiming and 



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56 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

not manufactiiring States — ^while the manufacttiring 
States either remain stationary, or are numerically 
diminishing in the confederacy. 

Let Pennsylvania look for a revenue tarifi; the 
Democracy is bound to it, they are in power and will 
be for a number of years. If Pennsylvania will be true 
to her own distinguished son and the party now in 
power, her great interests will be cared for to the full 
extent of constitutional power. If not, she can have 
but little hope in any other party, as all experience 
ha§ taught, that though liberal in promises, they have 
always proved impotent in the performance. Such a 
thing as the Executive and both branches of Congress 
being in the hands of the opposition at the same time 
very rarely happens, and if it does its duration is so 
brief that it can effect nothing. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

To Messrs. N. Hicks Graham, John Robbins, Jr., 
Wm. L. Hirst, Robert Tyler, Edward Wart- 
man, Robert F. Christy, and others. 

At this session of Congress a joint resolution 
was passed, authorizing the President to adopt 
such measures and use such force as should be 
necessary to obtain satisfaction from the Republic 
of Paraguay. This little South American republic 
had taken advantage of the fancied security 
afforded by its location in the far interior, a 
thousand miles from the mouth of the Parana 
River, to commit acts of open hostility to the 
United States. Lopez, its President, believing 



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EXPEDITION AGAINST PARAGUAY 57 

that a naval force could not be sent against his 
remote little country, though it was washed on 
three sides by the waters of the Paraguay and 
Parana rivers, thought he could insult the United 
States with impunity. He therefore refused to 
ratify a treaty of friendship which had been made 
with his government, seized the property of 
American citizens, and fired upon the United 
States steamer "Water Witch" while she was 
peaceably making surveys in the Parana River, 
killing an American sailor at the helm. There 
was no attempt at explanation or justification of 
this outrage, except that the little country of 
Paraguay wanted to be left to itself and was deter- 
mined to keep all foreigners outside its borders. 
About the size of the State of Georgia, with a 
mixed population not as large as the city of Phila- 
delphia, composed of Spaniards, Indians, and 
negroes, it was not a formidable adversary, but 
the honor of the United States demanded that 
ample reparation be made or the country soundly 
punished. Accordingly a fleet of nineteen vessels, 
under the command of Commodore Shubrick, 
canying two hundred guns and twenty-five hun- 
dred sailors and marines, was sent out in the fall 
of 1858. The fleet reached the Rio de la Plata 
about the close of the year, and anchored at 
Montevideo, while the Commissioners sent out 
by the President, with Commodore Shubrick, 
started up the Parana River for Asuncion, the 
capital of Paraguay. They arrived there on the 



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58 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

28th of January, 1859, and found no difficulty 
before the loth of February in securing an ample 
apology, and $10,000 for the family of the seaman 
who had been killed on the "Water Witch." A 
treaty providing for indemnity and rights of 
commerce and navigation was also negotiated, 
and the United States has had no further trouble 
with Paraguay, or any of the neighboring countries, 
since that time. 



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CHAPTER XXIV. 

The military expedition against the Territory of Utah — Remarks 
of Mr. Jones upon the appropriation therefor — ^Remarks of Mr. 
Jones upon the Indian appropriation bill — Walker's expedition 
against Nicaragua — Remarks of Mr. Jones against filibustering — 
The Pacific Raihx>ad. 

)1 NOTHER matter which engrossed the atten- 
AA tion of Congress at this session was the 
-^ ^ state of affairs in Utah, This Mormon 
settlement had been organized into a Territory 
in 1850. Brigham Young, who was the head of 
the religious organization calling themselves the 
Latter Day Saints, was appointed Governor by 
Mr. Fillmore, and had since continued to fill that 
position. The people of Utah, who gave him 
implicit obedience as their religious superior 
placed over them by divine authority, finding 
no civil power in the Territory that was not in 
his hands, recognized him as their absolute ruler 
in all things. His word was law, his nile absolute. 
Recognizing the danger which threatened his 
power from the settlement of Gentiles (as those 
who did not belong to the Mormon Church were 
called), Young determined to throw off all alle- 
giance to the Government of the United States 
and proclaim himself as the supreme niler of the 
Territory. He thus sought to establish a theoc- 
racy that would enable him to control all settle- 



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60 The LIFE of J, GLANCY JONES 

ments in the Territory and perpetuate his power 
as the head of the Mormon Church. With this 
end in view, he began, shortly after his appoint- 
ment as Governor, to formulate his plans. He 
laid up stores; he accumulated arms, and organ- 
ized the citizens of the Territory into military 
bodies. It was said he was able to place thirty 
thousand men and women in the field. He took 
advantage of his position as Indian agent to 
secure the alliance of several Indian tribes. 

In 1857 he felt his position to be strong enough 
to justify him in asstiming an attitude of open 
hostility to the United States. He issued a procla- 
mation in which he refused to recognize any 
authority in the Territory but his own, and put 
the Territory under martial law. All the other 
Federal officers appointed by the President were 
obliged to leave the Territory. Young declared 
that if it should become necessary he would take 
refuge in the mountains, and defy the authority 
of the Government from there. President Buch- 
anan thereupon removed him from office, and 
appointed Mr. Gumming in his place. The Presi- 
dent also appointed other Federal officers to take 
the place of those who had been driven from the 
territory. Governor Young declined to surrender 
his office, declaring that he derived his commission 
from God, and not from the President. 

In the stmimer of 1857 a force of about three 
thousand men, under General Albert Sidney 
Johnston, was sent out with the newly appointed 



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UTAH REBELLION 61 

civil officers to reestablish the authority of the 
Government of the United States in Utah. This 
military force crossed the plains and encamped 
during the winter of 1857-1858 in the Green River 
Valley of Wyoming Territory, where they suffered 
great privations. By an act approved April 7, 
1858, Congress authorized the recruiting of two 
regiments of volunteers to quell these disturbances 
in Utah. 

In January, 1858, the citizens of Great Salt 
Lake City sent a defiant communication to Con- 
gress, in wliich they declared that no officer 
appointed by the administration should exercise 
any dominion over them while the army menaced 
their Territory, and that " by the help of Almighty 
God they would maintain their constitutional 
rights and Uberties, their reUgion, their wives 
and children, and their hard-earned firesides." 
In May, 1858, a week or two after this communi- 
cation reached Congress, Governor Cumming 
entered Salt Lake City, and, without resistance, 
took charge of the territorial government. The 
authority of the United States in Utah was thus 
restored. 

When the bill making the appropriation for 
the Utah volunteers was before the House, Mr. 
J. Glancy Jones spoke as follows : 

Mr. Chairman, this is a bill making appropriation 
for a service which is familiar to the whole committee. 
On the 7th of April, 1858, Congress passed a law provid- 



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62 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ing for raising three regiments of volunteers, one to 
protect the frontier of Texas, and the other two to 
prosecute the war in Utah. Some time since — ^the 
precise date I do not now remember — ^the Executive 
of this nation, in the discharge, of his duty, deemed it 
proper and expedient to nominate and appoint a Gov- 
ernor for the Territory of Utah. Brigham Young, the 
incumbent of that office, who had occupied it for some 
six years, had outraged the sentiment of the nation in 
sustaining, by the exercise of arbitrary power, a com- 
bination of Church and State, until, in the opinion of 
the Executive, the time had arrived when he should 
appoint a civilian to that office, who would not com- 
bine, or attempt to combine, the fanaticism of a 
religious opinion with the discharge of the civil duties 
of the Territory. He soon received information that 
Brigham Young would not surrender his office, or 
recognize the power of the Executive of the nation to 
appoint his successor. This created what may be 
properly called a state of quasi rebellion in that Terri- 
tory — di resistance to the laws and to the enforcement 
of the laws. The President of the United States hav- 
ing appointed his Governor, called out a sufficient 
force to compel the people and the authorities of Utah 
to recognize and receive him. Information was re- 
ceived by the Government, in an official commtuiica- 
tion, that the entire population of the Territory of 
Utah was a unit, and governed by religious fanaticism ; 
that they were determined the President should not 
send a Governor into the Territory to preside over 
them, and were prepared to set the Government at 
defiance. Now, sir, the Army of the United States 
being small and scattered over a most extensive fron- 



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UTAH REBELLION 63 

tier, every man being wanted at his post, the President 
found that he could not discharge his duty as Com- 
mander-in-Chief of the Army, and could not properly 
enforce the laws in Utah without subjecting our exten- 
sive frontier to inroads from Indians, and the settlers 
there to a loss of life and property. He applied to 
Coi^ress, at the opening of the session, for an increase 
of the regular Army. In a message sent to Congress, 
he set forth the object of it: that the frontier of the 
country required every soldier to remain at his post; 
that he ought not to detach one ; that if the soldiers 
were gone from any partictalar post, the frontier in that 
vicinity would be left exposed to the depredations of 
the Indians. Coi^ress in its wisdom thought proper, 
instead of increasing the regular Army, which the 
President recommended, and which I think they should 
have done, to authorize, as they did, by the law passed 
on the 7th of April, 1858, the President of the United 
States to raise one regiment of moimted volimteers to 
protect the frontier of Texas, and two regiments of 
volimteers to be used in the Utah service, if in the 
judgment of the President they became necessary. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, as this Congress, at the present 
session, passed this law, it is to be presumed they 
imderstand the whole subject, and are prepared to 
vote for supplies without the necessity of further expla- 
nation or delay. It is to be presumed that for the 
purpose of calUng out these three regiments and put- 
ting them into service, if the President of the United 
States shall deem it necessary. Congress will not hesi- 
tate to provide the money to pay, clothe, and subsist 
them; and this bill is for that simple purpose. The 
only question that can possibly arise will be as to 



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64 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

whether two of the regiments will be needed. I believe 
it is admitted on all hands that in any event the regi- 
ment for Texas will be wanted. But the question is 
whether the other two regiments will be needed. I 
have simply to say that, for the purpose of ascertain- 
ing that fact, I have kept the bill back till the very 
last moment, in order that if any information be 
received justifying the President in not calling out these 
regiments, the appropriation might be dispensed with. 
I am sorry to say that no such information has reached 
here yet, nothing reliable going to show that they may 
not be wanted. They may not be wanted ; but there 
is nothing which will justify Congress in adjourning 
without putting the money at the disposal of the 
Executive, in case they are wanted. I say that I 
have kept this bill back for the purpose of getting 
information; but no information having reached me, 
I am obliged now, within a week of adjournment, to 
bring up this bill, which is the last appropriation bill, 
which is simply to pay for the regiments which Con- 
gress has placed at the disposal of the President. It 
is very likely they may not be wanted ; but it would 
not be safe for Congress to decline action on the sub- 
ject. The very fact itself that Congress had declined, 
might be sufficient to prevent these difficulties from 
being brought to a close. I am authorized to say that 
if this money is appropriated, the President will not 
use it unless it becomes absolutely necessary to enforce 
the law. 

I wish now to give notice to the committee that as 
this is the last appropriation bill, and as I have under- 
stood it is the wish of gentlemen to make speeches 
upon other matters this, evening, I propose to pass 



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INDIAN AFFAIRS 65 

this bill, and, as soon as it is laid aside, to take up the 
loan bill, which is the last bill reported by the Com- 
mittee of Ways and Means on which we reqtiire the 
action of the Hotise, and then to take a recess for the 
evening, for the ptirpose of general debate. 

An amendment to the supplemental Indian 
appropriation bill was offered by Mr. Miguel A. 
Otero, the delegate from New Mexico, increasing 
the appropriation from $75,000 to $150,000. On 
this amendment Mr. J. Glancy Jones spoke as 
follows: 

Mr. Chairman, the appropriation, as estimated for, 
was as the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Otero] 
has stated. The whole of this appropriation has arisen 
from a new policy adopted by the Government in its 
intercourse with the various Indian tribes. The old 
system was to treat with the Indians, and then act in 
accordance with the treaty stipulations entered into 
with them. The new system in the main is good and 
benevolent. The Indians are collected together prior 
to the making of treaties with them. They are taught 
to cultivate the soil and follow in the steps of civilized 
life. There they are treated with all kindness and 
humanity. The policy is, I think, for the benefit both 
of the Indians and the white settlers. They are per- 
mitted to remain there tmtil Congress is ready to 
negotiate treaties with them. There can be, of course, 
no limits prescribed in appropriation bills, except in 
so far as the exigencies of the case may demand. 1 
have no doubt that the policy is a good one, if carried 
out, and that it would be still better if all the Indians 

Vol. II— 5 



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66 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

in our States and Territories could, by this sort of. 
humane treatment, be brought to settle upon fixed 
reservations and be placed under the control of the 
Government. This policy has only recently been 
inaugurated. • In the case of New Mexico, the sum 
estimated for was a large one, and in view of the strait- 
ened resources of the Treasury it was the opinion of 
the Committee of Ways and Means that $75,000 would 
answer for the next fiscal year. I have no doubt that 
it is equal to the demand. There is no basis for the 
appropriation at all, other than this policy which has 
been established, and which has frequently been en- 
dorsed by Congress. I consulted with the acting Com- 
missioner of Indian Affairs, and he admitted that they 
could get along, with prudent management, with the 
stmi appropriated in the bill, during the next fiscal year. 
The question was taken on the amendment, and it 
was disagreed to. 

Mr. Glancy Jones took a prominent part in the 
debate on the neutrality laws which occtirred 
during this session of Congress. Among the other 
participants in this debate were General John A. 
Quitman of Mississippi, Alexander H. Stephens 
of Georgia, John Cochrane of New York, Lawrence 
M. Keitt of South Carolina, Charles J. Faulkner 
of Virginia, Thomas L. Clingman of North 
Carolina, James B. Clay of Kentucky, Lucius Q. 
C. Lamar of Mississippi, Augustus R. Wright of 
Georgia, and Elihu B. Washbume of Illinois. 

The debate grew out of the arrest of William 
Walker and one hundred and fifty men by Corn- 



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NICARAGUA 67 

modore Hiram Paulding of the United States 
Navy, upon the soil of Nicaragua. Walker was a 
military adventurer of dash and courage, but with- 
out the qualities of a commander, AH his efforts 
had been failures. He led a disastrous expedition 
against Sonora, in which many of his deluded fol- 
lowers perished. His next attempt was against 
Nicaragua, in 1855, in which he was more success- 
ful. He sailed upon this expedition from San 
Francisco, in a vessel furnished by a New York 
corporation called the "Transit Company," and 
landed at Rivas, a small town between Lake 
Nicaragua and the west coast. He had formed 
an alliance with one of the contending factions 
in that turbulent country, known as the "Lib- 
erals," and with their aid and with reinforcements 
from the United States he obtained control of 
•the government and became its President. He 
maintained his control there for nearly two years, 
and his government was recognized by the United 
States. Much was expected from his administra- 
tion of this trust, but his rule was so despotic 
and tmwise that he was soon detested by the 
entire poptdation. He quarrelled with the Transit 
Company, which had furnished a large part of 
the means that had enabled him to overthrow the 
"Conservative party;" he burned villages, plun- 
dered churches, and confiscated the property of 
his enemies. It is estimated that from three to 
four thousand Americans perished in this disas- 
trous undertaking. Finding himself besieged by 



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68 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

an overwhelming force of resentful Nicaxaguans 
at Rivas, he was rescued, at his own request, from 
certain death, by Commander Davis of the United 
States Navy, who had been sent to that locality 
with the St. Mary's to protect the persons and 
property of American citizens. About 364 
wretched and suffering men were taken on board 
the St. Mary's with Walker, and brought back 
across the Isthmus to the United States, at the 
expense of the Government. Here Walker began 
at once to plot another filibustering expedition 
against Nicaragua. 

On the 14th of November, 1857, a steamer 
called the "Fashion" cleared from Mobile, in the 
regular course of commerce, under the flag of the 
United States. Her papers were all false. Walker 
and his comrades were on board this steamer. 
Walker had been arrested in New Orleans, but 
was discharged upon giving bond for his appear- 
ance in the sum of two thousand dollars. This 
bond he forfeited. Down the bay additional men, 
who had been enlisted at New Orleans, with arms 
and ammunition, were put on board the " Fashion ' ' 
by another steamer, and her course was directed 
toward the shores of Nicaragua. Walker's force, 
which consisted of about one hundred and fifty 
men armed with rifles, was organized and drilled 
during the voyage, and ever3rthing was put in 
readiness for his hostile demonstration against 
that little country. Passing the bay of San Juan 
del Norte, he disembarked a portion of his force 



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NICARAGUA 69 

about twenty miles below which attacked and 
seized the fort of Castillo, on the San Juan River. 
He also captured steamers and merchandise, 
killed some of the natives, and made some prison- 
ers. On November 25, 1857, he landed the re- 
mainder of his force on Punta Arenas, an almost 
deserted point of sand which was claimed also 
by Costa Rica. Here he laid out his camp and 
established the "Headquarters of the Army of 
Nicaragua." 

Commander Chatard of the United States Navy 
was in the Bay of San Juan, on board the " Sara- 
toga," at the time the "Fashion" came in, but 
he had no reason to suspect her character, and 
believing that his instructions did not empower 
him to stop an expedition of this character in the 
waters of Nicaragua he allowed her to pass. For 
this he was censured and deprived of his command 
by the Government. Later Commodore Hiram 
Paulding, commander of the Home Squadron, 
arrived in the harbor of San Juan, on the flag-ship 
"Wabash." This squadron had been instructed 
to watch the Mosquito Coast for Walker's expedi- 
tion. As soon as Paulding became acquainted 
with the situation, he landed a force of four hun- 
dred sailors and marines with cannon, through a 
rough sea, and captured Walker and his men. In 
this Paulding exceeded his instructions, as he 
frankly admitted. " I am sensible of the responsi- 
bility I have assumed," he said, "and confidently 
look to the Government for my justification.'* 



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70 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Walker was taken to New York and handed over 
to the United States marshal, who in ttim stir- 
rendered him to the Secretary of State. The 
Secretary declined to sanction the legality of his 
arrest, refused to recognize him as a prisoner, 
and disapproved of the conduct of Commodore 
Paulding. Walker's men were subsequently 
landed at Norfolk and discharged. Congress 
requested the President to lay all the papers 
before it, and Walker and his adventures thus 
became the subject of national concern. They 
excited the interest and sympathy of a large part 
of the people, and Walker was not without staunch 
supporters upon the floor of Congress, foremost 
among whom was General Quitman, who declared 
that the neutrality laws should be swept from the 
statute-books, as restraints upon the enterprise 
of the people. 

This incident, which involved grave questions 
of international law, gave rise to a long and pro- 
tracted debate in Congress, in which the Clayton- 
Bulwer Treaty was discussed and denounced. 
The dissatisfaction which was expressed during 
this session of Congress with the Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty arose from the construction placed by 
Great Britain upon the first article of that treaty, 
which is dated April 19, 1850. That article pro- 
vides that neither power shall ever "occupy, or 
fortify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any 
dominion" over any part of Central America. 
The United States construed the plain language 



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NEUTRALITY LAWS 71 

of this article to mean that Great Britain aban- 
doned all such portions of Central America as 
were then in its possession, or under its protector- 
ate. But Great Britain put upon this article the 
diplomatic construction that its language only- 
prohibited them from extending their possessions, 
and did not apply to such portions of that country 
as were occupied by it at the time the treaty was 
made.- This construction gave to Great Britain 
cont;rol of practically the whole eastern coast of 
Central America. These constructions being so 
hopelessly at variance with each other, the abro- 
gation of the treaty was demanded, but to this 
Great Britain had not assented. 

The question of neutrality had forced itself 
upon the attention of American statesmen in the 
earliest days of the Republic, first when the sym- 
pathies of the people for the French Republic 
during the European complications of 1793 led 
to the act of June 5, 1794, which was limited in 
its operation to a few years, and again in 181 7, . 
when an act was passed to restrain Americans 
from aiding an insurrection in Canada. This act 
was limited to one year. It was not until April 
20, 1818, that the act which is still in force, 
known as the " Neutrality Law," was approved by 
President Monroe. This act was passed to restrain 
the citizens of the United States from aiding the 
South American colonies which were then engaged 
in a struggle to throw off the yoke of Spain. 

The debate at this session upon the powers 



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72 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

conferred upon the President by this act took a 
wide range, and involved wide differences of 
opinion. The whole subject was thoroughly dis- 
cussed with learning' and ability. During this 
debate Mr. Jones took a firm and sound stand 
against filibustering in any form. He contended 
that the exercise of the powers given to the Presi- 
dent by the act of 1818, to use the army and navy 
for the suppression of unlawful expeditions of this 
character, and the principles of international law 
as laid down by Vattel, Pufendorf, and Grotius 
was not limited to the harbors of the United States 
nor to one marine league from the coast, but that 
the President had power to suppress such an ex- 
pedition, by the use of the navy, upon the high 
seas, or, if necessary, in the waters of the country 
against which the expedition was directed. 

A resolution was introduced directing the pres- 
entation of a medal by Congress to Commodore 
Paulding for his gallant conduct in the arrest of 
Walker, but no action was taken upon it. Walker 
subsequently embarked upon another expedition, 
and was captured and shot in Honduras, Septem- 
ber 12, i860. 

In reply to the speech of General John A. Quit- 
man of Mississippi, who attacked the neutrality 
laws and defended the action of Walker, Mr. 
Jones spoke as follows. Mr. Jones had moved to 
refer the subject to the Standing Committee on 
the Judiciary. General Quitman had moved to 
amend by referring it to a Special Conunittee. 



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NEUTRALITY LAWS 73 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I rise for the purpose of 
taking issue with the honorable gentleman from Miss- 
issippi, as to the merits of his amendment. I under- 
stand that the most distinguishing characteristic of 
our Government is that it is a government of law — 
international law, constitutional law, statute law, or 
common law. I say that in the family of nations the 
most distinguishing characteristic of our Government 
is that it is a government of law. In drawing, there- 
fore, the resolution to refer that portion of the Pres- 
ident's message to the Committee on the Judiciary, 
I had in my eye the fact that in a government of 
law — ^in a government constituted as ours is — the Judi- 
ciary Committee is the proper one to which to refer 
this matter. What other committee in this Govern- 
ment is competent to consider this question? I did 
not mean, nor does the resolution mean, to imply any 
prejudged opinions upon the subject of the neutrality 
laws. The honorable gentleman from Mississippi, how- 
ever he may be indined to restrict the powers of the 
Federal Government, will never admit that this Gov- 
ernment can fall beneath any other government under 
the canopy of heaven in its character of a government 
of laws. Whatever may be the limitation of its dele- 
gated powers by the reserved powers of the States, I 
am certain the gentleman from Mississippi will never 
doubt its just power in the family of nations. Now, I 
do not know that I differ from the honorable gentle- 
man from Mississippi upon the subject of the neutrality 
laws. I mean to confine my remarks exclusively to 
the question of reference. But as the honorable gentle- 
man from Mississippi has chosen, at this stage of the 
proceedings, to go into the merits of this question, I 



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74 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

must set him right on a few points that command my 
attention. The gentleman says that the President, in 
his annual message, recommends, instead of the repeal 
of the neutrality laws (as my honorable friend would 
have it), the enactment of more stringent provisions for 
their enforcement. Now, my honorable friend is mis- 
taken, or I am, in the construction he puts upon the 
language of the message. It does not even endorse 
the present neutrality laws. But, sir, the Executive 
of this nation tells you that if y6u want him, in obedi- 
ence to his oath of oflSce, to execute your laws, you 
must give him the power to carry them into effect. 

Mr. Quitman. If the gentleman will allow me, I 
will call his attention to the language of the President 
in his message. He sajrs: "I commend the whole 
subject to the serious attention of Congress, believing 
that our duty and otir interest, as well as otir national 
character, require that we should adopt such meas- 
ures as will be effectual in restraining otir citizens from 
committing such outrages.*' Now, sir, if the President, 
in this language, did not intend to recommend the 
enactment of more stringent laws upon the subject, 
but simply to ask for additional executive powers, 
I shall be very happy to learn that I was mistaken 
in the construction I have placed upon it, and that 
the recommendation is not so objectionable as I 
supposed. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones. Allow me to say to my 
honorable friend from Mississippi, once for all, that I 
do not tmdertake to speak for the President. I speak 
merely of my construction of the message of the Presi- 
dent, as I tmderstand it, speaking as the Executive of 
the nation to the legislative branch of the Govem- 



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NEUTRALITY LAWS 75 

ment. I understand the honorable gentleman from 
Mississippi to take issue with the laws as they now 
stand upon the statute-book. Well, sir, my point is, 
that he must not infer that the President of the United 
States will not concur with him — certainly not that I 
shall not concur with him — in a revision of those laws. 
I repeat, sir, that the proper construction of the lan- 
guage of the President's message which the gentleman 
has quoted is this. The President of the United 
States says to the legislative branch of the Govern- 
ment: "If you wish me to execute your laws, if you 
want me to carry out the provisions of your statutes, 
you must clothe me with a greater power. I must 
have more stringent legislation." But it does not 
follow, it is a non sequitur to say that because the 
President of the United States says this, he is not in 
favor of the repeal or modification of the neutrality 
laws. I am not prepared to say how far I shall be will- 
ing to go with the gentleman from Mississippi in favor 
of such repeal or modification when the question 
comes properly before us. The honorable gentleman 
has no personal feeling against the Executive ; he can 
have none other than in so far as he may perhaps 
differ from the views the Executive has expressed. 
He has a perfect right to differ from the Executive; 
but I shall be happy if I can be able to satisfy his 
judgment that the question as to the merits of the 
neutrality law remains an open question. I do not 
know yet how far I may be prepared to go with the 
honorable gentleman upon this subject when it legit- 
imately comes before this body. 

Mr. Chairman, perhaps there are gentlemen here 
who wish to discuss the subject of the neutrality law 



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76 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

of 1818; but occupying the position which I do, I 
feel it to be my duty to hasten the action of the com- 
mittees of this House upon the appropriate subject- 
matters of legislation embraced in the President's 
message . After having made a brief reply to the gentle- 
man from Mississippi, I shall speak on the question 
simply of reference of these subjects to the appropriate 
committees. I look upon the Committee of the Judi- 
ciary as the legitimate committee for the investiga- 
tion of the matter alluded to; and in so believing I 
am supported, I am happy to say, by the honorable 
gentleman from Mississippi himself. I concur with the 
honorable gentleman in every particular of his speech, 
and he shotild concur with me in the question of refer- 
ence. But the gentleman asks for a special committee ; 
a special committee to pass upon the powers of this 
Government; a special committee to usurp the juris- 
diction of a standing committee which has existed in 
this House since the foundation of the Government. 
Special committees have ordinarily been created when 
special subjects have arisen. They have been created 
when an emergency, or a particular occasion, had 
given rise to a matter never before settled by prec- 
edent, and which legitimately belonged to none of 
the regular standing committees. In such cases the 
Speaker has been authorized to appoint a special com- 
mittee, to devote its special attention to the particular 
and special subject referred to it; but there is not a 
single instance on record where the legitimate juris- 
diction of a standing committee of this House has 
been usurped by or transferred to a special committee. 
On the contrary, it has been the uniform practice of 
both branches of Congress, since the beginning of the 



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NEUTRALITY LAWS 77 

Government, to refer for investigation and report all 
questions pertaining to international law, the consti- 
tutional or statute law, and all questions pertaining 
to the functions and powers of the Government and 
its officers, to the Committee on the Judiciary. But, 
sir, I want my honorable friend from Mississippi to 
understand that, in advocating the reference of the 
resolution to the Committee on the Judiciary, I do 
not mean in the slightest degree to be tmderstood as 
taking grotmd against any modification of the neutral- 
ity law. I have strong doubts as to the extent to 
which this Government has gone in the enactment of 
the law. I do not wish, therefore, in moving the 
reference of the gentleman's proposition to the Com- 
mittee on the Judiciary, to be tmderstood as throwing 
obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of the 
object he has in view. I am in favor of investigation 
into the question, and believe that the Committee on 
the Judiciary is fully competent for the discharge of 
that duty. That committee is competent to examine 
the whole subject from beginning to end. And when 
that committee does report its conclusion from an 
investigation of the facts referred to it, I shall then be 
prepared, if necessary, to give my views on the subject. 

Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman from Miss- 
issippi, at the last session of Congress, moved the 
reference of a similar proposition to the Committee 
on the Judiciary. I find in the House Joximal, 1856- 
1857, P^S^ 9^6, the following: 

** Mr. Quitman, by unanimous consent, introduced a 
bill (House bill No. 312) to repeal certain sections of 
the neutrality law; which was read a first and second 
time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary." 



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78 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

I quote this for the reason that I want the powerful 
aid of my friend from Mississippi in the enforcement 
of the position I take on the question of reference. 

The President recommended to Congress at 
this session the adoption of some plan for the con- 
struction of a railroad to the Pacific. Mr. Jones 
offered a resolution that this portion of the mes- 
sage be referred to the Committee on Roads and 
Canals, which was subsequently amended by 
referring the subject to a special committee of 
fifteen. 

This important subject gave rise to a lengthy 
debate during the session, in which the necessity 
for such a road, the power of the Government to 
build it, the most desirable route, and the best 
plan to be adopted for its construction were fully 
considered. Mr. Jones took part in this debate, 
but no action was taken before the adjournment 
of Congress. 



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CHAPTER XXV. 

The heated political campaign of 1858 — ^Mr. Jones' tmanimous 
renomination for Congress for his fifth term by the Democrats 
of Berks County — His visit to Washington — Is serenaded by 
citizens — His speech to the crowd from the balcony of his resi- 
dence — ^A split in the party — Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton 
Democrats — Mr. Jones is opposed by a candidate without dis- 
tinction of party — ^A memorable contest — Mr. Jones' defeat by 
nineteen votes — Is appointed Minister to Austria — Resigns his 
seat in Congress — ^Visit to Washington — Speech in response to a 
serenade — ^Mr. Jones* departure for Austria. 

AFTER the adjournment of Congress, the 
aA country was thrown into a heated political 
-*" -^ contest over the election of members of 
Q)ngress, upon the issues raised by the events 
which had transpired in Kansas. The Democratic 
party was divided into the adherents of Mr. 
Buchanan, under the name of " Lecompton Demo- 
crats,'' and the followers of Mr. Douglas, under 
the name of *' Anti-Lecompton Democrats." Mr. 
Jones, as a national leader, became a shining 
mark. The party throughout the country that 
had not approved his course upon the Kansas 
question brought every means within their power 
to bear upon the people of his district to accom- 
plish his defeat. Whilst disclaiming all personal 
motives, they urged the moral effect of his defeat 
upon the country as a justification for the press- 
ure and money which they threw into this 

79 



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80 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

small arena, which had become a national fight- 
ing-ground. 

Berks County was no longer the hide-bound 
political district it had been in quiet and peaceful 
political times. The upheaval of this political 
revolution was felt within its borders. There was 
much independent political action among its 
people. Instances had been numerous in the 
county in the past, as we have seen, where repre- 
sentatives in Congress had been chosen by ma- 
jorities ranging from 500 to 1000. Mr. Wanner, 
who was afterwards chosen to be the regular 
Democratic candidate to fill Mr. Jones' unexpired 
term, was defeated by the Republican candidate 
by upwards of 1000 majority. Of course, Mr. 
Jones' long public life had made for him the usual 
allotment of political enemies out of the disap- 
pointed men. Disappointed political aspirants 
ascribed all their disappointments to him. Every 
element of opposition was combined against him. 
The county of Berks was a great iron-manufac- 
turing district. The interests of the manufacturers 
and their employees were appealed to, and strong 
efforts were made to unite them against Mr. Jones 
by calling their attention to his repeated declara- 
tions upon the floor of Congress and elsewhere 
that he was opposed to the doctrine of protection, 
and in favor of a tariff for revenue only. His 
friends rallied to his support with rare zeal, 
fidelity, and devotion. The first attack was made 
upon him within the party, against his renomi- 



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RE-NOMINATION for CONGRESS 81 

nation. This hopelessly failed. He was unani- 
mously renominated by the County Convention for 
his fifth term in Congress. 

After his nomination Mr. Jones went to Wash- 
ington. During his brief visit there he received 
the compliment of a serenade by the citizens, 
who marched to his residence, preceded by a brass 
band, to congratulate him upon his unanimous 
renomination. Being loudly called for, Mr. Jones 
appeared upon the balcony and spoke as follows: 

My Fellow Citizens: I feel deeply sensible of the 
honor you have done me to-night in calling to con- 
gratulate me upon an event which is of deep interest 
to myself and my constituents, although I had not 
supposed that it extended much beyond that. I am 
deeply sensible of it, not so much as a personal com- 
pliment to myself, as a compliment to the noble Democ- 
racy of the county which it is my honor and my 
good fortune to represent in the Congress of the United 
States. [Applause.] We have no national issues at 
present pending before the country, there are no 
questions that are agitating the country now, of a 
national character, upon which the people of the 
whole country are called to pass judgment, or such as it 
might be supposed the people of Washington would feel 
a very deep interest in. In the year 1856, this country 
was convulsed from one end to the other with questions 
that did make every man's heart, who loved his country, 
throb with anxiety and fear. But that has all passed 
away, and we are now in the midst of peace and pros- 
perity. Our coimtry is happy and united; and al- 

VOL. II— 6 



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82 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

though, in consequence of financial revulsions, we are 
suffering in some parts of our country, and to some 
extent perhaps throughout the whole of it, yet Provi- 
dence has blessed us with plenty. Our cotmtry is at 
peace; the Union is loved and revered, and is more 
strongly cemented together now perhaps than it has 
ever been during any period in our history. 

I regard this compliment, my fellow-citizens, as a 
compliment to the old and noble county of Berks, 
which I have had the honor to represent now for nearly 
eight years in Congress. [Applause.] I take the com- 
pliment for her; and although, as I have said, no 
questions of national importance are now agitating the 
country, I accept this c^ as a token of the high regard 
for the fidelity of that old county in standing by me 
and in sustaining the administration of James Buch- 
anan and the national Democracy. [Cheers.] That old 
coimty, fifty-eight years ago, when Thomas Jefferson 
was first elected President of the United States, took 
her stand by his side. She was. a sound Republican 
county, as it was called in the days of the elder Adams. 
When Jefferson was elected President, she cast her 
vote for him ; and from that day to this that old county 
has never faltered in a single instance. Increasing her 
majority from year to year, she cast nearly seven thou- 
sand majority for James Buchanan when he was a 
candidate for the Presidency in 1856. [Applaxise.] 
Mr. Buchanan was elected, and he marked out his course 
to the country in his inaugural address. During the 
last session of Congress, after his annual message was 
delivered, the country was again convulsed by ques- 
tions which, although of a temporary character, as 
the citizens of Washington are well aware, kept it in 



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RE-NOMINATION far CONGRESS 83 

a state of suspense for several months. I felt it to be 
my duty to stand by the President in that issue. I 
felt it to be my duty as a Democrat to labor unceas- 
ingly and with all the power that I possessed, as the 
representative of a district that cast seven thousand 
majority to sustain the administration; and I need 
not tell you what the result was. After the adjourn- 
ment of Congress, in accordance with the peculiar 
features of our institutions by which every representa- 
tive is required to render an account to his constituents, 
I went home to render an account of my stewardship 
to old Berks. I did not suppose, my fellow-citizens, 
that the contest for my nomination was one that would 
excite any deep interest in the country at large ; and 
even here in the city of Washington, where I have so 
long resided as almost to become one of you, I hardly 
thought this contest would be of much interest to you. 
But I found, before I had returned home a week, that 
all the powers of faction had been arrayed against me. 
I found — ^not dreaming that I was regarded of so much 
importance — ^that I was considered a choice victim, 
to be immolated upon the altar, and all kinds of denun- 
ciations were heaped upon me. But I submitted my 
name to my fellow-citizens, and consented to be a 
candidate for nomination for the fifth time, for the 
sole purpose of presenting to my constituents the ques- 
tion whether they would endorse my course in Congress, 
and in relation to the administration of Mr. Buchanan. 
The question was contested fiercely; and you are well 
aware, for it has appeared in the public prints, I had 
the pleasure of finding that one hundred and fifty 
delegates from my own county gave it their unani- 
mous approval and endorsement. I confess to you, 



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84 Th LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

my fellow-citizens, that I did feel proud of that en- 
dorsement of my course, not solely because it was an 
endorsement of my own political action, but I felt 
especially proud that that old cotmty, which had 
never faltered in standing up for the principles of the 
Democratic party for more than half a century, came 
forward to endorse my political course in sustaining 
the President of the United States in the patriotic 
measures which he had adopted to uphold the con- 
stitution and the Union. [Grreat applause.] 

My fellow-citizens, I repeat — ^for I know that you 
do not expect me to make a speech, and I shall 
not occupy your time in attempting to discuss any 
national questions — I regard this call upon me as 
a compliment to the good old county of Berks. I 
thank you for the honor you have done me, and bid 
you good night. 

Finding that they could make no impression 
upon the solid ranks of the regular Democratic 
party, the disaffected and disappointed Demo- 
crats, Republicans, and other elements of opposi- 
tion united upon a man whose affiliations had 
theretofore been with the Democratic party. He 
was nominated at a public meeting, without dis- 
tinction of party, as Mr. Jones' opponent for 
Congress. It was the most memorable political 
contest the county had ever known. It was not, 
in its true sense, a personal contest, Mr. Jones had 
been unanimously chosen by his party to lead 
them in this fight, and he made the fight, not be- 
cause he wanted the office, but for the triimiph 



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HIS UNOBTRUSIVENESS 85 

of his party and its principles and for the vindi- 
cation of his own political course. He had never 
entered into an aggressive contest to secure any 
of the important political positions he held. He 
was in no sense a self-seeking man. Whatever 
mark of public esteem and confidence he had 
received, whatever position of prominence and 
honor had been conferred upon him, had come to 
him without persistent effort upon his part. The 
most striking features of his character were his 
political unselfishness, his modesty, and his unob- 
trusiveness. If his name was at any time sug- 
gested for a position, even if the suggestion was 
acceptable to him, he ceased to entertain any 
thought of it if the public sentiment did not 
promptly and cordially respond to the suggestion. 
His sensitive temperament would not allow his 
claims to be thrust upon the consideration of 
others. He would not go into a struggle for any 
place, no matter how promising the prospect of 
success might be. His first nomination for Con- 
gress came to him through the overwhelming 
expression of the sentiment of his party, rather 
than through any effort of his own. When he 
determined not to continue in Congress, it was 
because his private interests demanded that he 
should return to private life and the work of his 
profession. His second nomination for Congress 
came to him without any solicitation upon his 
part, and rather against than in compliance with 
his wishes and inclinations. His subsequent nomi- 



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86 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

nations and elections to Congress came to him as a 
matter of course in the natural order of events. 
When his name was prominently stiggested for a 
place in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, the suggestion 
did not come from him, but from the universal 
sentiment of the country, because he was one of 
the most prominent men then before the public 
and the people recognized his fitness for the posi- 
tion and conceded it to him as a recognition of 
the prominent place he held, and the prominent 
services he had rendered to the party and the 
country as a public man. When he declined to 
accept the position of Minister to Berlin, he had 
had no previous intimation that the place would 
.be offered to him. When he was appointed Min- 
ister to Austria, the appointment came to him as 
a complete surprise. 

In ordinary, quiet times, when there are no 
crises in public affairs, when public events move 
on in regular, smooth routine, a public man may 
pass along without any strain that brings out the 
weakness or the strength of his character. It is 
not so with the men whose official life is cast in 
the stormy times when the nation is passing 
through some crisis in its history, such as the 
period which covers Mr. Jones' Congressional ca- 
reer. The questions involved in the controversy 
over the status of slavery in Kansas went to the 
very bottom of the nation's Ufe. It was a time 
that brought out the weakness in the characters 
of many men. To stand up then boldly and un- 



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COURAGE of HIS CONVICTIONS 87 

waveringly for the constitutional lights of the 
South, bitterly assailed as they were throughout 
the North, required both courage and strength 
of character in a public man representing a Northr 
em State. The violent and apparently successful 
attempt that was then being made to deprive 
the foreign-bom citizen of his political rights, and 
the Roman Catholic of his religious freedom, had 
taken a strong hold upon the popular fancy, and 
was sweeping over the country like a great popular 
wave. Many weak and vacillating Democrats 
who thought they foresaw the dissolution of their 
own party sought to save themselves from the 
wreck by taking refuge in the ranks of the new 
movement, and allowed themselves to be carried 
away by this popular wave. These were tr3ning 
times that put a man's character to the test. An 
adherence to principle then — ^not only adherence, 
but a strong, aggressive stand in defence of prin- 
ciple regardless of public clamor — ^meant not only 
strength of character but integrity of purpose, 
to a high degree, in the man who had the courage 
to stand up for what he believed to be right with- 
out regard to the effect it might have upon him- 
self and his political future. Mr. Jones met all 
these issues, as they arose, in the spirit of a true 
statesmanship that considered only the welfare 
of the whole country, and not that of a section, 
and the rights of all the people without regard 
to where they lived, or where they were bom, or 
what their consciences might dictate to them 



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88 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

when it came to the sacred things that exist only 
between the individual and his God. 

At the Congressional election in the fall of 1858 
only one Democratic member of Congress was 
elected in Pennsylvania. Mr. Jones' opponent 
was returned, elected by a majority of nineteen 
votes; and it is doubtful whether the defeat of 
any public man ever created so much satisfaction 
among the opponents of the Democratic party 
throughout the country as the defeat of Mr. Jones. 
The return was not an honest one. Sufficient 
frauds were discovered in the unprecedented 
majority of over eight hundred returned for his 
opponent in the city of Reading alone to reverse 
this rettim. It would probably have been impos- 
sible, however, in the temper of the public mind 
and the complexion of the Congress that had been 
chosen at that election, which was overwhelm- 
ingly against the Democratic party, to seat Mr. 
Jones. Moreover, a contest was not considered. 
Mr. Jones had not made the fight because he 
desired to continue his service in Congress. Per- 
sonally he was averse to it; but he had acted 
in obedience to the wishes of his party friends 
throughout the country, and from desire to secure 
a vindication of his public course at the hands 
of his fellow citizens. 

The defeat of Mr. Jones was not a personal one. 
He shared the fate of his party, to whose prin- 
ciples he had always been devoted, and to which 
he had adhered faithfully to the end. There 



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The CAUSES of DEFEAT 89 

were several causes which led to the result. The 
defection of Mr. Douglas contributed largely to 
the defeat of the Democratic party. But chief 
among the causes which brought about this 
result was the extraordinary growth at the North 
of the feeling against the institution of slavery. 
This feeling was revolutionary. It was not re- 
strained by the majesty of the law, by authority, 
or by respect for the rights of others. It had 
become a great htimanitarian sentiment. It was 
one of those episodes that occur in the history 
of mankind. It was universal; it was inevitable. 
The time seemed to have come when, after exist- 
ing for centuries with the approval and sanction 
of mankind, human slavery was suddenly to 
disappear, at any cost, from the face of the earth. 
The Democratic party had never defended slavery 
upon its merits; but there was no room in the 
enthusiasm of its opponents for a just discrimi- 
nation between the defence of the clear right of 
a slaveholder to hold his slaves and the advocacy 
of the institution of slavery itself. To them these 
were the same. To their minds anything that 
resulted in maintaining the institution of slavery 
was wrong, no matter what its justification might 
be. It was before such blind enthusiasm as this 
that the Democratic party went down, and it 
was twenty-six years before it was returned to 
power. 

The causes of Mr. Jones' defeat, — ^if such a 
return, with its meagre majority of nineteen 



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90 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

votes, cotdd be called a defeat, — ^are not far to 
seek even in the light of those times, but they 
are made clearer by the events which surrounded 
the Charleston Convention less than two years 
later. It may be well also to recall in this con- 
nection, what was said in Volume I, page 133 of 
this biography, upon the subject of disorganiza- 
tion within the democratic party in Berks County. 
Mr. Jones was not unmindful of the bitterness 
and uncertainty of this contest. He had seen the 
clouds gathering, but was not dismayed. With 
him it was a fight for principle. He was a man 
of positive convictions, and when he reached 
those convictions he had the courage of them. 
He would uncompromisingly make battle for them 
rather than yield anjrthing for the temporary 
advantage of success. He had long been inter- 
ceding with certain weak and wavering elements 
in the democratic party who were unsound upon 
the vital principles involved in the Kansas- 
Nebraska legislation. He referred to these waver- 
ing democrats in his Bloomsburg speech wherein 
he stated that he had often abstained from enter- 
ing into the debates in the House upon this 
legislation for fear that by his uncompromising 
attitude these wavering Democrats might be still 
further estranged, and their support be lost to 
the vital principles involved in that legislation. 
Later these wavering Democrats had gone further 
astray into the growing sentiment against slavery, 
and many of their followers were now found in 



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IS APPOINTED MINISTER to AUSTRIA 91 

the ranks of Mr. Jones' enemies, under the name 
of anti-Lecompton Democrats, in the heat and 
strife of this noted campaign. 

Mr. Jones had always been a consistent oppo- 
nent of the doctrine of protection as the object 
of tariff legislation. His district had become a 
large manufacturing centre, and many Demo- 
crats who were directly or indirectly interested 
in manufactures were found among his active 
opponents in this campaign. 

The long period of Mr. Jones' pubUc life had 
been a stormy one. His time was largely occu- 
pied by the prominent part he took in the great 
issues of those times. Many who had been his 
political friends and admirers had expected more 
personal preferment from him than he was able to 
give. This campaign afforded them an opportunity 
for their resentment, which he did not deserve. 

Immediately after the election Mr. Jones re- 
ceived a letter from the President of the United 
States voluntarily tendering to him the mission 
to Austria. The tide of rejoicing was ttimed. A 
salute of thirty-two guns was fired upon the receipt 
of this intelligence in Reading, and the Democrats 
of the city went in procession to Mr. Jones' house, 
preceded by a brass band, to extend to him their 
congratulations. 

Having accepted the mission to Austria, Mr. 
Jones resigned his seat in Congress, and this ended 
his Congressional service. During his career in 
public life he was actively confronted with the 



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92 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

great public questions of slavery, the tariff, the 
Cuban question, the Monroe doctrine, Indian 
affairs, and civil and religious liberty, all of which 
received his most careful and conscientious con- 
sideration. Upon all these questions his views 
were those of a broad statesmanship, and were 
wise, conservative, and absolutely sound. 

While in Washington preparing for his departure 
upon his foreign mission, Mr. Jones was serenaded 
by his friends, accompanied by the Marine Band, 
who extended to him their congratulations through 
General Joseph Lane of Oregon. In reply to this 
serenade, Mr. Jones spoke as follows: 

Mr. Jones, being greeted with enthusiastic cheers, 
returned his thanks to his fellow citizens of the city 
of Washington for the tmexpected honor that they 
had conferred upon him. It would not be proper, nor 
was it expected, he remarked, that he should make a 
speech on this occasion; and were he to attempt it, 
he should utterly fail for want of language to express 
the deep feelings of his heart, and his gratitude for the 
compliment they had paid him in calling upon him to 
congratulate him upon the honor recently tendered 
him by the President of the United States. For the 
last eight years he had spent about half of his time 
here ; and that was among the happiest periods of his 
life. Coming among the people of Washington as a 
stranger nearly eight years ago, it had been his pleasure 
to meet them in social intercourse, to mingle with them 
in his public and private relations, and to cultivate 
those amicable feelings which contribute so much to 



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OVATION TO HIM in WASHINGTON 93 

the happiness and enjoyment of life. He felt this to 
be the proudest triumph of his life, that, after having 
spent so much time here, he had been deemed worthy 
of such an enthusiastic reception as this by those who 
knew him best. He had simply to say that, whether 
at home or abroad, whether in the domestic or foreign 
relations of our Government, he should remember the 
period of his association with the citizens of Washing- 
ton to the last days of his life. He then closed by re- 
peating his acknowledgments and thanking them for 
the compliment they had paid him. 

After three hearty cheers had been given for Mr. 
Jones, General Lane, of Oregon, was loudly called for, 
and made a few remarks. He said he did not come 
there to make a speech, but to tender that welcome to 
Mr. Jones that had brought so many of his hearers to 
the spot. It had been his forttme to serve with Mr. 
Jones for almost eight years in the House of Repre- 
sentatives; and he was a witness to the fidelity and 
honesty with which he had there discharged his duties. 
His devotion to the country, the Constitution, the 
Union, and the rights of the States as secured by the 
Constitution, Was the cause of his failure at the late 
election. He had been stricken down by intrigue, 
manoeuvring, and political management; and it was 
gratifying that the faithful patriot who presides over 
the destinies of this country saw the capacity, honesty, 
and integrity of Mr. Jones and gave him a mark of 
his confidence in an honorable appointment abroad. 
It was a wise choice ; it was confidence well bestowed. 
General Lane thanked them for calling him out, and 
also for this manifestation of their regard for his 
worthy friend, Mr. Jones. 



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94 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Governor Stevens and Mayor Berret made brief 
speeches in answer to calls from the assemblage ; and 
then the company proceeded to the Executive Mansion. 
The President appeared at the window, and was loudly 
cheered by the vast throng who had then gathered. 
He remarked that his days for making speeches were 
over, but his heart impelled him to thank them for 
the honor they had done him in calling upon him. He 
entertained a very warm regard for the people of 
Washington, and knew that among them were as true 
and faithful Democrats as were to be found on the 
broad stirface of this coimtry. He then bid them 
good night. 

Upon visiting the Navy Yard, Mr. Jones was 
received with an official salute. 

Mr, Jones' departure from Reading for his 
foreign mission is thus described in a local news- 
paper: 

DEPARTURE OF MR. JONES. 

The Hon. J. Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister to Austria, 
left this dty on Wednesday morning last, on his way 
to New York, whence he will depart, with his family, 
on Saturday next, the 8th of January, for Vienna, 
via Havre and Paris. He was escorted from his resi- 
dence to the Railroad Depot by a large number of his 
friends, in procession, headed by the City Band. Be- 
fore entering the cars, he responded to the greetings of 
the crowd in a brief address, bidding farewell in ap- 
propriate and eloquent words to the people of his 
coimty, whose confidence and esteem he has so long 
enjoyed. A delegation of nearly one himdred citizens 



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HIS DEPARTURE from READING 95 

accompanied him to Philadelphia, and dined with him 
at the Merchants' Hotel. His friends availed them- 
selves of the occasion to pay him a parting compliment 
to which Mr. Jones replied in a speech of deep feeling 
and impressiveness. Addresses were also made by 
Messrs. Hiester Clymer, J. K. McKenty, James B. 
Bechtel, and J. Lawrence Getz. This impromptu 
demonstration, and final interview between Mr. Jones 
and the large company of his late constituents, was 
highly gratifying to that gentleman, and interesting 
to all who participated in it. 

A complimentary dinner was tendered to Mr. Jones 
prior to his departure, by his fellow citizens of Reading 
irrespective of party; but he was compelled to decline, 
it, for want of time. The letter of invitation, with 
Mr. Jones' reply, are subjoined: 

Honorable J. Glancy Jones: 

Dear Sir: Some of your old neighbors and per- 
sonal friends wish to meet you once more, before you 
leave Reading, to take you by the hand and to wish 
you God speed upon your distant and honorable 
mission. They could not permit you to pass out from 
their midst, with justice to you or to themselves, with- 
out tendering to you this wish, and they beg that you 
will name some day when it will stdt your convenience 
to meet them for those purposes, at the social board. 

The undersigned, wishing you all health, happiness, 
and prosperity. 

Remain, as ever, &c., 
J. Pringlb Jones, J. Knabb, 

Frederick Lauer, Louis Ritter, 

Charles Kessler, Hiester Clymer, 



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96 The LIFE of J, GLANCY JONES 

Henry W. Smith, E. L. Smith, 

John Banks, Philip K. Miller, 

J. Hagenman, Edward M. Clymer, 

J. H. Hain, John McManus, 

J. Lawrence Getz, H. R. Hawman, 

H. P. Pelix, D. McKnight, 

Michael P. Boyer, Charles Boyer, 

J. Hoffman, Charles B. McKnight, 

James McCarty, C. H. Hunter, 

David P. Gordon, George Smith, 

P. O'Reilly, S. E. Ancona, 

David Pister, George W. Bruckman, 

Jacob K. McKenty, R. P. Brown, 

David Schall, Jambs Nicholson, 
William Rhoads, Jr. 

Reading, December 24, 1858. 

Reading, December 27, 1858. 
Gentlemen : 

I am in receipt of your letter, in which you do me 
the honor to tender me a public dinner, as the most 
convenient mode of giving expression to the kind feel- 
ings which, as old neighbors and personal friends, you 
are pleased to entertain for me. Coming from such a 
source, on the occasion of my departure to a foreign 
land, I am at a loss to express to you how deeply sen- 
sible I am of this manifestation of your regard. It is 
with sincere regret that I am compelled to decline the 
honor thus tendered, in consequence of the very short 
time allotted to me to prepare for my departure. In 
doing so, however, I have the pleasing reflection, that 
although deprived of that social form of interchanging 
mutual expressions of regard and esteem, I still have 



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TENDERED A PUBLIC DINNER 97 

the evidence in your letter, of the kind feelings and 
good wishes entertained, and so happily expressed, 
the fond recollection of which I shall cherish as long 
as I live. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

To Hon. J. Pringle Jones, Frederick Lauer, 
Mr. Charles Kessler, H. W. Smith, Esq., Hon. 
John Banks, J. Hagenman, Esq., and others. 



Vol. II— 7 

I 



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CHAPTER XXVI. 

Mr. Jones' residence in Vienna — Rights of neutrals upon the high 
seas — ^Mr. Jones' diplomatic correspondence — Visit of Robert C. 
Winthrop and William H. Seward to Vienna — ^Mr. Jones' diary — 
The election of Abraham Lincoln — Appointment of Anson 
Burlingame as Mr. Jones' successor — His rejection by the Austrian 
Government — ^Mr. Jones consents to remain temporarily — ^Ap- 
pointment of J. Lothrop Motley as his successor — Mr. Jones' 
return to America — ^His diary. 

MR. JONES' public life now passed from 
the stormy arena of American politics 
into the more peaceful fields of European 
diplomacy, for which, perhaps, his personal quali- 
ties better fitted him. The change was very 
acceptable to him. His acquaintance with the 
diplomatic corps in Washington had been quite 
extensive, and Mr. Marcy, while he was Secretary 
of State, frequently conferred with him upon such 
questions of foreign policy as came before Congress. 
His knowledge of history was extensive. He had 
always taken a deep interest in international law. 
He kept himself well informed upon the varied 
phases and active movements of European affairs, 
and was familiar with the intricate questions 
which affected the relations of foreign countries 
to each other. 

When he landed in France, the Second Empire, 
under Napoleon HI., was in the height of its 
power. The German Empire was still a remote 



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HIS RESIDENCE in VIENNA 99 

possibility. France and Austria were on the 
threshold of the bloody conflict which led to the 
readjustment of Italy, and the Eastern question 
occupied the attention of all the European powers. 
Though America had not yet attained the posi- 
tion it now occupies among the nations of the 
world, its importance was recognized, and its 
representatives were received and treated with 
great consideration and respect. 

Mr. Jones' residence at Vienna was a most 
agreeable and successful one, made especially so 
by the cordial treatment he received from the 
Cotirt, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the ctilti- 
vated society, and the diplomatic corps. That he 
was an able and accomplished diplomatist, thor- 
oughly acquainted with international law, holding 
in his grasp the significance of current inter- 
national events as they transpired, correctly fore- 
casting the signs of the times, and keeping himself 
closely in touch with the moves that are always 
going on in the game of European diplomacy, is 
abundantly shown by his vigorous efforts in behalf 
of the rights of neutrals on the high seas, and by 
his able diplomatic correspondence, which is con- 
tained in the Appendix to this biography. Six 
months after he left Vienna, Mr. J. Lothrop 
Motley, his successor, wrote to him : " Count Rech- 
berg [the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs] 
always speaks of yourself with the greatest 
respect and regard." 

Upon one occasion Mr. Seward and Mr. Robert 



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100 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

C. Winthrop of Boston were passing through 
Vienna. Nattirally, the customary court dress 
formed no part of their wardrobe. They desired 
an audience of the Emperor, and at Mr. Jones' 
request the Emperor waived this most important 
formality, and, without precedent, cordially re- 
ceived these distinguished American statesmen 
in ordinary evening dress. 

In the winter Mr. Jones' residence was within 
the walled city. During the first stimmer of his 
residence in Vienna he occupied a delightful villa 
adjoining the beautiful gardens of Schonbrunn. 
The following summer he occupied a villa at 
Baden. 

Mr. Jones' diary contains many notes of the 
journeys he made for pleasure and recreation while 
he resided at Vienna. Among others he mentions 
his visit in September, i860, to Oberammergau 
to witness the Passion Play, which has been 
devoutly performed there every ten years since 
the region was relieved from the scotirge of "the 
plague." This diary also contains notes of his 
prolonged visit to Italy in April, 1861, with Gov- 
ernor Wright of Indiana, who had been appointed 
Minister to Berlin when Mr. Jones declined that 
position at the beginning of Mr. Buchanan's 
administration. These notes show the great 
pleasure he derived from his travels through that 
interesting country, with whose history and litera- 
ttire he was so familiar. This diary also contains 
notes of the little trips he took to Ischl, the chief 



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HIS DIARY 101 

summer resort of the Viemiese, and other places 
in the neighborhood. 

From this diary we have made the following 
selections: 

TRIP TO BUDAPEST. HUNGARY 

5 June, 1861. Took passage on Steamer accom- 
panied by Charles, Mr. Delaplaine, & servant Joseph; 
weather jfine. River high. 

Pressbiirg, Old Capital of Hungary, finely situated 
on a high Bluff; Old Royal Palace surrounded by wall. 
The Capital was changed in 1848 because it was too 
near Vienna. 

The scenery from Pressburg to Gran is very fine. 
The Danube runs chiefly through a grazing cotintry. 
The resources of Htingary are certainly very great. 
If the old estates were broken up & thrown into the 
Market & the monopolies of Railroad & River naviga- 
tion were open to fair competition, Hungary would 
double its wealth and population in a few years. 

Gran is situated on the right Bank of the Danube. 
(Duna in Htingarian.) The Cathedral is finely situated 
on a hill, but the town has no other attraction than as 
the seat of the Cardinal Archbishop, who is Primate of 
Hungary. 

Arrived at Budapest at 6 p.m. Buda lies on a high 
hill on the right bank & is the old town. The Imperial 
Palace stands on the higher point of the hill. A wall 
surroimds the town. Pest lies on the left bank upon 
lower, level ground, & is without a wall — it being a 
modem town. It is much the larger town & the most 
business-like & prosperous. Between the two towns, 
and connecting them, is a very fine suspension bridge. 



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102 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

6 and 7 ]ime. Visited the Land Tag, or Hungarian 
Diet. Seats were kindly reserved for us. The House 
has about 300 members elected for Three years by the 
people in Districts of 30,000 inhabitants. Every man 
is entitled to a vote who has a rental income of ;gii. 
The Lords were not in session. The House was. Each 
Hungarian Nobleman is entitled to a seat. There are 
about 800 of these, though only about 280 attend. 
The Law of Primogeniture does not exist imiversally 
as \o estates ; it only applies to what are called Mag- 
nates, but the title and rank goes to each Son and in 
many (a Majority of the States) the property is divided 
among the children equally. 

We visited the Diet twice, and were much pleased 
with the spirited manner of the delegates. 

Went to the riding school, and the Musetmi and re- 
ceived very polite attention from Cotmt Bela Sz6ch6nyi, 
Cotmt Korroly, Messrs. Madardsz and Hajnik, and 
Cotmt Szapary. 

Attended the races and saw some very fine Racing. 

Were introduced at the Casino, where we dined and 
read the newspapers. 

Went to the Palace and Baths in Buda, and took a 
warm sulphur bath. Afterwards looked at the public 
Baths and bathers. Visited the Theatre. 

8 ]vme. Took the cars at 7.22 a.m. and reached 
Vienna at 2 p.m., much delighted with our visit. The 
Rail Road runs up the north Bank of the river to Vi- 
enna, parsing Gran and Pressburg. The country is flat, 
chiefly grazing land; it is pleasing, and covered with 
cattle, sheep, geese, and hogs. 

Count Teleki's seat was draped in mourning. We 
attended a reqtdem at the Jewish Synagogue in memory 
of Teleki. 



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HIS DIARY 103 

Pest is destined to be a flourishing town as soon as 
commerce, manufacttares, and agriculture are relieved 
of their Shackles and opened to free competition. 

Cavour's death was annoxmced to me while I was in 
Pest. 

TRIP TO ISCHL, &c. 

Sunday, 23 June, 1861. Left the Arch Duke Charles 
Hotel for Lambach at J past three o'clock. Charles 
left at II A.M. for Baden. Weather very hot; my ser- 
vant Joseph with me. The Country looking fine and 
the scenery in its best dress. Had a heavy thxmder- 
storm, which cooled the air and clothed the Verdure 
in the richest color. Reached Linz at 9, and left for 
Lambach. Arrived there in an hoiu", and took apart- 
ments at the Rail Road Hotel. 

June 24. Slept well, and in the morning rambled 
over the hills. At 1 1 took a carriage, which I preferred 
to the R.R., to Gmxmden, because I could see the coim- 
try to better advantage and visit the Tratm Falls. In 
an hour and J I reached the Traim Palls, which pleased 
me much, not because of their height, for I have seen 
higher. Of course I was not much impressed with its 
size, as I had seen Niagara, but it was very picturesque 
and pleasing. The rocks, being humorous and of soft 
Pudding-Stone, turn the water into all sorts of shapes 
and figures. The Fall is 42 feet high, enough to give 
you a perfect idea of what a Water Fall is. The Spray 
is very fine. I viewed it from half a dozen different 
points, and then had a fresh trout of large size, taken 
from the stream, cooked to suit me ; it was broiled in 
butter, and on that, with strawberries and cream, I 
made my dinner. The whole cost me 2 Gulden or 62 and 



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104 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

a half cents. I then went to Gmunden and took pleas- 
ant apartments overlooking the lake, where I now am. 

June 2$. Took a bath and then went fishing and 
rowed on the lake. I afterwards spent an hoiir on the 
lake shore. 

June 26. Started early to ascend Prauenstein^ 
wtdch I found very tedious and tiresome. Dined 00 
the way, and returned in the evening very tired. 

June 27. Left at 8 o'clock a.m. in a Steamboat for 
Ischl and arrived at 11. Visited the Salt Works, where 
the Salt Water is boiled, or evaporated, and the salt 
separated. It is dug out of the mines mixed with 
earth and other foreign substances not soluble. The 
whole is mixed with water, which dissolves the salt, 
and the insoluble matter is precipitated. The brine 
is then conducted in wooden pipes some eight miles^ 
where it is thrown into pans and evaporated. As the 
water evaporates the salt is precipitated. It is then 
shovelled out and packed in wooden vessels about the 
size of a peck measure, and of very much the same 
shape . After standing a few hours it is taken out of the 
moulds and put into a furnace, where it is dried, for two 
days. It is then hard enough to be transported. Each 
form weighs 60 poxmds and is sold for eight Gulden. 
It costs the Government one Gulden and 50 kreutzers. 

June 28. Travelled over the grounds of the Euro- 
pean Villa. Received a letter from Charles, and one 
from Richmond, &c. 

June 29. Rambled over the groimds and walks 
and read Du Chaillu's Explorations in Africa. Had 
another call from Colonel Fancourt-Holliday (St. Patil) 
in Ischl. Heard of the Sultan's death. 

June 30, Sunday. Very rainy. Has rained daily,. 



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HIS DIARY 105 

somewhat, ever since I have been in Ischl, but as it is 
warm enough I prefer it to the excessive heat and dry- 
ness. Rained hard all day, so I remained in the House, 
and read the papers and Du Chaillu's Travels in Africa. 
As Colonel Fancourt lives 6 miles out of town, I did not 
go to dine with him on account of the rain. 

July I, Monday. Not clear yet, and remained in 
the house. 

July 2, Tuesday. Clear and pleasant. Walked the 
hills for three hours, then took lunch and drove seven 
miles into the country to see Colonel Fancourt. Made 
a very pleasant visit, and returned to dine. 

July 3, Wednesday. Intended to go to-day to 
Aussee, but at 5 a.m. when I arose I found it raining 
hard. It rained all day and confined me to the house. 
Rev. Mr. Ainslee called to see me. He is an English 
Gentleman who married a relative of the Speaker of 
the House of Commons. 

July 4, Thursday. Left in a private carriage at half 
past 7 o'clock A.M. for Aussee. The weather was clear 
and settled once more. Passing through Laufen, 
Goisem, and Agatha, I climbed the steep hill and came 
to Aussee : a very pleasant village — ^thence by carriage 
to Altaussee and Lake, and thence to Grundlsee. I 
returned to Aussee to dine and look at the town. The 
hill prospect is beautiftil beyond description. Left at 
5 P.M. in a private carriage for Over Traun. This 
road passes over the most fearful precipice, and really, 
for the first time, I felt imeasy. At Over Traun I took 
a boat and reached Haldstadt at 7 p.m. I visited the 
church, 540 years old, and the little water falls on the 
Traun. I heard T5n-olese singing on the Lake in the 
evening, which sounded well. 



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106 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

July 5, Friday. Left at 7 a.m. on a mule to visit the 
Water Falls of Walbach Strub. Foxind it pleasing, but 
not equal to my expectation. Retximed to breakfast 
at 10 o'clock. After breakfast left on a mule again to 
ascend to Rudolph's Thum, a height of 1600 feet and 
lamost precipitous. The path is in fine condition 
and ascends in zigzags. It runs along the face of the 
hill tmtil you reach the top, which takes an hour. There 
are frequent benches and little pavilions neatly covered 
for shelter and resting places. Rudolph's Thum dates 
back to the 13th Century. The Salt Mines afforded 
every evidence of being worked by the Celts prior to 
the Roman Conquest. The burial ground furnishes 
conclusive proofs of this. The graves are often opened 
and the skeletons fotmd with their ornaments of gold, 
silver, copper, etc., upon them. As a compliment 
to distinguished visitors a grave is opened for the first 
time . This honor was considered due to me and a grave 
was opened in my presence. Of course nothing but a 
skeleton and dust of the wood remained. By the head 
was foxmd a bronze pin and a whetstone, which I 
brought with me as relics. The proof is conclusive of 
their having been buried for over 2000 years. I looked 
at the fine collection of minerals, dug out at different 
periods, some petrifactions, etc. I then entered the 
mine, which is 500 feet further up the hill. A white, 
loose dress and slouch hat is furnished, and one enters 
in a little carriage which is pushed on a railroad 1,000 
feet into the mine. After wandering through various 
drifts and examining the various and singular forma- 
tions, I reached the Salt Chamber, of which there are 
several. This one being empty I found illuminated 
with red, white, and blue lamps. It was 20 feet high 



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HIS DIARY 107 

and at least loo feet in diameter, being rotind. The 
illumination is a mark also of honor, though one may 
be had by any party who bespeaks it and pays for it. 
The great curiosity to me was to see how the process of 
salt making was carried on. The whole work nearly 
is done by water. The salt in the mine is fotmd in the 
seams or sheets mixed with a black stone which is soft. 
A small chamber is first dug out, say, ten feet square. 
Into this chamber a pipe is laid at the top conducting 
fresh water into it, and at the bottom is another pipe 
to let off the water or brine after it is mixed with salt. 
The chamber being filled with fresh water, the salt dis- 
solves and the other matter is precipitated to the bot- 
tom. As soon as the water is sufficiently salty (as the 
barometer will tell) it is let oflF, and runs for miles to 
Ischl, or Ebensee, etc., where it is conducted into salt 
pans and the water evaporated, leaving the salt, now 
precipitated, in a beautiful condition. 

In the evening returning to Haldstadt, I took dinner 
and then a fine large boat with a flag flying at each 
end, which my host had ordered as another token of 
respect for my rank. For all these little honors, how- 
ever, one is expected to pay. No one has any charge 
to make, but it is evidently expected; the amotmt, of 
course, is left to one's self entirely, but custom has 
regulated it, and it is not expensive. I found that 
$5.00 was considered liberal for the whole. My ship 
carried me to Gosau Mill where I took carriage and 
drove back again to Ischl. 

July 6. Left Ischl at three o'clock for Linz, via 
Gmunden and Lambach. Reached Linz at 10 o'clock 
P.M. and slept there. 

July 7. Took steamer at 7 a.m. down the Danube 



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108 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

and reached Vienna at four. Charles met me at the 
Arch Duke Charles Hotel. All well and nothing new. 

TRIP TO RICHENAU. MARIA ZELL. &c. 

Sept. 3d, 1861. Left Vienna at 8.30 a.m. for a short 
trip to Richenau, Iron works, and Maria Zell. 

Arrived at Richenau at i o'clock p.m.; decidedly 
rural. It lies in the valley where the R. R. crosses. It 
wants water, but the mountain scenery aboimds, and 
is wild. Hotel very full ; only adnndtted on account of 
my rank, and what perhaps is still stronger, though not 
alleged — I am recommended by the proprietor of the 
Arch Duke Charles Hotel ; a friend whom it would be 
very poor policy to offend. 

The Kaiser Villa, the stimmer retreat of the children, 
is a neat, new, square building, with nothing remark- 
able about it to distinguish it from other country- 
seats; the grounds are enclosed and neatly laid out. 
The tout ensemble looks more like the Railroad Depot 
at Baden than anything else I can think of. The Bath 
House is near the Villa. It is a plain affair but clean, 
and the water is jfine ; I took a very refreshing bath 
every day; cost 50 Kreutzers. 

Sept, 4th, Rose at 6 a.m., and breakfasting at 7, 
took a carriage and drove through the hills for 3 hours, 
the weather being very pleasant. Visited a Furnace, 
a Forge, and a Rolling Mill ; also looked at the Iron Ore. 
It is rock and Hematite mixed. 

I also drove up the narrow valley along the stream, 
which is both stony and beautiful, to Kaiser Brtmnen, a 
beautiful Spring chiefly remarkable for its strength, as a 
Stream as large as the Tulpehocken flows out of a hole in 



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HIS DIARY 109 

the base of a rock. No doubt made by the rod of some 
primitive Moses in times beyond the memory of man. 

Sept. $th. Climbed the Hills for an hour, starting 
at 6 A.M. Took coflEee at 7, and rode out for three hours, 
looking at Ragerbach, Glocratz, and the imperial paper 
manufactory. Sent my servant to Vienna for the mail, 
who returned in the evening with the Reading papers 
and a long letter from Richmond — a letter which gave 
me great pleasure more for the boldness of its thoughts 
and independence of its sentiments and its pungent 
and fluent style than from the news it contained. 

Sept, 6. Rode out for three hours ; wrote down my 
reflections on the political questions agitating my own 
country in its foreign and domestic policy; read the 
London Times, James' Statesmen — Granville and 
Maurice of Saxony, having finished the day before his 
Leo X., Cardinal Amboise, Ximenes. They are good, 
but too much filled with historical details, which is the 
province of history, and not of biography. In the 
latter we look for general facts, such as the peculiar, 
distinctive traits of character of the subject, and then 
look for the philosophic relation between cause and 
effect, the points which lead to success and those which 
lead to defeat. These are the only valuable lessons 
which biography teaches. Still, the whole is rather 
more palatable than Brougham's lives of eminent 
Statesmen who flourished in the times of George III., 
which are filled with maudlin sycophantry which so 
plainly speaks a desire to court the good will of their 
descendants — ^the Frenchman being the only one who 
seems to be fairly and imsparingly dealt with. He 
who was of the Moimtain or of the Girondists, by 
turns, whichever were safest or paid best, he is 



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110 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

properly treated by Brougham; perhaps he has no 
descendants. 

Sept. 7. Left at 8 a.m. At 8.30 took express train 
for Pazerbach to Mtdzzuschay, immediately on the 
other side of the Semmering. It is at the foot of the 
mountain, south, as Glezznetz is north. To these points 
the railroad was first finished, the tuimelling being the 
last. At Mtdzzuschay took a post carriage for myself 
and servant (Johann), and drove through a most beau- 
tiful valley siuroimded by fine scenery for seven hours 
to Maria Zell. To-morrow, Sunday, being the anni- 
versary of the birthday or Marien Fest, of the Virgin 
Mary, the patroness par excellence of the little town, 
the road was crowded with faithful pilgrims travelling 
on foot in procession and otherwise, singing and pray- 
ing, laughing and talking and smoking all the time. 
The road was also lined with pilgrims of another sort 
who were well dressed and rode in carriages, who were 
also wending their way to the chosen temple of the 
patroness Saint, possibly more out of motives of curi- 
osity than of piety, and to this latter class I think I be- 
longed. I told my servant that Maria Zell was a town 
of very limited capacity, and that he had better double 
the Trinkgelt to my coachman if he would take the 
lead. He did so, and I secured the best apartments 
on the first floor of the best hotel overlooking the public 
sqxiare. The church, which stands within this square, 
and all the groimd, is where the people congregate. 
This speed, however, cost my coachman a horse, for 
one of them died at 2 o'clock that night. The man 
thought the rain and heat had dgne it (for it rained two 
hours) and that the horse would have died anyhow. 
To this I assented, of course, for I did not know the 



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HIS DIARY 111 

contrary, and I was not anxious to charge my con- 
science with the death of the poor animal, though I be- 
lieve the animal is the gainer. So I doubled the Trink- 
gelt again, which made all right. I was in time to 
witness several processions. They are all alike: the 
peasants marching in double file with a banner in front 
of them, with the figure of the Virgin inwrought; a 
Priest and Schoolmaster in the middle, and the chor- 
ister who leads the music. (These are not from the 
cotmtry.) They have a trumpet and bass druin, the 
singing is antiphonal, the leader singing one verse or 
couplet and the women particularly the other, which, 
as they are pretty well trained, soimded very well in 
the open air. 

Sept. 8, Sunday. Took an early walk upon the hills, 
as the day is pleasant and the scenery is charming. It 
is just the place calculated by what Buckle calls the 
aspect of nature, when in an early age the civilized 
world was shrouded in darkness, to inspire sentiments 
of awe and superstition. The village is in a vale en- 
tirely land-locked. The hill on which the town stands 
and the various formations arotmd it are suggestive, 
to an imagination not sobered by intelligence, of the 
supernatural. The church was burnt in 1827, but the 
Virgin Mary appeared and saved the image. The 
modem church is very large, of necessity, as thousands 
visit it annually. It is scarcely used by the villagers, 
as it is too large for that purpose and there are chapels 
in which they worship. It is most richly endowed by 
pilgrims who have visited it for ages, among whom 
are numbered Emperors, Kings, aiid Princes. The 
processions coming from a distance are the largest, as 
they increase as they advance. Those that come from 



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112 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

the near-by places are the smallest, for the opposite 
reason. The Image of the Virgin is imdoubtedly as 
old as the year 1150, and the wooden chtirch dates 
back to the year 1157. The first church was small, the 
new or stone one was built in 1257. The present one, 
about 300 years old, crosses the old one, which is still 
preserved in the centre. The Image is kept in the 
centre of this old church. A fine spring is also to be 
found near Alten Heilige Brunnen, with a stone build- 
ing enclosing it. Some pretty fair mural paintings 
or frescoes ornament the walls, the Virgin being con- 
spicuotis; also one representing the fire of 1827, the 
apparition of the Virgin being on a hill close by. In 
the centre, at the end, is the altar, and at each end of 
this altar is the figure of an angel in a leaning position 
with a pitcher in its hand, out of which trickles gently 
the running stream of the foimtain into open vases, 
the whole surmoxmted with a Latin inscription, of 
which the following is a translation: "Cleanse yourself 
in the living water." The pilgrims, after repeating 
their prayers before the Image of the Virgin, advance . 
to this fountain, wash their hands and faces, and drink, 
and retire. I saw many hands and faces being washed 
there, which, judging from their appearance, were 
strangers to water. The public grounds and highways 
are covered with shops like those on the Fair Groimds. 
These are filled with engravings of the Virgin and 
Child, crucifixes, eatables for the pilgrims, etc. Ehiring 
the church hours they are closed, but before and after 
service they are opened and thronged with customers. 
Whatever is bought here is chiefly valuable for the fact 
that it has been brought from Maria Zell, and is also a 
proof, as well as a reminiscence, of the pilgrimage of the 



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HIS DIARY 113 

holder. I bought half a dozen rosaries and Pater 
Nosters and also some engravings and silver medals and 
crucifixes to present to my American Catholic friends, 
who, having stronger faith, will no doubt appreciate 
them more highly than I can. I entered the church 
and took a good view of it. It is gorgeotisly adorned 
and brilliantly lighted. The sunlight is admitted 
through stained-glass windows so as to produce a fine 
effect, and the whole is well calculated to excite admir- 
ation and awe, even in the mind of the most intelligent 
beholder; and if he be a little tinctiu^d with supersti- 
tion (and few minds are entirely free), his admiration is 
easily transmuted into adoration and worship. 

High Mass begins at 9 a.m. and by 12 m. it is all 
over; the shops re-open and the processions begin to 
re-form ; those having far to go start early, the others 
later, imtil by stinset all is quiet again. A town pro- 
cession opens the ceremonies on the evening before 
and closes it at Vespers on the day celebrated. This 
procession carries a full-dressed image of the Virgin as 
large as life, with the Child in her arms ; two priests in 
full canonicals preceded by a bass drum and two trump- 
eters in uniform, who were playing their instruments 
alternately with the singing. The Virgin is carried on 
a platform, borne by four girls. The shops around 
the public square belong to the church and are rented 
out as stalls. 

At night a candle is placed in the hand of each, and 
the procession moves around the church, passing around 
the altar on their knees. The excitement was eqtial 
to that of a camp meeting, of which it reminded me 
much, after not having seen one at night for thirty 
years. 

Voun— 8 



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114 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Sept. 9. Charming morning. The pilgrims re- 
maining over night were in motion early in the morn- 
ing, an4 the processions left in suocession, singing their 
lauds, after which the town became very qtiiet. This 
system of pilgrimage prevails all over the coimtry for 
hundreds of miles, and processions are coming and go- 
ing, with little intermission, during the whole simmier. 
Every pilgrim, unless sick, must perform the journey on 
foot, and there are persons in my hotel in easy circtmi- 
stances who came here from Pest, eight days on foot 
coming, and eight days to return. The whole system 
is well calculated to nourish religious enthusiasm. The 
utmost latitude is allowed in singing and praying at 
the top of the voice, and perfect vent is given to excite- 
ment. I saw men and women prostrate themselves on 
the floor of the church, kiss the flag-stone, and weep 
with an ecstacy that would have rejoiced the heart of 
any presiding elder at a Western camp meeting, or the 
chief of a Shaker Conventicle. Mankind are the same 
the world over, and the Catholic Chtorch has shown 
great worldly wisdom in preserving the imity of the 
Church by opening one door to learned ambition in 
founding orders, and another door to ignorance and 
superstition in ceremonies and symbols addressed to 
the senses, and a ritual devotion giving scope to the 
fullest expression of animal excitement ; and so long as 
men are so varied in their positions in society, perhaps 
it is well. It preserves, at least, unity of the faith in 
essentials. The complaint can only be made in their 
believing too much; but better too much than too 
little. 

Took an hour's walk. Scenery charming. Wrote 
a letter to Richmond, and visited the Schatz-Kammer^ 



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HIS DIARY 115 

which is the Treastire House of the Church. There is 
nothing very striking to one who has seen the Schatz- 
KaxnmeT at Vienna; mats, costumes, and vast collec- 
tions of gold and silver ornaments, with precious stones. 
The wooden image is of course the great curiosity. It 
is of undoubted age ; it is limewood, and painted black. 
The altar around it is covered with silver, and the door 
of the little, inner chapel is also of silver, enclosed in 
stone of the remains of the old Church, which was built 
in 1257. 

Sept. ID. Another pleasant morning. Left Maria 
Zell at 7.30 A.M. and drove through one of the loveliest 
valleys I have ever seen. The scenery without being 
grand is surpassingly picturesque. Arrived at Tumetz 
at 3 o'clock, half way to St. Pohten. A pleasant little 
village with a good comfortable inn, where I shall re- 
main over night. The scenery here is still very beau- 
tiful, and continues so, I am told, all the way to St. 
Pohten. 

Sept. u. Left Tumetz at 8, and travelling through 
a lovely coimtry all the way, arrived at St. Pohten at 
12, where I have taken rooms for a day or two, to look 
at the coimtry aroimd. 

Sept. 12. Sent my servant, Johann, to Vienna for 
mail, and walked arotmd the town, which I enjoyed 
very much, and found very pleasant. The walk is laid 
out for miles along the stream which flows beautifully 
through the town. My servant returned with files of 
the London Times, New York papers, a letter from 
Richmond and one from Mr. Motley, my successor, and 
also a telegraphic despatch from Mr. Miller, the Des- 
patch Agent in London, annotmcing Charles' safe 
arrival off Cape Race. This news all being good made 



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116 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

me feel very comfortable, but kept me awake until one 
o'clock. I read mjrself finally to sleep in bed with 
James* Life of Richelieu. 

Sept. 1 3 . Rainy day. Shall keep pretty close to the 
house — treading up. To-morrow morning wiU return 
to Vienna. 

Sept 14. Day charming. Leave for Vienna at 
10.30 by express train, and expect to reach there at 12. 
Arrived in Vienna and at the Arch Duke Charles Hotel 
safe and in good health at 12.30. 



SIGHT-SEEING IN VIENNA 

Sept. 18, 1861. Visited shawl, silk, and porcelain 
manufactories and examined the process of making 
each ; the weaving of silk vestings and scarfs, etc., which 
was entirely new to me, particularly the mode of cut- 
ting, so as to present a surface like velvet ; the patterns 
and mode of manufacttuing cashmere shawls, ranging 
in price from $100 to $500. All the patterns, like the 
porcelain ware patterns, are first painted by hand; the 
painting is first traced on paper and from that copied. 
The Imperial Porcelain Manufactory procures its best 
clay from Passau, Bavaria, being a fine, white feldspar. 
The Bohemian is thought by some to be superior — 
indeed, the best porcelain clay in Europe. I bought 
a service of the latter of the best quality, and added 
two dozen plates of the best qttality of the Passau 
feldspar of the Imperial mantifacture. One dozen is 
plain with my initial letter "J** alone, the other is 
ornamented in addition to the initial with a landscape 
painting of a different kind for each plate. It is in- 
teresting because I selected the plate, or clay rather. 



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HIS DIARY 117 

and also the scenes in Austria, with which my family 
and myself are familiar. The dinner coffee-pot and 
cups are Turkish, and are only novel because of the fact 
that they are Turkish, and tte Turks introduced coffee. 
I selected out of the factory, myself, three Cash- 
mere Shawls for my wife and daughters, and bought 
them thus one-foiurth cheaper than in Vienna or 
Paris, and one-half less than in the United States. I 
afterwards concluded not to take them, as my wife 
informed me that they were well supplied, and did 
not need them. 

While Mr. Jones was residing as the American 
Minister in Vienna, Mr. Lincoln was elected and 
inaugurated President, and the Civil War had 
advanced as far as the dangers which threatened 
Washington after the defeat of the Northern 
army at the first battle of Bull Run, and the pre- 
cipitate and disastrous retreat which followed. 
Mr. Lincoln appointed Mr. Anson Burlingame as 
Mr. Jones' successor, and he came as far as Paris, 
but the Austrian Government refused to receive 
him. This created some delay, and Mr. Seward, 
who had become Secretary of State in Mr. Lincoln's 
Cabinet, wrote to Mr. Jones, under date of August 
12, 1861, "that he hoped it would suit his con- 
venience to await the arrival of the new Minister." 
Mr. Jones, owing to the critical state of affairs at 
home, acceded to this request and remained in 
charge of the Legation until October, when he 
was relieved by the distinguished historian, Mr. 
J. Lothrop Motley. 



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118 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

On the 24th of August, 1861, Mr. Seward wrote 
to Mr. Motley: "Should Mr. Jones be still re- 
maining at Vienna when this communication 
arrives, you wiU express to him the entire satis- 
faction with which his conduct of the Legation, 
since it has fallen under the review of the present 
administration, is regarded by the Government 
of the United States." And again, on the 28th 
of September, 1861, Mr. Seward wrote to Mr. 
Motley as follows: "Mr. Jones' despatch No. 25, 
dated September 2nd, has been received. His 
proceedings as related in this paper are approved, 
and I cannot deny myself the pleasure of author- 
izing you to assure him that his fidelity and loyalty 
in his mission have won for him the respect and 
confidence of the Government." On November 
5, 1861, Mr. Jones wrote to Mr. Seward: "Mr. 
Motley, my successor, arrived on the evening of 
the 3rd of October. I shall transfer to Mr. Motley, 
as soon as he is prepared to receive them, the 
archives of the Legation, and shall immediately 
after my audience take my departure for America, 
my intention now being to sail in the steamer 
*Arago' on the loth of December, from Havre." 

Having been relieved from the responsible 
duties of his official position, Mr. Jones was 
received in audience by the Emperor and presented 
his letter of recall, immediately after which he 
started on his journey to his home in Pennsylvania. 

The following notes taken from Mr. Jones' 
diary give an account of this journey: 



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HIS DIARY 119 

PROM VIENNA. HOME 

Nov. 21, 1861. Thursday. Left at four o'clock per 
express train. 64 Silver Florins to Paris. Ticket good 
for thirty days, privilege to stop. Travelled all night 
and saw nothing worth noting. 

Nov. 22. Reached Heidelberg in the evening. 
Went to Theatre, and saw the "Barber of Seville" 
played or sung, a little of both and not much to speak 
of of either. Went to bed and read myself to sleep on 
Dickens' Great Expectations and dreamed all night of 
Pip and Oriick. 

Nov. 23. Visited the Castle, Wolfsbrunn, and the 
University. Called on Mrs. Styles, who being ill sent 
me a note of apology. Saw her daughter. Miss Camp- 
bell. 

The Castle is a fine old ruin, but without many his- 
torical points worthy of being remembered. The 
English wing, built for Elizabeth, only daughter of 
James the ist, and the ancestress of the House of Han- 
over, is interesting. 

Nov. 24, Sunday. Took another look at the Uni- 
versity, the Library, St. Peter's Church, where Jerome 
of Prague preached, the old Roman Portress, the old 
Castle on the hill called "Molkencur." Heidelberg is 
Goats' Hill. Konigs Stuhl surmounts the hill. Visited 
Klinsenthen where Richmond boarded, and also the 
Haupt Strasse. The weather is charming. Leave at 
one o'clock for Strasburg and Paris, travelling all night. 

Nov. 25, Monday. Arrived at Paris at 6 a.m. and 
stopped at the Hotel Meurice ; being tired, I slept tmtil 
12 M., and did not go out for the day. 

Nov. 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, Dec. I. Spent these dajrs in 
making visits and seeing Paris. Dined with Mr. Day- 



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120 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ton on Saturday, at three o'clock. Mr. Buchanan, 
Mr. Jones, Mr. Pecare Bradford, Mr. Beck, Dr. Belt, 
and Mr. Bigelow composed the party. I also took a 
turn through the Louvre, the Gardens, the Palais 
Royal, etc., etc. 

The capture of the Southern Commissioners makes 
intense excitement, and War seems to be inevitable 
with England. 

Dec, 2, 3, 4, s, 6. Visited Jardin des Plantes, Lux- 
emburg. Dined with Mr. Bradford; visited Mr. Stew- 
art (son of the Commodore). Visited Mr. Albert of 
Baltimore, Mr. Amgel, etc., etc, 

Dec, 7. Visited Versailles and was much pleased. 

Dec, 8. Went to London via Amiens and Boulogne 
and arrived at Fenton's Hotel at 10 o'clock p.m. 

Dec, 9. Got letters from Charles, Richmond, and 
Flinn. Visited Mr. Adams, American Minister, Mr. 
Yancey and Mr. Mann, Baring Brothers & Co., Zoo- 
logical Gardens, and Madam Tussaud's Wax Works, 
and the Haymarket Theatre; the play was "Our 
American Cousin." Saw Regent's Park, Hyde Park, 
Green Park, St. James' Park, Buckingham Palace, 
Apsley House and Monimient, Pall Mall, St. James' 
Palace, Newgate, the Old Bailey Prison, St. Paul's 
Cathedral, London Bridge, St. Sepulchre Church, Bank 
of England, Lord Mayor's Mansion, Post Office, Coli- 
seum, and White Hall (Treasury). 

Dec, 10. Visited Westminster Abbey, Poets' Cor- 
ner, House of Lords and House of Commons, Bow 
Church and Bells, Guild Hall, Gog and Magog, Lin- 
coln's Inn Fields, East India House, Docks of London, 
and St. Catharine, Thames Ttmnel, Charing Cross, 
Nelson's Monument, William the Fourth, Peals's Duke 



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HIS DIARY 121 

of York, London Bridge, Westminster Bridge, Drury 
Lane Theatre, Crjrstal Palace, the Tower, British 
Museum, and Royal Exchange. 

Dec, II. Left London at 8 o'clock for Southampton 
and Cowes ; waited at Cowes until next morning for the 
steamer "Arago." 

Dec. 12. Went on board the " Arago" at 4 a.m.; 
found General Scott on board. 

Dec. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, Tuesday. Nothing occurred 
worth noting ; weather fine for the season. 

Dec. 18. Weather charming — ^like May. Middle of 
the Atlantic to-day. 

Dec. 19. Average run up to this time 9J knots per 
hour, and no passage thus far could be pleasanter. 
Not an event has happened since we started worthy of 
note, and we have seen but one vessel. 

Dec. 20, 21, Friday and Saturday. Weather con- 
tinues fine. To-day we expect to make Cape Race, 
wind and weather permitting, at three o'clock. Saw 
one of the Capes of New Foimdland at five o'clock p.m. 
Saw the Lighthouse of Cape Race. A boat came oflE, 
received our despatches, and gave us a New York 
Herald of the 14th of December. Disappointed in 
finding nothing new or decisive either with England 
or on the Potomac. 

Dec. 22, Sunday. Stormy. Snow and ice and windy 
and^cold. 

Dec, 23. OflE Sable Island. Wind and weather fair. 
Sea smooth. 

Dec. 24. Very windy and rough, ending in a perfect 
gale, which blew all night. 

Dec. 25. Gale continues. Weather and sea rough. 
Cold and very disagreeable. Christmas Day. Captain 



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122 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

gave his usual dinner. He was toasted. I was called 
out and after a few remarks of a very general character 
I complimented and toasted General Scott, who replied. 
I also closed with a toast to Captain Lines. 

Dec. 26, Thursday. Weather charming. Sea calm. 
Took Pilot on bosu-d at 11 o'clock a.m. Saw Long 
Island. News up to 23d considered rather favorable. 
We expect to reach New York this evening and close 
the voyage. 

Reached the dock at 6 o'clock p.m. and the New 
York Hotel at 7. Met Richmond. 

Dec. 27. Visited Miss Lane at Judge Roosevelt's. 
Saw Dr. Gwinn's family and had several calls. 

Dec. 28. Rested. 

Dec. 29, Sunday. Rested. 

Dec. 30, Monday. Left at 5.30 a.m. for Reading via 
E. P. R. R. and reached Reading at 11 a.m. 



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CHAPTER XXVII. 

Mr. Jones' reception by the citizens of Reading — Speech of the 
mayor — Mr. Jones' reply — ^Mr. Jones returns to the practice of 
his profession — ^March of the farmers of Heidelberg Township to 
Reading — ^The "Knights of the Golden Circle" — ^A mob at the 
Reading Railroad shops — ^The leader shot dead — ^Mr. Jones acts 
as attorney for the defendant — His acqtiittal — ^Mr. Jones' speech 
upon the preservation of the Union. 



T 



HE following report of the reception given 
to Mr. Jones in Reading upon his arrival 
there is taken from a local newspaper: 



RETURN OF THE HON. J. GLANCY JONES 

A CORDIAL RECEPTION BY THE CITIZENS 

The Hon. J. Glancy Jones rettimed home on Monday 
last, after an absence of three years in the diplomatic 
service of his coxmtry at the Court of Atistria. He was 
met at Allentown by a Committee of twelve citizens 
appointed at a meeting held at Hawman's U. S. Hotel 
on Saturday evening, consisting of Messrs. Michael K. 
Boyer, Charles Kessler, PhiKp K. Miller, Edward M. 
Clymer, James B. Bechtel, Heister Clymer, Wharton 
Morris, C. B. McKnight, David A. Stout, David E. Stout, 
David Fister, and Amos B. Wanner, who accompanied 
him to Reading, where, on the arrival of the train, he was 
received by the Mayor of the dty, a Reception Com- 
mittee of fifteen, to wit : James McCarty, Jacob K. Mc- 
Kenty, Jacob Knabb, WiUiam M. Baird, Tobias Barto, 
George K. Levan, David McKnight, Frederick Lauer, 

123 



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124 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Charles H. Htinter, S. E. Ancona, John S. Richards, 
Henry Nagle, H. D. Torrey, G. A. NicoUs, and Jere- 
miah Hagenman; and a large concourse of citizens, 
who welcomed him with loud and hearty cheers. Mr. 
Jones then entered a carriage, that was in waiting for 
him with the Mayor and several members of the Com- 
mittee, and, preceded by the Ringgold Band and a 
procession of citizens tmder the Marshalship of Gen. 
Tobias Barto, was escorted to the Kej^tone Hall, 
where the ceremony of formal reception was to take 
place. The Hall was crowded; and as Mr. Jones and 
his escort entered, the Band played the " Star Spangled 
Banner, '* after which Mayor Wanner made an address 
of welcome, in the following words: 

MAYOR WANNER'S ADDRESS 

Mr. Jones. — Honored Sir: I have been designated 
by the citizens of Reading, without distinction of 
party, to extend to you a friendly welcome back to 
your native cotmtry, your native cotmty, your home 
and to the cordial intercourse with your friends and 
fellow citizens, of which you have been necessarily 
deprived for some time, owing to the duties enjoined 
upon you by the Government, which were to repre- 
sent our nation in a foreign cotmtry, as minister of 
the United States. 

Your position as a public man does not date from 
your appointment to a Foreign Cotirt. You have been 
for many years an able and efficient member of Con- 
gress from your native cotmty. You have discharged 
your duties as such, in an able, an honest and states- 
man-like manner, and meeting the full approbation of 



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HIS RETURN to READING 125 

your constituents. Otu* Government, being fully con- 
scious of the services you rendered while serving in 
the capacity of a member of Congress, deemed it 
proper to confer upon you one of the highest honors 
in the gift of the Chief Magistrate of the nation. The 
endorsement of all your public acts as Minister to a 
Foreign Court by the retired Administration, and the 
retention of your position tmder the present, shows 
that your course as Minister has been and is fully ap- 
proved of, and as regards the opinion of your fellow 
citizens with us, I have no language to express a higher 
conmientary than to point you to the vast multitude 
assembled here to receive you to your home. 

Since you left us for a foreign land great events 
have transpired. You left your cotmtry in a compara- 
tive statq of prosperity, and at such a time when the 
cords of tuiison swelled the bosom of every freeman, 
both North and South. You return to a cotmtry con- 
vulsed from the centre to the circumference with civil 
war, — 2i rebellion, the magnitude of which is tmprece- 
dented in the annals of history. So far as regards 
us, we are of one opinion, and that is "The Union 
must and shall be preserved." To illustrate this 
more forcibly to you, let me tell you that more than 
2000 of our fellow citizens are now in arms and in the 
service of the United States from your native cotmty 
of old Berks, and nearly all sons of Old Berks. 

I do not wish to prolong my remarks, and there- 
fore in conclusion permit me to say, in behalf of the 
citizens of Reading, that we are all glad to see you 
back again in our midst. Although it may seem 
strange to you residing in a country, and city partic- 
ularly, which has been said to form the link between 



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126 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

Eastern magnificent extravagance and the highest 
modem civilization of Ettrope. You will no longer 
have the Prater strasse, the Glacis and Imperial 
Gardens to walk upon, but you may have our broad 
Penn Street, the sunny side in winter and the shady 
side in summer, to walk upon, and instead of the 
Vienna Forests, you may view our beautiful moun- 
tains arotind the city, snow-capt dxiring the winter 
and covered with a dense and verdant foliage during 
the stimmer. And as regards to now and then seeing a 
sovereign of the one man power on the Prater, you may 
.see sovereigns by the thousands at home every day. 

Let me then, in behalf of the citizens of Reading, 
irrespective of party, extend to you the hand of friend- 
ship, (here the Mayor took the hand of Mr. Jones) 
asldng the benign blessings of an over-ruling Provi- 
dent upon you, and hoping that your future useful- 
ness to your cotintry may fully justify our present 
appreciation of the services you have already rendered 
your country. 

The Mayor was frequently applauded during the 
delivery of this brief, but eloquent address. 

Mr. Jones, on rising to reply, was greeted with 
cheers. When^^quiet was restored, he spoke as follows : 

MR, JONES' REPLY Z 

Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen: I tender you my 
sincere acknowledgments for the honor you have done 
me in the name of the citizens of Reading, in giving me 
a cordial reception, without distinction of party, on 
my return to my native home and the home of my 
ancestors for four generations. An absence of three 



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HIS RETURN to READING 127 

years, instead of weakening my attachment and in- 
terest in its welfare, has only strengthened the cords 
of affection which bind me to it now and forever, and 
if it were possible to add to those bonds of affection, 
they are made still stronger by the calamities which 
have befallen our common country. Bom and reared 
in Pennsylvania, and called by your voice and the 
voice of my country from time to time to spend a 
large portion of my life in the public service at home 
and abroad, I have always regarded my interests, as 
identified with the interests, hopes and prosperity of 
Pennsylvania. To her I owe allegiance and my ser- 
vices; her lot is my lot; and on her soil and in her 
service I am willing to live and to die. But the alle- 
giance which I owe to the State of Pennsylvania, 
never comes in conflict with the allegiance which I 
owe to the Union, the Constitution, and our national 
flag. 

Each allegiance is distinct and complete within its 
sphere; they are incapable of coming in collision; 
they are parts of a common whole and perfectly in- 
divisible and symmetrical. The mode and manner 
of your reception admonishes me, that you do not 
expect a speech on questions of a political character; 
indeed political speeches, in my opinion, are always 
out of place in .diplon[iats at home or abroad. On 
leaving the shores of my native land, I took leave of 
all political questions of a domestic character, and 
devoted niyself to the common service of my whole 
cotmtry; faiowing no one, except by his claims to the 
rights and immunities of an American citizen. How 
far I tDBY have been able to serve my country in for- 
eign lands, it is not for me to say ; I can only say, that 



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128 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

to the best of my ability I have tried to preserve its 
integrity, its nationality, and its character, in the 
high position it has ever heretofore occupied in the 
family of nations. It is perfectly consistent, however, 
that I should say, in adhering to this rule of action, 
that during my entire absence, and after matttre re- 
flection, I have had no occasion to change a single 
opinion which I have hitherto entertained and pub- 
licly expressed on the domestic policy of the country. 
I left the country a national conservative Democrat, 
and as a national conservative Democrat I return; 
tmchaiiged in anything except to be more thoroughly 
confirmed in my former convictions. 

But, gentlemen, there are questions of the first 
magnitude, which are neither foreign or domestic. 
The preservation of our Union is not a question to be 
so limited. It is one of political existence, — ^without 
it, we cease to live in the family of nations ; it is the 
comer-stone of the whole fabric, wanting which, the 
superstructtu^ will disappear like the baseless fabric 
of a vision; while, resting firmly on this basis, it rises 
in S3rmmetrical proportions to a height of moral gran- 
deur, which not only secures to us at home all the 
blessings of security and freedom, but challenges the 
respect and commendation of admiring ndllions in the 
remotest comers of the civilized world. 

Dissolution, separation or secession are all synony- 
mous with disintegration, which, when once fairly 
begun, leads inevitably by the gravitating force of its 
own power to extinction, to political annihilation. 
"To be or not to be, that is the question, " and on this 
point, gentlemen, that is the only question. When 
once the process of dissolution shall have done its 



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RECEPTION by the CITIZENS 129 

work, we will have no future — our country will only 
be known by what it was ; and, as the hand of Omnip- 
otence alone is equal to the creation, out of chaos, 
of worlds, material or social, we can only turn our eyes, 
in this forlorn hope, when all himian efforts have failed, 
to that beneficent power, with the earnest prayer, that 
He may restore to order and uniformity the crumbled 
atoms of this once splendid structure. Unity is not 
exclusively an American idea, as some seem to think; 
it is the living S3mibol of progressive civilization in the 
family of man, and marks the footsteps of every stage 
of advancement. It has in process of time obliterated 
the patriarchal and tribal distinctions of early history, 
and moulded them into consolidated empires, whose 
colossal greatness has overshadowed the earth. A 
single sceptre now sways the destinies, respectively, 
of England and France, where but a few hundred 
years ago, forty devoured the people with their inter- 
necine feuds. It is the ligament which holds together 
the incongruous elements of so many distinct na- 
tionalities composing the Austrian Empire. It is now 
the inspiring hope, the only hope, of Italy, the cradle 
of civilization, after ten centuries of internecine strife. 

Government is an evil in itself, tmder any form. If 
men would be perfectly just to each other, no govern- 
ment would be tolerated — ^none would be needed. It 
is because mankind have not reached that high state 
of progress, that Government becomes a necessary 
evil, in order to save us from anarchy, that greatest 
of all social evils; where the floodgates are thrown 
open, all the baser passions of our nature let loose, 
that man may prey upon his species. 

Union was bom with our independence and will 

Vol. II-« 



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130 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

only die with our independence. It is the pervading 
idea of our system; it is the life-blood of our status 
in the family of nations. In imion, we are all powerful 
at home and abroad ; without it, we become the mock- 
ery and scorn of the earth. We libel the human race, 
and teach the world that mankind is a failure, that 
development, progress, and capacity for self govern- 
ment, are but fitful dreams and idle fancies. These 
have always been my opinions, confirmed by expe- 
rience and observation ; unchanged by time ; they lie 
at the basis of all the political opinions I have ; when 
I surrender this I will surrender all. If this Union 
should be dissolved, I see no hope for the future, 
neither for the North, the South, the East, or the 
West. In the name of American freedom and Amer- 
ican institutions ; in the name of humanity and civili- 
zation, the Union must be preserved, at all hazards 
and to the last extremity. 

Fellow citizens, after a somewhat lengthy term of 
public service, I rettim to private Kfe among you with 
emotions of pleasure. I shall ever entertain a lively 
recollection of the kindness you have shown me to- 
day. I beg once more to thank you for your cordial 
reception. 

At the conclusion of this address, which was very 
eloquently delivered, and warmly applauded, the 
crowd dispersed, and Mr. Jones was escorted by the 
Band and the Committee before named, to his resi- 
dence in North Fifth Street. We understand that he 
goes to Washington on Monday, to close the business 
of his mission with the State Department. Mr. Jones' 
health has been much improved by his three years' 
residence abroad. 



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EXCITEMENT in READING 131 

After his retirement from public life Mr. Jones 
returned to the practice of his profession, but did 
not lose his interest in public affairs. On the 
contrary, he kept up a lively interest in them. 
He was personally acquainted with nearly all the 
leading men of the country, and those who did 
not know him personally knew him by reputa- 
tion. He carried on an extensiye correspondence 
with those men upon the leading issues of the day. 

Shortly after his rettim to Reading, a citizen 
of Heidelberg Township was arrested by a deputy 
United States marshal, because it was alleged he 
belonged to an altogether harmless if not mythical 
association known as the " Knights of the Golden 
Circle," whose sentiments were supposed to be 
tmfriendly to the administration. The news of 
this arrest spread rapidly throughout the town- 
ship, and the indignant farmers assembled, armed 
themselves with fowling-pieces, pitch forks, and 
clubs, and marched to Reading for the purpose 
of ascertaining the meaning of this extraordinary 
proceeding. Mr. Jones addressed them from the 
Court House steps, promised to look after the 
prisoner, and persuaded them to return peaceably 
to their homes. He afterwards defended the 
prisoner at the hearing in Philadelphia, and 
secured his release. 

Upon another occasion a mechanic in one of 
the machine shops of the Reading Railroad had 
made some foolish remark about Jefferson Davis 
which his fellow workmen considered disloyal. 



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132 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

An infuriated mob approached him next day, 
armed with bars of iron they had picked up in the 
shop, and supposing from their threatening atti- 
tude that his life was in danger, he shot the leader 
dead. The killing of the leader of this mob was 
followed by feverish excitement throughout the 
town. After the man who fired the shot had been 
arrested, he appealed to Mr. Jones to defend him, 
and Mr. Jones consented to do so. The man was 
afterwards tried and acquitted; but the event 
had created so much feeling, and the minds of 
the people were in such an excitable condition, 
that it was deemed prudent for him to leave the 
town. 

The excitement which followed the early events 
of the Civil War and the intense feeling it pro- 
duced made it an easy matter in those days to 
improvise a mob. There was little or no rational 
sanction for what some of the people said or did. 
A man's loyalty was liable to be called into ques- 
tion upon the most insufficient pretext. The 
patriotism of the people asstmied a most dogmatic 
and intolerant attitude toward every one who was 
not willing to follow them into extremes. If this 
intense public feeling was not always active, it 
was smouldering, and was liable to break out 
into violence at any time upon the slightest prov- 
ocation. All Democrats were objects of more 
or less distrust by their political adversaries, not 
because of anything they did after Mr. Lincoln's 
election, but because they had opposed his elec- 



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ATTITUDE of the DEMOCRATS 133 

tion, because they did not share with the Republi- 
cans their hatred of the people of the South, and 
because in the late Presidential election they had 
manfully stood up for the constitutional rights 
of the Southern States. There undoubtedly was 
among Democrats a f eeUng that the war had been 
unnecessarily brought on by the unlawful and 
unjust intermeddling of the Republican party 
with the domestic institutions of the South, and 
this feeling was not suppressed by the unwise 
action of the Southern States in withdrawing from 
the Union. In a measure the Democrats held 
the Republican party responsible for the war. 
Though they did not support or excuse the South 
in its armed hostility to the Union, they did not 
exonerate the Republican party from blame. 
They did not fraternize with them — ^far from it. 
They freely criticised and often antagonized their 
measures. They had no part in the noisy ex- 
tremes into which their factitious loyalty led 
them. There was no such division of senti- 
ment as this in the South. There was no 
occasion for it. There was but one common 
resentment there against the unlawful en- 
croachment of the North upon their rights, 
while in the North there was an honest dif- 
ference of opinion as to its justification. 

Moreover, many of the most learned Democrats 
of the North, among them judges upon its highest 
judicial tribunals, believed in the right of seces- 
sion. They honestly believed that when one 



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134 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

party to the compact had broken it, the other 
party had the right to treat it as destroyed. 
It had been tatlght by Rawle (who was not a 
Democrat), one of the earKest and ablest com- 
mentators upon the Constitution, and his treatise 
had been for many years the text-book at the 
MiKtary Academy at West Point. For this atti- 
tude Democrats were called "copper-heads," 
and "disloyal," by their bumptious, hot-headed 
poHtical adversaries. 

In some instances the administration went so 
far as to imprison leading Democrats for what 
it called their disloyal sentiments, but these ex- 
treme measures invariably failed to have the 
desired effect, for, being endowed with the resilient 
qualities of true freemen, a great party could not 
be held down by the heel of oppression. But 
notwithstanding this, the Democrats of the North, 
with few exceptions, loyally stood by their States 
and supported the war for the preservation of 
the Union. The ranks of the Northern army were 
filled with Democrats, and distinguished Demo- 
cratic generals were in the highest command. 

Mr. Jones was frequently called from his retire- 
ment to address his fellow citizens upon questions 
of public interest as they arose, and we have 
selected three of his public utterances for preser- 
vation h^re, upon the very important questions 
of the preservation of the Union, negro suffrage, 
and honest government. 

In July, 1862, a town meeting was called at the 



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HIS SPEECH for the UNION 135 

Court House in Reading to ratify the action of 
the County Commissioners in appropriating 
$30,000 for bounties to be paid for enlistment 
in the army. Mr. Jones, having been invited to 
address the meeting, spoke in substance as follows : 

This is a business meeting, and not a time for speech- 
making. The coimtry is in a crisis, a fearful crisis ; and 
every man who loves his cotmtry feels it. Otir na- 
tionality is at stake. The question is not whether 
there shall be a Southern Confederacy or not; but 
whether we shall have any cotmtry at all. A Southern 
Confederacy in the event of dissolution may be pos- 
sible, for a time, but a Northern Confederacy is an 
impossibility; anarchy or despotism; one or both, 
must be our fate, when we abandon our nationality. 
On these points I believe we are all of one mind and 
one heart, and no persuasion is necessary to men who 
are of one mind. Nationality is a sentiment nurtured 
and cherished in every civilized society. We have been 
trained to it from childhood — ^in our primary school 
books, on our banners, in our Fourth of July orations, 
in our colleges, in our churches, in our various insti- 
tutions, in our social circles, and in our assemblages 
and public meetings, we have assiduously impressed 
the heart of the rising generation with the love of 
country. The deeds, the privations, and sufferings 
undergone by our forefathers in purchasing the great 
boon of our liberty and independence have ever been 
cherished in our hearts and sustained with unflinching 
fidelity in our actions. The man who has no love of 
country, has no heart and should die childless. It is 
because of our common danger tHat we are so united 



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136 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

in sentiment. From the day that the sword was tm- 
sheathed and the flag of our common cotmtry was 
assailed at Fort Stmiter, every man who had a spark 
of patriotism in his heart wheeled into line. Men 
differed before, men differ now, men will always differ 
in their opinions on questions of expediency and of 
principle ; but on the great question of patriotism the 
love of country and the willingness to preserve it at 
any cost, honest men do not differ, none except the 
vilest of traitors falter here, and they are always 
despised anywhere. In the present stage of civiliza- 
tion no nation can exist which has lost its physical 
and moral prestige; to abandon one's country, or to 
admit of its dismemberment, which is the same thing, 
brands that country with cowardice, and no country 
can live in the family of nations tmder such a load of 
infamy. 

The dismemberment of our country is death to us. 
Unless we first convince the worid that we have ex- 
hausted all our resources of men and money, all our 
materials of war — have vindicated our honor with our 
blood, and yield only to stem fate and physical forces 
that which we never would yield to argument or per- 
suasion, we will stand before the civilized worid 
branded as cowards and traitors. Certainly we have 
not reached that point yet, oiu* resources are not ex- 
hausted. If we had begun with the army we have 
ended with, we would have ended the war where we 
began. War is no sport, it cannot be carried on with 
a gloved hand. Ci\^ war is deplored by all the hu- 
mane, but its miseries are increased a htmdred fold by 
being protracted. A prolonged civil war must always 
end in mutual exhaustion if not in mutual destruction. 



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HIS SPEECH for the UNION 137 

We have then but these alternatives — either to restore 
the Union and maintain the Constitution throughout 
every inch of our Territory in all its integrity— or, to 
convince the worid that we have saved our honor, by 
having offered upon the altar of our country our lives 
and our property until we are perfectly exhausted — 
or, to skulk from the field with craven spirits and 
coward hearts, a perjured race, moniiments of shame, 
the degenerate sons of noble sires, who to save their 
carcasses and hoarded gains have abandoned liberty, 
civilization, honor, and patriotism. For my part I 
will make any sacrifice in my power to restore our 
Union, our Constitution and the laws. I will never 
assent to the dismemberment of this country. I will 
never forgive the man, or set of men, who advocate it, 
or agree to it, tintil, at least, the world is assured that 
no htmian power can save us; then on that dread 
event I will cease to think of a country left for me, 
I shall consider myself without a country. There is 
no possibility of the North, or a portion of this cotmtry, 
holding together separately from the rest. Once dis- 
solved, we go to fragments. Military despotism may 
for a while lead us, but only lead us to destruction. 
Liberty, a progressive civilization, and the capacity 
of man for self government, will become exploded, 
obsolete ideas. 

Whatever may have been the opinion of any one 
heretofore, he must now be convinced that we are now 
on the defensive — fighting for our cotintry. The 
South regard us as invaders of their soil. The seat of 
war with all its horrible devastations is on Southern 
soil. If they get power they will in turn retaliate and 
invade us; we cannot expect anything else. Our line 



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138 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

of defence, then, is where our brethren are in arms. 
We have chosen our ground, whether properly or not, 
it matters not now. K we do not defend ourselves where 
we are, we may not be able to defend otarselves at our 
own jBresides. The Grovermnent has called for troops ; 
the army is too weak. We have all committed our- 
selves to this war for the preservation of the Consti- 
tution and the Union. No matter what may have 
been our difference of opinion, as to the origin, or 
conduct of the war, we are here to-night a tinited 
band for our cotmtry — our whole cotmtry — ^and noth- 
ing but our cotmtry. Six hundred men are wanted 
from Berks. We must furnish them. If more are 
wanted and cease to volimteer, we must draft, and if 
that falls short we must call out the whole militia. 
We must save our cotmtry, if we have power ; if power 
fails us, we must at least save our honor, and show 
the world that we deserved success. 



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CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Mr. Jones* views upon negro suffrage — ^A plea for political honesty 
— ^The Presidential campaign of X872 — ^Letters from Horace 
Greeley — Letter from the Hon. John Cadwalader — ^Death of Mr. 
Jones — Resolutions upon his death adopted by the Bar of Berks 
County. 

THE following clear, able, dispassionate, and 
statesmanlike address upon the danger 
and against the wisdom of negro suffrage, 
and its appeal to the white man to avert the danger 
by uniting against the evil as the South has done 
where the danger is a vital one, will be read with 
interest now after an experience of nearly forty 
years has demonstrated to the satisfaction of 
most thoughtful men not only that the granting 
of the suffrage to an inferior race was a mistake 
but that it has utterly failed to accomplish the 
purpose for which it was intended. 

To J. L. Smith, Esq., 

Chairman of the Kent County 

Democratic Central Committee: 

Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., in which, on be- 
half of the Committee of which you are the organ, I 
am "earnestly solicited to be present and address a 
Democratic meeting to be held in Dover, on Tuesday, 
the loth inst., &c." 

139 



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140 Tfu LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

I have delayed my answer to this invitation until 
to-day, with the view mainly of ascertaining whether 
a compliance with the invitation would fall within 
the exception of a general ruk which I have pre- 
scribed for myself, and adhered to, for the last 
four or five years, a rule to refrain from addressing 
political assemblies until after the candidates are 
nominated and a regular platform of principles an- 
nounced by the Democratic party, the exception to 
this rule being an extraordinary occasion, without a 
supply of public speakers. 

Having now leamed, to my entire satisfaction, that 
the meeting to which I am invited wiH be well fur- 
nished with talent and ability, combined with learning 
and experience of the highest order, in men of well 
tried faith in this line, I feel at liberty to decline your 
invitation — a declinature always agreeable to my per- 
sonal feelings when I can exercise it without shirking 
duty. However, as several gentlemen have personally 
expressed a wish to know my views on the issues of the 
present political crisis, I have concluded to express them 
as briefly as I can in this letter, which your committee 
can dispose of as they may deem proper and expedient. 

I should prefer to be silent altogether were I to con- 
sult my own feelings, but my imshaken faith in the 
principles and organization of the Democratic party, 
and my unceasing desire for its success, identified as 
such success is, in my opinion, with the permanent 
prosperity and welfare of our common country, leaves 
me no choice ; and I have no concealments when dis- 
closure may be useful to any portion of my fellow- 
citizens who may do me the credit to believe that my 
opinions, whether sound or not, are at least the result 



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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 141 

of observation, reflection, study and experience. I 
have at least tried to be right, taking the logical se- 
quences of right, regardless of consequences. Claim- 
ing no exemption from the conmion infirmities of 
human nature, the sentiments I entertain I alone am 
responsible for, as I represent at present no constit- 
uency, either legal or conventional. 

I am inflexibly opposed to any change in the name 
or organization of the Democratic party. I am eqtially 
hostile to any modification of its fundamental prin- 
ciples. Claiming, as they do, to rest upon no higher 
inspiration than that of human wisdom, controlled 
and regulated by a pure patriotism under the guiding 
influences of the Supreme Ruler of nations, these 
principles were established in the eariy days of the 
Republic, and have proved themselves to be com- 
prehensive enough to cover aU issues that have arisen 
or may arise in the fullest administration of our form 
of government, in both its foreign and domestic policy. 
So true is this that even hostile organizations, thrust 
into temporary power by the ambition or folly of the 
leaders of Democracy, have succeeded in adminis- 
tration only in the ratio of their adherence to these 
organic principles of the Democratic party. 

It is perfectly consistent with these premises, how- 
ever, that the Democratic party should meet elimi- 
nated issues as they arise from time to time — ^vital 
pending issues-7-not ignoring but simply withholding 
such as are not directly involved in the campaign. 
The lawyer is most successful with courts and juries 
who, in the trial of his cause, limits himself in the case 
in hand to the strong points involved, discarding all 
irrelevant issues for the time being. Irrelevancy is 



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142 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

one thing, ignoring is another. In the year 1870 the 
elections must turn on State issues — on national ones 
only so far as they may be indirectly involved. The 
election in Delaware, which State has thus far pre- 
served her integrity to principle and to the Union, will 
ttim next fall upon a single issue ; all others, if lugged 
in, will be simply irrelevant, and that issue, in seamen's 
phrase, **will strain her best timbers." 

This issue is not the question of "negro emancipa- 
tion" nor "negro suflfrage." Both of these are dis- 
posed of by authority recognized as competent — 
de facto if not de jure — by all good citizens. It has 
long been settled that it is infinitely better in a free 
coimtry to submit to and obey a law of even doubtful 
binding authority tmtil modified or changed by com- 
petent constitutional power, than for each citizen to 
be his own judge, bringing law, order and constituted 
authority into contempt, and thus breaking down the 
only bulwarks of safety to life and property. The 
logical sequences of such conduct are anarchy and 
despotism. The Democratic party obeys the laws of 
the land proclaimed by official authority, and will 
obey and submit to them as long as they stand upon 
the statute book; so that party, which is essentially 
progressive in its very nature, will, when in power, 
modify and improve constitutions and laws to meet 
the advanced ideas of rational progress; it repudiates 
all ideas of political infallibility, but such modifica- 
tions will only be made by unquestioned constitutional 
authority in obedience to the voice of the deliberate 
judgment of a free people. 

The single issue involved in the political campaign 
in the coming election in the State of Delaware, there- 



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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 143 

fore, will be negro political supremacy — ^not negro 
eqttality. If successftd in Delaware and other States 
in the elections of 1870 and 1871, it will then be tried 
on a national theatre in 1872. 

Wendell Phillips, whose hat covers the brains and 
inspiration of the Republican party, in his parting 
address to the negroes on the dissolution of the Anti- 
Slavery Society, gives utterance to the following 
potentially significant words. I give the substance. 
Addressing himself to the negroes, and he called them 
negroes, he said: "We have now done for you all that 
we can do, the rest is for yourselves ; you are emanci- 
pated, enfranchised citizens of the United States, 
clothed with the fullest political powers; if you suc- 
ceed or fail it will be your own success or failure, and 
I have but one word of parting advice to give you — 
always act, and vote, not as Republicans, nor as Demo- 
crats, hut as negroes,'* 

These words paraphrased, mean: "You are in a 
minority; you have no social traditions; you are 
distinctly marked by color and race ; your only safety 
therefore consists in sticking to your race and color 
as a distinctive organization, acting for that race alone ; 
let no consideration of American interests, or tradi- 
tions, or progress, for a moment influence or direct 
you when they do not promote the sole interests of 
your social power as a distinct race and color." 

Can it be possible that Mr. Phillips had a lurking 
suspicion that after all that had been said and done, 
the work would prove a social failure when the grown 
child was left to stand upon its own legs? Would it 
be irreverent to suspect that even in this philanthropic 
bosom, ambition's stealthy tread intruded with the 



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144 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

suggestion that all would be lost unless the distinctive 
line was stereot)rped, and a balance of power per- 
petually fixed, with a cordon of fire aroimd it, — an 
imperium in imperio. Socially incompetent to guide 
itself, who but he, who had stood godfather, wet- 
nurse and guardian to this socialistic figment of his 
prolific brain, would become its fixed, absolute dic- 
tator. A balance of political power — enfranchised and 
organized tmder a distinctive mark of the hand of 
Deity — ^not of human device, therefore perpetual, 
homogeneous, immortal — first to make itself felt in 
the States, then in the Union; or, addressing myself 
to Delawareans, first to elect a Governor, a Congress- 
man, a Legislature for our little State. She is deemed 
more manageable becatise small; and also because a 
Southern and a Border State; a State true to the 
Union, but still hitherto rather repugnant to negro 
political equality, and very hostile to negro political 
supremacy. This negro vote is to be cast solid as an 
organized negro vote, and then, if successful, it liiay 
demand of your legislators such legislation for them- 
selves as a distinct class, as they may want — ^not as 
American citizens or citizens of Delaware — ^but as 
negroes; if reftised, then this vote is to be transferred 
bodily to another party who will obey. If successful 
in Delaware the whole south will fall into line, and in 
1872 a President must owe his election to a negro 
balance of power party, if it has the power, which will, 
in such an event, dictate the national legislation in its 
own exclusive interests, reviving the agrarian code, 
and teaching the world new humanitarian ideas on 
the re-distribution of property. Remember, it was 
Wendell Phillips who, on a former occasion, told this 



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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 145 

race that they had been piUaged of their lawful rights 
of property in the produce of their own labor by the 
white race who had enslaved them; that a day of 
reckoning would come when this balance of accotmt 
would have to be settled, and when in power, this race 
might effectually demand that ample remtmeration 
could only be made by compensation in property in 
a sum eqtial to the aggregate value of the fruits of their 
own lost labor. The curtain is now drawn over this 
part of the programme for the present; disclosure 
might be damaging. Connect these words with those 
other parting words of the same man to the same race ; 
a man who never wastes words, and show me if these 
parting oracular words of advice — "continue to act 
and vote as negroes and not as partisans tmder any 
other name, even that of American citizens" — ^admit 
of any solution than that of a final settlement of this 
unadjusted account between them and that other 
race which is so largely its debtor, through the means 
of a President elected by this same balance of power 
party. And who should be the Peter the Hermit of 
this crusade to effectuate such a code of political 
philanthropy? Let Mr. Phillips answer. I could only 
conjecttire. Can mortals so pure and philanthropic 
be ambitious? It is said that angels were. 

It is not for me to advise the Democracy of Delaware. 
I can only suggest in response to many inquiries, let 
the party nominate a regular Democratic ticket in the 
ustial established mode. No man should be nominated 
who is not known to be a sound Democrat — whose 
integrity and fitness are publicly known and admitted 
outside of the party, and further, whose position in 
the State, independently of his known political affini- 

VOL. II— 10 



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146 ' The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ties, may make him the least objectionable to others 
outside of the party, who, while they are not disposed 
to separate themselves from the National Republican 
party on its Chicago platform, are ready to vote for 
Democrats not personally objectionable to them on 
the single issue of no balance of power exclusively negro 
in Delaware, and thus by their vote rebtike fanatical 
leaders who would subvert the present organization of 
the Republican party and subject it to the absolute 
control and dictation of a negro balance of power 
party. There are men in the Republican ranks pre- 
pared to do this, and still live and die Republicans. 
They are not partisans and hence ready to rebtike the 
leaders of their own party when they so far forget them- 
selves as to forget their own race and color in their 
zeal to serve another, or perhaps to serve themselves. 

If the Democratic party takes this ground and fails 
to elect, they fall with honor and without reproach. 
We have learned by experience that defeat is far from 
being the worst evil that might befall us. Our organi- 
zation and principles, in defeat or success, are all 
preserved intact. 

We have simply put in issue a single principle, 
ignoring none hitherto held by us; only withheld 
now on the ground of irrelevancy. On such a plat- 
form we can invite all to join us who agree with us 
on this one principle, they, like ourselves, to be entitled 
to the honors of success, if successful, and they, like 
ourselves, if they wish it, recognised still as members 
of a distinct political organization. 

This mode of campaigning is not novel. Our fathers 
of the colonies did it before and during the revolution; 
they fought in common against the Indians, the 



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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 147 

French and the British, and still preserved intact 
their respective distinct colonial political existence. 
So in the religious world, men of distinct creeds meet 
on a common platform of a Bible, a tract, or a tem- 
perance society, yet never dream of merging their 
distinctive denominational organization. In all ages 
weaker nations have combined as allies for common 
defense or common aggrandizement against a power- 
ful foe. We did it with France in the Revolution, for 
liberty; Russia, Prussia, and Austria combined against 
Poland for aggrandizement, and divided the spoils. 
It never occurred to either that such combinations for 
good or for evil necessarily involved a merger of dis- 
tinct nationality. So also has the principle of com- 
bination of otherwise heterogeneous material been 
ntiade on a single homogeneous issue, and sanctioned 
by very high authority in Christian ethics. When 
Paul was surrounded by the enraged Pharisees and 
Sadducees, who >had combined to take his life for his 
renegadeism from their favorite faith, he saved his 
life, his faith and his honor by sinking for the time being 
all distinctive issues, and raised the one of the resur- 
rection of the dead, which, as a Christian, he held in 
common with the Pharisees, who were in the majority. 
Paul saved his life, he remained a Christian and his 
improvised friends remained Pharisees. Let the meta- 
phj^icians and doctors on ethics settle the question as 
they please, it is recorded on very high authority that 
David, the man after God's own heart, had no scruples 
when his life and his kingdom were endangered, (not 
so much from the mad ambition of a spoiled son as 
from the crafty counsel of a wicked but able states- 
man,) to send his own trusted premier to Absalom with. 



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148 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

instructions to resort to strategy in order to counter- 
act the vicious and fatal power of Ahitophel's influ- 
ence over the mind of a morbidly ambitious young 
man. It is not for me to justify, or at this day to 
recommend, the repetition of similar strategic move- 
ments, but I have a right to commend it to the lips of 
those who have assumed to themselves a monopoly of 
the piety, philanthropy and religion of this age, and 
profess to be familiar with and greatly to admire 
inspired dogmas, especially when they turn out to be 
good political investments. 

My object in writing this letter is to contribute to 
the restoration of the Democratic party to power in 
the nation and to maintain its ascendency in Delaware. 
I believe both can be done if the issues are judiciously 
presented. The parting advice of Mr. Phillips has been 
taken by the Republican party for Delaware. Before 
any one thought of a White Man's party tmder that 
specific name, and when aU were at least prepared to 
submit to the laws establishing universal suflErage and 
political equality as long as they shall remain on the 
statute book, agents of the colored race, with instruc- 
tions from headquarters, have traveled the State and 
organized colored leagues. They are organized dis- 
tinctly as negroes; they are to vote as a tmit as negroes 
and thus hold the balance of power; they waive all 
candidates of their own color, in this election, to save 
defeat, but victory won they are to have anything they 
may demand in the way of legislation. This action 
would justify the organization of a White Man's party 
on the grotmd of self-defence, but the Democracy 
need no such prefix or addenda ; no one, not even their 
worst enemies, will suspect them of a want of fidelity 



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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 149 

to at least the eqtiol rights of the race that made this 
country what it is. The traditions of the past and the 
hopes of the future are safe in their hands without 
altering their creed, their organization or their name, 
and all this too without doing injustice or infringing 
the political rights of any other class of citizens as they 
are guaranteed to them by the laws of the land. On the 
stump I should have said in substance what I have now 
written, and will say it later if I live and it is needed. 

Although I have written this letter to you with a 
view to its being read at the meeting, or printed, if in 
yoUr judgment you thought it might be useful, yet I 
equally authorize you to suppress it if you think it 
expedient to do so, as my object will be attained in 
satisfsdng your committee, that while I dedine an 
invitation which I highly appreciate, I at least do the 
next best thing I can to satisfy them that I have 
opinions and no concealments whenever my party 
calls for them. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

The following strong plea in behalf of political 
honesty was addressed to the Democrats of Phila- 
delphia, in reply to an invitation to take part in a 
Democratic banquet in that city: 

Reading, ist Dec, 1874. 
Henry G. Gowen, Esq., 

Treasurer, &c., of the Democratic 

Association of Penn'a. 
Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the 
receipt of your invitation, on behalf of the Democrats 



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150 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

of Philadelphia, to participate in a Banquet to be given 
at the Continental Hotel, on the third of Dec. inst; 
to celebrate the recent victories achieved by the 
Democracy throughout the Union: 

It would give me great pleasure to be present on this 
occasion, but previous engagements put it beyond my 
power. 

The victories of the autumnal elections of 1874, 
were a series of avalanches, clear, distinct, and em- 
phatic in their significance. They were not the tri- 
umphs of the democracy, strictly speaking; though the 
democratic party led the van, and reaps the harvest. 

The result, though long looked for by the democ- 
racy, came at last with a suddenness and a sweep 
which took them, as well as others by surprise ; sur- 
prise at its thoroughness. The ruling powers of the 
republican party are amazed and confounded. In- 
genidty is tasked to its utmost tension, to account for 
this ground swell. A Third Term, The finances, Credit 
Mobilier, Salary Grabbing, hard times, general apathy, 
all in turn have been tried, and all in turn have failed. 
Allegheny County Pa., Massachusetts, with their well 
known traditions, put an effectual extinguisher on 
these shallow devices. The masses of our own people 
comprehended the situation at a glance, and pro- 
nounced judgment with an emphasis which silenced 
all carping and false criticism. This judgment was that 
it was the uprising of that substratum of honest 
intelligence lying at the base of our political fabric 
which indifferent to party ties, when the ftmdamental 
principles of the Government are endangered, sweeps 
and alwa5rs will sweep from power corrupt adminis- 
tration and political wickedness in high places. The 



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PLEA for POLITICAL HONESTY 151 

grand error of the ruling element of the Republican 
party was, that it mistook the people, not for the first 
time, however. They had denounced the Democratic 
party so often as disloyal, treasonable, and reactionary 
in its designs, that they not only almost came to be- 
lieve it to be true themselves, but really thought 
that the people would tolerate any amount of cor- 
ruption and maladministration, rather than restore 
the Democracy to power. They were mistaken, and 
that they were mistaken, this day, makes glad the 
heart of every honest Republican, every honest Demo- 
crat, and every honest man in the land; nor does it 
stop here. The millions of oppressed humanity 
throughout the civilized world rejoice to witness this 
overwhelming demonstration of the pregnant fact, 
that the people of the model republic, are not only 
honest and free but deserve to be free, that they have 
developed the important fact that men are not only 
capable of self government, in general, but are also 
equal to the emergency in any crisis of progressive 
political putrefaction. They have proved that in such 
crises they can shake off party ties and teach a lesson 
to the high priests of political impurity which coming 
generations will remember and cherish. The lesson 
is not, however, only to the evil spirits of ctirrent mal- 
administration. It speaks to the Democratic party 
in tones of immistakable significance. This balance 
vote sa5^, in plain language, we are not Democrats, 
but in order to crush out political dishonesty in the 
administration of the Government we will trust you 
with power. You have tasted adversity, and we hope 
and believe that adversity has not been lost on you. 
We will trust you now and if you prove faithful will 



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152 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

continue you in power ; but if you falter or fail we have 
learned our power, and will hurl you from the high 
places of abtised trusts with a demonstration not less 
significant than that of the tidal wave of the autumn 
of 1874. I believe the Democracy will accept the situ- 
ation, acqtiiesce in the constitutional amendments in 
good faith, and accept aU the results of the war which 
may not be in dear conflict with the plainest provi- 
sions of the constitution, and even those that may be 
so, they will only in a constitutional way repeal, alter 
or amend as the deliberate and enlightened judgment 
of the people freed from the pernicious influences of 
bigotry and fanaticism may require. The right of 
secession is gone forever, revolution is now the only 
ultima ratio left to rectify incorrigibly perverted 
government. The sword was appealed to, and the 
sword has settled this. The finances of the country 
will take care of themselves if Congress will only with- 
hold its busy mischievous hands, refrain from med- 
dling, and cease to obtrude its offensive nostrums on 
the common sense of an intelligent, commercial people. 
The free action of the laws of supply and demand, freed 
from congressional obstruction and intervention will 
effect it. If the public domain is sacredly preserved 
for actual settlers, land grants to railroad corporations 
stoi>ped. If the public credit be withheld from all 
schemes of personal or corporate aggrandizement. If 
the tariff be as an issue, denationalized by the people 
as it was by the political conventions of May, 1872, at 
Cincinnati and of Baltimore in the succeeding July. 
If free banking, retaining aU the sectirities now given 
to the note holders, by the national banks, be inaugu- 
rated. If the present non tax paying bonds of the 



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PLEA far POLITICAL HONESTY 153 

Federal Government be redeemed by isstaing in lieu 
thereof other bonds, subject to taxation, State and 
county and thus distribute the burdens of taxation on 
aU property alike, our people will soon be happy and 
contented, and all our embarrassments disappear. If 
the government be administered with honesty and 
fidelity, based on these and other sound principles of 
good government, our country will soon challenge the 
respect, the admiration and the applause of the civil- 
ized world. I avail myself of this opporttmity to write, 
as I cannot be present to express these sentiments, 
because, like yourselves, I love our party for its tradi- 
tions and its good deeds in the past, and because I 
wish, from my inmost soul, to see that party, now that 
it has the opporttmity, exhibit to the world a model 
of pure, honest administration, equal, just, energetic 
and eflBcient, vigorous in the exaction of honesty, and 
capacity in the selection of its agents, and firm and 
imyielding in its inflexible adherence to all the sound 
principles of free government. 

Very respectfully yours, &c., 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Just before the meeting of the National Demo- 
cratic G^nvention in Baltimore in 1872, which 
nominated Horace Greeley for the Presidency, 
Mr. Greeley appealed to Mr. Jones for his assist- 
ance, in the following letters: 

New York, June 24, 1872. 
My dear Sir: 

You are needed at Baltimore, though there is no 
trouble about the endorsement of the Cincinnati 



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154 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES 

ticket. But the Free Trade League will struggle hard 
for a plank in the platform which will bother Buckalew 
and possibly defeat him. You as a Pennsylvanian 
and his friend can do much to stop this. 

Do not distrust Schurz. He is all right. Tilden is 
heartily with us and at work. So is Hancock. So' is 
Seymour. Indiana is sure. Our only peril is the defeat 
of Buckalew, and that you mtist avert. 
Yours very truly, 

HORACB GrBBLBY. 

Hon. J. Glancy Jones. 

Nbw York, Jime 27, 1872. 
My dbar Sir: 

Let me meet you at Mr. Havemeyer's on the evening 
of Jiily 5 . I have many friends at my farm on Saturday 
and wish you would give me that day. I will come down 
with you at night, arriving in the dty before sunset. 

I woiild not crowd Groesbeck. He will be all right. 
The holdbacks are coming in fast enough. You will 
be troubled at Baltimore only to restrain the impetu- 
osity of the immense majority. 

Yours very truly, 

HORACB GrBBLBY. 

Hon. J. Glancy Jones. 

The following letter from the Hon. John Cad- 
walader, late Judge of the United States District 
Court, shows the importance that was attached to 
a communication from the pen of Mr. Jones, which 
appeared in the public prints, upon the immuta- 
bility of the principles of the Democratic party: 



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HIS DEATH 155 

Philadelphia, 12 January, 1875. 
My dear Sir: 

In reading the speeches of this and last week at 
New York and Washington, my thoughts and feelings 
have recurred to your eloquent and interesting letter 
published a month ago. In writing to another political 
friend that the contending parties in this cotmtry have 
always been the same — ^the party which minds its own 
business and the party which meddles with business 
not its own — I have added that we have to explain 
this difference to the yotmg men who live, not for 
the past, but for the present and the futtire. Our 
principles cannot wear out, and your letter brightens 
the chain which will associate the past with the futtu«. 
We must apply immutable principles to new issues, 
and not revive dead ones. These are the profitable 
teachings of your letter. 

Very truly yours, 

John Cadwalader. 

Hon. J. Glancy Jones. ^ 

Mr Jones died at Reading, Pennsylvania, March 
24, 1878, and was buried in the f^nily lot in the 
Charles Evans Cemetery. 

On the morning after his funeral the " Reading 
Daily Times," a leading newspaper of Reading, 
which advocated the doctrines of the Repub- 
lican party, and had always been the political 
opponent of Mr. Jones, paid the following trib- 
ute to this greatest man the county of Berks 
has produced. 



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156 The LIFE (7/ J. GLANCY JONES 



HON. J. GLANCY JONES 

Yesterday was laid away, in our beautifiil " City of 
the Dead," all that was mortal of one whose name has 
been familiar as a household word to the people of 
Berks for over a quarter of a century. It is creditable to 
his fame to say that, in the councils of the nation, he 
honored his people by conspicuously-distinguished 
service, while he reflected credit upon his country 
in a high representative position abroad. It is not our 
purpose to eiilogize the character of Mr. Jones, for 
eulogy can add nothing to a life which in all its rela- 
tions to his fellowmen was so well rounded as his. 
And yet we caimot forego the opportunity which his 
death affords to say, that lives like his deserve to be 
held up as incentives to others who woiild win the 
love and esteem of neighbors and friends. We believe 
we hazard nothing in saying that he was pre-eminently 
true to his convictions of right, and that there is none 
to challenge his perfect rectitude. He had a high 
sense of honor and loved everjrthing that compre- 
hended the true and beautifiil. He had a correlative 
hatred of everjrthing that was mean and dishonorable. 
To a blameless life he united graces of mind, tenderness 
of heart, and unswerving fealty to what he conceived 
to be the right. May he rest in peace. 

At a meeting of the members of the Bar of 
Berks County, held March 26, 1878, for the pur- 
pose of taking action upon Mr. Jones' death, 
the following minute was adopted, and by order 
of the Court was spread upon its minutes: 



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RESOLUTIONS of the BAR 157 

"The members of the Bar of Berks County, 
being assembled for the purpose of doing honor 
to the memory of the late Honorable J. Glancy 
Jones, and of giving fitting expression to their 
sentiments upon his decease, unite in saying that — 

''Socially, the deceased was both refined and 
cultured, one whose politeness was of the ptu'est 
sort, being based upon a due consideration for 
the feelings of others, and whose uniform civility 
rendered his social relations with all who came 
in contact with him exceedingly pleasant and 
agreeable. To him belongs the high commenda- 
tion, he was a gentleman in the fullest sense of the 
term. 

''Professionally, he was distinguished for his 
ability, his dignity, his integrity, and his urbanity 
and kindness towards his professional brethren 
and towards the Court. Here his career was such 
as was calculated to ennoble and elevate the pro- 
fession in every way. 

''Politically, his merits and ability raised him 
to the occupation of lofty positions of trust and 
confidence in the nation, and made him emphati- 
cally one of the great men of his time. His repu- 
tation in this resi)ect is more than national, as, 
having been appointed to represent our Grovem- 
ment in a foreign country he filled the position 
with such dignity and efficiency as not only 
reflected credit upon his country, but distin- 
guished moreover the particular district wherein 
he began his political career." 



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APPENDIX 



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DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE 

of 

J. GLANCY JONES 

WHILE MINISTER to AUSTRIA 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

Reading, 13 Nov., 1858 
Sir: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of the ist inst. enclosing my commission as 
Minister Resident to Austria ; the acceptance of which 
I signified in person at the time it was made out. I 
am tmable to fix the precise time when I will be ready 
to proceed to my post, but hope it may not be later 
than the middle of December next. I am a native 
bom Pennsylvanian; and should be so registered. 
Very Respy. 

Your obt. svt., 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, 

Secy, of State. 

Vol. n— 11 161 . 



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162 APPENDIX 

MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

Washington, 20 Dec, 1858. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yoiar 
letter of the i8th inst. informing me of my appoint- 
ment, by the President, by and with the advice & 
consent of the Senate, as Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary to Austria; enclosing also 
my commission for the same, together with a copy of 
printed personal instructions to Diplomatic Agents, 
etc., etc., & the doctiments i, 2, & 3 inc. I have fixed 
on Tuesday the 28th day of December as the day of 
my departure for my post, & my letter of credit can 
be fixed for that date. 

I am. Sir, 

Your obt. svt., 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secy, of State. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. I. Legation of the United States, 

Vienna, February 8, 1859. 

Honorable Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State. 
Sir: 

I have the honour to inform you that I arrived 
in this city on the morning of the 30th of January, 
& took lodgings at the "Archdtike Charles" Hotel, 
where I propose to establish the Legation until I 



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APPENDIX 163 

may be able to select permanent quarters for myself 
& family. On the next day, January 31st, I ad- 
dressed a Note to his Excellency Count Buol, Minister 
of Foreign Aflfairs, informing him of my arrival & 
readiness to present a copy of my letter of credence 
to the Emperor. To this commtmication I received a 
reply, dated the ist inst., fixing Wednesday, the 2d, 
at one o'clock, as the hour at which he would be 
pleased to receive me. 

At the time specified, accompanied by Mr. Lippitt, 
the Secretary of Legation, who has been acting as 
Charg6 d'Affaires since the departure of H. R. Jack- 
son, Esqre., I waited upon him & delivered the open 
copy of your letter of credence to the Emperor, dated 
the 1 8th of Deer., 1858, & asked him when it would be 
convenient for him to obtain an audience of the Em- 
peror for me in order to present the original letter of 
Credence addressed by you to the Emperor. He re- 
ceived me with frankness & cordiality, & replied that 
he was gratified to see, & he knew that the Emperor 
would be also, that the President had raised the mis- 
sion to the first class. He regarded it as the best evi- 
dence of the friendly feelings we entertained in our 
relations with the Austrian Government ; that it woiild 
be dvtly appreciated & not unlikely reciprocated soon; 
but if that were not done, he begged me to rest assured 
it would be owing to other causes & not from any want 
of a full appreciation of the compliment thus paid by 
our government. He then stated that he would com- 
municate the facts to the Emperor & an audience 
would be granted me in a few days, of which I shoiild 
have due notice. 

The conversation then became general. He re- 



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164 APPENDIX 

marked that he was happy to be able to say that no 
questions were now open or pending between the two 
governments, & that he cotild foresee nothing to dis- 
tiirb the free cultivation of the most friendly social 
relations. I stated that I had nothing special in 
charge at this time that could conflict with these views 
& opinions. My instructions were to cultivate the most 
friendly social relations, & I should take great pleasure 
in discharging that duty to the extent of my ability. 
The conversation then turned upon the Commercial 
Progress of the United States & England; & he said 
that Austria was not commercial but that they were 
rapidly becoming more so than at any former period 
in the history of the government — ^that this fact was 
producing its effect upon Austria in exciting a more 
lively interest in American affairs & increasing the 
desire to maintain the most friendly relations with 
our government, that policy affording the best guaranty 
for mutual commercial prosperity. I concurred with 
him in these views, & added that we were also rapidly 
increasing our mantifacturing facilities, & that our 
industrial interests were essentially associated with the 
development of our commercial & agricultural resources. 

The conversation was a very free one, characterized 
by frankness on both sides, & conducted on the part of 
Count Buol with the greatest cotirtesy towards m5^self . 

I have the honour to be, 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Copies of the notes referred to are herewith enclosed. 

J. 0. J. 



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APPENDIX 165 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. i.-^opy.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN. 

Vienna, January 31st, 1859. 
"Archduke Charles Hotel." 

The Undersigned, commissioned by the President 
of the United States of America " Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of his 
Majesty the Emperor of Austria, " has the honour to 
report his arrival in this city & his desire to deliver to 
your Excellency his letter of credence & make such 
additional communications as have been entrusted 
to him, whenever it may suit Your Excellency's con- 
venience to receive him. 

With sentiments of great regard, the Undersigned 
begs leave to assure Your Excellency of his distin- 
guished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

To His Excellency Count Buol-Schauenstein, 
Imp, Roy. Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

[Enclosure «« Despatch No. 1 . — Translation.] 

COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, February ist, 1859. 

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Buol-Schau- 
enstein, has the honour to inform Mr. J. Glancy Jones, 
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of 
the United States of North America, that he will be 
pleased to receive him to-morrow, the second of Feb- 
ruary, at one o'clock. 



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166 APPENDIX 

MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 2. Lbgation op the United States, 

Vienna, February 15th, 1859. 

HoNBLE. Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State. 
Sir: 

In pursuance of the promise made by Coimt Buol, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, I received a polite note 
from him on the morning of the 13th of February, 
informing me that his Majesty, the Emperor, would 
be pleased to give me an audience at half past twelve 
on the 14th inst. Accordingly at the time designated 
I repaired to the Palace ; where I was conducted into 
the Presence Chamber & left there entirely alone with 
the Emperor, who received me with a cordiality that 
I did not anticipate, though I expected a kind recep- 
tion. I presented the sealed letter of credence to 
him, stating that in presenting my letter of credence, 
which I now had the honour to do, I was happy to be 
able to inform him that the relations now subsisting 
between the Government of the United States & his 
Majesty's government were of the most friendly 
character, & that my instructions were to use all 
proper means to cultivate & to continue those rela- 
tions, which instructions I intended to carry out in 
good faith. The Emperor, taking the letter of cre- 
dence from me, replied that he was very happy to re- 
ceive me & to hear my remarks; that he responded 
fully to all I had said in respect to the friendly rela- 
tions existing between the respective governments 
& hoped they might continue; no effort would be 



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APPENDIX 167 

spared on his part to make them so. The conversa- 
tion then became general. He asked me if I had had 
a pleasant journey, & how long it had taken me to 
reach Vienna, & how the President's health was. I 
replied that it had taken me about three weeks, & 
that the President's health was good; & then retired. 

I had expected to be accompanied by Coimt Buol, 
but I fotmd the Emperor prefened to receive me alone. 
The manner of my reception induces me to infer that 
he thus intended to adapt the audience more to my 
republican ideas than he could well do in the presence 
of his own subordinates-— in which he certainly suc- 
ceeded; for he conducted it with as much freedom & 
simplicity as it would be done in our own country. 
I have no doubt the Emperor is sincerely desirous to 
be on good terms with our government. He is con- 
scious of our rising power & the influence we are 
likely to wield in motilding the public opinion of the 
world — ^which at this time has more controlling 
weight over the movements of European govern- 
ments than at any other period of their history. The 
Emperor is aware that Russia & Prussia have no love 
for Austria, that England & Sardinia have no sym- 
pathies with either her government or her policy, & 
that France is quasi hostile. The preservation of 
peace, therefore (which his finances & want of allies 
imperatively demand), in order to maintain the in- 
tegrity of his present dominions & to carry out his 
policy, he is well apprised, depends upon the hos- 
tility of the public opinion of nearly all civilized 
Europe to war, & that our cotmtry wields great power 
in the formation of the public opinion of the world. 

I enclose, herewith, a translation of a Note received 



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168 APPENDIX 

from the Foreign OflSce referring to the case of Andrew 
Manzini. It will be seen that the Austrian govern- 
ment has granted him the permission for which Mr. 
Lippitt asked, in a Note a copy of which was forwarded 
to the Department along with his despatch of Nov. 

i9» 1858. 
I have the honour to be, 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No, 2, — Translation.'] 

BARON WERNER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, February 4th, 1859. 

The Imperial Ministry of Foreign AflEairs did not 
delay to refer the esteemed note of the 28th October 
concerning the complaint of Andrea Manzini, Engi- 
neer & American citizen, of his rejection from the 
Austrian frontier at Moglia Gonzaga, to the Imperial 
Police Authorities for an investigation of the case & 
proper disposition thereof. These Authorities have 
now, under date of the 29th ult., made known that 
the said complainant was sent back from the frontier 
mentioned because he was identified with an engineer 
from Venice of the same name who is a political fugi- 
tive, & this suspicion, in addition to the fact of his 
bearing the same family name & being likewise engi- 
neer, was increased by some expressions of which he 
made use & which strengthened the conjecture of his 
political doubtfulness. 

Since, however, this suspicion of the identity of the 



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APPENDIX 169 

two has now been disproved & there remains no ftar- 
ther obstacle to the entrance of the complainant into 
the Imperial Austrian States, the Imp. Police office 
on the frontier concerned has been already directed 
to permit the said Andrea Manzini, in case of his 
reappearance with Passport, en rfegle, to pass without 
hindrance. 

In acquainting the respectjed North American Lega- 
tion herewith, the Undersigned avails himself of the 
occasion to renew the expression of his distinguished 
consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign Aflfedrs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 

(Signed) Werner. 

To THE HONBLE. LEGATION OF NORTH AMERICA. 



MR. LIPPITT TO SECRETARY CASS. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, March sth, 1859. 

HoNBLE. Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State. 
Sir: 

I beg permission to forward, herewith, for yotar 
approval, my accoimt with the United States for 
services rendered here as Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim. 
The facts of the case are known to the Department; 
& I need, therefore, only state that the late Minister 
Resident, Mr. Jackson, took leave of this government 
in a note, dated July ist, 1858, a copy of which is 



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170 APPENDIX 

herewith enclosed. Prom that time, as stated in this 
note, I was charged with the a£Eairs of the Legation, 
& so continued until the arrival of the present Envoy, 
Hon. Mr. Jones, who presented his credentials, as 
his correspondence will show, on the ist of February. 
The length of my service as Charg^ d'Affaires was, 
therefore, seven months; & I may add that during 
this whole time the Legation was provided with quar- 
ters at my expense. 

The loth Section of the Act of August i8th, 1856, 
"to regulate the Diplomatic & Consular Systems of 
the United States, " reads, "that for such time as any 
Secretary of Legation shall be lawfully authorized to 
act as Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim at the Post to 
which he shall have been appointed, he shall be en- 
titled to receive compensation at the rate allowed by 
this Act for a Charg6 d'Affaires at such Post; but he 
shall not be entitled to receive for such time the com- 
pensation allowed for his services as Secretary of Le- 
gation." 

The compensation of a Charg6 d'Affaires to Austria 
fixed by the Act, as appears from a comparison of 
Section ist with Schedule A, is six thotisand dollars. 
I have, therefore, credited myself, in the account 
herewith rendered, with compensation at this rate for 
seven months, amounting to $3500— debiting myself, 
at the same time, with the pay of a Secretary of Lega- 
tion here for seven months, which, at $1800 per year, 
is $1050. The balance, in my favour, is $2450. 
Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

Geo. W. Lippitt. 



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APPENDIX 171 

[Enclosure. -^opy,] 

MR. JACKSON TO COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, July ist, 1858. 

The Undersigned, Minister Resident of the United 
States, has the honour to inform his Excellency, the 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, that availing himself of 
a leave of absence granted to him by his government, 
he will be absent. from Vienna for a few months. 

In the meantime, the Secretary, Mr. Lippitt, will 
be charged with the affairs of the Legation. 

The Undersigned seizes upon this occasion to re- 
new the assurance of his most distinguished consider- 
ation. 

(Signed) H. R. Jackson. 

To HIS Excellency Count Buol-Schauenstein, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 3. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, March 7th, 1859. 
Sir: 

Since the date of my last despatch, of February 
iSth, 1859, I received a note from Count Buol, Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs, dated February 19th, inform- 
ing me that her Majesty the Empress would grant me 
an audience on the 19th, which of course was accepted 
on my part, & I was very courteously & kindly re- 



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172 APPENDIX 

ceived. This audience was not asked for by me. A 
few days afterwards, a verbal invitation was sent to 
me & all the members of the Legation to dine with 
Count Buol, which we accepted. The diimer was 
given to me. The English, Russian, Dutch, & Swedish 
Ministers, together with the Ministers of Finance, of 
the Interior, & of Commerce of the Austrian Govern- 
ment, were present. These facts are noted by me 
merely for the purpose of showing the disposition of 
the Austrian government to be courteous to our 
government. 

As I sat between Count Buol & Lord Loftus, the 
English Minister, the conversation very soon turned 
on politics, & I was a little surprised at the freedom 
with which the Foreign Minister gave me his opinion 
of Napoleon. He said he was a bad man & a very 
dangerous one to the civilized world — ^that he was 
embarrassed by his own people. He had a restive 
standing army which he must keep employed, & the 
French people were averse to war, which latter dr- 
ctmistance had goaded the Emperor almost to rash- 
ness & madness. I replied that our policy was, I was 
glad to find, as well imderstood by European govern- 
ments as by our own poeple — ^that we will adhere to 
the doctrine of strict non-intervention as laid down 
& recommended by Gen. Washington, & particularly 
so in Etaropean affairs; while we will expect, on the 
principle of protection to our institutions & of secur- 
ing ample scope for national progress & expansion, 
a reciprocation on their part on the American Con- 
tinent. I added that our sympathies were openly 
& avowedly with the success of Republican insti- 
tutions everywhere, but that our policy required us 



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APPENDIX 173 

to refrain from any overt act of intervention in the 
affairs of other nations — ^that with these views I was 
free to say that the American people did not recognize 
the mission of the French Empire as far as it had been 
developed, as of the American type of Republican 
ideas; & that however much our sympathies might 
be excited in behalf of Italian liberty & unity in the 
abstract or concrete, I thought no American looked 
favorably to French intervention — in other words, 
we have no faith in the propagation of Republican 
ideas in Europe with French bayonets or under the 
auspices of the French Empire. Count Buol at once 
saw the distinction & was pleased to find we so tmder- 
stood matters. 

My conversation with Lord Loftus, the English 
Minister, was principally on the working of our ballot 
system in the exercise of the franchise of our country — 
his Lordship not being partial to the s)^tem & evi- 
dently disindined to favor the reform bill. I of course 
advocated our system, & particularly the right of the 
voters to be their own judges as to the mode and 
manner of its exercise. 

Lord Cowley's arrival here on a special mission has 
created quite a sensation. I called on his Lordship, 
who received me with great cordiality & conversed 
very freely on his mission. His object was to save 
bloodshed in Europe, & prior to his taking his seat 
in the conference to ascertain the disposition of Aus- 
tria. Of course he did not go into details, nor did I 
suggest anything beyond generalities. As I stated 
in my former despatch, the elements which make up 
public opinion in Europe are against war, & it is 
spreading its influence all over France to such an 



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174 APPENDIX 

extent as to alarm the French Monarch & bring out 
an emphatic denial of the charge that war was ever 
contemplated by him, through the medium of his 
official paper, the Moniteur. 

This movement of Napoleon arises from a desire 
either to weaken Austria & strengthen Sardinia, with 
which latter he has recently formed a dynastic alliance, 
or to compel England, in order to preserve the peace 
of Europe, to interpose her influence in Italian affairs 
to such an extent as to reconcile the liberals of Italy 
to the Imperial dynasty of France, & also to suppress 
English sympathies for the refugees of France who 
may threaten the Emperor's life. The French Em- 
peror feels that his former connection with the Italian 
republicans is embarrassing. They charge him with 
sympathizing with Austria, & this feeling has met a 
response in England which has aggravated him very 
much. The prospect now is of a decidedly peaceful 
character. 

In accordance with my instructions, I am making 
out an inventory of the effects of the Legation here 
& will forward it as soon as it is completed. 

I enclose, herewith, the translation of a note re- 
ceived from the Foreign Office, returning the Com- 
mission of Mr. Remak, U. S. Consul at Trieste, with 
the Imperial Exequatur attached to it. The Commis- 
sion has been forwarded to Mr. Remak at Trieste. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

HoNBLB. Lbwis Cass, 

Secretary of State, 



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APPENDIX 175 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 3. — Translation.] 

BARON WERNER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, Feb. 25, 1859. 

The Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the 
honour, referring to its note of the 26th January, to 
transmit to the Envoy Extraordinary & Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of North Amer- 
ica, Mr; J. Glancy Jones, the Commission of Mr. S. S. 
Remak, appointed Consul of the United States for 
Trieste & the ports of the Adriatic sea not belonging 
to the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom, with the Im- 
perial Exequatur attached thereto, in order that it 
may be forwarded to the said Consul. 

The undersigned, in adding that the Central Mari- 
time authorities at Trieste have been directed to take 
the necessary steps for the definitive recognition of 
Consul Remak, already provisionally admitted to the 
exercise of his functions, avails himself of this occasion 
to renew to the Minister the expression of his perfect 
consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 
(Signed) Werner. 

To THE Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Pleni- 
potentiary OF THE United States op North 
America, Mr. J. Glancy Jones 



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176 APPENDIX 

MR. LIPPITT TO SECRETARY CASS. 

Legation of the United States, 
Vienna, April 26, 1859. 
Sir: 

Under date of the ist of February last, I had the 
honour to forward to the Department a despatch con- 
taining an account for the contingent expenses of this 
Legation for the last quarter of 1858. As no answer 
has been received to it, I fear it may not have reached 
Washington; and the despatch Agent in London 
having applied to me for the payment of his portion 
of the amount, I take the liberty to send, herewith, 
a duplicate of the account referred to. The whole 
amount is £15. 16. 11, & for this smn I beg to be 
allowed to draw on the U. S. Bankers in London 
against the contingent fund of the Legation for 1858. 
Very respectfully. 

Your Obedient Servant, 

George W. Lippitt, 

Sec. of Legation. 
HoNBLE. Lewis Cass, 
Secretary of State. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 4. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, May 9th, 1859. 
Hon. Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State. 
Sir: 

I have the honour to forward, herewith, a copy of 
a letter addressed to me by Mr. Remak, U. S. Consul 



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APPENDIX 177 

at Trieste, & a copy of one which I have myself written 
to Com. Lavalette, commanding our Squadron in the 
Mediterranean. Mr. Remak, writing, as will be seen, 
under the impression of probable danger to our citi- 
zens & their property at Trieste, from the war which 
has broken out between Austria & Prance, solicits me 
to use my influence to secure the presence of one of 
our ships of war in his vicinity. I do not anticipate 
that an attack will be made, for the present at least, 
upon Trieste ; as that city forms part of the Austrian 
territory belonging to the German confederation, & 
it is against the interest of the French to provoke a 
quarrel with this body. Still, as the upper waters of 
the Adriatic will, in all probability, soon be the scene 
of operations which may injuriously affect American 
interests, I have felt it my duty to communicate with 
Com. Lavalette & to request him, if compatible with 
his instructions, to despatch one of the vessels of his 
Squadron to that quarter. 

The entrance of the Austrian Army into Sardinia 
on the 29th ulto. led to a general expectation that 
some great blow would at once be struck, but up to 
this time, so far as can be known here, nothing de- 
cisive has been done. As soon as any occurrence of 
importance takes place, I shall seize the first oppor- 
ttmity to commtmicate it. 

Very respectfully, 

Yotar obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 



Vol. n— 12 



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178 APPENDIX 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 4. — Copy.} 

MR. JREMAK TO MR. JONES. 

Consulate of the U. S. of America, 
Trieste, April 2Sth, 1859. 

To His Excellency J. Glancy Jones, 

Envoy Extraordinary^ &c., Vienna, 
Sir: 

I have the honour of notif)ang you that I recom- 
mended to the Department of State the presence of 
a U. S. Vessel at this port, stating that I believe 
American firms largely interested here, large consign- 
ments having lately been made. I merely referred in 
general to the prospects of war, confining myself to 
commercial interests. It appears now that the war 
is imminent and some of the Austrian officials here 
fear that Trieste will be attacked by the belligerent 
powers. It is also stated that in 1848 the presence of 
a U. S. vessel materially contributed to prevent a bom- 
bardment of this place. According to Section 421 of 
the "Consular Instructions," I may present the facts 
to the commander of a U. S. vessel in case of imminent 
danger to the life or property of U. S. citizens. Before 
doing so I should like to consult with you. 

Do you think that the danger is imminent? Will 
the belligerent powers not respect Trieste, containing 
so much property belonging to citizens or subjects of 
neutral nations? If you are of opinion that the danger 
is imminent, as a great many merchants here believe 
it, then you might ask the presence of a vessel from 
the Commander at Spezzia. I am desirous to dis- 
charge my duty fully and promptly, at the same time 



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APPENDIX 179 

to steer dear of matters which do not concern me. 
You have probably the power to order a vessel from 
Spezzia without stating any reason at all. No facts 
can be presented except the one that the property 
consigned or sold, probably on time, by American 
firms within the last two months may amount to 
Three millions of dollars. True, the principal firm who 
received the merchandise is first rate, but a contingent 
bombardment n:iay ruin any house. There is a native 
American citizen in my jurisdiction who has at all 
times large claims against the Austrian Government, 
and who urged on me the sending of a vessel some time 
ago, but I waited until it should be more justification 
for it. I am not acquainted with the name of the 
Commander at Spezzia. In case you should wish me 
to act directly, I request you to give me the name of 
that official. 

I am. Sir, Very Respectfully, 

Your most Obedient Servt., 

(Signed) Stephen S. Rbmak. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 4. — Copy,] 

MR. JONES TO COMMODORE LAVALETTE. 

Legation of the United States, 
Vienna, April 30th, 1859. 
Sir: 

I have received a despatch from the United States 
Consul at Trieste, Mr. Remak, which is based upon 
an application made to him by a citizen of the United 
States & others, consignees of a large amount of prop- 
erty belonging to citizens of the United States, stating 



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180 APPENDIX 

that they are fearful of the consequences of war & 
apprehensive of the destruction of much valuable 
property, & requesting me to take such steps as may 
be deemed expedient by me to secure for them & 
their property the best protection possible. I am 
without specific instructions upon this subject, but 
have no doubt that your general instructions will 
cover the case. I would leave it, therefore, entirely 
to your discretion without any suggestion of mine, 
knowing that your long experience and thoroiigh 
knowledge will prompt you to do what is right and 
proper in the premises, if it had not occurred to me 
that you very naturally might at least expect to hear 
from me on the subject, accredited as I am to the 
Austrian Government. As the crisis of war is upon 
us & the case may not admit of much delay, I make 
this commtmication without waiting to hear from 
you what your instructions & intentions may be. I 
do not, however, deem the exigency so great as to 
justify hasty measures. If such an exigency should 
arise, I would not hesitate a moment to exercise all 
the power I possessed to sectire the protection of 
American citizens & of their property, within the 
dominion of the Government to which I have the 
honor to be accredited. 

As will be seen from the letter of Mr. Remak, a 
copy of which is herewith enclosed, there appears to 
be an apprehension of a bombardment of the ports of 
Trieste & Venice, & while your instructions and mine 
require us to observe the strictest neutrality & non- 
intervention in the affairs of European Governments, 
belligerents or otherwise, it is equally imperative not 
only to protect, but to be in such positions as to be 



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APPENDIX 181 

ready to protect the lives & property of our citizens 
in foreign countries. 

I have therefore to request of you, if compatible 
with yotir instructions, that a vessel of war of the 
United States may appear in the waters of the Adri- 
atic, to be in readiness to do what may hereafter be 
required in accordance with present & future in- 
structions in order to protect the persons & property 
of American citizens. It is hardly necessary for me 
to add that if you feel at liberty to comply with this 
request, which is still left to your discretion, you will 
carefully abstain from any act which could possibly 
subject the Government of the United States to the 
imputation of having any other object in view than 
simply that of being ready to offer protection to its own 
citizens & their property, & to maintain those rights 
which are conceded to neutral powers by the common 
consent of all nations. 

Very respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

Com. E. a. P. Lavalette, 

Commanding U. 5. Squadron in the Mediterranean. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. s- Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, 23rd May, 1859. 
Sir: 

In my last despatch I stated that as soon as any- 
thing of interest occurred I would apprise you of it. 



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182 APPENDIX 

Since that time Count Buol has tendered his resigna- 
tion, and Cotint Rechberg has been appointed his 
successor in the Foreign Office. As this action indi- 
"cates an entire change of policy, I deem it better to 
refrain from any speculation on the subject until the 
new policy is more fully developed; and I do this 
the more readily because the neutrality of our Gov- 
ernment is so well understood and believed in by all 
the powers, belligerent and neutral, that no. hasty 
action can be called for on the part of our Govern- 
ment. For the present, therefore, I shall only add to 
the official communication of the fact of the change 
in the head of the Imperial Office for Foreign Affairs, 
the remark that Count Buol was recognized as the 
most advanced of Austrian Statesmen in favor of the 
progress of liberal ideas; his friendship for England 
is well known, and his position was impregnable until 
England abandoned him; his administration was 
anti-absolutism, and of course the reverse of the old 
Mettemich regime ; and if England had stood firmly 
and boldly by him, she could have dictated to Aus- 
tria constitutions for all the Italian States; and it 
was the misapprehension on the part of Russia that 
England would do this that impelled her (Russia) 
so hastily to rush in and propose a Congress, after 
Lord Cowley's visit to Vienna had showed the temper 
of the Austrian Government and its readiness to 
follow England. 

This line of policy on the part of Count Buol, of 
course, left him without the support of the absolut- 
ists, and with the hostility of Russia. Austria under 
Count Buol had seconded England in the conference 
of Paris on the Danubian province question, which 



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APPENDIX 183 

touched Russia to the quick. It has been charged 
that Count Buol had congratulated the allied armies 
on their success at Sebastopol, while the mere fact 
that Austria should be allied to the enemy of Russia, 
to which power Austria owed so much, was supposed 
of itself to be a sufficient offence without these addi- 
tional aggravations. England, if she had been firm 
and true to her professed policy of propagating 
constitutional forms of Government in Continental 
Europe, had here the opportunity; but she left Aus- 
tria to her fate, and that fact, being known to Prance 
in advance, accounts for her boldness in disregard of 
public opinion in pressing the war. This left the 
Austrian Government but one alternative. Count 
Buol had even stopped the Armies in Italy after they 
had passed the Tidno, to listen to a final proposition 
from England which he was led to believe, if rejected 
by Prance, would commit England to Austria. The 
effect of this was to delay the Austrian forces until 
Prance had time to get her troops into Sardinia, 
and thus deprive Austria of a very great advant- 
age; but the proposition was rejected by France, 
and England still declared herself neutral. The 
Derby Government is still inclined to side with 
Austria, if public opinion sustains this side of the 
issue in England. 

Count Rechberg is the recent Ambassador to the 
Diet at Frankfort, and President of that body. He 
is a Bavarian by birth, and an absolutist; with him 
English influence is gone here, and Russian will rise. 
He is acceptable to Prussia, and indeed to the whole 
r6gime of Military power and reactionary ideas; he 
is able and energetic, is the son of the former premier 



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184 APPENDIX 

of Bavaria, and has had large experience. The diplo- 
matic corps have all paid their respects to him, in- 
cluding myself, immediately after receiving the ofl&- 
dal notice, a copy of which I enclose in this despatch. 
I also enclose copies of my further correspondence 
with Mr. Remak, Consul at Trieste, being a letter from 
him to me enclosing a copy of his to Com. Lavalette, 
and my answer to him, also copies of my letter to the 
Foreign Office relative to the case of Anton Dobrentic, 
and their prompt reply, which shows their disposition 
to please our Government. In any event, I feel as- 
sured of a strong friendship for our Government being 
maintained by all the powers of Europe while they 
are complicated with European affairs and we are 
neutral; our non-interventional policy promises to 
enure immensely to our advantage in these compli- 
cations. Although the policy with us is old, yet on no 
former occasion, was our power felt as it is felt now; 
and the friendship of Russia for us, and the reasons 
why, and our power and influence in the family of 
nations, and their eventualities, are familiar topics 
of discussion in every diplomatic circle. Our un- 
limited power to furnish the materials of war, and 
bread to feed armies, and ships for the carrying trade, 
and seamen to man them, while we maintain our 
neutrality, are considerations of such magnitude and 
so much felt as to force them upon the consideration 
of every diplomatist of Europe. I can find no trace 
here of a cipher ever having been furnished this Le- 
gation; as my instructions say that one will be fur- 
nished if asked for, I desire that I may have one im- 
mediately if convenient. I have thus far had no use 
for one. But if Austria is to be made the centre of 



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APPENDIX 185 

Etiropean diplomacy, at least for the present, I can- 
not tell how soon I might want it. 
Very Respectftilly, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington, D. C. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 5. — TranslcUion.] 

Circular. 

His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty having 
deigned, in appointing a successor to Count Buol- 
Schauenstein, whose health has induced him to tender 
his resignation, to confer upon the Undersigned the 
Ministry of the Imperial Household & of Foreign 
Affairs, he has the honor to apprize thereof Mr. J. 
Glancy Jones, Envoy Extraordinary & Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
requesting him at the same time to be pleased in fu- 
ture to address to him all communications which he 
may have to make to the Imperial Majesty. 

Congratulating himself upon being called upon to 
enter into oflficial relations with the Envoy (Mons. 
L'Envoy6) the Undersigned begs to assure hin of the 
earnest solicitude with which he will cultivate them. 

He feels it his duty also to inform him that next 
Friday, between two and four o'clock, he will be happy 
to receive those gentlemen, meilibers of the Diplomatic 
Body, who may wish to make communications to him, 
& that in future he will be at their disposal during the 
same hours every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. 



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186 APPENDIX 

If, in case of important business, the Envoy should 
wish to communicate with him on other days of the 
week, he will be pleased to send him word to notify 
him thereof. 

Finally, in making known that the Assistant Secre- 
tary of State, Baron de Werner, will be authorized, 
as heretofore, to sign all diplomatic communications 
which the Imperial Ministry may be called upon to 
address to the Foreign Missions concerning adminis- 
trative & current affairs, he seizes with eagerness 
this occasion to offer to Mr. J, Glancy Jones, the as- 
surance of his very distinguished consideration. 

Vienna, May i8th, 1859. 

(Signed) Rbchberg. 

To Mr. J. Glancy Jones, 
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary 
of North America, 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. S.-^Copy.] 

MR. REMAK to MR. JONES. 

Consulate op the United States, 
Trieste, May isth, 1859. 

His Excellency J. Glancy Jones, 

Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of America. 
Sir: 

Your despatch of the 6th inst. with enclosure for 
Com. Lavalette reached me. 

The mail between here and Spezzia is also stopped, 
Spezzia being a Sardinian city. 



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APPENDIX 187 

After reading the copy of your despatch to Com. 
Lavalette, with which you honored me, I fotmd that 
you were desirous to leave to Com. Lavalette a great 
deal of discretion with reference to the presence of a 
United States vessel in. this port. I deemed it there- 
fore proper, & I think you will approve of it, of mak- 
ing my despatch of the 25th of March, addressed to 
you, of which Com. Lavalette receives a copy, more 
complete, by stating that no application or sugges- 
tions have been made to me in writing; but enclosing a 
copy of my commtmication to Com. Lavalette covering 
your despatch, you will be able to judge for jrourself . 

I might mention in this connection that a leading 
clerk of, I believe, the first house in this city was 
yesterday at my office upon some other btisiness, and 
stated to me that in all consignments to Trieste from 
the United States American citizens are always more 
or less interested. 

It is then evident that I mtist, as Consul of the 
United States, look to the interests of those who are 
absent in a critical time like this, else I might jtistly 
be charged with negligence. 

On the 2nd of May, Martial Law was declared in 
Trieste and its vicinity by the then Governor of 
Illyria, but this power was superseded a few days 
subsequently by the appointment of Coimt Wimpfen 
as Commander-in-chief of the first Army, & on the 
7th by an additional proclamation, which gave, by 
some additional provisions, greater force to the proc- 
lamation of the 2nd of May. The consequence is, 
that even, matters which have not the slightest rela- 
tion with the political issue are not discxissed, in order 
not to displease the Imperial Government. 



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188 APPENDIX 

You will then readily observe that it is almost im- 
IX)68ib]e to converse with any one with reference to 
any matter bearing upon commercial interests, as 
they are strongly connected with the political pros- 
pects. I am therefore compelled to draw my own 
conclusions from the little I can gather, and must 
take the responsibility for that, what I am saying. 

It is of course impossible to say with certainty 
what will be done on the part of the Authorities here, 
but it looks as if Trieste will be defended. I could 
commtmicate a great deal upon that point, but it 
appears to me I might transgress upon the spirit of 
my instructions. 

The authorities here seriously expect, almost every 
day, that Trieste will be blockaded by a French Navy. 

There was no other way to transmit your despatch to 
Com. Lavalette except to send it to another country. 
I therefore transmitted it to our Minister in Berne. 

I am, Sir, Very Respectfully, 
Your Obt. Servt., 

(Signed) Stephen S. Remak. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No, 5. — Copy.] 

MR. REMAK TO COMMODORE LAVALETTE. 

Consulate op the U. S., 

Trieste, May loth, 1859. 
Com. E. a. P. Lavalette, 

Commanding U. S. Squadron in the Mediterranean. 
Sir: 

The enclosed despatch of His Excellency J. Glancy 
Jones, our Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 



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APPENDIX 189 

potentiary at Vienna, reached me to-day, with the 
request to forward it to you. 

No mail being between here and Spezzia, I transmit 
this communication with the enclosed despatch to 
our Minister in Beme, Switzerland, entertaining the 
hope that it will reach you. 

I have had the honor of receiving a copy of the 
despatch by Mr. Jones, and I deem it necessary to add 
that application or suggestions with reference to the 
presence of a United States vessel in the harbor of 
Trieste were only made verbally, and I am obliged 
to take the whole responsibility of that, what I 
have said in my communication of the 25th of April, 
1859, addressed to your Minister at Vienna, of which 
you are, as I am informed, receiving a copy, upon 
myself. 

In order to illustrate to you the shyness of firms 
even of standing to reduce matters of this character 
to writing, in a matter of mere commercial bearing, 
where I refused an application, and made the parties 
the proposition they should make their application 
in writing, and I would then give my reasons fully 
for declining it and they might then appeal from 
my decision to the United States, State or Treas- 
ury Department, they preferred to abide by my 
decision because it might not please the Austrian 
Government. 

I am. Sir, Very Respectfully, 

Your Obt. Servt., 

(Signed) Stephen S. Rbmak. 



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190 APPENDIX 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 5. — Copy,] 

MR. JONES TO MR. REMAK. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, May 17th, 1859. 
Sir: 

Yours dated isth May is duly received, and I have 
only to reply that the course pursued by you in send- 
ing an additional despatch to Com. Lavalette and a 
copy to me, explanatory of your first, was right and 
proper; while there should be no hesitation in fur- 
nishing prompt relief to the persons and property of 
American citizens in Foreign Cotmtries, whenever it 
is called for, too much caution cannot be exercised at 
a crisis when all is involved in tmcertainty and doubt. 
We have the strongest assurances from all the powers 
of Etirope, belligerent and neutral, of their friendly 
feelings to our government and its citizens, and this 
friendship is in some meastire based upon the assur- 
ances so repeatedly given to these powers by our 
government at home and through its representatives 
abroad of our strict adherence to the doctrine of non- 
intervention in European affairs, beyond the main- 
tenance of those rights and privileges guaranteed to 
us by. treaties and the law of nations. The presence 
of a vessel of war in any of the waters of Etirope 
specifically for such ptuposes, which are all of a pacific 
character, would give no offence to any power; an4 
it is to be presumed that Commodore Lavalette 's in- 
structions are adequate to any emergency of this 
character which may arise. Hence, unless for a 
clearly adequate cause, not falling within the range 



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APPENDIX 191 

of ordinary events, no specific order contravening 
the general instructions should be given by a Min- 
ister; because when acting out of the ordinary line of 
instructions, it is the acknowledged right of any For- 
eign Government which may be aflEected to enqtiire 
of the Minister or his Government so acting the reason 
and objects of his conduct, and it should always be in 
their power to lay before them, if they deem proper, 
the complaint or grotmds of action in writing, so as to 
avoid any mistmderstanding in the premises and to 
preserve the strict neutrality and friendly relations of 
his government, & this should always be adhered to 
tailess a disposition should be clearly shown to in- 
fringe upon our acknowledged rights and privileges. 
As we are on the eve of a crisis, no one can now fully 
foresee or understand. I have written at this length 
in order that you may fully understand my views. 
You need not be apprehensive of any responsibility 
which will result from such conduct; there are no 
instructions which forbid or restrain you from 'the 
fullest communication with me relative to any facts 
transpiring in your Consulate which affect, or may 
aflEect, the government you represent or the acknowl- 
edged rights of its citizens. 

Very Respectfully, 
Your Obt. Servt., 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

Stephen S. Rbmak, Esqre., 

U, S. Consul at Trieste, Austria. 



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192 APPENDIX 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 5. — Copy.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, April ist, 1859. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States, has been 
urged by highly respectable parties to ask the atten- 
tion of the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs to the 
following case. 

Anton Dobrentic, formerly of Tymau, Ober Neutran 
Comitat, Himgary, now of the State of Indiana in the 
United States, has made repeated applications to the 
Imperial Authorities to obtain permission for his wife 
and two children, now at Tymau in destitute drctmi- 
stances, to join him in America. This permission, to 
the great sorrow and distress of the family, has been 
refused, on the grotmd, as the Undersigned conjec- 
tures, that Mr. Dobrentic left the coimtry with only 
a travelling passport, and has taken the initiatory 
steps to becoming an American citizen without first 
obtaining the consent of the Imperial Government. 

If this be so, the Undersigned has of course no offi- 
cial right to intervene in the matter, and he only begs 
to submit to the humane consideration of the Imperial 
Royal Government the question whether the innocent 
wife & children may not be spared further sufferings 
and allowed to join the husband and father, who is 
anxious and able, if he can have them with him, to 
support them by his labour. 

The Undersigned seizes upon this occasion to renew 
to his Excellency Cotmt Buol-Schauenstein, Imperial 



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APPENDIX 193 

Minister of Foreign Affairs, the assurance of his per- 
fect consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

To His Excellency The Imperial Royal Minister 
OP Foreign Appairs, Count Buol-Schauenstein. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 6. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, Jvily i8th, 1859. 
Sir: 

My last despatch commtinicated the fact of a change 
in the head of the Foreign Department of this Gov- 
ernment, & the motives, so far as nimoured opinions 
in diplomatic circles could discern them, for making 
this change. Nothing has transpired since in the 
shape of tangible facts of sufficient importance to re- 
quire a communication to be made by me, until the 
recent event of an Armistice, followed immediately 
by the settlement of Preliminaries to a Treaty of 
Peace. This event took all Europe by surprise. It 
was proposed by France, & arranged in a private in- 
terview between the Emperor of the French & the 
Emperor of Austria. The public were apprised of two 
facts alone — ^first, that an Armistice had been asked 
for by the French Emperor, and had been acceded to 
by the Austrian Emperor; second, that in the inter- 
view which followed, the preliminary terms of a treaty 
of Peace had been agreed upon. The diplomatic 
Corps, as well as the highest officials of the French & 
Austrian Governments, appear to be as little informed 

Vol. 11—13 



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194 APPENDIX 

as the great Neutral Powers of England & Prussia. 
Nearly all is left to conjectitfe. That the peace will be 
permanent between Atistria & France is universally 
believed; that Italian independence & nationality are 
not much advanced by this French invasion is equally 
appai^nt, & that liberal ideas, as tmderstood by both 
continents (saving the Modem French definition), 
are not likely to take very deep root. Still, in the most 
]>rivate & best informed circles, each one makes up his 
opinion, not from what he knows, but as he reasons 
on the character & supposed designs of the French 
Monarch. One supposes Peace is hastily made in 
order to secure the firm friendship of Russia and Aus- 
tria, in at least breaking down the influence of Eng- 
land & Prussia, & that this leads France immediately 
to the Rhine, with liberal promises to Russia & Atis- 
tria of aid in the partition of Turkey, in which France 
is to have Egypt, &c., &c. But all these are conjec- 
tures, & I would not write them in the shape of a 
despatch if it were not to inform you that conjecttires 
as they are, they seem to be the best information to be 
had here,, outside of the sovereigns themselves. As to 
England & Prussia, no one seems to see any good in- 
tentions for them. Austria is very much disgusted 
with England & Prussia, & perhaps almost hostile. 
The same feelings are supposed to prevail at St. Pe- 
tersburg & Paris ; but whether it will end in an issue or 
not, no one can tell. Every one believes the Emperor 
of the French has designs & moves with a direct view 
to his object; but it is equally well known that he 
keeps his own counsel, only imparting to his allies 
enough to secure their adherence. 

Our own government has passed through un- 



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APPENDIX 195 

touched. All express satisfaction with her conduct 
& good faith, & all seem desirous of cultivating her 
good will. Never did the doctrine of non-interven- 
tion work better — and England would be equally 
benefited if she interfered as little in Continental 
affairs in peace as she has lately in war. 
Very respectfuUy, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State^ 
Washington. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 7. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, Sep. 5th, 1859. 
Sir: 

Since my last, I have received your despatches 
marked Nos. 2 & 3. The first relates to the death of 
the Arch Duke John, intelligence of which had been 
communicated to you by this Government. I pre- 
sented in due form the sealed, enclosed letter of the 
President addressed to the Emperor on this subject. 

The second, No. 3, accompanied with a copy of a 
lengthy despatch to the Minister of the United States 
at Paris, relative to the subject of the law of nations, 
rights of neutrals, &c., &c., and suggesting such mod- 
ifications as would in the opinion of the Government 
of the United States be greatly conducive to the inter- 
ests of maritime Nations, ameliorate the evils of war, 
and promote general civilization, came too late to be 



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1% APPENDIX 

presented to the consideration of this Government 
pending the War, which it was supposed wovild be pro- 
longed, and during the pendency of which it was sup- 
posed the consideration of the subject matter of your 
despatch would be peculiarly appropriate. Peace 
having been declared, however, did not deter me from 
presenting the subject at the earliest convenient oppor- 
tunity. In a personal interview I had with Cotmt 
Rechberg, I communicated to him the purport of the 
despatch I had received, and stated that I hoped the 
peace would not prevent the consideration of a sub- 
ject which was of general interest and of a permanent 
character, and, although applicable to a state of war, 
was not confined to any particular war. He replied 
that he would like very much to confer with me on 
the subject, and that he thought a time of peace more 
favorable than war for its consideration. I referred 
to the "conference of Paris," of April, 1856, and to 
the declaration on the fotu* points of international law 
annexed to protocol No. 23, which that body had 
modified, and which modification was held to be bind- 
ing by all the powers who had required or acceded to 
it. He remarked that Austria was a party to that con- 
ference and meant to stand by it, as far as it went. I 
told him that the Government of the United States 
had never acceded to them as a whole, but did fully 
and would even go further as to some of them; and 
although I had no instructions on that subject, she 
possibly might concur in the principles at the basis of 
the whole, if they were so modified and enlarged as to 
be made acceptable to her views and interests. In 
this I alluded to the proposition of President Pierce, 
as made by Gov. Marcy in his letter to Cotmt Sartiges 



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APPENDIX 197 

dated 28th of July, 1856, on the subject of the confer- 
ence at Paris. Count Rechberg replied that not being 
connected with the administration of the Government 
at the time, he was not familiar with the subject, but 
that he would consult the Crown lawyer upon it and 
examine it himself, and be glad to confer with me 
again soon. 

I then referred him to the agreement annexed to 
protocol No. 24 of the Paris conference, as a sequent 
to the declaration, wherein it was agreed that no one 
of the parties which required or acceded to the declara- 
tion should enter into any arrangement in regard to 
the application of the rights of neutrals in time of war, 
except upon the basis of the four points in the declara- 
tion; and further, that it was their interest to main- 
tain the indivisibility of the four points, informing 
him at the same time that most of the points upon 
which I was instructed related mainly to the rights 
of neutrals, and were written at a time when Austria 
was at war with another great continental power, 
with which the Government of the United States was 
at peace, and in which she apprehended that her 
rights as a neutral (being a great Maritime power) 
might be affected. I wished to know as a preliminary, 
therefore, whether Austria would negotiate on these 
questions, of the rights of neutrals, without exacting 
a concurrence in the four points indivisibly as a basis 
and a preliminary to further negotiations ; and in the 
mean time I wotdd address a note to him on the sub- 
jects involved, and only alluded to these points now 
in order to draw his attention to the true issues in- 
volved as he was about to examine the question, with 
a view to other conferences, and that I had preferred 



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198 APPENDIX 

to introduce the subject in a personal interview, be- 
cause the circumstances had been much changed, 
since my instructions had been written, by the peace. 
Cotmt Rechberg, then, reassuring me that he would 
like to take up the subject and would inform himself, 
said he had no doubt that Austria would concur with 
us most cordially in modif5ring the ist point in the dec- 
laration by adding to the clause abol^hing privateer- 
ing that "the private property of the subjects or citi- 
zens of a belligerent &c., &c., shall be exempted from 
seizure by public armed vessels of the other belliger- 
ent, &c., &c." — ^that Austria was disposed to go fur- 
ther, and define more clearly what should constitute 
a blockade, and also what shall be strictly considered 
contraband of war; that in her recent struggle with 
Prance, however, she had tried to get Great Britain 
to so consider coal, but they could get no other than 
an equivocal answer; he deemed this as material to 
the interests of Austria, as against some of the con- 
tinental powers, if England could have been induced 
to take grotmd in favor of it. The Cotmt then pro- 
ceeded to inquire of me what the opinion of our Gov- 
ernment was in relation to the right of the armed 
vessels of a belligerent seizing the Merchant vessels 
of the other belligerent, and making prisoners of war 
of her sailors and unarmed men on board, and propos- 
ing to exchange them as regular prisoners of war. 
France, he said, had done this, and he was confident 
it would not be recognized as sound international law. 
To the right of seizure he took no exception as the 
law now stands, but that unarmed men, such as sailors 
on board Merchant vessels, could be seized and held, 
and treated as prisoners of war, he denied, and said 



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APPENDIX 199 

he had submitted the question to England, but that 
she evaded giving any satisfactory answer. He was 
very anxious to have the views of our Government on 
the subject, regarding, as he said, our voice as equally 
potential to that of any other maritime power. He 
added, also, that in the event of a convention between 
the United States and Atistria relative to the question 
of contraband, it wotdd be necessary to settle the 
question of the right of search, at least so far as to as- 
certain the character of the cargo, whether it was con- 
traband or not. 

I replied that I was very much pleased to find Aus- 
tria so willing to enter into a negotiation on these 
questions. That as to the right of search, our Gov- 
ernment was very tenaciously opposed to it, per se, 
but that she did not withhold her assent from the 
settled question of international law, that neutrals 
shall not carry contraband of war; that I had no in- 
structions on this subject, but no doubt would have 
if the point should ever regularly come up. As to the 
question of seizing and making prisoners of war sailors 
and tmarmed persons at sea on board of trading ves- 
sels, I was not aware at present of a case in point ever 
having been formally considered by our Government. 
Having no precedent on the subject, it wotdd be a 
question simply of International law, upon which he 
was as competent to judge as I was; that having no 
instructions, I cotdd say nothing, officially, relative 
to the subject matter, but my opinion was that our 
Government was strongly inclined in the direction of 
exempting all private property of belligerents as well 
as neutrals from seizure, and by parity of reasoning, 
if this were once done, I shotild suppose that vessel 



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200 APPENDIX 

and cargo being exempt it wotdd follow that the sail- 
ors should be also ; or, in other words, it wotdd be rank 
nonsense to stipulate that all private property of a 
belligerent shall be exempted from seiziu^ by the 
armed vessels of the other belligerent, and at the same 
time admit that such property at sea might be stripped 
of the men who had it in charge, and whose skill and 
care was absolutely essential to its preservation; and 
further that my object was not now to discuss any of 
these questions on their merits. Instructions had been 
given me to present to the consideration of his Govern- 
ment certain questions relative to the rights of neu- 
trals, among which were conspicuously the limita- 
tions and restrictions to be fixed upon contraband of 
war, and blockades, which it was supposed might be 
affected during the war then pending between France 
and Austria, and in which as a neutral power (as our 
Government, I was instructed to inform him, intended 
to be) we had a deep interest. That since these in-^ 
structions had been given, and before I had been able 
to act upon them, peace had been declared, and I had 
determined to avail myself, under all the circum- 
stances, of a personal interview, first to ascertain 
whether the Austrian Government felt disposed at 
this time to enter into the consideration of the ques- 
tions involved with the United States, and that as he 
had already answered me that he would examine the 
preliminary questions, and in the mean time wotdd 
be pleased to hear from me, I wotdd at an early day 
communicate to him in writing what I had to say. 

The conversation then turned upon the war just 
closed. He said Kossuth had been paid 3,000,000 to 
agitate the revolution in Hungary, which was mainly 



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APPENDIX 201 

intended to bring Atistria to speedy terms, and that 
Kossuth was privy to all this and had no expecta- 
tions of eflEecting anything in Hungary. That Prince 
Mettemich, just deceased, had a letter of Kossuth's 
in his possession which would settle his character with 
the republican worid if published, but that the Prince 
positively refused to give it to the public, though he 
had tried hard to obtain his consent. The tone of con- 
versation is changed as to France, indicating deariy 
that they expect to ad hereafter with France, and 
feel a common hostility with her towards Prussia and 
England. Still, great freedom of speech is used, and 
no concealment of their opinion that the French Mon- 
arch requires close watching, and that an Ally has 
need to be as wide awake as an enemy. The prompt 
settlement at Villa Franca of the terms of peace, and 
the perfect confidence everywhere reposed in the 
stability of that peace, between these powers, con- 
vinces every one that it contains secret articles be- 
tween the two Sovereigns in which they and their 
dynasties are principally interested. All hostility to 
France is transferred to England and Prussia, and 
Austria is taking a deep interest now in French prog- 
ress. As to speculation, it is idle now, but the end 
is not yet. Russia is tr5ring to get Prussia into a Con- 
gress. 

The Allies want the new States of Italy to be sanc- 
tioned by a Congress. Prussia is anxious to oblige 
Russia and wants her good services with France, 
whom she fears so much that while holding on to her 
English Alliance (odious to Russia) she is .unwilling 
-to loose her hold on Russia. Russia is busy now tr3ang 
to get up a Congress, moved by France as she was be- 



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202 APPENDIX 

fore, and Constantinople, as of old, is the magnet which 
draws Russia. Italian affairs once settled and all the 
powers committed to them, then will open the new 
drama. 

Cotint Rechberg talked very freely to me in this 
interview about the reforms needed in the Austrian 
Government. He remarked that Mettemich's great 
mistake consisted in not interesting the masses of the 
people in their Government, and that now the subject 
was fraught with diflBctdties which wotdd not have 
existed if taken at an early day. They are at work 
upon the subject very earnestly, but what it will end 
in no one can tell yet. 

I wish to be instructed as soon as convenient on the 
questions: ist, if Austria conditionally assents to all 
proposed in the instructions already given, what I shall 
say in relation to the proposition of President Pierce 
before alluded to, to wit, agreeing to abolish priva- 
teering, provided the clause be added which I have 
already referred to? and secondly, if she consents to 
exclude coal from the list of contraband of war, what 
I am to say in relation to the right of search in order 
to ascertain whether neutral vessels have contraband 
on board or not? and thirdly, what I shall say on the 
question of seizure of unafmed men on trading ves- 
sels as prisoners of war. 

The commerce of Austria with the United States 
is increasing rapidly; the receipts into the United 
States Treasury for duties on exports from Vienna 
alone will be, for the months of April, May, June, and 
Jtdy, not less than $75,000. The fees received at 
present more than pay the salary of the Constil here, 
and his duties are increasing very much. The duties 



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APPENDIX 203 

of the Consulate here are most faithftilly discharged 
by Mr. Stiles, the present Constd. 

The Austrian Government has determined to raise 
the Mission to the United States to the rank of an 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
in reciprocity to our action, and with a view to evince 
their cordial friendship. 

Very Respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 
J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 8. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, Novr. 21, 1859. 
Sir: 

A longer period has elapsed since my last despatch 
than it is usual for me to allow between despatches; 
but in addition to the standing reason that I have 
nothing of interest to communicate, I have had a 
special reason for waiting either to hear something 
from home relative to your despatch of the 30th of 
June in answer to my inquiries, & also to enable the 
foreign office here, by a little delay, to despatch some 
of its more pressing business growing out of the late 
war & concerning a settlement of the terms of peace 
& the domestic reforms required & promised. In my 
last despatch, I stated that in consequence of your 
Note relative to the question of international law not 



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204 APPENDIX 

having reached me before the war was concluded, I 
feared that it would be inopportune & perhaps useless 
to press it just now, hence preferred to open the sub- 
ject verbally & defer conmiunicating more fully in 
writing tmtil I was further instructed & the foreign 
office better prepared to hear me. Time has only 
convinced me that I was right, & I have deferred 
writing the more readily because the despatch was a 
circular one & of a general character, & not addressed 
to me specifically or with special instructions. Ex- 
cept, therefore, to commtmicate ftdly as instructed 
the views of my Government to the Imperial Minister 
of Foreign Affairs on all these questions, verbally, at 
different interviews. & to receive in rettim a repetition 
of the sentiments & opinions given in my last, I have 
done nothing; because, as already stated, I saw that 
a correspondence would be fruitless at this time, unless 
I had new & more comprehensive instructions subse- 
quent to the war directing me to press the subject. 
The pressure now of domestic aflEairs is, I think, a 
little subsiding, & the treaty of Zurich being signed 
relieves, at least pro tanto, the foreign office. A Con- 
gress is in contemplation & generally agreed upon; 
but not so settled that England may not yet decline 
to be represented. The policy of France is to secure 
the sanction of England to a settlement which she 
does not approve, & which no English statesman 
dares to be responsible for. The fate of Castlereagh 
& the Treaties of 1815 are still fresh in the memories 
of both Russell & Palmerston. 

The feeling of hostility so general in France against 
England is mainly engendered by the constant efforts 
of the English to thwart the Napoleonic Policy in 



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APPENDIX 205 

Italy. Victor Emmanuel woidd be an easy subject 
in the hands of the French Emperor, if he were not 
supported by suggestions from the English. In fact, 
England would like above all things to see Central 
Italy tuiited under the sway of Victor Emmanuel, 
because it wotdd displease France & strengthen Brit- 
ish influence. But England is not willing to do this at 
the expense of the French alliance, though coming as 
near it as she dare approach. Prussia, under English 
dictation, has been tr5ring to conciliate Russia; & 
England is acting with a view to the contingency of 
a war with France, which may happen. France in- 
tends to coerce England into an approval of her 
policy, or to go to war. 

The Austrian Government has determined, beyond 
all doubt, to grant liberal reforms, but is still at a loss 
to know what to do ; the fear of conceding too much 
deters it from granting what they know wotdd be re- 
garded as too little by the people; & hence delay. 
The people, while they will be satisfied with nothing 
but substantial reforms, are disinclined to revolution 
for fear of reenacting the scenes of 1848, & hence pre- 
fer so far peaceftd agitation. The condition of the 
finances will compel action, & I am satisfied some 
good reform will be made, though not equal to the 
wishes of the people. Religious toleration is pro- 
gressing, & a disposition is shown to act fairly in the 
matter. 

Austria is at present almost isolated in Europe, & 
this will induce her perhaps to fall into the arms of 
France, which alone at present coxirts her. 

There never was a better time, in my judgment, for 
our government to effectually assert its rights with 



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206 APPENDIX 

England than the present, for she has now Prussia 
alone for a friend, & she knows that Russia & France 
would rejoice to see her embroiled with us. Not only 
is this the time to assert rights, but any modification 
of international law could now be pressed on England 
with great advantage. The assent of Prance will carry 
Austria. Russia is alwajrs favourably inclined to- 
wards us, & England could now be pressed to a de- 
cision with great eflEect — ^the forthcoming Congress, 
too, is a very appropriate time & place. 
I have the honour to be. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hoi>}ORABLB Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 9. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, December 24th, 1859. 
Sir: 

Your despatch No. 5, dated Novr. 12th, 1859, ^ 
dtdy received, & I am pleased to learn by it that my 
course of conduct with the foreign office relative to 
the question of neutral rights meets your approval. 
In my despatch No. 8, dated 21st Nov. 1859, ^o* ^~ 
ceived by you at the date of your No. 5, I informed 
you more fully of what I had done, and which I am 
happy to know is consistent with the tenor of your 
last communication. 



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APPENDIX 207 

Immediately on the receipt of yotir despatch No. s. 
I called on Count Rechberg, & reiterated all that I 
had said before » accompanied with the remark that 
what I had, on former occasions, stated was approved 
by my government, & that I wotdd not press for any 
reply, but content myself with urging upon the Aus- 
trian government the consideration of the importance 
of an early modification of the maritime code — a. 
point which I reassured him was deemed of impor- 
tance not only to my own government, but to all 
the maritime powers of Europe. I said that I 
thought the present a favourable time for bringing 
the whole subject under the purview of European 
diplomacy, but that I wotdd wait his pleasure to 
confer with me on the subject & also as to the 
manner of treating it. 

He replied that he had considered it carefully, & 
conferred with the other European Powers represented 
at Vienna. He was convinced that the course sug- 
gested by my Government was clearly to the interest 
of Austria; & that all the minor powers concurred 
with him fully in this opinion as to their respective 
governments. He was of opinion that Prussia & 
Russia wotdd favour the movement; of France he 
could say nothing, as she was not represented yet at 
Vienna; but he anticipated no objection of a serious 
character from any power except that of Great 
Britain — ^that Government he thought would be de- 
cidedly adverse ; but he was convinced, if she wotdd 
yield to any power, it would be to our government. 
He added that Austria had suffered much in her ship- 
ping interests during the last war, & that she was 
anxious to guard against a repetition of these depreda- 



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208 APPENDIX 

tions in the future, as she was conscious she could not 
expect to contend successfully with the maritime 
powers on the ocean. I informed him that my gov- 
ernment was well aware of the influence she might 
bring to bear on Great Britain in the adjustment of 
the question of neutral rights, blockades, contraband 
of war, &c., &c., on acooimt of our growing commer- 
cial importance, increasing maritime power, and 
her dependence upon us for raw material for her 
heavy manufacturing interest; & that I was fully ap- 
prized of the real source of the four points agreed to 
and settled at the Paris conference by the Powers 
there represented — ^that the motive for coupling with 
three unobjectionable points a fourth (abolishing 
privateering), and declaring the four points to be in- 
divisible, was too transparent to mislead any one. 
It certainly was not calctilated to embarrass a power 
which woTild maintain, in peace & war, at any ex- 
pense, an armed force on the ocean sufficient to assert 
supremacy; nor could it embarrass any other power 
whose mercantile marine added to its armed force by 
privateering could not, thus combined, meet a large 
power on the ocean on equal terms. I remarked 
further that I regarded the acts of the Paris Confer- 
ence on this subject as a sort of paper blockade upon 
all further negotiation or modification of a code known 
to be far in arrears of the progressive spirit & ad- 
vanced civilization of the age ; that the object of my 
government was to reopen the subject, or, at least, 
more clearly define some of the provisions of that code ; 
that I was happy to learn from him that nearly all the 
European governments were ready to cooperate with 
us in this commendable undertaking, & that the in- 



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APPENDIX 209 

divisibility of the four points might not prevent fur- 
ther negotiation; that I was also happy to hear such 
an acknowledgment made by these Powers of our 
Maritime strength & of the humanity & justness of 
our motives. Count Rechberg added that we were 
strong as a naval power, even if we abandoned the 
right of privateering; that he intended to confer with 
the new Ambassador of France (now daily expected) 
on the subject; that he would represent Austria him- 
self in the Congress about to assemble early in Janu- 
ary next at Paris, for at least a portion of the time of 
its session, & that although the Powers there to be 
represented had already agreed to a restriction upon 
the questions there to be discussed, which wotdd ex- 
clude this one of neutral rights, &c. — that this exclu-. 
sion wotdd only extend to the Cotmcil Chamber in 
its formal sittings, & that he wotdd introduce it in- 
formally himself in their familiar conversation, & in- 
form me fully of the progress made. I thanked him 
then & took my leave. 

My knowledge of Austrian affairs & European poli- 
tics generally confirms me in the opinion that if the 
United States desire earnestly, as I do not doubt they 
do, to effect such a modification of International Law 
relating to maritime affairs as is set forth with so much 
ability & clearness in your despatch to Hon. J. Y. 
Mason of June 27, 1859, No. 190, that they can safely 
rely at this time upon the cordial cooperation of all, 
or nearly all, the continental Powers of Europe; but 
I believe the true, if not the only, mode of reaching 
it is by a Congress of Nations. England will always 
avail herself in the adjustment of other great questions 
in European Congresses of the opporttinity to exact 

Vol. 11—14 



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210 APPENDIX 

stipulations from the Continental 'Powers calculated 
to strengthen her naval supremacy. This mode of 
action makes us impotent to effect any thing, moving 
single-handed & in detail, by conventional arrange- 
ments with such powers as may feel disposed to treat 
with us, while she acts upon the Collective Powers of 
the World in a Congress of Nations, now almost, by its 
frequency, become a regular institution, & from the 
sessions of which we are excluded by our policy of non- 
intervention. These bodies being professedly Euro- 
pean & having professedly in view European interests 
alone, it is but meet & proper that we shotdd there be 
unrepresented. But all experience shows that these 
bodies do not confine their jurisdiction to the subjects 
properly before them, but actually enter into com- 
binations to settle principles of international law in 
which all the Maritime Powers of the World are in- 
terested. Against this cotu-se of procedure, our gov- 
ernment thus far has contented itself with protesting; 
but while the protests are forgotten, the European 
Powers proceed with the consolidation of those fimda- 
mental laws which are to govern all countries, our- 
selves included, or isolate us from the family of Na- 
tions. I suggest, most respectfully, then, that oxar 
government lead the way & propose, as a great Mari- 
time Power, a Congress of Nations, not European, but 
of all the Powers represented at Washington, or who 
have Commercial interests, the jurisdiction to be con- 
fined to maritime law, & with powers only to restrict, 
retrench, & modify its provisions, but not to enlarge 
its area or add to its dogmas. I am thoroughly con- 
vinced that this movement wotdd be seconded by 
three fourths of the civilized Nations of the worlds 



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APPENDIX 211 

even to the extent of aboKshing contraband altogether 
& making private property of belligerents on their 
own unarmed ships as free as on those of neutrals. 
Spain, Russia, Holland, France, &c., have shown 
their sympathies at as early a period as our revolu- 
tionary history; & our conventional arrangements in 
America with Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, Ecuador, New 
Granada, Guatemala, San Salvador, Peru, & Mexico, 
and others in Europe, referred to in your despatch, 
show the feelings of these nations. Recent demonstra- 
tions at Bremen, ridiculed in the London "Times" of 
Dec. I oth, show the feeling there . See also the " Times ' ' 
of the 17th Dec. The pamphlet of 6mile Girardin, 
reviewed in the London "Times" of the 13th Dec, 
illustrates & stistains this position — ^all that is wanting 
is a leader. The moral effect of such a motion on the 
part of our government would be prodigious all over 
Etux>pe; because while it is perfectly consistent with 
the settled policy of our coimtry since the days of 
Washington of not intervening in the local politics 
of Europe, or forming entangling alliances with other 
powers, it will be a just & bold assertion that we will 
intervene & have a voice in the deliberations of any 
body which may attempt to settle organic laws which 
are to govern the world — ^more particularly in Mari- 
time affairs, the ocean being emphatically the highway 
of Nations. This moral effect also would be immensely 
enhanced by the open declaration of our policy & 
motives. We ask for nothing selfish, but simply for 
that which is for the benefit of the whole human race 
— ^the melioration of the evils of war — a, mission of 
which our country cotdd well be proud before the 
world. I press upon your consideration prompt 



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212 APPENDIX 

action in this matter, & I hope I may be excused for 
saying that as the head of our government & the head 
of the State Department are both well known in the 
circles of Europe for their diplomatic learning & abil- 
ity, it wotdd add to the effect to have it come from 
this administration — a measure which would reflect 
honour upon any administration. 

If this step shotdd be taken, I believe Austria is the 
place to begin. With England we never can begin, 
nor will she be the first to assent. France cannot lead 
in Europe without givii^ mortal oflfence to the acute 
sensibilities of England, just now so ftill of evil appre- 
hensions ; while she would be pleased to follow a lead 
which, though not intended by us, would be in effect 
so much in the line of her well known policy, weakening 
the naval dominion of England. Prussia is too nearly 
allied to England, & Russia is isolated in her influence ; 
while Austria has still her prestige of being the centre 
of diplomacy, wields almost absolute influence over 
all the minor powers of Germany, & just now even 
with France has influence, is smarting under her 
misfortunes at sea during the last war, & is ambi- 
tiotis to reach England (who refused to her aid & 
comfort on the sea) by weakening her in her strong- 
hold of war. 

I believe a Congress such as I have indicated can 
be obtained, & that it wotdd result in the settlement 
of a code such as you have xarged in your despatch. 
If one or two powers should hold off for a while, the 
moral judgment of the world would soon force their 
acquiescence. England, the most reluctant to yield, 
is most subject to public opinion. Her commercial 
& manufacttuing interests would direct public opinion 



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APPENDIX 213 

to the morality & jtistice of a policy which exempts all 
private property in unarmed vessels from capture at 
sea, settles forever the question of the right of search 
by abolishing contraband of war, & narrows down & 
humanizes the issues of war to the armed squadrons 
of the belligerents ; & this public opinion would control 
the government. This principle once adopted, priva- 
teering becomes, ipso facto, of no avail, since the spoils 
of confiscated property are the only food it lives on; 
but it would bring us to the volunteer system adopted 
under our constitution in land warfare, & which is so 
congenial to our institutions — ^where instead of calling 
for volimteers to fight the battles of our coimtry, with 
a license to plunder & pay themselves out of the spoils 
of the victory, we enroll them imder the national ban- 
ner & pay them out of the common treasury. So in 
Naval Affairs; squadrons of oxar Mercantile Marine 
could be mustered into the service & regularly com- 
missioned to do battle at the expense of the govern- 
ment. I need hardly add that, aside from the mor- 
ality of the thing, the Country wotdd be much the 
gainer by it, as the increased expense to the govern- 
ment would be far more than overbalanced by the gain 
to our carrying trade & the saving of cargoes liable now 
to capture, &c., &c. I have conversed with Americans 
here who are well posted in Commercial affairs & who 
inform me that such a movement wotdd be hailed by 
the civilized world; if it even failed now, the moral 
effect of the effort on the part of our government 
woiild enure immensely to our advantage & to the 
ultimate triumph of the rights of the seas. 

Under my present instructions, I consider it my 
duty to press the matter on Austria, & through Aus- 



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214 APPENDIX 

tria on all other powers reachable. If they shotdd 
suggest the propriety of a Congress, for without fur- 
ther instruction I shall not do so, I will inform you & 
urge you to act in accordance with their views; though 
I would much prefer to see our country lead in the 
suggestion. The indivisibility of the four points, as 
declared by the seven European Powers at Paris, has 
already almost closed the door against all further 
negotiation on the subject matter of these Points, 
either by separate negotiation or by Congresses com- 
posed of these powers alone. The attributes of their 
sovereignty pro tanto seem by this Act to be sur- 
rendered. A Congress of Nations is the only tribtuial 
left open by this declaration in which these powers 
have not parted with their freedom of action. Here 
we mtist meet them at last, .or meet them never — 
delay to us is dangerous, if not fatal. In the mean- 
time they will combine all the Euroi)ean Powers in 
giving constructions to Maritime law which we are 
bound to resist, & by delay we may find ourselves at 
issue with the combined Powers of Euroi)e. 

I have suggested Austria as the proper Power to 
begin with & given the reasons therefor. Offence 
might have been taken if a movement of this kind on 
our part were begim with a non-maritime Power, 
without first at least consulting the leading Maritime 
Powers. But our Government has fully complied 
with this formula, by submitting the whole question 
through her representative at every Court, discussing 
all the points at full length, & earnestly soliciting 
their adherence & cooperation. This was done by 
your predecessor, Mr. Marcy, in response to the de- 
spatch of Count Sartiges submitting the propositions 



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APPENDIX 215 

of the Paris Conference of April, 1856. No attention 
was paid to the Circular letter of Mr. Marcy, although 
it is pretty well known that six of these Powers had 
no objection to its terms if it had been originally sub- 
mitted for their action. In fact, the seven Powers 
have pledged themselves not to negotiate separately 
except upon the basis of the four points taken indi- 
visibly. This did not deter these powers, however, 
from negotiating among themselves with a view to 
enlarge the contraband of war, including coal, under 
its interdict. Although this was not effected for want 
of time, yet no one of these governments ever ques- 
tioned their own jurisdictions without consulting us. 
It was not tmtil it was ascertained that England could 
not be relied on that Austria called on me for the 
opinion of our government relative to the seiziu« of 
Merchant vessels & treating the tmarmed men on 
board as prisoners <rf war, & has followed it up by 
showing an tmusual anxiety to codperate with us in 
reforming the marine code. 

Again, your despatch. No. 190, to Mr. Mason has, 
with great perspicuity, submitted to all the powers 
these same questions. The Maritime Powers will con- 
tinue to shelter themselves tmder the Paris Confer- 
ence— disqualifjdng them to negotiate except upon 
conditions repulsive to us — & still reserving to them- 
selves the right to act whenever it may suit their 
muttaal interests to do so. This fact (together with 
those succinctly stated in your despatch), that no 
uniformity can ever be arrived at by separate com- 
mercial treaties with different powers, not only clearly 
demonstrates the necessity of a general Congress, but 
also precludes any one or more of the Maritime powers 



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216 APPENDIX 

from taking offence at the initiative of any one of the 
less Maritime Powers in Euroi)e. Besides, my sug- 
gestion to begin with Austria does not mean to ex- 
clude any one, as all will be invited alike to the Con- 
gress, if it is determined upon. It is only ptirposed to 
begin with Austria, & through her, as the best channel, 
to prepare the way for such a Congress, & to learn 
from her what success the proposal would meet with 
in Europe, if formally suggested by the United States 
— ^to ascertain & report this, too, before our govern- 
ment decides upon asking for it. This is what I mean 
by beginning with Austria ; & I have so begun under 
my instructions (except as to naming a Congress) — 
the first being to ascertain how many & what nations 
will co6perate with us in the proposed modifications; 
& secondly, how it is to be done ; & if they suggest a 
Congress, to relieve them from the embarrassment of 
the Paris declaration, then, whether they wish the 
proposal to come from our government, & if she con- 
sents to make it, then, how many & what nations 
would concur in the proposition & send representa- 
tives. 

In my first interview with Cotmt Rechberg I saw 
the embarrassment of this Paris declaration, which I 
think they regret now, & so I wrote that I thought 
nothing could be done without opening the whole 
subject, on which, if I was to proceed, I needed fur- 
ther instructions. 

In addition to the good results of the direct action 
of such a Congress, we would have a precedent estab- 
lished that jurisdiction over this subject can only be 
recognized in a general Congress of all the Powers, 
negative the jurisdiction of a Euro^an Congress, & 



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APPENDIX 217 

put it beyond the power of belligerents to modify or 
enlarge, ad libittmi, the international law. 

If any Power should decline to be represented in 
such a Congress, we will have the benefit of an issue 
before the civilized world that such Power means to 
exclude us & other Nations from a voice in the adjust- 
ment of that law which concerns the whole civilized 
world. The sooner we have that issue the better, if 
it is to come, as our cause would be just & our objects 
humane. The voice of the civilized world would be 
in our favour & we shotdd be sure to triumph. 

Before closing it is proi)er I should add that Mr. 
Marcy by direction of our government having sub- 
mitted a proposition, we cannot object to its consider- 
ation now by the Congress of Paris to meet in January 
next ; but if that body should decline to consider it, or 
reject it, then I hope our government will never again 
submit any proposition on so general a question to so 
partial a body, but demand a general Congress — and 
for these reasons: ist. Because England, in yielding 
to us the right of search, has reserved the question of 
fixing some mode of ascertaining the Nationality of 
vessels at sea, & invites us to make a p?roposition on 
the subject. 2d. Because the leading Maritime powers 
have abolished privateering without our concurrence, 
& have not assented to our proposition to exempt the 
private property of belligerents from capture under 
enemies' flag — ^two points deemed inseparable by us. 
And 3d. Because a disposition is shown in Euroi)e to 
enlarge the area of Contraband of War by belligerents 
themselves, or by a Congress whose jurisdiction we 
cannot recognize. If my judgment is worth anything, 
all attempts to effect thorough reforms in the Mari- 



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218 APPENDIX 

time Code will prove abortive, if we continue the 
policy of beginning with the first Maritime Powers of 
Europe. They are the last to make concessions, 
never the first to propose or to assent to them. All 
experience proves this. Austria, Russia, & Prussia 
should be first looked to to follow our lead, & France 
& England the last to give their acquiescence — & 
even this, as experience teaches us, will not avail with- 
out a Congress. I may repeat here that I know that 
France (while she likes to lead in most matters) in 
this would prefer to follow. 

If such a Congress ever takes place, it ought to be 
held in some central European Capital of a non- (or 
minor) Maritime power, such as Dresden, Munich, 
Stuttgart, &c. 

The visit last summer of the Flag Ship Wabash 
to the waters of the Adriatic produced a very good 
effect, & I would suggest that the Commodore be 
instructed again next summer to touch among other 
places at Venice & Trieste, particularly with the new 
gim-boat. 

Great disquiet exists here at present. The intelli- 
gent & conservative masses are very much discon- 
tented. A revolution is dreaded by them, however, 
as much as by the government, as they only know the 
fruits of revolution by the bastard attempt of 1848, 
which endangered all security to property & produced 
anarchy alone. The retirement of Count Buol to 
Rome, & Hubner to Venice, & of Ferdinand Max, the 
Emperor's next eldest brother, to Madeira, creates an 
impression that a change of policy may be effected by 
a change, not of djrnasty, but by calling another mem- 
ber of the family to the Throne, who will represent an 



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APPENDIX 219 

entirely different policy. But this may never happen, 
or if it does, it may be remote. I speak only of the 
impression. 

Very respectftdly, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington, 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. ID. Legation of the United States, 

Vienna, January 30th, i860. 
Sir: 

I have forwarded to the Department, through the 
United States Consul at Bremen, a package contain- 
ing: (i) a statistical view of the population, &c., of 
Austria, according to the Census of 1857, (2) a state- 
ment of the Foreign Commerce of Austria for 1857, 
(3) communications from the Bureau of Statistics, 
7th volume, 2d & 3d parts, & (4) statistical tables of 
the Monarchy, 2d vol., ist & 8th parts. These docu- 
ments are presented to our Government by that of 
Austria, & are in continuation of series, the preceding 
numbers of which have already been forwarded. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 
Honble. Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State. 



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220 APPENDIX 

MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. ii. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, March 12th, i860. 
Sir: 

My despatch No. 9, dated Dec. 24, 1859, was written 
on the eve of a contemplated European Congress, in 
which it was supposed by many the question of a 
modification of maritime law might be considered. 
Since that time the public mind of Europe has been 
in a constant state of fluctuation, ever approaching 
some definite result & yet never reaching it. No 
special event of importance occurring, I have delayed 
writing from time to time, expecting weekly to have 
something definite to say on subjects which might be 
of interest to our government, & in the shaping of 
which Austria might act a conspicuous part. I am 
sorry to say, however, that the adjustment of Euro- 
pean complications just now appears to be farther 
removed than ever. The opinion is becoming daily 
more prevalent that France having disturbed the 
equilibriimi of Europe by throwing her sword into the 
scale, that equilibrium can only be restored by the 
sword. On this subject I ventured in my first despatch 
the opinion that France had more at heart the exclu- 
sion of Austrian & the substitution of French influ- 
ence in Italy than the independence and unity of 
Italy itself. Events have only tended to confirm me 
in this opinion; but the Italians themselves have 
shown a spirit & zeal for nationality not anticipated, 
& their own perseverance is likely to end against the 
policy of France, in at least forming a good nucleus 
for future progress in the annexation of Parma, Mo- 



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APPENDIX 221 

dena, & Lombardy to Sardinia. This is not the work 
of France, save Lombardy, but of the Italians them- 
selves. 

In the meantime, as all idea of a congress has van- 
ished, the question of maritime rights has been for- 
gotten, except among the commercial classes of Ger- 
many, Englaiid, & even of New York. I took occasion 
to speak freely to my colleagues on this subject, al- 
ways accompanied with the declaration that I had 
no instructions & was acting unofficially, but was 
anxious to learn, as far as it was compatible with their 
views of official propriety, the views of their respec- 
tive governments. The response was frank, and even 
eagerly given, Rtissia, Sweden, Denmark, Spain, & 
many of the minor powers stating that it would be 
hailed with joy if our government would make itself 
felt in the settlement of maritime law. The English 
Minister, Lord Loftus, made a formal inquiry of 
Count Rechberg as to the designs of Austria, which 
was answered by informing him that no proposition 
had been n^de by the American government yet, but 
that if the American government ever should propose 
to Austria the alternative of privateering or inuntmity 
of goods upon the ocean, Austria would cheerfully 
unite with that government, believing it to be her 
interest to do so. Lord Loftus informed me that he 
had made it the subject of a despatch to his govern- 
ment to which he had received a very prompt & em- 
phatic reply, &c. The effect of all this has been very 
good, even if it rests here. England learns for the 
first time that if she can succeed in combining all the 
European powers against privateering to the extent 
also of closing their ports against our privateers in 



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222 APPENDIX 

time of war, treating them as pirates, or at least as 
outlaws, entitled to no hospitality or comity, that our 
government, if it pleases to exercise it, has always in 
reserve a step which will draw all these powers to its 
side, & cripple immensely the dominion of England 
on the ocean & her consequence in the family of na- 
tions ; for her power in Europe lies in this magic wand. 
The fearful annihilation of their commerce, in the 
event of hostilities, causes many a reluctant power 
to bow to England's cotmsels. England has also 
learned, perhaps not for the first time, that if we deem 
it expedient, it is not inconsistent with our policy to 
be heard in a maritime Congress, & that if we lead the 
way every other maritime power in Europe will follow 
& acknowledge the jurisdiction of such a body. These 
facts alone may, when known to England, induce her 
to abandon all further steps on the subject, & if so 
we can afford to rest for the present also, at least until 
further steps are taken adversely to our interests. 
All that I have ventured to say in my former despatch 
as to our policy of abandoning privateering was based 
upon the progressive combination of other nations to 
render privateering impotent & odious, as far as they 
have power so to do. As our government is not 
aggressive, it needs not to hold in terrorism over the 
heads of other nations a threatened destruction of 
their private property on the ocean in order to coerce 
them to terms, & can therefore afford to jdeld priva- 
teering simultaneously with the immunity of goods. 
If this combination is abandoned, we can afford to 
rest in statu quo with safety. Still, I am ftilly satisfied 
that the commercial & mantifacttiring world will in 
less than twenty years demand this exemption, 



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APPENDIX 223 

seconded by the producers of raw materials such as 
cotton. It is a policy founded by great maritime 
powers alone, never by the common consent of all, 
or of the weaker, on principles of humanity & general 
justice. It is abandoned on land, & not now main- 
tained upon any other ground than that of recognized 
law in the jus gentium, & its continuance is advocated 
by those powers alone who either are now or expect to 
be great in maritime strength. It is wise, therefore, 
for a great nation whose policy is fotmded on equal 
& exact justice to all to indicate beforehand a course 
consistent with its dictates whenever the contingency 
may arise, & preserve its reputation in advance from 
being placed in a false position in the eyes of the civil- 
ized world. 

All eyes in Austria have been eagerly turned for 
some time to the coming promised constitution, 
which has just been published. It turns out to be no 
constitution at all, however, but rather a patent — 
an enlargement only of the cotmselling power of the 
Empire. Of course it is not satisfactory to those who 
were sanguine ; but the conservative men are disposed 
to regard it as not so very bad a beginning, although 
promising nothing very tangible at present. It recog- 
nizes a right to be heard, based on suffrage, the de- 
tails of which are yet to be adjusted, & which they 
hope they may be enabled to enlarge from time to 
time as in England, & convert that which is now an 
advising into at least a coordinate legislative body. 
A translated copy of this Patent is enclosed. 

Your despatch No. 6, 2Sth Nov. 1859, accompany- 
ing a copy of the report of the proceedings of the na- 
tional Quarantine & Sanitary Association at its third 



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224 APPENDIX 

meeting, held in April last, has been duly received & 
presented by me to the Austrian government, as I was 
instructed to do, with the request that this govern- 
ment would reciprocate. 

Your despatch No. 7, ist Feby., i860, relative to 
the case of Wm. Madardsz, an Hungarian, has also 
been received, &, as instructed, I have addressed a 
communication to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
Count Rechberg, a copy of which is herewith enclosed. 
As yet no reply has been returned to it. 
Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 1 1 . — Translation,] 

Patent op March 5, i860. 

We, Franz Josef the first, by the grace of God 
Emi)eror of Austria, &c., &c., have resolved to increase 
our Reichsrath by extraordinary members whom we 
shall periodically convene, the Reichsrath itself con- 
tinuing to exist on the basis of our Patent of the 13th 
of April, 1851, & of our rescript of the 20th August, 
1851. To this end, after hearing of our Ministers & 
of otir Reichsrath, we ordain as follows : 

§1. As extraordinary members to attend these 
periodical consultations, we shall appoint 

1. Archdtikes of our Imperial house. 

2. Some of the higher dignitaries of the Church. 

3. Men who have distinguished themselves in our 

Civil and Military service or in other ways. 



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APPENDIX 



225 



38 members of the representative bodies of 
the country — ^to wit: 
6 from the Kingdom of Hungary. 



3 


(( 


Bohemia. 


2 


It 


Lombardo-Venetia. 


I 


(f 


Dalmatia. 


2 


l< 


Slavonia & Croatia. 


3 


it 


Galicia,Lodomeria,& 
the Grand Duchy 
of Krakau. 


2 


<l 


** Archduchy of Austria below the 
Enns. 




it 


" Same above the Enns. 




it 


** Duchy of Salzburg. 




<< 


" Archduchy of Styria. 




l( 


** Duchy of Carinthia. 




(< 


** Duchy of Krain. 




<( 


** Duchy of Bukowina. 


3 


<< 


** Grand Principality of Transyl- 
vania. 


2 


<< 


" Earldom of Moravia. 


I 


<( 


" Duchy of Silesia. 


2 


<< 


" Principality of Tjrrol. 


I 


ti 


Vorarlberg. 


I 


<< 


the Earldom of Istria, with those of 
G6rz & Gradisca. 


I 


««' 


the Imperial City of Trieste & its ter- 
ritory, and 


2 


<f 


the Servian Woiwodschaft and the 
Temesvar Banat. 


The representative bodies in these Crown Lands 


will choose for each one of the appointments to be 


thus made three of their number & propose them to us. 


Vol. n— 16 







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226 APPENDIX 

The extraordinary members of the Reichsrath, 
designated in i, 2, & 3, will be appointed for life. 
Those designated in 4 will be chosen for six years. 
After this term is over, they are not, however, ex- 
cluded from reelection. If during his six years term 
of office a member dies or loses the personal qualifi- 
cations for membership of the representative body 
which proposed him, or is permanently prevented 
from taking part in the deliberations of the enlarged 
Reichsrath, we will appoint from the names already 
proposed to us a substitute for the remainder of the 
six years terms. 

In reference to the elections to be held by the Repre- 
sentative bodies for the enlarged Reichsrath, we shall 
issue special regulations. 

§2. The enlarged Reichsrath will be convened by 
us periodically to deliberate upon the matters re- 
ferred to it in the following paragraphs. 

§3. The enlarged Reichsrath will have to consider: 
(i) The determination of the Budget, the examina- 
tion of the balance sheet of the State, the plans of the 
Committee on the public debt. (2) All the more im- 
portant projects in regard to legislation. (3) The 
propositions of the representative bodies. 

We reserve to ourselves, also, the right to refer other 
matters to the consideration of the enlarged Reichsrath. 

§4. The enlarged Reichsrath cannot take the in- 
itiative in making projects of law or ordinances. 
Should it, however, in considering a project referred 
to it find occasion to point out wants, defects, or re- 
quirements in the legislation concerned, it is called 
upon to bring them to notice at the time that it lays 
its opinions before us. 



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APPENDIX 227 

§5. The members of our permanent Reichsrath 
have seats & votes in the deliberations of the enlarged 
Reichsrath. 

§6. Our ministers & the heads of our central offices 
are entitled to take part in all the deliberations of the 
enlarged Reichsrath & to maintain their propositions 
in person or by a delegate. 

§7. Matters other than those designated in §§3 & 4 
upon which we decide to consult our Reichsrath are 
to be treated as heretofore in the prescribed manner 
by the -permanent members of the same. 

§8. We reserve to ourselves the right to issue an 
order of business for the enlarged Reichsrath. 

§9. The Extraordinary members of the Reichsrath 
will have as such no pajrment from the State Treasury. 

§10. All the determinations of our Patent of the 
13th of April, 1851, in respect to the Reichsrath, 
which are not set aside by the present patent, remain 
in force, with the exception of those contained in 
§§13, 16, 17, & 37, referring to the temporary partic- 
ipants. 

Given in our Capitol and Residence, city of Vienna, 
this sth of March, i860, & of our reign the 12th year. 

[Note.] 
An Imperial Ordinance of the same date provides 
that as soon as the representative bodies in the vari- 
ous provinces are created and constituted they shall 
proceed to the elections designated in the Patent. 
Until then, the Emperor will himself appoint men, 
in the ntmiber (38) above mentioned, from the several 
Crown Lands, to attend the deliberations of the en- 
larged Reichsrath. 



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228 APPENDIX 

The Reichsrath thtis constituted will meet in the 
month of May of this year (day to be hereafter desig- 
nated), in order to examine the btidget for 1861. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No, 11. — Copy.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, February 29th, i860. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
has been instructed by his Government to use his good 
offices tmofficially with the Imperial Royal Ministry 
of Foreign Affairs in the following case: 

William Madardsz, a Hungarian by birth, emi- 
grated to the United States in the year 1851, and 
settled in the state of Iowa, where he was married in 
1853. In 185s he returned to Htmgary, leaving his 
wife behind him, with the avowed purpose of arrang- 
ing his private affairs there, with a view to a -pev- 
manent residence in the United States, he having, as 
is alleged, already taken the necessary preliminary 
steps to become a citizen of the United States. He is 
still in Htmgary, where he is detained, as is alleged, 
against his will, not having permission to quit the 
dominions of Austria. 

The Undersigned is not yet fully informed as to the 
merits of the case, but is of opinion that upon present 
information he has no right to make any demand i^ 
the premises; and hence, relying upon the well known 
relations now so happily subsisting between the gov- 
ernment of the United States and the government of 



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APPENDIX 229 

His Imperial Majesty of Atistria, he addresses him- 
self solely to the humane consideration of the Imperial 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, with the confident belief 
that unless some formidable obstacle unknown to 
the Undersigned, and not supposed by him to exist, 
intervenes, the government of His Imperial Majesty 
will in the same spirit facilitate the restoration of Mr. 
Madar^z to his family in the United States. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to His Excellency Count Rechberg, Imperial 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, the assurance of his per- 
fect consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

His Excellency Count Rechberg, 

Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 12. Legation of the United States, 

Vienna, April 30th, i860. 
Sir: 

Your despatch No. 8, with notice that a box of books 
has been sent to this Legation, has been received. 

I transmit, herewith, two documents— one a trans- 
lation of the Protest of the Duke of Modena which his 
diplomatic representative here has presented to the 
Legation, the other a copy of a note received from the 
Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs accompanying 
publications on the subject of Quarantine in Austria, 
for the use of the National Sanitary Association, 
which were asked for by me in accordance with your 



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f 



230 APPENDIX 

despatch No. 6. The publications themselves were 
forwarded yesterday to the Department through the 
Consul at Bremen. 

Since my last despatch, of March 12th, an effort 
has been made to relieve the finances of the Empire 
by procuring a loan, but it has not yet been successful. 
Ci^at and systematic frauds on the Government have 
been discovered. Baron Bruck, the Finance Minister, 
was supposed to be implicated, & was temporarily 
dismissed by the Emperor on the 22nd of April, in the 
evening. On the next morning he was found in his 
blood in bed, & an inquest discovered that the throat & 
wrists were cut by his own hand. This only con- 
firms the suspicion that he was implicated. There will 
result an effort to put the financial affairs of the Empire 
on a better footing, & as this can only be done by re- 
organization, it is already announced that the policy of 
1848 is to be modified. Hungary is to have her local & 
municipal jurisdiction once more restored. The super- 
vision of the finances is to be so constituted as to secure 
confidence, &c. There is no doubt of the resources of 
Austria ; her liabilities are not beyond her reach ; but no 
stability can be secured, no credit restored, until the 
political disqtiietude of the country is calmed and con- 
fidence renewed in the management of public affairs. 
All this is now promised, & time will tell the result. 

The Archduke Albrecht has resigned, & General 
Benedek is Governor of Hungary. He is a Hungarian 
& popular ; but he of coxirse goes to Hungary to obey 
orders & carry out a policy conceived in Vienna, & 
whether he can adapt it to the present wishes & wants 
of Htmgary cannot be told. Hungary is very dis- 
trustful. She does not desire revolution; indeed, she 



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APPENDIX 231 

has very little to hope from it at present, while the 
revolutionary spirit is qiiiet in France & Germany & 
she is hemmed in and surrotmded by Austria, Russia, 
& Turkey. While the policy of the French Govern- 
ment seeks alliances with absolutism in Russia & 
Austria, & England gives daily notice that sympathy 
is all she can offer, & that fight she will not except in 
self defence, it would be in vain for Htmgary to hope 
from revolutionary remedies. She relies, therefore, 
on peaceful agitation, masterly inactivity, which at 
least works well enough to bring out fair promises, 
& she, in turn, replies that she will suspend judgment 
until these promises are fulfilled. 

I learned recently, indirectly, that the Consulate 
at Venice was vacant — ^Mr. Sarmiento having left 
without informing me of the fact, nor to whom he had 
entrusted the records. I have addressed a note of 
inquiry to Mr. Remak at Trieste, the Consul nearest 
to Venice, and from him have learned that the Consul 
selected his own deputy, a Mr. Zaccaria, & had diffi- 
culty in finding one on account of the temporary ten- 
ure of the office. The same difficulty will arise in my 
making an appointment. I cannot possibly secure the 
services of a competent officer & citizen of the United 
States, tmless I can give him some assurance of his 
being continued. I therefore propose to await your in- 
structions, tmless in the meantime something should 
occur to require prompt action. 

Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

HoNBLE. Lewis Cass, 

Secretary of State. 



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232 APPENDIX 

[Eficlosure in Despatch No, 12,— TranskUion.] 

PROTEST OP THE DUKE OP MODENA. 

We, Francis 5th, Archduke of Austria, Prince Royal 
of Himgary and of Bohemia, by the grace of God 
Duke of Modena, Reggio, Mirandola, Massa, Carrara> 
GtiastaUa, &c., &c., &c. 

The events of the latter days of April, 1859, in the 
Grand Duchy of Tuscany, & the attitude of Sardinia, 
then become more openly hostile to us, having forced 
us to concentrate our troops, in withdrawing them 
from that part of the Duchy bordering on these two 
States. We protested, the 14th of May, 1859, against 
the iniquitous usurpation of these provinces, which 
the Piedmontese government inmiediately after the 
departure of our forces hastened to make. 

The events of the war in Lombardy, the revolution 
effected in Parma, the imminence of that in the Lega- 
tions, the violation by the French troops of our terri- 
tory on the side of Tuscany, obliged us to withdraw, 
with the greater part of our forces, from the rest of our 
States, convinced of the impossibility of maintaining 
otirselves there as independent Sovereign in presence 
of Enemies immensely superior in number and means. 

The revolutionary faction, directed & sustained in 
every way by the Sardinian Government, succeeded 
in overthrowing the Regency which we had instituted 
by decree, nth June, 1859, & a Piedmontese com- 
missary possessed himself immediately of the power 
& put himself at the head of the revolt. We then ad- 
dressed from Villafranca, the 2 2d June, 1859, a second 
protest, in which, in exposing the spoliations com- 
mitted by the government of Sardinia against our 



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APPENDIX 233 

rights of Sovereignty, we referred to the declarations 
already made of the ntillity of the acts which any gov- 
ernment or power not proceeding from us should 
originate in our States, & appealed for help to the 
allied & friendly Courts. 

The armistice of Villafranca having put an end to 
hostilities between Austria and France, the belligerent 
powers settled the preliminaries of peace, which were 
then raised by the Treaty of Zurich to solemn stipu- 
lations, & as well in the first as in the second. The 
reestablishment of our Sovereignty was openly & 
incontestably agreed to, so that our rights received 
thereby a clear & final sanction. 

It is known to all how the French Government by 
its acts & interpretations prevented the possibility of 
our restoration, & how the Sardinian Government, 
though signer also of the Treaty of Zurich, continued 
disloyally by its organs & representatives, whatever 
may have been their name, to rule our State & assim- 
ilate it to its own. 

The recent decree of annexation, which it is sought 
to make appear as the consequence of a vote of a sup- 
posed universal suffrage, & which in extending itself 
to the Amilia embraced also our States, caps the 
series of unjust & illegal acts by which we have been 
robbed of the sovereignty inherited from our ancestors 
& which they have exercised for many ages, a Sov- 
ereignty which, in consequence of events analogous 
to the present, was in the Treaty of Vienna of 1815 
recognized & reintegrated in favour of our family by 
all Europe, happily then coalized & triumphant over 
the revolution. We believe, then, to fulfil a most 
sacred duty in protesting, as we do protest, once more 



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234 APPENDIX 

in the face of Europe, against such an act, which out- 
rages all our rights, which is based upon violence, & 
which has profited by the victories of a powerful ally 
to obtain an aggrandizement long coveted & prepared 
for by means fraudulent and deceitful — against an 
act which is based on a principle hostile to every 
dynastic system — against an act which in its execution 
is wanting in every guarantee of good faith, having 
been planned, followed, and controlled by those who 
had excluded the vote in favour of the legitimate and 
preexisting power — by those, we say, who, supported 
by a numerous armed force kept constantly in our 
states, employed deception & intimidation to the end 
of exercising a decisive pressure upon the poptdar 
vote. 

The faithful troops who followed us upon the ter- 
ritory of his Maj. the Emperor of Austria, who re- 
ceived them in a manner so generous & hospitable — 
these troops, which have not ceased to preserve for 
us an luishakable faith; the number of distinguished 
persons who by their voltmtary emigration protest 
against the change of dominion in our States; the 
number still greater of those who tmderwent im- 
prisonment, vexations of every kind, and the loss of 
office, or who gave of their own accord their resigna- 
tion, exposing themselves sometimes to privations 
rather than deny their principles or fail in their duty 
as faithful subjects; the abstention from aU partici- 
pation in the actual condition of things, by which the 
great majority of the higher classes in Modena & the 
Clergy have distinguished themselves ; finally, the fre- 
quent manifestations of fidelity in the country dis- 
tricts, in spite of the very active surveillance & al- 



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APPENDIX 235 

though immediately suppressed, are so many proofe 
that this pretended universal suffrage, from which 
the Sardinian usurpation borrows an appearance of 
legality, is nothing but the result of that perfidy & 
that constraint which from the commencement have 
distinguished the conduct of the Sardinian govern- 
ment & its partisans. 

This solemn declaration, which we make also for 
our successors, has chiefly the- end of protesting 
against every infringement of our rights of sover- 
eignty, which we derive by descent and which have 
been sanctioned & guaranteed by the European 
powers. We protest also against the spoliations in- 
curred, against the usurpations committed, against 
the universal suffrage adopted or pretended for this 
purpose, against the damage which we have suffered & 
against that which we may have yet to suffer, finally 
against the losses & the prejudices to which, in con- 
sequence of these tmjust & illegal acts, the faithful 
part of our subjects may be exposed. 

We wish to have recourse & we claim once more the 
support of the powers who have guaranteed the 
treaties, satisfied as we are that they will never admit 
the right of the stronger, nor the theory of a so-called 
universal suffrage — for such a theory, though applied 
now to one of the small states (whose rights, however, 
are as sacred as those of the largest), may, by parity 
of reason, be applied to all the others, & attack thus 
the existence of all the monarchies of Europe. 

Penetrated with the sentiment of our duty to our 
faithful subjects, we declare, finally, that adversities 
will never lead us to renounce our rights of Sovereignty 
over our States ; and convinced that we thus discharge 



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236 APPENDIX 

the duty which Divine Providence has entnisted to 
us, we await the future, in the firm hope that the jus- 
tice of God will put an end to the machinations of 
which states & peoples are the victims in assuring one 
day the triumph of the good cause. 

(Signed) Francis. 
Vienna, aad March, i860. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 12.— -Translation.] 

BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, April 2 2d, i860. 

The I. R. Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the honour 
to inform the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
States, Mr. J. Glancy Jones, in reply to his note of 
the 2oth January, that the printed report of the pro- 
ceedings of the 3d National Quarantine & Sanitary 
Association, held in New. York last year, presented 
by him, as commissioned by his government, to the 
L R. Government, was at once handed to the I. R. 
Ministry of Finance, with a request to furnish for the 
U. S. Government a collection of the rules & regula- 
tions referring to the subject of Quarantine in Austria. 

The undersigned, returning to the Hon. Minister 
sincere thanks for the presentation of the said Report, 
has now the honour to transmit to him herewith the 
Austrian Quarantine laws for both land & sea frontier, 
together with two parts of the new system of instruc- 
tion concerning the pest in animals, with the remark 
that the I. R. Government is now engaged in a thor- 
ough reform of its system of land Quarantine & that 
it designs as soon as the new Regulations shall have 



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APPENDIX 237 

obtained the supreme sanction to present a printed 
copy to the U. S. Government. 

The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to his Excellency the Minister the assurance of 
his perfect consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 
(Signed) Koller. 

To His Excellency, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., 
&c., OP THE United States of America. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 13. Legation of the United States, 

Vienna, June nth, i860. 
Sir: 

The books mentioned in your despatch No. 4, of 
Oct. 3d, 1859, have just reached Vienna. They are 
stated in that despatch to be intended for presenta- 
tion to the Austrian government. As, however, they 
belong to a work the volumes of which thus far have 
been forwarded for the use of the Legation, I am led 
to infer that this is really the intention of the Depart- 
ment in the present case, & shall therefore retain them 
unless otherwise directed by you. 

Enclosed I have the honour to forward a transla- 
tion of a Note received from the Foreign Office here 
in reply to a communication addressed to that office, 
as instructed by the Department, soliciting permis- 
sion for Wm. Madar^z to emigrate to the United 
States. It will be seen that the Austrian Government 



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238 APPENDIX 

decline giving this permission, on the ground that Mr. 
Madar&z has become bankrupt & that proceedings 
are now pending against him in a court of the country. 

The enlarged Reichsrath came together for the first 
time on the 31st ulto. The sittings are not public, &, 
though the government promised to give extracts from 
the proceedings in the official paper, it was at first 
intended to bind the members themselves by oath to 
entire secrecy. To this, however, several, pauiictilarly 
those from Htmgary, objected so strongly that the 
government finally yielded, & the concession thus 
obtained, together with others relating to the business 
rules of the assembly, & the appearance of a disposi- 
tion on the part of some members to maintain a cer- 
tain freedom of discussion have caused the public to 
look with more interest upon the new institution. 

The success, too, of C^ribaldi in Sicily will, it is 

thotight, make the government more yielding & dispose 

it to gratify, perhaps, to some extent, the desire of the 

people to participate in the management of public affairs. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 1$.— Translation.] 

BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES. 

The Imp. Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the hon- 
our to reply to the esteemed Note of the Legation of 
the United States of the 29th February that Wm. de 



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APPENDIX 239 

Madar^z, a son of the (sentenced in contumaciam to 
be hung) insurrection's fugitive, Lradislaus Madardsz, 
& who, in 1850, without emigration-permit, by eva- 
sion of the passport regulations, left Hungary, then 
went to America, & from there, towards the end of 
July, 185s, in a clandestine manner returned to Hun- 
gary, cannot now receive a permit to emigrate, for the 
reason that he has become a bankrupt & that his case 
is now pending before the Imp. County Court at 
Kaposvar. 

The Undersigned uses this occasion to renew the 
assurance of his perfect consideration. 

Vienna, 8th May, i860. 

For the Minister of For. Affairs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 

(Signed) Kollbr. 

Thb Honble. Legation op the United States. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 14. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, August 6, i860. 
Sir: 

Since my last despatch relative to the condition of 
Europe in its political complications, & in which Aus- 
tria bore a conspicuous part, changes in the relations 
of the great powers have changed results and indicate 
still further changes. A few months since, the issue 
with England and France was hastening to a crisis; 
Russia, Austria, & Sardinia were gravitating into an 
alliance supposed to be offensive & defensive, and the 



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240 APPENDIX 

Rhine threatened to be the theatre of this fearful 
issue. England was left without any reasonable hope 
of allies, beyond Prussia & Belgium, the latter being 
a neutralized territory under the guarantee of all the 
European powers. The scene has suddenly shifted 
from the Rhine to Sicily & Sjrria. The progress of 
Italian unity having far outstripped the programme 
of the Emperor of the French in the aimexation of 
Tuscany & the Romagna, & in direct violation of the 
spirit, if not the letter, of the Treaty of Villafranca & 
Zurich in the absorption of Parma and Modena, the 
Austrian govenmient began to turn its eyes in another 
direction. Its opposition to this transfer of territory 
was not the only cause of tmeasiness and distrust. 
The openly announced principle upon which the Sar- 
dinian govenunent was acting & the French govern- 
ment intervening was more repugnant to Austrian 
policy than even the loss of territory. The recogni- 
tion of such an expansion of the doctrine of Universal 
Suffrage ^ to enable it to change nationalities, as ex- 
hibited in Parma, Modena, Tuscany, Romagna, & 
even Savoy, foreshadowing, also, Sicily, Naples, & 
the remainder of the Roman States, was, however, 
not only unpalatable to Austria ; Prussia, Russia, and 
even England, with Ireland and her Indian posses- 
sions, felt the dangerous tendency of such new ideas 
to their respective peculiar systems. But the minor 
powers of Germany took most alarm. The hint that 
universal suffrage as practised by France might add 
Saxony, Hanover, & Wurtemberg to Prussia, while 
it transferred the Rhenish provinces to France, led 
to the correspondence between the Prince Regent of 
Prussia & the Prince Consort of England, and ended 



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APPENDIX 241 

in the meeting at Baden, where the unity of Gennany 
was determined upon. Austria was hot represented 
in her sovereign or his official substitute, but she was 
represented by some of her friendly minor German 
powers, who had assurances that she was in a condi- 
tion to second the motion for German tmity & abandon 
all sjrmpathies with France. Prussia, pressed by Eng- 
lish influence, made liberal promises, & this led to the 
late conference between the Prince Regent of Prussia 
& the Emperor of Austria. Of course these sover- 
eigns keep their own counsels; but enough is known 
to assure the world of successful results. The chief 
obstacle in the way of this tuiion has always been the 
antagonism of the systems represented by Austria & 
Prussia respectively, & this antagonism has been 
widened lately enormously by the accession of the 
Prince Regent of Prussia to power, his alliance with 
England by the marriage of his son, & the rupture 
between France & Austria in Italy. So hostile had 
this antagonism become that Austria felt (while 
smarting under her defeat & the want of German 
material aid in Italy) strongly inclined to form an 
alliance offensive & defensive with France, at the ex- 
pense of German tmity, even to the disintegration of 
the Rhenish provinces. It was this state of things 
which alarmed England & led to the formation of her 
volunteer corps, in which she, tmdesignedly perhaps, 
pays so high a compliment to the example of the free 
States of the American Union. 

The alarm of Austria (composed as she is of so many 
nationalities) at the progress of the doctrine of tmi- 
versal suffrage applied to nationalities, & its practical 
application in Modena & Tuscany, soon turned her to 

Vol. n— 16 



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242 APPENDIX 

the purstiit of new alliances. Only one obstacle stood 
in the way now to a cordial German tinity, with the 
sjrmpathies of England, & that was a change of in- 
ternal policy in Atistria & in Gennany where her in- 
fluence might prevail with minor powers. Austria 
has determined to take this step, & the enlarged juris- 
diction of the Reichsrath, or Cotmcil of the Empire, 
by giving it a veto upon revenue bills & taxation, is 
its first fruit. This concession of the Emperor to his 
Council as the representatives of his people is still 
hampered with many reservations & exceptions; but 
even as it is, a great point is gained as a beginning. 
It will be very popular in the provinces of the Em- 
pire, because it is a concession & argues well for the 
future, & this particularly as reform, & not revolu- 
tion, is what is sought for in Austria. At the same 
time, instead of being critical, England and Russia 
will, prompted by interest, exaggerate this change of 
Austrian policy far beyond its merit, in order to render 
the desired alliance popular with their people. In- 
stead, therefore, of an alliance between France, Aus- 
tria, Russia, & Sardinia (with most of the other Euro- 
pean powers neutralized), & this alliance favouring 
the issue on the Rhine with Belgixmi, Prussia, and 
England, the prospect now is of an alliance between 
England & United Germany, including of coiu-se Prus- 
sia & Austria as its leaders. 

Such are the developments of a few months termi- 
nating at Baden-Baden & Tdplitz. The Emperor of 
the French cannot be surpassed in foresight, however. 
He clearly foresaw all this as the probable fruits of his 
failure to comply with his promises at Villa Franca, 
& prompt to (Uvert the concentration of such formid- 



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APPENDIX 243 

able powers against France, which the Prince's private 
letter to Prince Albert disclosed, he almost demanded 
an interview at Baden-Baden with the Prince Regent. 
His whole policy was changed for the present by the 
perusal of that letter. Of this fact all the Gennan 
powers were assured at Baden-Baden, and even more, 
to wit, that he never at any time contemplated hos- 
tilities on the Rhine. 

The Syrian outrages & the Sicilian complication at 
once presented to the fertile genius of the French Em- 
peror a new field of diversion. France now leads the 
war of intervention in Syria in behalf of oppressed 
Christianity; diplomatizes with Europe as to how far 
Garibaldi shaU be allowed to go; sjrmpathizes with 
the oppressed nationalities of Italy; strips the Pope 
of all temporal power by lending moral aid & comfort 
to Sardinia & Garibaldi, & French bayonets to keep 
all other powers from intervening; &, at the same 
time, challenges the gratitude of the Pope for the pro- 
tection afforded to his person by French soldiers in 
Rome, as well as the mission of French artillery in 
behalf of oppressed Christianity tmder the iron rule 
of Islamism. This diversion emplojrs the French 
Army (a pressing & a feverish necessity alwajrs upon 
military powers), feeds the cravings of love for niili- 
tary glory so clamorous in France, silences opposition 
to the home government, & justifies, together with 
the joint war in China, a closer cordiality with Eng- 
land. Savoy is to be forgotten in this new turn, and 
the boundary of the Rhine, as though it had never 
been heard of. All apprehensions therefore of war in 
Europe are at an end, at least until the next shifting 
of the scenes, which, if the Emperor of the French 



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244 APPENDIX 

lives, will be on the day which best meets the policy 
& convenience of France. This Sovereign exhibits 
great tact in avoiding issues that might be fatal, not 
only to his ascendancy in Europe, but also to his power 
in France. He is well versed in the secret springs 
which move the powers of Europe; he knows well 
when & where he can strike with safety; & he com- 
bines in his own person, beyond all doubt, the courage 
to strike, the caution to withhold, the foresight to 
realize, & the prudence to avoid threatened coming 
events fraught with danger to his dynasty. 

My instructions enjoin upon me to keep the De- 
partment well informed upon European political com- 
plications in which the government to which I am 
accredited may act a part. In the absence of any 
official matter to communicate, I devote this despatch 
entirely to that branch of my duty. In all that I have 
written, Austria has & is now playing a conspicuous 
part. She is the central seat of diplomacy in Europe 
to-day, as much as she was in 1815. With her opened 
the war in Italy; with her it remained to change the 
whole face of Europe. By adhering to France, Ger- 
man'tmity is dissolved; the seat of war is transferred 
to the Rhine. France, Austria, Russia, & Sardinia 
on one side, England & Russia on the other, involve 
all Europe in war & convulse the world. On the other 
hand, if Austria pleases to change her internal policy, 
adapt herself to the progressive spirit of the age, seek 
alliances with kindred powers having kindred ob- 
jects, she changes the balance of power in Europe & 
all is peace & prosperity. So nicely has the develop- 
ment of European nationalities adjusted her relative 
weight, with but little maritime strength & a very 



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APPENDIX 245 

limited commerce, standing in the reax of commercial, 
industrial, & political progress, she still represents the 
conservative & reactionary forces of Eiirope, a power 
which vibrates a chord in every comer of Europe, 
England not excepted. She is the chief patron of a 
church whose political influence is still felt, in kind if 
not in degree, as it has been for ages in Europe, & is 
not now even confined to Europe. Her age gives her 
prominence among the dynasties of Monarchical gov- 
ernment, & her extensive territorial possessions, lo- 
cated in the centre of the continent, defended by an 
armed power of the first magnitude, catise her every 
movement to be felt & watched in Etirope. She has 
been checked of late by her financial embarrassments, 
& threatened with the loss of allies by her persistent 
adherence to a system at war with all progress. Events 
in Italy in 1859 are producing, surely, though slowly, 
the fruit of reform-7-change of policy & progress. 

There is no question, under any form of government 
of any age, which excites deeper & more permanent 
interest than that of taxation, and the struggle to 
place it under the control of those who are to bear the 
burdens is one by no means confined to the history of 
our own revolution & its causes. Even a limited con- 
cession of power on this momentous & all-pervading 
question by a government not given to making con- 
cessions will have great moral weight. It will in time 
release Austria from her financial embarrassments, 
bring her into alliance with progressive powers, in- 
crease her industrial wealth, extend her commerce, 
and strengthen her political power in the civilized 
world. People in Austria as well as elsewhere have 
learned that no steps backward can now be taken 



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246 APPENDIX 

with safety by any power, but that one step forwaixl 
being taken others are sure to follow; and hence the 
beginning, although small, inspires confidence, not 
so much for what has been done as for the hope of 
what is almost certain to come. 

As our government is wisely self-excluded from 
European politics, she may be at a loss to see ber in- 
terest in these changes in Austria, but she will soon 
feel it commercially in the increase of industrial 
wealth under a more liberal policy, with railroads 
traversing the Austrian dominions from Trieste 
through Vienna to Hamburg & Bremen, & from Htm- 
gary through Vienna to Paris, now nearly completed, 
together with the increased facilities of steam navi* 
gation from the ports of Bremen, Hamburg, & Havre 
So also will our cotmtry feel it politically. For while 
we are free from all Etiropean political complications 
relating to djmastic boundaries, there is a question of 
the first magnitude in the family of nations in which 
we are prominently interested — a questiori over 
which, up to this period of time, European powers 
have assumed to exercise jurisdiction — ^I mean the 
question of maritime law. This law is the life blood 
of the first political power of Europe & our most for- 
midable rival in commerce and manufactures. In 
case of a conflict (which it is to be hoped may never 
come), we can never consent that a European Con- 
gress in which we are not represented shall dictate 
the provisions of maritime law by which we are to be 
governed. And yet this will be attempted — it has 
indeed been alreaidy done ; and although our consent 
has been solicited, thus far it is well known that all 
Europe will be combined, as far as possible, to coerce 



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APPENDIX 247 

our submission to its code, whenever it may be deemed 
expedient to enforce it, presenting to us at least the 
alternative of submission or war with all Europe 
united. In this point of view, Austria, together with 
other European powers, may become of lasting im- 
portance to our cotmtry; and now that she has taken 
a step towards liberal government, we can and ought 
to cultivate with her the most friendly relations. 

The present indications are that Garibaldi will be 
stopped with Sicily, and Naples still be upheld as a 
power on condition of a liberal & constitutional gov- 
ernment being formed; but this will only postpone 
the final result, which must be a united It^y. 
Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 
J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 15. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, August 7, i860. 
Sir: 

I have received a letter, signed J. J. Springer, dated 
Jtily 20th, i860, at Dresden, Saxony, informing me 
that he has been duly commissioned by the President 
of the United States as Consul at Dresden, & that he 
has applied to the Minister of Foreign Affairs for an 
Exequatur, which so far has not been granted him — 
that he has waited a long time & called often, but can 



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248 APPENDIX 

receive no satisfactory reply; furthermore, that he has 
sufficient reason to believe the Government at Dresden 
does not intend to recognize him. 

Having no Minister accredited to that Court through 
whom he can communicate, he has applied to me, as 
the Minister accredited to the next adjoining cotmtry. 
Of course, I cotdd only reply that I would lay the mat- 
ter before the Department of State, & if you should 
deem it proper to commission me to Dresden in con- 
nection with Austria, as you are authorized by Act of 
Congress to do in the case of courts where our country 
is not regularly represented, I shall cheerfully tmder- 
take the mission and obey your instructions. 
Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS. 

No. 1 6. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, Octr. 29th, i860. 
Sir: 

My last despatch, No. 15, was confined mainly to 
the political condition of European Affairs, which 
have tmdergone no very material modification since 
that date. In Austria, however, a decisive step has 
been taken in the direction of reform & concession. 

The Manifest issued by the Emperor on the 20th of 
October, on its face, would seem to make, particularly 



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APPENDIX 249 

to Hungary, all the concessions that have been asked 
for; and no doubt is entertained, if it ttims out that 
these concessions have been made in the true spirit 
of reform (that is, from a sincere desire on the part of 
the government to enlarge the liberties of the people 
& to secure to them that participation in the legisla- 
tion which the spirit of the age requires), that it will 
give general satisfaction. The time is too short yet 
since the issuing of the Manifest to enable one to judge 
of the impression made on the people, but so far it has 
developed a feeling of distrust as to the motives of the 
government. While the liberaKty of the Act is duly 
applauded, it is immediately followed by a conviction, 
not concealed or disguised, that these concessions are 
made only to quiet domestic discord & to enable the 
government more efficiently to embark in a war with 
Sardinia. The formidable military forces of the Em- 
pire now concentrating in Venetia, the Military ap- 
pointments, & the meeting of the sovereigns of Russia, 
Prussia, & Austria at Warsaw, so forcibly strengthen 
this conviction, that a depression in the funds was 
immediately felt & still continues. 

The result of this Conference will of course be con- 
cealed from the public; but Nations cannot stand 
still, and the acts of the respective governments fol- 
lowing the conference will be scanned & watched with 
intense anxiety, in order to enable the public to form 
an opinion by drawing inferences from these acts. 
Austria meditates hostilities against Sardinia. She 
cannot renew the war, however, unless France de- 
clines to aid Sardinia — and so, again, the whole pro- 
granmie of the future turns upon the fiat of that mys- 
terious power which guides the destinies of France. 



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250 APPENDIX 

An issue will be had, however, ere long, as Italy must 
soon reach a crisis. The Emperor of the French keeps 
it in studious suspense. He withdraws his minister 
from Turin; declares his disapproval of the invasions 
of Naples & the States of the Church by Sardinia; 
increases his military forces in Rome, apparently to 
arrest its further progress; assures the European 
powers that his sympathies are with Russia, Prussia, 
& Austria on this point ; & yet, by every movement, 
he aflEords moral aid & comfort to Sardinia. No one 
in Etirope believes that Sardinia would assume the 
hazardotts responsibilities of invading two neighbour- 
ing states with which she is at peace, under protests 
from all the great powers of Europe, England alone 
excepted, imless she had secret assurances from 
France. The only encouragement England affords 
is moral sjrmpathy, accompanied with declarations 
that no material aid can be had from her in any con- 
tingency. The only rational conclusion to be drawn 
from aU this is that Napoleon wishes Naples & the 
Pope to be pressed out of Italy, tmder his nominal 
protest; so that France, without forfeiting the con- 
fidence of the Italians, can still lead in diplomacy as 
the representative of the Catholic powers in asking 
favourable terms. France aims at leading the reac- 
tionary powers & at the same time securing the grati- 
tude of the parties of prpgress in Europe, & studiously 
shifts her policy so as to make herself indispensable 
to both, never extinguishing the hope on either side of 
the ultimate acquisition. Even England, through 
her press, tu-ges France onward. 

No one can foretell results. At present the signs of 
the times do not indicate revolution. Agitation for 



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APPENDIX 251 

reforms & djniastic changes by tmiversal sufiErage is 
the present popular panacea for political ills & griev- 
ances — & it will have its day. 

Enclosed I send a copy of a communication made 
by me unofficially to the Foreign Office & the answer 
thereto in the case of Edward Seidel, an adopted 
citizen of the United States, also copies of a corre- 
spondence (unofficial) relating to the children of John 
Miller, likewise an adopted citizen of the United 
States. 

In obedience to instructions, I addressed a Note 
to Baron Konneritz, the Minister of the Saxon Gov- 
ernment at this court, in relation to the Exequatur 
of J. J. Springer, appointed Consul of the United 
States at Dresden. I have recently received a reply, 
informing me that the Exequatur has been issued. 
Copies of this correspondence are enclosed. 

I enclose also a copy in translation of the Imperial 
Manifest above referred to. 

I have also to acknowledge the receipt of a letter 
from the department of State, enclosing one to J. J. 
Springer, which I have duly forwarded to his address 
at Stuttgart, Wurtemberg. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State, 
Washington, D. C. 



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252 APPENDIX 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. i6.—^opy.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG. 

Legation of the United States, 
Vienna, August loth, i860. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
is requested by Edward Seidel, a native of Austria 
and a naturalized citizen of the United States (he, 
the said Seidel, having emigrated by the permission 
of the Austrian Government to America), to solicit 
of the Imperial and Royal Government permission for 
his return to Austria, with the view of attending to 
some business transactions of the last importance to 
himself and family. He alleges that judicial proceed- 
ings were once instituted against him in Bohemia, 
not of a criminal character but based upon some 
municipal regulation of trade, and that he is of opinion 
that while litigation might be instituted and prose- 
cuted on his return by enemies who have already 
grievously wronged him, that the Imperial Govern- 
ment would, on a fair presentation of his case, grant 
him permission to return, and also suspend any prose- 
cution against him for past offences of a civil and 
commercial, not criminal, character, and of so long 
standing; the charge being that he has prosecuted the 
business of merchant in Vienna under another name, 
and manufacturer in Bohemia in his own, at the same 
time, which is contrary to the laws of Austria, though, 
as he alleges, very often practised and not seriously 
regarded by the Government under the circxmistances. 
He further alleges that the prosecution, if undertaken, 



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APPENDIX 253 

would be by private persons, merely with a view to 
injure him in his business by protracted litigation, and 
not with any intention of vindicating public jtistice. 

These facts as they are presented to the considera- 
tion of the Undersigned are founded upon the state- 
ments and allegations of the said Edward Seidel him- 
self, and presented to this Legation through the Vice- 
Consul of the United States at Bremen. 

The Undersigned presents the case to the considera- 
tion of the Imperial Government, on the grotmds of 
humanity — Seidel having a wife and children in 
Vienna — and of justice, if the facts are as he alleges, 
but unofficially. He trusts that the case may receive 
a fair and favorable consideration, and if the facts are 
sustained as presented, that the relief prayed for may 
be granted, which would be regarded as an additional 
indication of the continued friendly relations now so 
happily subsisting between the respective Govern- 
ments of the United States and Austria. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs the 
assurance of his distinguished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

His Excellency Count Rechbbrg, 

Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. i6. — Transkttion.] 

BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES. 

To the esteemed Promemoria of the loth August, 
i860, in which it has pleased the North American 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 



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254 APPENDIX 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones, to intervene for a free return of 
a certain Edward Seidel, emigrated from Austria to 
America, the Imperial Foreign Ministry has the honor 
to communicate the following to the Minister. 

According to a communication of the Imperial Min- 
istry of Justice, the legal doctmients referring to this 
subject leave hardly a doubt that this Edward Seidel 
is identical with the woolen Manufacturer of the same 
name at Krakau, who fled the country on the 28th of 
March, 1852, and who, in consequence of a decree of 
the then district "Collegial" Court at Reichenberg 
of the 28th of Jtme, 1852, is pursued with a warrant 
of arrest because he is tmder the strong suspicion of 
having made a fraudulent transfer of his property, 
200,000 florins, to his brother Kosmas Seidel (who in 
company with a third brother, Karl Seidel, tmder the 
firm of C. & C. Seidel, kept a store in Vienna), and of 
having then fled, leaving behind debts to the amotmt 
of 200,000 florins. He has since, in the year 1855, 
petitioned for an examination, on condition that if 
he presented himself before the court, he should be 
left free during the trial. This request was, however, 
not listened to. 

From this statement it appears that Edward Seidel 
is not pursued by the proper court merely on account 
of an infringement of the trade-regulations, by con- 
ducting at once a business in Vienna tmder another 
and in Bohemia under his own name, but on account 
of an act which by Austrian law is published as a 
crime of fraud with from five to ten years' severe 
imprisonment. 

In this state of the case, the Imperial Ministry 
of Justice has declared itself unable to take any 



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APPENDIX 255 

measure in favor of Edward Seidel, inasmuch as to 
leave him unptmished on the ground of the humane 
considerations alleged will appear the less justified, 
for the reason that the injury which Edward Seidel 
may suffer from his continued absence from Austria, 
in his family and business affairs, can be ascribed only 
to his own guilt. 

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, regretting its ina- 
bility to communicate a result answering to the wishes 
of the Minister, avails itself of the occasion to renew 
to him the expression of its perfect consideration, 

Vienna, Sepr. sth, i860. 

For the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 
(Signed) Baron Koller. 

His Excellency J. Glancy Jones, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 16,—^opy.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG. 

Legation of the United States, 
Vienna, September 3rd, i860. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
has been urgently requested to present tmofficially 
to the favorable consideration of the Imperial Minis- 
try for Foreign Affairs the following case. 

It appears that a person by the name of John Miller, 
a native of Nixdorf, Bohemia, Austria, emigrated to 



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256 APPENDIX 

the United States of America in the year 1852, and has 
became a duly naturalized citizen of the United States. 
That on his departure at Bremen in August, 1852, he 
and a certain Veronica Dittrich of the same place 
entered into articles of agreement to live together as 
man and wife, before the Consul of the United States 
at Bremen, which articles or declaration provided 
that the forms of marriage should be duly solemnized 
on their arrival in the United States. The said parties 
returned to Nixdorf in Bohemia in the year 1853, 
shortly after which the said Veronica was delivered 
of a son, whose name is Johann Dittrich. 

The said parties continued to live as man and wife 
in Nixdorf, Bohemia, and in 1854 the said Veronica 
was delivered of another child, named Veronica. 
Since that time the said John Miller has rettuned to 
the United States, and the said Veronica has been de- 
livered of another child, by another father, which, as 
the petition states, the Mother was charged with and 
convicted of having destroyed. 

Said conviction took place at Prague in 1857, and 
the mother was sentenced to an imprisonment of five 
years. The children she had by the said Miller, being 
yotmg, were left in the care of Joseph Miller, brother 
of the said John Miller. The said John Miller now 
desires permission of the Imperial Royal Grovemment 
of Austria to remove the said children to America, 
where he alleges he is able and prepared to educate 
and maintain the said children, and if permission 
should be granted he will provide a suitable person 
to carry them to America. 

He further alleges that he cannot remove the said 
children without the consent of the Imperial Govem- 



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APPENDIX 257 

ment of Austria, and hence solicits of the Undersigned 
a presentation of his case. The Undersigned enter- 
tains no doubt that if the facts as alleged are sus- 
tained, and the Imperial Government should become 
satisfied that it would be better to put the children 
under the charge of the father — ^the Mother being im- 
prisoned — ^that such permission will be granted. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to His Excellency Cotmt Rechberg, Imperial 
Minister of Foreign Aflfairs, the assurance of his dis- 
tinguished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

His Excellency Count Rechberg-Rothenlowen, 
Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. i6. — Trandation.^ 

BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES. 

In reply to the esteemed Note of the 3d Septr., 
i860, the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Aflfairs has the 
honour to forward to the Minister of the United States 
of America, Mr. Glancy Jones, the " Entlass-schein " 
for John Miller of Nixdorf, Hainspach district, in 
Bohemia, with the respectful remark that no obstacle 
exists to the issuing of an Emigration-permit for the 
United States of America to his & Veronica Dittrich's 
two illegitimate & minor children, John & Pauline 
Veronica Dittrich of Nixdorf, as the consent of the 
guardian, the Hainspach I. R. district oflfice, to their 
Emigration has been granted. 

As, however, according to the report of the said 

Vol, 11—17 



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258 APPENDIX 

office, no one has oflEered to accompany these 6 & 7 year 
old children in their jotimey to America, the Minister 
will perhaps have the goodness to let the father, John 
Miller, know this; & further, that it now rests with 
him either to come & take his two minor children with 
him from their home, or, previotisly arranging the 
matter of the cost of the journey, to name a person 
worthy of confidence who will obligate himself, before 
the Authorities, to take care & charge of the said 
children on their journey, in which case the permis- 
sion sought for to enable these children to emigrate 
to America will be given. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to the Minister the expression of his perfect 
consideration. 

Vienna, Octr. 20th, i860. 

For the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 

(Signed) Kollbr. 

His Excbllency the Envoy Extraordinary & Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary op the U. S. op America, 
Mr. Glancy Jones. 

[EitclosMre in Despatch No. it.—^opy.] 

MR. JONES TO BARON KONNERITZ. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, Sept. 12th, i860. 
Sir: 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America 



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APPENDIX 259 

at the Imperial Royal Court, is instructed by his Gov- 
ermnent respectfully to make some inquiries through 
His Excellency Baron Konneritz, the Envoy Extra- 
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Royal 
Court of Saxony at Vienna, relative to the Exequattir 
of an American Consul recently appointed by the 
Government of the United States of America to re- 
side at Dresden. 

The United States' having no representative ac- 
credited to the Royal Government of Saxony accounts 
for the necessity of addressing said Government 
through the medium of its representative at this 
court. 

It appears that Mr. J. J. Springer, a citizen of 
the United States, w^ duly commissioned as Consul 
for said government, to reside at Dresden, and 
that said Springer on arriving at Dresden duly pre- 
sented his commission and respectfully asked for his 
Exequattir. 

To this application he received no reply, and after 
waiting a considerable length of time and calling fre- 
quently, was still unable to obtain any answer to his 
communication. He then addressed the Undersigned, 
setting forth the facts as thus stated. 

The Undersigned supposes that through some ir- 
regularity arising from the want of the usual channel 
of communication this matter has been overlooked, 
or not properly understood, and that it will only be 
necessary to draw the attention of the Royal Govern- 
ment of Saxony to the facts, in order to have the 
exequattir duly granted. 

The Undersigned will be happy to receive any com- 
munication His Excellency Baron Konneritz, after 



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260 APPENDIX 

consulting his Government, may be pleased to make 
upon the subject. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
assure His Excellency of his distinguished considera- 
tion. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jonbs. 

His Excellency Baron Konneritz, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
of His Majesty the King of Saxony at Vienna. 

lEncloswe in Despatch No. i6. — Translation.] 

BARON KONNERITZ TO MR. JONES. 

The Undersigned, Royal Saxon Envoy Extraor- 
dinary & Minister Plenipotentiary, had the honour 
to receive the note which his Excellency, the Envoy 
Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of the 
United States of America, Mr. Glancy Jones, was 
pleased to send him imder date of the 12th ultimo. 

The Undersigned did not fail to commtmicate to 
his Government this matter of the appointment of a 
Constd of the United States at Dresden, & has now 
the honour to acquaint respectftdly his Excellency, 
Mr. Glancy Jones, that, according to a conmiunica- 
tion just received, his Majesty, the King of Saxony, 
has been pleased to grant an Exequattu- to Mr. John 
Jacob Springer (appointed to the said post) which he 
required for the exercise of his functions. 

The Undersigned, pleased that this affair has been 
arranged in accordance with the wish expressed, 
gladly avails himself of this occasion to assure his 



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APPENDIX 261 

Excellency, the Minister of the United States of Amer 
ica, of his distinguished consideration. 
Vienna, i8th Octr., i860. 

(Signed) Konnbritz. 

His Excellency the Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary op the United States 
OP America, Mr. Glancy Jones, &c., &c. 

[Enclosun in Despatch No. 16. — Translation.] 

imperial charter for the regulation of the 

internal national affairs of the 

monarchy 

We, Francis Joseph the First, by the Grace of God 
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, Bohemia, 
&c., &c. 

After that our Ancestor of glorious memory, with 
true foresight, had endeavored to establish a definite 
form of inheritance in our Serene family, the order of 
succession finally and unchangeably fixed by his late 
I. R. Apostolic Majesty, Emperor Charles VI., on 19th 
April, 1 7 13, came to a conclusion in the actually ex- 
isting State Fundamental and Family law known 
under the name of the pragmatic Sanction, and ac- 
cepted by the legal bodies of our various kingdoms 
and provinces. 

On the tmshakable legal basis of a definite order of 
succession, and of the indivisibility and inseparability 
of its various parts, brought into harmony with the 
rights and liberties of the said kingdoms and prov- 
inces, the Austrian Monarchy, since then enlarged 



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262 APPENDIX 

and strengthened through national and international 
treaties, has, supported and upheld by the fidelity, 
devotion, and valour of its people, tritimphantly over- 
come the dangers and assaults by which it has been 
assailed. 

In the interest of otir House and otir subjects, it is 
otir duty as Sovereign to guard the national position 
of the Austrian Monarchy and to secure it by the guar- 
antees of a clear and indubitably fixed legal condition 
and harmonious cooperation. Only such institutions 
and laws which answer to the inherited sense of Right, 
to the existing diversity of otu- kingdoms and prov- 
inces, and to the demands of their indivisible and 
inseparable tuiion, can give these guarantees in full 
measure. 

In consideration that the elements of common or- 
ganic institutions and of harmonious cooperation have 
been increased and strengthened through the equality 
of otir subjects before the law, the free exercise of re- 
ligion guaranteed to all, the eligibility to office with- 
out reference to rank and birth, and the duty common 
to all alike of bearing arms and pa3dng taxes, as well 
as through the abolition of compulsory service and of 
internal Tariff duties in our Monarchy; in considera- 
tion, further, that in consequence of the concentra- 
tion of power in all countries of the European conti- 
nent, the united control of the great ends of State has 
become an imavoidable necessity for the sectirity of 
our Monarchy and the welfare of its various provinces. 
We have, in order to harmonize the diversities for- 
merly existing between otu* kingdoms and provinces, 
and for the purpose of a practically regulated participa- 
tion of our subjects in legislation and administration, 



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APPENDIX 263 

on the basis of the Pragmatic Sanction and by virtue of 
otir Authority, found it good to determine and to ordain 
the following as a permanent and irrevocable funda- 
mental law of the State for our own guidance as well 
as for that of our legal successors in the government: 

1. The right to make, change, and abolish laws will 
be exercised by us and otn* successors only with the 
cooperation of the legally assembled Provincial Diets 
or of the Reichsrath, to which the provincial Diets 
will send the ntmiber of members fixed by vs. 

2. All subjects of legislation which refer to rights, 
duties, and interests common to all our Kingdoms 
and provinces — ^to wit, legislation in regard to coin- 
age, currency, and credit; in regard to Customs and 
to Trade ; further, in regard to the principles of banks 
of issue ; legislation in reference to the Post, to Tele- 
graphs, and to Railways; in reference to the mode, 
noianner, and order of military service — shall be con- 
sidered in and with the Reichsrath, and shall be de- 
termined constitutionally with its cooperation ; as also 
the laying of new taxes and imposts, the augmenta- 
tion of existing taxes and duties, especially the in- 
crease of the price of Salt, and the making of new 
loans, in accordance with our resolves of 17th July, 
i860; likewise the conversion of Existing Loans and 
the sale, change, or enctmibrancing of the Real 
property of the State shall be determined on only 
with the consent of the Reichsrath. Finally, the 
examination and passing of the projected budget 
for the coming year, as well as the proving of the 
accounts and of the result of the annual financial 
management, has to take place under the cooperation 
of the Reichsrath. 



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264 APPENDIX 

3. All other subjects of legislation which are not 
comprised in the foregoing points will be decided in and 
with the provincial Diets concerned, to wit, in the king- 
doms and provinces belonging to the Htmgarian Crown, 
according to their former constitutions, and in otir other 
Kingdoms and provinces constitutionally in accordance 
with their provincial institutions. As, however, with 
the exception of the provinces of the Hungarian Crown, 
in respect also to such subjects of legislation which do 
not fall within the exclusive competence of the whole 
Reichsrath, for our other provinces, for a long series 
of years, a treatment and decision in common has had 
place, we reserve to ourselves the right to determine 
these subjects also, with the constitutional coopera- 
tion of the Reichsrath and with the assistance of the 
members of the said Reichsrath from these provinces. 

A treatment in common can also take place, if it 
shall be denied and proposed by the respective pro- 
vincial Diet in respect to such subjects as are not ex- 
clusively reserved for the Reichsrath alone. 

4. This Imperial Charter shall be forthwith de- 
posited in the provincial archives of our Kingdoms 
and provinces, and be introduced into the laws of each 
province in an authentic text, and in the language of 
the province. Our successors shall in like manner 
attach their imperial signature to the said Charter 
immediately on ascending the Throne, and shall issue 
it to each separate kingdom and province, where it 
shall be incorporated in the laws. 

In witness whereof, we have hereto set our signa- 
ture and caused our Imperial seal to be affixed, and 
commanded that this Charter shall be preserved in 
our Family, Court, and National Archives. 



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APPENDIX 265 

Given in Our Capital and Residence, Vienna, on 
the aoth October, one thousand eight hundred and 
sixty, and in the twelfth year of our government. 

(Signed) Francis Joseph. 

By Supreme Command, 
Count Rechberg, Freiherr v. Ransonnet. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY BLACK. 

No. 17. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, January 30th, 1861. 

Hon. J. S. Black, Secretary of State, 
Washington. 
Sir: 

Nothing of great political importance has taken 
place in Austria since my last despatch to the Depart- 
ment. The liberal ideas promulgated by the Patent 
of the Emperor of the 20th of October last assumed 
some practical form shortly after, in the appointment 
of Mr. Sehmerling as Minister of State, who is looked 
upon by the people as being committed to a liberal 
course of policy. Yet this has received the stigma of 
inconsistency by his followers, from the fact that 
Count Rechberg and his party, who are known to be 
committed to an entirely opposite policy, have still 
been retained in office, though the question of their 
removal has been constantly agitated by the public 
and the press. The latter, having grown much more 
free and outspoken under the apparent change of policy 
in the Government, takes the liberty of commenting 
very freely upon the acts of the Government itself. 



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266 APPENDIX 

Great discontent is expressed in the German prov- 
inces of the Empire on account of these so called con- 
cessions granted by the patents for the several prov- 
inces. They allege that great injustice has been done 
them; that whilst the Himgarians have never mani- 
fested the same spirit of loyalty with themselves, but 
have made constant resistance to the policy of the 
government, they have received nearly sll they asked 
for, while loyalty and submission go tmrewarded. 
In Hungary recent events have verified the apprehen- 
sions expressed in my last despatch, that the Imperial 
Government would fail to inspire the confidence and 
obtain the submission they had hoped for, from the 
eflEect of the Imperial patent of the 20th of October 
last. The same spirit that prevailed throughout 
Hungary before the grant of the concessions con- 
tained in that Patent have continued, without any 
perceptible diminution, ever since. 

The conference which was held at Gran (composed 
of distinguished Hungarians selected by the Govern- 
ment, and whose duty it was made to determine upon 
the manner, &c., of choosing delegates to the Diet of 
the Elingdom, which Diet is to determine, among 
other things, when and where the Emperor should 
be crowned King of Htmgary) remained in session 
only three days, during which they imanimously de- 
termined that the only Electoral laws they cotdd pre- 
sent were those of 1848; and to these the Imperial 
Government has assented, with some inconsiderable 
modifications, and has convened the Diet to meet at 
Ofen on the 2nd of April next. 

The Hungarians avail themselves of every oppor- 
ttuiity to indulge in harmless demonstrations against 



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APPENDIX 267 

the Government. Thtis upon a recent occasion Koss- 
uth, Iflapka, and other distinguished Hungarian 
refugees were elected members of the comitat of the 
respective cotmties of which they are natives. It is 
needless for me to state that these elections have been 
annulled in a decree of the Emperor recently pub- 
lished. The conciliatory spirit of the Emperor towards 
Hungary was further manifested a short time since 
upon the rendition of Cotmt Teleki, a distinguished 
Hungarian refugee, by the Saxon Government, who 
seized him upon the occasion of a recent visit made 
to Dresden. The Emperor commanded him to be 
brought into his presence, and exacting an assurance 
that he would remain within the Austrian frontier 
and abstain henceforth from interfering in the politics 
of the country, he set him at liberty. 

The Austrian Government, in publishing a few days 
since their intention of negotiating a new loan of 30,- 
000,000 florins, publicly announced that they were 
compelled to do so on account of the refusal on the 
part of the Hungarians to pay their taxes. Matters 
at present stand in a very uncertain and dubious con- 
dition. All sorts of reports are circulated daily touch- 
ing the course the Government intends to pursue and 
the result of the stand taken by the Hungarians ; but 
as yet nothing definite is known as to the noianner in 
which the present complications will be arranged. 

Hungary is made the base of revolutionary action, 
also, in European politics at large. The disintegra- 
tion of Venetia from Austrian rule, with a view to its 
accession to the Italian tmity, is an earnest desider- 
atum in Italy, England, and Prance; and the final 
pacification of the one will depend somewhat upon 



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268 APPENDIX 

the adjtistment of the complications of the other. 
The success of Italian unification is still hopeful, but 
not so clear and definite, nor so encouraging as to its 
full consummation, as could be wished for. This 
arises from the peculiar political status which France 
holds at present in the European family of Nations. 
First, France makes the Italian question an Etm>- 
pean question; and secondly, France presents in 
Europe a half-way position, fluctuating between the 
politics respectively represented by England and 
Austria, at one time leaning to the one, and then to 
the other; and time alone can determine in which 
scale she will throw her influence, and perhaps her 
sword, or whether, by abandoning both, she may at- 
tempt to patch up for Italy a hybrid confederation, 
a political mosaic partaking of the character of each 
and every system and failing to secure the full fruition 
of any one of them. 

The Conference of Toplitz was intended by the 
parties concerned to bring about a more cordial union 
between Austria and Prussia, the latter feeling a deep 
prospective interest in a United German military 
confederacy to protect the Rhenish frontier, the for- 
mer an interest equally deep in extending the frontier 
of the German interests so as to embrace Hungary 
and Venice. Austria yields to Prussia in her strong 
proclivities to interfere in the Holstein and Schleswig 
provinces of Denmark, and Pnissia is very anxious to 
take the field; but England, France, and Russia have 
.given Prussia to understand that they wiU interfere in 
behalf of Denmark, and this will probably end the 
matter. All Europe is in trepidation. A pervading 
belief exists that the favorite balance of power is out 



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APPENDIX 269 

of joint, and the equilibrium of Eim)pe — ^that diplo- 
matic panacea for all ills — so sadly out of time that 
the harmony of the spheres for the nonce is converted 
into jarring dissonance. Scheming is the order of the 
day; nothing is considered safe or settled, from the 
banks of the Euphrates to the pillars of Hercules or 
the Ultima Thule of Scotland, and for the first time 
for many years America is drawn in, and shrewd cal- 
ctdations are made upon contingent balances of power 
in American politics. These apparent domestic com- 
plications, however, are so remote, and so imperfectly 
imderstood by them, that it would not excite much 
remark if it were not for the visible effect produced 
thereby upon the money market of all Europe. So 
magnified has otu* conmiercial wealth become of late, 
and so interwoven into all the relations of European 
industry, that a slight derangement in New York 
(our commercial emporium) vibrates discordantly 
through every capital on this side of the water. 

The Despatch of the late Secretary of State, Genl. 
Cass, No. 9, enclosing a copy of a note addressed by 
the Chevalier Hulsemann, the Austrian Minister at 
Washington, to the Austrian Vice-Consul at Charles- 
ton, has been dtdy received, and in obedience to the 
request therein contained I availed myself of the first 
convenient opportunity to communicate verbally to 
the Imperial Royal Ministry of Foreign ABEairs the 
satisfaction which the course of the Chevalier Hulse- 
mann in the matter had given to the Government at 
Washington. The verbal reply was, that the Aus- 
trian Government was pleased to learn that the con- 
duct of their Minister was approved by the Govern- 
ment of the United States. That its approval of his 



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270 APPENDIX 

conduct had been given to Mr. Hulsemann immedi- 
ately on the receipt of his despatches, with the infor- 
mation that if they had been previously informed, 
he would have been instructed to do as he had done, 
which fact I was requested to commimicate to the 
American Government. 

Some irregularities have arisen recently in the 
transaction of the business of the Consulate at Venice, 
growing out of the non-reception of the commission 
of Mr. Springer (who has informed me that the Presi- 
dent had designated him for that position) and the 
subsequent withdrawal of Mr. Zaccaria, who had been 
left in temporary charge of the archives of the, Con- 
sulate by Mr. Sarmiento, without apprizing me of it. 
The Foreign Office addressed a note to me, making 
inquiries in the premises and desiring to know whether 
Mr. Springer was vested with any authority from the 
President of the United States, and what Ws business 
and objects were in Venice. I replied that I had in- 
formal information that Mr, Springer had been desig- 
nated for the Constalate at Venice by the President, 
and expected ere long to receive his commission. In 
the meantime, the Consulate being vacant and Mr. 
Springer being in Venice, I deemed it best to appoint 
him temporarily, which I have done with the assent 
of the Austrian Giovemment that he shall be tempor- 
arily recognized. This appointment, on its face, is 
made only to hold good until a regular appointment 
of a Consul at Venice, made by the Government at 
Washington, can reach me. 

Some weeks since I received two books from 
the Patent Office for presentation to the Austrian 
Government. They were duly handed over to the 



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APPENDIX 271 

Foreign Office for transmission to their respective 
destinations, and a copy of the note acknowledging 
their receipt, and retiiming thanks therefor, is here- 
with enclosed. 

Copies of the correspondence above referred to, 
in relation to the Consulate at Venice, are also 
enclosed. 

I have also to notify the Department of the receipt 
of a lengthy correspondence between the United 
States Constd at Mimich and the Bavarian Foreign 
Office, and the Aiistrian Minister accredited to that 
Court, relative to the subject of visas upon American 
passports. I am informed by the said Constd that he 
has furnished a copy of this correspondence also to 
the State Department, and consequently a duplicate 
is not given here. The point insisted on by the Ainer- 
ican Consul was conceded by the Austrian Govern- 
ment, and its only value now is the precedent it fur- 
nishes for future similar cases which may arise. 

I have the honor to acknowledge, also, the receipt 
of yotir circular letter of the 19th December, i860, 
informing me that the President by and with the ad- 
vice and consent of the Senate, has appointed you 
Secretary of State of the United States of America, 
and that you had entered upon the discharge of the 
duties thereof. 

I have the honor to be, 

Very Respectftdly, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 



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272 APPENDIX 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 17. — Translation.] 

BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, Deer, isth, i860. 

According to a commiinication of the I. R. Statt- 
halter in Venice, Chevalier de Toggenburg, to the I. 
R. Central Maritime Authority at Trieste, a certain 
J. P. Springer has reported himself as appointed by 
the President of the United States of Ainerica to the 
North American Constdate at Venice, vacant since the 
departure of the Constd Sarmiento & provisionally 
occupied by Mr. Paul Zaccaria. 

As Chevalier de Toggenburg, in the absence of any 
official notice on the subject, has applied here to know 
in how far an official recognition of Mr. Springer as 
Constd can be given, the Imp. Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs has the honour to request of the Envoy Ex- 
traordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
States of North America, Mr. J. Glancy Jones, infor- 
mation as to the facts in reference to the appointment 
in question of the said person. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to the Hon. Minister the expression of his per- 
fect consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
the Under Secretary of State, 
(Signed) Br. Koller. 

To Mr. J. Glancy Jones, 

Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of North America. 



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APPENDIX 273 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 17. — Copy.} 

MR. JONES TO BARON KOLLER. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, December 19th, i860. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the es- 
teemed note of His Excellency Baron Koller, Imperial 
Royal Under Secretary of State, dated December isth, 
i860, giving information of the arrival at Venice of 
J. J. Springer, as Consul of the United States, at said 
port, and inquiring of the Undersigned whether said 
Springer is duly appointed and authorized so to act, 
&c., &c. 

The Undersigned avails himself of the earliest 
moment to say, in reply, that J. J. Springer has been 
appointed Consul of the United States at Venice, as 
he has been informally notified, and in consequence 
of Mr. Springer's having been in Europe at the time 
of his appointment, it became necessary for him to 
inform the Government of the United States of his 
acceptance, and to file the necessary sectirities at 
Washington before the regular and full commission 
cotdd be sent to him. 

Mr. Springer has notified this Legation of his ap- 
pointment, and also of the fact that he has some time 
since forwarded to America the necessary securities, 
&c. His commission is expected at thds Legation 
very shortly, when, on its arrival, the regular appli- 
cation for an exequatur will be made for him by this 
Legation. 

Vou 11—18 



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274 APPENDIX 

In the meantime, as the Constilate at Venice was 
vacant, it was deemed proper, and Mr. Springer was 
so informed, that if no objection should be made by 
the proper Authorities of the Imperial and RoysJ 
Government of Austria, he might take temporary 
charge of the Consulate under his conditional appoint- 
ment, which he has, tmtil his commission arrived and 
an exequatur nught be applied for in the regtilar 
form. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to His Excellency Baron Koller the sentiments 
of his distinguished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

His Excellency Baron Koller, 

Imperial Royal Under Secretary of State. 

[Enclosurg in Despatch No. 17. — Translation.] 

BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, Dec. i8th, i860. 

The Undersigned, in forwarding to their respective 
addresses the 2 copies of the official report on the 
Agriculture of the United States for 1856, presented 
to the Imperial Royal Geological Society and to the 
Imperial Royal Geographical Society at Vienna, and 
received along with the esteemed note of the North 
American Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Ex^ 
traordinary, Mr. Glancy Jones, of the 12th inst., has 
the honor to express the grateful acknowledgments 
of the Imperial Rojral Government for this valuable 



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APPENDIX 275 

gift, and uses this occasion to renew to the Hon. Min- 
ister the assurance of his perfect consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign AfiEairs, 
The Under Secretary of State, 

(Signed) Br. Koller. 

To THE Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 
potentiary OP THE United States op North 
America, Mr. Glancy Jones. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. i8. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, March nth, 1861. 
To THE Honourable 

THE Secretary op State. 
Sir: 

In my despatch No. 16, dated October 29th, i860, 
I referred to the Diploma issued by the Imperial & 
Royal government of Austria, said Diploma being a 
proclamation of the principles & measures of reform 
long expected by his Majesty's subjects. A few days 
ago, we received the supplement giving the details of 
the machinery, inaugurated by a grand illumination 
of Vienna. A copy of this latter is herewith enclosed 
in translation. It will be seen that, although falling 
far short of the expectations of the sanguine, it is 
nevertheless a step in advance for Austria, & presents 
to the more calm observers here the germ of a repre- 
sentative government, with freedom of debate, public 
proceedings, & a free press in publishing its acts. The 
main point gained is the clear indication of growing 



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276 APPENDIX 

poptilar power and the weakening & yielding of the 
Imperial prerogative. When the people once begin 
to feel their power, & realize that their rulers feel it 
too & respect & yield to it, the work of progress may 
be considered fairly begun. 

The progress of Italian tmity is beginning to make 
itself felt in Hungary & in Poland. At the same time, 
as is alwajrs the case at the first start, the demands 
of Himgary & Poland have produced a slight reaction. 
The non-Hungarian elements of the Austrian Empire 
are getting imeasy for fear that Himgary may obtain 
so much that they will get nothing. They are strongly 
inclined, therefore, to press for a constitutional gov- 
ernment for the whole Empire, with popular repre- 
sentation, frequent election, & extended suffrage, & 
to ignore separate nationalities. This party is im- 
mensely strengthened by the concessions made al- 
ready to popular power by the throne, while at the 
same time this form of reaction strengthens the gov- 
ernment in withholding more liberal concessions to 
Hungary. The alarm occasioned by the revolutionary 
spirit evinced both in Htmgary & Poland has led, as 
is generally believed, to an imderstanding between 
Prussia, Russia, & Austria, to make some concessions 
& then common cause against revolution in these 
dismembered nationalities; so that much further 
progress in this direction need not be looked for just 
now, though it will only be suspended, not suppressed. 

England dreads war, because war means to her in- 
creased taxation, and France, while she is determined 
to see Italy through, is desirous, as far as possible, of 
keeping on fair terms with the conservative or reac- 
tionary powers of Europe, at least for the present, by 



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APPENDIX 277 

not intervening beyond Italy. Thtis, with the excep- 
tion of Italy, the progressive powers will adhere to 
non-intervention for the present, and Garibaldi & 
Kossuth alone are too weak to make much progress 
tmtil time shifts the policy of these latter powers. 
France has determined to appeal to the people on the 
Italian question. The Emperor, with great foresight, 
& feeling sure of success, has opened the door in his 
legislative bodies for the formation of parties in which 
he will take sides. He will thus reap, in public opinion, 
much credit for liberal concessions to free speech & 
freedom of the press; while he will divide the respon- 
sibility of his Italian policy with his legislating & his 
people. In this movement he will challenge the sjon- 
pathy of England, of Italy, & indeed of all Europe, 
saving where the reactionary power is in the ascend- 
ant; & even then a large minority, embracing the 
wealth & intelligence of the middle classes, will sym- 
pathize. The tendency of European complications 
is therefore to diplomacy, & not to war. While Eng- 
land & France will not be checked by the other powers 
in canying out their Italian policy, even to the ex- 
tent of absorbing Venice, if they are not too precipi- 
tate, Russia, Prussia, & Austria will be tmchecked by 
the other powers in coercing Poland & Hungary; and 
these two policies, coming in conffict only in the public 
mind, through the medium of the press (and Europe 
is beginning to have a public opinion), will advance 
popular ideas & popular strength generally, without 
convulsing the powers or precipitating general revolu- 
tion. This state of things may continue for years, 
unless one or the other element of power should ob- 
tain too sudden an ascendancy, or the equilibritim of 



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278 APPENDIX 

Europe be disturbed by passing beyond its proper 
area & interpolating Asiatic questions & ideas. One 
must speculate upon the futtu^ by the facts and reali- 
ties of the present, or be silent ; but the whole system 
is so artificial that one cannot call to his aid the or- 
ganic principles of either law, philosophy, or political 
economy. Human passion, personal aggrandizement, 
dynastic influence, & physical force are, separately & 
combined, too potential yet in Europe to admit of a 
solution by any such process of reasoning. 
Very respectfully. 

Your obe(Uent servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 



[Enclosure in Despatch No. z8. — Translation,] 

FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OP THE STATE. 

We, Francis Joseph the First, By the Grace of God 
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, 
&c., &c., &c. 

Inasmuch as We, in our patent for the ordering of 
the legal relations of the Monarchy, published on the 
2oth of October, i860, on the basis of the Pragmatic 
sanction, and in virtue of otu* sovereignty, have foimd 
good to decree and to order, for our own and for the 
guidance of our lawful successors in the Government, 
that the right to make, alter, and repeal laws should 
be exercised only with the codperation of the Diets 
or of the Reichsrath, and in consideration that this 
right, in order to be put into operation, requires a 
fixed order & form for its exercise, having taken the 



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APPENDIX 279 

opinion of our council of Ministers, do hereby declare 
and decree and publish: 

I. The law hereby annexed, relative to the formation 
of the Reichsrath, that is to represent the Empire, & the 
right secured to it in Patent of the 20th of October, i86o, 
to cooperate in the legislation. We hereby sanction ; and 
grant to it further the authority of a ftmdamental law 
of the State over all our Kingdoms and Provinces. 

II. With regard to our Kingdoms, Hungary, Croatia, 
and Slavonia, as well as otu* Grand principality of 
Transylvania, We have in pursuance of our intention 
to restore their former provincial Constitutions, in 
accordance with our above mentioned Patent, and 
within the limits of the same, already taken the neces- 
sary measures in owe letter of the 20th of October, 
i860, as therein set forth. 

III. For our Kingdoms, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Gal- 
ida, and Lodomeria; for the Duchies Auschwitz and 
Zator, and the Grand Duchy of Cracow; for our Arch 
Duchies of Upper and Lower Austria; for otu* Duchies 
of Camiola and Bukowina; for our Margravate of Mo- 
ravia; for our Duchy of Upper and Lower Silesia; for 
our Margravate of Istria, together with the Princely 
Counties of G6ritz and Gradisca, and the City of 
Trieste, with its territory; and for the Province of 
Voralberg: We find good to issue and sanction the 
annexed statutes and electoral ordinances, hereby pos- 
sessing for each separate Province the authority of 
a fundamental law of the State, with the intention 
of developing and reforming the rights and liberties of 
the faithful bodies of these Kingdoms and Provinces 
according to existing circumstances and necessities, 
and to bring them into harmony with the interests of 



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280 APPENDIX 

the entire monarchy. Since, however, the legal posi- 
tion of our Kingdom of Dalmatia, with our Kingdoms 
of Croatia and Slavonia, has not yet been definitively 
settled, therefore the published statute for Dalmatia 
cannot yet fully come into operation. 

IV. In order to bring the published statute for our 
Duchies of Styria, Carinthia, and Salzburg, as well as 
our princely County of Tyrol, in due accordance with 
those resolutions on otir part which are to be accepted 
as fimdamental provincial ordinances, sanctioned by 
us this day; also, in order to secure more extended 
functions to the Provincial assemblies of the above men- 
tioned countries, as we have granted to the representa- 
tives of the remaining crown lands ; finally, in order to 
carry out eqtially in Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg, and 
Tyrol our published resolutions of the sth of January, 
1861, in regard to the right of election: We have seen 
fit to sanction the annexed new provincial Statutes 
for Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg, and Tyrol, which will 
extend and vary the statute already published. 

V. In regard to our Lombardo- Venetian Kingdom, 
We have issued an order to our Minister of State to 
prepare and lay before us, at a suitable time, a provin- 
cial Constitution upon a similar basis, and in the mean- 
while confer the right upon the Congregations of the 
Kingdom, as its present representative bodies, to send 
the appointed ntunber of members to the Reichsrath. 

VI. Inasmuch as, partly through the foregoing 
fundamental laws, partly through the Constitutions 
restored, partly through those created by means of 
the new laws, the fotmdation of the legal condition of 
our Monarchy is established, and in partictilar the 
representation of our peoples is arranged, and their 



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APPENDIX 281 

participation in legislation is settled: We therefore 
make known, by these presents, that the fundamental 
laws ^herein contained form the constitution of our 
Empire ; and we further make known and vow not only 
to follow and uphold them inviolably, but we also en- 
gage our successors in the Govenmient to follow and 
uphold them inviolably, and further, upon their ac- 
cession to the Throne, to vow so to do, in the Manifest 
which they shall then publish. We hereby declare 
also our firm resolution to protect them against every 
assault, to the extent of our Imperial power, and 
strictly to observe that they shall be followed and up- 
held by every one. 

VII. We ordain that this Patent shall assume the 
form of an Imperial Diploma, together with the fun- 
damental laws accompanying it, and be deposited in the 
archives of otu* House, Court, and State ; and further, 
that the fundamental law of representation, as well as 
the special laws for each Province, shall be deposited 
and preserved in the archives of our Kingdoms and 
Provinces. 

Given in this our metropolis and residence of Vienna, 
on the 26th day of February, 1861, and in the 13th 
year of our reign. 

(Signed) Francis Joseph, m. p. 

Archduke Rainer, m.p. 

EXTRACTS FROM THE DETAILS OF GENERAL INTEREST 
ACCOMPANYING THE FOREGOING. 

The Reichsrath forms the representation of the 
Empire, is composed of an upper and lower house, 
and will be convoked annually. The Princes of the 



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282 APPENDIX 

Imperial House when of age, the Chiefs of certain 
aristocratic families of large landed possessions, all 
Archbishops and Bishops of Princely rank, are mem- 
bers of the Upper House. The Emperor reserves also 
the right of making distinguished persons in the 
Church or in science members for life. 

The Lower House will be composed of 343 members, 
and the members are to be elected by the Provincial 
Diets. The President and Vice-President of each Diet 
are to be chosen by the Emperor. The Government 
has a right to lay drafts of laws before the Reichsrath, 
which has also a right to bring in Bills. The sanction 
of the Emperor is necessary to every bill that has 
passed both houses, before it can become a law. An 
absolute majority is required in the Reichsrath to 
make a resolution valid, and the members must give 
their votes in person. The Reichsrath may be pro- 
rogued or the Lower House dissolved by the Emperor. 
In the latter case, a new chamber must be formed as 
above. The sittings of both houses are public, but 
on demand of the President, or 10 members, with the 
agreement of the house thereto, they may be held in 
secret. 

The permanent and the enlarged Reichsrath are 
dissolved, and a Council of State is to be formed, 
known under the name of " Staatsrath. " The cotmcil 
of State is to be composed of a President and several 
cotmcillors, he to have the rank of a Minister, and to 
be present at the Council of Ministers, without a vote, 
and all shall be nominated by the Emperor. The 
"Staatsrath" will be composed of distinguished men 
from the different Provinces, and their opinion can 
be taken by the Emjperor and his Ministers. The 



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APPENDIX 283 

number of its members, their rank and salary, &c., 
wOl be made known in a separate rescript. 

The Provincial Diets are composed, ist, of the high 
clerical dignitaries of each Province, by virtue of their 
oflSce, 2nd, of Deputies elected by the large landed 
proprietors of the Province, and 3rd, of deputies 
chosen by the cities and towns and the rural districts. 
The landed proprietors, to be qualified as voters, 
must own estates pajring in direct taxes amoimts 
varying in the different Provinces from one htmdred 
to two htmdred and fifty florins. In the various 
cities, with few exceptions, persons pajring direct 
taxes to the amount of 20, 15, and 10 florins respec- 
tively have the right of suffrage, and in the rural dis- 
tricts a tax of 5 florins confers the franchise, though 
in this case the elections are indirect. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 19. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, April 8th, 1861. 

Honorable William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 
Sir: 

Since my last despatch. No. 18, dated March nth, 
1 861, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt 
from the State Department of Despatch No. 11, in- 
structing me, in the event of an application being 
made to this Government by Agents representing the 
"Confederate States" of the South for an acknowl- 
edgment of its independence or separate existence, to 



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284 APPENDIX 

use all my influence and power to prevent the same ; 
and also your Circular note informing me officially of 
your appointment as Secretary of State of the United 
States. I shall be governed by these instructions, and 
will carry them out to the extent of my ability. 

An application was made through me (not offi- 
cially), by the Superintendent of the Assay Office of 
the United States at New York, for a plan and de- 
scription of the process adopted here in refining gold 
by the Sulphuric add process. This process has long 
been known to be equal in expedition and efficiency 
to the Nitric add process, and with a large diminution 
of expense. But the fumes given out by the sulphur 
are so offensive and unhealthy that it had to be aban- 
doned, until a mode of condensation of these fumes 
has been invented which is found to answer every 
purpose. I applied informally for plans, diagrams, 
descriptions, &c., and the government with alacrity 
placed the whole at my command. I have forwarded 
to the office at New York, this week, fuU diagrams 
&c., &c., so as to enable any mechanic versed in this 
line of arts to put the whole machinery in operation. 
The saving will be very great to the Government, on 
account of the great disparity of price between nitric 
and sulphuric acids. The application was made by 
me, at the request of Samuel P. Butterworth, Super- 
intendent of the Assay Office, who is entitled to what- 
ever credit may accrue from the introduction of this 
process into our Assay Offices; and although, the sub- 
ject matter being tmoffidal, I might have passed it 
by here without notice, yet I deemed it, on reflection, 
in a sdentific point of view, worthy of a place in the 
files of the State Department, and feeling anxious also 



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APPENDIX 285 

to make a record of the prompt cordiality with which 
the Imperial Government placed the whole matter at 
the service of my coimtry, I thought it but proper to 
make this note of it. 

In a political point of view, nothing has transpired 
since the date of my last Despatch that could be called 
an event ; all Europe is uneasy, but the uneasiness is 
eqtially distributed, and so generally balanced that 
the ill humors of the body politic find it difl&cult to 
fester or come to a head in any one particular spot. 
The disposition of the reactionary powers, Russia, 
Austria, and Prussia, to make very Kberal concessions, 
being well known, disarms revolution. England, 
France, and Italy are all equally committed and in- 
terested against any revolutionary movement which 
might endanger the system of Constitutional Mon- 
archy; the activity therefore of Kossuth, Mazzini, 
and Garibaldi, who are indefatigable in their agita- 
tions in Venice, Rome, Htmgary, and Poland, is neu- 
tralized continually by the diplomacy of Russia, Aus- 
tria, and Prussia, on this basis (of concession), with 
England and Prance. These of course are eflEects. 
The cause, however, is apparent; to wit, the popular 
mind of Europe rtms just now in the current of pop- 
ular agitation for popular rights, and not revolution 
by an appeal to the sword, tmtil they shall be con- 
vinced that the ultimate result is inevitably necessary. 
The cotirse recently developed in Russia towards 
Poland, Austria towards Htmgary, and France to- 
wards Italy (by standing guard against all comers, 
while Sardinia is permitted to enter the ring, and have 
it her own way), has so strongly inclined the popular 
ndnd of Europe to believe that all these rights may be 



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286 APPENDIX 

seciired by peaceable agitation, and that prerogative 
is bound to 5deld to popular rights without war, that 
revolutionary movements of any other kind are just 
now at a d^count, and unless some untoward event 
should happen, peace is likely to prevail. 

The chief interest manifested in our domestic 
troubles is how far, and in what manner, they are 
going to affect themselves; and great pains are taken 
by England and France — ^who are now free trade 
propagandists — ^to prejudice the commercial coind 
against the new Tariff. 

Notwithstanding all I have said of the formidable 
obstacles in the way of Austria's resorting to hostili- 
ties — ^her embarrassed finances, the restive condition 
of the interior and the imsettled domestic policy of 
the Empire, the approaching session of a Parliament 
representing the whole Empire, the failure to embroil 
Prussia in the quarrel so as to direct France from Italy 
to the Rhine, and (in the event of war) the almost 
certain rising of Htmgary, the equally certain loss of 
Venetia, if not half the remaining Provinces of the 
Empire — ^notwithstanding all these dissuasives, Aus- 
tria may be plunged into war, not as the result of any 
process of reasoning nor as the legitimate consequences 
of any fixed policy, but rather in despite of both. It 
is possible for want of system, for want of policy, and 
from a desperation which rushes on evils they know 
not of rather than bear the ills they have. A few days 
since the whole Ministry resigned, because too much 
had been conceded to Htmgary at the expense of the 
German element of the Empire. The same day these 
resignations were withdrawn, on the assurance that 
the concessions should be modified. The Conserva- 



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APPENDIX 287 

tives are convinced that every day's delay strengthens 
Italy and weakens Austria's hold on Venetia, that 
French policy is reducing to the verge of despair the 
last rallying point of Legitimacy around the Pope's 
temporal throne in Rome, that Venetia is being at- 
tacked now, not on the Po, but in Hungary; and a 
hasty conclusion may be reached that all is lost that 
is in danger, and precipitate war. Such are the un- 
certainty and unsettled condition of affairs that this 
is within the limits of possibility; but as I said before, 
it is not so now intended by Austria. Austria is mak- 
ing demonstrations on the Po, which indicate, and 
are intended to indicate, a renewal of hostilities by 
her own initiation, but she means it as a diversion to 
draw off the Italian intervention in Himgary by giving 
it employment at home. This I am sure is her mean- 
ing, and yet her councils are so unsteady, and the crises 
of the reorganization of her internal r^fime so near, 
that results may be upon us unforeseen by any one. 

The Holstein-Schleswig question is farther from 
settlement than ever, and if European war becomes 
desirable, this may furnish the pretext as well as any 
other; for a European war it will be, or no war at all. 
England and Russia will restrain, (knowing that France, 
in the event of war, will come to the Rhine to help 
Denmark) while Austria, keeping her own hands out, 
would like to embroil Prussia with France and thus 
divert her from Italy, disturb the balance of power 
in Europe on the Rhine, and, ending in another Euro- 
pean Congress of Diplomatists, after a general war, to 
reconstruct the map of Europe. Unless, therefore, 
England and Russia decide that a European war is 
inevitable, the Holstein affair will be settled. It rarely 



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288 APPENDIX 

happens that such conSkrting interests should alike 
feel inclined to hazard and avoid war, and yet such is 
the fact with both the legitimist leactionarv party 
and the Republicans; and Fianoe, being a Military 
power founded on universal sufbage, has sympathies 
with both, and very strong prcx^Uvities to empk>y her 
armies and enlarge her borders. 

I have the honor to enclose herewith translatioiis 
into French of the protestations of the Grand Duke 
of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena, respectively, 
against the asstmiption by Victor Emmanuel of the 
title of •' King of Italy, " recently conferred upon him 
by the Italian Chambers. They have been piesented 
to me by the representatives of the above mentioned 
sovereigns at this court, with the request that I would 
lay them before my Government. 
Very Respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

J. GlancyJonbs, 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 20. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, April isth, 1861. 

Hon. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
Circular, dated 9th March, 1861. 

I presented the copy of the inaugural address of 
the President to Count Rechberg on the 8th day of 



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APPENDIX 289 

April, and at the same time verbally communicated, 
in accordance with the instructions contained in said 
despatch, the views and opinions of my Government 
on the present disturbed condition of its domestic 
affairs, and the aspect in which it wished them to be 
regarded by the Government of Austria. 

He replied that Austria hoped to see us reunited. 
That she was not inclined to recognize de facto Govern- 
ments anywhere ; her opinions had been made known 
and her minister and Consuls in America instructed 
fully on the subject ; that no application had yet been 
made to Austria for recognition, as an independent 
Sovereignty, by any portion of the Confederacy of 
the United States, and he was of opinion that, as the 
views of Austria would soon be known on the subject, 
no such application would be made. Should it be 
otherwise, however, he would notify this Legation, 
and the subject could be resumed. 

Application has been made to me for a requisition, 
under the Extradition Treaty, on the Austrian Gov- 
ernment for the surrender of a fugitive from justice, 
named Thomas B. Marsh, a native bom citizen of the 
United States, who had, as was alleged, escaped from 
justice. The crimes charged were forgery and robbery, 
by making false entries, &c., in the books of the Mer- 
cantile firm of Slocomb, Stowell & Co. of the city of 
New York, in whose employ Marsh had been for some 
years retained in the capacity of Invoice Clerk. 
Marsh was arrested in Vienna, on complaint of Calvin 
L. Cole, a citizen of the United States and the duly 
constituted Attorney of said Slocomb, Stowell & Co. 
Marsh confessed the crimes alleged, in writing, and in 
my presence, as well as that of the police officers of 

Vol. 11—19 



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290 APPENDIX 

the Govermnent who had him in charge, and ex- 
pressed a wish to be sent immediately to the United 
States for trial. On this state of facts the reqiiisition 
was made by me, and after the usual formalities Marsh 
will be delivered up. I may add that Mr. Cole fur- 
nished the Magistrate with ample proof of Marsh's 
guilt, independently of his voluntary confession, as 
he informed me in person, and as he also certified to 
the Chief of Police for the use of the Foreign OflSce. 

The certificate of the Chief of Police under Marsh's 
written confession was sent by me to the Foreign 
Office, as the basis of the requisition. 
Very Respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 



MR. BURLINGAME TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

Paris, May 31st, 1861, 
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, 

Secretary of State. 
Sir: 

On my way to Vienna I have learned through Mr. 
Walsh, our late Secretary of Legation that he was 
waited upon by the Secretary of Prince Mettemich, 
Austrian Minister at this Court, who desired to know 
when I intended to leave for Vienna, with an intimation 
that the Prince would be pleased to have me remain 
until the way might be cleared for my presentation. 

Learning, unoflficially, that the action of the Prince 
was prompted by a desire to aid rather than retard 



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APPENDIX 291 

the purposes of my Mission, I determined after con- 
sultation with my colleagues, Messrs. Dayton, Marsh, 
Sanford, and Pike, who were tmanimous in their opin- 
ion, to remain until I should hear further from the 
Prince. 

I learn from another quarter that the trouble prob- 
ably springs out of something sent to the Austrian 
Government by Chevalier Hulsemann touching my 
authorship and advocacy of the Bill raising the Sar- 
dinian Mission, taken in connection with my well 
known sentiments in favor of the Italians. 

The Sardinian Bill received the vote of every mem- 
ber of the House and of the Senate, and I have not 
expressed any sentiment in favor of the Italians not 
shared in by nearly every American citizen. 

If the Austrian Gov. chooses to make such an issue 
as that — an issue involving the assumption, on her 
part, of the right to demand that we shall send, not 
an American, but an Austrian in feeling, she will, in 
my opinion, prove weak where she has been deemed 
strongest in her diplomacy. 

After having shown by my conduct a disposition 
not rudely to force an issue on the Austrian Govern- 
ment, I think self-respect and a due regard to the 
dignity and honor of the Government I represent will, 
after having waited a reasonable time, render it ad- 
visable that I should demand audience of the Em- 
peror, leaving the responsibility of reception or rejec- 
tion where it belongs. 

I send you the proceedings of a meeting of Amer- 
ican citizens which took place here on the 29th inst. 
The meeting was rendered necessary to correct the 
misapprehension of our position from the tireless 



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292 APPENDIX 

efforts of the traitors who had preceded us. We have 
had all we could do to turn the tide, and, for this pur- 
pose, have been in consultation almost hourly. 

Your instructions to Mr. Dayton, which we had 
translated into French, were the first assurances of a 
fixed purpose on our part of maintaining the integrity 
of our Government at every hazard; they were most 
timely, and made a profound impression. I think I 
can assure you that we have now the hearty sympathy 
of the French Gov. and people. 

Very respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

A. BURLINGAMB. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 21. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, June 21st, 1861. 

Hon. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
despatch No. 12, dated April 13th, 1861, informing 
me of my recall, of the appointment of the Honor- 
able Anson Burlingame as my successor, and express- 
ing an approval of my course and a wish that I 
might find it convenient to await the arrival of my 
successor. 

In consequence of the peculiar state of affairs now 
existing in our country, rendering it likely any day to 
make calls on or impart information to Foreign Gov- 



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APPENDIX 293 

emments, I deemed it my duty to comply with this 
request, especially as after having learned informally 
that Mr. Burlingame had already reached Europe, I 
knew that the delay did not promise to be protracted. 
I have yet no intelligence of Mr. Burlingame, further 
than that he is reported to be in Paris. I shall con- 
tinue here at my post, awaiting his arrival, for a few 
weeks longer, when, if he should not have arrived and 
no further positive instructions shall have reached 
me, I shall consider it a full compliance with my in- 
structions to leave the Legation in charge of the Sec- 
retary; I shall do this the more readily because his 
long experience, ability, and fidelity furnish me with 
every guaranty that the country will be faithfully 
represented by him. As it is of moment to me to re- 
ttim at the earliest practicable period to my coimtry, 
I hope the course I propose to follow may meet the 
approval of my Government. 

In my last despatch, No. 20, I referred to the case, 
at length, of Thomas B. Marsh, an alleged fugitive 
from justice. He was subsequently delivered up, as I 
then intimated he would be ; but it is but proper that 
I should state that the Austrian Government, with 
a view to show her kind feelings, as she alleged, to the 
American Government, waived the regular and formal 
mode of judicial investigation provided for in cases 
arising out of the extradition Treaty. The confession 
of Mr. Marsh's guilt, made by himself without solici- 
tation, the fact of his citizenship, and his own desire 
to be transferred to his own country for trial being 
made manifest, he was handed over to the custody of 
Mr. Cole without a formal warrant ; so, also, the money 
found in Marsh's possession was paid over to Mr. Cole, 



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294 APPENDIX 

at the joint request of Marsh and Cole, throt^h this 
Legation, amounting to the sum of one hundred and 
forty-seven and a half Napoleons, five hundred and 
twenty-seven and a half potmds sterling, with silver 
coins in value of four or five Dollars, together with 
other effects, consisting of clothing, watch, &c., and 
for which receipts were duly taken and filed here. 
Copies of the papers, correspondence, receipts, &c., 
relating thereto are hereby enclosed. 

A copy also of a correspondence relating to the case 
of Leonard S. Sawitzky, an insane naturalized citizen 
of the United States now confined in the Insane Asy- 
lum in Vienna, is also herewith enclosed. I took pains 
immediately on learning of his confinement, to have 
the case thoroughly investigated.. I found him well 
cared for, as he said himself; and that he was a native 
of Austrian Poland, had gone to America, was natu- 
ralized, and not succeeding in his expectations had 
returned to Europe, had no property nor relations in 
America, but had some relations in Poland, but no 
property as far as could be ascertained. The only 
favor he wished of the Government of his adopted 
country was, that he might by it be transferred to an 
Hospital of the brothers of mercy in Vienna. He al- 
leged strongly that he was not insane, but of this fact 
no one else doubted ; his case is a mild one, of the form 
of monomania, as I ascertained by sending my own 
physician specially to examine and report to me. The 
Hospital he desired to be transferred to, of course, 
could not receive him, as by the judgment of all — 
except his own — ^the Insane Asylum was the proper 
place for him. I arranged that his relations in Poland 
jnight be informed of his situation and condition, 



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APPENDIX 295 

which the Government readily concurred in, as they 
are anxious to have him cared for and removed. I 
hope the Government will notice the case and make 
the proper reply to the application here. 

I have despatched through the Consul at Bremen 
a package of books which were sent to me by the 
Ministry of Foreign AflEairs, with the request that I 
would forward them to my Government. 

On the 25th day of March, I issued a Passport to 
William Plessing, who furnished evidence that was 
satisfactory to me that he had been naturalized in 
the United States and had lost his papers. A copy of 
the deposition taken is herewith enclosed. 

I availed myself of an early opportunity to apprize 
Count Rechberg of the anxiety of my Government to 
have a good understanding with other Governments 
in relation to privateering. He assured me no aid or 
encouragement would be received in Austria; not 
being a large maritime power, and having a strong 
police force, she considers her ports suflBciently un- 
der her control without issuing proclamations; and 
thinks, or says, that better faith in this regard may 
be observed than by many who may issue proclama- 
tions. I believe Austria will do all she says, but it 
would be simple folly not to perceive what her chief 
motive is. Regarding herself as a conservative power, 
she is hostile to all revolutions and necessarily against 
all de facto Governments, and by consequence against 
anything that may aid or comfort them. She is op- 
posed to privateering per se. I regard England and 
France as hostile, or at least unfriendly. Cotton is 
not so powerful as the earnest desire to balance powers 
in America. These two nations will act in concert, 



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296 APPENDIX 

and in my judgment the blockade is to be broken by 
an acknowledgment of the new Confederation just 
at that time when it is supposed cotton will be badly 
wanted — ^to wit, in October next, and of this fact the 
Southern Confederation will be duly informed. Cot- 
ton will be the pretext, but a divided power in Amer- 
ica is much dearer to the hearts of those who rule in 
Europe than all the cotton in the world. The non- 
maritime powers are with the United States, but they 
will avail nothing against the combined power of Eng- 
land and France, or even of England alone, in maritime 
affairs. Unless something can be done, therefore, ere 
October next to settle this question and restore the 
Union, I fear the moral power of all Europe will be 
against us, or at least not with us; and as I regard a 
divided cotmtry as the death knell of all our hopes, I 
cannot refrain from pressing this point upon the at- 
tention of my Government. As to the mode of settle- 
ment, I have nothing, of course, to suggest — ^that is 
better understood at home; but as to the necessity 
of preserving the Union, I can judge here, and know 
that for the North, for the South, for all, it is our 
sheet anchor, and should be preserved at all hazards. 
Once divided, we will be the play and sport of Euro-' 
pean Diplomatists. Differences arising out of a diver- 
sified climate and soil, in our productions, commerce, 
and manufacttu^s, will be exaggerated if not created 
by European influence, in order that European influ- 
ence may settle them and adjust the terms of settle- 
ment. 

The rising power of our united strength was felt> 
deeply felt, in every council chamber of Europe, and 
as this rising power bodes no good to tottering feudal- 



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APPENDIX 297 

ism, its prospective dissolution is heard with secret 
delight. Disunion, with us, is destruction; they are 
synonymous terms, and so regarded by all Europe. 

I wish to impress the Government at home with 
the magnitude and importance of that in which we 
all ought to agree, which is the preservation of the 
Union at all hazards; and in order to fully compre- 
hend its danger, it is best to regard the ruling powers 
of Europe as secretly at heart in sympathy with the 
South, or for a divided American power. 

Judging solely from a European point, I say by all 
the reminiscences of the past, all the hopes of the 
future, for the sake of all sections and our posterity, 
never assent to disunion until you make up your 
minds that all is lost, and lost forever. 

I have more hope for the futiu« of Syria than for 
our people under a dismembered union. Cavour's 
death vibrated every chord in Europe, but, though 
dead, his system lives and will live, and hence, though 
all look for the effect, the wisest could not foretell 
what it would be; politically and financially it has 
changed nothing, because to the system of which 
Cavour was a living, acting soul all the powers had 
made up their minds to submit. No one can attempt 
to change without losing, and hence all things will 
continue for a time as they are, and move by peaceful 
agitation for popular rights without revolution, unless 
death should vacate the French throne; and then 
what will come no man can foresee or foretell. Our 
troubles are counter-revolutionary in Europe, and 
material forces have made already a grand advance 
at the expense of rational progress in human society. 



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298 APPENDIX 

On tatdi^ leave of the Emperor, I shall, as re- 
quested, assure him of the desire of my Government 
to continue its friendly relations. 
I have the honor to be, 

Very Respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servt., 

J. GlANCY JONBS. 
lEndostire in Despatch No. az. — TransiaiioH.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, April 9th, 1861. 

Between the Imperial Austrian Government and 
that of the United States of America exists a Treaty 
concluded at Washington on the 3rd of July, 1856, 
and rendered valid by the ratifications exchanged 
there on the 13th of Etecember, 1856, according to 
which these two States agreed, on mutual requisition, 
which the Govenmients themselves or their Ministers, 
officials, or other authorities might issue, to give up 
certain accused individuals to justice. 

A few days ago, at the request of a citizen, Mr. C. 
L. Cole, sent here for this purpose, a certain Thomas B. 
Marsh, formeriy a derk in New York, was discovered 
and arrested here through the vigilant activity of the 
Imperial Royal City Police Office, he being also an 
American citizen, and being charged on the ground 
of sworn declarations of having committed the crime 
of fraud and falsification, to an amount not yet pre- 
cisely fixed but certainly very large, at New York, 



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APPENDIX 299 

in the commercial house of Slocomb, in which he 
served as clerk. 

The said Thomas B. Marsh, in a note addressed to 
me, has notified me (with the addition that he declares 
himself guilty of the crime charged to him) that he 
himself wishes to be delivered up to the American 
authorities. This statement is legalized and certified 
to by the I. R. Police Office. 

In this state of things, the intervention of the 
judicial authorities, provided for in the above men- 
tioned treaty, and a regular prosecution, which would 
occasion a procedure of several months' duration, 
may be more readily dispensed with, as such are only 
necessary when on the part of the person to be deliv- 
ered up objection is made thereto, or other difficulties 
arise, which is here not the case. 

In the view of the Undersigned, it is only neces- 
sary for the purpose of Thomas B. Marsh himself that 
the I. R. City Police Office should be authorized by 
the competent higher authorities to furnish Mr. Cole 
with a suitable document to empower the same to 
take Thomas B. Marsh, for rendition to the Amer- 
ican authorities, by the way of Hamburg to America, 
and to lay claim to this end to the assista,nce of the 
authorities here. 

The Impl. Royal City Police would also confer a 
favor if, at the request of Mr. Cole, and of course at 
his cost, it would allow him to be accompanied as far 
as Hamburg by one or two persons as an escort. 

As the affair is, in so far, a very pressing one, as 
Mr. Cole, who has already pursued Marsh for several 
months in Europe, ardently desires to depart with 
Thomas B. Marsh in the next mail Steamer which 



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300 APPENDIX 

leaves Hamburg in a few dajrs, I have the honor to 
request that the Imperial Royal Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs will have the goodness to intervene as soon as 
possible, and in the most expeditious way, with the 
Imperial Ministry of Police, to the end that the ren- 
dition of Thomas B. Marsh to Mr. Cole, with the above 
mentioned document, and their speediest possible 
departure, may result. 

The Undersigned believes that he can give the as- 
surance that the Government of the United States 
would not hesitate in a similar case to do the same. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
in submitting the above to His Excellency Count 
Rechberg, Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
begs leave to renew to him the assurance of his dis- 
tinguished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jonbs. 

To HIS Excellency Count Rechberg, 

Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No, 21. — TranshaionJ] 

BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, April nth, 1861. 

To the esteemed note of the 9th inst. respecting the 
delivery of the American citizen, Thomas B. Marsh, 
accused of the crime of fraud and falsification com- 
mitted in New York, the Imperial Ministry of Foreign 
Affairs has the honor respectfully to reply to the 
North American Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 



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APPENDIX 301 

Plenipotentiary, Mr. Glancy Jones, that according 
to the rules here in force in respect to the rendition 
of a foreigner accused of a crime and seized in Austria 
to the Authorities of a foreign country, whether this 
rendition be claimed on the groimd of a special inter- 
national treaty or also without such, the decision can 
come only from the competent Austrian judicial 
Authority. 

The Ministry of Foreign AflEairs has therefore not 
failed to take the necessary steps in order to call forth 
the requisite judicial decision upon the case here under 
consideration, and it will hasten to bring the same to 
the knowledge of the Hon. Minister, as well as, in case 
of compliance, the measures taken by the Police for 
the execution of the Extradition assented to. 

In the meanwhile, the Undersigned avails himself 
of this occasion to renew to the Honorable Minister 
the expression of his perfect consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
The Under Secretary of State, 
(Signed) Koller. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. ax. — Copy.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, April 27th, 1861. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
referring to his note of the 9th inst. respecting the 
case of Thos. B. Marsh, an American citizen, whose 
extradition as a criminal was solicited by him, has 



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302 APPENDIX 

now the honor respectfully to ask that the said Marsh 
— in case that the Austrian judicial authorities have 
decided on his rendition to the American Government 
— ^may be, together with the money and all other 
effects found on him, delivered up in Vienna to this 
Legation. 

The Undersigned, in making this request, begs leave 
to assure the Imperial Royal Ministry of Foreign 
Aifairs of his most distinguished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

To THE Imperial Royal Ministry 
OF Foreign Affairs. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. ai. — Translation.] 

BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, April 27th, 1861. 

The Ministry of Foreign AflEairs has the honor to 
reply to the esteemed note of the 27th inst. of the 
Legation of North America, that the Imperial Ministry 
of Justice has been requested to take the necessary 
steps for the rendition of the North American citizen 
Thomas B. Marsh, accused of fraud, in the manner 
desired by the respected North American Legation. 
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to the Legation the expression of his perfect 
consideration. 

For the Minister of Foreign AflEairs, 
The Under Secretary of State, 

(Signed) Roller. 
To THE American Legation. 



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APPENDIX 303 

[Papers referred to in Despatch No, ax.] 

To His Excellency J. Glancy Jones, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary, Vienna. 
Sir: 

The Authorities of Austria having decided to de- 
liver, and having delivered, Thomas B. Marsh into 
your custody, I humbly request and pray you to de- 
liver to my custody the said Marsh for the purpose of 
conveying him in my custody to the United States of 
N. America. 

Your Obedient Servant, 

(Signed) C. L. Cole. 
Vienna, April 29th, 1861. 

To all whom it may concern, be it known that I, 
Thomas B. Marsh, of the dty of New York, U, S, of 
A., having been under arrest in Vienna, and surren- 
dered to the American Minister with the property 
and money in my possession at the time of my arrest, 
including say about six hundred and forty pounds 
sterling: Now, therefore, this is to declare that I con- 
sent that the said money and other effects so deliv- 
ered to the American Legation should be delivered 
and given up to C. L. Cole, the authorized agent and 
attorney of Thomas Slocomb of New York. 

Witness my hand and seal. Dated this 30th day 
of April, 1861, at Vienna. 

(Signed) Thomas B. Marsh. 
(L. S.) 

Witness: 

J. P. Delaplaine. 



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304 APPENDIX 

The Undersigned, holder of a power of Attorney 
from Thomas Slocomb, Merchant of New York, author- 
izing him to act for and in the name of the said 
Slocomb, hereby acknowledges the receipt from the 
Legation of the United States at Vieima of the money 
and other effects fotmd in the possession of Thomas 
B. Marsh at the time of the arrest of said Marsh at 
Vienna on a charge of defrauding the said Slocomb, 
the personal effects consisting of clothing, watch, &c., 
&c., and the money of one htmdred and forty-seven 
and a half Napoleons, five htmdred and twenty-seven 
and a half potmds sterling, with silver coins in value 
of four or five dollars, both money and effects having 
been delivered to the said Legation by the Govern- 
ment of Austria. 

(Signed) C. L. Cole, 
Attorney for Thomas Slocomb. 

Witness: 

J. P. Delaplaine. 

I, George W. Lippitt, Secretary of the United 
States Legation at Vienna, hereby certify that the 
above are true and accurate copies of the original 
papers on file in this Legation. 

George W. Lippitt. 



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APPENDIX 305 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. ai. — Transkuion.] 

BARON MEYSENBURG TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, May 31st, .1861. 

According to a communication of the Imperial 
Ministry of Justice, Leonard Sawitzky, teacher of 
languages, who had come to Vienna and was living 
in the Hotel Matschakerhof , had to be taken to the 
Imperial Royal Insane Asylum, and by decision of 
the Imperial Royal Vienna Court of the 19th of Feb- 
ruary, 1 861, on the grotmd of legally proved insanity, 
was placed under guardianship. 

As the person in question, according to the here- 
with enclosed passport, dated Feb. 23rd, i860. No. 
17, 221, is a citizen of the United States, the Imperial 
Royal Notary, Dr. Gustav Pobenheim, was appointed 
by the city District Court of Vienna Curator for Sa- 
witzky (for so long) tmtil the competent authorities 
of his cotmtry shall make another arrangement. The 
ward having no property, security is not required. 

The Imperial Royal Ministry of Poreijgn Affairs, 
in bringing this matter to the knowledge of the Lega- 
tion of the United States for such further disposition 
as may be agreeable, has the honor to request that this 
disposition of the case may be made known to it as 
soon as possible, and that the enclosed Passport may 
be returned — ^its rettam being expressly desired by the 
Imperial Royal authorities concerned. 

The tmdersigned avails himself, &c., &c. 

For the Minister of Foreign Aflfairs, 
(Signed) Meysbnburg. 

To His ExcBLLBNCY J. Glancy Jones, &c. &c. &c. 

Vol. 11—20 



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306 APPENDIX 

[Enclosvire in IkspaUk No. ai. — Co^.] 

MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG. 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, Joine i8th, 1861. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America has 
the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of 
his Excellency Baron Meysenburg, on behalf of the Im- 
perial and Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which 
the Undersigned is informed that a certain Leonard 
S. Sawitzky, a citizen of the United States, has been 
consigned to the Imperial Royal Insane Asylimi by 
decision of the Imperial Royal Vienna Court, it having 
been first legally proved that he was insane, and that 
Dr. Gustav Pobenheim has been appointed curator, 
omtil the competent atithority of his own cotmtry 
shall make other arrangements; and further that said 
Sawitzky has no property, and that said information 
is given to this Legation in order that further disposal 
may be made of the case by this Legation. 

In reply, the Undersigned begs leave to inform the 
Imperial and Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs that 
his Government has no local jurisdiction over the 
persons or estates of insane citizens of the United 
States, except in the District of Columbia (the seat of 
the General Government), the subject matter being 
one entirely reserved by the respective States as a 
question of local jurisdiction. Persons becoming in- 
sane abroad, however, as in this case, and that fact 
being brought to the notice of the representatives of 
the Government of the United States in any way, it 



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APPENDIX 307 

will always be made known to their Government and 
by the Government speedily communicated to the 
competent authorities, when the residence can be as- 
certained of the party, and such authorities will take 
action and communicate through the representative 
of the Government of the United States to the Govern- 
ment under which the case has arisen. 

In this case that course will be taken by the Under- 
signed, and the results when known duly reported to 
the Imperial Royal Government of Austria. 

The Passport forwarded from the Ministry of For- 
eign Afiairs is herewith returned, in accordance with 
the wish expressed. 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew, &c., &c. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

To His EXCBLLENCY CoUNT RSCHBBRG, &C. &C. &C. 
[Enclosure in Despatch No. ax.] 

Legation op the United States of Vienna. 

Copy of the Deposition of William Plessing, a Nattiralized Citizen 
of the United States of America. 

WilKam Plessing, being dtdy sworn according to 
law, doth depose and say, that he is 41 years of age ; 
was bom in Vienna, in the Empire of Austria, in the 
year 1820. That he emigrated to the United States 
of America, and landed at the city of New Orleans, 
in the State of Louisiana, on the 9th of October, 1846; 
that while in that city he, in the month of December, 
1846, made a declaration of his intention to become a 



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308 APPENDIX 

citizen of the United States, and that he resided per- 
manently in the United States of America, without 
leaving the same, tmtil the sth of February in the year 
i860, at which time he sailed for Europe. 

And this deponent fiuther declares, that he was 
married in America in the year 1851, and has a wife 
and children now living, to the best of his knowledge 
and belief, in the State of California. 

And he, the said deponent, fiuther declares upon 
his solemn oath that he was dtily naturalized a citizen 
of the United States of Ainerica in the city of San 
Francisco, in the State of California, in the month of 
July, in the year 1852, and that he took out his certifi- 
cate of naturalization accordingly. That the vessel 
Phoenix, in which he embarked, was wrecked near 
Cuxhaven in the month of March, i860, and that he 
thereby lost aU the goods of which he was possessed, 
including his certificate of naturalization; and this 
deponent prajrs that upon the strength of this deposi- 
tion he may be granted a Passport as a citizen of the 
United States of America. 

(L. S.) (Signed) William Plessing. 

Sworn and subscribed before me, George W. Lippitt, 
Secretary of Legation, at the Legation of the United 
States of America at Vienna, in the Empire of 
Austria, this 25th day of March, in the year of our 
Lord 1861, and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the Eighty-fifth. 

(Signed) G. W. Lippitt. 

(Seal of the Legation.) 



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APPENDIX 309 

MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 22. Legation of thb United States, 

Vienna, July 20th, 1861. 

Hon. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 
Sir: 

A few dajrs since. Count Rechberg, the Imperial 
Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs, was interrogated 
in the House of Deputies of the Austrian Empire on 
the subject of the course pursued, or about to be pur- 
sued, by the Imperial Royal Government in relation 
to American Affairs in the present complication. The 
report of his remarks is as follows: 

Cotmt Rechberg rose to answer the question, " What 
measures has the Government taken to protect its 
commercial relations with the United States of North 
America, tmder the warlike condition of things now 
existing there, " put by Mr. Putzer and his associates. 
He said: "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has, in 
connection with the iCnistries of Trade and of the 
Navy, caused information to be obtained through the 
Imperial Minister Resident at Washington as to the 
measures which other Governments have taken for 
the same reason. The answer received was, that Eng- 
land and France, as well as Holland, had strengthened 
their squadrons in the American waters, and had en- 
deavored to bring the belligerent powers to the recog- 
nition of those principles especially, relating to the 
protection of private property, which were agreed 
upon at the Congress of Paris in 1856. The Imperial 
Government has for the present abstained from send- 



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310 APPENDIX 

ing ships of war, and has directed the Minister Resi- 
dent to obtain from the belligerent powers the recog- 
nition of the following points established by the said 
Congress: 

1. The neutral flag covers enemies' goods, with the 
exception of contraband of war. 

2. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband 
of war, are not liable to capture tmder enemy's flag. 

3. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effec- 
tive ; that is to say, maintained by a force suflScient 
really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy. 

The Government hopes, on accoimt of the friendly 
relations which have existed between it and the Amer- 
ican States for years, to obtain the recognition of these 
three points on the part of the belligerents. " 

In an interview with Coimt Rechberg a day or two 
ago, he expressed to me the hope that the answer 
might be deemed satisfactory to my Government, as 
it was his wish to make it so. I replied that so far as 
I was advised, no exception could be taken to his 
language ; but that I should transmit to my Govern- 
ment both the question and answer, and if they had 
anything to say, they would make it known to him, 
through their Minister here. 

He repeated his strong desire to see the integrity of 
the Union preserved in America, and said that Aus- 
tria was anxious to cultivate the most friendly rela- 
tions with us, and would be the last to aid or abet any 
movement looking to the disruption of our confed- 
eracy or weakening its power. 

Very Respectfully, 

Yotir Obedient Servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 



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APPENDIX 311 

MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 23. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, August 6th, 1861. 

Hon. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 
Sir: 

The condition of Hungary has more or less attracted 
the attention of Europe and America — and especially 
in their Diplomatic Circles — since the Italian war of 
1859, *h^ Htmgarians insisting on the restoration of 
their old Constitution and laws as they existed prior to 
and in 1848. The Government of Vienna, making 
liberal concessions in two Patents, issued in October, 
i860, and in February, 1861, respectively, propose to 
confine the Htmgarians to the principles laid down in 
the Pragmatic Sanction. On this issue has been joined ; 
the Hungarian Parliament refused to send members to 
the Imperial Reichsrath tmtil their demands should be 
complied with. An address was recently sent by the 
Hungarians to the Emperor, by whom technical ex- 
ception was taken to their manner of addressing him — 
a refusal, in fact, to recognize him as their Sovereign, 
except conditionally. This omission served a good 
purpose for the Emperor, in bringing to his support 
the Representatives of aU the German Provinces of the 
Empire, as well as Poland, in the Imperial Parliament, 
as these Representatives desire a Constitution in which 
all sections of the Empire shall have equal rights & 
privileges, and consequently are not friendly to the 
grant of National privileges to one of the integral parts 
of the Empire which are denied to another. 



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312 APPENDIX 

The Hungarian Diet tinanimously changed the form 
they had chosen of addressing His Majesty, with which 
alteration the address was received by the Emperor, 
who has published his reply to it in the form of an Im- 
perial Rescript, which was read in both houses of the 
Imperial Parliament on the 23rd of July inst. This 
assumes to be a finality, and results in a change of 
Ministers, to the extent of the Htmgarian members 
alone however. 

The political condition of Europe has its influence 
in Hungarian affairs. The death of Cavour, the ac- 
knowledgment of the Kingdom of Italy, the disturb- 
ances in Poland, &c., disable Prance and England from 
interfering at the present crisis in Htmgarian affairs, 
beyond that of expressing sirmpathies. Under these 
circumstances, Htmgary will probably have to submit 
tmtil European complications offer a better oppor- 
tunity, when all their demands will be renewed with 
increased vigor, and in all probability with ultimate 
success. The chief barrier in Htmgary's way, in the 
future, will be the hostility of the sections of the 
Empire who are not to be equally benefited, and these 
interests will be much strengthened by having a voice 
in the National Parliament. 

A translation of the Rescript above referred to is 
herewith enclosed. 

I forward also, herewith, to the Department, in 
compliance with my instructions, an Inventory of the 
books, &c., now in possession of the Legation. 

I am. Very Respectfully, 

Your Obedient Servant, 

J. Glancy Jones. 



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APPENDIX 313 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 33. — Translation.] 

RESCRIPT TO THE HUNGARIAN DIET. 

We, Francis Joseph the First, &c., &c., &c., present 
to the Magnates and Representatives of otir Faithful 
Kingdom of Hungary in Diet assembled, according to 
our summons of the 2d of April of this year, our salu- 
tation and our favour. 

Beloved and faithful, as you have complied with our 
summons addressed to you by rescript of the 30th ult., 
to offer the loyal address presented to us in such a form 
that its acceptance might be in harmony with the dig- 
nity of the Crown, which will be guarded by us against 
every assault, and with our hereditary sovereign right, 
with dutiful readiness, for which we have already 
caused our satisfaction to be expressed: 

We are rejoiced, agreeably to our promise and our 
lively desire, to be able to express ourselves unreserv- 
edly in regard to the weighty matters contained in that 
Address — in order to attain in this way, through a clear 
and complete explanation, a proper and permanent 
settlement of the present difficulties. 

Through the sunmioning of the present Diet we de- 
sired to open a way in which the obstacles to the con- 
stitutional administration of our Kingdom of Htmgary 
might be legally removed, and the relations arising out 
of- its indissoluble union with our kingdoms and prov- 
inces might be, in conformity to the demands of our 
whole monarchy, regulated in such a manner, through 
the legislative power, that the measures to be taken, in 
this respect, corresponding to the feelings of the nation, 
may be such as to avoid every other than a legal solu- 
tion of the question which must be decided. 



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314 APPENDIX 

If in the loyal Address referred to our Diploma of 
2oth October, i860, is spoken of as though it stood in 
strong contrast with the independence of Htmgary 
secured by the Pragmatic Sanction, so do we acknowl- 
edge indeed that according to the above Diploma the 
Htmgarian Diet will have to deliberate in reference to 
those matters which refer to taxation, and to the mode, 
manner, and regulation of military duty, in a way 
different from that tmder the former laws ; namely, in 
common with the other constitutional representatives 
of the whole empire. We cannot, however, from this 
infer that there is herein an infringement of the guaran- 
tees of the Gjnstitutional independence of Htmgary, 
but must rather expect that they will be strengthened 
in consequence of the tmderstanding to be attained by 
common deliberations with the freely elected repre- 
sentatives of our other kingdoms and provinces in re- 
lation to their mutual interests; and we graciously 
make the Magnates and representatives assembled in 
Diet attentive to the fact that their influence formerly 
extended only to a small part of the general taxation, 
and not as in future, by virtue of the Diploma, to all 
kinds of taxes and measures of finance ; and also to the 
letter of the Pragmatic Sanction incorporated in the 
first and second articles of law of the year 1723, which, 
according to these, did not originate solely in order to 
protect our Kingdom of Htmgary against inward and 
outward assaults and the easily excitable and to the 
cotmtry well known interior convulsions, but also in 
order that a final common basis might be gained for a 
mutual understanding and union with our other king- 
doms and provinces. 

Our Royal summons for the present Diet has already 



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APPENDIX 315 

furnished the proof that it is oiir firm will to follow the 
usage in reference to the coronation Diploma, and we 
also, in order to the desired pacification of excited 
minds and to remove tmgrotmded fears, openly ac- 
knowledge that our Kingdom of Htmgary, as well in 
reference to the persons employed as also to the sjrstems 
and the forms, is to be governed in a manner peculiar 
to itself, and correspondingly to its old constitution, 
and that therefore the absorption of the countries be- 
longing to the Crown of St. Stephen, with the rest of the 
monarchy, is not intended by us, and is far from our 
heart. 

Prom this we freely admit, indeed, an "autonome" 
administration of the internal affairs of the cotmtry, 
as ordained in the loth Article of the year 1790, but by 
no means does it follow herefrom that the existing in- 
dissoluble bond between our kingdom of Hungary and 
our other kingdoms and provinces consists solely and 
alone in the unity of the ruling family, or forms merely 
a personal union, an assertion which is clearly refuted 
by the legal position of our kingdom of Htmgary as 
actually resulting from the laws and history. 

The unity of the throne, the conduct of the army, 
and the central administration of the common finances 
of our whole monarchy are the natural consequences 
of the Pragmatic Sanction, which established the in- 
divisibility and inseparability of the monarchy; and 
as our kingdom of Htmgary since the accession to the 
throne of otir ruling has never been specially represented 
abroad, and is also now tmder the name of the Austrian 
Empire among the Powers of Europe, comprehended 
with otir other kingdoms and provinces, so had Htm- 
gary alwajrs to contribute to the common necessities of 



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316 APPENDIX 

our whole monarchy, and to participate in the sacrifices 
which in consequence of wars were made by the nations 
under our rule, as is clear from the Articles 63 of the 
year 1741, 2 of year 1796, i of the year 1805, 2 of 5rear 
1807, 6 of year 1808, and others. 

In consequence of having shared the same fate for 
three centuries under a conmion government, our king- 
dom of Hungary has entered into a much closer union 
with the countries of our whole monarchy than can be 
designated by a personal union. This doser tmion is 
unmistakably pointed out in first and second Articles 
of year 1723, as well in their words as in their conse- 
quences. And not only do the Articles 21 and 98 of 
the same year in their third paragraph and the Articles 
104 and 114 refer to that central government which 
managed affairs common to it with the other countries 
of the monarchy, but the Htmgarian legislation has in 
Section 4 of Article 4 of year 1 741 given a striking proof 
of its care for the common interests of the Empire, 
inasmuch as it, in order that the supreme government 
of Htmgary might not be separated from that of the 
other parts of the Empire, and in contradiction with 
the 2d Article of year 1845, referring to the guardian- 
ship of the Palatine, quoted in the address of the Diet, 
designated the Emperor Francis, the most serene Con- 
sort of Maria Theresa of glorious memory, not only as 
co-regent, but also, in case of minority of the heir to the 
throne, as the legal guardian for Htmgary likewise, to 
the end that he might govern Hungary as well as the 
other parts of the monarchy with paternal and guar- 
dian authority. 

The common conduct and administration of the 
departments of War and Finance is certified by a com- 



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APPENDIX 317 

plete series of facts not compatible with the idea of a 
personal union, and the 4th Section of nth Article of 
year 1741, in which the country demanded the appoint- 
ment of Hungarian members in the Ministry of State, 
would be inexplicable without a closer union. Through 
the laws of 1848 it was indeed designed to bring about 
a personal union, in no little contradiction with the 
declaration made in the preface to these laws, that the 
unity of the Crown and all obligations to the monarchy 
shotdd remain xmimpaired ; but the execution of these 
laws revealed in the first half year the dangers which 
threatened, Hungary inclusive, our whole monarchy, 
for the reason that, setting aside the legal position and 
history of Hungary, it was endeavored to sustain the 
entire interests of the State on the narrow basis of a 
personal union. This separation caused dangerous 
convtdsions which compelled the application of another 
administrative system and the setting aside the con- 
stitutional institutions of Hungary. 

Since, however, by our Diploma of 20th October, 
i860, the restoration of the Hungarian Constitution 
under the conditions and limitations which are required 
by the interests of our throne and kingdom and by the 
introduction of constitutional institutions in our other 
kingdoms and provinces has been assured by us in the 
fulness of our Royal authority, we have, in order to 
fulfil this assurance, restored as well the traditional 
constitutions of the Cotmtries as also the Htmgarian 
governmental functionaries, and afterward have sum- 
moned this Diet in order through it, in the way of legis- 
lation upon the basis of Royal propositions or by motion 
of the Diet itself, to attain a practical solution of the 
supremely important objects contained in our Diploma 



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318 APPENDIX 

of 2oth October, i860, and in otir resolves of the same 
date, and thtis to satiny the interests and wishes of the 
coiintry, and to bring the legal position of Htingary 
into harmony with the requirements of the inseparable 
and firm tinion of all our cotmtries and with the inter- 
national position of the Empire. 

As, however, for the attainment of this end the Mag- 
nates and representatives in Diet assembled put the 
laws of 1848, and, making this demand a preliminary 
condition, wished to base the constitutional legal state 
of the country solely hereon, they seek the solution of 
the problem laid before them in a sphere in which op- 
position to most essential interests of our whole mon- 
archy is unavoidable, and a settlement answering to 
the just demand of the common weal is in no way at- 
tainable.- 

Those principles contained in the laws of 1848 which 
refer to the abolition of the privileged position of the 
nobility, to the capacity for office and for holding 
property of aU classes without distinction of birth, to 
the removal of burdens on the peasantry, as well as to 
the common liability to military duty and to taxation 
and to participation in the election to the Diet of all 
classes of our subjects of the Kingdom of Htmgary not 
formerly entitled to it, we have already, in our resolves 
of 2oth October, i860, recognized and confirmed as 
valid. As, however, to the other laws passed by the 
Diet of 1847 3^d 48, it is well known to the Magnates 
and representatives that various of the chief points of 
these laws are strongly opposed to the substance of the 
Pragmatic Sanction, and hence are of themselves from 
the standpoint of the law inadmissible ; nor is it less 
known to them that these impair, not only the rights 



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APPENDIX 319 

of the other provinces and of the whole state, but also 
a great part of the population of Htingary itself in their 
national interests. A bitter experience has also taught 
us that nmny articles, for the very reason that they do 
not harmonize with the drcumstances produced and 
developed by the ancient and legal municipal relations 
of Himgary, oflEer no guarantee for the fulfilment of 
their purpose, and that hence the various political and 
national elements, as well as the relations of Hungary 
to our whole State, necessarily require another basis of 
union. For this reason we herewith graciously make 
known to the Magnates and representatives in Diet 
assembled that we can never bring ourselves to the 
recognition of those Articles of these laws which are in 
open contradiction with the necessary regard for the 
inseparable interests of our whole kingdom, and espe- 
cially with the resolves of 20th October, i860, and 26th 
February, 1861 — a recognition which, as we have thus 
far never made, we shall never feel disposed to make in 
the future, as we do not feel ourselves personally obli- 
gated to the same. 

As, however, the initiative to the necessary motions 
for changes belong not only to us in the way of Roj^l 
propositions, but also to the nation itself, and as the 
representation has not only a right but also a duty to 
find for its motions a basis upon which the country will 
be quieted in respect to its constitutional privileges and 
its national interests, and on which the application of its 
historical rights can be restored to its true path, there- 
fore we declare hereby that a revision of the laws of 184& 
answering to the spirit of the Pragmatic Sanction and 
to the interests of our whole monarchy, as graciously 
ordained by us already on 20th October, i860, has 



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320 APPENDIX 

indispensably to precede, before the Diet can deKberate 
upon the Coronation Diploma to be isstted by us. 

In the confident hope the assembled Magnates and 
representatives will follow the example of their ances- 
tors, who, led by patriotic feelings, knew how to appre- 
ciate the imperative demands of events from time to 
time occurring, and through the Articles 4th of year 
1687, 8th of year 1715, ist and 2d of year 1723, were al- 
ways ready to bring the legal position of Hungary into 
harmony with the mutual claims of the whole Mon- 
archy, we call upon the assembled Magnates and repre- 
sentatives, reserving to ourselves the right of further 
commtmication in the way of Royal propositions, to 
make in reference to the revision and also to the aboli- 
tion of the laws of 1848 the necessary projects of law, 
conformably to the supreme designs stated by us, and 
to offer them as soon as possible for oiu* Royal sanction. 

Under the circumstances that in consequence of the 
ist and 2d Article of our Diploma of 20th October, 
i860, and of the fundamental Law of 26th February, 
1861, those points of legislation which refer to the 
mutual rights, obligations, and interests of all oiu* 
Kingdoms and provinces are to be deliberated upon in 
the Reichsrath, representing our whole Monarchy, and 
that we through our Note of the 26th February, 1861, 
to our Hungarian Chancellor have been pleased to 
direct the constitutional regulation, by means of the 
legislation of the land, so as to avoid all compulsion and 
disorder, of the question of the mode and manner in 
which in Hungary the choice of delegates to the Reichs- 
rath shall take place, so will the Assembled Magnates 
and representatives' have to give to this question the 
proper treatment. 



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APPENDIX 321 

Inasmuch, however, as the definitive settlement of 
this affair, in the way of legislation, manifestly will 
require some considerable time and may give rise to 
extended argument, inasmuch as we further, for this 
reason, already at the time of summoning the Reichs- 
rath, on the 26th February last, in the view of sending 
delegates to the present sitting Reichsrath, have been 
pleased, through our Letter directed to the Hungarian 
Court Chancellor, to provide a provisional Order for the 
present event, and finally, since also the assembled 
Magnates and representatives, in their most loyal ad- 
dress to us, declared themselves ready to enter into 
deliberation with the constitutional people of our other 
kingdoms and countries on every event demanding it, 
we do therefore call upon the Magnates and representa- 
tives, although they have already in their Address 
formally declined participation in the Reichsrath, yet 
with efi^mest repeated admonitions, by the sending of 
members to the present Reichsrath in session to main- 
tain the due influence of their country upon those sub- 
jects which we in the 2d Article of our Diploma of 20th 
October of last year desire shoxild be treated and de- 
termined in future only under the duly ordered partic- 
ipation of our people. 

We urge, therefore, the Magnates and representa- 
tives assembled imperatively to comply with this call, 
because the subjects alluded to must be treated and 
determined without delay, and in truth at the latest 
during the month of August. 

According to the regulation of the relations of Hun- 
gary with oiu- other provinces, if effected in the sense 
of our Imperial intentions, and after the revision or 
abolition of those parts of the legislation of the year 

Vol. 11—21 



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322 APPENDIX 

1848 the restoration of which is either quite imprac- 
ticable or at least cannot take place in an unchanged 
form, the question as to the petitioned completion of 
the Diet is answered without difficulty in the following 
manner. 

In the first place, as regards the union of the prin- 
cipality of Siebenburgen with Hungary, determined on 
without the free consent of the Roumans and Saxons, 
it must be observed particularly that this union was 
never in full legal measure effected, and in fact broke 
immediately after it was proclaimed, and is to be con- 
sidered as impracticable so long as the inhabitants of 
Siebenburgen, who do not speak Himgarian, see their 
natural interests opposed by such a tmion, and so long 
also as the necessary guarantee to the interests and 
demands of the entire Empire is not afforded hereby. 
For this cause we have, in our resolves of 20th October, 
i860, left untouched the matter of the union of Sieben- 
burgen with Hungary, and only commanded that the 
restoration of the Diet of Siebenburgen should be pre- 
pared for. 

With Croatia and Sclavonia the case is different. In 
respect to these kingdoms, we have in our Note of 20th 
October, i860, to the Ban, reserved for future decision 
the solution of the question in regard to the relation of 
these countries to the kingdom of Hungary. 

The historical connection of these kingdoms with the 
Hungarian Crown, whether in respect to their right of 
representation in the Hungarian Diet or to their in- 
ternal administration and legislation, even in the 
higher offices, was essentially changed through the 
legislation of the year 1848 — as this was of such ex- 
citing effect that these Kingdoms preferred to dissolve 



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APPENDIX 32S 

their union with the Kingdom of Hungary rather than 
subject themselves to the demands of an Hungarian 
Minister. 

In harmony with our above mentioned Note, we 
repeat accordingly that this question can only be suc- 
cessfully prepared for our supreme decision in the way 
of an imderstanding with the Croatian and Sclavonian 
Diet — ^that it will be therefore one of the high objects 
of the assembled Magnates and representatives to 
seek a solution of the question how, with a perfect 
internal administration of the Kingdoms of Croatia 
and Sclavonia, an agreement may be come to as to the 
conditions under which these Idngdoms, without im- 
pairing their relation to the whole monarchy, may 
be ready to accept, and put into effect, a legal union 
with Himgary. 

By this definitely to be made settlement of the in- 
ternal constitutional relations, that ordinance remains 
untouched which we, in respect to the partifipation of 
the kingdoms of Croatia and Sclavonia in the delibera- 
tions of the now sitting Reichsrath upon those subjects 
which we will have treated and decided, according to 
Art. 2d of our Diploma of 20th October, only with the 
practically regulated cooperation of our people — ^which 
(ordinance) we have issued in our Note to the Presi- 
dent of the Croatian Sclavonian "Hof dicasterium '* 
of the 26th February 1861, and with reference to which 
our requisition on the Croatian Sclavonian Diet has 
been issued for the choice of delegates for this year's 
session. 

At the same time we deem fit to call upon the as- 
sembled Magnates and representatives to take into 
deliberation the project of law to be proposed, either 



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324 APPENDIX 

by our Grovemment or by the Diet itself, which shall 
contain definitely stated the full rights of those inhabi- 
tants who do not speak Hungarian, in respect to their 
national development in language and their mutual 
relations to the pubhc administration. 

In reference especially to the Servian inhabitants, 
we reserve to ourselves to lay our resolves and proposi- 
tions before the assembled Magnates and representa- 
tives for their deliberation, and the fulfilment of them 
in respect to guarantees for the traditional privileges 
and national interests of the Servians, on the basis of 
the wishes expressed during the national Congress held 
in reference to the reincorporation of the Servian Woi- 
wodschaft in the Kingdom of Himgary. 

Finally, we hope that the assembled Magnates and 
representatives, penetrated with the high importance 
of their present duty, will dedicate all their efforts to 
the happy discharge of the same, and, keeping in view 
the indispensable demands of their existing relation to 
the whole Empire, will see that we, Hungary's heredi- 
tary King, can only after a settlement of the affairs 
here touched upon proceed to deliberation in regard to 
the inaugural Diploma. As to the abdication of his 
Majesty the Emperor Ferdinand, we hereby graciously 
make known to the assembled Magnates and repre- 
sentatives, finally rejecting the pretext of a formal de- 
fect of the documents executed on the occasion, that 
after that our most Serene Uncle, in the act of abdica- 
tion of the 2d December, 1848, renounced the Crown 
of the Empire of Austria (" and of aU kingdoms united 
the same '* — ^wherein the Kingdom of Hungary is un- 
doubtedly comprised — ^and "aU the other provinces, 
however they may be called"), and after that his Im- 



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APPENDIX 325 

penal Highness the most Serene Archdiike Francis 
Charles had waived his right to the succession, we in 
consequence ascended our hereditary throne, and pro- 
claimed the said abdication and renunciation as also 
our accession solemnly to all our people. The neces- 
sity, therefore, of the execution of a new document, 
especially by an Article to be framed hereupon, clearly 
does not exist. - 

We fiuther declare, in conclusion, our gracious dis- 
position willingly on the occasion of the coronation to 
take into gracious consideration the petitioned con- 
donation of those condemnations pronounced by the 
Exceptional Court. 

And this is what we desire to graciously answer to 
the loyal Address of the Magnates and representatives 
in Diet assembled, justly expecting that as we gave our 
special attention thereto, that our Kingdom of Hun- 
gary, quieted in regard to the independence of its in- 
terior administration, should find tmshakable support 
for the guarantees of its future welfare ; that the Mag- 
nates and representatives also, with due consideration 
of the relations of Hungary to the other kingdoms and 
countries indissolubly tmited with it through the Prag- 
matic Sanction, will not refuse their constitutional co- 
operation to this our proposed legal and for the com- 
mon interest beneficial regulation of all matters which 
require it. As we, however, in view of the circum- 
stance that a split in the administration or legislation 
of a country never can be ventured on without severe 
shaking of all relations, annihilation of the welfare, and 
endangering of the most sacred interests, have already 
in our resolves of 20th October, i860, ordered that all 
existing laws and institutions, so important for the 



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326 APPENDIX 

country itself, as also exacted by the interests of our 
other countries, namely, as far as they relate to pro- 
viding means for supplying the wants of the entire mon- 
archy, shall continue in full force and be administered 
with all firmness until their change is accomplished in 
a constitutional way — accordingly we bring to the 
memory of the Magnates and representatives in Diet 
assembled this fact, with the earnest admonition that 
obedience to these our ordinances is most scruptilously 
to be rendered. 

For the rest, we remain constantly well disposed 
toward you with our Imperial and Royal favour and 
grace. 

Given in our Imperial Capital of Vienna in Austria, 
on the twenty-first day of July, in the year 1861. 

(L.S.) Francis Joseph, m.p. 

Count Anton Forgath, m.p. 
KoLOMAN Beke, m.p. 



MR. MOTLEY TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

Washington, 14 August, 1861. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter of 14th inst., by which I am informed that the 
office of envoy extraordinary & minister plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States to Austria had been con- 
ferred upon me. You request me also to inform you 
how soon it will be convenient for me to repair to 
Vienna. 

In reply, I have to express my high & grateful appre- 
ciation of the honor thus bestowed, & to state that I 



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APPENDIX 327 

am ready to leave by the steamer which sails for Boston 
this day week, 21st instant. 
I have the honor to remain, 

Your obedient servant, 

J. LoTHROP Motley. 

Hon. W. H, Seward, Secretary of State 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 24. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, Augt. 26, 1861. 
Sir: 

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your 
despatch No. 13, dated July 26th, 1861, enclosing the 
Commission of Richard Hildreth, Esq., of New York, 
the newly appointed Consul at Trieste, 6kc., and in- 
structing me to apply to the Austrian government for 
an Exequatiu*. In compliance with which, I have 
already addressed the Minister of Foreign Aifairs, & 
have no doubt of the Exequatiu* being issued as soon 
as the usual forms are gone through with ; and in the 
meantime, if Mr. Hildreth should reach Trieste & need 
it, a temporary permit will be given him, which will 
hold good until the Exequatur is disposed of. 

In my last despatch, No. 23, a full copy, in transla- 
tion, of the Imperial Rescript relating to Htmgarian 
Affairs was given. The Hungarian Diet has with sig- 
nal unanimity drawn up an answer to it, which is al- 
ready forwarded to the government here. It is a 
lengthy & elaborate document, argumentative in form 
& closing with a broad declaration of general principles. 



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328 APPENDIX 

It is intended, on the whole, to be a conclusive answer 
to the points made in the Rescript. Issue is thus 
joined, & the Hungarians, declaring they are willing 
to submit it as it stands to their own people & to the 
judgment of the civilized worid, affirm it to be final & 
tmalterable ; giving notice that they, as at present con- 
stituted, deem themselves incompetent to legislate, & 
that they are ready for dissolution. What the Govern- 
ment here will do next is entirely unknown, except 
that they will dissolve the Diet. They havQ declared 
that they will never recede from the positions of the 
Diploma of Oct., i860, & the Patent of Feb., 1861. 
Austria knows that Htmgary has no hope for help at 
this time from other European nations. England, 
France, & Italy have not only, indirectly, so informed 
Hungary, but Kossuth has also apprized his friends of 
the same. The most reasonable conjecture is that she 
will prolong the controversy, & Austria & Hungary 
may both address manifestoes to the civilized world. 
Ovir disturbances are not without their influence in 
easing Austria's apprehensions of the progress of Re- 
publican & revolutionary ideas, & in stimtilating her 
hopes that the time for reaction has come. When 
Austria arrives at a distinct issue with Hungary, I will^ 
if still here, taking the Rescript already sent as a basis, 
transmit the points of agreement & divergence, so as 
to make it intelligible at Washington. The real issue, 
though not avowed, may be stated in general terms to 
be, that Austria really wants to govern Hungary as a 
conquered province & merge it into the Empire ; but,, 
not wishing to admit that fact, she faUs back on the 
pragmatic sanction, & doing so, the Hungarians, on 
this issue, have the better of the argimient. 



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APPENDIX 329 

The defeat of our troops at Manassas has had, of 
cotirse, a bad effect upon the European mind. The 
middle classes are fretting under the derangement of 
their financial, commercial, & industrial interests, oc- 
casioned by the war in America, while the ruling classes, 
having no love for us at heart, avail themselves of the 
opporttmity to suggest that republican forms of gov- 
ernment are failures & that the dissolution of the 
American Confederacy is a "fait accompli." Where 
these two classes combine, they always wield great in- 
fluence with the masses, or third estate, who really do 
sympathize with us & pray for our success. 

Prussia has applied to Austria for her opinion on the 
points commonly called the foiu* points of the Paris 
Conference of April, 1856, as now modified & submitted 
to the European governments by our government. 
Count Rechberg replied that he had as yet received 
nothing from our govenmient on the subject & could 
give no opinion until he had heard from it. He sub- 
sequently informed me of all this in the most friendly 
maimer, & inquired after the despatch. I told him I 
had none, but supposed it might be in the hands of 
Mr. BurKngame, who had been appointed to succeed me^ 
all papers coming to his address at Vienna having been 
forwarded to him at Paris at his own request. He 
then expressed a wish to see & examine the propositions 
& hoped I would furnish him at an early day with a 
copy, as he had learned there was a condition annexed 
to our adherence. I replied I would state the facts to 
my government & report to him anything that might 
be sent to me, but at present I could say nothing fur- 
ther. He then said that this question had only been 
put to him since the intelligence of our recent defeat 



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330 APPENDIX 

had reached Europe; he hoped that the condition 
which we (Count Rechberg & xayseU) had discussed at 
length on a former occasion might be insisted on by us. 
(For the details of this conversation, see my despatchies 
of Jany., i86o, et infra, where the position of Austria 
& of all (Germany is given at length.) That he had 
very recently informed the British Ambassador & the 
Prussian Minister that if the American (jovemment 
submitted to Austria, at this or any future time, its ad- 
herence to the four points of the Paris Conference, on 
the condition that all private property, of belligerents 
as well as neutrals, should forever hereafter be exempt 
from capture on the high seas, that Austria wotild 
assent, & use her influence to procure the assent of 
others — ^that she could not do otherwise, it being so 
much to her interest as a non-maritime power to save 
her commerce in the event of hostilities. He added 
that, in his opinion, to this Cireat Britain wotild not 
assent. I replied that I was of the same opinion, but 
that as the principle was right in itself & founded upon 
the dictates of humanity & common justice, I was 
anxious to see my government take the lead by sug- 
gesting a Maritime Congress of all the Commercial 
Powers, hoping to be followed by all the non & minor 
maritime powers, backed by the Commercial manu- 
facturing & shipping interests of aU nations, & then 
leave the question to (Jreat Britain on the one side & 
progressive civilization & Christianity on the other; 
but, I repeated, my government would not back me, & 
I could only hope that at some future day she would 
take the position which I regarded as immensely to her 
interests & to the furtherance of her power in the world 
as the advocate of freedom & imiversal justice. Aus- 



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APPENDIX 331 

tria, Count Rechberg said, wotild as a general rule be 
slow to assent to any new questions disturbing the 
settled principles of international law, as she was also 
opposed to the unsettling of Treaties & of established 
order in favour of de facto or suddenly improvised 
governments (this was intended as a hint at the recog- 
nition of our Southern Confederation to which England 
& France were supposed to be not unfriendly), but she 
regarded this maritime question as an exception. 

Austria, in fact, has no S3rmpathies with & is disin- 
clined to follow, separately or combined, England, 
France, or Prussia. The foreign policy of Prussia is 
subject to the control of England, &, in my opinion, 
Prussia is put forward in this instance by England, 
as a German power, to procure the consentment of 
Austria (who has very great influence with the minor 
German States) to the policy which Great Britain 
wishes to adopt in reply to your propositions on the 
"four points." Of course I learn nothing from the 
English Ambassador on this subject. His predecessor 
took exception in i860 to my inquiries of the repre- 
sentatives of the respective powers in Vienna as to 
their feelings & views on the question of immtmity of 
aU private property on the ocean ; and he was so much 
alarmed at the responses given that he made it the 
subject of a despatch to his government, though the 
inquiries were informal & I declared (very much to my 
regret) that they were entirely unofficial & that I was 
without instructions from my government on the sub- 
ject. Had my government backed me at that time, 
I would have recommended, not a European, but a 
Maritime Congress of the world, in which America 
could with perfect consistency be represented. I be- 



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332 APPENDIX 

lieved, in that event, that in less than two years she 
wotild have had the support of all the governments of 
Etirope, not excepting France, against Great Britain 
on this question ; & I felt then, as I do now, & as I know 
all non-maritime Europe feels, that the initiative lies 
with us because it is in consonance with our principles. 
Great Britain took the initiative in a local Congress, 
convened for local purposes, where we were not & could 
not be represented, in inaugurating new elements of 
maritime law & committing all Europe to them, the 
only practical point in which was one to weaken our 
power upon the ocean in the event of hostilities. These 
views of mine are known to the British Ambassador 
here — ^he knows how earnestly I have discussed them 
at proper times & places, & he knows also how willing 
an ear Austria has lent, & how earnestly she has at my 
request unofBdally presented them for the considera- 
tion of the other powers of Europe. Count Rechberg 
told me he would privately feel the views of the mem- 
bers of the European Congress (then expected to meet 
in Paris) on this subject, England having stipulated 
in advance for its official exclusion. I am not as yet 
apprized of the nature of your propositions; but I was 
glad to hear, through Count Rechberg, that he was in- 
formed a condition was annexed, & I fondly hope it 
may be the condition before alluded to. If this subject 
matter should interest you at this time, you wiU find 
my despatches full upon it, beginning with Jany., i860, 
et seqr. ; & I only feel justified now in discussing it at so 
great length in this despatch by the fact that you have 
opened it anew & this may be my last opportunity to 
allude to it in diplomacy. It is my conviction that 
Great Britain, with her usual precaution, is feeling the 



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APPENDIX 333 

pulse of Europe on the subject before she answers — 
that she never will give an answer favourable to our 
power on the ocean, & also that whatever she may give, 
she will try, in order to add to its moral weight, to 
commit to it in advance as many European powers as 
possible. This question, now disctissed here, is only 
intended on the part of England & France to be the 
prelude to (the question of blockade being the next in 
the series) the recognition of the Southern Confeder- 
acy; an event it is to be hoped may be prevented by a 
settlement at home in advance. 

A street rumour prevails that a lot of old, discarded 
Austrian muskets have been sent to America for sale 
on private speculation, but how, by whom, or when, 
no one can tell me. The points of the recent corre- 
spondence between our government & Spain are well 
faiown in private diplomatic circles here, & the refusal 
to publish by our Grovemment leads to comments on 
the reasons why. No one doubts that Spain has been 
backed in all she has done & said ; her self-complacency 
warrants the belief that other powers are pledged to 
come to the rescue in the event of embarrassments 
which an know she has neither the courage nor the 
power to face single-handed, or without good back bail 
for all resulting contingencies. 

Colonel Madardsz, an adopted citizen of the United 
States & a native of Hungary, has addressed me a letter 
complaining of interference by the Austrian Govern- 
ment with what he considers to be his rights as an 
American citizen, & asks me to demand satisfaction 
for the same. As he states himself that these infringe- 
ments do not affect his personal liberty or safety, but 
are of such a character as to entitle him, in his judg 



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334 APPENDIX 

ment, to damages, I have replied that the correspond- 
ence growing out of such a claim would, from its very 
nature, be prolonged beyond my expected stay in 
Europe, & recommended him to submit his case to my 
successor, whose arrival might be expected shortly; 
but that if he apprized me, at any time, of any inter- 
ference with his personal liberty or security, I would 
give it prompt attention. Copies of the correspondence 
are herewith respectively enclosed. 

I cannot close this despatch, as it may be my last on 
this subject, at the risk of being tedious, without stat- 
ing distinctly once more what I regard, from long & 
careful observation, to be the position of Austria rela- 
tively to ourselves, & the motives leading thereto (& in 
this sense Austria means all Germany except Prussia — 
& on questions of a German character, as against non- 
German powers, it means Prussia too). She has no 
sympathy for our institutions, for organically we have 
nothing in common & our success involves the failure 
of her s)rstem, but the operation of these principles she 
considers as belonging to the remote future . An inland 
power herself, she regards the distance & the Ocean as 
effectual barriers to any encroachment from us ; but she 
has witnessed the potential influence we wield on Eng- 
land & France in moulding the maritime policy of the 
world, & this, as a first-class power, she regards as her 
weak point, which puts her always at a disadvantage 
when she has to contend with European Commercial 
powers. She believes we have common ends in view, 
of paramount importance in maritime affairs, & that 
we are the only commercial power which has no in- 
ducement to wield it with a view to affect European 
complications — ^that, having no European territorial 



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APPENDIX 335 

interests, no unrepresented c»lonies to protect, & no 
selfish ends in view, we can afford to rest upon maritime 
laws founded on principles of equal & exact justice to 
all ; & the success of such principles she readily perceives 
would enure immensely to her advantage. She thinks, 
further, feeling the continual stretch upon the cord 
which feebly binds together the varied & non-homo- 
geneous elements of her own Empire, that she can 
recognize a counterpart in us. In the threatened dis- 
memberment of our confederacy she reads the tendency 
in the end to drive us into alliances with powers having 
similar interests, against all powers who favour revolu- 
tions suddenly improvised or de facto govenmients; 
and the present aspect of other European govenmients 
towards Italy, Poland, Hungary, & America alike tends 
to confirm her strongly in this conviction. I may add 
that as she is still wedded to the idea of absolutism, 
she thinks the future is more likely to bring us to her 
than her to us, & that as all republics that have fallen 
have invariably passed over to absolutism, & never to 
mixed forms of government, that our lot will be to 
follow the precedents. These are her views, & although 
not expressed in so many words, they form the tone & 
spirit of her intercourse. I have on all suitable occa- 
sions, on my own responsibility, concxnred cordially in 
her maritime views. I have repeatedly given her my 
individual opinion that we must look to non-maritime 
powers in Europe to aid us in influencing the mari- 
time powers of Europe whose rival interests would 
always array them against us, & who wish to make & 
keep maritime law subject to European interest. (See 
my despatches in i860 on this subject.) But to her 
other views I utterly & unqualifiedly dissented, alleging 



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336 APPENDIX 

I never could see any analogy in our confederacies, re- 
garding, as I did, the homogeneity of the American 
people at the bottom as beyond doubt, & that their 
dissensions, lying upon the surface only, are conse- 
quently of but temporary duration, while, I added, if 
it be true that republics must end in Absolutism, it 
would take at least a thousand years to try the experi- 
ment in America, & we could then only fail on the 
hypothesis that men are & ever will be incapable of 
self-government — a doctrine we most thoroughly repu- 
diated; that, to mention nothing further, all republics 
which had fallen had had monarchical antecedents, & 
present embarrassments always look for relief in the 
statu-quo-ante embarrassments — ^represented at all 
times & in all cotmtries by the reactionists ; that as we 
had no such antecedents, & no party to represent them, 
I could conceive of no such reaction with us imless upon 
our entire failure. We must revert back to the normal 
state of barbarism, in which the human race began 
its social life. 

In speaking of the disinclination of England to come 
to the aid of Hungary, I should have added that the 
rumoured arrangement that the government of Sar- 
dinia is to cede the Island of that name to France, in 
consideration of the French evacuating Rome, has ob- 
tained so strong a hold on popular belief in England 
as to entirely modify the tone of the English Press 
towards Austria ; & in this connexion the visit of the 
Archduke Maximilian (eldest brother of the Emperor 
of Austria & son-in-law of the King of the Belgians) 
to England is not without its significance. Our troubles 
weaken the liberal party in England on the one hand, 
& the French alliance weakens it on the other ; & a re- 



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APPENDIX 337 

trxcn to power of the conservatives in England, with an 
Austrian alliance, may not be remote in the future. 
The formidable character which the French Navy has 
assumed & is assuming has worked up England to the 
war point — an evil she thinks to be preferred to the 
loss of maritime supremacy — & if Sardinia is ceded, 
she will regard it as a casus belli, beyond all peradven- 
ture. But this fact, once being known, together with 
the temporary reaction in Naples, may & probably will 
change the tactics of the French Emperor, and Rome 
& Sardinia will remain as they are, & peace will con- 
tinue. In this connexion, also, the visit of Prince 
Napoleon to America is significant ; for an issue between 
England & France opens a competition at once for our 
alliance, & France thinks she has now the inside track. 
European politics are interwoven & purely artificial, 
& like the slightest movement of the Kaleidoscope, the 
least change gives new aspects & varied colours to the 
whole group. 

Earnestly as I desire to return home, I do not feel at 
liberty to abandon my post in the present crisis, at 
home & abroad, without the special leave of my gov- 
ernment or the arrival of my successor, either of which 
events will be, personally, very agreeable to me. 

Your despatch containing an enclosure from the 
United States Legation at Jeddo has been received, & 
the enclosure transmitted as directed to the Austrian 
Government. 

Very respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 
J. Glancy Jones. 
HoNBLE. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

Vol 11—22 



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33S APPENDIX 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 24.—Cofy.] 

COLONEL MADARASZ TO MR. JONES. 

To HIS EXCELENCY THE MINISTER & AMBASSADOR 

OF THE U. S, OF N. America at Vienna. 

Excelency! 

I was borne in Hongaiie and am the only son of 
Hon. Ladislas Madardsz late Secretary of State of 
Hungarie during the Revolution of 1848-9 who has 
left Europe in 185 1 and went to the U. & of America 
and after having selected a location in Iowa, resides 
there ever since, 

I also went with my Father there as a minor in the 
meantime my Grandmother from my Mother's part 
deceised Baroness Majth6nyi did in Hongarie in 1855 
and leaving me the only heir of her's. I visited Hon- 
garie and toock possession of the Estate, after many 
difficulties I wotmded up and retoumed to my new 
Cotmtry & home, to the U. S. of America, wich I left 
in this year wanting to visit several of my relations^ 
friends and accotmtences, — I came to Hongarie in 
February 1861 as my Pasport will show. Since that 
time I never had the least difficulty nor trouble until 
now. I wanted to give full information to your 
Excelency and now I have the honor most respect- 
fully to inform your Excelency of the fact pased with 
me on the 26th day of July 1861. 

I was on a visit in Paks at the residence of my Onkle 
Hon. Joseph Madardsz (a member of the present Con- 
gress of Hongarie). On the 2Sth day of July an Aus- 
trian Gensdarme came there and wanted to hand me 
several papers from the Taxes Executing Commission, 



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APPENDIX 339 

the acceptation of which I refttsed saying that I am a 
Citizen of the U. S. of America and if they have any- 
thing to hand me they shall send them to the Legation 
of the Union at Vienna, and if your Excelency will send 
them to me of cotirse I will most respectfully accept the 
same. 

On the following morning that is on the 26th day of 
July 1861 an other one came wery early, wanting to 
know why I refused the acceptation of the above 
papers, — I told him that I am an American Citisen, he 
said he can believe it or not just as he likes, — ^I then 
went to my Carpetbage several yards distant from 
there and opening the same I toock place in my bed 
again and showing pasport, — ^but he saw in my open 
left carpetbage two pistols and going there he took 
them out of it, — I asked what he wants with my pistols, 
he answered he will tack them in charge for I maight 
get a notion to shout him with them, — I replied no 
danger, but he said let that alone, and now I forse you 
that you shall signe this papers wich are the Certificate 
that you have received such and such papers, — I 
signed the papers and he left the house coursing taking 
my two pistols with him. 

I got up and toock a walk, in the meantime he went 
to the Captain stationed there for the Taxes execution, 
and related him that I wanted to shout him, and he 
prodtised my two pistols telling that he took them 
away by way of forse, — ^the Captain ordered a patrol 
to go with the above Gensdarme to take me in charge 
and to bring me as a prisoner to him, — ^the Soldiers 
with the Gensdarme went to my Oncle's residence but 
did not find me for I was out in town, — and as soon as I 
thought the taxes executing Conmiission wood be there 



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340 APPENDIX 

I went to the Courthouse demanding my pistols back 
and satisfaction and also telling them that they had no 
wreight to send me those papers and have forsed to 
accept them, the above Captain of the Austrian Army 
stationed at Paks for executing the paiment of taxes 
by way of forse, said if I wood speak with him in such 
manner, he wUl have me taken a prisoner and will send 
me to Vienna in Iron. 

I took my almoghty pasporte and showing the same 
asked him if he tought of the responsibility of such 
violential acts, he answered he don't care if they will 
shout him or hang him, he would do it if it pleased 
him, — ^then I demanded if I am a prisoner he said no I 
may go to hell — I left the gentlemen without asking 
or saying another silable. 

This is the plain fact and nothing but the trouth and 
now I beg most respectftdly for satisfaction. 

I leave the whole matter to yoiir Excelency's best 
believe, who I am fully convinced will do all the neces- 
sary steps that our country and her peacefull Citizens 
shall be respected everywhere. 

I shall not write to any other person not even to our 
President Lincoln untill I will receive the answer from 
your Excelency wich I beg for in the wery shortest 
time to Kun Szent Miklds Hongarie hoping to receive 
satisfaction and inclosing a copie of my declaration to 
become a Citizen of the U. S. a copie of my Citizen 
paper and a copie of my pasport, all the originals are 
in my hands and in case of need I can forward them to 
your Excelency on demand. 

I remain. 
Your Excelency's Most respectfull Countryman, 

Col. Wm. Madarasz. 



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APPENDIX 341 

[Enclosure in Despatch No, 24. — Copy.] 

MR. JONES TO COLONEL MADARASZ. 

Legation of the United States, 
Vienna, Aug. 6th, 1861. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
letter without date, enclosing copies of the certificate 
of your declaration of intention to become a Citizen 
of the United States, of your naturalization, and of 
your passport respectively, and asking for my inter- 
ference in your behalf as an American Citizen, claiming 
satisfaction from the Austrian Government for certain 
malfeasances of their officials in Htmgary affecting 
your rights as an American Citizen, &c., &c. In reply, 
I can only reassure you that the Government of the 
United States will always hold itself ready everywhere 
to protect any legal right of person and property apper- 
taining to any of her citizens. 

Your case, however, is one which appears not im- 
mediately to affect your personal liberty, but is rather 
in the nature of a claim for satisfaction for past griev- 
ances. This class of cases always leads to a protracted 
correspondence, extending often over a year, and as I 
have received my recall and am only waiting for the 
arrival of my successor (who is weekly expected) in 
order to take my leave and place the Legation in his 
charge, it would be impossible for me in the meantime 
to obtain even a first answer from the Government of 
Austria touching your case, for want of time. I will 
place the papers therefore on file and draw the attention 
of my successor to the case, who will have ample time 



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342 APPENDIX 

& every disposition to give it his prompt & energetic 
attention. In the mean time, however, if anything 
should tf anspire affecting your personal liberty or right 
of returning in peace and safety to your adopted coun- 
try, and you have me apprized of it, I will give it my 
immediate attention, as that class of cases alwajrs 
warrants a prompt personal demand for immediate 
reparation. 

I am, very respectfully, 

Your obedient. Servant, 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 25. Legation of the United States, 

Vienna, Sept. 2, 1861. 
Sir: 

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your 
despatch No. 14, dated August 12th, 1861, informing 
me of the appointment of Mr. Motley to be my successor 
— ^that he will without much delay relieve me of my 
mission, & will be clothed with full power to treat 
with the Austrian Government, &c. — approving of my 
official conduct, & authorizing me, in the mean time, 
to inform that Government of the views entertained 
by our government relative to three of the points of the 
Paris Conference of April, 1856— to wit, ist, Neutral 
flag; 2d, Neutral goods under Enemies* flag; 3d, Block- 
ades — ^and also instructing me to assure the Austrian 
Government that the course pursued by it relative to 
our affairs is most highly appreciated, & will be recip- 
rocated by our government. 



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APPENDIX 343 

In accordance with this authorization & instruction, 
I have addressed a despatch to the Imp. & Royal 
Minister of Foreign AfiEairs, a copy of which is herewith 
enclosed. I shall proceed forthwith to prepare myself 
for Mr. Motley's reception, &, after taking leave of the 
Emperor, shall repair to the United States with as 
much expedition as possible. 

I hope to be able, therefore, to reach Washington 
not later than in the fore part of December next, & 
shall be pleased if the usual order be given by you 
immediately, through the Treasury Department, to 
the Collector at New York, to pass my baggage, &c., 
containing my private property. 

Very respectftilly, 

Yoiu" obedient servant, 
J. Glancy Jones. 

HoNBLE. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

\Enclo5i»r€ in Despatch No. 35. — Copy.] 

Legation op the United States, 
Vienna, Aug. 30th, 1861. 

The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary & Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has 
the honor to inform his Excellency, Count Rechberg, 
Imperial & Royal Minister for Foreign Affairs, that his 
Government has appointed J. Lothrop Motley to be 
his successor at the Court of Vienna — ^that Mr. Motley 
will reach Vienna without much delay, and will be 
clothed with full powers to treat with the Imperial 
Government of Austria on all the questions recently 



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344 APPENDIX 

discussed & referred to between the said Governments 
of the United States and Austria, with the conviction, 
on the part of the fonner, that they can all be disposed 
of satisfactorily & to their mutual advantage. 

The Undersigned is authorized in the meantime to 
say to his Excellency, Cotmt Rechberg, that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States adheres now, as hereto- 
fore, to the three principles enumerated by him in his 
speech before the Imperial Reichsrath of Austria (the 
substance of which was reported by the Undersigned 
to his Government), namely: 

1. The neutral flag covers enemies* goods with the 
exception of contraband of war. 

2. Neutral goods not contraband of war are not li- 
able to confiscation tmder enemy's flag. 

3. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effect- 
ive. With the distinct tmderstanding, however, that 
no construction is to be put upon the latter point which 
may impair the right of the Government of the United 
States (which it will never concede) to close all or any 
of its own ports by blockade, or otherwise, for the pur- 
pose of suppressing the existing insurrection. 

The Undersigned is instructed to assure the Imperial 
Royal Government of Austria that the President has 
received with great satisfaction the assiirances of the 
just purposes & good will of Austria towards the 
United States, as communicated to the Undersigned 
by his Excellency, Count Rechberg, & also through the 
Austrian Minister at Washington, Mr. Hulsemann, & 
to add that it is the purpose of the Government of the 
United States to cultivate the best tmderstanding with 
all nations which respect our rights, as that of Austria 
does. 



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APPENDIX 345 

The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to 
renew to his Excellency, Count Rechberg, the assur- 
ance of his distinguished consideration. 

(Signed) J. Glancy Jones. 

To HIS Excellency Count Rechberg, 

Impl, & Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs, 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 26. Legation of the United States, 

Vienna, Septr. i6th, 1861. 
Sir: 

In my despatch No. 24, dated August 26th, I traced 
up the action of the Hungarian Diet to the answer & 
rejection of the propositions of the Rescript, & stated 
that no doubt was then entertained that the Diet would 
be dissolved. Since then the Diet has been dissolved 
by the Emperor, with a reassurance that the position 
taken by the Imperial government, on the basis of the 
Diploma of Oct., i860, & the Patent of Feb., 1861, 
would be inflexibly maintained, & that his Majesty 
would convoke a new Diet in about six months. To 
this the Diet contented itself with simply entering its 
unanimous protest, & then dissolved. 

The Emperor has since addressed his Reichsrath, 
reviewing the whole subject of the Hungarian com- 
plication. The answer to the Rescript & the Protest 
make up the appeal to the civilized world on the part 
of the Hungarians; this latter message of the Emperor 
to his Reichsrath is intended also as his Manifesto to 
the same tribunal of public opinion. This message is 



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346 APPENDIX 

now being debated by the Reichsrath, & with a freedom 
of speech that will astonish most people outside & all 
who read it inside of the Austrian dominions. 

The Reichsrath will sustain the Emperor & the Re- 
script, & so the issue will be committed to the future. 
Htmgary is not in a condition to resort to arms now, 
& instead of revolution she will try agitation. A copy 
of the message of the Emperor to the Reichsrath, in- 
cluding the Rescript of dissolution, is herewith enclosed 
in translation. 

I have thus sent in translation all the official docu- 
ments emanating from the Austrian Government on 
this Himgarian complication, beginning with the Di- 
ploma of Oct., i860, & ending with the above message 
to the Reichsrath. I have omitted the replies of the 
Himgarian Diet, as well becattse of their interminable 
length as because they are only negatives of the docu- 
ments fiunished, & because, also, they are not official 
acts of any recognized government in the family of 
nations. 

In former despatches I have referred to the convic- 
tion I have of the anxiety of the ruling powers of Eu- 
rope, particularly of England & France, to see us di- 
vided into two republics, & their willingness to recog- 
nize the southern confederation at the earliest prac- 
ticable moment. I also stated that October next was 
regarded as the latest convenient point to which the 
blockade could be allowed to extend without doing 
serious damage to their own manufacturing interests. 
Since that Despatch was written, a change has taken 
place. They have now concluded, since our late re- 
verses, that separation is reduced to a certainty & is 
only a question of time. They wish as a preliminary, 



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APPENDIX 347 

therefore, to recognition, provided it involves no risk, 
to avail themselves of the present cotton panic to 
stimtdate the growth & export of cotton from Brazil, 
Egypt, & India, so as to at least divest the new con- 
federate states, when they enter the family of nations, 
of a cotton Monopoly. The wish is to have a divided 
power in America, but that England may not be de- 
pendent in the least degree on either, & hence the recog- 
nition will be postponed tmtil the manufacturing classes 
shall have reached the starvation point (when that will 
be I know not, except that it will not be in i86i)> for 
which they are to be compensated, in the hope of pre- 
venting a recturence of the same calamity, by the use 
made of the present inflated prices to invoke into the 
commercial arena the products of labour now dormant 
& of cotton-producing fields now lying fallow, & thus 
forestall future monopolies. This will postpone recog- 
nition, but not defeat it. If the blockade should be 
lifted at home, it would, seemingly, diminish the 
chances of recognition & the hopes of it at home, but it 
might, in reality, only hasten it here, for that event is 
desired by the ruling powers here at all hazards, & if a 
revival of commerce & of manufactures, inspiring hope 
& bringing content to the masses, should threaten to 
render public opinion adverse to future recognition, it 
would only operate as an incentive to precipitate 
action. 

I enclose herewith a copy in translation of a note 
from the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs in 
reply to my despatch annotmcing the appointment of 
Mr. Motley as my successor. I have intelligence 
from Mr. Motley that he may not be able to- reach 
Vienna before the latter part of October. This may 



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348 APPENDIX 

delay my departtire a little longer, but still I hope 
to reach Washington some time in December. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
J. Glancy Jones. 

HoNBLE. William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State, Washington. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. a 6. — Translation.] 

COMMUNICATION TO BOTH HOUSES OF THE AUSTRIAN 

REICHSRATH IN RELATION TO THE DISSOLUTION 

OF THE HUNGARIAN DIET 

His Imperial Royal Majesty, moved thereto by 
recent transactions in the Hungarian Diet, which have 
made some decisive measure an absolute necessity 
and duty, has been pleased to charge his ministers with 
the duty of communicating to the Two Hotises of the 
Reichsrath the contents of the Roysl Rescript, which 
was issued upon the 21st of August and published in 
both Hotises of the Diet on the 2 2d of the same. 

This Rescript in literal translation is as follows : 

DbAr& Loyal: 

Forasmuch as the Himgarian Diet, after a session 
of more than four months, has not corresponded to the 
demands addressed to it, and forasmuch as We, to our 
great and heart-felt sorrow, cannot await any further 
action truly beneficial to Hungary from a Diet which 
in these times of difficulty mistakes its vocation, to the 
so great injury of all who are interested in it, so far as 
to declare all the threads which might have led to a 



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APPENDIX 349 

settlement of the diffictalties to be broken because de- 
mands could not be acceded to which in their gravity 
were wholly inadmissible, We, therefore, find otirselves 
compelled to dissolve the Diet, which was called to- 
gether on the second of April, while reserving to our- 
selves the calling together a new Diet, according to 
circumstances, in the cotirse of the next six months. 
Vienna, August 21, 1861. 

(Signed) Franz Joseph, m.p. 

( do. ) Count Anton Forgach, m.p. 

( do. ) Ignaz Rohonczy, m.p. 

At the same time, his Majesty has been pleased to 
charge his Ministers with imparting the following care- 
fully considered reasons for the decision of his Majesty, 
and the fundamental principles of the political action 
which will be adopted by the Governments in the 
futtire. 

It is with profound sorrow that His Majesty has per- 
ceived that the public affairs of his Kingdom of Him- 
gary, since the reestablishment of its ancient institu- 
tions, have fallen into a condition which the coimtry 
cannot much longer bear, and from which by its own 
power it cannot emerge. Commerce and industry are 
blocked ; internal and international trade are a prey to 
a lamentable instinct ; confidence in the administration 
of jtistice is shaken; the administration of the com- 
mimes, comitats, and the coimtry offers in many places, 
through an tmexampled abuse of self-government, the 
deplorable spectacle of a sad recklessness; the falsely 
called legal protests against the decrees of the organs 
of the royal Government enervate the moral strength 
of the people. 



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350 APPENDIX 

There was no reason for his Majesty to expect the 
development of such a condition of things, when, Octo- 
ber 2oth, i860, resolving to grant to all his peoples a 
participation in legislation, he held out the forgiving 
hand also to the Kingdom of Hungary, which, in a 
disastrous insurrection, went on even to the crime of 
April 14, 1849, and had to be brought back to its duty 
by force of arms. Relying upon the words of patriots 
of all classes, of the princes of the Church, and of other 
intercessors, who declared that the inevitable results 
of the above-mentioned events had become dear to all, 
as to the Unity of the Monarchy and the form of con- 
stitutional reorganization, His Majesty proposed, as 
regards Hungary, to revive her ancient institutions as 
organic elements of a political creation more vast, and 
capable of satisfying the wants of an Epoch which has 
made immense progress, and the legitimate desires of 
all the nationalities, and the imperious demands of the 
actual political state of Etirope. 

With that self-consciousness which a benevolent 
monarch who has honorably fulfilled his duties as regent 
feels. His Majesty declares that he has done for Hun- 
gary all that with right cotald be expected which could 
be done in justice to other ICingdoms and cotmtries — 
all that the political development of the Empire de- 
mands. His Majesty has restored the constitution of 
Hungary, its rights & liberties, its Diet and Municipal 
institutions. His Majesty has done this with one 
single condition reserved. 

The object of this reserved condition is not to in- 
crease the unlimited power; but, the action of the 
national representation having considerably increased, 
especially as regards taxes and other financial questions. 



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APPENDIX 351 

it requires that the constitutional right of voting in 
matters common to all nationalities shall no longer be 
exercised separately by provinces, but in common. 

The national independence and development of Htm- 
gary are not in any manner whatsoever infringed upon 
by this reservation, for the constitutional deliberations 
in common only bear upon questions relating to mili- 
tary duties, political economy, and the finances of the 
Empire, while all other questions come tmder the au- 
thority of the Hungarian Diet. 

This reservation does not restrict any of the liberal 
dispositions of the legislation of 1848, which are the 
most important part of it — ^that is to say, the sup- 
pression of peasant duties & services, the abolition of 
the privileges of the nobles, the obligation of military 
service and taxes for all, as also the right for all classes, 
without distinction of origin, to enter the public ser- 
vice and hold landed property. On the contrary, these 
regulations have been expressly recognized & confirmed 
at the same time by his Majesty, 

Nor does this reservation endanger anything con- 
nected with constitutional liberty; especially does it 
not threaten the right of those classes participating in 
the elections for the Diet who were formerly excluded, 
and which right was in fact exercised at the present 
Diet ; it simply requires the revision & suppression by 
the Diet of those articles which are in contradiction to 
the new fundamental laws. 

It is clear that a reservation of this nature does not 
rest upon an arbitrary decision, but that it is founded 
upon right and derives its origin from the very nature 
of things. It is founded on right, for his Majesty has 
spontaneously resolved to reestablish the Hungarian 



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352 APPENDIX 

Constitution. The Htingarian Constitution was not 
only broken by the revolutionary power, consequently 
legally cancelled, but de facto suppressed. His Majesty, 
therefore, to prevent the recurrence of similar events 
to those which arose from the laws of 1848, was in duty 
boimd, in fulfilment of his high duties as a Monarch, to 
issue enactments to such eflEect — enactments required 
by the prosperity, greatness, power, & honor of the 
Empire, its present safety & future welfare. 

His Majesty having therefore in his paternal good- 
ness, by the Diploma of the 20th of October last year 
and \mder the condition of that reservation, reestab- 
lished the Constitution, and having immediately con- 
voked the Hungarian Diet for the 2d of April of the 
current year, it ought to have been the well understood 
duty of the latter, consequent upon the above-men- 
tioned reservation, to submit the articles of law irre- 
concilable with the Diploma, conformable to a wise 
policy & enlightened judgment, to that revision upon 
the basis of which it might have been possible to come 
to an tmderstanding on an inaugural diploma in har- 
mony with the new position of affairs ; thus to eliminate 
from the Constitution the articles dangerous to the 
maintenance of order — enactments unjust and intoler- 
able for other than the Magyar people — ^to do away 
with the remains of by-gone ages, to succeed in creating 
a renovated Constitution, keeping at the same time 
with the power of Austria the Autonomy of Hungary, 
restricted within certain limits,with a view to sanction 
simultaneously the new regulations based upon the 
remnants of past ages and thus lay the groundwork 
for a prosperous future. 

Instead of which, the Diet, after three months of 



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APPENDIX 353 

existence, and in discussions which were of a nature 
only to throw new difficulties in the way of an under- 
standing, announced its intention of adopting the legis- 
lation of 1848 as its basis, a legislation which has 
nothing to do with that venerable Constitution sworn 
to by the forefathers of His Majesty, and which, with 
all its exaggerations, could not fail to lead to the re- 
newal of lamentable scenes. It demanded the recog- 
nition without reserve of that legislation, without 
taking into accoimt the necessary consequences of a 
fatal historical fact; it finally lost all control over itself, 
and went so far as to adopt an address in which not 
only the Deputies, but also the Members of the Table 
of Magnates, who are indebted for their dignity almost 
without exception to his Majesty and his ancestors, 
even dared to refuse to their Emperor, King, and Lord, 
with an audacity hardly credible, the title of his Im- 
perial & Royal dignity, which no power on earth has 
hitherto called in question. It is true that the Diet, 
after seriotis exhortations, gave to that address a form 
at least which rendered its acceptance possible. 

But after his Majesty, with a forbearance unex- 
ampled in history, had expressed his opinion openly 
and sincerely on the temper of that address, and had 
pointed out to the Diet the only path whereby it would 
have been possible, conformable to the positive claims 
of justice and at the same time to the cotmsels of wis- 
dom and prudence & equity, to bring the political re- 
lations of the country in accordance with the constitu- 
tional wants of the monarchy, the Diet declined the in- 
vitation to place itself in that lojral point of view which 
alone cotald lead to the desired end. On the contrary, 
the Diet persevered in its demands, insisting upon the 

Vol. 11—23 



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354 APPENDIX 

recogmtion in principle of the legislation of 1848, with- 
out reservation of the revision of the Articles in oppo- 
sition to the Diploma. 

Moreover, those articles, even were His Majesty in 
his benevolence willing to admit them, could not & 
cannot be recognized, confirmed, or made valid, be- 
cause from their tenor in their dispositions relating to 
the Palatine they attack the sovereign and prerogative 
rights of the Crown of Hungary; because, moreover, 
they are oflEensive to the people not Magjrars, and in- 
fringe upon the rights of the Monarchy as a whole. 

His Majesty declares that in his quality as ICing of 
Hungary he feels himself called upon to protect the 
many millions of Slav, Rouman, & German inhabitants 
living in this land and equally dear to his heart, & to 
maintain them with his paternal benevolence in their 
equal rights to the recognition of their nationality, 
which the articles of the law in question not only do 
not guarantee, but upon which they make a serious 
attack. 

Nor can his Majesty confirm those articles of the 
legislation of 1848 which have for their object to pre- 
judice the parity of right of the Kingdoms of Croatia, 
Slavonia, and the Principality of Transylvania, which, 
as all men know, are of so offensive and irritating a 
nature that they led to war eleven years since. 

Among the articles in question there are some which 
appear to be of a nature to try and slacken the relations 
between Hungary and other lands of the Monarchy 
which have existed for centuries, which raised Austria 
to the rank of a great European power, which have 
been expressed in a series of laws and docimients, 
especially in the Pragmatic Sanction incorporated in 



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APPENDIX 355 

the axtides of law out of gratitude for the deliverance 
from the Ottomdn Yoke achieved by the arms of the 
House of Hapsburg and the assistance of the Empire, 
& which in historical annals have been confirmed a 
thousand times over. 

Those laws and documents, without detriment to 
the independent administration of Hungary, having 
had as a consequence one common general government, 
and especially not only a common diplomatic repre- 
sentation abroad but also the same administration, 
military & financial, and public debt in common, it is 
clear that the recognition of the Articles of the legisla- 
tion of 1848, which infringe upon the rights & interests 
of the provinces comprised in the Pragmatic Sanction, 
without regard to the latter, who shed blood and sacri- 
ficed life for it, according to the immutable laws of jus- 
tice would be inadmissible. 

To this must be added the circumstance that His 
Majesty has declared that the combined constitution 
is the inviolable foundation of his empire, one and 
indivisible, and regards the demand of the Hungarian 
Diet as an attack upon that constitution, and conse- 
quently upon all the other lands and provinces of the 
Empire. 

Although the Hungarian Diet has not thought fit to 
enter into the path of conciliation offered by the Gov- 
ernment, but on the contrary has declared the threat 
of negotiations to be broken asunder. His Majesty 
nevertheless desires to maintain in Htmgary, as in 
other countries of the Empire, constitutional principles, 
trusting that the country will return to more reasonable 
opinions. It is not His Majesty's wish to amalgamate 
all the different countries of the Empire into one single 



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356 APPENDIX 

body without distinction, but rather to preserve to 
Hungary as well as to the other countries their distinct 
character; but His Majesty, in the interest of the latter 
as well as of the former, must not only protect the bonds 
which link the two, but strengthen them by constitu- 
tional measures. 

I. The ftmdamental laws of the 20th October last 
year and of the 26th February of this year remain in- 
tact. Nor does His Majesty withdraw from Himgary 
the concessions granted after mature reflection and 
with a seriotis will. 

The refusal of one country to participate in the 
legislative labors of the Reicterath cotald not prevent 
the representatives of other lands from fulfilling their 
duties and exercising their constitutional rights. 
Moreover, the right of being represented in the Reichs- 
rath rests reserved for all lands as soon as public opin- 
ion is sufficiently enlightened and the necessity of such 
representation admitted, and which will induce them 
to participate in the councils of the Reichsrath and join 
its deliberations. 

No change in the Constitution, whether in the sense 
of a more extended autonomy of parties or in favor of 
the competency of the whole, will be allowed by his 
Majesty except by constitutional measures, that is to 
say, by the Reichsrath and its vote. 

II. His Majesty is the more determined to refuse his 
Royal sanction to the stipulations of the legislation which 
are in contradiction to the prerogatives of the Crown, 
to the rights of other coimtries of the Monarchy and of 
the whole Empire, as also to the interests of the non- 
Magyar population of Hungary, & which require revi- 
sion, as they could not be carried out except by force. 



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APPENDIX 357 

On the other hand, His Majesty declares, with the 
same decision, that no obstacle shall be thrown in the 
way of those stiptilations which are in accordance with 
the fundamental laws, but that on the contrary, many 
of the stipulations of the legislation of 1848 having 
already been previously sanctioned by the patents of 
the 20th October of last year. His Majesty is likewise 
disposed to sanction the others; for which end they 
must be selected in their ensemble so as to be suited to 
the actual state of things, that the next Diet may bring 
them forward for that sanction by constitutional 
measures. 

III. But after the Diet assembled at Pesth has de- 
clared its resolve to persist in its opposition to the new 
fundamental laws, although its existence rested only 
on the condition of the reservation expressed in the 
Royal rescript, and as, by such an attitude, the Diet 
has rendered the establishment of an inaugural di- 
ploma impossible, and consequently the proximate 
coronation, under the pretext of a condition which 
never existed de jure or de facto — ^that is to say, the 
condition of the personal Union — considering that 
from these grounds the Diet, instead of conscientiously 
accomplishing its political task, has entered into a 
lamentable path from which there is no outlet. His 
Majesty has foimd himself forced to decide upon and 
ordain the dissolution of the Htingarian Diet. 

But his Majesty still hopes that public opinion will 
return from its errors, that the public mind will calm 
down, and that shortly it will be possible to convoke 
a new Diet, which will be called upon to fulfil the 
duties which the dissolved Diet has disavowed & 
neglected in the most unjustifiable manner. More- 



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358 APPENDIX 

over, His Majesty has given the most peremptory 
orders for the reestablishment and maintenance of 
order by the Government authorities. 

In ordering the present communication to be made 
to the illustrious Reichsrath, His Majesty desires again 
to express to it his firm resolution to shield, consoli- 
date, and accomplish the tmity of the Empire as well as 
the legal Autonomy of all the lands and Kingdoms 
within the limits of constitutional liberty. 

His Majesty deigns finally to declare that, strength- 
ened by the knowledge of the purity of his intentions, 
convinced that it is one of the noblest prerogatives of 
power to exercise necessary severity with a gentle hand, 
yet at the same time it is the duty of a monarch to show 
decided firmness, and fully resolved in this important 
question to show as much firmness as clemency, he 
looks forward with certainty and trust in God to a 
happy solution of these difficulties. 

[Enclosure in Despatch No. 26. — Translation.] 

COUNT RECHBERG TO MR. JONES. 

Vienna, Sept. 2d, 1861. 

The Undersigned, Minister of the Imperial House and 
of Foreign Affairs, has had the honor to receive the 
note in which the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
plenipotentiary of the United States of America, 
Mr. J. Glancy Jones, tmder date of 30th ultimo, was 
pleased to commtmicate to him the appointment of Mr. 
J. Lothrop Motley, as Envoy Extraordinary & Minister 
Plenipotentiary of the United States to this Court. 
. While it affords pleasure to the Undersigned to be 



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APPENDIX 359 

able to reply to the Hon. Minister that this choice meets 
the approval of His Majesty the Emperor, he takes the 
opportunity to add that he feels it personally to be a 
duty to cherish in case of Mr. Motley also those con- 
fidential relations which will correspond to those so 
friendly in their nature now existing between Austria 
& the United States, to the great advantage of both. 

There will not be wanting on the part of the Under- 
signed that interest in and earnest attention to the 
communications which it is stated Mr. Motley will 
bring with him which the importance of their subjects 
in so eminent a degree demands. 

The Undersigned cannot close without again ex- 
pressing the lively regret with which he sees approach- 
ing the end of the so agreeable & serviceable relations 
which he has had the pleasure of enjoying with 
Mr. Glancy Jones, & embraces the opportunity of re- 
newing to the Hon. Minister the assurances of his dis- 
tinguished consideration. 

(Signed) Rbchbbrg. 

Mr. J. Glancy Jones, 

Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary 
of the United States of America. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

No. 27. Legation op the United States, 

Vienna, Novr. 5th, 1861. 
Sir: 

Mr. Motley, my successor, arrived in Vienna on the 
evening of the 31st of October. On the 3rd of Novr. 
<the day fixed by Count Rechberg for receiving him) 



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360 APPENDIX 

I accompanied him to the Foreign Office, and having 
first presented my letter of recall, informing Count 
Rechberg of the desire of my government to continue 
its friendly relations, I introduced Mr. Motley & retired, 
leaving him with the Foreign Minister. Count Rech- 
berg was pleased to express his regret at my departure ; 
but as this was decided, my successor, he said, would be 
most cordially received. He added that the Emperor 
would be pleased to grant to me an audience of leave, 
& that as soon as it could be arranged he would notify 
me. I shall transfer to Mr. Motley, as soon as he is 
prepared to receive them, the archives of the Legation, 
& shall immediately after my au(}ience take my de- 
parture for America, my intention now being to sail in 
the Steamer Arago, of the loth Deer., from Havre. 

Since my last despatch, No. 26, nothing has trans- 
pired that does not confirm the accuracy of my former 
observation, that although at present England & France 
are apparently receding from the idea of the recognition 
of the independence of the Southern confederacy, it is 
nevertheless only apparent. They do not wish to in- 
augurate a quarrel with the North. The facility with 
which we extemporize an army of citizen soldiers, & 
the condition of the finances, which promises to be able 
to sustain them, are inatispicious signs to them & 
strengthen the desire for friendly relations. They 
have made up their minds, furthermore, that our sep- 
aration will become an inevitable necessity ; & believing 
this, they prefer that it should gravitate of itself, with- 
out involving them in future complications with either 
section. If I am not mistaken, & no new issues arise, 
you will now have an era of kind words — a, modified & 
subdued tone of the press touching American Affairs — 



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APPENDIX 361 

both in England & France. The South will be even 
kindly attacked & alarmed by the repulsion of the idea 
that these powers can be, in any contingency, coerced 
by the withholding of cotton, or induced from motives 
of selfishness, or interest generally, to do that which 
they would not do from motives alone of justice & in- 
ternational right. All this, if I am not again mistaken, 
means that the separation being regarded as " un fait 
accompli" (to be completed by its own progression), 
it is deemed now desirable to be on good terms with 
both & independent of each of the confederacies — & to 
take immediately the first essential steps in diplomacy 
to enable them successfully in the future to play off the 
one upon the other. If successful, this date inaugurates 
the era of an American balance of power, which, being 
based upon the dissolution of our confederacy, involves 
us in irretrievable ruin, unless the indignation of our 
whole people. North & South, can be aroused in time to 
save us against our common enemies at home & abroad. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 
J. Glancy Jones. 

HoNBLE. Wm, H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

Arch Duke Charles Hotel, 
Vienna, 14 Nov., 1861. 
Sir: 

This being the day fixed by his Majesty at i Ocl. P.M. 
for my audience of leave, I duly presented my sealed 
letter of recall to him; stating, as instructed, that 



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362 APPENDIX 

my Government appreciates to its fullest extent the 
friendly feelings exhibited by the Atastrian Government 
towarcb it, & that I was instructed to. say, on taking 
leave, that my Government desired not only to con- 
tinue these friendly relations, but even, if possible, to 
strengthen them. 

i'^His Majesty was pleased to say that He earnestly 
desired to extend still further these friendly relations, 
& particularly he hoped that our commercial relations 
might be increased. He asked me a number of ques- 
tions about the War & conversed with great fteedom, 
but, of course, dealing only in generalities. He was 
pleased to express his regret at my departure, &c. The 
audience of my successor was fixed half an hour later 
the same day. I have thus closed my official inter- 
course with the Government here, & have transferred 
the Legation over to my Successor. I have been con- 
fined to my house for a few days, & am still under 
medical treatment for a rheumatic aflEection, resulting 
from a violent cold, which, while it does not much 
affect my general health, disables me for locomotion. 
My Physician informs me I shall be able to leave 
Vienna in a week, & I have no doubt I shall be able to 
sail by the Steamer of the lo Deer, from Havre. The 
Exequatur of Mr. Hildreth has been issued & by me 
lodged with the Legation. 
I am. Sir, 

Your Obt. Svt., 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. 



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APPENDIX 363 

MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD. 

New York, 28 Dec., 1861. 
Sir: 

I arrived at New York per Steamer Arago on Thtirs- 
day night, & intended proceeding to Reading, my home, 
on Monday next, and then, after spending a few days 
with my family, to proceed to Washington & close my 
mission. Being accompanied by Gen. Scott, who was 
directly from Paris, & knowing that the Ministers of 
the XJ. S. Government at Paris & London wotald furnish 
the latest intelligence, & that Genl Scott would be 
better posted, I did not attempt to collect any definite 
information relative to our aflEairs, & hence have 
nothing to report that could possibly interest you or 
add to your information. England had determined 
upon the demand for the surrender of Messrs. Mason & 
Slidell, & France considered her demand a proper one, 
but one in which she was not called upon to interfere. 
K any service can be performed by me by my appear- 
ance at Washington at an earlier date, a telegraphic 
despatch to Reading will bring me at any time on a 
day's notice. 

I am. Sir. 

Your Obt. Svt., 

J. Glancy Jones. 

Hon. W. H. Seward, Secy, of State. 



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364 APPENDIX 

LETTERS FROM JAMES BUCHANAN TO 
J. GLANCY JONES. 

United States Legation, 

London, June 23, 1854. 

My Dear Sir: Many thanks for your kind note of the 
6th instant. I wish you would often drop me such 
brief notes giving me a bird's-eye view of affairs, which 
you could write in five minutes at your desk. 

The Elgin treaty has been received with great favor 
by the public journals of this country. His Lordship 
is a very able man, and went to Washington, I believe, 
with great discretionary powers. He is very shrewd, 
but entertains warm friendly feelings for the United 
States, and has expressed them on all occasions in this 
country. He is the best public speaker in point of 
manner, I have heard in England, but this is not saying 
very much for him. I was at a public dinner last even- 
ing, given by the Lord Mayor to the Bishops, which 
was as dull an affair, and the speaking as heavy, as I 
have ever witnessed on any similar occasion. By 
great good luck I avoided making a speech. 

I do not know why the President quoted me as an 
authority that the introduction of coal duty free would 
not affect Pennsylvania. Doubtless he has heard me 
express this opinion, or he would not have made the 
remark. 

If so, it must have been the opinion, which I hold, that 
the Nova Scotia bituminous coal can never injuriously 
compete with the anthracite of Pennsylvania. I have 
not yet been informed of the provisions of the treaty, as 
the fishery and reciprocity questions were retained at 



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APPENDIX 365 

Washington. I have, therefore, only a general idea of its 
contents. I earnestly hope I shall be satisfied with them. 

I was astounded when I learned the result of the 
Philadelphia election. I had entertained apprehen- 
sions of the result, but had no conception that the ma- 
jority against us could be so great. 

On public considerations I am very sorry for the loss 
of the ticket; and for personal friendship for Herst and 
Badger I deeply regret their defeat. The Know-Noth- 
ings may exert an unfortimate influence for some years 
to come. 

I have nothing of the least interest to say concerning 
mjrself. My duties, both social and official, are very* 
laborious. The former will not be oppressive after 
another month, when the London season will terminate 
and the nobility and gentry will all leave London. 

With my respectful regards for Mrs. Jones, I remain 
as alwa3rs, very respectfully yoiu- friend, 

James Buchanan. 



Legation op the United States, 
London, Dec. 8, 1854. 

My Dear Sir: In answer to your favor of the 7th 
ultimo I have to say that I got Mr. Bates, the leading 
partner of the house of Baring Brothers & Co., closely 
connected with the Bank of England, to make the ex- 
amination which you requested. His answer, under 
date of first instant, is as follows : 

" I have the pleasure to inform you that I have made 
the inquiries you desired at the Bank of England, and 
have been tmable to find any money or fimds in any 



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366 APPENDIX 

department of the bank to the credit of ' Evans's es- 
tate.' This is rather a vague description, and if any 
ftirther information is desired, the parties should give 
more particulars." 

The truth is that the credulity of our people, per- 
haps excited by the interested rumors set afloat from 
here, has induced them to expend large suxns of money 
in pursuit of old and vast estates in the moon. The 
Jennings estate and the York and Lancaster estate 
have nearly passed away ; but, if I may judge from the 
letters I have received, independently of your own, the 
Evans estate is about to take their place. This may 
not be moonshine ; but the only mode of ascertaining 
the truth is to employ some eminent solicitor to inves- 
tigate the subject. The profession enjoy a monopoly 
here of such investigations. Title deeds are in their 
possession instead of being recorded, and no man 
of business in London ever thinks of making such in- 
vestigations for himself. Besides, the expense is far 
greater than our experience in the United States would 
induce us to credit. The Legation could not under- 
take the task if you wotild quadruple oiu- force. I will, 
however, from special regard to yourself, make one 
suggestion. If you can obtain sufficient information 
about this Evans estate to afford a clue for the investi- 
gation, and the persons interested will send me a bill of 
exchange for £i 5 sterling in favor of Messrs. Atkinson & 
Pilgrim, eminent solicitors in London, whom the Lega- 
tion employ when they have any business, I will under- 
take, without having seen them, that they shall make a 
thorough investigation. The expense incurred by them 
in doing it will amount to the greater part of this sum. 

I have no public news to communicate which you 



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APPENDIX 367 

will not see in the public papers. If the President has 
communicated to Congress my correspondence with 
Lord Clarendon on the Central American questions, I 
would thank you to send me several copies through the 
despatch bag. They would arrive here at the very nick 
of time to be tiseful. 

I see it stated in the American papers that I intend 
to return home next spring. This was never my inten- 
tion. My two years in this legation will not expire till 
the end of August, and it is my purpose to remain here 
tuitil the 30th Sept., the end of the quarter, and return 
in October, unless at the time something should be 
pending which it would be improper for me to leave. 
Prom your friend, very respectfully, 

James Buchanan. 



Legation op the United States, 
London, Jan. 11, 1855. 

My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i6th 
ultimo, and, although without a Secretary of Legation 
and having more business of different kinds to transact 
than one man can accomplish, I cannot deny mjrself the 
pleasure of congratulating you upon the proud position 
you now occupy in public opinion. I should not do this 
did I not believe it was well deserved. Those who 
formerly expressed doubts of your political, not of your 
personaJ coiu-age, must have had all these removed by 
your conduct, as wise as it was bold, since you reached 
Washington. May your course be onward and upward. 

I now receive many more letters from the United 
States than I can possibly answer. This grieves me 



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368 APPENDIX 

much, because I pride myselt on being a punctual cor- 
respondent, especially with my Triends. Should you 
hear any complaints, I know you will make my excuse. 

You present a numerous and formidable list of Presi- 
dential candidates who "will all be discussed." For 
my own part, I have not allowed myself to indulge a 
single personal aspiration on the subject, and shall be 
more than content should the choice fall upon any other 
man "fit for the crisis.*' Still, as my friends in Penn- 
sylvania have brought me forward "upon their own 
hook " it will be a proud consolation to me in any event 
that the Democracy of the great and good old State 
have not deserted me " when I am old and grayheaded." 
This will make retirement doubly sweet. Besides, it 
will give to the true Democracy of the State their just 
influence, provided they remain imited, both in the 
State and in the Union. 

I intend to leave London for Paris and the Continent 
about the middle of next month to meet my nephew, 
J. Buchanan Henry, who is already there. As he speaks 
French like a Parisian and Italian tolerably well, it will 
be very agreeable to me to have him with me. I have 
never seen a young man better calculated in all respects 
to be a diplomatist ; but he has not any idea of com- 
mencing this career, and seems intent on pursuing the 
profession of the law. I have often thought of sug- 
gesting to you the mission to England, for which you 
are well qualified ; but have refrained from doing so be- 
cause you are so much needed at home. If to the 
present salary there were added house rent, this would 
not be an undesirable position, even in a pecuniary 
point of view. Besides, this Legation and that at Paris, 
for the convenience of American citizens, ought to have 



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APPENDIX 369 

a permanent abode, and not be changed with every 
succeeding Minister. The frequent removals of it dis- 
arrange the papers, and do injury in a variety of ways. 
I now pay ;£74o ($3,581.60) for a furnished house and 
a stable. If I could have taken a lease of such a house 
for twenty years for the Legation, I am qtiite satisfied 
it might have been obtained for £500. 

Deeming that it could do you no harm in any event, 
and whether elected to the Senate or not, I have sug- 
gested your name in proper terms to Gov. Marcy, but 
have truly said : " I make this suggestion without the 
knowledge of Mr. Jones, and without having the least 
idea whether it would be agreeable to him or not." 

We shall, I think, have peace in Eiu-ope before the 
season for opening another campaign. France and 
Turkey both desire it, and Russia much needs it. John 
Bull, however, is anxious for another campaign to re- 
cover his prestige. He has gone to immense expense in 
preparing for it, and is now in a better condition to 
prosecute the war than he has probably been for half a 
century. 

With my kindest regards to Mrs. Jones and the 
family, and to your Democratic colleagues from the 
Kejrstone, I remain, very respectfully, yoiu* friend, 

James Buchanan. 



Legation op the United States, 
London, 4th May, 1855. 

My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i ith 
ultimo and am pleased to learn that the American 
people begin to interest themselves about Cuba. The 

Vol. 11—24 



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370 APPENDIX 

Ostend report was prepared with much deliberation 
after we had possessed otirselves of all the information 
within our reach. We were unanimously of opinion 
that the time had arrived when a solemn and formal 
offer should be presented to the constituent Cortes to 
purchase the island ; and were convinced that we should 
be powerfully aided in accomplishing the object by the 
influence of the Spanish bondholders, the Spanish 
clergy, and the commercial classes in England. Spain 
is hopelessly bankrupt, and her creditors can have no 
hope of payment but in the sale of the island. That of 
the church property to which the Government has re- 
sorted, will prove to be only a temporary relief for im- 
mediate wants; and besides will give great offence to 
the clergy. Had Mr. Soul6 been instructed according 
to our report, the question would have become Euro- 
pean as well as Spanish, and while we had every- 
thing to hope from this fact, we could have nothing to 
fear. Perhaps, however, Augustus Caesar Dodge may 
be able to remove all the clouds which now "lower 
upon our house." 

Gov. Marcy, I am informed from all quarters, is now 
an active candidate for the Presidency, and when the 
Presidential maggot invades the brain of the wisest 
(happily I am not in this category), it prompts him to 
do many foolish things. Still, however, I do not doubt 
but that Gov. Marcy honestly differed from us in opin- 
ion, and at the first the public seemed to adopt his 
views. Although never doubting for a moment what 
would be the final result, I did not expect the reaction 
would take place quite so soon as it seems to have done. 

The Know-Nothings will lose their power and must 
speedily perish, but whether before the next Presi- 



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APPENDIX 371 

dential election is a question of doubt. It has severed 
many rotten branches from the tree of Democracy, 
whose places will be more than supplied by fresh, pure, 
and vigorous branches. 

The news you will find in the public journals. There 
seems to be but little hope of peace, though the allies 
have greatly reduced their demands upon Rtissia. In 
the present temper of the British people, smarting 
under their disasters in the Crimea, had peace been con- 
cluded upon the terms proposed, this would beyond all 
question have expelled the existing Ministry from 
power. 

The Emperor and Empress of Prance while here re- 
ceived me with more than common courtesy. He ex- 
pressed a warm feeling in favor of our country, and an 
ardent wish that the friendly relations between the two 
countries might never be disturbed ; all which I recipro- 
cated. The Empress, without being very beautiful, is 
very fascinating. 

Please to remember me very kindly to Mrs. Jones 
and the family. Miss Lane unites with me in this re- 
quest, and also desires her kindest regards to yourself. 
From your friend, very respectfully, 

James Buchanan. 



Legation op the United States, 
London, June i, 1855. 

My Dear Sir: By the last steamer I received your 
favor from Washington of the 9th ultimo, and feel 
greatly indebted to you for the information it contains. 
Although I have nothing of any importance to com- 



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372 APPENDIX 

mtmicate in rettim, yet, as you truly say, being "a 
friend to reciprocity " in correspondence I write now to 
preserve my reputation. 

I am much gratified that you were so well received 
at Washington; but feel confident that your reception 
was no better than you deserved. I am rejoiced that 
your political position is now so elevated, and earnestly 
hope that all the wishes you have expressed and more, 
may be realized. 

Heaven grant that Wise's anticipations may prove 
correct, and that he may be tritraiphantly elected. He 
is now the great man of Virginia — ^able, energetic, and 
eloquent — and his friendship has bound me to him by 
"cords of steel." We shall not learn the result before 
the I ith inst. If he has been defeated, still he has cast 
bread upon the waters which will return to give him 
triumph after a few days. But I ardently hope to hear 
of his election. 

I am proud of the old Democratic party. In its 
ascendency the Constitution and the Union 3.re alwajrs 
safe. It has nobly adhered to its principles amidst the 
storm, and has not degraded itself by compromising 
with any of the isms of the day. For one, I should 
gladly receive into its fellowship such Whigs as have 
been too proud and too honest to become Know-Noth- 
ing Free Soilers ; but this upon no other tmderstanding 
than that they should join the party in principle and in 
heart. We shall have some such converts ; but I do not 
expect them to be very ntraierous. 

I have not yet received an acknowledgment of or 
answer from the State Department relative to my resig- 
nation, to take effect on the 30th of September, nor any 
intimation of who is to be my successor. If he be 



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APPENDIX 373 

comme il fatU, and wotdd arrive a fortnight before the 
time, I coidd give him a good start. For my own part, 
I am very anxious for the arrival of the time when I 
shall be relieved ; and yet I shotdd be ungrateftil not to 
appreciate the kindness of many Englishmen and 
English ladies. 

I am now sitting in a room with a good fire. The 
weather during this spring has been unusually cold, 
and many persons here begin to entertain apprehen- 
sions for their wheat crop. It now appears to be very 
unpronodsing. I cannot imagine a greater calamity for 
this country than a short crop this year ; and I hope, for 
the sake of the poor and needy, that it may be averted. 
These have suffered very much diuing the past winter. 

Mr. Fillmore has arrived in this country, but has not 
yet reached London. I shall not be surprised should he 
be received with distinguished honors. So much has 
been said recently of the neglect of oiu- distinguished 
countryman, in contrast with the royal honors be- 
stowed upon every little sprig of a German principality,, 
that it is quite probable Mr. Fillmore may be made 
somewhat of a lion. Grund is, I understand, in Lon- 
don, but has not shown himself at the Legation. The 
arrivals of our countrymen are very numerous on their 
way to the Paris Exhibition; but this, at least so far, 
has proved a failure. John Bull still continues to 
cherish the war spirit. His pride has been deeply 
wounded by disasters in the Crimea, and the old gentle- 
man will fight manfully to recover his prestige. He at 
length begins to succeed. With the Idndest regard to 
Mrs. Jones and yoiu- family, I remain always sincerely 
your friend, 

James Buchanan. 



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374 APPENDIX 

Legation op the United States, 
London, Nov. 30, 1855. 

My Dear Sir: I shotdd sooner have answered your 
favor of the 12th inst. had I known at the time of its 
receipt what to say about my return home. It was im- 
possible for me to leave my post in a storm, and now 
that Mr. Appleton has gone home, I shall be obliged to 
remain here until the arrival of my successor, or at 
least until they send me out a Secretary of Legation. 

You write in enthusiastic terms of the result of our 
late election in Pennsylvania, in all which I warmly 
sympathize. I regretted, however, to observe that our 
excellent friend Plumer had not a majority of all the 
votes cast. Our victory was, therefore, not so decided 
but that active vigilance is required to render our 
position secure at the Presidential election. We ought 
to receive into the party without hesitation, those 
honest and independent Clay Whigs who, without any 
compromise, are prepared to adopt our principles and 
battle with us against Knownothingism, Free Soilism, 
and all the other isms of the day. 

I feel indebted to you for the caution you have given 
me about Mr. Sohl. 

I earnestly trust and hope that ere this your old dis- 
ease has been banished. This is no time for men to get 
sick who can enact so able and useful a part for your 
coimtry as yourself. If I read the signs of the time 
aright, the next Presidential term will be the most im- 
portant and responsible of any since the days of Wash- 
ington. Still I entertain no serious fears for the Union, 
because when the people approach the precipice they 
will recoil from the abyss before them. Your plan is 



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APPENDIX 375 

excellent for giving to the good and faithful Democrats 
of Pennsylvania their jiast share of influence in the Cin- 
cinnati Convention. The delegates from our State 
ought to act as a tmit in that Convention, and thus they 
will be able to exercise a controlling influence in the 
selection of a candidate. This, in serving the best 
interests of the country, will redotmd to their own 
advantage. Louisiana has done well under all the cir- 
cumstances, and I expected nothing from Massachu- 
setts and New York; but I confess I have been greatly 
mortified and disappointed at the result of the election 
in Maryland. 

One good effect of the present flare up between Great 
Britain and the United States will be the direction of 
the public mind in this country toward the United 
States. The ignorance of the English people in regard 
to us is truly ridiculous. We have now become a topic 
of discussion in the newspapers, to which I have some- 
what contributed, and shall be better known, and we 
find defenders where formerly we had opponents. 
When we meet I shall be able to give you amusing 
anecdotes of the ignorance of people, even in high 
places, in regard to our country. We are the more of 
a mjrstery to them on this account, and therefore the 
more imposing. They entertain vague apprehensions 
of our advancing power, and yet there is an undercur- 
rent of self-satisfaction among them because of their 
having given birth to such a people. 

The existing war with Russia is still popular with the 
masses, though there is not so much feeling on the sub- 
ject as there was a year ago. They are consciotis that 
their prestige as a military nation has been impaired 
and they wish to recover it before the close of the war. 



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376 APPENDIX 

Not so, Louis Napoleon. The French arms have ac- 
quired new glory, and the war has already made him 
the foremost man in Etuxjpe, with England as a sub- 
ordinate ally. It is believed that he now desires to 
make peace. 

With my kindest regards to Mrs. Jones and the mem- 
bers of your family, and in the hope that I may ere long 
enjoy the pleasure of meeting you and them, I remain 
always, very respectfully, your friend. 

Jambs Buchanan. 



[Prtvat^.] 



Legation op the United States, 
London, Dec. 7, 1855. 

My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i8th 
ultimo, for which accept my thanks. I am rejoiced 
that you are once more at your post, and, I trust, with 
renewed health, as you say nothing to the contrary in 
your letter. I am now anxiously awaiting the Presi- 
dent's message, which we hope to receive on Monday 
the 17th by the steamer from Boston. 

Rumors of peace have prevailed here for several days, 
and from all I can learn they rest upon better founda- 
tions than similar rtmiors have heretofore done. Aus- 
tria is again the intermediary, and I venture to. say 
that, should her propositions prove acceptable to tte 
French and EngKsh Govenmients, as it is beheved 
they have done, Louis Napoleon will take care that she 
shall join the allies, in case these propositions should be 
rejected by Russia. I shrewdly suspect, however, 
that Austria had consulted Russia before the terms were 



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APPENDIX 377 

proposed. Besides, it wotdd be madness for Russia to 
continue the war should the forces of Austria be added 
to those of the allies, and this very circumstance will 
save the honor of the Czar. From the high price of 
provisions and the pressure of the war, the poor of this 
cotmtry will suffer dreadfully throughout the present 
winter. 

The Times, which is an Ishmaelite, as well as certain 
joiunals friendly to the Palmerston administration, 
while rejoicing that the news from America is so peaceful, 
still endeavors to keep up the delusion that the events 
threatening war all proceeded from oiu- country. Upon 
this false assumption, they attribute them to the mere 
electioneering designs of the President to secure his 
renomination and reelection, and then praise the good 
sense and sober judgment of the American people for 
restraining him within the proper bounds by the force 
of public opinion. This is the key to numeroias articles 
in British journals. The greatest injustice is thus done 
to the President, and his character thus suffers on this 
side of the Atlantic. I have already vindicated him 
warmly whenever the occasion offered, but what can 
one person do in his intercourse with society to remove 
prejudices created by the press in this manner? After 
all, they can do no serious injury at home. Indeed, as 
I have often remarked, such palpable injustice will in- 
crease his popularity among the American people. 

Pennsylvania has now the opportunity of enjoying 
that proud and influential position in the Union to 
which she is so justly entitled; and I am rejoiced that 
you fully appreciate it. The best and most trustworthy 
Democrats in her ranks ought to go to the Cincinnati 
Convention resolved to act as a unit in nominating 



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378 APPENDIX 

that candidate who, under all the then existing circtim- 
stances, will be most likely to succeed, and be best cal- 
culated to advance the great interests of the coimtry. 
You are a much better judge than myself as to futtire 
events; but yet I cannot concur with you in opinion 
that the triumph of the Democratic party in 1856 is 
beyond a perad venture . Both justice and sound policy 
require that we should receive into our ranks, with open 
arms, those national Whigs who agree with us in prin- 
ciple, and who are willing to enter them voltmtarily 
without any compromise . It would be the worst policy 
in the world to drive them from us by unkindness. 

I know that great efforts have been made for some 
time past to renominate the present President. This I 
have learned from different portions of the Union. 
Well, be it so ; I have no objection ; let his merits and his 
popularity be fairly weighed at the proper time in com- 
parison with other candidates. 

Of Wise I can never speak without grateful emotions. 
He has been my true, able, active, and efficient friend. 
His energy, patriotism, and moral courage cannot be 
excelled, and he has much more prudence than his ene- 
mies are willing to concede. I am warmly attached to 
the man, and, should the occasion ever offer, I shall 
esteem it a privilege to serve him. 

Please to remember me always in the kindest terms 
to your wife and family. Remember me, also, most 
kindly to your Democratic colleagues from Pennsyl- 
vania, and beKeve me ever to be sincerely your friend, 

James Buchanan. 



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APPENDIX 379 

Legation of the United States, 
London, Dec. i8, 1855. 

My Dear Sir: Your favor of the 22d tdt. did not 
reach me iintil the loth inst. by the Pacific. I had not 
time to answer it on Friday last from numerous and 
pressing engagements, but now embrace the oppor- 
tunity of addressing you a few lines by the Arago, which 
will leave Southampton to-morrow. I have scarcely 
the heart to write. On yesterday, I received the 
moumftd intelligence of the death of my much-loved 
niece, Mary Baker, in San Francisco. I can scarcely 
think of anything but this sad event. 

I had not supposed, until the receipt of your letter, 
that you would be a candidate for the United States 
Senate, though you are well qualified to fill that station 
with honor to yourself and advantage to the country. 
Should the choice fall upon you, I shall say Amen! with 
all my heart. 

I had presumed from the manner in which you re- 
ferred to the subject in one of your late letters that your 
views were in another and different direction. 

Some time before Mr. Appleton left me, I had placed it 
out of my power to interfere between the candidates who 
had been my true and faithfid friends. I was strongly 
advised to this course by several friends who informed 
me that the candidates would be entirely satisfied with 
this conduct, and I declared that I would act upon their 
suggestion. While I cannot, therefore, interfere, I 
have, nevertheless, since the receipt of your letter, in- 
formed one trusted friend of my high appreciation of 
yotM" talents, character, and conduct, and I shall write 
to others in the same strain by the next steamer. This 



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380 APPENDIX 

is no more than the jiistice which I owe to you, and I 
cannot go further without violating my word. 

I shall now anxiously expect to hear by every steamer 
of the appointment of my successor. I am heartily 
tired of my present position, and still more so, if pos- 
sible, since I have heard of the death of my poor niece. 

I prestmie we shall have the Message on Monday next. 
It is expected here that it will assume a decided but 
prudent tone on the Central American questions. The 
British people are prepared for this, and it will do good. 
It wiQ be for the American people to say how I have 
conducted the negotiation tmtil its termination. Ere 
this you have perceived that our ultimatum has been 
rejected in all its parts by the Palmerstonian Adminis- 
tration. In the disposition of the people of England, 
I should not be astonished if public opinion would re- 
quire the British Government to reconsider its answer 
to the President's ultimatum and retrace its steps ; pro- 
vided the subject has been presented in a grave and 
serious aspect, which I have no doubt will prove to be 
the case. 

Prince Esterhazy, the Austrian Ambassador at St. 
Petersbtirg, has left Vienna bearing the terms of peace 
suggested by Atistria to France and England and ac- 
cepted by them. War or peace now depends upon the 
decision of the Czar. If he be wise, he will accept the 
olive branch. 

With my kindest regards to Mrs. Jones and your 
family, I remain alwajrs, very respectfully, yotir friend,. 

James Buchanan. 



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APPENDIX 381 

Legation of the United States, 
London, Feb. 19, 1856. 

My Dear Sir: I have just received yotir favor of the 
4th inst., and have only had time to give it a cursory 
reading. I shall of course remain here until the arrival 
of Mr. Dallas, whom I expect by the Collins steamer 
which was to leave New York on the i6th inst. I trust 
I may not be disappointed. Whether I shall return 
home immediately after his arrival, or go to Paris and 
the Continent until the end of March, I have not de- 
termined. I am a wretched sailor and always sick at 
sea, and the roughest and longest passages are made in 
March. Everybody advises me not to select the season 
of the equinoctial gales for crossing the Atlantic. Be- 
sides, I have not yet been in Paris. I have not deter- 
mined, however, what I shall do. 

I shall direct this letter to Harrisburg, presuming you 
will be there on its arrival in the United States. What- 
ever may be the result of the spontaneous exertions of 
my friends in favor of my nomination, I shall have one 
sotirce of satisfaction demanding my everlasting grati- 
tude. My own noble State, God forever bless her! has 
not deserted me in the day of trial, but has covered me 
with the mantle of her power. Words would be but a 
vain expression of my feelings toward her noble Democ- 
racy ; and if I were to employ such as my heart dictates, 
they would be considered extravagant. 

Lord Palmerston, in two recent speeches in the House 
of Commons on the recruitment and Crampton question 
has done great injustice both to the Administration and 
myself. By stating part of the facts and suppressing 
the remainder inseparably connected with them, he has 



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382 APPENDIX 

given the question a coloring far, very far difEerent from 
the truth, as will appear when the correspondence is 
published. In great haste and with high esteem I re- 
main always your friend, 

Jambs Buchanan. 



Legation of the United States, 
London, March 7, 1856. 

My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i8th 
ult., and note your prediction of my nomination. I 
confess I am not now and never have been sanguine ; 
but time will show. 

Well, I have now certain information, through Gen. 
Campbell, the Consul, that Mr. Dallas and his son, as 
Minister and Secretary of Legation, will be here in the' 
Atlantic, about the middle of next week. It is my 
present purpose, soon after his arrival, to pay a brief 
visit to Paris and the Continent, and to reach home 
some time in April. It is more than probable I may 
embark from Havre; but I can settle nothing until 
Mr. Dallas shall make his appearance. Some friends 
advise me to remain abroad and others to come home 
immediately. In this contrariety of opinion I shall take 
my own course. Being a bad sailor, I do not choose to 
encounter the equinoctial gales by leaving in the month 
of March. Besides, it would be absiu-d for me to rettun 
home without having seen Paris. 

Mr. Dallas must have great faith in Gen. Pierce's 
reflection, or he would not have accepted the mission 
and brought all his family with him. 

I thank you for directing my attention to the subject 
of the Missouri Compromise . Would it be wise to make 



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APPENDIX 383 

its constitutionality or the revenue a plank in the plat- 
form? Would it be good policy to make an assault 
upon those Democrats who maintained it in opposition 
to the Kansas-Nebraska bill, provided they are now 
willing in good faith to maintain the settlement as it 
exists? The question has been settled by Congress, 
and this settlement should be inflexibly maintained. 
We shall need all the strength we can honorably obtain. 
Then why go behind the existing law; and by doing 
so drive from our ranks many Northern Democrats, 
and many honest and independent anti-Free Soil Whigs 
who are quite willing to maintain that law as it stands? 

It is well known how I labored in company with 
Southern men, to have the Missouri line extended to the 
Pacific. But it was defeated, and the time for it has 
forever passed away. The only mode now left of put- 
ting down and keeping down the fanatical and reckless 
spirit of abolition at the North, is to adhere to the 
existing settlement without the shadow of change, re- 
gardless of any storm which may be raised against it. 
"Noltmius leges Angliae mutare." This is altogether 
confidential and for yourself alone. I begin to receive 
interrogatories from the United States which I shall not 
answer, however easy this might be. I have now a 
well-written letter of this character before me from 
"Mr. James N. Shino," dated "Montezuma, Henrico 
county, Va., Feb. ii, 1856." 

After the receipt of this, when you write, which I 
trust you will not fail to do, direct to me to the care of 
the Hon. J. Y. Mason, United States Minister, Paris. 
Just drop your letter into the Post Office without pre- 
payment, and it will come direct. Ever your friend^ 
very respectfully, 

James Buchanan. 



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INDEX 



Administimtioii. anxiety of the, aaz. 

"Angelica.** 40. 

Anti-Leoompton Democrats, ii, x 7 . 79i 9Z . 

Appendix, ii, 159. 

Appropriations, ii. 34. 

AragD. steamship. Mr. Jones takes pas- 
sage on, from Southampton for New 
York, ii, lai. 

Attorney-general, deputy, Mr. Jones is 
appointed, for Berks county. 141. 

Austria, Mr. Jones is appointed minister 
to, ii, 91; his departure for, ii, 94: his 
return from, ii, zas. 

Bangor church. Churchtown, Pa., a4. a?. 

Barton, Rxy. Thomas, 38, 47. 

Bbmton. Thomas H., a 14; death of, ii, 
43. 

Berki county. Pennsylvania. Welsh set- 
tlement in. 13; tribute of the bar of, 
to Mr. Jones' memory, ii, 156. 

Beverly. N. J., 68. 

Black Warrior, affair of, a 13. 

Brecldnridge-Cutting affair, axo. 

Brooks, Prbston S., assault of, upon 
Charles Sumner, 333. 

Buchanan, Jambs, 107; Mr. Jones' de- 
fence of. in the House of Representa- 
tives, 339; letter to, from Mr. Jones 
from Cincinnati. 345; Mr. Jones* se- 
lection for the Cabinet of. 348; peti- 
tion of citizens of Reading to, 366; 
letteiB of, to Mr. Jones about his Cab- 
inet, 358, 363, 37 x; letteiB from, to 
Mr. Jones, Appendix ii. 364. 

Budapest, trip of Mr. Jones to, ii. xox. 

Bull. Rbv. Lbvi, 48. 

Burlinoamb, Anson, rejected as Mr. 
Jones' successor as minister to Aus- 
tria, U, ZZ7. 

Cabinet. Mr. Jones is selected as a mem- 
ber of Mr. Buchanan's. 348. 

Cadwaladbr. John, letter of. to Mr. 
Jones, ii. XS4* 

Call of the House, ii. 44. 

Cass. Lbwxs. despatches to. Appendix. 

Chasb, Bishop Pbilanobr. ss* 

Christ church, Reading, Penn., reso- 
lutions of the vestry of, 65. 



Churchtown, Pemisylvania, a7; school- 
house in, a8; old Bangor church at, a?. 

Cincinnati, Ohio, Journey from Philadel- 
phia to, 60; convention at, 345: Mr. 
Jones' letter from, 343 ; prominent part 
of Mr. Jones in convention at, 345. 

Clarkson, Rbv. Josbpb. 48. 

CocBRANB, John, letter from, to Mr. 
Jones, 357. 

Conestoga river. Pexmsylvania, settle- 
ments on. X3. z6, ao. 

Conestoga wagons, sx. 

Conestoga valley, negro slavery in, as; 
leaders in. »$', Welsh settlen in. as; 
Indians in, 3 x ; Bnfl^h scholan in, 47 ; 
changes in, 48; decline of, $»; dergy 
in. 53. 

Congress. Mr. Jones is elected to, iss* 
aoa, »6o, 34s: is renominated for. ii, 
8x ; is defeated for. u, 88. 

Congressional rampaign of 1838, ii. 79. 

Cooperstown. N. J., 68. 

Court of Claims, bill to create. a45: 
jurisdiction of, 334. 

Crampton, John P., British minister, 
recall of, 338. 

Cutting-Breddnridge affair, axo. 

Davibs, Blizabbth, X9; marriage of. ao. 

Davibs. John. 39. 

Davibs, Maroarbt. 39; marriage of, 39. 

Davibs, Wiluam, X9. 

Debate, long, over Democratic plat- 
form. a68. 

Decade between 1830 and X840, 69. 

Democrate, attitude of, in the Civil War. 
ii. Z33- 

Democraticstateoommittee,Mr. Jonesbe- 
oomeschairmanof , X44 ; his address, X 45 

Democratic state convention, Mr. Jones 
is president of, as^i his address be- 
fore, asa. 

Diary of Mr. Jones, ii, xoo. 

Dixmer, public, tendered to Mr. Jones 
by citizens of Philadelphia, ii, so; by 
citizens of Reading, ii, 95. 

Diplomatic correspondence. Appendix. 

DoANB. Bishop Oborgb Wasbinoton 
6a; letters from, 6a. 

Dome of the capitol, U, 7. 

385 



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386 



INDEX 



Easton Lyceum, Mr. Jooes' address be- 
fore, xe4* 

English mission, Mr. Jones is suggested 
for, 948. 

EvAKS, Rbv. EvAM, 19. 

Filibustering, ii, 37* 

FiLLMORB, Millard, retirement of, 

ixom the Presidency, 194. 
Finances of the country, ii, 96. 
Financial panic of, 1837. 69. 
Florida, journey from Philadelphia to 7a. 
Fox hunting. 14; 96. 

Georgia, letter of leading members of 
Congress from, asldng Mr. Jones to be 
excused from visit to, 343> 

Olanct, Owsm, 45- 

Glamct, Sarah, 45, 

Grbblbt, Horacb, letters from, to Mr. 
Jones, ii, XS3- 

Harnbt, Gbnbral. act to enable, to 
perform his engagements with the 
Sioux Indians, ii, 99. 

Heidelberg, township of, arrest in. ii. 
131; address of Mr. Jones to cittsens 
of, B, 13 X. 

Heidelberg, visit of Mr. Jones to. ii. x X9. 

House of Representatives. Mr. Jones be- 
comes leader of his party in, 965; new 
and old halls of, ii, 4; call of, ii, 44. 

HuoRBs, Rbv. Grzppith, 47* 

Ilumo. Rbv. Trauood Frxbdrjcb, 48. 
Indian affairs, ii, 65. 
Indians in the Coxiestoga valley, 3X. 
Iron, manufacture of, in the Conestoga 

valley, 13, 93. 
Ischl, Austria, visit of Mr. Jones to, ii, 

X03. 

Jackson, Andrbw, Mr. Jones' eulogy 
upon, xxs. 

J0NB8, Anna Rodman, 69. 

J0NB8, Calbb. 38. 

J0NB8, Cbarlbs Hbnrt, 68. 

J0NB8, David, xo, X9; marriage of, 19. 
90. 

J0NB8, Eluabbtr, 67. 

J0NB8, EsTHBR Rodman, 69. 

JONBB, HnoB, xo. 

JoNBs, Colonbl Jonathan, 38* Re- 
sides near Reading. 41; raises troops 
in Caernarvon township, 4s; career 
of, 43; children of, 45. 

JoNBs, J. Glanct, birth of, 50; educa- 



tion of, 54; marriage of, 58; enters the 
mixustry, 65: at Chew's T<anding and 
Berkeley, N. J., 66; at Spottswood, 
N. J., 67; at TM^llingboro and Bever^ 
I7. N. J.. 68; at Quincy, Fla., 71. 75 : 
studies law. 77; admitted to the bar. 
78; at Blkton. Md., 79; •^ Easton« 
Peim., 80; his fife at Baston. 80; ad- 
dress upon the tariff, 89; addresses 
before the Easton Lyceum, X04: takes 
an active part in the Piesidential 
campaign c^ x844i m; at Reading. 
Pexm., XX9; fuxieral oration on An- 
drew Jackson, xxs; li^e in Reading, 
X9s; 1^ activity there, X37; becomes 
Deputy Attorney General, 141; dele- 
gate to the National Democratic Con- 
vention of X848; active part in the 
Presidentia] campaign of, 1848. X44; ' 
becomes chairman of the Democratic 
State Committee, X44; his address, 
X45; as R leader, xsx; is elected to 
Congress, 155; residence in Washing- 
ton, XS7; is appointed a member of 
the Committee of Ways and Means. 
158; his ill health. X58: slavery agita- 
tion. X 60; his speech in the House on 
the tariff, 165; letter of. upon Presi- 
dent Pierce's Cabinet, 193; reputation 
becomes national, 197, 3x5; declines 
a reflection to Congress, 198; is 
reflected to Congress without soUd- 
tataon on his part, 909; takes his seat 
in the 33d Congress, 903 ; his residence 
in Washington, 903: speech on the 
Mexican Treaty, 9x6; takes charge of 
and passes the bill establishing the 
Court of Claims, 946; is suggested for 
the English mission, 948; letter to the 
printeiB of Reading. 949; ie chosen to 
preside over the Democratic State 
Convention at Harrisburg. 9Ss; his 
speech, 959; his activity in political 
aiSairs. 956; is elected to Congress for 
his third term, 960; is suggested for 
Governor of Kansas, 963; becomes 
the leader of his party in the House of 
Representatives, 965*. the platform 
of Democratic principles drafted by 
him. 966; his long debate thereon. 
968; his defence of the Constitution. 
3x5; notes ^m President Pierce, 399; 
his interpretation of the jurisdiction 
of the Court of Claims, 394; his de- 
feiace of Mr. Buchanan in the House 
of Representatives, 399: bis visit to 
Georgia, 343; his active part in the 



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387 



Presidential campaign of 1856, 344; 
letter from Cincittnati to Mr. Buchan- 
an. 345 : ia nominated and elected to 
Congress for the fourth time, 345; his 
prominent part in the Cincinnati con- 
vention, 345; bis residence in Wash- 
ington, 347: bis selection for Mr. 
Buchanan's Cabinet, 348; letters to 
Mr. Jones thereon from Mr. Bu- 
chanan, 358. 363. 371 ; letter to, from 
Hon. Henry May, 367; his speech at 
Bloomsburg, Penn., 374*. is appointed 
chairman of the Committee of Ways 
and Means, ii. a; residence of, in 
Washington, ii, 4: letter to Dcono- 
crats of Philadelphia, ii. 5: speech 
to dtisens of Waslungton upon the 
admission of Kansas under the Le- 
oompton constitution, ii» x8; remarks 
upon agreement with Sioux Indians, 
ii, 39; remarks upon the revenues 
and finances of the country, ii, 96; 
speech in Washington on Mayor Ber- 
ra's election, ii, 40; o£Fer of public 
dinner to. by Philadelphia Democrats 
ii. so; letter to. ii, 52 *. speech of, upon 
Utah rebellion, ii, 6x ; is renominated 
for Congress, ii, 81 ; speech at serenade 
in Washington, ii, 8x; is defeated for 
Congress, ii, 88; is appointed Minister 
to Austria, ii, 91 ; his speech in Wash- 
ington, ii, 93; his departure for Aus- 
tria, ii, 94 ; is tendered a public dinner, 
ii, 9S; Us residence in Vienna, ii, 99, 
xoo; his diary, is, xoo; trip to Buda- 
pest, ii, xox; visit to Ischl, ii, X03; 
visit to salt works, ii, 104* 106; visit 
of, to Maria Zell, ii, xo8; return of. to 
Reading, ii, 193; his reply to address 
of welcome, ii, X96; address to dtisens 
of Heidelberg township, ii, 13 x; his 
address in defence of the Union, ii, 
134: views upon negro su£Erage,ii, 139; 
his plea for political honesty, ii, 149; 
letters of Horace Greeley to, ii, xss; 
his death, ii, is$; tribute of the Read- 
ing Daily Times to the xnemory of, 
ii, 155; testimonial of the Berks 
County Bar to, ii, X56; diplomatic 
correspondence of. Appendix; letters 
from Mr. Buchanan to. Appendix. 

J0NB8, Jambs Glanct, 195. 

JONBS. Jbbu, 45* 

JoNBS, KaTBBKINB, XXX. 

J0NB6, Major Jobn, 38. 
JONBS, Mary. 79. 

JONBS, RlCBMOND L., 76. 



J0NB8, Rbv. William, xo. 
JoNBs, William Rodman. 63. 

Kansas, territory of, 961, 393. 333; Mr. 
Jones is suggested as Governor of, 363 , 
refusal of Congress to admit under 
Topeka constitution. 333; admission 
of, to the Union under the Lecompton 
constitution, ii, xs; rejoicing over, ii, 
x8; Mr. Jones* speech to the dtisexu 
of Washington upon. ii. x8; final 
admisdon of, to the Union, ii, x8. 

Kansas-Nebraska bill, 303, 309, 393; 
last scene in the Kansas-Nebraska 
draxna, ii, 9. 

Kenyon College, 53; BCr. Jones' educa^ 
tion there, 53. 

Know-nothing party, 338. 

K068UTH, Louis, 163. 

Lanb, Josbph, of Oregon, speech at 
serenade to Mr. Jones, ii, 93. 

Lawrence, Kansas, insurrectionary 
movement at, ii, xo. 

Lecompton constitution, ii, 9, xx; Kan- 
sas admitted under, ii, xs; rejoidng 
over, ii, x8; Mr. Jones' speech, ii, x8. 

Lecompton government of Kansas, rec- 
ognised by Congress, ii, X7. 

Loan bill, ii, 36, 33. 

London, vidt of Mr. Jones to, ii. X30. 

"Main line," the, X4. 

Maria Zell, vidt of Mr. Jones to. U. xo8. 

Mat. Hon. Hbnrt, letter from, to Mr. 
Jones, 367. 

Mbigs, Captain Montgombrt C, letter 
from, to Mr. Jones, ii, 7* 

Mexican treaty, 3x4; speech of Mr, 
Jones thereon. 3x3. 

MiPPLiN. Gbn. Tbomas, 40. 

Mixmesota, admitted as a State into the 
Union, ii, 39- 

Morgantown. Peimsylvania, 39. 

Morgantown road, 34. 

Motlbt. J. Lothrop. Mr. Jones' suc- 
cessor as Minister to Austria, ii, 1x7, 
xx8. 

National conventions of, z844i 109; of 
X848, X4x; of x8s6, 34S- 

Negro slavery, 33; failure of the revo- 
lutionary party in Kaxisas to meet 
the issue of, ii, xs; established in 
Kansas, ii, 13. 

Negro suffrage, Mr. Joxses' views upon 
ii. 139. 



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388 



INDEX 



Neutrality laws, ii. 71. 
Nicaragua, ii, 67. 

Pacific railroad, ii. 78. 

Panic of 1837. 69: of 1857. ii. 30. 

Pazaguay. expedition to. ii, 56. 

Paris, visit of Mr. Jones to, u, 119. 

Pawling family, 45. 

Philadelphia Democrate, letter to. from 

Mr. Jones, ii, 5; offer of dinner by, to 

Mr. Jones, ii. 50; letter of Mr. Jones 

to, ii, 51. 
PiBRCB, Franklin, his inauguration as 

Ptwidcnt, Z94 ; his Cabiaet. 19s ; letter 

of, to Mr. Jones, ass; notes from, to 

Mr. Jones, 3 a a. 
Postal system. H, a9. 
Presidential campaigns of 1844* no, 

xxx; of X848, X44; of i8s6, 344. 
Printers of Reading, Penn., Mr. Jones' 

letter to, a49. 
PoUtical honesty, plea of Mr. Jones for, 

ii. X49. 

Ouincy, Pla., 7a, 7s. 

OviTicAN. Gbn. John A., u,66, 7a, 77. 

Reading Daily Times, txibute of, to Mr. 
Jones* memory, ii, 153. 

Reading, Pennsylvania, a4. xxa; peti- 
tion of dtixens of, to Mr. Buchanan, 
366; Mr. Jones' departure fxom, for 
Austria, ii, 94; tender of public din- 
ner by dtisens of, to Mr. Jones, ii, 95 ; 
Mr. Jones' return to, ii, x 33; his re- 
ception by the dtisens, ii, zas; riot 
in railroad shops at, ii. 13a. 

Republican party. a6o. 

Revenue, ii, a6. 

RiDOBLT, Rbv. G. W., s8. 

Riot in Reading Railroad shops, ii. 133; 
ringleader of, shot, ii, 133. 

RooicAN, Anna, 58. 

Rodman. Hon. William, 5^. 

St. David's church, Radnor, 19. 

St. Thomas' church, Morgantown, 37, 39. 

Salt works. Mr. Jones' visit to, ii, X04, 
X06. 

Sbward. William H., ii, 99; despatches 
from ii, iz8; despatches to. Appen- 
dix, ii, 375. 

Sioux Indians, ti, aa; Mr. Jones' speech 
upon, ii, aa. 

Slavery, in Caernarvon township. 33; 
agitation of, x6o; agitation of, re- 
opened, 303, 3x5; failure of revolu- 



tionary party in Kansas to meet issue 
of. ii, 13; adopted in Kansas, ii, 13. 

Sparrow, Dr. Wiluam, s5- 

Speakership, kmg contest over, 367. 

"Squatter sovereignty," U, 16; repudi- 
ated by the Cincinnati platform, ii, 17 : 
afterwards caused split in the Demo- 
cratic party, ii, X7. 

Stage-coaches, sx. 

SuMNBR, Charlbs, Rssault upon. 333. 

Tariff, Mr. Jones' address thereon at 
Baston, 8x: his speech thereon in the 
House of Repreaentatives, 163; re- 
marks thereon by Mr. Jones, ii, 38. 

Taxation, burden of. ii, 31. 

Topeka, Kansas, revolutionary govern- 
ments formed at, a6a; refusal of Con- 
gress to recognise the revolutionary 
PATty at, 333; refusal of Congress to 
admit Kansas under constitution 
formed at. 333; revolutionary govern- 
ment at, ii, 10. 

Utah, rebellion in the territory of, ii, 59; 

Mr. Jones' speech thereon, ii, 6z. 
Union, struggles for the preservation of 

the, 315: Mr. Jones' speech in defence 

of the, ii, Z34. 

Volunteers, regiments of, authorized, 

ii. 63; 
Vienna, Austria. Mr. Jones' residence 

in. ii, 99, 100; sightseeing in. ii, zx6. 

Walkbr, William, ii. 66. 

Wannbr, Jobl B., nutyor of Reading, 

his address of welcome to Mr. Jones. 

iif xa4. 
Washington, speeches of Mr. Jones to 

dtisens of , ii, x8;ii, 40; ii. 8x;ii, 9a. 
"Water Witch" fired on, u, 57. 
Ways and Means, committee of. Mr. 

Jones becomes member of. 158; Mr. 

Jones becomes chairman of. ii. a; 

duties of chairman of. ii, a. 
Welsh immigration into Pexmsylvania, x 
Welsh Mountain, ao. 
Welsh settlers in the Conestoga Valley , a 5 . 
Welsh tract, 3. 

Whig party, disintegration of, 19$. 
WUlingboro township, New Jereey, Mr. 

Jones* residence thcurdn, 68. 

WiNTRROP, ROBBRT C, ii, XOO. 

YouNG.BRiOHAM.rebellionof .against the 
govenmient of the United States, ii. .59 



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