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rhe LIFE and PUBLIC SERVICES of
J. GLANCY JONES
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The LIFE
AND PUBLIC SERVICES
of
J. GLANCY JONES
»^
CHARLES HENRY JONES
IN TWO VOLUMES
Vol. II
PHILADELPHIA €«f LONDON
J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY
1910
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I
1 v:
35769B
COPTBlGBTy 1910^ BT }. B. LlPPINCOTT COMPANT
Published June, 1910
Prinltd hy J. B, Uppincvn C%mptmy
Tki Washington Squart Pnsi, PhiloMphia^ V, S. A
Sold by order of
Directors Sept. 19, 1924.
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CONTENTS
Chapter XXI.
Organization of the Thirty-fifth Congress — Mr. Jones is ap-
pointed chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means—
The ardnons duties of his position — Congress meets for the
first time in the new wings of the Capitol — ^The old Hall of
Representatives — Letter to the Democrats of Philadelphia
— ^The admission of Kansas as a State under the Lecompton
Constitution — ^Mr. Jones is serenaded and makes a speech
after the admission of Kansas into the Union
Chapter XXII.
Remarks of Mr. Jones in the House of Representatives upon
the agreement with the Sioux Indians — ^The tariff — ^The
revenue — ^The postal system — ^The panic of 1857 and the
loan bill — ^The admission of Minnesota as a State into the
Union 72
Chapter XXIII.
Speech of Mr. Jones in Washington at the meeting ratifying the
• nomination of Colonel Berret for mayor — Death of Thomas
X H. Benton — ^A call of the House — Reply of Mr. Jones to a
*Z^ public testimonial offered him by the citizens of Philadel-
, phia — ^The expedition against Paraguay 40
I
^ Chapter XXIV.
^ The military expedition against the Territory of Utah — Re-
«. marks of Mr. Jones upon the appropriation therefor — ^Re-
\ marks of Mr. Jones upon the Indian appropriation bill —
^ Walker's expedition against Nicaragua — ^Remarks of Mr.
^ Jones against filibustering — The Pacific Railroad 59
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vi CONTENTS
Chapter XXV.
The heated political campaign of 1858 — ^Mr. Jones' unanimous
renomination for Congress for his fifth term by the Demo-
crats of Berks County — His visit to Washington — ^Is sere-
naded by citizens — His speech to the crowd from the bal-
cony of his residence — ^A split in the party — ^Lecompton
and Anti-Lecompton Democrats — ^Mr. Jones is opposed by
a candidate without distinction of party — ^A memorable
contest — ^Mr. Jones ' defeat by nineteen votes — Is appointed
Minister to Austria — ^Resigns his seat in Congress — ^Visit to
Washington — Speech in response to a serenade — ^Mr. Jones'
departure for Austria 79
Chapter XXVI.
Mr. Jones' residence in Vienna — ^Rights of neutrals upon the
high seas — ^Mr. Jones' diplomatic correspondence — ^Visit of
Robert C. Winthrop and William H. Seward to Vienna —
Mr. Jones' diary — The election of Abraham Lincoln — ^Ap-
pointment of Anson Burlingame as Mr. Jones' successor —
His rejection by the Austrian Government — Mr. Jones con-
sents to remain temporarily — ^Appointment of J. Lothrop
Motley as his successor — ^Mr. Jones' return to America —
His diary 98
Chapter XXVII.
Mr. Jones' reception by the citizens of Reading — Speech of the
mayor — ^Mr. Jones' reply — ^Mr. Jones returns to the prac-
tice of his profession — ^March of the farmers of Heidelberg
Township to Reading — ^The " Knights of the Golden Circle "
— ^A mob at the Reading Railroad shops — ^The leader shot
dead — ^Mr. Jones acts as attorney for the defendant — His
acquittal — ^Mr. Jones ' speech upon the preservation of the
Union 123
Chapter XXVIII.
Mr. Jones' views upon negro suffrage — ^A plea for political hon-
esty — ^The Presidential campaign of 187a — Letters from
Horace Greeley — Letter from the Hon. John Cadwalader —
Death of Bfr. Jones — ^Resolutions upon his death adopted
by the Bar of Berks County 139
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CONTENTS vii
APPENDIX
Diplomatic Corrbspondencb op J. Glancy Jonbs while
Minister to Austria.
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass i6i
Mr. Jones to Count Buol-Schauenstein 165
Count Buol-Schauenstein to Mr. Jones 165
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 166
Baron Werner to Mr. Jones 168
Mr. Lippitt to Secretary Cass 169
Mr. Jackson to Count Buol-Schauenstein 171
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 171
Baron Werner to Mr. Jones 175
Mr. Lippitt to Secretary Cass 176
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 176
Mr. Remak to Mr. Jones 1 78
Mr. Jones to Commodore Lavalette 179
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 181
Mr. Remak to Mr. Jones 186
Mr. Remak to Commodore Lavalette 188
Mr. Jones to Mr. Remak 190
Mr. Jones to Count Buol-Schauenstein 193
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 193, 195, 203, 206, 219, 220, 228
Mr. Jones to Count Rechberg 228
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 229
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 236
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 237
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 238
Mr. Jones to Secretary Cass 239, 247, 248
Mr. Jones to Count Rechberg 252
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 253
Mr. Jones to Count Rechberg 255
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 257
Mr. Jones to Baron KOnneritz 258
Baron KOnneritz to Mr. Jones 260
Mr. Jones to Secretary Black 265
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 272
Mr. Jones to Baron Koller 273
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 274
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 275
Fundamental Laws of the State 278
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 283, 238
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viii CONTENTS
Mr. Burlingame to Secretary Seward ago
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 292
Mr. Jones to Cotint Rechberg 398
Baron KoUer to Mr. Jones 300
Mr. Jones to Cotint Rechberg 301
Baron Koller to Mr. Jones 302
Baron Meysenburg to Mr. Jones 305
Mr. Jones to Count Rechbo-g 306
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 309, 311
Rescript to the Hungarian Diet 313
Mr. Motley to Secretary Seward 326
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 327
Colonel Madardsz to Mr .Jones 338
Mr. Jones to Colonel Madardsz 341
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 342, 345
Count Rechberg to Mr. Jones 358
Mr. Jones to Secretary Seward 359, 361, 363
Letters from James Buchanan to J. Glancy Jones 364
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rhe LIFE
AND PUBLIC SERVICES
J. GLANCY JONES
CHAPTER XXI.
Organization of the Thirty-fifth Congress — ^Mr. Jones is appointed
chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means — ^The arduous
duties of his position — Congress meets for the first time in the new
wings of the Capitol — ^The old Hall of Representatives — Letter
to the Democrats of Philadelphia — ^The admission of Kansas as a
State under the Lecompton Constitution — ^Mr. Jones is serenaded
and makes a speech after the admission of Kansas into the Union.
THE first session of the Thirty-fifth Congress
met at Washington on the 7th of Decem-
ber, 1857, and James L. Orr of South
Carolina was elected Speaker of the House. The
vote was as follows:
James L. Orr, Democrat 128
Galusha A. Grow, Republican 84
Felix K. ZoUicoffer 3
Lewis D. Campbell 3
H. Winter Davis 2
James B. Ricaud 2
Humphrey Marshall " i
Francis P. Blair, Jr i
Valentine B. Horton i
Vol II.— 1 1
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2 Th€ LIFE Mf J. GLANCY JONES
There were in this Congress 128 Democrats,
92 Republicans (among whom was that bold
Abolitionist, Owen Lovejoy), and 14 Native
Americans; from which it wfll be seen that the
opposition to the Democratic party, which was
divided into so many factions at the opening of
the last Congress, had been gathered into the
ranks of the Republican party, which had been
organized at Cincinnati in 1854, and that this
new party had suffered a signal defeat. It will
be observed, also, by the large Democratic
majority, that the country had endorsed the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the exist-
ence of slavery in the Territories of the United
States, and the right of the people of the Terri-
tories to settle the question of slavery for them-
selves, at the proper time, within their own
borders.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones retained his position as
the recognized leader of the House by his selec-
tion as chairman of the Committee of Ways and
Means. It is not possible in the limited space of
a biography to convey to the reader, by the cita-
tion of one or two speeches, any idea of the abil-
ity, labor, and parliamentary sldll required upon
the floor of the House from the man who, as chair-
man of the Committee of Ways and Means, has
charge of all the legislative measures that are
necessary for the administration of the Grovem-
ment. His name appears very frequently upon the
records of the proceedings of the House. He en-
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CHAIRMAN of WAYS and MEANS 3
counters diflficulties at every step, in the form of
amendments, opposition, and criticism. He must
be eqtiipped with a thorough knowledge of the
workings of the Grovemment in all its departments,
not only in their customary but in their extra-
ordinary details. He mtist be prepared with
readiness to repel the attacks of the skilful and
able members of the opposition, who at every
turn seek to embarrass the party in power, and
he must also be prepared to answer those who
seek for information. The arrangement of the
business of the House is largely under his control,
and he must see to it that the time of the House
iis not wasted, and that the measures in his charge
get through without hindrance or delay. It is
no wonder this position is universally conceded
to be one of the most dfficult, responsible, and
distinguished places in the machinery of the Grov-
emment, and that the man who fills it should be
regarded as the leader upon the floor of the House.
Mr. Jones, when he came to this position, was
well equipped with the necessary legislative ex-
perience, acquired in his service through six ses-
sions of the House, and he discharged the duties
of this high position with distinguished ability
and success through the long session of the Thirty-
fifth Congress. His fellow-members upon the Com-
mittee were John S. Phelps of Missouri, Nathaniel
P. Banks of Massachusetts, John Letcher of Vir-
ginia, Lewis D. Campbell of Ohio, H. Winter Davis
of Maryland, John Kelly of New York, William A.
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4 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Howard of Michigan, and James F. Dowdell of
Alabama.
This was the first Congress that occupied the
new wings of the Capitol building. The House
met for the last time in the old Hall of Represen-
tatives — ^that grand old hall, with its semicircle
of massive J^^ay columns and its half -dome over-
head, its row of elevated desks at the back,
between the columns, where the sons of the mem-'
bers often used to sit, and its deep galleries for
spectators, with their heavy draperies, behind
the coltmMis, and the Speaker's chair. It is so
rich in its associations, and was such a dignified
and appropriate place for the deliberations of the
Representatives of a great people, and such a
suitable setting for the brilliant scenes that were
enacted there in the first half-century of the
nation's existence. How favorably does this old
HaU compare with the plain quadrilateral cham-
ber that has taken its place!
The House removed to its new Hall in the south
wing of the Capitol on Wednesday, December
i6, 1857.
During this session Mr. Jones occupied with
his family a residence at No. 476 H Street.
After the meeting of Congress Mr. Jones was
invited to address a meeting of the Democrats
of Philadelphia, but the laborious duties of his
position as chairman of the Committee of Wa3rs
and Means made this impossible. He therefore
wrote the following letter declining the invitation:
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PHILADELPHIA DEMOCRATS 5
Washington, Dec. 26th, 1857.
Gentlemen: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of yotir invitation to attend a meeting of the
Democracy of Philadelphia, to be held on Monday
next, for the purpose of sustaining the message of the
President. I regret that my duties here compel me to
forego the pleasure it would afford me to accept your
invitation. The message is one which has my hearty
and cordial approval. The doctrine of popular sov-
ereignty is now a settled and integral part of the
Democratic creed; so, also, is its correlative, that of
non-intervention by Congress in the domestic affairs
of the Territories. As ours is a government of law and
order, the popular will of the Territory can only be
known through its legal representatives.
The mode and manner of conveying that will to the
Federal Government, belongs exclusively to the people
of the Territory. If they direct that it shall be made
known only through the popular suffrage, ratifjong the
acts of their representatives, it can be received in no
other form. If they authorize their representatives to
speak for them, without submission, or by partial sub-
mission to the popular vote, it is alike binding ; for while ,
in each and every case, we have no right to dictate,
suggest or intervene, I consider it the highest attribute
of popular sovereignty to allow the people of a Terri-
tory, not only to form and control their own domestic
institutions, but to do this in their ovm way, and not
the way that Congress may suggest. Kansas has done
this. The President has no legal knowledge of the
popular will there, except through its own chosen
representatives. If he were to reject or disregard this,
it would not only ntallify the acts of popular sovereign-
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6 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ty, commtinicated to him through legitimate chamiels,
but it wotdd be intervention with a high hand, and an
Executive usurpation far more odious than Congres-
sional. The new doctrine that the popular will cannot
be made known through its own chosen agents, if it
be their will so to do, is an abridgment of sovereignty —
a limitation of the power of the people, imposed on
them by Congress, which assumes, without Consti-
tutional authority, to exercise it. It is setting up a
higher law than the Constitution, inasmuch as it
abrogates the whole system of representative govern-
ment.
I recognize in the people of Kansas, when they are
sufficiently ntmierous, the absolute right, in the exer-
cise of sovereign power, to settle their domestic insti-
tutions ; and I recognize it as one of the highest attri-
butes of that sovereignty, that they may choose their
own way, their own mode and manner. If the Execu-
tive or Congress can dictate the manner, or compel
them to select a particular mode, other than that of
their own choosing, then popular sovereignty is a
farce. If the agents abuse the trust, to whom are they
responsible? To the people, if they are sovereign —
to Congress, if the people are not sovereign. If the
Constitution of Kansas is not acceptable to the people
of Kansas, it is easy for them to change it; popular
sovereignty concedes them that right. But if Congress
attempts to change it. Congressional sovereignty sup-
ersedes popular sovereignty, and the battle of 1856
has been fought in vain. I have no regard for the
Lecompton Convention, or its Constitution, except so
far as it is the manifestation of the will of a sovereign
people, made known through their own agents. It is
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The DOME of the CAPITOL 7
because I am botind to regard this Constitution as the
act of the people, and not of the Convention, that I
accept it. I acknowledge the right of the people of
Elansas to abrogate, alter, or amend this Constitution.
I deny that right to the Executive, or to Congress.
With these views, my sympathies and feelings are
with you.
Very truly yotirs,
J. Glancy Jonbs.
To Gborgb Plitt, Esq., and others, Conrniittee.
Among other things, Mr. Jones took a deep
interest, while he was chairman of the Committee
of Wa3rs and Means, in the building of the dome
of the Capitol at Washington. Captain Montgom-
ery C. Meigs, who built it, having learned that he
entertained some doubt of the security of the
foundations, wrote to him the following letter:
Washington, D. C, 24th Jtme, 1858.
Hon. J. Glancy Jones,
Reading, Pa.
My dear Sir:
Mr. Houston called to-day and told me he had letters
from you showing that you had some tmeasiness about
the Dome and the strength of its foundations.
There has been much talk on this subject, I am
informed, though I supposed I had put an end to it
by a report made to the Committee of Ways and
Means on the 5th of March, 1856. It is Mis. Doc. No.
65, 34th Congress, ist Session.
The fact is that the Dome rests upon a wall 5 feet
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8 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
thick and 300 feet long, which gives, upon each sqiiare
foot, a presstire of only about 10,000 lbs.
There are Domes in Europe upon which the pres-
sure is 90,000 lbs. to each sqtiare foot, or nine times
as great, and I do not believe the masonry is any
better, for the masonry of such btiildings as Saint
Paul's, and others of that time, is not good.
They had not the habit of using as freely as we do
hydraulic mortar. The upper part of the masonry of
this Dome was built by myself, and is such a piece of
brick-work as is not to be found elsewhere.
The bricks are laid in cement mortar and are bonded
together by hoop iron bands. By the use of this
system, Mr. Brtmel built for an experiment a half arch
projecting 60 feet from the face of a pier like a bracket ;
an arch which, if completed by building from another
pier the remaining half to meet it, would have been
a brick arch of 120 feet span and twelve feet rise.
This brick masonry of the Dome, it is true, rests upon
the old walls of the Rotunda, but these are much larger
below than above, and have had 30 years to settle
and harden.
The whole weight is not much greater than that
which the keel and keel-blocks of the Minnesota Steam
Frigate supported when ready for launching. If a
wooden keel of 300 feet in length and only some i&
inches in width could carry this weight, certainly it
seems probable that a stone and brick wall of 5 feet
width and 300 feet length should be able to carry it.
The Dome has not made as much progress as I
could wish. I have had some difficulties in making
contracts. These, I hope, are out of the way. I have
had much intrigue to meet lately, and perhaps I have
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The DOME of the CAPITOL 9
given too much attention to it, to the injury of my
work. Had I been less harassed I should have had the
Dome further advanced. While I wish to relieve your
mind from any doubt as to the stabiHty of the Dome,
I do not wish this other matter mentioned.
I have had, always, an efficient support from you
in my work, and I believe I have had this, partly
because you took some interest in the success of a
Pennsylvanian, but principally because you wished to
see an honest man show that it was possible to support
such a position in Washington, and resist the attacks
of the speculators who throng the places where public
money is spent and public contracts are given out.
I therefore write these few lines to assure you that
I have carefully studied the matter of the foimdations
of the Dome, and that I do not think the structure a
bold one.
There were plenty of people who, when Michael
Angelo was building the Dome of Saint Peter's, thought
it would never stand, and I know that when Wren
was building Saint Paul's in London, he was far worse
beset than I have been. Poor Barry was set almost
crazy by disputes at the British Hotises of Parliament.
I am very truly and respectfully yours,
M. C. Meigs,
Captain of Engineers in charge of the Dome.
The last scene in the Kansas-Nebraska drama
was enacted at this session of Congress. The
regular territorial Legislature of Kansas had
ordered an election to be held in October, 1856,
to determine whether it was the will of the people
that a State constitution should be framed. At
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10 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
this election the anti-slavery party which sup-
ported the revolutionary government at Topeka
still refused to vote. It was decided at that elec-
tion that a convention should be held. In pur-
suance of this result, the regular territorial Legis-
lature passed a law directing an election to be
held in June, 1857, for delegates to a convention
to frame a State constitution. Nine thousand
two hundred and fifty-one voters registered in
ptirsuance of this law, which was a perfectly just
and fair law in all its provisions. At this election
the anti-slavery party still persisted in its refusal
to vote. It still continued, in open rebellion,
notwithstanding the action of the last Congress
in refusing to recognize it, to maintain its revolu-
tionary government at Topeka, and to defy the
regular territorial government. It went stiU
further, and started an insurrectionary move-
ment in the town of Lawrence, the hot-bed of
Abolitionism in the Territory, which was only
prevented from extending further by the inter-
vention of United States troops. General Lane,
the military leader of the anti-slavery party,
undertook, by the authority of the Topeka Legis-
lature (which was assuming to act as a State
Legislature, notwithstanding the rejection of its
constitution by Congress), to organize a volunteer
military force, by the enrolment of the insurrec-
tionists, for the purpose of defeating the Consti-
tution and laws of the United States and resisting
the laws passed by the regular territorial Legis-
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The LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 11
lattire. This regular territorial government, it
will be remembered, had been established by Con-
gress, and was recognized and supported by the
President and the Congress of the United States;
and the action of the anti-slavery party in setting
up a hostile State government within the territory
was treasonable in its character and utterly sub-
versive of the authority of the Government of
the United States, and those who encotjraged it
were encouraging anarchy, with all its evil con-
sequences. It was not a question whether the
action of the regular territorial government was
wise or just. It was a question whether it is the
duty of the citizen to submit to the authority of a
government regularly established over him by the
laws of the land, and to obey the law, whether
it accords with his private judgment or not.
At this election a large majority of pro-slavery
delegates were elected to the constitutional con-
vention. This convention, which was the only
legally constituted one held in the Territory, met
at L^ompton and framed a constitution, which
provided for the existence of slavery. The
schedule to the constitution provided for the sub-
mission to the people of the question whether
or not slavery should exist in the prospective
State. All this' transpired during the recess
between the adjournment of the Thirty-fourth
Congress and the meeting of the Thirty-fifth
Congress, in December, 1857. The election was
ordered to be held on December 21, 1857, and the
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12 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ballots to be cast were to read, "Constitution
with Slavery," or "Constitution with no Slavery."
But the adherents of the revolutionary Toi)eka
government, having determined to defy all other
authority in the Territory, refused to take any
part in this election. Accordingly, the result of
the election showed 6226 votes in favor of slavery,
and 569 votes against it. This constitution also
provided for the holding of an election on the
first Monday of January, 1858, for a Governor,
other State officers, a Legislature, and a member
of Congress. The anti-slavery party, abandoning
its former revolutionary attitude, and thereby
recognizing the authority of the regular territorial
government and the constitution which it had
prepared, decided to vote at this election, and a
very warm contest followed, which resulted in
the triumph of the anti-slavery party, and placed
under its control the new State government. It is
apparent from this that there was no foundation
for the charge that a fair election could not be
held under the laws of the regular territorial
government.
The Lecompton constitution was received by
the President January 30, 1858, and was submitted
by him to Congress February 2, 1858, with a
message recommending that Kansas be admitted
into the Union under that constitution. The
Kansas-Nebraska question was now before Con-
gress again, intensified in its bitterness by the
events which had occurred in the Territory and
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The LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 13
by the agitation of that question throughout the
country. Congress had provided by the act of
1854, organizing the Territory, that it should be
allowed to settle its own domestic afiEairs, includ-
ing the question of slavery, in its own way. The
I)eople had now done so, through their regularly
organized government and laws, and by elections
regtdarly held in the only way and by the only
authority that the President and Congress had
authorized, recognized, and sustained. The objec-
tion urged to this constitution was, not that it
had not been regularly formed and adopted, but
that it did not represent the views of a majority
of the people in the Territory, because certain
people there had refused to vote upon the ques-
tions involved. There was no allegation that they
had been prevented from voting. They had been
urged to do so, and ample opporttmity had been
afforded them. How was it to be ascertained now
whether their statement was true ? The opponents
of slavery had refused to avail themselves of the
only opportunity for ascertaining this fact. There
was now no means by which their numerical
strength could be ascertained. There was noth-
ing for Congress to do but to accept the return
of that election as the expression of the sentiment
of the i)eople of the Territory, as the returns of
all other elections are accepted. Congress could
not now recognize these objections without assum-
ing to regulate the domestic affairs of the Terri-
tory, which it had expressly disclaimed the right
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14 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
to do. It was bound to accept the result at the
polls as the expression of the will of the people
of the Territory. Those who had refused to avail
themselves of the privilege of voting could not
now ask to be heard. They had lost their oppor-
tunity by their own choice. It could not be
expected that Congress should undertake to say
what the strength of the opponents of slavery
in the Territory was, when those opponents had
refused to show their strength in the only manner
provided by the Constitution and the laws for
its expression. The elections were regular, and
had been duly held in pursuance of law. Congress
had declared, in the act for the organization of
the Territory, against the intervention of Congress
in the question of slavery in the Territory, and
had provided a means by which the residents of
the Territory might determine that question for
themselves. It had been determined by them,
strictly and regularly, in conformity with those
means. The constitution was republican in form,
and the only thing left was for Congress to admit
Kansas as a State under that constitution, and
leave the State to dispose of the question of slavery
afterwards. That was the only regular and law-
ful cotu'se to pursue.
The question whether slavery was right or
wrong was not before Congress. But like every
other question in which slavery was involved, it
could not be considered fairly and dispassion-
ately. Whenever the prejudices and passions of
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The LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION 15
the opponents of slavery were aroused, they could
see nothing, in their excitement, but the evils of
slavery. All forms of reason and law were ignored
by them, and when they were forced to admit that
the Constitution and laws of the land furnished
the only light by which that question could be con-
sidered, they proclaimed that the Constitution
was a "league with death and a covenant with
hell," and they invoked "a higher law" than the
Constitution. The President's message was fol-
lowed by a debate which lasted over three months,
and was bitter and denunciatory on both sides.
The Abolitionists renewed their assaults upon
slavery and the South with increased violence,
and the Southerners resented them with intense
feeling. The sessions often ran into the night.
The excitement rose as the debate progressed.
The action of State legislatures and other bodies
throughout the country poured in upon Congress.
Petitions of citizens were presented. Members
of Congress were appealed to and importuned
by their constituents. No Congress, probably,
had ever been subjected to such an ordeal before.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones took a firm stand in favor of
the admission of the State under the Lecompton
constitution. As the recognized leader of the Dem-
ocratic party in the House, he used his influence
constantly with his fellow members to secure the
passage of the bill, which passed the SenateJMay 4,
1858, by a vote of 31 to 22 (Mr. Douglas being the
only Democrat who voted against it), and the
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16 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Hotise by a vote of 112 to 103, a strict party vote,
with the exception of a few followers of Mr.
Douglas, among the Democrats, who voted in the
negative,
Mr. Douglas took the unsound position, at this
stage of the Kansas-Nebraska controversy, that
the people of a Territory might, at any time while
the Territory remained in a territorial condition,
determine the question whether or not slavery
should continue to exist there. He did not deny
the right of the slaveholder to take his slaves
there, but he contended that he had no right to
hold them there after the people of the Territory
had abolished slavery. This was called " Squatter
Sovereignty." He claimed for the citizens of a
Territory the same rights that belonged to the
citizens of a State. If, as the legislative, execu-
tive, and judicial branches of the General Govern-
ment had determined, a citizen of any State had
a right to take his property there, no matter what
the character of that property might be, because
the Territory was common ground and belonged
to all the citizens of the country alike, clearly
the citizens of the Territories could have no con-
trol over that question while the Territory
remained in that condition. That right became
theirs only when they were admitted into the
Union as a sovereign State, under a constitution
framed by them.
Although this doctrine of "Squatter Sover-
eignty" had been repudiated by the Cincinnati
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ANTI-LECOMPTON DEMOCRATS 17
platform of the Democratic party, upon which
Mr. Buchanan had been elected to the Presidency,
Mr. Douglas stoutly maintained it, and stood upon
it alone, against his party, in voting against the
admission of Kansas under the Lecompton con-
stitution; and his views afterwards became the
doctrine of by far the larger part of the Demo-
cratic party of the North, who were known for
that reason as Dotiglas, or Anti-Lecompton,
Democrats. He had but few followers in Penn-
sylvania, however. In the Pacific States and
Connecticut the Democratic vote was about
eqtially divided, but in New England and the
Middle West the majority of the party were over-
whelmingly in accord with his views. It was
upon this issue that the Democratic party split
at the Charleston Convention of i860, which made
the election of Mr. Lincoln possible. Had it not
been for this heresy, the united Democratic party
might have saved the Union and avoided the
Civil War.
By the preamble to the act, Congress recognized
the Lecompton government of the Territory. An
ordinance had been submitted to Congress with
the constitution which provided for a cession of
public lands to the Territory six times greater
than had been granted to any other State. The
grant amounted to upwards of 23,000,000 acres.
The preamble declared that this ordinance was
not acceptable to Congress, arid it was declared by
the act that Kansas was admitted to the Union
Vol. II— 2
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18 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
on an eqtial footing with the original States, under
the proposed constitution, with this " fundamental
condition precedent,'' namely, that the people
of the Territory should first vote upon the propo-
sition to reduce the grant of the public lands.
If they agreed to the reduction, the President,
without any further proceedings upon the part
of Congress, should, by proclamation, declare
Kansas to be admitted into the Union. If they
did not agree to the reduction, Kansas should
not be admitted. At an election held August 2,
1858, the proposition was rejected, and the Le-
compton constitution feU. It was not until Jan-
uary 29, 1861, that Kansas was admitted to the
Union, as a free State.
There was great rejoicing in the city of Wash-
ington over the passage of the bill admitting
ICansas into the Union under the Lecompton con-
stitution. The people paraded the streets with a
band of music and serenaded Mr. Jones at his
residence. Mr. Jones, being loudly called for,
appeared, and delivered the following speech :
Gentlemen : I am deeply sensible of the honor you
have done me in this mark of your appreciation of my
efiEorts to aid in securing the passage of the bill for the
admission of Kansas into the Union. It has cost our
friends a good deal of intense labor, but labor is well
spent in so good a cause; but why has the cotmtry,
from one extreme to the other, been so intensely inter-
ested in this great measure ? Was it because the ad-
mission of a new State into the Union was such an
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SERENADE to MR. JONES 19
extraordinary event as to agitate the popular mind like
the upheavings of the ocean? Certainly not. The ad-
mission of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton
constitution was one of a series of those measures which
test the devotion of the American people to the Con-
stitution and the Union. It was the sublime spectacle,
after months of painful stispense, exhibited in the halls
of Congress by the representatives of the true patriot-
ism of otir common glorious country, in 3rielding up
their personal and peculiar views, but not principles,
to offer on the common altar of their country their
devotion to that Union which their patriotic sines had
founded in this heaven-bom spirit of mutual conces-
sion for the welfare of the common brotherhood.
You do not expect from me on this occasion a lengthy
speech — ^it would be both out of time and place — but I
have already remarked that the passage of the Kansas
bill was one of a series of measures which have at vari-
ous periods in otir coimtry's history tested severely the
stability of the Union.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820 inaugurated a
peace policy, with the purest motives of its authors,
the evils of which thirty years of prudential cotmsels
and energetic labor have scarcely overcome. The
Compromise Measures of 1850 ignored that restrictive
line ; the enactments of that Congress rendering it null
and void by construction. The Nebraska act of 1854
simply proclaimed this construction, and boldly as-
serted the doctrine of popular sovereignty — ^that the
people of the Territories should be left free to form and
regulate their domestic institutions in their own way,
to the exdtision of Congressional intervention. To the
able and patriotic inaugural of otir distinguished Chief
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20 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Magistrate we owe the bold and manly political avowal
of the true construction of the Nebraska bill — ^that
popular sovereignty means the recognized right of the
people of a Territory, when suflSiciently nimierous to
constitute a sovereign State in the confederacy, and
not till then, to form and regulate their domestic
institutions — a construction also sanctioned by the
highest judicatory of the land.
It was reserved for the Thirty-fifth Congress to
consummate this series of measures, canying out the
suggestions of the clear and able special message of
the President to fix the limits of non-intervention by
Congress. The Nebraska act extended it to the domes-
tic institutions of the inchoate State. The act of
yesterday determines it shall stop there, and that the
supremacy of Congress, by direct intervention, shall
be tmquestioned beyond that. By the Nebraska act
Congress is forbidden to touch the constitution, or even
to submit it to a vote of the people, that being within
the exclusive province of the State itself; by the act
of yesterday Congress does submit the land ordinance
to a popular vote, thus asserting full jurisdiction over
the public lands, botmdaries, &c., in which, as the
custodian for the State, it ever will intervene when the
faithful execution of the trust requires it. I regard
this, my fellow-citizens, as the consummation of otir
poKcy in relation to the whole subject of territorial
rights and Congressional jurisdiction. Otir coimtry
may now repose in peace, in this final settlement of
its domestic policy, and every man in the land may
rejoice in the assurance of the security of life, political
equality, and the safety of his property.
It is a peculiar honor to the administration of James
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SERENADE to MR. JONES 21
Buchanan that this vexed and dangerous question
should be settled under his auspices. I have but to
add, that, after the admission of Oregon, the poptala-
tion of which may be short, I hope to see the policy
settled, at least by the Democratic party, that no State
shall be admitted into the Union hereafter without a
population suflScient to entitle it to at least one repre-
sentative in the House of Representatives, as fixed by
the last preceding apportionment. I have been longer
than I intended when I began, and again tender you
my thanks. I bid you good night.
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CHAPTER XXII.
Remarks of Mr. Jones in the House of Representatives upon the
agreement with the Sioux Indians — ^The tariff — ^The revenue —
The postal system — ^The panic of 1857 and the loan bill — ^The
admission of Minnesota as a State into the Union.
w
HEN the appropriation bills were before
the House, Mr. J. Glancy Jones spoke
as follows:
The report of the Committee of Ways and Means on
these amendments has been. mislaid, and I will state
the action of the committee as the amendments are
read.
First amendment. Add as a new section:
"To enable the Secretary of the Interior to perform
the engagements and stipialations of General Harney,
made with the Sioux Indians at Fort Pierre, in 1856,
$72,000."
One himdred thousand dollars was asked for. The
Committee of Ways and Means recommend a concur-
rence in the amendment.
I will make a ghort statement of the reasons for this
appropriation. The documents I have on the subject
I will append. It appears that in 1856, General Hamey,
then in command of the miHtary force of the United
States, in order to secure amicable relations with vari-
ous bands of the Sioux Indians, agreed to the enlist-
ment into the Army of certain Sioux Indians. A list
of them was sent to the War Department here. And,
22
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The SIOUX INDIANS 23
in that agreement, he stipulated that they should have
tinifonns, rations, and various other things ; the policy
being to have portions of all the various bands of
Indians connected and dovetailed into the Army, so
as to keep them continually in check, and to keep our
Indian relations upon an amicable footing. He made
the promise, but it has never been fulfilled ; and it was
in consequence of this non-fulfilment that the diffi-
culties arose with the Sioux band last stmimer. They
threaten to renew those difficulties this stmmier, and
the Secretary of the Interior, together with the super-
intendent of Indian affairs, earnestly recommend an
appropriation of $100,000 for the purpose of carrying
out the agreement of General Harney. The Senate
thought $72,000 would be sufficient, and they placed
that amotmt in their amendment. The Committee of
Ways and Means recommend a concurrence.
Mr. Crawford. There is one difficulty in the way
of giving my support to this appropriation of $72,000.
I am perfectly willing to pay that sum to the Sioux
Indians as a present, or, if this Government has at any
time authorized General Harney to make a promise to
the Sioux Indians, to give it to them. But my diffi-
culty is in reference to the authority vested in General
Harney to make a promise to the Sioux Indians that
this Government would give to them, for the purpose
of securing a check upon that tribe, some seventy-
two thousand dollars. If the head of the Waj^ and
Means Committee can suggest to the Clerk any portion
of that document which he has which shows the author-
ity by which General Harney made the promise, I
should like to hear him read it, and then I will give
this amendment my support. I have never seen any
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24 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
authority, and I presume the chairman of the Ways
and Means has not.
If our officers are to be permitted to make promises
to the Indians, or to anybody else, without authority
of law, to pay them seventy-five, one himdred, or two
hundred thotisand dollars, we have no control over the
Treasiuy. I ask my friend if he can show me the au-
thority for this promise.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I think I understood my
friend from Georgia, the other day, to say that if he
were in command of the vessels in the Gulf, and he
imderstood that a British man-of-war was boarding
our vessels," he should not wait for orders from Wash-
ington before he resented it. Apply that principle to
this case. General Harney is sent out among these
savage tribes as commander-in-chief of them, of the
Army of the United States. They look to him as the
representative of this Government. Of course, being
savages, they have no conception of the powers with
which he is clothed. They meet him clothed with
military power, and he tells them that if they do cer-
tain things which he believes to be for the interest of
this Government, he will recommend to the Govern-
ment to appropriate money enough to enlist them into
the regular Army and to secure peace. He does this
thing, of course, subject to the approval of this Govern-
ment. He makes the arrangements for the good of the
coimtry, and he reports the facts to his Government.
The thing is neglected, and the Indians complain.
But that is not all. These documents inform you
that the white citizens upon our frontier tell us that
in consequence of yotu* having withdrawn the troops
from the frontier, no white man is safe, either in life
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The SIOUX INDIANS 25
or property, for a single day; that the Indians are
assembling upon the Yellow Medicine, in numbers
something like ten thousand, alleging that the United
States has broken faith with them. They are pre-
pared to deluge that cotmtry with blood. Now I
want to know if Congress is willing to see our frontiers,
unprotected by military force, the scene of Indian
barbarities and cruelties for the want of a small appro-
priation of money; and then come here next Congress
and be told that although you were apprised of these
facts, you chose to let our citizens be destroyed, merely
because you had not ascertained whether General
Harney had the right to do a certain act to save the
lives of your citizens. But to put the committee in
possession of all the facts, perhaps the communication
from the Department had better be read.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I move that the message of
the President be laid on the table and ordered to be
printed. I will remark in connection with it that the
message is based on the supposition that the House will
not finish the appropriation bills till, perhaps, some
late hour to-night. There are yet unfinished the
Indian supplemental bill, the naval bill (on which the
House disagreed to the report of the Committee of
Conference), the revenue bill (which need not occupy
twenty-five minutes), the Post Office bill (which is
passed by the House and the amendments acted on by
the House), the mail steamer bill (which is now before
a Committee of Conference), the bill for the three regi-
ments of volunteers, and the loan bill.
Mr. Comins. And the light-house bill.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I do not include that.
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26 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
That belongs to the gentleman from Massachtisetts.
The loan bill has been kept back for one simple pur-
pose. It is the desire of the Executive branch of the
Government to ascertain, outside of the estimates of
the Secretary of the Treasury based on existing laws,
what will be required for the public expenditures.
There is a contingency left open for the legislation of
Congress on private bills, and on such public bills as
may appropriate more than the estimates. Now, I
propose, if it be the will of the House, to adjourn on
Monday at twelve o'clock. [Cries of ** Good!"] I think
it can be done. But in order to do it, this programme
will have to be adhered to. In the first place, I propose
to take up the loan bill to-day, and pass it at $15,000,-
000. I propose to take up, not the Senate bill, but the
House bill, and on its being sent back it will be open to
amendment in the Senate, and can be kept there long
enough to permit the appropriation bills to be figured
up, so that the Administration may know the amotmt
of contingencies arising from increased appropriations.
I propose, therefore, to take action on the revenue bill,
and on the loan bill, and on the bill to amend the Sub-
Treasury law, and on the balance of the appropria-
tion bills. My opinion is, that the House can pass
intelligently on all these bills before four o'clock to-day,
and if that is done, I believe that we can adjourn on
Monday at twelve o'clock. [General shouts of ** Good!"]
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. If the committee will indulge
me for a short time, I will endeavor to confine myself
to a few sober facts in relation to the finances of the
country. It might not, perhaps, be inappropriate to
say to the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Burlin-
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The REVENUES 27
game] that, as he has made a war speech, I shall expect
him, when called upon, to respond to all claims foi
expenditiires for such a ptupose. I do not propose
now, Mr. Chairman, to make a lengthy speech on the
question. I know that the House is impatient to get
through public business, with a view to an early ad-
journment. I shall content myself now with a simple
statement, availing myself of the privilege of adding
to it in print, if I see proper. [Cries of "Agreed."]
Mr. Sickles. I beg to ask the gentleman from
Pennsylvania to give me a portion of his time, that I
may make a few remarks in reply to the gentleman
from Massachusetts. [Cries of "No, no!" "Object!"]
Mr. Kunklb, of Pennsylvania. If the gentleman
makes a war speech, we want all arotmd to make war
speeches.
Mr. Sickles. I want to make a peace speech.
Mr. Kunklb, of Pennsylvania. I object, and hope
my colleague will not 3deld.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. At the opening of this ses-
sion of Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury, in
submitting his estimates and his reports, referred to
the condition of the finances of the coimtry generally,
and particularly to the recent revulsion. From a full
Treasury with a surplus of twenty or thirty millions of
dollars on the 4th of March last, we have now a defi-
ciency of $20,000,000. I do not propose to go into an
argument to show the causes which produced this very
extraordinary result. There are a great many differ-
ent theories on the subject. I simply wish to confine
myself to facts, and leave every gentleman to make
up his own mind, or to adopt his own theory, and
carry it into practice if he can.
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28 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
I had intended, if this bill had come up at an earlier
day, to have occupied the full extent of my hour in
debating fully and frankly all its bearings as a revenue
measure — ^a subject which some gentlemen seem to
think there is a disposition to avoid upon this side of
the House. It is said that we have an empty Treasiuy ;
that we have borrowed $20,000,000, and are about to
borrow $15,000,000 more, and yet that the Committee
of Ways and Means is entirely silent as to the mode of
replenishing the Treasxiry. I would be the last man
to be guilty of an omission of this kind if it were in
the power of the Committee of Ways and Means at
this particular period to remedy this evil. But I know,
every gentleman in this House knows, and the coimtry
knows, that an adjustment of the tariff at this particular
jimcture would not add a dollar to the revenue ; and
we know the additional fact that if a protective tariff
were imposed at this particular period upon the
people, so far from benefiting either the revenue or any
interest of the cotmtry, it would entail evils upon us
that gentlemen upon the other side of the House would
be the first to disavow and to hold us responsible for.
If the tariff at this session were put at sixty per cent.,
it would not yield one dollar of revenue. In conse-
quence of the cessation of imports, no tariff could
affect either the revenue or the manufacturing inter-
ests. The attempt and failure would only unsettle
and confuse instead of giving stability or inspiring
well-founded hopes for the future.
But it is sent forth to the country that we are un-
willing to afford relief, even on our own principle.
We have often proclaimed to the whole cotmtry that
we are not in favor of a tariff for protection alone,
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The REVENUES 29
but that we are in favor of a tariff for revenue ; and
that under such a tariff, with revenue for its object,
we will at all times do everything that we can con-
sistently with this principle to incidentally benefit our
domestic interests. That is our position, and if any
gentleman will show me, now, how any adjustment of
the tariflE can be made upon that principle that will
yield revenue and benefit the cotmtry, I am ready this
moment to act on it. I have seen no such practical
suggestion anywhere. There must be a revival of
trade; we must have importations before any tariff
of any kind whatever can produce any effect ; and it
is for this reason, and this alone, that I have proposed
that we shall wait until there is a sufficient revival of
trade, that we may see how to adjust the tariff with a
view to secure revenue, give stability to the sjrstem,
and encourage our own domestic industry, before we
attempt to tinker with it. I have no hesitation in
saying now that I shall not favor any tariff hereafter
that is alone for protection in any of its features, with-
out revenue for its object ; but if I find, after a revival
of trade, that the present tariff will not fulfil our
expectations, then, and not till then, I shall be ready
to go into a movement that will give us, on that prin-
ciple and on that basis, sufficient revenue to meet, not,
as some of my friends have intimated, extravagant
expenditures, but the legitimate expenses of a Govern-
ment economically administered.
I suppose it is hardly necessary for me to say that
I am in favor of the postal system being generally
self-supporting. I am willing to go, by judicious
legislation, for a self-supporting system, both inland
and foreign, and this can be effected without increas-
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30 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ing the rates of postage, by reforming the abuse
of the franking privilege. The reason why I do not
propose it now, is precisely the same reason as that
for which I am not willing to act upon the tariff. I
am not willing to run pell-mell into a system of legis-
lation at the heel of the session, changing laws in
appropriation bills. But I am willing, in the regular
mode of legislation, to reform and revise the postal
system, foreign and inland, and to establish them upon
a self-supporting basis. Having thtis given my views,
I will not now enlarge upon them. I have said this
much because it was perhaps due to the position which
I occupy, and because hints have been thrown out
from various quarters, coming, too, from my own
State, that I had the power but lacked the inclination
to come to the relief of the country, and was disposed
to allow Congress to adjourn without even expressing
my sentiments in regard to the amotmt of loan asked
for.
The revulsion of the current fiscal year, I have
already remarked, was very sudden and imexpected.
No man could foresee it in all its bearings. Under our
laws the Secretary of the Treasury is required to report
to Congress, each session, the acts of the past, and to
estimate for the expenditures of the coming fiscal
year. He is required to render an annual report to
Congress of the expenditures and disbursements of the
Government, and to submit to Congress, at each ses-
sion, printed estimates in detail of all expenditures
that will be required to carry on the Government for
the next fiscal year. Our Government from its very
foxmdation has looked for revenue to a system of
indirect taxation, by the adjtistment of a scale of
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The REVENUES 31
duties on imports, known as the tariff. Equity re-
quires that we should, in adjtisting it, throw the burdens
on property, and exempt, as much as possible, the evil
of capitation taxation. Direct taxation would impose
nearly the whole burden upon the personal, real, and
mixed estate of the coimtry, relieving production and
persons comparatively free, upon the generally recog-
nized principle in free government, that property shall
bear the burdens of government as a consideration for
the guarantees of inviolability and protection. We
should, then, if we adopt the indirect taxation S3^tem,
adjust it so as to throw its burden on property. The
tariff should discriminate with revenue for its object;
it should bear lightly on articles of necessity — of general
consumption — ^and heavily on luxiuies and articles con-
sumed by capitalists, or requiring capital for their
production. The revenue of the cotmtry, under any
tariff, necessarily depends mainly upon the crops and
production generally (I mean, of course, a safe, steady
revenue) and otir capacity for exporting these staples.
Steady exportation will increase importation, and
safely, too, in that ratio, and consequently enlarge
the revenue by the receipt of imposts. Disaster, how-
ever, is sure to follow the loss of their equilibrium, as
bitter experience is now teaching us. Of late years
our imports have vastly exceeded the safe standard,
both in quantity and quality, and, thus engendering
over-trading and a bloated credit system, have brought
us to a dead halt. This apparent overflow of means
has led the Government into a scale of expenditures
which never would have been brought about if it had
not been for the great apparent prosperity of the
coimtry.
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32 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
In this condition of things, the Secretary of the
Treasiuy has been compelled to submit his estimates
to Congress, based upon the condition of trade for the
last twelve months — ^he must calculate for the future.
Amid the existing fluctuations of trade, the derange-
ment of currency, and a htmdred other perplexities
arising out of the panic we have just passed through,
it was impossible for htmian foresight to prepare for
all contingencies. He asked at the opening of the ses-
sion for $20,000,000. He asked for that amount in
Treasury notes, and not as a permanent loan, because
he hoped that trade would revive and sufficient revenue
flow into the Treasury to supersede the necessity of
relying upon anything but the current receipts to
provide for the current expenditures of the Govern-
ment — a temporary credit relieving a temporary re-
vulsion. He hoped that, in another quarter, trade
would revive to such an extent as to enable him to
say to the country that he wanted no more money
outside of the receipts. Money was plenty in the
cotmtry, and, being only panic-stricken, it was sup-
posed the paralysis would be temporary. That hope
has been disappointed; not in the abundance of
money, the crops, nor exports, but in the revival of
trade. The statements I will lay before the House will
show that not only has trade not revived, but that it
has fallen off; and that while the revenue has been
diminishing for the last three quarters, the expendi-
tures have been increased by the Utah war and the
demand for payment of debts incurred when the
Treasury was fuU. It has thtis become the duty of the
Secretary of the Treasury to bring these facts to our
attention, and to ask for this additional loan. In his
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The LOAN BILL 33
estimates presented at the opening of the session, he
did not include or anticipate the appropriations of
$10,000,000 of deficiencies, which became necessary to
be supplied to the Utah expedition.
In submitting his letter asking for this loan, with
the estimates, &c., all of which I will have read, you
will perceive that he states he has called upon the
several Departments of the Goverrmient to ascertain
the probable expenditures for the portion of the next
fiscal year, commencing with July and ending with
December, and the result has been that the amount
required will be $37,000,000.
This loan bill has been kept back by me in order to
see what provision would be necessary, in view of the
appropriation bills and other bills requiring money
which might pass Congress. The Secretary of the
Treasury estimates the receipts from customs and
other services for the two quarters of the next fiscal
year at $25,000,000. This added to a loan of $15,000,-
000 would give $40,000,000, to meet $37,000,000 of
expenditures; but that $37,000,000 is based upon the
estimates of the Department, exclusive of any appro-
priation made by Congress in the way of private bills or
increased appropriations beyond the estimates of the
Department. It is for the purpose of ascertaining
what the difference may be that the loan bill has been
held back by me; but inasmuch as the House is so
far in advance of the Senate, I think it proper to sub-
mit the bill in the form in which it originated in the
Committee of Ways and Means. It authorizes $15,000-
000 to be borrowed on the credit of the Government for
fifteen years. If it passes this House, it will then go
to the Senate, and between this time and the action of
Vol. II— 8
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34 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
the Senate, the appropriation bills being passed, the
accounting officers of the Treasury will be enabled to
ascertain very nearly the amount which will be re-
quired; whatever above fifteen n^llion dollars it
reaches, will be sent to us as an amendment, and
when it comes here, it will be understood that the
increase is demanded to meet the requisition of our
recent legislation.
This public debt, amounting to upwards of twenty-
five million dollars, all falls due between the present
time and the year 1868. The present loan is purposed
to be made for fifteen years, which will be five years
beyond the period when our present public debt falls
due.
I have also prepared another table showing the
estimated receipts and expenditures from the ist of
July, 1858, to the 31st of December, 1858, and also
one for the four quarters of the fiscal year ending the
30th of June, 1858. It is understood that the loan
asked for now, together with the estimated receipts,
is to cover the expenses of the first two quarters of
the next fiscal year, commencing July i. In conse-
quence of the unsettled state of trade, we have no
reliable basis upon which to make the estimate ; but
we can approximate to the sum. By the ist of January
next we will have light enough to know just how we
stand; and then will be the time to revise our tariff,
and everjrthing connected with it, according to the
exigencies of the times and the indications of the
future.
The appropriations made at the present session of
Congress will amount to probably $68,000,000. Of
this, however, but $58,000,000 will be required for the
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RETRENCHMENT and REFORM 35
fiscal year 1859, the residue being incident to the
fiscal year 1858.
This nine millions and upwards for deficiency of
1858 is no part of the ordinary expenses of the Govern-
ment. We can come back in time to the ordinary
standard without any great difficulty, by retrench-
ment and reform. That retrenchment and reform only
begun at this session of Congress cannot be effective.
It must be determined on at the next session of Con-
gress by legislation. There is no man in the country
so wanting in intelligence as not to know that under
the system of enormous land grants for railroad pur-
poses, and under the system of squandering the public
money in building custom-house monuments all over
the country, inaugurated under a plethoric Treasury,
we can never reduce the expenditures of the Govern-
ment. We have now gone on from something like fifty
millions a year to an expenditure of seventy or eighty
million dollars, over two-thirds of which is legitimately
expended for the purpose simply of conducting the
Government. I believe it is in the power of the Demo-
cratic party — and it will be responsible for it — ^to
bring us back to a proper condition of economical
expenditure; but to enable us to do this, we must
first pay oflE the legacy entailed upon us of old debts
incurred by this system of tmwise legislation, and begin
our reform by discontinuing the practice. Our foreign
relations now require an expansion in only one direc-
tion — ^the increase of our Navy. That is a legitimate
exercise of the powers of Government, and necessary
to maintain our proper position in the family of
nations. When the Government has ceased to build
custom-houses and to multiply them all over the land.
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36 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
and ceased also to convert every depot in the country
into a port of delivery; when the Capitol extension is
completed, which may be in a year, and the other
Public Buildings, Patent Office, Post Office extension,
Treasury, and aqueduct; when all these incidental
expenses are got rid of, it will be within the power of
the Democratic party, under the counsels of our present
President, to bring down the expenses of the Govern-
ment to $55,000,000 a year. I hope to see this realized
in i860. I am in favor of this reduction. It is utterly
impossible for any party to bring about this reform at
once. The great point to be aimed at is not to exhibit
a parsimonious economy in repudiating oiu* past
debts, no matter how recklessly contracted, nor in
changing laws in appropriation bills ; it must be done
deliberately and systematically. It is not to be done
by beginning at the heel of the session to exhibit a
spirit of wonderful reform in scaling the public debt,
but we must begin at the beginning. Let the Demo-
cratic party, which certainly holds power in this
House one session more (and if it will not go for reform,
it does not deserve to be in power any longer), and
holds the Executive and Senate for several years to
come, commence at the beginning of the session, and
we will cure this evil. It will not do to exhibit a won-
derful display of economy just one or two days before
the adjotimment of the session in filibustering on
appropriation bills. I have to say, with all due defer-
ence to my friends on both sides of the House, that
the cotmtry tmderstands exactly what that is worth.
Much capital is not made by it by any parties.
Mr. Lovejoy. Will the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania let me say a word here?
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FILIBUSTERING 37
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I cannot yield now, as my
time is short.
Mr. Lovejoy. Then I hope the gentleman does not
charge us with filibustering.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I have seen a good deal of
it on both sides of the House, and not a little this
morning in the war speech of my friend from Massa-
chusetts [Mr. Burlingame].
Mr. Lovejoy. You have not seen it on this side of
the House on any single appropriation bill.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I have heard, within the
last half-hour, a most tremendous demonstration of
what I call filibtistering — a war speech on the loan
bill, while I know that the gentleman who made it
will not go for paying expenses. There is not a con-
stituency of five men on that side of the Hotise who
wotdd support a war measure before the country, or
vote money to pay for it, if I were to bring in a bill
to-morrow asking for the money and men to tise it.
I do not blame them for it. Experience has taught
us that the best way to get along is to insist upon our
rights at all hazards, and to ask nothing but what is
right. A war speech in time of peace is very safe, and
naturally, like froth, works itself off. I will hold my-
self ready to vote for war, and to vote for supplies to
maintain it, whenever I think the honor of the country
is assailed or touched.
Mr. Kunkle, of Pennsylvania. So will we.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. But you would not now be
found voting to give the President of the United States
authority to redress instantly the first insult offered
to our flag on every sea. I am ready to give the
President money and men to do both, but I know such
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38 Th€ LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
a position cotdd not be carried in this Hotise, and hence
I refrain from making war speeches, only to end in
words, and finding fault with such of my friends on the
other side of the Hotise as indtilge in this harmless
amusement for Buncombe. I could not let the oppor-
ttmity pass without this remark, that it is rather incon-
sistent in a gentleman to rise here in this body — and
the country will fully appreciate it — and assail the
Executive of the United States, no matter to what
party he may belong, for not prosecuting a war, when
that gentleman, by virtue of his being a member of
Congress, is expected to know that, under the jealous
reserve of the Constitution of the United States, the
Executive has not the power to lift one finger in
hostility without the action of Congress; and still
worse is it when that gentleman would not vote to
give him that power to-day. If the gentleman means
what he says, why does he not vote to give the Execu-
tive power? The idea of finding fault with the Execu-
tive for not waging war, resenting insults, &c., when
he has neither power nor money given him by Congress
to do either, is a species of demonstration which I
should be sorry to see often exhibited here by friend
or foe, and must certainly (I say it with all due per-
sonal regard for my friend) bring Congress into ulti-
mate contempt at home and abroad, wherever it is
tmderstood.
Thus it appears that if the loan of $15,000,000 is
granted, and you do not increase the expenses by
legislation at this session, either in appropriation bills
or by the passage of private bills requiring money,
there will be a little over two million dollars in the
Treasury on the ist of January next. Experience has
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The LOAN BILL 39
taught lis, however, especially under our present
Mint system, that we* ought at all times to have a
balance of $5,000,000 on hand in the Treasury in order
to work the machinery of the Treasury Department.
We shall, therefore, be short $3,000,000 of a good
working balance; but it will be safe for months to
rest it. I propose that the House pass this bill in its
present shape, providing for a not exceeding six per
cent, loan of $15,000,000 for fifteen years, and send it
to the Senate. By the time the Senate takes action
upon it, it will be able to figure up the exact amotmt
of the appropriations that have been made, and if it
shall be needed, the Senate can increase it, and I shall
ask the House to concur in such increase as they may
propose on this basis. I have submitted these remarl^
hastily, and may modify them somewhat hereafter,
in order to enforce and explain more fully the positions
taken.
Minnesota was admitted into the Union as a
State at this session of Congress by an act approved
May II, 1858.
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CHAPTER XXIII.
Speech of Mr. Jones in Washington at the meeting ratifying the
nomination of Colonel Berret for mayor — Death of Thomas H.
Benton — ^A call of the House — Reply of Mr. Jones to a public
testimonial offered him by the citizens of Philadelphia — ^The
expedition against Paraguay.
IN the Spring of 1858 a large mass-meeting of
Democrats was held in the city of Washing-
ton to ratify the nomination of Colonel
Berret as their candidate for mayor of that city,
Mr. Jones was one of the speakers invited to
address this meeting, and spoke as follows:
He remarked that he had occasion, as he was com-
ing here to-night, to ask himself the question, why he
was about to appear before this audience and address
them; but when he arrived, and saw the vast multi-
tudes assembled, he asked himself again what was the
cause of this great gathering. Is it for the mere pur-
pose of elevating a man to the mayoralty of Washing-
ton City? Certainly not. While in Mr. Berret, the
candidate of the Democratic party, they had a man
who was in every respect qualified to do honor to the
city, and who would be true to the principle which he
had to-night pledged himself to support, and which
was dear to the heart of every American freeman — ^the
maintenance of law and order — ^yet they had assem-
bled with views looking to something beyond that.
It was because they lived in a country of political
40
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MAYOR of WASHINGTON 41
equality, and because the nomination of Colonel Ber-
ret represented the doctrine of political equality and
American security, the dearest of all the rights which
we possess. He did not propose to make a political
speech, nor would he go into the local issues before
the citizens of Washington at the coming election. The
audience knew them, and knew the candidate better
than he (the speaker) did; but he had known him for
years, and it was becatase he regarded their nominee
as a representative of the highest principles known to
American freemen that he appeared before a Wash-
ington audience for the first time on the occasion of
a local election. He came here to-night to raise his
voice in behalf of law and order; and it was because
the dearest thing to him on earth was the doctrine of
oiu* political rights, guaranteed to us by our fore-
fathers, and handed down to us unbroken and sacred —
because he should regard the success of Colonel Berret
as an evidence to the country that the people of
Washington were not yet so recreant, and so forgetful
of the blood of their forefathers, shed in the glorious
cause of freedom, as to allow their opponents the privi-
lege of saying that they had elected a man who had
no party and no principles. [Applause.] This, in the
capital of the nation, would be a most humiliating
degradation. He hoped that no portion of the Ameri-
can people would vote for a man who had no prin-
ciples, or was unwilling to acknowledge any. He did
not mean to speak of the opposition candidate, for he
had not the pleasure of a personal acquaintance with
him; but he knew perfectly well that the people of
this city were conservative and law-loving; and he
knew that they had felt the sad effects of that party
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42 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
which had recently sprung into existence, bidding
defiance to the laws of both God and man, denying
men the right of the free exercise of their own con-
science, and putting the laws of the land at defiance,
tmder the names of rowdyism, Ljmch-law, or, to use
the more familiar word of the day, "plug-ugljdsm."
[Great applause.] He looked upon this matter in a
serious light. It was this love for law and order, this
principle of conservatism, that tritunphed in the
presidential election of 1856 over the assailants of the
constitution of our country. You are here to-night
to promote the same purpose — ^to uphold the law
which shall protect your wives and children and your-
selves in peace and security.
Mr. Jones then spoke of the bill recently introduced
into Congress to reorganize the police force of the city.
He understood that it provided for the better main-
tenance of law and order, and accordingly gave it his
support. He had observed that the great body of the
republican and know-nothing members in the House
of Representatives were strongly opposed to it. He
did not impeach their motives, but he had felt that
something should be done to render life and property
more secure in the city of Washington. It was this
•conviction that had induced him to come forward
to-night to participate in a canvass where he was not
a voter. He wished to contribute to the cause of " law
and order" wherever he might go to the extent of his
ability. [Here some one in the crowd cried out, what
about ICansas?] Mr. Jones said he would speak of
Kansas, but he feared the subject, like the old song of
Dan Tucker, had been so completely worn out, that
no one would care to hear any more of it. Kansas has
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END of SECTIONALISM 43
been finished up, and has ceased to bleed. He dwelt
at some length upon the happy termination of the
Kansas controversy, and believed that the principles
imbodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill had become the
fixed policy of the cotmtry. During the progress of
this controversy, the presidential election of 1856
occurred. It involved greater consequences than any
previous contest of the same kind. It was nationalism
against sectionalism, and he felt that if the latter pre-
vailed, the greatest disasters might be apprehended.
It had terminated as he could have wished. Sectional-
ism had been overthrown. Now we find these same
republicans, who composed this sectional party, claim-
ing to be national in their views, and, as evidence
thereof, adducing their vote in Congress to admit
Kansas as a slave State if such was the will of the
people. He hoped there would be no more sectional
contests. The opposition changed positions according
to the exigencies of the times, and he warned them
that the no-party movement in this city was but a
know-nothing or republican movement in disguise.
He exhorted them to labor earnestly and zealously for
the election of their candidate for mayor, and he
believed, if they should do so, they would achieve a
victory that would gladden the hearts of the people
of the whole coxmtry. [Great applause and enthusiastic
cheering.]
Thomas H. Benton died in Washington, April
9, 1858, and his death was announced in Congress.
On May 14, 1858, a motion to adjourn was made
in the House, at about five o'clock in the after-
noon. On this motion Mr. Jones voted in the
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44 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
negative. He inquired the result at the Clerk's
desk, and was informed that the motion was
carried by a majority of six. He then, with many
others, left the House. Members afterwards
changed their votes, and the result was announced
as yeas 47, najrs 59 — ^less than a quorum; so a
call of the House was made. During its progress
the following debate took place:
Mr. Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana. Is it in order to
inquire whether the Sergeant-at-Arms has yet found
the whereabouts of the chairman of the Committee of
Ways and Means?
Mr. Edwin B. Morgan, of New York. I rise to a
question of privilege. 1 tmderstand that up at the
President's house there are a large number of members
of this House now dining. I tmderstand, further, that
an officer of this House has been there and been re-
fused admittance ; and that he has been told by mem-
bers of that hotase, and by those having the house in
charge, that no members of this House are there. I
am told that there are members of this House there,
and among others the distinguished head of the Com-
mittee of Ways and Means, enjoying themselves, while
we are sitting here without a quorum. I think that it
is a disgrace to the House, and I would like to know
what is to be done in a case of this kind.
Mr. Benjamin Stanton, of Ohio. I wish to inquire
of the Sergeant-at-Arms, through the Chair, whether
he has been at the White House. It is a fact that the
country ought to know whether members are there
and refuse to come in under the order of the House.
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A CALL of the HOUSE 45
Mr. James Hughes, of Indiana. I object to this. Let
the Sergeant-at-Arms make his rettim to the House.
The Speaker. That is the formal way.
Mr. Morgan. Withdraw the objection.
Mr. Hughes. No, sir; I object to semi-official
assaults upon men who are not permitted to defend
themselves upon this floor.
Mr. Jewett. I do not profess to be much acquainted
with the usages of the House, but I learn, for the first
time, that it is not regarded as a good excuse that a
member was dining with the President.
Mr. Stanton. I would like to know whether a
messenger is left waiting the convenience of members
at the White House.
Mr. Hughes. I object.
Mr. Sherrard Clemens, of Virginia. There are at
least two cases, where dinner-parties were in progress,
where ladies have interfered and said that members
of the House were not in the dwelling at the time.
Is it fair to the members who are kept here, or brought
here, that those who remain absent shall escape the
penalties inctirred by those who have been brought in
under the order of the House ?
Mr. Benjamin Stanton. It seems to me that if
the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means
and the chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary,
gentlemen who wear the honors of the House, do not
choose to bear its burdens, and if they choose to have
to-morrow's session occupied in making a question of
conduct on their absence, it is their responsibility,
and not ours.
Mr. Alfred B. Greenwood, of Arkansas. The
name of the chairman of the Committee of Ways and
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46 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Means has been used in this Hall to-night on more
occasions than one, and I tl\ink he has been tinneces-
sarily called in question as being one of the absentees
on this occasion. I met the gentleman from Penn-
sylvania in the area here while the vote was being
taken on the motion to adjourn, and when it was under-
stood that that motion had been carried. He was
here, and seemed to regret that the business of the
House could not have been proceeded with. He was
making his way out of the Hall, in company with other
gentlemen who had supposed that the motion pre-
vailed. I do not see why his name should be selected
in this cormection more than that of any other gentle-
man who is absent at this time.
The Sergeant-at-Arms appeared at the bar, and
annotmced that, inobedienoe to the order of the House,
Mr. J. Glancy Jones and others were within the bar.
The Speaker. Mr. J. Glancy Jones, you have been
arrested and brought to the bar of the House for ab-
senting yourself from its sittings without its permis-
sion. What excuse have you to make ?
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. During this entire session,
I have been present at all the daily sessions of the
Hotise, and have ever been in favor of proceeding with
the public business as long as it was proper for us to
remain here. I remained here until five o'clock this
afternoon in the discharge of my duty. At five o'clock
the vote was taken on the adjournment, and I was
informed by the Clerk of the House that it was carried
by six majority; and I left the House under the im-
pression that the House had adjourned. As soon as
I was informed that my presence was desired here, I
presented myself at the earliest convenient oppor-
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A CALL of the HOUSE 47
txaiity. And I would say ftirther that I would be very
happy to remain here so long as a quorum will remain
here to transact business.
Mr. Howard. In consideration of the former good
conduct of the illustrious chairman of my Committee,
I move he be excused on the payment of costs.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I will cheerfully pay the
costs if my colleague will strike out the word " former."
Mr. Hughes. I must have some information in
regard to the facts of the case before I can vote for
the motion of the gentleman from Michigan. I have
objected to the gentleman who is now at the bar of
the House being arraigned in his absence, and to
allusions being made to his locus in quo. Now that he
is here, before I can vote to excuse him, I feel impelled
by a high sense of duty to call upon him to say whether
he has been at that dinner which has been so mysteri-
ously alluded to here several times to-night; and I
want him to tell the House exactly what he got to eat.
Then, again, it becomes important to inquire where
the gentleman has been to dinner.
The Speaker. The Chair thinks that would hardly
be in order.
Mr. Hughes. Now, the question is, shall the gentle-
man from Pennsylvania be excused? Well, Sir, I am
in favor of excusing the gentleman, and I am in favor
of excusing him without the payment of fees. I. think
he ought to be excused without payment of fees, be-
cause I believe that, in common with many other
gentlemen, he left the House under the impression
that it had adjourned. I think it a great hardship
that he and other gentlemen, myself included, have
been brought back here under a sort of snap judgment.
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48 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
The Speaker. The qtiestion recurs on the motion
to discharge Mr. J. Glancy Jones on payment of fees.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I merely wish to answer the
interrogatory propounded to me by the gentleman
from Ohio.
Mr. Sickles. I object.
The Speaker. The gentleman has a right to answer
it.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I had an invitation two or
three days since to dine with the President of the
United States to-day; such an invitation as I suppose
has been extended to every other member.
Several Members, on the Republican side of the
House. On the other side, not this.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. Well, I hope it has, or will
be. I accepted that invitation with the reservation
that I always make.
Mr. Morris, of Illinois. I rise to a question of order.
The gentleman is not answering the question pro-
poxmded to him. The question was, at what time he
was notified by the Sergeant-at-Arms that the House
was in session and without a quorum.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I hope the gentleman from
Illinois will excuse me if I am a little prolix.
Several Members. Come to the point.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I was sajdng that I accepted
the invitation with the reservation that I would never
leave this House so long as it was in session. And I
would not have left the House till twelve o'clock to-
night, or any other hour, tmless I had been under the
impression that the House had adjourned. I always
feel it my duty to remain here xmtil the House does
adjourn; but I was informed that the House had ad-
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A CALL of the HOUSE 49
jotimed, and then I left here and went to my lodgings.
I remained at my lodgings at least an hotir, and could
have been summoned during that time. I left my
lodgings at the end of an hour, supposing that after
the Hotise had adjoiuned I was at liberty to do as I
pleased, and since then I have received no commtmica-
tion from any officer of the House except through a
third person, and that commtmication was that I was
expected to report myself here by half past nine or ten
o'clock; and in obedience to that summons* I have
reported myself here.
Mr. Walbridgb. I wish to ask the gentleman at
what time he received notice that the House was
awaiting his presence and that of other gentlemen in
order to make a quorum.
Mr. Jonbs, of Tennessee. This House has not been
in session for any business purposes for the last five
hours.
Mr. Curtis. The gentleman from Pennsylvania
seems to put the blame of his delinquencies upon two
officers of this House — ^first, upon the Clerk, who
informed him that the House had adjoiuned, and then
upon the Sergeant-at-Arms, who failed to notify him
that his attendance was needed here. Under these
circumstances, and as, according to his statement,
these officers appear to have been culpable, I move
that he be excused.
Mr. J. Clancy Jonbs. Allow me to correct an
erroneous impression. I want to do injustice to no
one. The Sergeant-at-Arms, I have no doubt, dis-
charged his duty faithfully. The information reached
me through a third person, at a late hour. Nor is the
Clerk of the House responsible. I went to the desk
Vol. II— 4
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50 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
myself and inquired how the vote on the adjourn-
ment stood, and was .informed that there was a major-
ity of six in favor of adjourning against my own vote.
I could not anticipate that gentlemen would subse-
quently change their votes. That was my error. I
had no foreknowledge that gentlemen would change
their votes and send after me. It was not the fault of
the Clerk. Nor was it the fault of the Sergeant-at-
Arms that I was not here sooner. In this "city of
magnificent distances" it took a long period, perhaps,
to reach me.
Mr. Walbridge. I hope the gentleman will answer
my question. My vote will depend upon his answer.
Mr. Sandidgb. I hope the gentlemen with whom
I have acted throughout this whole proceeding will
allow the same action to be taken in this case as in
others. [Cries of "Agreed," and "That's fair."]
Mr. J. Glancy Jones was then ordered to be dis-
charged from custody on pajrment of the fees.
It was about eleven o'clock p.m. when Mr. Jones
reached the House, and the House adjourned at
II. 20 P.M.
In June, 1858, upwards of one hundred and
thirty influential citizens of .Philadelphia offered
Mr. Jones a public dinner for the purpose of testi-
fying their appreciation of his public services.
The following is the correspondence:
Philadelphia, June 22, 1858.
Hon. J. Glancy Jones:
Dear Sir: It would afford a number of the Demo-
crats of this city much pleasure to meet you in friendly
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A PUBLIC DINNER 51
greeting, and extend to you a welcoming hand upon
your rettim from your Congressional labors. Placed
as you were as Chairman of the Committee of Ways
and Means, in the very fore-front of the battle waged
in support of the Administration of a Pennsylvania
President, and thtis exposed to the shafts of a malev-
olent and envious opposition, we feel we would be
derelict to ourselves did we not seek an occasion to
testify to you our high estimation of the able and
patriotic manner in which you discharged the trust
confided to your hands. We therefore hope that
before leaving the city you will be pleased to dine
with us, at such time as may suit your convenience.
Very respectfully yours,
N. HiCKs Graham,
John Robbins, Jr.,
William L. Hirst,
Robert Tyler,
and others.
Reading, ist July, 1858.
Gentlemen: I have duly received yours of the
2 2d ultimo, in which you do me the honor to invite
me to meet you in friendly greeting, and to extend a
welcome hand to me after a return from my Congres-
sional labors, as a token of your appreciation of my
public services.
I regret that, deeply sensible as I am of this high
mark of your regard and esteem, I am compelled to
forego the pleasure it would afford me to accept, at
this time, the invitation so cordially extended.
While many important questions affecting the
domestic and foreign relations of the Government
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52 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
remain yet to be disposed of, the progress made in
one short session in developing the policy of the Ad-
ministration of President Buchanan is a jtist cause
of gratulation to every true friend of the country.
In this brief space of time filibusterism has been
signally suppressed, the supremacy of the laws boldly
maintained, and other nations taught that our own
neutrality laws shall be faithfully observed in all oiu*
relations in the family of nations; while we will also
exact of them a fuU and free concession of all the
reciprocal obligations growing out of this commonly
recognized code. The recusancy of the Mormons of
Utah in reftising to submit to the constitutional powers
of the General Government; the agitation of section-
alism in Kansas ; our relations with Central America,
including the rights of proximity; the non-recognized
principle of visitation or search of vessels bearing the
American flag, by the ships of any other nation ; have
each, in turn, passed in review before the representa-
tives of the people, during this brief space of time.
Many of these questions were not the subjects of
legislation, but they each assumed, at different times,
such a shape as to enable Congress, when no legisla-
tion was required, in conjunction with the Executive,
to settle the public sentiment of the country as to the
future fixed policy of the Government. The derange-
ment of the finances of the country, occasioned by a
sudden and most extraordinary revulsion in the midst
of the highest apparent prosperity, challenged the at-
tention of Congress immediately after the opening of
the last session; a plethoric Treasury, with a stirplus
of thirty millions, in the short period of a few months,
had undergone a transition to the other extreme, of a
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A PUBLIC DINNER 53
deficiency of $20,000,000, — ^and all this without the
agency of a single act of Government, executive or
legislative ; trade suddenly stopped, credit failed, com-
merce suspended, and in the midst of universal plenty
and universal health, general consternation and fear-
ful apprehensions for the future prevailed everywhere.
It was not in the power of Government to furnish
relief; imports having almost entirely ceased, any
tariff would become prohibitory, and no new tariff
adjusted by any scale be operative on such a stagnant
condition of the commerce of the country.
This condition of things continued up to adjourn-
ment of Congress, and continues still; and while it
continues, the legislative power of the Government is
just as impotent as the helmsman with the rudder of
a becalmed ship at sea. Revenue the Government
must have ; but being deprived of the means of rais-
ing it in the ordinary way, she was compelled to raise
money on her credit, and wait for a revival of trade,
hoping by the next session of Congress to be able to
probe the wotmd and apply the remedy. This delay
was not occasioned by any indifference to the magni-
tude of the subject, or the sufferings of our people,
but from the absolute impossibility of producing, by
legislation, any effect looking to the healthy and safe
restoration of trade, and the industrial interests of the
country generally. Without a revival of trade, fur-
nishing a basis of action, a change in the tariff could
effect nothing at all. As I have already remarked,
the present tariff, under the present condition of things,
is almost prohibitory.
What then is to be the remedy? I answer, a modi-
fication of the tariff for revenue at the earliest practi-
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54 The LIFE oj J. GLANCY JONES
cable moment; modified so as to secure us a revenue
of from $50,000,000 to $60,000,000; an additional
sum sufficient to liquidate the present debt of $65,000,-
000.
The idea of a protective tariff for the sake of pro-
tection, is so completely obsolete that, except for
political purposes, it is now never alluded to in Con-
gress. It is practically abandoned by the South, the
West, and all the New England States, and if it were
possible to enact such a tariff its certain instability
would prevent capitalists from investing under it.
No tariff can now be adjtisted, with any hope of per-
manency, except upon the principles of yielding
revenue, and of discriminating so as to impose the
burden of taxation upon capital. With these two
points secured, as common principles upon which all
the States of the confederacy can stand, as equal, the
next point is to secure to our own industry the greatest
possible benefit — ^revenue and equality of taxation
being the object, as a basis of exact justice among our
own people.
The greatest amount of protection as the incident
should be secured to. our own manufactures, by dis-
criminating in their favor to the fullest extent com-
patible with the foregoing principles. A tariff adjusted
upon these principles would be just alike to all, and
would secure stability.
No one who loves his country can do otherwise than
wish to prefer her manufacturing interests over that
of all others, when he can do it without injustice to
any of her own citizens ; and no man should be recog-
nized as a true-hearted Pennsylvanian who would
hesitate to use all his influence to secure for her mineral
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A PUBLIC DINNER 55
wealth and manufacturing resources all the benefits of
legislation that may be consistent with the equal rights
of the other States.
I am in favor of such an adjustment of the tariff at
the earliest practicable moment. Iron is the chief
mantifacturing revenue of Pennsylvania, and iron,
above all other articles of our own mantifactures, is
most consumed by capitalists, and hence upon the
foregoing principles should be taxed under our tariff
to the utmost extent consistent with the revenue
standard. I deem any movement in this country
towards a protective tariff for protection sake, as noth-
ing but an ingenious political device, to lead both
capital and labor to their destruction. Constituted as
our coimtry is, no such system, if enacted, could prob-
ably stand, and hence, if temporarily successful, could
only inveigle capitalists into investments which must
prove ruinotis in the end. Looking no farther back
than 1828 we find such instability fully illustrated.
The tariff of 1828 was protective without regard to
revenue, and it lasted but four years, just long enough
to induce the investment of capital, but not long
enough to secure a return.
The Tariff of 1832 was for revenue, and it lasted
ten years. The Tariff of 1842 was for protection, and
it lasted four years. The Tariff of 1846 was for revenue,
and it lasted eleven years. If a Protective Tariff could
only be sustained for an average period of four years,
when the manufacturing States had the preponderance
of power in the Government, what shadow of hope can
there be for the sjrstem when the area of the coimtry
is nearly doubled, new States almost annually admitted
into the Union, and those States all constiming and
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56 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
not manufactiiring States — ^while the manufacttiring
States either remain stationary, or are numerically
diminishing in the confederacy.
Let Pennsylvania look for a revenue tarifi; the
Democracy is bound to it, they are in power and will
be for a number of years. If Pennsylvania will be true
to her own distinguished son and the party now in
power, her great interests will be cared for to the full
extent of constitutional power. If not, she can have
but little hope in any other party, as all experience
ha§ taught, that though liberal in promises, they have
always proved impotent in the performance. Such a
thing as the Executive and both branches of Congress
being in the hands of the opposition at the same time
very rarely happens, and if it does its duration is so
brief that it can effect nothing.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
To Messrs. N. Hicks Graham, John Robbins, Jr.,
Wm. L. Hirst, Robert Tyler, Edward Wart-
man, Robert F. Christy, and others.
At this session of Congress a joint resolution
was passed, authorizing the President to adopt
such measures and use such force as should be
necessary to obtain satisfaction from the Republic
of Paraguay. This little South American republic
had taken advantage of the fancied security
afforded by its location in the far interior, a
thousand miles from the mouth of the Parana
River, to commit acts of open hostility to the
United States. Lopez, its President, believing
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EXPEDITION AGAINST PARAGUAY 57
that a naval force could not be sent against his
remote little country, though it was washed on
three sides by the waters of the Paraguay and
Parana rivers, thought he could insult the United
States with impunity. He therefore refused to
ratify a treaty of friendship which had been made
with his government, seized the property of
American citizens, and fired upon the United
States steamer "Water Witch" while she was
peaceably making surveys in the Parana River,
killing an American sailor at the helm. There
was no attempt at explanation or justification of
this outrage, except that the little country of
Paraguay wanted to be left to itself and was deter-
mined to keep all foreigners outside its borders.
About the size of the State of Georgia, with a
mixed population not as large as the city of Phila-
delphia, composed of Spaniards, Indians, and
negroes, it was not a formidable adversary, but
the honor of the United States demanded that
ample reparation be made or the country soundly
punished. Accordingly a fleet of nineteen vessels,
under the command of Commodore Shubrick,
canying two hundred guns and twenty-five hun-
dred sailors and marines, was sent out in the fall
of 1858. The fleet reached the Rio de la Plata
about the close of the year, and anchored at
Montevideo, while the Commissioners sent out
by the President, with Commodore Shubrick,
started up the Parana River for Asuncion, the
capital of Paraguay. They arrived there on the
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58 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
28th of January, 1859, and found no difficulty
before the loth of February in securing an ample
apology, and $10,000 for the family of the seaman
who had been killed on the "Water Witch." A
treaty providing for indemnity and rights of
commerce and navigation was also negotiated,
and the United States has had no further trouble
with Paraguay, or any of the neighboring countries,
since that time.
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CHAPTER XXIV.
The military expedition against the Territory of Utah — Remarks
of Mr. Jones upon the appropriation therefor — ^Remarks of Mr.
Jones upon the Indian appropriation bill — Walker's expedition
against Nicaragua — Remarks of Mr. Jones against filibustering —
The Pacific Raihx>ad.
)1 NOTHER matter which engrossed the atten-
AA tion of Congress at this session was the
-^ ^ state of affairs in Utah, This Mormon
settlement had been organized into a Territory
in 1850. Brigham Young, who was the head of
the religious organization calling themselves the
Latter Day Saints, was appointed Governor by
Mr. Fillmore, and had since continued to fill that
position. The people of Utah, who gave him
implicit obedience as their religious superior
placed over them by divine authority, finding
no civil power in the Territory that was not in
his hands, recognized him as their absolute ruler
in all things. His word was law, his nile absolute.
Recognizing the danger which threatened his
power from the settlement of Gentiles (as those
who did not belong to the Mormon Church were
called), Young determined to throw off all alle-
giance to the Government of the United States
and proclaim himself as the supreme niler of the
Territory. He thus sought to establish a theoc-
racy that would enable him to control all settle-
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60 The LIFE of J, GLANCY JONES
ments in the Territory and perpetuate his power
as the head of the Mormon Church. With this
end in view, he began, shortly after his appoint-
ment as Governor, to formulate his plans. He
laid up stores; he accumulated arms, and organ-
ized the citizens of the Territory into military
bodies. It was said he was able to place thirty
thousand men and women in the field. He took
advantage of his position as Indian agent to
secure the alliance of several Indian tribes.
In 1857 he felt his position to be strong enough
to justify him in asstiming an attitude of open
hostility to the United States. He issued a procla-
mation in which he refused to recognize any
authority in the Territory but his own, and put
the Territory under martial law. All the other
Federal officers appointed by the President were
obliged to leave the Territory. Young declared
that if it should become necessary he would take
refuge in the mountains, and defy the authority
of the Government from there. President Buch-
anan thereupon removed him from office, and
appointed Mr. Gumming in his place. The Presi-
dent also appointed other Federal officers to take
the place of those who had been driven from the
territory. Governor Young declined to surrender
his office, declaring that he derived his commission
from God, and not from the President.
In the stmimer of 1857 a force of about three
thousand men, under General Albert Sidney
Johnston, was sent out with the newly appointed
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UTAH REBELLION 61
civil officers to reestablish the authority of the
Government of the United States in Utah. This
military force crossed the plains and encamped
during the winter of 1857-1858 in the Green River
Valley of Wyoming Territory, where they suffered
great privations. By an act approved April 7,
1858, Congress authorized the recruiting of two
regiments of volunteers to quell these disturbances
in Utah.
In January, 1858, the citizens of Great Salt
Lake City sent a defiant communication to Con-
gress, in wliich they declared that no officer
appointed by the administration should exercise
any dominion over them while the army menaced
their Territory, and that " by the help of Almighty
God they would maintain their constitutional
rights and Uberties, their reUgion, their wives
and children, and their hard-earned firesides."
In May, 1858, a week or two after this communi-
cation reached Congress, Governor Cumming
entered Salt Lake City, and, without resistance,
took charge of the territorial government. The
authority of the United States in Utah was thus
restored.
When the bill making the appropriation for
the Utah volunteers was before the House, Mr.
J. Glancy Jones spoke as follows :
Mr. Chairman, this is a bill making appropriation
for a service which is familiar to the whole committee.
On the 7th of April, 1858, Congress passed a law provid-
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62 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ing for raising three regiments of volunteers, one to
protect the frontier of Texas, and the other two to
prosecute the war in Utah. Some time since — ^the
precise date I do not now remember — ^the Executive
of this nation, in the discharge, of his duty, deemed it
proper and expedient to nominate and appoint a Gov-
ernor for the Territory of Utah. Brigham Young, the
incumbent of that office, who had occupied it for some
six years, had outraged the sentiment of the nation in
sustaining, by the exercise of arbitrary power, a com-
bination of Church and State, until, in the opinion of
the Executive, the time had arrived when he should
appoint a civilian to that office, who would not com-
bine, or attempt to combine, the fanaticism of a
religious opinion with the discharge of the civil duties
of the Territory. He soon received information that
Brigham Young would not surrender his office, or
recognize the power of the Executive of the nation to
appoint his successor. This created what may be
properly called a state of quasi rebellion in that Terri-
tory — di resistance to the laws and to the enforcement
of the laws. The President of the United States hav-
ing appointed his Governor, called out a sufficient
force to compel the people and the authorities of Utah
to recognize and receive him. Information was re-
ceived by the Government, in an official commtuiica-
tion, that the entire population of the Territory of
Utah was a unit, and governed by religious fanaticism ;
that they were determined the President should not
send a Governor into the Territory to preside over
them, and were prepared to set the Government at
defiance. Now, sir, the Army of the United States
being small and scattered over a most extensive fron-
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UTAH REBELLION 63
tier, every man being wanted at his post, the President
found that he could not discharge his duty as Com-
mander-in-Chief of the Army, and could not properly
enforce the laws in Utah without subjecting our exten-
sive frontier to inroads from Indians, and the settlers
there to a loss of life and property. He applied to
Coi^ress, at the opening of the session, for an increase
of the regular Army. In a message sent to Congress,
he set forth the object of it: that the frontier of the
country required every soldier to remain at his post;
that he ought not to detach one ; that if the soldiers
were gone from any partictalar post, the frontier in that
vicinity would be left exposed to the depredations of
the Indians. Coi^ress in its wisdom thought proper,
instead of increasing the regular Army, which the
President recommended, and which I think they should
have done, to authorize, as they did, by the law passed
on the 7th of April, 1858, the President of the United
States to raise one regiment of moimted volimteers to
protect the frontier of Texas, and two regiments of
volimteers to be used in the Utah service, if in the
judgment of the President they became necessary.
Now, Mr. Chairman, as this Congress, at the present
session, passed this law, it is to be presumed they
imderstand the whole subject, and are prepared to
vote for supplies without the necessity of further expla-
nation or delay. It is to be presumed that for the
purpose of calUng out these three regiments and put-
ting them into service, if the President of the United
States shall deem it necessary. Congress will not hesi-
tate to provide the money to pay, clothe, and subsist
them; and this bill is for that simple purpose. The
only question that can possibly arise will be as to
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64 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
whether two of the regiments will be needed. I believe
it is admitted on all hands that in any event the regi-
ment for Texas will be wanted. But the question is
whether the other two regiments will be needed. I
have simply to say that, for the purpose of ascertain-
ing that fact, I have kept the bill back till the very
last moment, in order that if any information be
received justifying the President in not calling out these
regiments, the appropriation might be dispensed with.
I am sorry to say that no such information has reached
here yet, nothing reliable going to show that they may
not be wanted. They may not be wanted ; but there
is nothing which will justify Congress in adjourning
without putting the money at the disposal of the
Executive, in case they are wanted. I say that I
have kept this bill back for the purpose of getting
information; but no information having reached me,
I am obliged now, within a week of adjournment, to
bring up this bill, which is the last appropriation bill,
which is simply to pay for the regiments which Con-
gress has placed at the disposal of the President. It
is very likely they may not be wanted ; but it would
not be safe for Congress to decline action on the sub-
ject. The very fact itself that Congress had declined,
might be sufficient to prevent these difficulties from
being brought to a close. I am authorized to say that
if this money is appropriated, the President will not
use it unless it becomes absolutely necessary to enforce
the law.
I wish now to give notice to the committee that as
this is the last appropriation bill, and as I have under-
stood it is the wish of gentlemen to make speeches
upon other matters this, evening, I propose to pass
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INDIAN AFFAIRS 65
this bill, and, as soon as it is laid aside, to take up the
loan bill, which is the last bill reported by the Com-
mittee of Ways and Means on which we reqtiire the
action of the Hotise, and then to take a recess for the
evening, for the ptirpose of general debate.
An amendment to the supplemental Indian
appropriation bill was offered by Mr. Miguel A.
Otero, the delegate from New Mexico, increasing
the appropriation from $75,000 to $150,000. On
this amendment Mr. J. Glancy Jones spoke as
follows:
Mr. Chairman, the appropriation, as estimated for,
was as the gentleman from New Mexico [Mr. Otero]
has stated. The whole of this appropriation has arisen
from a new policy adopted by the Government in its
intercourse with the various Indian tribes. The old
system was to treat with the Indians, and then act in
accordance with the treaty stipulations entered into
with them. The new system in the main is good and
benevolent. The Indians are collected together prior
to the making of treaties with them. They are taught
to cultivate the soil and follow in the steps of civilized
life. There they are treated with all kindness and
humanity. The policy is, I think, for the benefit both
of the Indians and the white settlers. They are per-
mitted to remain there tmtil Congress is ready to
negotiate treaties with them. There can be, of course,
no limits prescribed in appropriation bills, except in
so far as the exigencies of the case may demand. 1
have no doubt that the policy is a good one, if carried
out, and that it would be still better if all the Indians
Vol. II— 5
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66 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
in our States and Territories could, by this sort of.
humane treatment, be brought to settle upon fixed
reservations and be placed under the control of the
Government. This policy has only recently been
inaugurated. • In the case of New Mexico, the sum
estimated for was a large one, and in view of the strait-
ened resources of the Treasury it was the opinion of
the Committee of Ways and Means that $75,000 would
answer for the next fiscal year. I have no doubt that
it is equal to the demand. There is no basis for the
appropriation at all, other than this policy which has
been established, and which has frequently been en-
dorsed by Congress. I consulted with the acting Com-
missioner of Indian Affairs, and he admitted that they
could get along, with prudent management, with the
stmi appropriated in the bill, during the next fiscal year.
The question was taken on the amendment, and it
was disagreed to.
Mr. Glancy Jones took a prominent part in the
debate on the neutrality laws which occtirred
during this session of Congress. Among the other
participants in this debate were General John A.
Quitman of Mississippi, Alexander H. Stephens
of Georgia, John Cochrane of New York, Lawrence
M. Keitt of South Carolina, Charles J. Faulkner
of Virginia, Thomas L. Clingman of North
Carolina, James B. Clay of Kentucky, Lucius Q.
C. Lamar of Mississippi, Augustus R. Wright of
Georgia, and Elihu B. Washbume of Illinois.
The debate grew out of the arrest of William
Walker and one hundred and fifty men by Corn-
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NICARAGUA 67
modore Hiram Paulding of the United States
Navy, upon the soil of Nicaragua. Walker was a
military adventurer of dash and courage, but with-
out the qualities of a commander, AH his efforts
had been failures. He led a disastrous expedition
against Sonora, in which many of his deluded fol-
lowers perished. His next attempt was against
Nicaragua, in 1855, in which he was more success-
ful. He sailed upon this expedition from San
Francisco, in a vessel furnished by a New York
corporation called the "Transit Company," and
landed at Rivas, a small town between Lake
Nicaragua and the west coast. He had formed
an alliance with one of the contending factions
in that turbulent country, known as the "Lib-
erals," and with their aid and with reinforcements
from the United States he obtained control of
•the government and became its President. He
maintained his control there for nearly two years,
and his government was recognized by the United
States. Much was expected from his administra-
tion of this trust, but his rule was so despotic
and tmwise that he was soon detested by the
entire poptdation. He quarrelled with the Transit
Company, which had furnished a large part of
the means that had enabled him to overthrow the
"Conservative party;" he burned villages, plun-
dered churches, and confiscated the property of
his enemies. It is estimated that from three to
four thousand Americans perished in this disas-
trous undertaking. Finding himself besieged by
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68 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
an overwhelming force of resentful Nicaxaguans
at Rivas, he was rescued, at his own request, from
certain death, by Commander Davis of the United
States Navy, who had been sent to that locality
with the St. Mary's to protect the persons and
property of American citizens. About 364
wretched and suffering men were taken on board
the St. Mary's with Walker, and brought back
across the Isthmus to the United States, at the
expense of the Government. Here Walker began
at once to plot another filibustering expedition
against Nicaragua.
On the 14th of November, 1857, a steamer
called the "Fashion" cleared from Mobile, in the
regular course of commerce, under the flag of the
United States. Her papers were all false. Walker
and his comrades were on board this steamer.
Walker had been arrested in New Orleans, but
was discharged upon giving bond for his appear-
ance in the sum of two thousand dollars. This
bond he forfeited. Down the bay additional men,
who had been enlisted at New Orleans, with arms
and ammunition, were put on board the " Fashion ' '
by another steamer, and her course was directed
toward the shores of Nicaragua. Walker's force,
which consisted of about one hundred and fifty
men armed with rifles, was organized and drilled
during the voyage, and ever3rthing was put in
readiness for his hostile demonstration against
that little country. Passing the bay of San Juan
del Norte, he disembarked a portion of his force
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NICARAGUA 69
about twenty miles below which attacked and
seized the fort of Castillo, on the San Juan River.
He also captured steamers and merchandise,
killed some of the natives, and made some prison-
ers. On November 25, 1857, he landed the re-
mainder of his force on Punta Arenas, an almost
deserted point of sand which was claimed also
by Costa Rica. Here he laid out his camp and
established the "Headquarters of the Army of
Nicaragua."
Commander Chatard of the United States Navy
was in the Bay of San Juan, on board the " Sara-
toga," at the time the "Fashion" came in, but
he had no reason to suspect her character, and
believing that his instructions did not empower
him to stop an expedition of this character in the
waters of Nicaragua he allowed her to pass. For
this he was censured and deprived of his command
by the Government. Later Commodore Hiram
Paulding, commander of the Home Squadron,
arrived in the harbor of San Juan, on the flag-ship
"Wabash." This squadron had been instructed
to watch the Mosquito Coast for Walker's expedi-
tion. As soon as Paulding became acquainted
with the situation, he landed a force of four hun-
dred sailors and marines with cannon, through a
rough sea, and captured Walker and his men. In
this Paulding exceeded his instructions, as he
frankly admitted. " I am sensible of the responsi-
bility I have assumed," he said, "and confidently
look to the Government for my justification.'*
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70 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Walker was taken to New York and handed over
to the United States marshal, who in ttim stir-
rendered him to the Secretary of State. The
Secretary declined to sanction the legality of his
arrest, refused to recognize him as a prisoner,
and disapproved of the conduct of Commodore
Paulding. Walker's men were subsequently
landed at Norfolk and discharged. Congress
requested the President to lay all the papers
before it, and Walker and his adventures thus
became the subject of national concern. They
excited the interest and sympathy of a large part
of the people, and Walker was not without staunch
supporters upon the floor of Congress, foremost
among whom was General Quitman, who declared
that the neutrality laws should be swept from the
statute-books, as restraints upon the enterprise
of the people.
This incident, which involved grave questions
of international law, gave rise to a long and pro-
tracted debate in Congress, in which the Clayton-
Bulwer Treaty was discussed and denounced.
The dissatisfaction which was expressed during
this session of Congress with the Clayton-Bulwer
Treaty arose from the construction placed by
Great Britain upon the first article of that treaty,
which is dated April 19, 1850. That article pro-
vides that neither power shall ever "occupy, or
fortify, or colonize, or assume or exercise any
dominion" over any part of Central America.
The United States construed the plain language
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NEUTRALITY LAWS 71
of this article to mean that Great Britain aban-
doned all such portions of Central America as
were then in its possession, or under its protector-
ate. But Great Britain put upon this article the
diplomatic construction that its language only-
prohibited them from extending their possessions,
and did not apply to such portions of that country
as were occupied by it at the time the treaty was
made.- This construction gave to Great Britain
cont;rol of practically the whole eastern coast of
Central America. These constructions being so
hopelessly at variance with each other, the abro-
gation of the treaty was demanded, but to this
Great Britain had not assented.
The question of neutrality had forced itself
upon the attention of American statesmen in the
earliest days of the Republic, first when the sym-
pathies of the people for the French Republic
during the European complications of 1793 led
to the act of June 5, 1794, which was limited in
its operation to a few years, and again in 181 7, .
when an act was passed to restrain Americans
from aiding an insurrection in Canada. This act
was limited to one year. It was not until April
20, 1818, that the act which is still in force,
known as the " Neutrality Law," was approved by
President Monroe. This act was passed to restrain
the citizens of the United States from aiding the
South American colonies which were then engaged
in a struggle to throw off the yoke of Spain.
The debate at this session upon the powers
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72 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
conferred upon the President by this act took a
wide range, and involved wide differences of
opinion. The whole subject was thoroughly dis-
cussed with learning' and ability. During this
debate Mr. Jones took a firm and sound stand
against filibustering in any form. He contended
that the exercise of the powers given to the Presi-
dent by the act of 1818, to use the army and navy
for the suppression of unlawful expeditions of this
character, and the principles of international law
as laid down by Vattel, Pufendorf, and Grotius
was not limited to the harbors of the United States
nor to one marine league from the coast, but that
the President had power to suppress such an ex-
pedition, by the use of the navy, upon the high
seas, or, if necessary, in the waters of the country
against which the expedition was directed.
A resolution was introduced directing the pres-
entation of a medal by Congress to Commodore
Paulding for his gallant conduct in the arrest of
Walker, but no action was taken upon it. Walker
subsequently embarked upon another expedition,
and was captured and shot in Honduras, Septem-
ber 12, i860.
In reply to the speech of General John A. Quit-
man of Mississippi, who attacked the neutrality
laws and defended the action of Walker, Mr.
Jones spoke as follows. Mr. Jones had moved to
refer the subject to the Standing Committee on
the Judiciary. General Quitman had moved to
amend by referring it to a Special Conunittee.
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NEUTRALITY LAWS 73
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. I rise for the purpose of
taking issue with the honorable gentleman from Miss-
issippi, as to the merits of his amendment. I under-
stand that the most distinguishing characteristic of
our Government is that it is a government of law —
international law, constitutional law, statute law, or
common law. I say that in the family of nations the
most distinguishing characteristic of our Government
is that it is a government of law. In drawing, there-
fore, the resolution to refer that portion of the Pres-
ident's message to the Committee on the Judiciary,
I had in my eye the fact that in a government of
law — ^in a government constituted as ours is — the Judi-
ciary Committee is the proper one to which to refer
this matter. What other committee in this Govern-
ment is competent to consider this question? I did
not mean, nor does the resolution mean, to imply any
prejudged opinions upon the subject of the neutrality
laws. The honorable gentleman from Mississippi, how-
ever he may be indined to restrict the powers of the
Federal Government, will never admit that this Gov-
ernment can fall beneath any other government under
the canopy of heaven in its character of a government
of laws. Whatever may be the limitation of its dele-
gated powers by the reserved powers of the States, I
am certain the gentleman from Mississippi will never
doubt its just power in the family of nations. Now, I
do not know that I differ from the honorable gentle-
man from Mississippi upon the subject of the neutrality
laws. I mean to confine my remarks exclusively to
the question of reference. But as the honorable gentle-
man from Mississippi has chosen, at this stage of the
proceedings, to go into the merits of this question, I
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74 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
must set him right on a few points that command my
attention. The gentleman says that the President, in
his annual message, recommends, instead of the repeal
of the neutrality laws (as my honorable friend would
have it), the enactment of more stringent provisions for
their enforcement. Now, my honorable friend is mis-
taken, or I am, in the construction he puts upon the
language of the message. It does not even endorse
the present neutrality laws. But, sir, the Executive
of this nation tells you that if y6u want him, in obedi-
ence to his oath of oflSce, to execute your laws, you
must give him the power to carry them into effect.
Mr. Quitman. If the gentleman will allow me, I
will call his attention to the language of the President
in his message. He sajrs: "I commend the whole
subject to the serious attention of Congress, believing
that our duty and otir interest, as well as otir national
character, require that we should adopt such meas-
ures as will be effectual in restraining otir citizens from
committing such outrages.*' Now, sir, if the President,
in this language, did not intend to recommend the
enactment of more stringent laws upon the subject,
but simply to ask for additional executive powers,
I shall be very happy to learn that I was mistaken
in the construction I have placed upon it, and that
the recommendation is not so objectionable as I
supposed.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones. Allow me to say to my
honorable friend from Mississippi, once for all, that I
do not tmdertake to speak for the President. I speak
merely of my construction of the message of the Presi-
dent, as I tmderstand it, speaking as the Executive of
the nation to the legislative branch of the Govem-
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NEUTRALITY LAWS 75
ment. I understand the honorable gentleman from
Mississippi to take issue with the laws as they now
stand upon the statute-book. Well, sir, my point is,
that he must not infer that the President of the United
States will not concur with him — certainly not that I
shall not concur with him — in a revision of those laws.
I repeat, sir, that the proper construction of the lan-
guage of the President's message which the gentleman
has quoted is this. The President of the United
States says to the legislative branch of the Govern-
ment: "If you wish me to execute your laws, if you
want me to carry out the provisions of your statutes,
you must clothe me with a greater power. I must
have more stringent legislation." But it does not
follow, it is a non sequitur to say that because the
President of the United States says this, he is not in
favor of the repeal or modification of the neutrality
laws. I am not prepared to say how far I shall be will-
ing to go with the gentleman from Mississippi in favor
of such repeal or modification when the question
comes properly before us. The honorable gentleman
has no personal feeling against the Executive ; he can
have none other than in so far as he may perhaps
differ from the views the Executive has expressed.
He has a perfect right to differ from the Executive;
but I shall be happy if I can be able to satisfy his
judgment that the question as to the merits of the
neutrality law remains an open question. I do not
know yet how far I may be prepared to go with the
honorable gentleman upon this subject when it legit-
imately comes before this body.
Mr. Chairman, perhaps there are gentlemen here
who wish to discuss the subject of the neutrality law
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76 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
of 1818; but occupying the position which I do, I
feel it to be my duty to hasten the action of the com-
mittees of this House upon the appropriate subject-
matters of legislation embraced in the President's
message . After having made a brief reply to the gentle-
man from Mississippi, I shall speak on the question
simply of reference of these subjects to the appropriate
committees. I look upon the Committee of the Judi-
ciary as the legitimate committee for the investiga-
tion of the matter alluded to; and in so believing I
am supported, I am happy to say, by the honorable
gentleman from Mississippi himself. I concur with the
honorable gentleman in every particular of his speech,
and he shotild concur with me in the question of refer-
ence. But the gentleman asks for a special committee ;
a special committee to pass upon the powers of this
Government; a special committee to usurp the juris-
diction of a standing committee which has existed in
this House since the foundation of the Government.
Special committees have ordinarily been created when
special subjects have arisen. They have been created
when an emergency, or a particular occasion, had
given rise to a matter never before settled by prec-
edent, and which legitimately belonged to none of
the regular standing committees. In such cases the
Speaker has been authorized to appoint a special com-
mittee, to devote its special attention to the particular
and special subject referred to it; but there is not a
single instance on record where the legitimate juris-
diction of a standing committee of this House has
been usurped by or transferred to a special committee.
On the contrary, it has been the uniform practice of
both branches of Congress, since the beginning of the
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NEUTRALITY LAWS 77
Government, to refer for investigation and report all
questions pertaining to international law, the consti-
tutional or statute law, and all questions pertaining
to the functions and powers of the Government and
its officers, to the Committee on the Judiciary. But,
sir, I want my honorable friend from Mississippi to
understand that, in advocating the reference of the
resolution to the Committee on the Judiciary, I do
not mean in the slightest degree to be tmderstood as
taking grotmd against any modification of the neutral-
ity law. I have strong doubts as to the extent to
which this Government has gone in the enactment of
the law. I do not wish, therefore, in moving the
reference of the gentleman's proposition to the Com-
mittee on the Judiciary, to be tmderstood as throwing
obstacles in the way of the accomplishment of the
object he has in view. I am in favor of investigation
into the question, and believe that the Committee on
the Judiciary is fully competent for the discharge of
that duty. That committee is competent to examine
the whole subject from beginning to end. And when
that committee does report its conclusion from an
investigation of the facts referred to it, I shall then be
prepared, if necessary, to give my views on the subject.
Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman from Miss-
issippi, at the last session of Congress, moved the
reference of a similar proposition to the Committee
on the Judiciary. I find in the House Joximal, 1856-
1857, P^S^ 9^6, the following:
** Mr. Quitman, by unanimous consent, introduced a
bill (House bill No. 312) to repeal certain sections of
the neutrality law; which was read a first and second
time, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary."
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78 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
I quote this for the reason that I want the powerful
aid of my friend from Mississippi in the enforcement
of the position I take on the question of reference.
The President recommended to Congress at
this session the adoption of some plan for the con-
struction of a railroad to the Pacific. Mr. Jones
offered a resolution that this portion of the mes-
sage be referred to the Committee on Roads and
Canals, which was subsequently amended by
referring the subject to a special committee of
fifteen.
This important subject gave rise to a lengthy
debate during the session, in which the necessity
for such a road, the power of the Government to
build it, the most desirable route, and the best
plan to be adopted for its construction were fully
considered. Mr. Jones took part in this debate,
but no action was taken before the adjournment
of Congress.
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CHAPTER XXV.
The heated political campaign of 1858 — ^Mr. Jones' tmanimous
renomination for Congress for his fifth term by the Democrats
of Berks County — His visit to Washington — Is serenaded by
citizens — His speech to the crowd from the balcony of his resi-
dence — ^A split in the party — Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton
Democrats — Mr. Jones is opposed by a candidate without dis-
tinction of party — ^A memorable contest — Mr. Jones' defeat by
nineteen votes — Is appointed Minister to Austria — Resigns his
seat in Congress — ^Visit to Washington — Speech in response to a
serenade — ^Mr. Jones* departure for Austria.
AFTER the adjournment of Congress, the
aA country was thrown into a heated political
-*" -^ contest over the election of members of
Q)ngress, upon the issues raised by the events
which had transpired in Kansas. The Democratic
party was divided into the adherents of Mr.
Buchanan, under the name of " Lecompton Demo-
crats,'' and the followers of Mr. Douglas, under
the name of *' Anti-Lecompton Democrats." Mr.
Jones, as a national leader, became a shining
mark. The party throughout the country that
had not approved his course upon the Kansas
question brought every means within their power
to bear upon the people of his district to accom-
plish his defeat. Whilst disclaiming all personal
motives, they urged the moral effect of his defeat
upon the country as a justification for the press-
ure and money which they threw into this
79
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80 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
small arena, which had become a national fight-
ing-ground.
Berks County was no longer the hide-bound
political district it had been in quiet and peaceful
political times. The upheaval of this political
revolution was felt within its borders. There was
much independent political action among its
people. Instances had been numerous in the
county in the past, as we have seen, where repre-
sentatives in Congress had been chosen by ma-
jorities ranging from 500 to 1000. Mr. Wanner,
who was afterwards chosen to be the regular
Democratic candidate to fill Mr. Jones' unexpired
term, was defeated by the Republican candidate
by upwards of 1000 majority. Of course, Mr.
Jones' long public life had made for him the usual
allotment of political enemies out of the disap-
pointed men. Disappointed political aspirants
ascribed all their disappointments to him. Every
element of opposition was combined against him.
The county of Berks was a great iron-manufac-
turing district. The interests of the manufacturers
and their employees were appealed to, and strong
efforts were made to unite them against Mr. Jones
by calling their attention to his repeated declara-
tions upon the floor of Congress and elsewhere
that he was opposed to the doctrine of protection,
and in favor of a tariff for revenue only. His
friends rallied to his support with rare zeal,
fidelity, and devotion. The first attack was made
upon him within the party, against his renomi-
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RE-NOMINATION for CONGRESS 81
nation. This hopelessly failed. He was unani-
mously renominated by the County Convention for
his fifth term in Congress.
After his nomination Mr. Jones went to Wash-
ington. During his brief visit there he received
the compliment of a serenade by the citizens,
who marched to his residence, preceded by a brass
band, to congratulate him upon his unanimous
renomination. Being loudly called for, Mr. Jones
appeared upon the balcony and spoke as follows:
My Fellow Citizens: I feel deeply sensible of the
honor you have done me to-night in calling to con-
gratulate me upon an event which is of deep interest
to myself and my constituents, although I had not
supposed that it extended much beyond that. I am
deeply sensible of it, not so much as a personal com-
pliment to myself, as a compliment to the noble Democ-
racy of the county which it is my honor and my
good fortune to represent in the Congress of the United
States. [Applause.] We have no national issues at
present pending before the country, there are no
questions that are agitating the country now, of a
national character, upon which the people of the
whole country are called to pass judgment, or such as it
might be supposed the people of Washington would feel
a very deep interest in. In the year 1856, this country
was convulsed from one end to the other with questions
that did make every man's heart, who loved his country,
throb with anxiety and fear. But that has all passed
away, and we are now in the midst of peace and pros-
perity. Our coimtry is happy and united; and al-
VOL. II— 6
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82 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
though, in consequence of financial revulsions, we are
suffering in some parts of our country, and to some
extent perhaps throughout the whole of it, yet Provi-
dence has blessed us with plenty. Our cotmtry is at
peace; the Union is loved and revered, and is more
strongly cemented together now perhaps than it has
ever been during any period in our history.
I regard this compliment, my fellow-citizens, as a
compliment to the old and noble county of Berks,
which I have had the honor to represent now for nearly
eight years in Congress. [Applause.] I take the com-
pliment for her; and although, as I have said, no
questions of national importance are now agitating the
country, I accept this c^ as a token of the high regard
for the fidelity of that old county in standing by me
and in sustaining the administration of James Buch-
anan and the national Democracy. [Cheers.] That old
coimty, fifty-eight years ago, when Thomas Jefferson
was first elected President of the United States, took
her stand by his side. She was. a sound Republican
county, as it was called in the days of the elder Adams.
When Jefferson was elected President, she cast her
vote for him ; and from that day to this that old county
has never faltered in a single instance. Increasing her
majority from year to year, she cast nearly seven thou-
sand majority for James Buchanan when he was a
candidate for the Presidency in 1856. [Applaxise.]
Mr. Buchanan was elected, and he marked out his course
to the country in his inaugural address. During the
last session of Congress, after his annual message was
delivered, the country was again convulsed by ques-
tions which, although of a temporary character, as
the citizens of Washington are well aware, kept it in
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RE-NOMINATION far CONGRESS 83
a state of suspense for several months. I felt it to be
my duty to stand by the President in that issue. I
felt it to be my duty as a Democrat to labor unceas-
ingly and with all the power that I possessed, as the
representative of a district that cast seven thousand
majority to sustain the administration; and I need
not tell you what the result was. After the adjourn-
ment of Congress, in accordance with the peculiar
features of our institutions by which every representa-
tive is required to render an account to his constituents,
I went home to render an account of my stewardship
to old Berks. I did not suppose, my fellow-citizens,
that the contest for my nomination was one that would
excite any deep interest in the country at large ; and
even here in the city of Washington, where I have so
long resided as almost to become one of you, I hardly
thought this contest would be of much interest to you.
But I found, before I had returned home a week, that
all the powers of faction had been arrayed against me.
I found — ^not dreaming that I was regarded of so much
importance — ^that I was considered a choice victim,
to be immolated upon the altar, and all kinds of denun-
ciations were heaped upon me. But I submitted my
name to my fellow-citizens, and consented to be a
candidate for nomination for the fifth time, for the
sole purpose of presenting to my constituents the ques-
tion whether they would endorse my course in Congress,
and in relation to the administration of Mr. Buchanan.
The question was contested fiercely; and you are well
aware, for it has appeared in the public prints, I had
the pleasure of finding that one hundred and fifty
delegates from my own county gave it their unani-
mous approval and endorsement. I confess to you,
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84 Th LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
my fellow-citizens, that I did feel proud of that en-
dorsement of my course, not solely because it was an
endorsement of my own political action, but I felt
especially proud that that old cotmty, which had
never faltered in standing up for the principles of the
Democratic party for more than half a century, came
forward to endorse my political course in sustaining
the President of the United States in the patriotic
measures which he had adopted to uphold the con-
stitution and the Union. [Grreat applause.]
My fellow-citizens, I repeat — ^for I know that you
do not expect me to make a speech, and I shall
not occupy your time in attempting to discuss any
national questions — I regard this call upon me as
a compliment to the good old county of Berks. I
thank you for the honor you have done me, and bid
you good night.
Finding that they could make no impression
upon the solid ranks of the regular Democratic
party, the disaffected and disappointed Demo-
crats, Republicans, and other elements of opposi-
tion united upon a man whose affiliations had
theretofore been with the Democratic party. He
was nominated at a public meeting, without dis-
tinction of party, as Mr. Jones' opponent for
Congress. It was the most memorable political
contest the county had ever known. It was not,
in its true sense, a personal contest, Mr. Jones had
been unanimously chosen by his party to lead
them in this fight, and he made the fight, not be-
cause he wanted the office, but for the triimiph
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HIS UNOBTRUSIVENESS 85
of his party and its principles and for the vindi-
cation of his own political course. He had never
entered into an aggressive contest to secure any
of the important political positions he held. He
was in no sense a self-seeking man. Whatever
mark of public esteem and confidence he had
received, whatever position of prominence and
honor had been conferred upon him, had come to
him without persistent effort upon his part. The
most striking features of his character were his
political unselfishness, his modesty, and his unob-
trusiveness. If his name was at any time sug-
gested for a position, even if the suggestion was
acceptable to him, he ceased to entertain any
thought of it if the public sentiment did not
promptly and cordially respond to the suggestion.
His sensitive temperament would not allow his
claims to be thrust upon the consideration of
others. He would not go into a struggle for any
place, no matter how promising the prospect of
success might be. His first nomination for Con-
gress came to him through the overwhelming
expression of the sentiment of his party, rather
than through any effort of his own. When he
determined not to continue in Congress, it was
because his private interests demanded that he
should return to private life and the work of his
profession. His second nomination for Congress
came to him without any solicitation upon his
part, and rather against than in compliance with
his wishes and inclinations. His subsequent nomi-
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86 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
nations and elections to Congress came to him as a
matter of course in the natural order of events.
When his name was prominently stiggested for a
place in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, the suggestion
did not come from him, but from the universal
sentiment of the country, because he was one of
the most prominent men then before the public
and the people recognized his fitness for the posi-
tion and conceded it to him as a recognition of
the prominent place he held, and the prominent
services he had rendered to the party and the
country as a public man. When he declined to
accept the position of Minister to Berlin, he had
had no previous intimation that the place would
.be offered to him. When he was appointed Min-
ister to Austria, the appointment came to him as
a complete surprise.
In ordinary, quiet times, when there are no
crises in public affairs, when public events move
on in regular, smooth routine, a public man may
pass along without any strain that brings out the
weakness or the strength of his character. It is
not so with the men whose official life is cast in
the stormy times when the nation is passing
through some crisis in its history, such as the
period which covers Mr. Jones' Congressional ca-
reer. The questions involved in the controversy
over the status of slavery in Kansas went to the
very bottom of the nation's Ufe. It was a time
that brought out the weakness in the characters
of many men. To stand up then boldly and un-
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COURAGE of HIS CONVICTIONS 87
waveringly for the constitutional lights of the
South, bitterly assailed as they were throughout
the North, required both courage and strength
of character in a public man representing a Northr
em State. The violent and apparently successful
attempt that was then being made to deprive
the foreign-bom citizen of his political rights, and
the Roman Catholic of his religious freedom, had
taken a strong hold upon the popular fancy, and
was sweeping over the country like a great popular
wave. Many weak and vacillating Democrats
who thought they foresaw the dissolution of their
own party sought to save themselves from the
wreck by taking refuge in the ranks of the new
movement, and allowed themselves to be carried
away by this popular wave. These were tr3ning
times that put a man's character to the test. An
adherence to principle then — ^not only adherence,
but a strong, aggressive stand in defence of prin-
ciple regardless of public clamor — ^meant not only
strength of character but integrity of purpose,
to a high degree, in the man who had the courage
to stand up for what he believed to be right with-
out regard to the effect it might have upon him-
self and his political future. Mr. Jones met all
these issues, as they arose, in the spirit of a true
statesmanship that considered only the welfare
of the whole country, and not that of a section,
and the rights of all the people without regard
to where they lived, or where they were bom, or
what their consciences might dictate to them
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88 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
when it came to the sacred things that exist only
between the individual and his God.
At the Congressional election in the fall of 1858
only one Democratic member of Congress was
elected in Pennsylvania. Mr. Jones' opponent
was returned, elected by a majority of nineteen
votes; and it is doubtful whether the defeat of
any public man ever created so much satisfaction
among the opponents of the Democratic party
throughout the country as the defeat of Mr. Jones.
The return was not an honest one. Sufficient
frauds were discovered in the unprecedented
majority of over eight hundred returned for his
opponent in the city of Reading alone to reverse
this rettim. It would probably have been impos-
sible, however, in the temper of the public mind
and the complexion of the Congress that had been
chosen at that election, which was overwhelm-
ingly against the Democratic party, to seat Mr.
Jones. Moreover, a contest was not considered.
Mr. Jones had not made the fight because he
desired to continue his service in Congress. Per-
sonally he was averse to it; but he had acted
in obedience to the wishes of his party friends
throughout the country, and from desire to secure
a vindication of his public course at the hands
of his fellow citizens.
The defeat of Mr. Jones was not a personal one.
He shared the fate of his party, to whose prin-
ciples he had always been devoted, and to which
he had adhered faithfully to the end. There
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The CAUSES of DEFEAT 89
were several causes which led to the result. The
defection of Mr. Douglas contributed largely to
the defeat of the Democratic party. But chief
among the causes which brought about this
result was the extraordinary growth at the North
of the feeling against the institution of slavery.
This feeling was revolutionary. It was not re-
strained by the majesty of the law, by authority,
or by respect for the rights of others. It had
become a great htimanitarian sentiment. It was
one of those episodes that occur in the history
of mankind. It was universal; it was inevitable.
The time seemed to have come when, after exist-
ing for centuries with the approval and sanction
of mankind, human slavery was suddenly to
disappear, at any cost, from the face of the earth.
The Democratic party had never defended slavery
upon its merits; but there was no room in the
enthusiasm of its opponents for a just discrimi-
nation between the defence of the clear right of
a slaveholder to hold his slaves and the advocacy
of the institution of slavery itself. To them these
were the same. To their minds anything that
resulted in maintaining the institution of slavery
was wrong, no matter what its justification might
be. It was before such blind enthusiasm as this
that the Democratic party went down, and it
was twenty-six years before it was returned to
power.
The causes of Mr. Jones' defeat, — ^if such a
return, with its meagre majority of nineteen
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90 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
votes, cotdd be called a defeat, — ^are not far to
seek even in the light of those times, but they
are made clearer by the events which surrounded
the Charleston Convention less than two years
later. It may be well also to recall in this con-
nection, what was said in Volume I, page 133 of
this biography, upon the subject of disorganiza-
tion within the democratic party in Berks County.
Mr. Jones was not unmindful of the bitterness
and uncertainty of this contest. He had seen the
clouds gathering, but was not dismayed. With
him it was a fight for principle. He was a man
of positive convictions, and when he reached
those convictions he had the courage of them.
He would uncompromisingly make battle for them
rather than yield anjrthing for the temporary
advantage of success. He had long been inter-
ceding with certain weak and wavering elements
in the democratic party who were unsound upon
the vital principles involved in the Kansas-
Nebraska legislation. He referred to these waver-
ing democrats in his Bloomsburg speech wherein
he stated that he had often abstained from enter-
ing into the debates in the House upon this
legislation for fear that by his uncompromising
attitude these wavering Democrats might be still
further estranged, and their support be lost to
the vital principles involved in that legislation.
Later these wavering Democrats had gone further
astray into the growing sentiment against slavery,
and many of their followers were now found in
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IS APPOINTED MINISTER to AUSTRIA 91
the ranks of Mr. Jones' enemies, under the name
of anti-Lecompton Democrats, in the heat and
strife of this noted campaign.
Mr. Jones had always been a consistent oppo-
nent of the doctrine of protection as the object
of tariff legislation. His district had become a
large manufacturing centre, and many Demo-
crats who were directly or indirectly interested
in manufactures were found among his active
opponents in this campaign.
The long period of Mr. Jones' pubUc life had
been a stormy one. His time was largely occu-
pied by the prominent part he took in the great
issues of those times. Many who had been his
political friends and admirers had expected more
personal preferment from him than he was able to
give. This campaign afforded them an opportunity
for their resentment, which he did not deserve.
Immediately after the election Mr. Jones re-
ceived a letter from the President of the United
States voluntarily tendering to him the mission
to Austria. The tide of rejoicing was ttimed. A
salute of thirty-two guns was fired upon the receipt
of this intelligence in Reading, and the Democrats
of the city went in procession to Mr. Jones' house,
preceded by a brass band, to extend to him their
congratulations.
Having accepted the mission to Austria, Mr.
Jones resigned his seat in Congress, and this ended
his Congressional service. During his career in
public life he was actively confronted with the
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92 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
great public questions of slavery, the tariff, the
Cuban question, the Monroe doctrine, Indian
affairs, and civil and religious liberty, all of which
received his most careful and conscientious con-
sideration. Upon all these questions his views
were those of a broad statesmanship, and were
wise, conservative, and absolutely sound.
While in Washington preparing for his departure
upon his foreign mission, Mr. Jones was serenaded
by his friends, accompanied by the Marine Band,
who extended to him their congratulations through
General Joseph Lane of Oregon. In reply to this
serenade, Mr. Jones spoke as follows:
Mr. Jones, being greeted with enthusiastic cheers,
returned his thanks to his fellow citizens of the city
of Washington for the tmexpected honor that they
had conferred upon him. It would not be proper, nor
was it expected, he remarked, that he should make a
speech on this occasion; and were he to attempt it,
he should utterly fail for want of language to express
the deep feelings of his heart, and his gratitude for the
compliment they had paid him in calling upon him to
congratulate him upon the honor recently tendered
him by the President of the United States. For the
last eight years he had spent about half of his time
here ; and that was among the happiest periods of his
life. Coming among the people of Washington as a
stranger nearly eight years ago, it had been his pleasure
to meet them in social intercourse, to mingle with them
in his public and private relations, and to cultivate
those amicable feelings which contribute so much to
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OVATION TO HIM in WASHINGTON 93
the happiness and enjoyment of life. He felt this to
be the proudest triumph of his life, that, after having
spent so much time here, he had been deemed worthy
of such an enthusiastic reception as this by those who
knew him best. He had simply to say that, whether
at home or abroad, whether in the domestic or foreign
relations of our Government, he should remember the
period of his association with the citizens of Washing-
ton to the last days of his life. He then closed by re-
peating his acknowledgments and thanking them for
the compliment they had paid him.
After three hearty cheers had been given for Mr.
Jones, General Lane, of Oregon, was loudly called for,
and made a few remarks. He said he did not come
there to make a speech, but to tender that welcome to
Mr. Jones that had brought so many of his hearers to
the spot. It had been his forttme to serve with Mr.
Jones for almost eight years in the House of Repre-
sentatives; and he was a witness to the fidelity and
honesty with which he had there discharged his duties.
His devotion to the country, the Constitution, the
Union, and the rights of the States as secured by the
Constitution, Was the cause of his failure at the late
election. He had been stricken down by intrigue,
manoeuvring, and political management; and it was
gratifying that the faithful patriot who presides over
the destinies of this country saw the capacity, honesty,
and integrity of Mr. Jones and gave him a mark of
his confidence in an honorable appointment abroad.
It was a wise choice ; it was confidence well bestowed.
General Lane thanked them for calling him out, and
also for this manifestation of their regard for his
worthy friend, Mr. Jones.
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94 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Governor Stevens and Mayor Berret made brief
speeches in answer to calls from the assemblage ; and
then the company proceeded to the Executive Mansion.
The President appeared at the window, and was loudly
cheered by the vast throng who had then gathered.
He remarked that his days for making speeches were
over, but his heart impelled him to thank them for
the honor they had done him in calling upon him. He
entertained a very warm regard for the people of
Washington, and knew that among them were as true
and faithful Democrats as were to be found on the
broad stirface of this coimtry. He then bid them
good night.
Upon visiting the Navy Yard, Mr. Jones was
received with an official salute.
Mr, Jones' departure from Reading for his
foreign mission is thus described in a local news-
paper:
DEPARTURE OF MR. JONES.
The Hon. J. Glancy Jones, U. S. Minister to Austria,
left this dty on Wednesday morning last, on his way
to New York, whence he will depart, with his family,
on Saturday next, the 8th of January, for Vienna,
via Havre and Paris. He was escorted from his resi-
dence to the Railroad Depot by a large number of his
friends, in procession, headed by the City Band. Be-
fore entering the cars, he responded to the greetings of
the crowd in a brief address, bidding farewell in ap-
propriate and eloquent words to the people of his
coimty, whose confidence and esteem he has so long
enjoyed. A delegation of nearly one himdred citizens
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HIS DEPARTURE from READING 95
accompanied him to Philadelphia, and dined with him
at the Merchants' Hotel. His friends availed them-
selves of the occasion to pay him a parting compliment
to which Mr. Jones replied in a speech of deep feeling
and impressiveness. Addresses were also made by
Messrs. Hiester Clymer, J. K. McKenty, James B.
Bechtel, and J. Lawrence Getz. This impromptu
demonstration, and final interview between Mr. Jones
and the large company of his late constituents, was
highly gratifying to that gentleman, and interesting
to all who participated in it.
A complimentary dinner was tendered to Mr. Jones
prior to his departure, by his fellow citizens of Reading
irrespective of party; but he was compelled to decline,
it, for want of time. The letter of invitation, with
Mr. Jones' reply, are subjoined:
Honorable J. Glancy Jones:
Dear Sir: Some of your old neighbors and per-
sonal friends wish to meet you once more, before you
leave Reading, to take you by the hand and to wish
you God speed upon your distant and honorable
mission. They could not permit you to pass out from
their midst, with justice to you or to themselves, with-
out tendering to you this wish, and they beg that you
will name some day when it will stdt your convenience
to meet them for those purposes, at the social board.
The undersigned, wishing you all health, happiness,
and prosperity.
Remain, as ever, &c.,
J. Pringlb Jones, J. Knabb,
Frederick Lauer, Louis Ritter,
Charles Kessler, Hiester Clymer,
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96 The LIFE of J, GLANCY JONES
Henry W. Smith, E. L. Smith,
John Banks, Philip K. Miller,
J. Hagenman, Edward M. Clymer,
J. H. Hain, John McManus,
J. Lawrence Getz, H. R. Hawman,
H. P. Pelix, D. McKnight,
Michael P. Boyer, Charles Boyer,
J. Hoffman, Charles B. McKnight,
James McCarty, C. H. Hunter,
David P. Gordon, George Smith,
P. O'Reilly, S. E. Ancona,
David Pister, George W. Bruckman,
Jacob K. McKenty, R. P. Brown,
David Schall, Jambs Nicholson,
William Rhoads, Jr.
Reading, December 24, 1858.
Reading, December 27, 1858.
Gentlemen :
I am in receipt of your letter, in which you do me
the honor to tender me a public dinner, as the most
convenient mode of giving expression to the kind feel-
ings which, as old neighbors and personal friends, you
are pleased to entertain for me. Coming from such a
source, on the occasion of my departure to a foreign
land, I am at a loss to express to you how deeply sen-
sible I am of this manifestation of your regard. It is
with sincere regret that I am compelled to decline the
honor thus tendered, in consequence of the very short
time allotted to me to prepare for my departure. In
doing so, however, I have the pleasing reflection, that
although deprived of that social form of interchanging
mutual expressions of regard and esteem, I still have
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TENDERED A PUBLIC DINNER 97
the evidence in your letter, of the kind feelings and
good wishes entertained, and so happily expressed,
the fond recollection of which I shall cherish as long
as I live.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
To Hon. J. Pringle Jones, Frederick Lauer,
Mr. Charles Kessler, H. W. Smith, Esq., Hon.
John Banks, J. Hagenman, Esq., and others.
Vol. II— 7
I
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CHAPTER XXVI.
Mr. Jones' residence in Vienna — Rights of neutrals upon the high
seas — ^Mr. Jones' diplomatic correspondence — Visit of Robert C.
Winthrop and William H. Seward to Vienna — ^Mr. Jones' diary —
The election of Abraham Lincoln — Appointment of Anson
Burlingame as Mr. Jones' successor — His rejection by the Austrian
Government — ^Mr. Jones consents to remain temporarily — ^Ap-
pointment of J. Lothrop Motley as his successor — Mr. Jones'
return to America — ^His diary.
MR. JONES' public life now passed from
the stormy arena of American politics
into the more peaceful fields of European
diplomacy, for which, perhaps, his personal quali-
ties better fitted him. The change was very
acceptable to him. His acquaintance with the
diplomatic corps in Washington had been quite
extensive, and Mr. Marcy, while he was Secretary
of State, frequently conferred with him upon such
questions of foreign policy as came before Congress.
His knowledge of history was extensive. He had
always taken a deep interest in international law.
He kept himself well informed upon the varied
phases and active movements of European affairs,
and was familiar with the intricate questions
which affected the relations of foreign countries
to each other.
When he landed in France, the Second Empire,
under Napoleon HI., was in the height of its
power. The German Empire was still a remote
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HIS RESIDENCE in VIENNA 99
possibility. France and Austria were on the
threshold of the bloody conflict which led to the
readjustment of Italy, and the Eastern question
occupied the attention of all the European powers.
Though America had not yet attained the posi-
tion it now occupies among the nations of the
world, its importance was recognized, and its
representatives were received and treated with
great consideration and respect.
Mr. Jones' residence at Vienna was a most
agreeable and successful one, made especially so
by the cordial treatment he received from the
Cotirt, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the ctilti-
vated society, and the diplomatic corps. That he
was an able and accomplished diplomatist, thor-
oughly acquainted with international law, holding
in his grasp the significance of current inter-
national events as they transpired, correctly fore-
casting the signs of the times, and keeping himself
closely in touch with the moves that are always
going on in the game of European diplomacy, is
abundantly shown by his vigorous efforts in behalf
of the rights of neutrals on the high seas, and by
his able diplomatic correspondence, which is con-
tained in the Appendix to this biography. Six
months after he left Vienna, Mr. J. Lothrop
Motley, his successor, wrote to him : " Count Rech-
berg [the Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs]
always speaks of yourself with the greatest
respect and regard."
Upon one occasion Mr. Seward and Mr. Robert
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100 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
C. Winthrop of Boston were passing through
Vienna. Nattirally, the customary court dress
formed no part of their wardrobe. They desired
an audience of the Emperor, and at Mr. Jones'
request the Emperor waived this most important
formality, and, without precedent, cordially re-
ceived these distinguished American statesmen
in ordinary evening dress.
In the winter Mr. Jones' residence was within
the walled city. During the first stimmer of his
residence in Vienna he occupied a delightful villa
adjoining the beautiful gardens of Schonbrunn.
The following summer he occupied a villa at
Baden.
Mr. Jones' diary contains many notes of the
journeys he made for pleasure and recreation while
he resided at Vienna. Among others he mentions
his visit in September, i860, to Oberammergau
to witness the Passion Play, which has been
devoutly performed there every ten years since
the region was relieved from the scotirge of "the
plague." This diary also contains notes of his
prolonged visit to Italy in April, 1861, with Gov-
ernor Wright of Indiana, who had been appointed
Minister to Berlin when Mr. Jones declined that
position at the beginning of Mr. Buchanan's
administration. These notes show the great
pleasure he derived from his travels through that
interesting country, with whose history and litera-
ttire he was so familiar. This diary also contains
notes of the little trips he took to Ischl, the chief
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HIS DIARY 101
summer resort of the Viemiese, and other places
in the neighborhood.
From this diary we have made the following
selections:
TRIP TO BUDAPEST. HUNGARY
5 June, 1861. Took passage on Steamer accom-
panied by Charles, Mr. Delaplaine, & servant Joseph;
weather jfine. River high.
Pressbiirg, Old Capital of Hungary, finely situated
on a high Bluff; Old Royal Palace surrounded by wall.
The Capital was changed in 1848 because it was too
near Vienna.
The scenery from Pressburg to Gran is very fine.
The Danube runs chiefly through a grazing cotintry.
The resources of Htingary are certainly very great.
If the old estates were broken up & thrown into the
Market & the monopolies of Railroad & River naviga-
tion were open to fair competition, Hungary would
double its wealth and population in a few years.
Gran is situated on the right Bank of the Danube.
(Duna in Htingarian.) The Cathedral is finely situated
on a hill, but the town has no other attraction than as
the seat of the Cardinal Archbishop, who is Primate of
Hungary.
Arrived at Budapest at 6 p.m. Buda lies on a high
hill on the right bank & is the old town. The Imperial
Palace stands on the higher point of the hill. A wall
surroimds the town. Pest lies on the left bank upon
lower, level ground, & is without a wall — it being a
modem town. It is much the larger town & the most
business-like & prosperous. Between the two towns,
and connecting them, is a very fine suspension bridge.
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102 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
6 and 7 ]ime. Visited the Land Tag, or Hungarian
Diet. Seats were kindly reserved for us. The House
has about 300 members elected for Three years by the
people in Districts of 30,000 inhabitants. Every man
is entitled to a vote who has a rental income of ;gii.
The Lords were not in session. The House was. Each
Hungarian Nobleman is entitled to a seat. There are
about 800 of these, though only about 280 attend.
The Law of Primogeniture does not exist imiversally
as \o estates ; it only applies to what are called Mag-
nates, but the title and rank goes to each Son and in
many (a Majority of the States) the property is divided
among the children equally.
We visited the Diet twice, and were much pleased
with the spirited manner of the delegates.
Went to the riding school, and the Musetmi and re-
ceived very polite attention from Cotmt Bela Sz6ch6nyi,
Cotmt Korroly, Messrs. Madardsz and Hajnik, and
Cotmt Szapary.
Attended the races and saw some very fine Racing.
Were introduced at the Casino, where we dined and
read the newspapers.
Went to the Palace and Baths in Buda, and took a
warm sulphur bath. Afterwards looked at the public
Baths and bathers. Visited the Theatre.
8 ]vme. Took the cars at 7.22 a.m. and reached
Vienna at 2 p.m., much delighted with our visit. The
Rail Road runs up the north Bank of the river to Vi-
enna, parsing Gran and Pressburg. The country is flat,
chiefly grazing land; it is pleasing, and covered with
cattle, sheep, geese, and hogs.
Count Teleki's seat was draped in mourning. We
attended a reqtdem at the Jewish Synagogue in memory
of Teleki.
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HIS DIARY 103
Pest is destined to be a flourishing town as soon as
commerce, manufacttares, and agriculture are relieved
of their Shackles and opened to free competition.
Cavour's death was annoxmced to me while I was in
Pest.
TRIP TO ISCHL, &c.
Sunday, 23 June, 1861. Left the Arch Duke Charles
Hotel for Lambach at J past three o'clock. Charles
left at II A.M. for Baden. Weather very hot; my ser-
vant Joseph with me. The Country looking fine and
the scenery in its best dress. Had a heavy thxmder-
storm, which cooled the air and clothed the Verdure
in the richest color. Reached Linz at 9, and left for
Lambach. Arrived there in an hoiu", and took apart-
ments at the Rail Road Hotel.
June 24. Slept well, and in the morning rambled
over the hills. At 1 1 took a carriage, which I preferred
to the R.R., to Gmxmden, because I could see the coim-
try to better advantage and visit the Tratm Falls. In
an hour and J I reached the Traim Palls, which pleased
me much, not because of their height, for I have seen
higher. Of course I was not much impressed with its
size, as I had seen Niagara, but it was very picturesque
and pleasing. The rocks, being humorous and of soft
Pudding-Stone, turn the water into all sorts of shapes
and figures. The Fall is 42 feet high, enough to give
you a perfect idea of what a Water Fall is. The Spray
is very fine. I viewed it from half a dozen different
points, and then had a fresh trout of large size, taken
from the stream, cooked to suit me ; it was broiled in
butter, and on that, with strawberries and cream, I
made my dinner. The whole cost me 2 Gulden or 62 and
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104 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
a half cents. I then went to Gmunden and took pleas-
ant apartments overlooking the lake, where I now am.
June 2$. Took a bath and then went fishing and
rowed on the lake. I afterwards spent an hoiir on the
lake shore.
June 26. Started early to ascend Prauenstein^
wtdch I found very tedious and tiresome. Dined 00
the way, and returned in the evening very tired.
June 27. Left at 8 o'clock a.m. in a Steamboat for
Ischl and arrived at 11. Visited the Salt Works, where
the Salt Water is boiled, or evaporated, and the salt
separated. It is dug out of the mines mixed with
earth and other foreign substances not soluble. The
whole is mixed with water, which dissolves the salt,
and the insoluble matter is precipitated. The brine
is then conducted in wooden pipes some eight miles^
where it is thrown into pans and evaporated. As the
water evaporates the salt is precipitated. It is then
shovelled out and packed in wooden vessels about the
size of a peck measure, and of very much the same
shape . After standing a few hours it is taken out of the
moulds and put into a furnace, where it is dried, for two
days. It is then hard enough to be transported. Each
form weighs 60 poxmds and is sold for eight Gulden.
It costs the Government one Gulden and 50 kreutzers.
June 28. Travelled over the grounds of the Euro-
pean Villa. Received a letter from Charles, and one
from Richmond, &c.
June 29. Rambled over the groimds and walks
and read Du Chaillu's Explorations in Africa. Had
another call from Colonel Fancourt-Holliday (St. Patil)
in Ischl. Heard of the Sultan's death.
June 30, Sunday. Very rainy. Has rained daily,.
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HIS DIARY 105
somewhat, ever since I have been in Ischl, but as it is
warm enough I prefer it to the excessive heat and dry-
ness. Rained hard all day, so I remained in the House,
and read the papers and Du Chaillu's Travels in Africa.
As Colonel Fancourt lives 6 miles out of town, I did not
go to dine with him on account of the rain.
July I, Monday. Not clear yet, and remained in
the house.
July 2, Tuesday. Clear and pleasant. Walked the
hills for three hours, then took lunch and drove seven
miles into the country to see Colonel Fancourt. Made
a very pleasant visit, and returned to dine.
July 3, Wednesday. Intended to go to-day to
Aussee, but at 5 a.m. when I arose I found it raining
hard. It rained all day and confined me to the house.
Rev. Mr. Ainslee called to see me. He is an English
Gentleman who married a relative of the Speaker of
the House of Commons.
July 4, Thursday. Left in a private carriage at half
past 7 o'clock A.M. for Aussee. The weather was clear
and settled once more. Passing through Laufen,
Goisem, and Agatha, I climbed the steep hill and came
to Aussee : a very pleasant village — ^thence by carriage
to Altaussee and Lake, and thence to Grundlsee. I
returned to Aussee to dine and look at the town. The
hill prospect is beautiftil beyond description. Left at
5 P.M. in a private carriage for Over Traun. This
road passes over the most fearful precipice, and really,
for the first time, I felt imeasy. At Over Traun I took
a boat and reached Haldstadt at 7 p.m. I visited the
church, 540 years old, and the little water falls on the
Traun. I heard T5n-olese singing on the Lake in the
evening, which sounded well.
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106 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
July 5, Friday. Left at 7 a.m. on a mule to visit the
Water Falls of Walbach Strub. Foxind it pleasing, but
not equal to my expectation. Retximed to breakfast
at 10 o'clock. After breakfast left on a mule again to
ascend to Rudolph's Thum, a height of 1600 feet and
lamost precipitous. The path is in fine condition
and ascends in zigzags. It runs along the face of the
hill tmtil you reach the top, which takes an hour. There
are frequent benches and little pavilions neatly covered
for shelter and resting places. Rudolph's Thum dates
back to the 13th Century. The Salt Mines afforded
every evidence of being worked by the Celts prior to
the Roman Conquest. The burial ground furnishes
conclusive proofs of this. The graves are often opened
and the skeletons fotmd with their ornaments of gold,
silver, copper, etc., upon them. As a compliment
to distinguished visitors a grave is opened for the first
time . This honor was considered due to me and a grave
was opened in my presence. Of course nothing but a
skeleton and dust of the wood remained. By the head
was foxmd a bronze pin and a whetstone, which I
brought with me as relics. The proof is conclusive of
their having been buried for over 2000 years. I looked
at the fine collection of minerals, dug out at different
periods, some petrifactions, etc. I then entered the
mine, which is 500 feet further up the hill. A white,
loose dress and slouch hat is furnished, and one enters
in a little carriage which is pushed on a railroad 1,000
feet into the mine. After wandering through various
drifts and examining the various and singular forma-
tions, I reached the Salt Chamber, of which there are
several. This one being empty I found illuminated
with red, white, and blue lamps. It was 20 feet high
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HIS DIARY 107
and at least loo feet in diameter, being rotind. The
illumination is a mark also of honor, though one may
be had by any party who bespeaks it and pays for it.
The great curiosity to me was to see how the process of
salt making was carried on. The whole work nearly
is done by water. The salt in the mine is fotmd in the
seams or sheets mixed with a black stone which is soft.
A small chamber is first dug out, say, ten feet square.
Into this chamber a pipe is laid at the top conducting
fresh water into it, and at the bottom is another pipe
to let off the water or brine after it is mixed with salt.
The chamber being filled with fresh water, the salt dis-
solves and the other matter is precipitated to the bot-
tom. As soon as the water is sufficiently salty (as the
barometer will tell) it is let oflF, and runs for miles to
Ischl, or Ebensee, etc., where it is conducted into salt
pans and the water evaporated, leaving the salt, now
precipitated, in a beautiful condition.
In the evening returning to Haldstadt, I took dinner
and then a fine large boat with a flag flying at each
end, which my host had ordered as another token of
respect for my rank. For all these little honors, how-
ever, one is expected to pay. No one has any charge
to make, but it is evidently expected; the amotmt, of
course, is left to one's self entirely, but custom has
regulated it, and it is not expensive. I found that
$5.00 was considered liberal for the whole. My ship
carried me to Gosau Mill where I took carriage and
drove back again to Ischl.
July 6. Left Ischl at three o'clock for Linz, via
Gmunden and Lambach. Reached Linz at 10 o'clock
P.M. and slept there.
July 7. Took steamer at 7 a.m. down the Danube
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108 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
and reached Vienna at four. Charles met me at the
Arch Duke Charles Hotel. All well and nothing new.
TRIP TO RICHENAU. MARIA ZELL. &c.
Sept. 3d, 1861. Left Vienna at 8.30 a.m. for a short
trip to Richenau, Iron works, and Maria Zell.
Arrived at Richenau at i o'clock p.m.; decidedly
rural. It lies in the valley where the R. R. crosses. It
wants water, but the mountain scenery aboimds, and
is wild. Hotel very full ; only adnndtted on account of
my rank, and what perhaps is still stronger, though not
alleged — I am recommended by the proprietor of the
Arch Duke Charles Hotel ; a friend whom it would be
very poor policy to offend.
The Kaiser Villa, the stimmer retreat of the children,
is a neat, new, square building, with nothing remark-
able about it to distinguish it from other country-
seats; the grounds are enclosed and neatly laid out.
The tout ensemble looks more like the Railroad Depot
at Baden than anything else I can think of. The Bath
House is near the Villa. It is a plain affair but clean,
and the water is jfine ; I took a very refreshing bath
every day; cost 50 Kreutzers.
Sept, 4th, Rose at 6 a.m., and breakfasting at 7,
took a carriage and drove through the hills for 3 hours,
the weather being very pleasant. Visited a Furnace,
a Forge, and a Rolling Mill ; also looked at the Iron Ore.
It is rock and Hematite mixed.
I also drove up the narrow valley along the stream,
which is both stony and beautiful, to Kaiser Brtmnen, a
beautiful Spring chiefly remarkable for its strength, as a
Stream as large as the Tulpehocken flows out of a hole in
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HIS DIARY 109
the base of a rock. No doubt made by the rod of some
primitive Moses in times beyond the memory of man.
Sept. $th. Climbed the Hills for an hour, starting
at 6 A.M. Took coflEee at 7, and rode out for three hours,
looking at Ragerbach, Glocratz, and the imperial paper
manufactory. Sent my servant to Vienna for the mail,
who returned in the evening with the Reading papers
and a long letter from Richmond — a letter which gave
me great pleasure more for the boldness of its thoughts
and independence of its sentiments and its pungent
and fluent style than from the news it contained.
Sept, 6. Rode out for three hours ; wrote down my
reflections on the political questions agitating my own
country in its foreign and domestic policy; read the
London Times, James' Statesmen — Granville and
Maurice of Saxony, having finished the day before his
Leo X., Cardinal Amboise, Ximenes. They are good,
but too much filled with historical details, which is the
province of history, and not of biography. In the
latter we look for general facts, such as the peculiar,
distinctive traits of character of the subject, and then
look for the philosophic relation between cause and
effect, the points which lead to success and those which
lead to defeat. These are the only valuable lessons
which biography teaches. Still, the whole is rather
more palatable than Brougham's lives of eminent
Statesmen who flourished in the times of George III.,
which are filled with maudlin sycophantry which so
plainly speaks a desire to court the good will of their
descendants — ^the Frenchman being the only one who
seems to be fairly and imsparingly dealt with. He
who was of the Moimtain or of the Girondists, by
turns, whichever were safest or paid best, he is
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110 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
properly treated by Brougham; perhaps he has no
descendants.
Sept. 7. Left at 8 a.m. At 8.30 took express train
for Pazerbach to Mtdzzuschay, immediately on the
other side of the Semmering. It is at the foot of the
mountain, south, as Glezznetz is north. To these points
the railroad was first finished, the tuimelling being the
last. At Mtdzzuschay took a post carriage for myself
and servant (Johann), and drove through a most beau-
tiful valley siuroimded by fine scenery for seven hours
to Maria Zell. To-morrow, Sunday, being the anni-
versary of the birthday or Marien Fest, of the Virgin
Mary, the patroness par excellence of the little town,
the road was crowded with faithful pilgrims travelling
on foot in procession and otherwise, singing and pray-
ing, laughing and talking and smoking all the time.
The road was also lined with pilgrims of another sort
who were well dressed and rode in carriages, who were
also wending their way to the chosen temple of the
patroness Saint, possibly more out of motives of curi-
osity than of piety, and to this latter class I think I be-
longed. I told my servant that Maria Zell was a town
of very limited capacity, and that he had better double
the Trinkgelt to my coachman if he would take the
lead. He did so, and I secured the best apartments
on the first floor of the best hotel overlooking the public
sqxiare. The church, which stands within this square,
and all the groimd, is where the people congregate.
This speed, however, cost my coachman a horse, for
one of them died at 2 o'clock that night. The man
thought the rain and heat had dgne it (for it rained two
hours) and that the horse would have died anyhow.
To this I assented, of course, for I did not know the
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HIS DIARY 111
contrary, and I was not anxious to charge my con-
science with the death of the poor animal, though I be-
lieve the animal is the gainer. So I doubled the Trink-
gelt again, which made all right. I was in time to
witness several processions. They are all alike: the
peasants marching in double file with a banner in front
of them, with the figure of the Virgin inwrought; a
Priest and Schoolmaster in the middle, and the chor-
ister who leads the music. (These are not from the
cotmtry.) They have a trumpet and bass druin, the
singing is antiphonal, the leader singing one verse or
couplet and the women particularly the other, which,
as they are pretty well trained, soimded very well in
the open air.
Sept. 8, Sunday. Took an early walk upon the hills,
as the day is pleasant and the scenery is charming. It
is just the place calculated by what Buckle calls the
aspect of nature, when in an early age the civilized
world was shrouded in darkness, to inspire sentiments
of awe and superstition. The village is in a vale en-
tirely land-locked. The hill on which the town stands
and the various formations arotmd it are suggestive,
to an imagination not sobered by intelligence, of the
supernatural. The church was burnt in 1827, but the
Virgin Mary appeared and saved the image. The
modem church is very large, of necessity, as thousands
visit it annually. It is scarcely used by the villagers,
as it is too large for that purpose and there are chapels
in which they worship. It is most richly endowed by
pilgrims who have visited it for ages, among whom
are numbered Emperors, Kings, aiid Princes. The
processions coming from a distance are the largest, as
they increase as they advance. Those that come from
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112 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
the near-by places are the smallest, for the opposite
reason. The Image of the Virgin is imdoubtedly as
old as the year 1150, and the wooden chtirch dates
back to the year 1157. The first church was small, the
new or stone one was built in 1257. The present one,
about 300 years old, crosses the old one, which is still
preserved in the centre. The Image is kept in the
centre of this old church. A fine spring is also to be
found near Alten Heilige Brunnen, with a stone build-
ing enclosing it. Some pretty fair mural paintings
or frescoes ornament the walls, the Virgin being con-
spicuotis; also one representing the fire of 1827, the
apparition of the Virgin being on a hill close by. In
the centre, at the end, is the altar, and at each end of
this altar is the figure of an angel in a leaning position
with a pitcher in its hand, out of which trickles gently
the running stream of the foimtain into open vases,
the whole surmoxmted with a Latin inscription, of
which the following is a translation: "Cleanse yourself
in the living water." The pilgrims, after repeating
their prayers before the Image of the Virgin, advance .
to this fountain, wash their hands and faces, and drink,
and retire. I saw many hands and faces being washed
there, which, judging from their appearance, were
strangers to water. The public grounds and highways
are covered with shops like those on the Fair Groimds.
These are filled with engravings of the Virgin and
Child, crucifixes, eatables for the pilgrims, etc. Ehiring
the church hours they are closed, but before and after
service they are opened and thronged with customers.
Whatever is bought here is chiefly valuable for the fact
that it has been brought from Maria Zell, and is also a
proof, as well as a reminiscence, of the pilgrimage of the
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HIS DIARY 113
holder. I bought half a dozen rosaries and Pater
Nosters and also some engravings and silver medals and
crucifixes to present to my American Catholic friends,
who, having stronger faith, will no doubt appreciate
them more highly than I can. I entered the church
and took a good view of it. It is gorgeotisly adorned
and brilliantly lighted. The sunlight is admitted
through stained-glass windows so as to produce a fine
effect, and the whole is well calculated to excite admir-
ation and awe, even in the mind of the most intelligent
beholder; and if he be a little tinctiu^d with supersti-
tion (and few minds are entirely free), his admiration is
easily transmuted into adoration and worship.
High Mass begins at 9 a.m. and by 12 m. it is all
over; the shops re-open and the processions begin to
re-form ; those having far to go start early, the others
later, imtil by stinset all is quiet again. A town pro-
cession opens the ceremonies on the evening before
and closes it at Vespers on the day celebrated. This
procession carries a full-dressed image of the Virgin as
large as life, with the Child in her arms ; two priests in
full canonicals preceded by a bass drum and two trump-
eters in uniform, who were playing their instruments
alternately with the singing. The Virgin is carried on
a platform, borne by four girls. The shops around
the public square belong to the church and are rented
out as stalls.
At night a candle is placed in the hand of each, and
the procession moves around the church, passing around
the altar on their knees. The excitement was eqtial
to that of a camp meeting, of which it reminded me
much, after not having seen one at night for thirty
years.
Voun— 8
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114 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Sept. 9. Charming morning. The pilgrims re-
maining over night were in motion early in the morn-
ing, an4 the processions left in suocession, singing their
lauds, after which the town became very qtiiet. This
system of pilgrimage prevails all over the coimtry for
hundreds of miles, and processions are coming and go-
ing, with little intermission, during the whole simmier.
Every pilgrim, unless sick, must perform the journey on
foot, and there are persons in my hotel in easy circtmi-
stances who came here from Pest, eight days on foot
coming, and eight days to return. The whole system
is well calculated to nourish religious enthusiasm. The
utmost latitude is allowed in singing and praying at
the top of the voice, and perfect vent is given to excite-
ment. I saw men and women prostrate themselves on
the floor of the church, kiss the flag-stone, and weep
with an ecstacy that would have rejoiced the heart of
any presiding elder at a Western camp meeting, or the
chief of a Shaker Conventicle. Mankind are the same
the world over, and the Catholic Chtorch has shown
great worldly wisdom in preserving the imity of the
Church by opening one door to learned ambition in
founding orders, and another door to ignorance and
superstition in ceremonies and symbols addressed to
the senses, and a ritual devotion giving scope to the
fullest expression of animal excitement ; and so long as
men are so varied in their positions in society, perhaps
it is well. It preserves, at least, unity of the faith in
essentials. The complaint can only be made in their
believing too much; but better too much than too
little.
Took an hour's walk. Scenery charming. Wrote
a letter to Richmond, and visited the Schatz-Kammer^
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HIS DIARY 115
which is the Treastire House of the Church. There is
nothing very striking to one who has seen the Schatz-
KaxnmeT at Vienna; mats, costumes, and vast collec-
tions of gold and silver ornaments, with precious stones.
The wooden image is of course the great curiosity. It
is of undoubted age ; it is limewood, and painted black.
The altar around it is covered with silver, and the door
of the little, inner chapel is also of silver, enclosed in
stone of the remains of the old Church, which was built
in 1257.
Sept. ID. Another pleasant morning. Left Maria
Zell at 7.30 A.M. and drove through one of the loveliest
valleys I have ever seen. The scenery without being
grand is surpassingly picturesque. Arrived at Tumetz
at 3 o'clock, half way to St. Pohten. A pleasant little
village with a good comfortable inn, where I shall re-
main over night. The scenery here is still very beau-
tiful, and continues so, I am told, all the way to St.
Pohten.
Sept. u. Left Tumetz at 8, and travelling through
a lovely coimtry all the way, arrived at St. Pohten at
12, where I have taken rooms for a day or two, to look
at the coimtry aroimd.
Sept. 12. Sent my servant, Johann, to Vienna for
mail, and walked arotmd the town, which I enjoyed
very much, and found very pleasant. The walk is laid
out for miles along the stream which flows beautifully
through the town. My servant returned with files of
the London Times, New York papers, a letter from
Richmond and one from Mr. Motley, my successor, and
also a telegraphic despatch from Mr. Miller, the Des-
patch Agent in London, annotmcing Charles' safe
arrival off Cape Race. This news all being good made
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116 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
me feel very comfortable, but kept me awake until one
o'clock. I read mjrself finally to sleep in bed with
James* Life of Richelieu.
Sept. 1 3 . Rainy day. Shall keep pretty close to the
house — treading up. To-morrow morning wiU return
to Vienna.
Sept 14. Day charming. Leave for Vienna at
10.30 by express train, and expect to reach there at 12.
Arrived in Vienna and at the Arch Duke Charles Hotel
safe and in good health at 12.30.
SIGHT-SEEING IN VIENNA
Sept. 18, 1861. Visited shawl, silk, and porcelain
manufactories and examined the process of making
each ; the weaving of silk vestings and scarfs, etc., which
was entirely new to me, particularly the mode of cut-
ting, so as to present a surface like velvet ; the patterns
and mode of manufacttuing cashmere shawls, ranging
in price from $100 to $500. All the patterns, like the
porcelain ware patterns, are first painted by hand; the
painting is first traced on paper and from that copied.
The Imperial Porcelain Manufactory procures its best
clay from Passau, Bavaria, being a fine, white feldspar.
The Bohemian is thought by some to be superior —
indeed, the best porcelain clay in Europe. I bought
a service of the latter of the best quality, and added
two dozen plates of the best qttality of the Passau
feldspar of the Imperial mantifacture. One dozen is
plain with my initial letter "J** alone, the other is
ornamented in addition to the initial with a landscape
painting of a different kind for each plate. It is in-
teresting because I selected the plate, or clay rather.
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HIS DIARY 117
and also the scenes in Austria, with which my family
and myself are familiar. The dinner coffee-pot and
cups are Turkish, and are only novel because of the fact
that they are Turkish, and tte Turks introduced coffee.
I selected out of the factory, myself, three Cash-
mere Shawls for my wife and daughters, and bought
them thus one-foiurth cheaper than in Vienna or
Paris, and one-half less than in the United States. I
afterwards concluded not to take them, as my wife
informed me that they were well supplied, and did
not need them.
While Mr. Jones was residing as the American
Minister in Vienna, Mr. Lincoln was elected and
inaugurated President, and the Civil War had
advanced as far as the dangers which threatened
Washington after the defeat of the Northern
army at the first battle of Bull Run, and the pre-
cipitate and disastrous retreat which followed.
Mr. Lincoln appointed Mr. Anson Burlingame as
Mr. Jones' successor, and he came as far as Paris,
but the Austrian Government refused to receive
him. This created some delay, and Mr. Seward,
who had become Secretary of State in Mr. Lincoln's
Cabinet, wrote to Mr. Jones, under date of August
12, 1861, "that he hoped it would suit his con-
venience to await the arrival of the new Minister."
Mr. Jones, owing to the critical state of affairs at
home, acceded to this request and remained in
charge of the Legation until October, when he
was relieved by the distinguished historian, Mr.
J. Lothrop Motley.
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118 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
On the 24th of August, 1861, Mr. Seward wrote
to Mr. Motley: "Should Mr. Jones be still re-
maining at Vienna when this communication
arrives, you wiU express to him the entire satis-
faction with which his conduct of the Legation,
since it has fallen under the review of the present
administration, is regarded by the Government
of the United States." And again, on the 28th
of September, 1861, Mr. Seward wrote to Mr.
Motley as follows: "Mr. Jones' despatch No. 25,
dated September 2nd, has been received. His
proceedings as related in this paper are approved,
and I cannot deny myself the pleasure of author-
izing you to assure him that his fidelity and loyalty
in his mission have won for him the respect and
confidence of the Government." On November
5, 1861, Mr. Jones wrote to Mr. Seward: "Mr.
Motley, my successor, arrived on the evening of
the 3rd of October. I shall transfer to Mr. Motley,
as soon as he is prepared to receive them, the
archives of the Legation, and shall immediately
after my audience take my departure for America,
my intention now being to sail in the steamer
*Arago' on the loth of December, from Havre."
Having been relieved from the responsible
duties of his official position, Mr. Jones was
received in audience by the Emperor and presented
his letter of recall, immediately after which he
started on his journey to his home in Pennsylvania.
The following notes taken from Mr. Jones'
diary give an account of this journey:
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HIS DIARY 119
PROM VIENNA. HOME
Nov. 21, 1861. Thursday. Left at four o'clock per
express train. 64 Silver Florins to Paris. Ticket good
for thirty days, privilege to stop. Travelled all night
and saw nothing worth noting.
Nov. 22. Reached Heidelberg in the evening.
Went to Theatre, and saw the "Barber of Seville"
played or sung, a little of both and not much to speak
of of either. Went to bed and read myself to sleep on
Dickens' Great Expectations and dreamed all night of
Pip and Oriick.
Nov. 23. Visited the Castle, Wolfsbrunn, and the
University. Called on Mrs. Styles, who being ill sent
me a note of apology. Saw her daughter. Miss Camp-
bell.
The Castle is a fine old ruin, but without many his-
torical points worthy of being remembered. The
English wing, built for Elizabeth, only daughter of
James the ist, and the ancestress of the House of Han-
over, is interesting.
Nov. 24, Sunday. Took another look at the Uni-
versity, the Library, St. Peter's Church, where Jerome
of Prague preached, the old Roman Portress, the old
Castle on the hill called "Molkencur." Heidelberg is
Goats' Hill. Konigs Stuhl surmounts the hill. Visited
Klinsenthen where Richmond boarded, and also the
Haupt Strasse. The weather is charming. Leave at
one o'clock for Strasburg and Paris, travelling all night.
Nov. 25, Monday. Arrived at Paris at 6 a.m. and
stopped at the Hotel Meurice ; being tired, I slept tmtil
12 M., and did not go out for the day.
Nov. 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, Dec. I. Spent these dajrs in
making visits and seeing Paris. Dined with Mr. Day-
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120 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ton on Saturday, at three o'clock. Mr. Buchanan,
Mr. Jones, Mr. Pecare Bradford, Mr. Beck, Dr. Belt,
and Mr. Bigelow composed the party. I also took a
turn through the Louvre, the Gardens, the Palais
Royal, etc., etc.
The capture of the Southern Commissioners makes
intense excitement, and War seems to be inevitable
with England.
Dec, 2, 3, 4, s, 6. Visited Jardin des Plantes, Lux-
emburg. Dined with Mr. Bradford; visited Mr. Stew-
art (son of the Commodore). Visited Mr. Albert of
Baltimore, Mr. Amgel, etc., etc,
Dec, 7. Visited Versailles and was much pleased.
Dec, 8. Went to London via Amiens and Boulogne
and arrived at Fenton's Hotel at 10 o'clock p.m.
Dec, 9. Got letters from Charles, Richmond, and
Flinn. Visited Mr. Adams, American Minister, Mr.
Yancey and Mr. Mann, Baring Brothers & Co., Zoo-
logical Gardens, and Madam Tussaud's Wax Works,
and the Haymarket Theatre; the play was "Our
American Cousin." Saw Regent's Park, Hyde Park,
Green Park, St. James' Park, Buckingham Palace,
Apsley House and Monimient, Pall Mall, St. James'
Palace, Newgate, the Old Bailey Prison, St. Paul's
Cathedral, London Bridge, St. Sepulchre Church, Bank
of England, Lord Mayor's Mansion, Post Office, Coli-
seum, and White Hall (Treasury).
Dec, 10. Visited Westminster Abbey, Poets' Cor-
ner, House of Lords and House of Commons, Bow
Church and Bells, Guild Hall, Gog and Magog, Lin-
coln's Inn Fields, East India House, Docks of London,
and St. Catharine, Thames Ttmnel, Charing Cross,
Nelson's Monument, William the Fourth, Peals's Duke
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HIS DIARY 121
of York, London Bridge, Westminster Bridge, Drury
Lane Theatre, Crjrstal Palace, the Tower, British
Museum, and Royal Exchange.
Dec, II. Left London at 8 o'clock for Southampton
and Cowes ; waited at Cowes until next morning for the
steamer "Arago."
Dec. 12. Went on board the " Arago" at 4 a.m.;
found General Scott on board.
Dec. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, Tuesday. Nothing occurred
worth noting ; weather fine for the season.
Dec. 18. Weather charming — ^like May. Middle of
the Atlantic to-day.
Dec. 19. Average run up to this time 9J knots per
hour, and no passage thus far could be pleasanter.
Not an event has happened since we started worthy of
note, and we have seen but one vessel.
Dec. 20, 21, Friday and Saturday. Weather con-
tinues fine. To-day we expect to make Cape Race,
wind and weather permitting, at three o'clock. Saw
one of the Capes of New Foimdland at five o'clock p.m.
Saw the Lighthouse of Cape Race. A boat came oflE,
received our despatches, and gave us a New York
Herald of the 14th of December. Disappointed in
finding nothing new or decisive either with England
or on the Potomac.
Dec. 22, Sunday. Stormy. Snow and ice and windy
and^cold.
Dec, 23. OflE Sable Island. Wind and weather fair.
Sea smooth.
Dec. 24. Very windy and rough, ending in a perfect
gale, which blew all night.
Dec. 25. Gale continues. Weather and sea rough.
Cold and very disagreeable. Christmas Day. Captain
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122 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
gave his usual dinner. He was toasted. I was called
out and after a few remarks of a very general character
I complimented and toasted General Scott, who replied.
I also closed with a toast to Captain Lines.
Dec. 26, Thursday. Weather charming. Sea calm.
Took Pilot on bosu-d at 11 o'clock a.m. Saw Long
Island. News up to 23d considered rather favorable.
We expect to reach New York this evening and close
the voyage.
Reached the dock at 6 o'clock p.m. and the New
York Hotel at 7. Met Richmond.
Dec. 27. Visited Miss Lane at Judge Roosevelt's.
Saw Dr. Gwinn's family and had several calls.
Dec. 28. Rested.
Dec. 29, Sunday. Rested.
Dec. 30, Monday. Left at 5.30 a.m. for Reading via
E. P. R. R. and reached Reading at 11 a.m.
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CHAPTER XXVII.
Mr. Jones' reception by the citizens of Reading — Speech of the
mayor — Mr. Jones' reply — ^Mr. Jones returns to the practice of
his profession — ^March of the farmers of Heidelberg Township to
Reading — ^The "Knights of the Golden Circle" — ^A mob at the
Reading Railroad shops — ^The leader shot dead — ^Mr. Jones acts
as attorney for the defendant — His acqtiittal — ^Mr. Jones' speech
upon the preservation of the Union.
T
HE following report of the reception given
to Mr. Jones in Reading upon his arrival
there is taken from a local newspaper:
RETURN OF THE HON. J. GLANCY JONES
A CORDIAL RECEPTION BY THE CITIZENS
The Hon. J. Glancy Jones rettimed home on Monday
last, after an absence of three years in the diplomatic
service of his coxmtry at the Court of Atistria. He was
met at Allentown by a Committee of twelve citizens
appointed at a meeting held at Hawman's U. S. Hotel
on Saturday evening, consisting of Messrs. Michael K.
Boyer, Charles Kessler, PhiKp K. Miller, Edward M.
Clymer, James B. Bechtel, Heister Clymer, Wharton
Morris, C. B. McKnight, David A. Stout, David E. Stout,
David Fister, and Amos B. Wanner, who accompanied
him to Reading, where, on the arrival of the train, he was
received by the Mayor of the dty, a Reception Com-
mittee of fifteen, to wit : James McCarty, Jacob K. Mc-
Kenty, Jacob Knabb, WiUiam M. Baird, Tobias Barto,
George K. Levan, David McKnight, Frederick Lauer,
123
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124 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Charles H. Htinter, S. E. Ancona, John S. Richards,
Henry Nagle, H. D. Torrey, G. A. NicoUs, and Jere-
miah Hagenman; and a large concourse of citizens,
who welcomed him with loud and hearty cheers. Mr.
Jones then entered a carriage, that was in waiting for
him with the Mayor and several members of the Com-
mittee, and, preceded by the Ringgold Band and a
procession of citizens tmder the Marshalship of Gen.
Tobias Barto, was escorted to the Kej^tone Hall,
where the ceremony of formal reception was to take
place. The Hall was crowded; and as Mr. Jones and
his escort entered, the Band played the " Star Spangled
Banner, '* after which Mayor Wanner made an address
of welcome, in the following words:
MAYOR WANNER'S ADDRESS
Mr. Jones. — Honored Sir: I have been designated
by the citizens of Reading, without distinction of
party, to extend to you a friendly welcome back to
your native cotmtry, your native cotmty, your home
and to the cordial intercourse with your friends and
fellow citizens, of which you have been necessarily
deprived for some time, owing to the duties enjoined
upon you by the Government, which were to repre-
sent our nation in a foreign cotmtry, as minister of
the United States.
Your position as a public man does not date from
your appointment to a Foreign Cotirt. You have been
for many years an able and efficient member of Con-
gress from your native cotmty. You have discharged
your duties as such, in an able, an honest and states-
man-like manner, and meeting the full approbation of
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HIS RETURN to READING 125
your constituents. Otu* Government, being fully con-
scious of the services you rendered while serving in
the capacity of a member of Congress, deemed it
proper to confer upon you one of the highest honors
in the gift of the Chief Magistrate of the nation. The
endorsement of all your public acts as Minister to a
Foreign Court by the retired Administration, and the
retention of your position tmder the present, shows
that your course as Minister has been and is fully ap-
proved of, and as regards the opinion of your fellow
citizens with us, I have no language to express a higher
conmientary than to point you to the vast multitude
assembled here to receive you to your home.
Since you left us for a foreign land great events
have transpired. You left your cotmtry in a compara-
tive statq of prosperity, and at such a time when the
cords of tuiison swelled the bosom of every freeman,
both North and South. You return to a cotmtry con-
vulsed from the centre to the circumference with civil
war, — 2i rebellion, the magnitude of which is tmprece-
dented in the annals of history. So far as regards
us, we are of one opinion, and that is "The Union
must and shall be preserved." To illustrate this
more forcibly to you, let me tell you that more than
2000 of our fellow citizens are now in arms and in the
service of the United States from your native cotmty
of old Berks, and nearly all sons of Old Berks.
I do not wish to prolong my remarks, and there-
fore in conclusion permit me to say, in behalf of the
citizens of Reading, that we are all glad to see you
back again in our midst. Although it may seem
strange to you residing in a country, and city partic-
ularly, which has been said to form the link between
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126 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
Eastern magnificent extravagance and the highest
modem civilization of Ettrope. You will no longer
have the Prater strasse, the Glacis and Imperial
Gardens to walk upon, but you may have our broad
Penn Street, the sunny side in winter and the shady
side in summer, to walk upon, and instead of the
Vienna Forests, you may view our beautiful moun-
tains arotind the city, snow-capt dxiring the winter
and covered with a dense and verdant foliage during
the stimmer. And as regards to now and then seeing a
sovereign of the one man power on the Prater, you may
.see sovereigns by the thousands at home every day.
Let me then, in behalf of the citizens of Reading,
irrespective of party, extend to you the hand of friend-
ship, (here the Mayor took the hand of Mr. Jones)
asldng the benign blessings of an over-ruling Provi-
dent upon you, and hoping that your future useful-
ness to your cotintry may fully justify our present
appreciation of the services you have already rendered
your country.
The Mayor was frequently applauded during the
delivery of this brief, but eloquent address.
Mr. Jones, on rising to reply, was greeted with
cheers. When^^quiet was restored, he spoke as follows :
MR, JONES' REPLY Z
Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen: I tender you my
sincere acknowledgments for the honor you have done
me in the name of the citizens of Reading, in giving me
a cordial reception, without distinction of party, on
my return to my native home and the home of my
ancestors for four generations. An absence of three
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HIS RETURN to READING 127
years, instead of weakening my attachment and in-
terest in its welfare, has only strengthened the cords
of affection which bind me to it now and forever, and
if it were possible to add to those bonds of affection,
they are made still stronger by the calamities which
have befallen our common country. Bom and reared
in Pennsylvania, and called by your voice and the
voice of my country from time to time to spend a
large portion of my life in the public service at home
and abroad, I have always regarded my interests, as
identified with the interests, hopes and prosperity of
Pennsylvania. To her I owe allegiance and my ser-
vices; her lot is my lot; and on her soil and in her
service I am willing to live and to die. But the alle-
giance which I owe to the State of Pennsylvania,
never comes in conflict with the allegiance which I
owe to the Union, the Constitution, and our national
flag.
Each allegiance is distinct and complete within its
sphere; they are incapable of coming in collision;
they are parts of a common whole and perfectly in-
divisible and symmetrical. The mode and manner
of your reception admonishes me, that you do not
expect a speech on questions of a political character;
indeed political speeches, in my opinion, are always
out of place in .diplon[iats at home or abroad. On
leaving the shores of my native land, I took leave of
all political questions of a domestic character, and
devoted niyself to the common service of my whole
cotmtry; faiowing no one, except by his claims to the
rights and immunities of an American citizen. How
far I tDBY have been able to serve my country in for-
eign lands, it is not for me to say ; I can only say, that
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128 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
to the best of my ability I have tried to preserve its
integrity, its nationality, and its character, in the
high position it has ever heretofore occupied in the
family of nations. It is perfectly consistent, however,
that I should say, in adhering to this rule of action,
that during my entire absence, and after matttre re-
flection, I have had no occasion to change a single
opinion which I have hitherto entertained and pub-
licly expressed on the domestic policy of the country.
I left the country a national conservative Democrat,
and as a national conservative Democrat I return;
tmchaiiged in anything except to be more thoroughly
confirmed in my former convictions.
But, gentlemen, there are questions of the first
magnitude, which are neither foreign or domestic.
The preservation of our Union is not a question to be
so limited. It is one of political existence, — ^without
it, we cease to live in the family of nations ; it is the
comer-stone of the whole fabric, wanting which, the
superstructtu^ will disappear like the baseless fabric
of a vision; while, resting firmly on this basis, it rises
in S3rmmetrical proportions to a height of moral gran-
deur, which not only secures to us at home all the
blessings of security and freedom, but challenges the
respect and commendation of admiring ndllions in the
remotest comers of the civilized world.
Dissolution, separation or secession are all synony-
mous with disintegration, which, when once fairly
begun, leads inevitably by the gravitating force of its
own power to extinction, to political annihilation.
"To be or not to be, that is the question, " and on this
point, gentlemen, that is the only question. When
once the process of dissolution shall have done its
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RECEPTION by the CITIZENS 129
work, we will have no future — our country will only
be known by what it was ; and, as the hand of Omnip-
otence alone is equal to the creation, out of chaos,
of worlds, material or social, we can only turn our eyes,
in this forlorn hope, when all himian efforts have failed,
to that beneficent power, with the earnest prayer, that
He may restore to order and uniformity the crumbled
atoms of this once splendid structure. Unity is not
exclusively an American idea, as some seem to think;
it is the living S3mibol of progressive civilization in the
family of man, and marks the footsteps of every stage
of advancement. It has in process of time obliterated
the patriarchal and tribal distinctions of early history,
and moulded them into consolidated empires, whose
colossal greatness has overshadowed the earth. A
single sceptre now sways the destinies, respectively,
of England and France, where but a few hundred
years ago, forty devoured the people with their inter-
necine feuds. It is the ligament which holds together
the incongruous elements of so many distinct na-
tionalities composing the Austrian Empire. It is now
the inspiring hope, the only hope, of Italy, the cradle
of civilization, after ten centuries of internecine strife.
Government is an evil in itself, tmder any form. If
men would be perfectly just to each other, no govern-
ment would be tolerated — ^none would be needed. It
is because mankind have not reached that high state
of progress, that Government becomes a necessary
evil, in order to save us from anarchy, that greatest
of all social evils; where the floodgates are thrown
open, all the baser passions of our nature let loose,
that man may prey upon his species.
Union was bom with our independence and will
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130 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
only die with our independence. It is the pervading
idea of our system; it is the life-blood of our status
in the family of nations. In imion, we are all powerful
at home and abroad ; without it, we become the mock-
ery and scorn of the earth. We libel the human race,
and teach the world that mankind is a failure, that
development, progress, and capacity for self govern-
ment, are but fitful dreams and idle fancies. These
have always been my opinions, confirmed by expe-
rience and observation ; unchanged by time ; they lie
at the basis of all the political opinions I have ; when
I surrender this I will surrender all. If this Union
should be dissolved, I see no hope for the future,
neither for the North, the South, the East, or the
West. In the name of American freedom and Amer-
ican institutions ; in the name of humanity and civili-
zation, the Union must be preserved, at all hazards
and to the last extremity.
Fellow citizens, after a somewhat lengthy term of
public service, I rettim to private Kfe among you with
emotions of pleasure. I shall ever entertain a lively
recollection of the kindness you have shown me to-
day. I beg once more to thank you for your cordial
reception.
At the conclusion of this address, which was very
eloquently delivered, and warmly applauded, the
crowd dispersed, and Mr. Jones was escorted by the
Band and the Committee before named, to his resi-
dence in North Fifth Street. We understand that he
goes to Washington on Monday, to close the business
of his mission with the State Department. Mr. Jones'
health has been much improved by his three years'
residence abroad.
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EXCITEMENT in READING 131
After his retirement from public life Mr. Jones
returned to the practice of his profession, but did
not lose his interest in public affairs. On the
contrary, he kept up a lively interest in them.
He was personally acquainted with nearly all the
leading men of the country, and those who did
not know him personally knew him by reputa-
tion. He carried on an extensiye correspondence
with those men upon the leading issues of the day.
Shortly after his rettim to Reading, a citizen
of Heidelberg Township was arrested by a deputy
United States marshal, because it was alleged he
belonged to an altogether harmless if not mythical
association known as the " Knights of the Golden
Circle," whose sentiments were supposed to be
tmfriendly to the administration. The news of
this arrest spread rapidly throughout the town-
ship, and the indignant farmers assembled, armed
themselves with fowling-pieces, pitch forks, and
clubs, and marched to Reading for the purpose
of ascertaining the meaning of this extraordinary
proceeding. Mr. Jones addressed them from the
Court House steps, promised to look after the
prisoner, and persuaded them to return peaceably
to their homes. He afterwards defended the
prisoner at the hearing in Philadelphia, and
secured his release.
Upon another occasion a mechanic in one of
the machine shops of the Reading Railroad had
made some foolish remark about Jefferson Davis
which his fellow workmen considered disloyal.
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132 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
An infuriated mob approached him next day,
armed with bars of iron they had picked up in the
shop, and supposing from their threatening atti-
tude that his life was in danger, he shot the leader
dead. The killing of the leader of this mob was
followed by feverish excitement throughout the
town. After the man who fired the shot had been
arrested, he appealed to Mr. Jones to defend him,
and Mr. Jones consented to do so. The man was
afterwards tried and acquitted; but the event
had created so much feeling, and the minds of
the people were in such an excitable condition,
that it was deemed prudent for him to leave the
town.
The excitement which followed the early events
of the Civil War and the intense feeling it pro-
duced made it an easy matter in those days to
improvise a mob. There was little or no rational
sanction for what some of the people said or did.
A man's loyalty was liable to be called into ques-
tion upon the most insufficient pretext. The
patriotism of the people asstmied a most dogmatic
and intolerant attitude toward every one who was
not willing to follow them into extremes. If this
intense public feeling was not always active, it
was smouldering, and was liable to break out
into violence at any time upon the slightest prov-
ocation. All Democrats were objects of more
or less distrust by their political adversaries, not
because of anything they did after Mr. Lincoln's
election, but because they had opposed his elec-
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ATTITUDE of the DEMOCRATS 133
tion, because they did not share with the Republi-
cans their hatred of the people of the South, and
because in the late Presidential election they had
manfully stood up for the constitutional rights
of the Southern States. There undoubtedly was
among Democrats a f eeUng that the war had been
unnecessarily brought on by the unlawful and
unjust intermeddling of the Republican party
with the domestic institutions of the South, and
this feeling was not suppressed by the unwise
action of the Southern States in withdrawing from
the Union. In a measure the Democrats held
the Republican party responsible for the war.
Though they did not support or excuse the South
in its armed hostility to the Union, they did not
exonerate the Republican party from blame.
They did not fraternize with them — ^far from it.
They freely criticised and often antagonized their
measures. They had no part in the noisy ex-
tremes into which their factitious loyalty led
them. There was no such division of senti-
ment as this in the South. There was no
occasion for it. There was but one common
resentment there against the unlawful en-
croachment of the North upon their rights,
while in the North there was an honest dif-
ference of opinion as to its justification.
Moreover, many of the most learned Democrats
of the North, among them judges upon its highest
judicial tribunals, believed in the right of seces-
sion. They honestly believed that when one
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134 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
party to the compact had broken it, the other
party had the right to treat it as destroyed.
It had been tatlght by Rawle (who was not a
Democrat), one of the earKest and ablest com-
mentators upon the Constitution, and his treatise
had been for many years the text-book at the
MiKtary Academy at West Point. For this atti-
tude Democrats were called "copper-heads,"
and "disloyal," by their bumptious, hot-headed
poHtical adversaries.
In some instances the administration went so
far as to imprison leading Democrats for what
it called their disloyal sentiments, but these ex-
treme measures invariably failed to have the
desired effect, for, being endowed with the resilient
qualities of true freemen, a great party could not
be held down by the heel of oppression. But
notwithstanding this, the Democrats of the North,
with few exceptions, loyally stood by their States
and supported the war for the preservation of
the Union. The ranks of the Northern army were
filled with Democrats, and distinguished Demo-
cratic generals were in the highest command.
Mr. Jones was frequently called from his retire-
ment to address his fellow citizens upon questions
of public interest as they arose, and we have
selected three of his public utterances for preser-
vation h^re, upon the very important questions
of the preservation of the Union, negro suffrage,
and honest government.
In July, 1862, a town meeting was called at the
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HIS SPEECH for the UNION 135
Court House in Reading to ratify the action of
the County Commissioners in appropriating
$30,000 for bounties to be paid for enlistment
in the army. Mr. Jones, having been invited to
address the meeting, spoke in substance as follows :
This is a business meeting, and not a time for speech-
making. The coimtry is in a crisis, a fearful crisis ; and
every man who loves his cotmtry feels it. Otir na-
tionality is at stake. The question is not whether
there shall be a Southern Confederacy or not; but
whether we shall have any cotmtry at all. A Southern
Confederacy in the event of dissolution may be pos-
sible, for a time, but a Northern Confederacy is an
impossibility; anarchy or despotism; one or both,
must be our fate, when we abandon our nationality.
On these points I believe we are all of one mind and
one heart, and no persuasion is necessary to men who
are of one mind. Nationality is a sentiment nurtured
and cherished in every civilized society. We have been
trained to it from childhood — ^in our primary school
books, on our banners, in our Fourth of July orations,
in our colleges, in our churches, in our various insti-
tutions, in our social circles, and in our assemblages
and public meetings, we have assiduously impressed
the heart of the rising generation with the love of
country. The deeds, the privations, and sufferings
undergone by our forefathers in purchasing the great
boon of our liberty and independence have ever been
cherished in our hearts and sustained with unflinching
fidelity in our actions. The man who has no love of
country, has no heart and should die childless. It is
because of our common danger tHat we are so united
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136 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
in sentiment. From the day that the sword was tm-
sheathed and the flag of our common cotmtry was
assailed at Fort Stmiter, every man who had a spark
of patriotism in his heart wheeled into line. Men
differed before, men differ now, men will always differ
in their opinions on questions of expediency and of
principle ; but on the great question of patriotism the
love of country and the willingness to preserve it at
any cost, honest men do not differ, none except the
vilest of traitors falter here, and they are always
despised anywhere. In the present stage of civiliza-
tion no nation can exist which has lost its physical
and moral prestige; to abandon one's country, or to
admit of its dismemberment, which is the same thing,
brands that country with cowardice, and no country
can live in the family of nations tmder such a load of
infamy.
The dismemberment of our country is death to us.
Unless we first convince the worid that we have ex-
hausted all our resources of men and money, all our
materials of war — have vindicated our honor with our
blood, and yield only to stem fate and physical forces
that which we never would yield to argument or per-
suasion, we will stand before the civilized worid
branded as cowards and traitors. Certainly we have
not reached that point yet, oiu* resources are not ex-
hausted. If we had begun with the army we have
ended with, we would have ended the war where we
began. War is no sport, it cannot be carried on with
a gloved hand. Ci\^ war is deplored by all the hu-
mane, but its miseries are increased a htmdred fold by
being protracted. A prolonged civil war must always
end in mutual exhaustion if not in mutual destruction.
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HIS SPEECH for the UNION 137
We have then but these alternatives — either to restore
the Union and maintain the Constitution throughout
every inch of our Territory in all its integrity— or, to
convince the worid that we have saved our honor, by
having offered upon the altar of our country our lives
and our property until we are perfectly exhausted —
or, to skulk from the field with craven spirits and
coward hearts, a perjured race, moniiments of shame,
the degenerate sons of noble sires, who to save their
carcasses and hoarded gains have abandoned liberty,
civilization, honor, and patriotism. For my part I
will make any sacrifice in my power to restore our
Union, our Constitution and the laws. I will never
assent to the dismemberment of this country. I will
never forgive the man, or set of men, who advocate it,
or agree to it, tintil, at least, the world is assured that
no htmian power can save us; then on that dread
event I will cease to think of a country left for me,
I shall consider myself without a country. There is
no possibility of the North, or a portion of this cotmtry,
holding together separately from the rest. Once dis-
solved, we go to fragments. Military despotism may
for a while lead us, but only lead us to destruction.
Liberty, a progressive civilization, and the capacity
of man for self government, will become exploded,
obsolete ideas.
Whatever may have been the opinion of any one
heretofore, he must now be convinced that we are now
on the defensive — fighting for our cotintry. The
South regard us as invaders of their soil. The seat of
war with all its horrible devastations is on Southern
soil. If they get power they will in turn retaliate and
invade us; we cannot expect anything else. Our line
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138 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
of defence, then, is where our brethren are in arms.
We have chosen our ground, whether properly or not,
it matters not now. K we do not defend ourselves where
we are, we may not be able to defend otarselves at our
own jBresides. The Grovermnent has called for troops ;
the army is too weak. We have all committed our-
selves to this war for the preservation of the Consti-
tution and the Union. No matter what may have
been our difference of opinion, as to the origin, or
conduct of the war, we are here to-night a tinited
band for our cotmtry — our whole cotmtry — ^and noth-
ing but our cotmtry. Six hundred men are wanted
from Berks. We must furnish them. If more are
wanted and cease to volimteer, we must draft, and if
that falls short we must call out the whole militia.
We must save our cotmtry, if we have power ; if power
fails us, we must at least save our honor, and show
the world that we deserved success.
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CHAPTER XXVIII.
Mr. Jones* views upon negro suffrage — ^A plea for political honesty
— ^The Presidential campaign of X872 — ^Letters from Horace
Greeley — Letter from the Hon. John Cadwalader — ^Death of Mr.
Jones — Resolutions upon his death adopted by the Bar of Berks
County.
THE following clear, able, dispassionate, and
statesmanlike address upon the danger
and against the wisdom of negro suffrage,
and its appeal to the white man to avert the danger
by uniting against the evil as the South has done
where the danger is a vital one, will be read with
interest now after an experience of nearly forty
years has demonstrated to the satisfaction of
most thoughtful men not only that the granting
of the suffrage to an inferior race was a mistake
but that it has utterly failed to accomplish the
purpose for which it was intended.
To J. L. Smith, Esq.,
Chairman of the Kent County
Democratic Central Committee:
Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., in which, on be-
half of the Committee of which you are the organ, I
am "earnestly solicited to be present and address a
Democratic meeting to be held in Dover, on Tuesday,
the loth inst., &c."
139
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140 Tfu LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
I have delayed my answer to this invitation until
to-day, with the view mainly of ascertaining whether
a compliance with the invitation would fall within
the exception of a general ruk which I have pre-
scribed for myself, and adhered to, for the last
four or five years, a rule to refrain from addressing
political assemblies until after the candidates are
nominated and a regular platform of principles an-
nounced by the Democratic party, the exception to
this rule being an extraordinary occasion, without a
supply of public speakers.
Having now leamed, to my entire satisfaction, that
the meeting to which I am invited wiH be well fur-
nished with talent and ability, combined with learning
and experience of the highest order, in men of well
tried faith in this line, I feel at liberty to decline your
invitation — a declinature always agreeable to my per-
sonal feelings when I can exercise it without shirking
duty. However, as several gentlemen have personally
expressed a wish to know my views on the issues of the
present political crisis, I have concluded to express them
as briefly as I can in this letter, which your committee
can dispose of as they may deem proper and expedient.
I should prefer to be silent altogether were I to con-
sult my own feelings, but my imshaken faith in the
principles and organization of the Democratic party,
and my unceasing desire for its success, identified as
such success is, in my opinion, with the permanent
prosperity and welfare of our common country, leaves
me no choice ; and I have no concealments when dis-
closure may be useful to any portion of my fellow-
citizens who may do me the credit to believe that my
opinions, whether sound or not, are at least the result
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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 141
of observation, reflection, study and experience. I
have at least tried to be right, taking the logical se-
quences of right, regardless of consequences. Claim-
ing no exemption from the conmion infirmities of
human nature, the sentiments I entertain I alone am
responsible for, as I represent at present no constit-
uency, either legal or conventional.
I am inflexibly opposed to any change in the name
or organization of the Democratic party. I am eqtially
hostile to any modification of its fundamental prin-
ciples. Claiming, as they do, to rest upon no higher
inspiration than that of human wisdom, controlled
and regulated by a pure patriotism under the guiding
influences of the Supreme Ruler of nations, these
principles were established in the eariy days of the
Republic, and have proved themselves to be com-
prehensive enough to cover aU issues that have arisen
or may arise in the fullest administration of our form
of government, in both its foreign and domestic policy.
So true is this that even hostile organizations, thrust
into temporary power by the ambition or folly of the
leaders of Democracy, have succeeded in adminis-
tration only in the ratio of their adherence to these
organic principles of the Democratic party.
It is perfectly consistent with these premises, how-
ever, that the Democratic party should meet elimi-
nated issues as they arise from time to time — ^vital
pending issues-7-not ignoring but simply withholding
such as are not directly involved in the campaign.
The lawyer is most successful with courts and juries
who, in the trial of his cause, limits himself in the case
in hand to the strong points involved, discarding all
irrelevant issues for the time being. Irrelevancy is
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142 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
one thing, ignoring is another. In the year 1870 the
elections must turn on State issues — on national ones
only so far as they may be indirectly involved. The
election in Delaware, which State has thus far pre-
served her integrity to principle and to the Union, will
ttim next fall upon a single issue ; all others, if lugged
in, will be simply irrelevant, and that issue, in seamen's
phrase, **will strain her best timbers."
This issue is not the question of "negro emancipa-
tion" nor "negro suflfrage." Both of these are dis-
posed of by authority recognized as competent —
de facto if not de jure — by all good citizens. It has
long been settled that it is infinitely better in a free
coimtry to submit to and obey a law of even doubtful
binding authority tmtil modified or changed by com-
petent constitutional power, than for each citizen to
be his own judge, bringing law, order and constituted
authority into contempt, and thus breaking down the
only bulwarks of safety to life and property. The
logical sequences of such conduct are anarchy and
despotism. The Democratic party obeys the laws of
the land proclaimed by official authority, and will
obey and submit to them as long as they stand upon
the statute book; so that party, which is essentially
progressive in its very nature, will, when in power,
modify and improve constitutions and laws to meet
the advanced ideas of rational progress; it repudiates
all ideas of political infallibility, but such modifica-
tions will only be made by unquestioned constitutional
authority in obedience to the voice of the deliberate
judgment of a free people.
The single issue involved in the political campaign
in the coming election in the State of Delaware, there-
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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 143
fore, will be negro political supremacy — ^not negro
eqttality. If successftd in Delaware and other States
in the elections of 1870 and 1871, it will then be tried
on a national theatre in 1872.
Wendell Phillips, whose hat covers the brains and
inspiration of the Republican party, in his parting
address to the negroes on the dissolution of the Anti-
Slavery Society, gives utterance to the following
potentially significant words. I give the substance.
Addressing himself to the negroes, and he called them
negroes, he said: "We have now done for you all that
we can do, the rest is for yourselves ; you are emanci-
pated, enfranchised citizens of the United States,
clothed with the fullest political powers; if you suc-
ceed or fail it will be your own success or failure, and
I have but one word of parting advice to give you —
always act, and vote, not as Republicans, nor as Demo-
crats, hut as negroes,'*
These words paraphrased, mean: "You are in a
minority; you have no social traditions; you are
distinctly marked by color and race ; your only safety
therefore consists in sticking to your race and color
as a distinctive organization, acting for that race alone ;
let no consideration of American interests, or tradi-
tions, or progress, for a moment influence or direct
you when they do not promote the sole interests of
your social power as a distinct race and color."
Can it be possible that Mr. Phillips had a lurking
suspicion that after all that had been said and done,
the work would prove a social failure when the grown
child was left to stand upon its own legs? Would it
be irreverent to suspect that even in this philanthropic
bosom, ambition's stealthy tread intruded with the
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144 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
suggestion that all would be lost unless the distinctive
line was stereot)rped, and a balance of power per-
petually fixed, with a cordon of fire aroimd it, — an
imperium in imperio. Socially incompetent to guide
itself, who but he, who had stood godfather, wet-
nurse and guardian to this socialistic figment of his
prolific brain, would become its fixed, absolute dic-
tator. A balance of political power — enfranchised and
organized tmder a distinctive mark of the hand of
Deity — ^not of human device, therefore perpetual,
homogeneous, immortal — first to make itself felt in
the States, then in the Union; or, addressing myself
to Delawareans, first to elect a Governor, a Congress-
man, a Legislature for our little State. She is deemed
more manageable becatise small; and also because a
Southern and a Border State; a State true to the
Union, but still hitherto rather repugnant to negro
political equality, and very hostile to negro political
supremacy. This negro vote is to be cast solid as an
organized negro vote, and then, if successful, it liiay
demand of your legislators such legislation for them-
selves as a distinct class, as they may want — ^not as
American citizens or citizens of Delaware — ^but as
negroes; if reftised, then this vote is to be transferred
bodily to another party who will obey. If successful
in Delaware the whole south will fall into line, and in
1872 a President must owe his election to a negro
balance of power party, if it has the power, which will,
in such an event, dictate the national legislation in its
own exclusive interests, reviving the agrarian code,
and teaching the world new humanitarian ideas on
the re-distribution of property. Remember, it was
Wendell Phillips who, on a former occasion, told this
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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 145
race that they had been piUaged of their lawful rights
of property in the produce of their own labor by the
white race who had enslaved them; that a day of
reckoning would come when this balance of accotmt
would have to be settled, and when in power, this race
might effectually demand that ample remtmeration
could only be made by compensation in property in
a sum eqtial to the aggregate value of the fruits of their
own lost labor. The curtain is now drawn over this
part of the programme for the present; disclosure
might be damaging. Connect these words with those
other parting words of the same man to the same race ;
a man who never wastes words, and show me if these
parting oracular words of advice — "continue to act
and vote as negroes and not as partisans tmder any
other name, even that of American citizens" — ^admit
of any solution than that of a final settlement of this
unadjusted account between them and that other
race which is so largely its debtor, through the means
of a President elected by this same balance of power
party. And who should be the Peter the Hermit of
this crusade to effectuate such a code of political
philanthropy? Let Mr. Phillips answer. I could only
conjecttire. Can mortals so pure and philanthropic
be ambitious? It is said that angels were.
It is not for me to advise the Democracy of Delaware.
I can only suggest in response to many inquiries, let
the party nominate a regular Democratic ticket in the
ustial established mode. No man should be nominated
who is not known to be a sound Democrat — whose
integrity and fitness are publicly known and admitted
outside of the party, and further, whose position in
the State, independently of his known political affini-
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146 ' The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ties, may make him the least objectionable to others
outside of the party, who, while they are not disposed
to separate themselves from the National Republican
party on its Chicago platform, are ready to vote for
Democrats not personally objectionable to them on
the single issue of no balance of power exclusively negro
in Delaware, and thus by their vote rebtike fanatical
leaders who would subvert the present organization of
the Republican party and subject it to the absolute
control and dictation of a negro balance of power
party. There are men in the Republican ranks pre-
pared to do this, and still live and die Republicans.
They are not partisans and hence ready to rebtike the
leaders of their own party when they so far forget them-
selves as to forget their own race and color in their
zeal to serve another, or perhaps to serve themselves.
If the Democratic party takes this ground and fails
to elect, they fall with honor and without reproach.
We have learned by experience that defeat is far from
being the worst evil that might befall us. Our organi-
zation and principles, in defeat or success, are all
preserved intact.
We have simply put in issue a single principle,
ignoring none hitherto held by us; only withheld
now on the ground of irrelevancy. On such a plat-
form we can invite all to join us who agree with us
on this one principle, they, like ourselves, to be entitled
to the honors of success, if successful, and they, like
ourselves, if they wish it, recognised still as members
of a distinct political organization.
This mode of campaigning is not novel. Our fathers
of the colonies did it before and during the revolution;
they fought in common against the Indians, the
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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 147
French and the British, and still preserved intact
their respective distinct colonial political existence.
So in the religious world, men of distinct creeds meet
on a common platform of a Bible, a tract, or a tem-
perance society, yet never dream of merging their
distinctive denominational organization. In all ages
weaker nations have combined as allies for common
defense or common aggrandizement against a power-
ful foe. We did it with France in the Revolution, for
liberty; Russia, Prussia, and Austria combined against
Poland for aggrandizement, and divided the spoils.
It never occurred to either that such combinations for
good or for evil necessarily involved a merger of dis-
tinct nationality. So also has the principle of com-
bination of otherwise heterogeneous material been
ntiade on a single homogeneous issue, and sanctioned
by very high authority in Christian ethics. When
Paul was surrounded by the enraged Pharisees and
Sadducees, who >had combined to take his life for his
renegadeism from their favorite faith, he saved his
life, his faith and his honor by sinking for the time being
all distinctive issues, and raised the one of the resur-
rection of the dead, which, as a Christian, he held in
common with the Pharisees, who were in the majority.
Paul saved his life, he remained a Christian and his
improvised friends remained Pharisees. Let the meta-
phj^icians and doctors on ethics settle the question as
they please, it is recorded on very high authority that
David, the man after God's own heart, had no scruples
when his life and his kingdom were endangered, (not
so much from the mad ambition of a spoiled son as
from the crafty counsel of a wicked but able states-
man,) to send his own trusted premier to Absalom with.
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148 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
instructions to resort to strategy in order to counter-
act the vicious and fatal power of Ahitophel's influ-
ence over the mind of a morbidly ambitious young
man. It is not for me to justify, or at this day to
recommend, the repetition of similar strategic move-
ments, but I have a right to commend it to the lips of
those who have assumed to themselves a monopoly of
the piety, philanthropy and religion of this age, and
profess to be familiar with and greatly to admire
inspired dogmas, especially when they turn out to be
good political investments.
My object in writing this letter is to contribute to
the restoration of the Democratic party to power in
the nation and to maintain its ascendency in Delaware.
I believe both can be done if the issues are judiciously
presented. The parting advice of Mr. Phillips has been
taken by the Republican party for Delaware. Before
any one thought of a White Man's party tmder that
specific name, and when aU were at least prepared to
submit to the laws establishing universal suflErage and
political equality as long as they shall remain on the
statute book, agents of the colored race, with instruc-
tions from headquarters, have traveled the State and
organized colored leagues. They are organized dis-
tinctly as negroes; they are to vote as a tmit as negroes
and thus hold the balance of power; they waive all
candidates of their own color, in this election, to save
defeat, but victory won they are to have anything they
may demand in the way of legislation. This action
would justify the organization of a White Man's party
on the grotmd of self-defence, but the Democracy
need no such prefix or addenda ; no one, not even their
worst enemies, will suspect them of a want of fidelity
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NEGRO SUFFRAGE 149
to at least the eqtiol rights of the race that made this
country what it is. The traditions of the past and the
hopes of the future are safe in their hands without
altering their creed, their organization or their name,
and all this too without doing injustice or infringing
the political rights of any other class of citizens as they
are guaranteed to them by the laws of the land. On the
stump I should have said in substance what I have now
written, and will say it later if I live and it is needed.
Although I have written this letter to you with a
view to its being read at the meeting, or printed, if in
yoUr judgment you thought it might be useful, yet I
equally authorize you to suppress it if you think it
expedient to do so, as my object will be attained in
satisfsdng your committee, that while I dedine an
invitation which I highly appreciate, I at least do the
next best thing I can to satisfy them that I have
opinions and no concealments whenever my party
calls for them.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
The following strong plea in behalf of political
honesty was addressed to the Democrats of Phila-
delphia, in reply to an invitation to take part in a
Democratic banquet in that city:
Reading, ist Dec, 1874.
Henry G. Gowen, Esq.,
Treasurer, &c., of the Democratic
Association of Penn'a.
Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your invitation, on behalf of the Democrats
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150 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
of Philadelphia, to participate in a Banquet to be given
at the Continental Hotel, on the third of Dec. inst;
to celebrate the recent victories achieved by the
Democracy throughout the Union:
It would give me great pleasure to be present on this
occasion, but previous engagements put it beyond my
power.
The victories of the autumnal elections of 1874,
were a series of avalanches, clear, distinct, and em-
phatic in their significance. They were not the tri-
umphs of the democracy, strictly speaking; though the
democratic party led the van, and reaps the harvest.
The result, though long looked for by the democ-
racy, came at last with a suddenness and a sweep
which took them, as well as others by surprise ; sur-
prise at its thoroughness. The ruling powers of the
republican party are amazed and confounded. In-
genidty is tasked to its utmost tension, to account for
this ground swell. A Third Term, The finances, Credit
Mobilier, Salary Grabbing, hard times, general apathy,
all in turn have been tried, and all in turn have failed.
Allegheny County Pa., Massachusetts, with their well
known traditions, put an effectual extinguisher on
these shallow devices. The masses of our own people
comprehended the situation at a glance, and pro-
nounced judgment with an emphasis which silenced
all carping and false criticism. This judgment was that
it was the uprising of that substratum of honest
intelligence lying at the base of our political fabric
which indifferent to party ties, when the ftmdamental
principles of the Government are endangered, sweeps
and alwa5rs will sweep from power corrupt adminis-
tration and political wickedness in high places. The
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PLEA for POLITICAL HONESTY 151
grand error of the ruling element of the Republican
party was, that it mistook the people, not for the first
time, however. They had denounced the Democratic
party so often as disloyal, treasonable, and reactionary
in its designs, that they not only almost came to be-
lieve it to be true themselves, but really thought
that the people would tolerate any amount of cor-
ruption and maladministration, rather than restore
the Democracy to power. They were mistaken, and
that they were mistaken, this day, makes glad the
heart of every honest Republican, every honest Demo-
crat, and every honest man in the land; nor does it
stop here. The millions of oppressed humanity
throughout the civilized world rejoice to witness this
overwhelming demonstration of the pregnant fact,
that the people of the model republic, are not only
honest and free but deserve to be free, that they have
developed the important fact that men are not only
capable of self government, in general, but are also
equal to the emergency in any crisis of progressive
political putrefaction. They have proved that in such
crises they can shake off party ties and teach a lesson
to the high priests of political impurity which coming
generations will remember and cherish. The lesson
is not, however, only to the evil spirits of ctirrent mal-
administration. It speaks to the Democratic party
in tones of immistakable significance. This balance
vote sa5^, in plain language, we are not Democrats,
but in order to crush out political dishonesty in the
administration of the Government we will trust you
with power. You have tasted adversity, and we hope
and believe that adversity has not been lost on you.
We will trust you now and if you prove faithful will
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152 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
continue you in power ; but if you falter or fail we have
learned our power, and will hurl you from the high
places of abtised trusts with a demonstration not less
significant than that of the tidal wave of the autumn
of 1874. I believe the Democracy will accept the situ-
ation, acqtiiesce in the constitutional amendments in
good faith, and accept aU the results of the war which
may not be in dear conflict with the plainest provi-
sions of the constitution, and even those that may be
so, they will only in a constitutional way repeal, alter
or amend as the deliberate and enlightened judgment
of the people freed from the pernicious influences of
bigotry and fanaticism may require. The right of
secession is gone forever, revolution is now the only
ultima ratio left to rectify incorrigibly perverted
government. The sword was appealed to, and the
sword has settled this. The finances of the country
will take care of themselves if Congress will only with-
hold its busy mischievous hands, refrain from med-
dling, and cease to obtrude its offensive nostrums on
the common sense of an intelligent, commercial people.
The free action of the laws of supply and demand, freed
from congressional obstruction and intervention will
effect it. If the public domain is sacredly preserved
for actual settlers, land grants to railroad corporations
stoi>ped. If the public credit be withheld from all
schemes of personal or corporate aggrandizement. If
the tariff be as an issue, denationalized by the people
as it was by the political conventions of May, 1872, at
Cincinnati and of Baltimore in the succeeding July.
If free banking, retaining aU the sectirities now given
to the note holders, by the national banks, be inaugu-
rated. If the present non tax paying bonds of the
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PLEA far POLITICAL HONESTY 153
Federal Government be redeemed by isstaing in lieu
thereof other bonds, subject to taxation, State and
county and thus distribute the burdens of taxation on
aU property alike, our people will soon be happy and
contented, and all our embarrassments disappear. If
the government be administered with honesty and
fidelity, based on these and other sound principles of
good government, our country will soon challenge the
respect, the admiration and the applause of the civil-
ized world. I avail myself of this opporttmity to write,
as I cannot be present to express these sentiments,
because, like yourselves, I love our party for its tradi-
tions and its good deeds in the past, and because I
wish, from my inmost soul, to see that party, now that
it has the opporttmity, exhibit to the world a model
of pure, honest administration, equal, just, energetic
and eflBcient, vigorous in the exaction of honesty, and
capacity in the selection of its agents, and firm and
imyielding in its inflexible adherence to all the sound
principles of free government.
Very respectfully yours, &c.,
J. Glancy Jones.
Just before the meeting of the National Demo-
cratic G^nvention in Baltimore in 1872, which
nominated Horace Greeley for the Presidency,
Mr. Greeley appealed to Mr. Jones for his assist-
ance, in the following letters:
New York, June 24, 1872.
My dear Sir:
You are needed at Baltimore, though there is no
trouble about the endorsement of the Cincinnati
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154 The LIFE of J. GLANCY JONES
ticket. But the Free Trade League will struggle hard
for a plank in the platform which will bother Buckalew
and possibly defeat him. You as a Pennsylvanian
and his friend can do much to stop this.
Do not distrust Schurz. He is all right. Tilden is
heartily with us and at work. So is Hancock. So' is
Seymour. Indiana is sure. Our only peril is the defeat
of Buckalew, and that you mtist avert.
Yours very truly,
HORACB GrBBLBY.
Hon. J. Glancy Jones.
Nbw York, Jime 27, 1872.
My dbar Sir:
Let me meet you at Mr. Havemeyer's on the evening
of Jiily 5 . I have many friends at my farm on Saturday
and wish you would give me that day. I will come down
with you at night, arriving in the dty before sunset.
I woiild not crowd Groesbeck. He will be all right.
The holdbacks are coming in fast enough. You will
be troubled at Baltimore only to restrain the impetu-
osity of the immense majority.
Yours very truly,
HORACB GrBBLBY.
Hon. J. Glancy Jones.
The following letter from the Hon. John Cad-
walader, late Judge of the United States District
Court, shows the importance that was attached to
a communication from the pen of Mr. Jones, which
appeared in the public prints, upon the immuta-
bility of the principles of the Democratic party:
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HIS DEATH 155
Philadelphia, 12 January, 1875.
My dear Sir:
In reading the speeches of this and last week at
New York and Washington, my thoughts and feelings
have recurred to your eloquent and interesting letter
published a month ago. In writing to another political
friend that the contending parties in this cotmtry have
always been the same — ^the party which minds its own
business and the party which meddles with business
not its own — I have added that we have to explain
this difference to the yotmg men who live, not for
the past, but for the present and the futtire. Our
principles cannot wear out, and your letter brightens
the chain which will associate the past with the futtu«.
We must apply immutable principles to new issues,
and not revive dead ones. These are the profitable
teachings of your letter.
Very truly yours,
John Cadwalader.
Hon. J. Glancy Jones. ^
Mr Jones died at Reading, Pennsylvania, March
24, 1878, and was buried in the f^nily lot in the
Charles Evans Cemetery.
On the morning after his funeral the " Reading
Daily Times," a leading newspaper of Reading,
which advocated the doctrines of the Repub-
lican party, and had always been the political
opponent of Mr. Jones, paid the following trib-
ute to this greatest man the county of Berks
has produced.
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156 The LIFE (7/ J. GLANCY JONES
HON. J. GLANCY JONES
Yesterday was laid away, in our beautifiil " City of
the Dead," all that was mortal of one whose name has
been familiar as a household word to the people of
Berks for over a quarter of a century. It is creditable to
his fame to say that, in the councils of the nation, he
honored his people by conspicuously-distinguished
service, while he reflected credit upon his country
in a high representative position abroad. It is not our
purpose to eiilogize the character of Mr. Jones, for
eulogy can add nothing to a life which in all its rela-
tions to his fellowmen was so well rounded as his.
And yet we caimot forego the opportunity which his
death affords to say, that lives like his deserve to be
held up as incentives to others who woiild win the
love and esteem of neighbors and friends. We believe
we hazard nothing in saying that he was pre-eminently
true to his convictions of right, and that there is none
to challenge his perfect rectitude. He had a high
sense of honor and loved everjrthing that compre-
hended the true and beautifiil. He had a correlative
hatred of everjrthing that was mean and dishonorable.
To a blameless life he united graces of mind, tenderness
of heart, and unswerving fealty to what he conceived
to be the right. May he rest in peace.
At a meeting of the members of the Bar of
Berks County, held March 26, 1878, for the pur-
pose of taking action upon Mr. Jones' death,
the following minute was adopted, and by order
of the Court was spread upon its minutes:
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RESOLUTIONS of the BAR 157
"The members of the Bar of Berks County,
being assembled for the purpose of doing honor
to the memory of the late Honorable J. Glancy
Jones, and of giving fitting expression to their
sentiments upon his decease, unite in saying that —
''Socially, the deceased was both refined and
cultured, one whose politeness was of the ptu'est
sort, being based upon a due consideration for
the feelings of others, and whose uniform civility
rendered his social relations with all who came
in contact with him exceedingly pleasant and
agreeable. To him belongs the high commenda-
tion, he was a gentleman in the fullest sense of the
term.
''Professionally, he was distinguished for his
ability, his dignity, his integrity, and his urbanity
and kindness towards his professional brethren
and towards the Court. Here his career was such
as was calculated to ennoble and elevate the pro-
fession in every way.
''Politically, his merits and ability raised him
to the occupation of lofty positions of trust and
confidence in the nation, and made him emphati-
cally one of the great men of his time. His repu-
tation in this resi)ect is more than national, as,
having been appointed to represent our Grovem-
ment in a foreign country he filled the position
with such dignity and efficiency as not only
reflected credit upon his country, but distin-
guished moreover the particular district wherein
he began his political career."
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APPENDIX
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DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
of
J. GLANCY JONES
WHILE MINISTER to AUSTRIA
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
Reading, 13 Nov., 1858
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of the ist inst. enclosing my commission as
Minister Resident to Austria ; the acceptance of which
I signified in person at the time it was made out. I
am tmable to fix the precise time when I will be ready
to proceed to my post, but hope it may not be later
than the middle of December next. I am a native
bom Pennsylvanian; and should be so registered.
Very Respy.
Your obt. svt.,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass,
Secy, of State.
Vol. n— 11 161 .
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162 APPENDIX
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
Washington, 20 Dec, 1858.
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yoiar
letter of the i8th inst. informing me of my appoint-
ment, by the President, by and with the advice &
consent of the Senate, as Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary to Austria; enclosing also
my commission for the same, together with a copy of
printed personal instructions to Diplomatic Agents,
etc., etc., & the doctiments i, 2, & 3 inc. I have fixed
on Tuesday the 28th day of December as the day of
my departure for my post, & my letter of credit can
be fixed for that date.
I am. Sir,
Your obt. svt.,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secy, of State.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. I. Legation of the United States,
Vienna, February 8, 1859.
Honorable Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
Sir:
I have the honour to inform you that I arrived
in this city on the morning of the 30th of January,
& took lodgings at the "Archdtike Charles" Hotel,
where I propose to establish the Legation until I
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APPENDIX 163
may be able to select permanent quarters for myself
& family. On the next day, January 31st, I ad-
dressed a Note to his Excellency Count Buol, Minister
of Foreign Aflfairs, informing him of my arrival &
readiness to present a copy of my letter of credence
to the Emperor. To this commtmication I received a
reply, dated the ist inst., fixing Wednesday, the 2d,
at one o'clock, as the hour at which he would be
pleased to receive me.
At the time specified, accompanied by Mr. Lippitt,
the Secretary of Legation, who has been acting as
Charg6 d'Affaires since the departure of H. R. Jack-
son, Esqre., I waited upon him & delivered the open
copy of your letter of credence to the Emperor, dated
the 1 8th of Deer., 1858, & asked him when it would be
convenient for him to obtain an audience of the Em-
peror for me in order to present the original letter of
Credence addressed by you to the Emperor. He re-
ceived me with frankness & cordiality, & replied that
he was gratified to see, & he knew that the Emperor
would be also, that the President had raised the mis-
sion to the first class. He regarded it as the best evi-
dence of the friendly feelings we entertained in our
relations with the Austrian Government ; that it woiild
be dvtly appreciated & not unlikely reciprocated soon;
but if that were not done, he begged me to rest assured
it would be owing to other causes & not from any want
of a full appreciation of the compliment thus paid by
our government. He then stated that he would com-
municate the facts to the Emperor & an audience
would be granted me in a few days, of which I shoiild
have due notice.
The conversation then became general. He re-
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164 APPENDIX
marked that he was happy to be able to say that no
questions were now open or pending between the two
governments, & that he cotild foresee nothing to dis-
tiirb the free cultivation of the most friendly social
relations. I stated that I had nothing special in
charge at this time that could conflict with these views
& opinions. My instructions were to cultivate the most
friendly social relations, & I should take great pleasure
in discharging that duty to the extent of my ability.
The conversation then turned upon the Commercial
Progress of the United States & England; & he said
that Austria was not commercial but that they were
rapidly becoming more so than at any former period
in the history of the government — ^that this fact was
producing its effect upon Austria in exciting a more
lively interest in American affairs & increasing the
desire to maintain the most friendly relations with
our government, that policy affording the best guaranty
for mutual commercial prosperity. I concurred with
him in these views, & added that we were also rapidly
increasing our mantifacturing facilities, & that our
industrial interests were essentially associated with the
development of our commercial & agricultural resources.
The conversation was a very free one, characterized
by frankness on both sides, & conducted on the part of
Count Buol with the greatest cotirtesy towards m5^self .
I have the honour to be,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Copies of the notes referred to are herewith enclosed.
J. 0. J.
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APPENDIX 165
[Enclosure in Despatch No. i.-^opy.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN.
Vienna, January 31st, 1859.
"Archduke Charles Hotel."
The Undersigned, commissioned by the President
of the United States of America " Envoy Extraordi-
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of his
Majesty the Emperor of Austria, " has the honour to
report his arrival in this city & his desire to deliver to
your Excellency his letter of credence & make such
additional communications as have been entrusted
to him, whenever it may suit Your Excellency's con-
venience to receive him.
With sentiments of great regard, the Undersigned
begs leave to assure Your Excellency of his distin-
guished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
To His Excellency Count Buol-Schauenstein,
Imp, Roy. Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Enclosure «« Despatch No. 1 . — Translation.]
COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, February ist, 1859.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Buol-Schau-
enstein, has the honour to inform Mr. J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of
the United States of North America, that he will be
pleased to receive him to-morrow, the second of Feb-
ruary, at one o'clock.
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166 APPENDIX
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 2. Lbgation op the United States,
Vienna, February 15th, 1859.
HoNBLE. Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
Sir:
In pursuance of the promise made by Coimt Buol,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, I received a polite note
from him on the morning of the 13th of February,
informing me that his Majesty, the Emperor, would
be pleased to give me an audience at half past twelve
on the 14th inst. Accordingly at the time designated
I repaired to the Palace ; where I was conducted into
the Presence Chamber & left there entirely alone with
the Emperor, who received me with a cordiality that
I did not anticipate, though I expected a kind recep-
tion. I presented the sealed letter of credence to
him, stating that in presenting my letter of credence,
which I now had the honour to do, I was happy to be
able to inform him that the relations now subsisting
between the Government of the United States & his
Majesty's government were of the most friendly
character, & that my instructions were to use all
proper means to cultivate & to continue those rela-
tions, which instructions I intended to carry out in
good faith. The Emperor, taking the letter of cre-
dence from me, replied that he was very happy to re-
ceive me & to hear my remarks; that he responded
fully to all I had said in respect to the friendly rela-
tions existing between the respective governments
& hoped they might continue; no effort would be
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APPENDIX 167
spared on his part to make them so. The conversa-
tion then became general. He asked me if I had had
a pleasant journey, & how long it had taken me to
reach Vienna, & how the President's health was. I
replied that it had taken me about three weeks, &
that the President's health was good; & then retired.
I had expected to be accompanied by Coimt Buol,
but I fotmd the Emperor prefened to receive me alone.
The manner of my reception induces me to infer that
he thus intended to adapt the audience more to my
republican ideas than he could well do in the presence
of his own subordinates-— in which he certainly suc-
ceeded; for he conducted it with as much freedom &
simplicity as it would be done in our own country.
I have no doubt the Emperor is sincerely desirous to
be on good terms with our government. He is con-
scious of our rising power & the influence we are
likely to wield in motilding the public opinion of the
world — ^which at this time has more controlling
weight over the movements of European govern-
ments than at any other period of their history. The
Emperor is aware that Russia & Prussia have no love
for Austria, that England & Sardinia have no sym-
pathies with either her government or her policy, &
that France is quasi hostile. The preservation of
peace, therefore (which his finances & want of allies
imperatively demand), in order to maintain the in-
tegrity of his present dominions & to carry out his
policy, he is well apprised, depends upon the hos-
tility of the public opinion of nearly all civilized
Europe to war, & that our cotmtry wields great power
in the formation of the public opinion of the world.
I enclose, herewith, a translation of a Note received
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168 APPENDIX
from the Foreign OflSce referring to the case of Andrew
Manzini. It will be seen that the Austrian govern-
ment has granted him the permission for which Mr.
Lippitt asked, in a Note a copy of which was forwarded
to the Department along with his despatch of Nov.
i9» 1858.
I have the honour to be,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
[Enclosure in Despatch No, 2, — Translation.']
BARON WERNER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, February 4th, 1859.
The Imperial Ministry of Foreign AflEairs did not
delay to refer the esteemed note of the 28th October
concerning the complaint of Andrea Manzini, Engi-
neer & American citizen, of his rejection from the
Austrian frontier at Moglia Gonzaga, to the Imperial
Police Authorities for an investigation of the case &
proper disposition thereof. These Authorities have
now, under date of the 29th ult., made known that
the said complainant was sent back from the frontier
mentioned because he was identified with an engineer
from Venice of the same name who is a political fugi-
tive, & this suspicion, in addition to the fact of his
bearing the same family name & being likewise engi-
neer, was increased by some expressions of which he
made use & which strengthened the conjecture of his
political doubtfulness.
Since, however, this suspicion of the identity of the
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APPENDIX 169
two has now been disproved & there remains no ftar-
ther obstacle to the entrance of the complainant into
the Imperial Austrian States, the Imp. Police office
on the frontier concerned has been already directed
to permit the said Andrea Manzini, in case of his
reappearance with Passport, en rfegle, to pass without
hindrance.
In acquainting the respectjed North American Lega-
tion herewith, the Undersigned avails himself of the
occasion to renew the expression of his distinguished
consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign Aflfedrs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Werner.
To THE HONBLE. LEGATION OF NORTH AMERICA.
MR. LIPPITT TO SECRETARY CASS.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, March sth, 1859.
HoNBLE. Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
Sir:
I beg permission to forward, herewith, for yotar
approval, my accoimt with the United States for
services rendered here as Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim.
The facts of the case are known to the Department;
& I need, therefore, only state that the late Minister
Resident, Mr. Jackson, took leave of this government
in a note, dated July ist, 1858, a copy of which is
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170 APPENDIX
herewith enclosed. Prom that time, as stated in this
note, I was charged with the a£Eairs of the Legation,
& so continued until the arrival of the present Envoy,
Hon. Mr. Jones, who presented his credentials, as
his correspondence will show, on the ist of February.
The length of my service as Charg^ d'Affaires was,
therefore, seven months; & I may add that during
this whole time the Legation was provided with quar-
ters at my expense.
The loth Section of the Act of August i8th, 1856,
"to regulate the Diplomatic & Consular Systems of
the United States, " reads, "that for such time as any
Secretary of Legation shall be lawfully authorized to
act as Charg6 d'Affaires ad interim at the Post to
which he shall have been appointed, he shall be en-
titled to receive compensation at the rate allowed by
this Act for a Charg6 d'Affaires at such Post; but he
shall not be entitled to receive for such time the com-
pensation allowed for his services as Secretary of Le-
gation."
The compensation of a Charg6 d'Affaires to Austria
fixed by the Act, as appears from a comparison of
Section ist with Schedule A, is six thotisand dollars.
I have, therefore, credited myself, in the account
herewith rendered, with compensation at this rate for
seven months, amounting to $3500— debiting myself,
at the same time, with the pay of a Secretary of Lega-
tion here for seven months, which, at $1800 per year,
is $1050. The balance, in my favour, is $2450.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
Geo. W. Lippitt.
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APPENDIX 171
[Enclosure. -^opy,]
MR. JACKSON TO COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, July ist, 1858.
The Undersigned, Minister Resident of the United
States, has the honour to inform his Excellency, the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, that availing himself of
a leave of absence granted to him by his government,
he will be absent. from Vienna for a few months.
In the meantime, the Secretary, Mr. Lippitt, will
be charged with the affairs of the Legation.
The Undersigned seizes upon this occasion to re-
new the assurance of his most distinguished consider-
ation.
(Signed) H. R. Jackson.
To HIS Excellency Count Buol-Schauenstein,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 3. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, March 7th, 1859.
Sir:
Since the date of my last despatch, of February
iSth, 1859, I received a note from Count Buol, Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs, dated February 19th, inform-
ing me that her Majesty the Empress would grant me
an audience on the 19th, which of course was accepted
on my part, & I was very courteously & kindly re-
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172 APPENDIX
ceived. This audience was not asked for by me. A
few days afterwards, a verbal invitation was sent to
me & all the members of the Legation to dine with
Count Buol, which we accepted. The diimer was
given to me. The English, Russian, Dutch, & Swedish
Ministers, together with the Ministers of Finance, of
the Interior, & of Commerce of the Austrian Govern-
ment, were present. These facts are noted by me
merely for the purpose of showing the disposition of
the Austrian government to be courteous to our
government.
As I sat between Count Buol & Lord Loftus, the
English Minister, the conversation very soon turned
on politics, & I was a little surprised at the freedom
with which the Foreign Minister gave me his opinion
of Napoleon. He said he was a bad man & a very
dangerous one to the civilized world — ^that he was
embarrassed by his own people. He had a restive
standing army which he must keep employed, & the
French people were averse to war, which latter dr-
ctmistance had goaded the Emperor almost to rash-
ness & madness. I replied that our policy was, I was
glad to find, as well imderstood by European govern-
ments as by our own poeple — ^that we will adhere to
the doctrine of strict non-intervention as laid down
& recommended by Gen. Washington, & particularly
so in Etaropean affairs; while we will expect, on the
principle of protection to our institutions & of secur-
ing ample scope for national progress & expansion,
a reciprocation on their part on the American Con-
tinent. I added that our sympathies were openly
& avowedly with the success of Republican insti-
tutions everywhere, but that our policy required us
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APPENDIX 173
to refrain from any overt act of intervention in the
affairs of other nations — ^that with these views I was
free to say that the American people did not recognize
the mission of the French Empire as far as it had been
developed, as of the American type of Republican
ideas; & that however much our sympathies might
be excited in behalf of Italian liberty & unity in the
abstract or concrete, I thought no American looked
favorably to French intervention — in other words,
we have no faith in the propagation of Republican
ideas in Europe with French bayonets or under the
auspices of the French Empire. Count Buol at once
saw the distinction & was pleased to find we so tmder-
stood matters.
My conversation with Lord Loftus, the English
Minister, was principally on the working of our ballot
system in the exercise of the franchise of our country —
his Lordship not being partial to the s)^tem & evi-
dently disindined to favor the reform bill. I of course
advocated our system, & particularly the right of the
voters to be their own judges as to the mode and
manner of its exercise.
Lord Cowley's arrival here on a special mission has
created quite a sensation. I called on his Lordship,
who received me with great cordiality & conversed
very freely on his mission. His object was to save
bloodshed in Europe, & prior to his taking his seat
in the conference to ascertain the disposition of Aus-
tria. Of course he did not go into details, nor did I
suggest anything beyond generalities. As I stated
in my former despatch, the elements which make up
public opinion in Europe are against war, & it is
spreading its influence all over France to such an
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174 APPENDIX
extent as to alarm the French Monarch & bring out
an emphatic denial of the charge that war was ever
contemplated by him, through the medium of his
official paper, the Moniteur.
This movement of Napoleon arises from a desire
either to weaken Austria & strengthen Sardinia, with
which latter he has recently formed a dynastic alliance,
or to compel England, in order to preserve the peace
of Europe, to interpose her influence in Italian affairs
to such an extent as to reconcile the liberals of Italy
to the Imperial dynasty of France, & also to suppress
English sympathies for the refugees of France who
may threaten the Emperor's life. The French Em-
peror feels that his former connection with the Italian
republicans is embarrassing. They charge him with
sympathizing with Austria, & this feeling has met a
response in England which has aggravated him very
much. The prospect now is of a decidedly peaceful
character.
In accordance with my instructions, I am making
out an inventory of the effects of the Legation here
& will forward it as soon as it is completed.
I enclose, herewith, the translation of a note re-
ceived from the Foreign Office, returning the Com-
mission of Mr. Remak, U. S. Consul at Trieste, with
the Imperial Exequatur attached to it. The Commis-
sion has been forwarded to Mr. Remak at Trieste.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
HoNBLB. Lbwis Cass,
Secretary of State,
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APPENDIX 175
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 3. — Translation.]
BARON WERNER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, Feb. 25, 1859.
The Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the
honour, referring to its note of the 26th January, to
transmit to the Envoy Extraordinary & Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of North Amer-
ica, Mr; J. Glancy Jones, the Commission of Mr. S. S.
Remak, appointed Consul of the United States for
Trieste & the ports of the Adriatic sea not belonging
to the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom, with the Im-
perial Exequatur attached thereto, in order that it
may be forwarded to the said Consul.
The undersigned, in adding that the Central Mari-
time authorities at Trieste have been directed to take
the necessary steps for the definitive recognition of
Consul Remak, already provisionally admitted to the
exercise of his functions, avails himself of this occasion
to renew to the Minister the expression of his perfect
consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Werner.
To THE Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Pleni-
potentiary OF THE United States op North
America, Mr. J. Glancy Jones
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176 APPENDIX
MR. LIPPITT TO SECRETARY CASS.
Legation of the United States,
Vienna, April 26, 1859.
Sir:
Under date of the ist of February last, I had the
honour to forward to the Department a despatch con-
taining an account for the contingent expenses of this
Legation for the last quarter of 1858. As no answer
has been received to it, I fear it may not have reached
Washington; and the despatch Agent in London
having applied to me for the payment of his portion
of the amount, I take the liberty to send, herewith,
a duplicate of the account referred to. The whole
amount is £15. 16. 11, & for this smn I beg to be
allowed to draw on the U. S. Bankers in London
against the contingent fund of the Legation for 1858.
Very respectfully.
Your Obedient Servant,
George W. Lippitt,
Sec. of Legation.
HoNBLE. Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 4. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, May 9th, 1859.
Hon. Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
Sir:
I have the honour to forward, herewith, a copy of
a letter addressed to me by Mr. Remak, U. S. Consul
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APPENDIX 177
at Trieste, & a copy of one which I have myself written
to Com. Lavalette, commanding our Squadron in the
Mediterranean. Mr. Remak, writing, as will be seen,
under the impression of probable danger to our citi-
zens & their property at Trieste, from the war which
has broken out between Austria & Prance, solicits me
to use my influence to secure the presence of one of
our ships of war in his vicinity. I do not anticipate
that an attack will be made, for the present at least,
upon Trieste ; as that city forms part of the Austrian
territory belonging to the German confederation, &
it is against the interest of the French to provoke a
quarrel with this body. Still, as the upper waters of
the Adriatic will, in all probability, soon be the scene
of operations which may injuriously affect American
interests, I have felt it my duty to communicate with
Com. Lavalette & to request him, if compatible with
his instructions, to despatch one of the vessels of his
Squadron to that quarter.
The entrance of the Austrian Army into Sardinia
on the 29th ulto. led to a general expectation that
some great blow would at once be struck, but up to
this time, so far as can be known here, nothing de-
cisive has been done. As soon as any occurrence of
importance takes place, I shall seize the first oppor-
ttmity to commtmicate it.
Very respectfully,
Yotar obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Vol. n— 12
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178 APPENDIX
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 4. — Copy.}
MR. JREMAK TO MR. JONES.
Consulate of the U. S. of America,
Trieste, April 2Sth, 1859.
To His Excellency J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary^ &c., Vienna,
Sir:
I have the honour of notif)ang you that I recom-
mended to the Department of State the presence of
a U. S. Vessel at this port, stating that I believe
American firms largely interested here, large consign-
ments having lately been made. I merely referred in
general to the prospects of war, confining myself to
commercial interests. It appears now that the war
is imminent and some of the Austrian officials here
fear that Trieste will be attacked by the belligerent
powers. It is also stated that in 1848 the presence of
a U. S. vessel materially contributed to prevent a bom-
bardment of this place. According to Section 421 of
the "Consular Instructions," I may present the facts
to the commander of a U. S. vessel in case of imminent
danger to the life or property of U. S. citizens. Before
doing so I should like to consult with you.
Do you think that the danger is imminent? Will
the belligerent powers not respect Trieste, containing
so much property belonging to citizens or subjects of
neutral nations? If you are of opinion that the danger
is imminent, as a great many merchants here believe
it, then you might ask the presence of a vessel from
the Commander at Spezzia. I am desirous to dis-
charge my duty fully and promptly, at the same time
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APPENDIX 179
to steer dear of matters which do not concern me.
You have probably the power to order a vessel from
Spezzia without stating any reason at all. No facts
can be presented except the one that the property
consigned or sold, probably on time, by American
firms within the last two months may amount to
Three millions of dollars. True, the principal firm who
received the merchandise is first rate, but a contingent
bombardment n:iay ruin any house. There is a native
American citizen in my jurisdiction who has at all
times large claims against the Austrian Government,
and who urged on me the sending of a vessel some time
ago, but I waited until it should be more justification
for it. I am not acquainted with the name of the
Commander at Spezzia. In case you should wish me
to act directly, I request you to give me the name of
that official.
I am. Sir, Very Respectfully,
Your most Obedient Servt.,
(Signed) Stephen S. Rbmak.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 4. — Copy,]
MR. JONES TO COMMODORE LAVALETTE.
Legation of the United States,
Vienna, April 30th, 1859.
Sir:
I have received a despatch from the United States
Consul at Trieste, Mr. Remak, which is based upon
an application made to him by a citizen of the United
States & others, consignees of a large amount of prop-
erty belonging to citizens of the United States, stating
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180 APPENDIX
that they are fearful of the consequences of war &
apprehensive of the destruction of much valuable
property, & requesting me to take such steps as may
be deemed expedient by me to secure for them &
their property the best protection possible. I am
without specific instructions upon this subject, but
have no doubt that your general instructions will
cover the case. I would leave it, therefore, entirely
to your discretion without any suggestion of mine,
knowing that your long experience and thoroiigh
knowledge will prompt you to do what is right and
proper in the premises, if it had not occurred to me
that you very naturally might at least expect to hear
from me on the subject, accredited as I am to the
Austrian Government. As the crisis of war is upon
us & the case may not admit of much delay, I make
this commtmication without waiting to hear from
you what your instructions & intentions may be. I
do not, however, deem the exigency so great as to
justify hasty measures. If such an exigency should
arise, I would not hesitate a moment to exercise all
the power I possessed to sectire the protection of
American citizens & of their property, within the
dominion of the Government to which I have the
honor to be accredited.
As will be seen from the letter of Mr. Remak, a
copy of which is herewith enclosed, there appears to
be an apprehension of a bombardment of the ports of
Trieste & Venice, & while your instructions and mine
require us to observe the strictest neutrality & non-
intervention in the affairs of European Governments,
belligerents or otherwise, it is equally imperative not
only to protect, but to be in such positions as to be
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APPENDIX 181
ready to protect the lives & property of our citizens
in foreign countries.
I have therefore to request of you, if compatible
with yotir instructions, that a vessel of war of the
United States may appear in the waters of the Adri-
atic, to be in readiness to do what may hereafter be
required in accordance with present & future in-
structions in order to protect the persons & property
of American citizens. It is hardly necessary for me
to add that if you feel at liberty to comply with this
request, which is still left to your discretion, you will
carefully abstain from any act which could possibly
subject the Government of the United States to the
imputation of having any other object in view than
simply that of being ready to offer protection to its own
citizens & their property, & to maintain those rights
which are conceded to neutral powers by the common
consent of all nations.
Very respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
Com. E. a. P. Lavalette,
Commanding U. 5. Squadron in the Mediterranean.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. s- Legation op the United States,
Vienna, 23rd May, 1859.
Sir:
In my last despatch I stated that as soon as any-
thing of interest occurred I would apprise you of it.
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182 APPENDIX
Since that time Count Buol has tendered his resigna-
tion, and Cotint Rechberg has been appointed his
successor in the Foreign Office. As this action indi-
"cates an entire change of policy, I deem it better to
refrain from any speculation on the subject until the
new policy is more fully developed; and I do this
the more readily because the neutrality of our Gov-
ernment is so well understood and believed in by all
the powers, belligerent and neutral, that no. hasty
action can be called for on the part of our Govern-
ment. For the present, therefore, I shall only add to
the official communication of the fact of the change
in the head of the Imperial Office for Foreign Affairs,
the remark that Count Buol was recognized as the
most advanced of Austrian Statesmen in favor of the
progress of liberal ideas; his friendship for England
is well known, and his position was impregnable until
England abandoned him; his administration was
anti-absolutism, and of course the reverse of the old
Mettemich regime ; and if England had stood firmly
and boldly by him, she could have dictated to Aus-
tria constitutions for all the Italian States; and it
was the misapprehension on the part of Russia that
England would do this that impelled her (Russia)
so hastily to rush in and propose a Congress, after
Lord Cowley's visit to Vienna had showed the temper
of the Austrian Government and its readiness to
follow England.
This line of policy on the part of Count Buol, of
course, left him without the support of the absolut-
ists, and with the hostility of Russia. Austria under
Count Buol had seconded England in the conference
of Paris on the Danubian province question, which
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APPENDIX 183
touched Russia to the quick. It has been charged
that Count Buol had congratulated the allied armies
on their success at Sebastopol, while the mere fact
that Austria should be allied to the enemy of Russia,
to which power Austria owed so much, was supposed
of itself to be a sufficient offence without these addi-
tional aggravations. England, if she had been firm
and true to her professed policy of propagating
constitutional forms of Government in Continental
Europe, had here the opportunity; but she left Aus-
tria to her fate, and that fact, being known to Prance
in advance, accounts for her boldness in disregard of
public opinion in pressing the war. This left the
Austrian Government but one alternative. Count
Buol had even stopped the Armies in Italy after they
had passed the Tidno, to listen to a final proposition
from England which he was led to believe, if rejected
by Prance, would commit England to Austria. The
effect of this was to delay the Austrian forces until
Prance had time to get her troops into Sardinia,
and thus deprive Austria of a very great advant-
age; but the proposition was rejected by France,
and England still declared herself neutral. The
Derby Government is still inclined to side with
Austria, if public opinion sustains this side of the
issue in England.
Count Rechberg is the recent Ambassador to the
Diet at Frankfort, and President of that body. He
is a Bavarian by birth, and an absolutist; with him
English influence is gone here, and Russian will rise.
He is acceptable to Prussia, and indeed to the whole
r6gime of Military power and reactionary ideas; he
is able and energetic, is the son of the former premier
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184 APPENDIX
of Bavaria, and has had large experience. The diplo-
matic corps have all paid their respects to him, in-
cluding myself, immediately after receiving the ofl&-
dal notice, a copy of which I enclose in this despatch.
I also enclose copies of my further correspondence
with Mr. Remak, Consul at Trieste, being a letter from
him to me enclosing a copy of his to Com. Lavalette,
and my answer to him, also copies of my letter to the
Foreign Office relative to the case of Anton Dobrentic,
and their prompt reply, which shows their disposition
to please our Government. In any event, I feel as-
sured of a strong friendship for our Government being
maintained by all the powers of Europe while they
are complicated with European affairs and we are
neutral; our non-interventional policy promises to
enure immensely to our advantage in these compli-
cations. Although the policy with us is old, yet on no
former occasion, was our power felt as it is felt now;
and the friendship of Russia for us, and the reasons
why, and our power and influence in the family of
nations, and their eventualities, are familiar topics
of discussion in every diplomatic circle. Our un-
limited power to furnish the materials of war, and
bread to feed armies, and ships for the carrying trade,
and seamen to man them, while we maintain our
neutrality, are considerations of such magnitude and
so much felt as to force them upon the consideration
of every diplomatist of Europe. I can find no trace
here of a cipher ever having been furnished this Le-
gation; as my instructions say that one will be fur-
nished if asked for, I desire that I may have one im-
mediately if convenient. I have thus far had no use
for one. But if Austria is to be made the centre of
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APPENDIX 185
Etiropean diplomacy, at least for the present, I can-
not tell how soon I might want it.
Very Respectftilly,
Your Obedient Servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington, D. C.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 5. — TranslcUion.]
Circular.
His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty having
deigned, in appointing a successor to Count Buol-
Schauenstein, whose health has induced him to tender
his resignation, to confer upon the Undersigned the
Ministry of the Imperial Household & of Foreign
Affairs, he has the honor to apprize thereof Mr. J.
Glancy Jones, Envoy Extraordinary & Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
requesting him at the same time to be pleased in fu-
ture to address to him all communications which he
may have to make to the Imperial Majesty.
Congratulating himself upon being called upon to
enter into oflficial relations with the Envoy (Mons.
L'Envoy6) the Undersigned begs to assure hin of the
earnest solicitude with which he will cultivate them.
He feels it his duty also to inform him that next
Friday, between two and four o'clock, he will be happy
to receive those gentlemen, meilibers of the Diplomatic
Body, who may wish to make communications to him,
& that in future he will be at their disposal during the
same hours every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday.
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186 APPENDIX
If, in case of important business, the Envoy should
wish to communicate with him on other days of the
week, he will be pleased to send him word to notify
him thereof.
Finally, in making known that the Assistant Secre-
tary of State, Baron de Werner, will be authorized,
as heretofore, to sign all diplomatic communications
which the Imperial Ministry may be called upon to
address to the Foreign Missions concerning adminis-
trative & current affairs, he seizes with eagerness
this occasion to offer to Mr. J, Glancy Jones, the as-
surance of his very distinguished consideration.
Vienna, May i8th, 1859.
(Signed) Rbchberg.
To Mr. J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary
of North America,
[Enclosure in Despatch No. S.-^Copy.]
MR. REMAK to MR. JONES.
Consulate op the United States,
Trieste, May isth, 1859.
His Excellency J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America.
Sir:
Your despatch of the 6th inst. with enclosure for
Com. Lavalette reached me.
The mail between here and Spezzia is also stopped,
Spezzia being a Sardinian city.
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APPENDIX 187
After reading the copy of your despatch to Com.
Lavalette, with which you honored me, I fotmd that
you were desirous to leave to Com. Lavalette a great
deal of discretion with reference to the presence of a
United States vessel in. this port. I deemed it there-
fore proper, & I think you will approve of it, of mak-
ing my despatch of the 25th of March, addressed to
you, of which Com. Lavalette receives a copy, more
complete, by stating that no application or sugges-
tions have been made to me in writing; but enclosing a
copy of my commtmication to Com. Lavalette covering
your despatch, you will be able to judge for jrourself .
I might mention in this connection that a leading
clerk of, I believe, the first house in this city was
yesterday at my office upon some other btisiness, and
stated to me that in all consignments to Trieste from
the United States American citizens are always more
or less interested.
It is then evident that I mtist, as Consul of the
United States, look to the interests of those who are
absent in a critical time like this, else I might jtistly
be charged with negligence.
On the 2nd of May, Martial Law was declared in
Trieste and its vicinity by the then Governor of
Illyria, but this power was superseded a few days
subsequently by the appointment of Coimt Wimpfen
as Commander-in-chief of the first Army, & on the
7th by an additional proclamation, which gave, by
some additional provisions, greater force to the proc-
lamation of the 2nd of May. The consequence is,
that even, matters which have not the slightest rela-
tion with the political issue are not discxissed, in order
not to displease the Imperial Government.
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188 APPENDIX
You will then readily observe that it is almost im-
IX)68ib]e to converse with any one with reference to
any matter bearing upon commercial interests, as
they are strongly connected with the political pros-
pects. I am therefore compelled to draw my own
conclusions from the little I can gather, and must
take the responsibility for that, what I am saying.
It is of course impossible to say with certainty
what will be done on the part of the Authorities here,
but it looks as if Trieste will be defended. I could
commtmicate a great deal upon that point, but it
appears to me I might transgress upon the spirit of
my instructions.
The authorities here seriously expect, almost every
day, that Trieste will be blockaded by a French Navy.
There was no other way to transmit your despatch to
Com. Lavalette except to send it to another country.
I therefore transmitted it to our Minister in Berne.
I am, Sir, Very Respectfully,
Your Obt. Servt.,
(Signed) Stephen S. Remak.
[Enclosure in Despatch No, 5. — Copy.]
MR. REMAK TO COMMODORE LAVALETTE.
Consulate op the U. S.,
Trieste, May loth, 1859.
Com. E. a. P. Lavalette,
Commanding U. S. Squadron in the Mediterranean.
Sir:
The enclosed despatch of His Excellency J. Glancy
Jones, our Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni-
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APPENDIX 189
potentiary at Vienna, reached me to-day, with the
request to forward it to you.
No mail being between here and Spezzia, I transmit
this communication with the enclosed despatch to
our Minister in Beme, Switzerland, entertaining the
hope that it will reach you.
I have had the honor of receiving a copy of the
despatch by Mr. Jones, and I deem it necessary to add
that application or suggestions with reference to the
presence of a United States vessel in the harbor of
Trieste were only made verbally, and I am obliged
to take the whole responsibility of that, what I
have said in my communication of the 25th of April,
1859, addressed to your Minister at Vienna, of which
you are, as I am informed, receiving a copy, upon
myself.
In order to illustrate to you the shyness of firms
even of standing to reduce matters of this character
to writing, in a matter of mere commercial bearing,
where I refused an application, and made the parties
the proposition they should make their application
in writing, and I would then give my reasons fully
for declining it and they might then appeal from
my decision to the United States, State or Treas-
ury Department, they preferred to abide by my
decision because it might not please the Austrian
Government.
I am. Sir, Very Respectfully,
Your Obt. Servt.,
(Signed) Stephen S. Rbmak.
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190 APPENDIX
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 5. — Copy,]
MR. JONES TO MR. REMAK.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, May 17th, 1859.
Sir:
Yours dated isth May is duly received, and I have
only to reply that the course pursued by you in send-
ing an additional despatch to Com. Lavalette and a
copy to me, explanatory of your first, was right and
proper; while there should be no hesitation in fur-
nishing prompt relief to the persons and property of
American citizens in Foreign Cotmtries, whenever it
is called for, too much caution cannot be exercised at
a crisis when all is involved in tmcertainty and doubt.
We have the strongest assurances from all the powers
of Etirope, belligerent and neutral, of their friendly
feelings to our government and its citizens, and this
friendship is in some meastire based upon the assur-
ances so repeatedly given to these powers by our
government at home and through its representatives
abroad of our strict adherence to the doctrine of non-
intervention in European affairs, beyond the main-
tenance of those rights and privileges guaranteed to
us by. treaties and the law of nations. The presence
of a vessel of war in any of the waters of Etirope
specifically for such ptuposes, which are all of a pacific
character, would give no offence to any power; an4
it is to be presumed that Commodore Lavalette 's in-
structions are adequate to any emergency of this
character which may arise. Hence, unless for a
clearly adequate cause, not falling within the range
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APPENDIX 191
of ordinary events, no specific order contravening
the general instructions should be given by a Min-
ister; because when acting out of the ordinary line of
instructions, it is the acknowledged right of any For-
eign Government which may be aflEected to enqtiire
of the Minister or his Government so acting the reason
and objects of his conduct, and it should always be in
their power to lay before them, if they deem proper,
the complaint or grotmds of action in writing, so as to
avoid any mistmderstanding in the premises and to
preserve the strict neutrality and friendly relations of
his government, & this should always be adhered to
tailess a disposition should be clearly shown to in-
fringe upon our acknowledged rights and privileges.
As we are on the eve of a crisis, no one can now fully
foresee or understand. I have written at this length
in order that you may fully understand my views.
You need not be apprehensive of any responsibility
which will result from such conduct; there are no
instructions which forbid or restrain you from 'the
fullest communication with me relative to any facts
transpiring in your Consulate which affect, or may
aflEect, the government you represent or the acknowl-
edged rights of its citizens.
Very Respectfully,
Your Obt. Servt.,
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
Stephen S. Rbmak, Esqre.,
U, S. Consul at Trieste, Austria.
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192 APPENDIX
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 5. — Copy.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT BUOL-SCHAUENSTEIN.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, April ist, 1859.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States, has been
urged by highly respectable parties to ask the atten-
tion of the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs to the
following case.
Anton Dobrentic, formerly of Tymau, Ober Neutran
Comitat, Himgary, now of the State of Indiana in the
United States, has made repeated applications to the
Imperial Authorities to obtain permission for his wife
and two children, now at Tymau in destitute drctmi-
stances, to join him in America. This permission, to
the great sorrow and distress of the family, has been
refused, on the grotmd, as the Undersigned conjec-
tures, that Mr. Dobrentic left the coimtry with only
a travelling passport, and has taken the initiatory
steps to becoming an American citizen without first
obtaining the consent of the Imperial Government.
If this be so, the Undersigned has of course no offi-
cial right to intervene in the matter, and he only begs
to submit to the humane consideration of the Imperial
Royal Government the question whether the innocent
wife & children may not be spared further sufferings
and allowed to join the husband and father, who is
anxious and able, if he can have them with him, to
support them by his labour.
The Undersigned seizes upon this occasion to renew
to his Excellency Cotmt Buol-Schauenstein, Imperial
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APPENDIX 193
Minister of Foreign Affairs, the assurance of his per-
fect consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
To His Excellency The Imperial Royal Minister
OP Foreign Appairs, Count Buol-Schauenstein.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 6. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Jvily i8th, 1859.
Sir:
My last despatch commtinicated the fact of a change
in the head of the Foreign Department of this Gov-
ernment, & the motives, so far as nimoured opinions
in diplomatic circles could discern them, for making
this change. Nothing has transpired since in the
shape of tangible facts of sufficient importance to re-
quire a communication to be made by me, until the
recent event of an Armistice, followed immediately
by the settlement of Preliminaries to a Treaty of
Peace. This event took all Europe by surprise. It
was proposed by France, & arranged in a private in-
terview between the Emperor of the French & the
Emperor of Austria. The public were apprised of two
facts alone — ^first, that an Armistice had been asked
for by the French Emperor, and had been acceded to
by the Austrian Emperor; second, that in the inter-
view which followed, the preliminary terms of a treaty
of Peace had been agreed upon. The diplomatic
Corps, as well as the highest officials of the French &
Austrian Governments, appear to be as little informed
Vol. 11—13
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194 APPENDIX
as the great Neutral Powers of England & Prussia.
Nearly all is left to conjectitfe. That the peace will be
permanent between Atistria & France is universally
believed; that Italian independence & nationality are
not much advanced by this French invasion is equally
appai^nt, & that liberal ideas, as tmderstood by both
continents (saving the Modem French definition),
are not likely to take very deep root. Still, in the most
]>rivate & best informed circles, each one makes up his
opinion, not from what he knows, but as he reasons
on the character & supposed designs of the French
Monarch. One supposes Peace is hastily made in
order to secure the firm friendship of Russia and Aus-
tria, in at least breaking down the influence of Eng-
land & Prussia, & that this leads France immediately
to the Rhine, with liberal promises to Russia & Atis-
tria of aid in the partition of Turkey, in which France
is to have Egypt, &c., &c. But all these are conjec-
tures, & I would not write them in the shape of a
despatch if it were not to inform you that conjecttires
as they are, they seem to be the best information to be
had here,, outside of the sovereigns themselves. As to
England & Prussia, no one seems to see any good in-
tentions for them. Austria is very much disgusted
with England & Prussia, & perhaps almost hostile.
The same feelings are supposed to prevail at St. Pe-
tersburg & Paris ; but whether it will end in an issue or
not, no one can tell. Every one believes the Emperor
of the French has designs & moves with a direct view
to his object; but it is equally well known that he
keeps his own counsel, only imparting to his allies
enough to secure their adherence.
Our own government has passed through un-
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APPENDIX 195
touched. All express satisfaction with her conduct
& good faith, & all seem desirous of cultivating her
good will. Never did the doctrine of non-interven-
tion work better — and England would be equally
benefited if she interfered as little in Continental
affairs in peace as she has lately in war.
Very respectfuUy,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State^
Washington.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 7. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Sep. 5th, 1859.
Sir:
Since my last, I have received your despatches
marked Nos. 2 & 3. The first relates to the death of
the Arch Duke John, intelligence of which had been
communicated to you by this Government. I pre-
sented in due form the sealed, enclosed letter of the
President addressed to the Emperor on this subject.
The second, No. 3, accompanied with a copy of a
lengthy despatch to the Minister of the United States
at Paris, relative to the subject of the law of nations,
rights of neutrals, &c., &c., and suggesting such mod-
ifications as would in the opinion of the Government
of the United States be greatly conducive to the inter-
ests of maritime Nations, ameliorate the evils of war,
and promote general civilization, came too late to be
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1% APPENDIX
presented to the consideration of this Government
pending the War, which it was supposed wovild be pro-
longed, and during the pendency of which it was sup-
posed the consideration of the subject matter of your
despatch would be peculiarly appropriate. Peace
having been declared, however, did not deter me from
presenting the subject at the earliest convenient oppor-
tunity. In a personal interview I had with Cotmt
Rechberg, I communicated to him the purport of the
despatch I had received, and stated that I hoped the
peace would not prevent the consideration of a sub-
ject which was of general interest and of a permanent
character, and, although applicable to a state of war,
was not confined to any particular war. He replied
that he would like very much to confer with me on
the subject, and that he thought a time of peace more
favorable than war for its consideration. I referred
to the "conference of Paris," of April, 1856, and to
the declaration on the fotu* points of international law
annexed to protocol No. 23, which that body had
modified, and which modification was held to be bind-
ing by all the powers who had required or acceded to
it. He remarked that Austria was a party to that con-
ference and meant to stand by it, as far as it went. I
told him that the Government of the United States
had never acceded to them as a whole, but did fully
and would even go further as to some of them; and
although I had no instructions on that subject, she
possibly might concur in the principles at the basis of
the whole, if they were so modified and enlarged as to
be made acceptable to her views and interests. In
this I alluded to the proposition of President Pierce,
as made by Gov. Marcy in his letter to Cotmt Sartiges
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APPENDIX 197
dated 28th of July, 1856, on the subject of the confer-
ence at Paris. Count Rechberg replied that not being
connected with the administration of the Government
at the time, he was not familiar with the subject, but
that he would consult the Crown lawyer upon it and
examine it himself, and be glad to confer with me
again soon.
I then referred him to the agreement annexed to
protocol No. 24 of the Paris conference, as a sequent
to the declaration, wherein it was agreed that no one
of the parties which required or acceded to the declara-
tion should enter into any arrangement in regard to
the application of the rights of neutrals in time of war,
except upon the basis of the four points in the declara-
tion; and further, that it was their interest to main-
tain the indivisibility of the four points, informing
him at the same time that most of the points upon
which I was instructed related mainly to the rights
of neutrals, and were written at a time when Austria
was at war with another great continental power,
with which the Government of the United States was
at peace, and in which she apprehended that her
rights as a neutral (being a great Maritime power)
might be affected. I wished to know as a preliminary,
therefore, whether Austria would negotiate on these
questions, of the rights of neutrals, without exacting
a concurrence in the four points indivisibly as a basis
and a preliminary to further negotiations ; and in the
mean time I wotdd address a note to him on the sub-
jects involved, and only alluded to these points now
in order to draw his attention to the true issues in-
volved as he was about to examine the question, with
a view to other conferences, and that I had preferred
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198 APPENDIX
to introduce the subject in a personal interview, be-
cause the circumstances had been much changed,
since my instructions had been written, by the peace.
Cotmt Rechberg, then, reassuring me that he would
like to take up the subject and would inform himself,
said he had no doubt that Austria would concur with
us most cordially in modif5ring the ist point in the dec-
laration by adding to the clause abol^hing privateer-
ing that "the private property of the subjects or citi-
zens of a belligerent &c., &c., shall be exempted from
seizure by public armed vessels of the other belliger-
ent, &c., &c." — ^that Austria was disposed to go fur-
ther, and define more clearly what should constitute
a blockade, and also what shall be strictly considered
contraband of war; that in her recent struggle with
Prance, however, she had tried to get Great Britain
to so consider coal, but they could get no other than
an equivocal answer; he deemed this as material to
the interests of Austria, as against some of the con-
tinental powers, if England could have been induced
to take grotmd in favor of it. The Cotmt then pro-
ceeded to inquire of me what the opinion of our Gov-
ernment was in relation to the right of the armed
vessels of a belligerent seizing the Merchant vessels
of the other belligerent, and making prisoners of war
of her sailors and unarmed men on board, and propos-
ing to exchange them as regular prisoners of war.
France, he said, had done this, and he was confident
it would not be recognized as sound international law.
To the right of seizure he took no exception as the
law now stands, but that unarmed men, such as sailors
on board Merchant vessels, could be seized and held,
and treated as prisoners of war, he denied, and said
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APPENDIX 199
he had submitted the question to England, but that
she evaded giving any satisfactory answer. He was
very anxious to have the views of our Government on
the subject, regarding, as he said, our voice as equally
potential to that of any other maritime power. He
added, also, that in the event of a convention between
the United States and Atistria relative to the question
of contraband, it wotdd be necessary to settle the
question of the right of search, at least so far as to as-
certain the character of the cargo, whether it was con-
traband or not.
I replied that I was very much pleased to find Aus-
tria so willing to enter into a negotiation on these
questions. That as to the right of search, our Gov-
ernment was very tenaciously opposed to it, per se,
but that she did not withhold her assent from the
settled question of international law, that neutrals
shall not carry contraband of war; that I had no in-
structions on this subject, but no doubt would have
if the point should ever regularly come up. As to the
question of seizing and making prisoners of war sailors
and tmarmed persons at sea on board of trading ves-
sels, I was not aware at present of a case in point ever
having been formally considered by our Government.
Having no precedent on the subject, it wotdd be a
question simply of International law, upon which he
was as competent to judge as I was; that having no
instructions, I cotdd say nothing, officially, relative
to the subject matter, but my opinion was that our
Government was strongly inclined in the direction of
exempting all private property of belligerents as well
as neutrals from seizure, and by parity of reasoning,
if this were once done, I shotild suppose that vessel
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200 APPENDIX
and cargo being exempt it wotdd follow that the sail-
ors should be also ; or, in other words, it wotdd be rank
nonsense to stipulate that all private property of a
belligerent shall be exempted from seiziu^ by the
armed vessels of the other belligerent, and at the same
time admit that such property at sea might be stripped
of the men who had it in charge, and whose skill and
care was absolutely essential to its preservation; and
further that my object was not now to discuss any of
these questions on their merits. Instructions had been
given me to present to the consideration of his Govern-
ment certain questions relative to the rights of neu-
trals, among which were conspicuously the limita-
tions and restrictions to be fixed upon contraband of
war, and blockades, which it was supposed might be
affected during the war then pending between France
and Austria, and in which as a neutral power (as our
Government, I was instructed to inform him, intended
to be) we had a deep interest. That since these in-^
structions had been given, and before I had been able
to act upon them, peace had been declared, and I had
determined to avail myself, under all the circum-
stances, of a personal interview, first to ascertain
whether the Austrian Government felt disposed at
this time to enter into the consideration of the ques-
tions involved with the United States, and that as he
had already answered me that he would examine the
preliminary questions, and in the mean time wotdd
be pleased to hear from me, I wotdd at an early day
communicate to him in writing what I had to say.
The conversation then turned upon the war just
closed. He said Kossuth had been paid 3,000,000 to
agitate the revolution in Hungary, which was mainly
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APPENDIX 201
intended to bring Atistria to speedy terms, and that
Kossuth was privy to all this and had no expecta-
tions of eflEecting anything in Hungary. That Prince
Mettemich, just deceased, had a letter of Kossuth's
in his possession which would settle his character with
the republican worid if published, but that the Prince
positively refused to give it to the public, though he
had tried hard to obtain his consent. The tone of con-
versation is changed as to France, indicating deariy
that they expect to ad hereafter with France, and
feel a common hostility with her towards Prussia and
England. Still, great freedom of speech is used, and
no concealment of their opinion that the French Mon-
arch requires close watching, and that an Ally has
need to be as wide awake as an enemy. The prompt
settlement at Villa Franca of the terms of peace, and
the perfect confidence everywhere reposed in the
stability of that peace, between these powers, con-
vinces every one that it contains secret articles be-
tween the two Sovereigns in which they and their
dynasties are principally interested. All hostility to
France is transferred to England and Prussia, and
Austria is taking a deep interest now in French prog-
ress. As to speculation, it is idle now, but the end
is not yet. Russia is tr5ring to get Prussia into a Con-
gress.
The Allies want the new States of Italy to be sanc-
tioned by a Congress. Prussia is anxious to oblige
Russia and wants her good services with France,
whom she fears so much that while holding on to her
English Alliance (odious to Russia) she is .unwilling
-to loose her hold on Russia. Russia is busy now tr3ang
to get up a Congress, moved by France as she was be-
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202 APPENDIX
fore, and Constantinople, as of old, is the magnet which
draws Russia. Italian affairs once settled and all the
powers committed to them, then will open the new
drama.
Cotint Rechberg talked very freely to me in this
interview about the reforms needed in the Austrian
Government. He remarked that Mettemich's great
mistake consisted in not interesting the masses of the
people in their Government, and that now the subject
was fraught with diflBctdties which wotdd not have
existed if taken at an early day. They are at work
upon the subject very earnestly, but what it will end
in no one can tell yet.
I wish to be instructed as soon as convenient on the
questions: ist, if Austria conditionally assents to all
proposed in the instructions already given, what I shall
say in relation to the proposition of President Pierce
before alluded to, to wit, agreeing to abolish priva-
teering, provided the clause be added which I have
already referred to? and secondly, if she consents to
exclude coal from the list of contraband of war, what
I am to say in relation to the right of search in order
to ascertain whether neutral vessels have contraband
on board or not? and thirdly, what I shall say on the
question of seizure of unafmed men on trading ves-
sels as prisoners of war.
The commerce of Austria with the United States
is increasing rapidly; the receipts into the United
States Treasury for duties on exports from Vienna
alone will be, for the months of April, May, June, and
Jtdy, not less than $75,000. The fees received at
present more than pay the salary of the Constil here,
and his duties are increasing very much. The duties
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APPENDIX 203
of the Consulate here are most faithftilly discharged
by Mr. Stiles, the present Constd.
The Austrian Government has determined to raise
the Mission to the United States to the rank of an
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
in reciprocity to our action, and with a view to evince
their cordial friendship.
Very Respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 8. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Novr. 21, 1859.
Sir:
A longer period has elapsed since my last despatch
than it is usual for me to allow between despatches;
but in addition to the standing reason that I have
nothing of interest to communicate, I have had a
special reason for waiting either to hear something
from home relative to your despatch of the 30th of
June in answer to my inquiries, & also to enable the
foreign office here, by a little delay, to despatch some
of its more pressing business growing out of the late
war & concerning a settlement of the terms of peace
& the domestic reforms required & promised. In my
last despatch, I stated that in consequence of your
Note relative to the question of international law not
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204 APPENDIX
having reached me before the war was concluded, I
feared that it would be inopportune & perhaps useless
to press it just now, hence preferred to open the sub-
ject verbally & defer conmiunicating more fully in
writing tmtil I was further instructed & the foreign
office better prepared to hear me. Time has only
convinced me that I was right, & I have deferred
writing the more readily because the despatch was a
circular one & of a general character, & not addressed
to me specifically or with special instructions. Ex-
cept, therefore, to commtmicate ftdly as instructed
the views of my Government to the Imperial Minister
of Foreign Affairs on all these questions, verbally, at
different interviews. & to receive in rettim a repetition
of the sentiments & opinions given in my last, I have
done nothing; because, as already stated, I saw that
a correspondence would be fruitless at this time, unless
I had new & more comprehensive instructions subse-
quent to the war directing me to press the subject.
The pressure now of domestic aflEairs is, I think, a
little subsiding, & the treaty of Zurich being signed
relieves, at least pro tanto, the foreign office. A Con-
gress is in contemplation & generally agreed upon;
but not so settled that England may not yet decline
to be represented. The policy of France is to secure
the sanction of England to a settlement which she
does not approve, & which no English statesman
dares to be responsible for. The fate of Castlereagh
& the Treaties of 1815 are still fresh in the memories
of both Russell & Palmerston.
The feeling of hostility so general in France against
England is mainly engendered by the constant efforts
of the English to thwart the Napoleonic Policy in
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APPENDIX 205
Italy. Victor Emmanuel woidd be an easy subject
in the hands of the French Emperor, if he were not
supported by suggestions from the English. In fact,
England would like above all things to see Central
Italy tuiited under the sway of Victor Emmanuel,
because it wotdd displease France & strengthen Brit-
ish influence. But England is not willing to do this at
the expense of the French alliance, though coming as
near it as she dare approach. Prussia, under English
dictation, has been tr5ring to conciliate Russia; &
England is acting with a view to the contingency of
a war with France, which may happen. France in-
tends to coerce England into an approval of her
policy, or to go to war.
The Austrian Government has determined, beyond
all doubt, to grant liberal reforms, but is still at a loss
to know what to do ; the fear of conceding too much
deters it from granting what they know wotdd be re-
garded as too little by the people; & hence delay.
The people, while they will be satisfied with nothing
but substantial reforms, are disinclined to revolution
for fear of reenacting the scenes of 1848, & hence pre-
fer so far peaceftd agitation. The condition of the
finances will compel action, & I am satisfied some
good reform will be made, though not equal to the
wishes of the people. Religious toleration is pro-
gressing, & a disposition is shown to act fairly in the
matter.
Austria is at present almost isolated in Europe, &
this will induce her perhaps to fall into the arms of
France, which alone at present coxirts her.
There never was a better time, in my judgment, for
our government to effectually assert its rights with
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206 APPENDIX
England than the present, for she has now Prussia
alone for a friend, & she knows that Russia & France
would rejoice to see her embroiled with us. Not only
is this the time to assert rights, but any modification
of international law could now be pressed on England
with great advantage. The assent of Prance will carry
Austria. Russia is alwajrs favourably inclined to-
wards us, & England could now be pressed to a de-
cision with great eflEect — ^the forthcoming Congress,
too, is a very appropriate time & place.
I have the honour to be.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hoi>}ORABLB Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 9. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, December 24th, 1859.
Sir:
Your despatch No. 5, dated Novr. 12th, 1859, ^
dtdy received, & I am pleased to learn by it that my
course of conduct with the foreign office relative to
the question of neutral rights meets your approval.
In my despatch No. 8, dated 21st Nov. 1859, ^o* ^~
ceived by you at the date of your No. 5, I informed
you more fully of what I had done, and which I am
happy to know is consistent with the tenor of your
last communication.
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APPENDIX 207
Immediately on the receipt of yotir despatch No. s.
I called on Count Rechberg, & reiterated all that I
had said before » accompanied with the remark that
what I had, on former occasions, stated was approved
by my government, & that I wotdd not press for any
reply, but content myself with urging upon the Aus-
trian government the consideration of the importance
of an early modification of the maritime code — a.
point which I reassured him was deemed of impor-
tance not only to my own government, but to all
the maritime powers of Europe. I said that I
thought the present a favourable time for bringing
the whole subject under the purview of European
diplomacy, but that I wotdd wait his pleasure to
confer with me on the subject & also as to the
manner of treating it.
He replied that he had considered it carefully, &
conferred with the other European Powers represented
at Vienna. He was convinced that the course sug-
gested by my Government was clearly to the interest
of Austria; & that all the minor powers concurred
with him fully in this opinion as to their respective
governments. He was of opinion that Prussia &
Russia wotdd favour the movement; of France he
could say nothing, as she was not represented yet at
Vienna; but he anticipated no objection of a serious
character from any power except that of Great
Britain — ^that Government he thought would be de-
cidedly adverse ; but he was convinced, if she wotdd
yield to any power, it would be to our government.
He added that Austria had suffered much in her ship-
ping interests during the last war, & that she was
anxious to guard against a repetition of these depreda-
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208 APPENDIX
tions in the future, as she was conscious she could not
expect to contend successfully with the maritime
powers on the ocean. I informed him that my gov-
ernment was well aware of the influence she might
bring to bear on Great Britain in the adjustment of
the question of neutral rights, blockades, contraband
of war, &c., &c., on acooimt of our growing commer-
cial importance, increasing maritime power, and
her dependence upon us for raw material for her
heavy manufacturing interest; & that I was fully ap-
prized of the real source of the four points agreed to
and settled at the Paris conference by the Powers
there represented — ^that the motive for coupling with
three unobjectionable points a fourth (abolishing
privateering), and declaring the four points to be in-
divisible, was too transparent to mislead any one.
It certainly was not calctilated to embarrass a power
which woTild maintain, in peace & war, at any ex-
pense, an armed force on the ocean sufficient to assert
supremacy; nor could it embarrass any other power
whose mercantile marine added to its armed force by
privateering could not, thus combined, meet a large
power on the ocean on equal terms. I remarked
further that I regarded the acts of the Paris Confer-
ence on this subject as a sort of paper blockade upon
all further negotiation or modification of a code known
to be far in arrears of the progressive spirit & ad-
vanced civilization of the age ; that the object of my
government was to reopen the subject, or, at least,
more clearly define some of the provisions of that code ;
that I was happy to learn from him that nearly all the
European governments were ready to cooperate with
us in this commendable undertaking, & that the in-
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APPENDIX 209
divisibility of the four points might not prevent fur-
ther negotiation; that I was also happy to hear such
an acknowledgment made by these Powers of our
Maritime strength & of the humanity & justness of
our motives. Count Rechberg added that we were
strong as a naval power, even if we abandoned the
right of privateering; that he intended to confer with
the new Ambassador of France (now daily expected)
on the subject; that he would represent Austria him-
self in the Congress about to assemble early in Janu-
ary next at Paris, for at least a portion of the time of
its session, & that although the Powers there to be
represented had already agreed to a restriction upon
the questions there to be discussed, which wotdd ex-
clude this one of neutral rights, &c. — that this exclu-.
sion wotdd only extend to the Cotmcil Chamber in
its formal sittings, & that he wotdd introduce it in-
formally himself in their familiar conversation, & in-
form me fully of the progress made. I thanked him
then & took my leave.
My knowledge of Austrian affairs & European poli-
tics generally confirms me in the opinion that if the
United States desire earnestly, as I do not doubt they
do, to effect such a modification of International Law
relating to maritime affairs as is set forth with so much
ability & clearness in your despatch to Hon. J. Y.
Mason of June 27, 1859, No. 190, that they can safely
rely at this time upon the cordial cooperation of all,
or nearly all, the continental Powers of Europe; but
I believe the true, if not the only, mode of reaching
it is by a Congress of Nations. England will always
avail herself in the adjustment of other great questions
in European Congresses of the opporttinity to exact
Vol. 11—14
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210 APPENDIX
stipulations from the Continental 'Powers calculated
to strengthen her naval supremacy. This mode of
action makes us impotent to effect any thing, moving
single-handed & in detail, by conventional arrange-
ments with such powers as may feel disposed to treat
with us, while she acts upon the Collective Powers of
the World in a Congress of Nations, now almost, by its
frequency, become a regular institution, & from the
sessions of which we are excluded by our policy of non-
intervention. These bodies being professedly Euro-
pean & having professedly in view European interests
alone, it is but meet & proper that we shotdd there be
unrepresented. But all experience shows that these
bodies do not confine their jurisdiction to the subjects
properly before them, but actually enter into com-
binations to settle principles of international law in
which all the Maritime Powers of the World are in-
terested. Against this cotu-se of procedure, our gov-
ernment thus far has contented itself with protesting;
but while the protests are forgotten, the European
Powers proceed with the consolidation of those fimda-
mental laws which are to govern all countries, our-
selves included, or isolate us from the family of Na-
tions. I suggest, most respectfully, then, that oxar
government lead the way & propose, as a great Mari-
time Power, a Congress of Nations, not European, but
of all the Powers represented at Washington, or who
have Commercial interests, the jurisdiction to be con-
fined to maritime law, & with powers only to restrict,
retrench, & modify its provisions, but not to enlarge
its area or add to its dogmas. I am thoroughly con-
vinced that this movement wotdd be seconded by
three fourths of the civilized Nations of the worlds
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APPENDIX 211
even to the extent of aboKshing contraband altogether
& making private property of belligerents on their
own unarmed ships as free as on those of neutrals.
Spain, Russia, Holland, France, &c., have shown
their sympathies at as early a period as our revolu-
tionary history; & our conventional arrangements in
America with Brazil, Chile, Venezuela, Ecuador, New
Granada, Guatemala, San Salvador, Peru, & Mexico,
and others in Europe, referred to in your despatch,
show the feelings of these nations. Recent demonstra-
tions at Bremen, ridiculed in the London "Times" of
Dec. I oth, show the feeling there . See also the " Times ' '
of the 17th Dec. The pamphlet of 6mile Girardin,
reviewed in the London "Times" of the 13th Dec,
illustrates & stistains this position — ^all that is wanting
is a leader. The moral effect of such a motion on the
part of our government would be prodigious all over
Etux>pe; because while it is perfectly consistent with
the settled policy of our coimtry since the days of
Washington of not intervening in the local politics
of Europe, or forming entangling alliances with other
powers, it will be a just & bold assertion that we will
intervene & have a voice in the deliberations of any
body which may attempt to settle organic laws which
are to govern the world — ^more particularly in Mari-
time affairs, the ocean being emphatically the highway
of Nations. This moral effect also would be immensely
enhanced by the open declaration of our policy &
motives. We ask for nothing selfish, but simply for
that which is for the benefit of the whole human race
— ^the melioration of the evils of war — a, mission of
which our country cotdd well be proud before the
world. I press upon your consideration prompt
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212 APPENDIX
action in this matter, & I hope I may be excused for
saying that as the head of our government & the head
of the State Department are both well known in the
circles of Europe for their diplomatic learning & abil-
ity, it wotdd add to the effect to have it come from
this administration — a measure which would reflect
honour upon any administration.
If this step shotdd be taken, I believe Austria is the
place to begin. With England we never can begin,
nor will she be the first to assent. France cannot lead
in Europe without givii^ mortal oflfence to the acute
sensibilities of England, just now so ftill of evil appre-
hensions ; while she would be pleased to follow a lead
which, though not intended by us, would be in effect
so much in the line of her well known policy, weakening
the naval dominion of England. Prussia is too nearly
allied to England, & Russia is isolated in her influence ;
while Austria has still her prestige of being the centre
of diplomacy, wields almost absolute influence over
all the minor powers of Germany, & just now even
with France has influence, is smarting under her
misfortunes at sea during the last war, & is ambi-
tiotis to reach England (who refused to her aid &
comfort on the sea) by weakening her in her strong-
hold of war.
I believe a Congress such as I have indicated can
be obtained, & that it wotdd result in the settlement
of a code such as you have xarged in your despatch.
If one or two powers should hold off for a while, the
moral judgment of the world would soon force their
acquiescence. England, the most reluctant to yield,
is most subject to public opinion. Her commercial
& manufacttuing interests would direct public opinion
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APPENDIX 213
to the morality & jtistice of a policy which exempts all
private property in unarmed vessels from capture at
sea, settles forever the question of the right of search
by abolishing contraband of war, & narrows down &
humanizes the issues of war to the armed squadrons
of the belligerents ; & this public opinion would control
the government. This principle once adopted, priva-
teering becomes, ipso facto, of no avail, since the spoils
of confiscated property are the only food it lives on;
but it would bring us to the volunteer system adopted
under our constitution in land warfare, & which is so
congenial to our institutions — ^where instead of calling
for volimteers to fight the battles of our coimtry, with
a license to plunder & pay themselves out of the spoils
of the victory, we enroll them imder the national ban-
ner & pay them out of the common treasury. So in
Naval Affairs; squadrons of oxar Mercantile Marine
could be mustered into the service & regularly com-
missioned to do battle at the expense of the govern-
ment. I need hardly add that, aside from the mor-
ality of the thing, the Country wotdd be much the
gainer by it, as the increased expense to the govern-
ment would be far more than overbalanced by the gain
to our carrying trade & the saving of cargoes liable now
to capture, &c., &c. I have conversed with Americans
here who are well posted in Commercial affairs & who
inform me that such a movement wotdd be hailed by
the civilized world; if it even failed now, the moral
effect of the effort on the part of our government
woiild enure immensely to our advantage & to the
ultimate triumph of the rights of the seas.
Under my present instructions, I consider it my
duty to press the matter on Austria, & through Aus-
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214 APPENDIX
tria on all other powers reachable. If they shotdd
suggest the propriety of a Congress, for without fur-
ther instruction I shall not do so, I will inform you &
urge you to act in accordance with their views; though
I would much prefer to see our country lead in the
suggestion. The indivisibility of the four points, as
declared by the seven European Powers at Paris, has
already almost closed the door against all further
negotiation on the subject matter of these Points,
either by separate negotiation or by Congresses com-
posed of these powers alone. The attributes of their
sovereignty pro tanto seem by this Act to be sur-
rendered. A Congress of Nations is the only tribtuial
left open by this declaration in which these powers
have not parted with their freedom of action. Here
we mtist meet them at last, .or meet them never —
delay to us is dangerous, if not fatal. In the mean-
time they will combine all the Euroi)ean Powers in
giving constructions to Maritime law which we are
bound to resist, & by delay we may find ourselves at
issue with the combined Powers of Euroi)e.
I have suggested Austria as the proper Power to
begin with & given the reasons therefor. Offence
might have been taken if a movement of this kind on
our part were begim with a non-maritime Power,
without first at least consulting the leading Maritime
Powers. But our Government has fully complied
with this formula, by submitting the whole question
through her representative at every Court, discussing
all the points at full length, & earnestly soliciting
their adherence & cooperation. This was done by
your predecessor, Mr. Marcy, in response to the de-
spatch of Count Sartiges submitting the propositions
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APPENDIX 215
of the Paris Conference of April, 1856. No attention
was paid to the Circular letter of Mr. Marcy, although
it is pretty well known that six of these Powers had
no objection to its terms if it had been originally sub-
mitted for their action. In fact, the seven Powers
have pledged themselves not to negotiate separately
except upon the basis of the four points taken indi-
visibly. This did not deter these powers, however,
from negotiating among themselves with a view to
enlarge the contraband of war, including coal, under
its interdict. Although this was not effected for want
of time, yet no one of these governments ever ques-
tioned their own jurisdictions without consulting us.
It was not tmtil it was ascertained that England could
not be relied on that Austria called on me for the
opinion of our government relative to the seiziu« of
Merchant vessels & treating the tmarmed men on
board as prisoners <rf war, & has followed it up by
showing an tmusual anxiety to codperate with us in
reforming the marine code.
Again, your despatch. No. 190, to Mr. Mason has,
with great perspicuity, submitted to all the powers
these same questions. The Maritime Powers will con-
tinue to shelter themselves tmder the Paris Confer-
ence— disqualifjdng them to negotiate except upon
conditions repulsive to us — & still reserving to them-
selves the right to act whenever it may suit their
muttaal interests to do so. This fact (together with
those succinctly stated in your despatch), that no
uniformity can ever be arrived at by separate com-
mercial treaties with different powers, not only clearly
demonstrates the necessity of a general Congress, but
also precludes any one or more of the Maritime powers
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216 APPENDIX
from taking offence at the initiative of any one of the
less Maritime Powers in Euroi)e. Besides, my sug-
gestion to begin with Austria does not mean to ex-
clude any one, as all will be invited alike to the Con-
gress, if it is determined upon. It is only ptirposed to
begin with Austria, & through her, as the best channel,
to prepare the way for such a Congress, & to learn
from her what success the proposal would meet with
in Europe, if formally suggested by the United States
— ^to ascertain & report this, too, before our govern-
ment decides upon asking for it. This is what I mean
by beginning with Austria ; & I have so begun under
my instructions (except as to naming a Congress) —
the first being to ascertain how many & what nations
will co6perate with us in the proposed modifications;
& secondly, how it is to be done ; & if they suggest a
Congress, to relieve them from the embarrassment of
the Paris declaration, then, whether they wish the
proposal to come from our government, & if she con-
sents to make it, then, how many & what nations
would concur in the proposition & send representa-
tives.
In my first interview with Cotmt Rechberg I saw
the embarrassment of this Paris declaration, which I
think they regret now, & so I wrote that I thought
nothing could be done without opening the whole
subject, on which, if I was to proceed, I needed fur-
ther instructions.
In addition to the good results of the direct action
of such a Congress, we would have a precedent estab-
lished that jurisdiction over this subject can only be
recognized in a general Congress of all the Powers,
negative the jurisdiction of a Euro^an Congress, &
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APPENDIX 217
put it beyond the power of belligerents to modify or
enlarge, ad libittmi, the international law.
If any Power should decline to be represented in
such a Congress, we will have the benefit of an issue
before the civilized world that such Power means to
exclude us & other Nations from a voice in the adjust-
ment of that law which concerns the whole civilized
world. The sooner we have that issue the better, if
it is to come, as our cause would be just & our objects
humane. The voice of the civilized world would be
in our favour & we shotdd be sure to triumph.
Before closing it is proi)er I should add that Mr.
Marcy by direction of our government having sub-
mitted a proposition, we cannot object to its consider-
ation now by the Congress of Paris to meet in January
next ; but if that body should decline to consider it, or
reject it, then I hope our government will never again
submit any proposition on so general a question to so
partial a body, but demand a general Congress — and
for these reasons: ist. Because England, in yielding
to us the right of search, has reserved the question of
fixing some mode of ascertaining the Nationality of
vessels at sea, & invites us to make a p?roposition on
the subject. 2d. Because the leading Maritime powers
have abolished privateering without our concurrence,
& have not assented to our proposition to exempt the
private property of belligerents from capture under
enemies' flag — ^two points deemed inseparable by us.
And 3d. Because a disposition is shown in Euroi)e to
enlarge the area of Contraband of War by belligerents
themselves, or by a Congress whose jurisdiction we
cannot recognize. If my judgment is worth anything,
all attempts to effect thorough reforms in the Mari-
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218 APPENDIX
time Code will prove abortive, if we continue the
policy of beginning with the first Maritime Powers of
Europe. They are the last to make concessions,
never the first to propose or to assent to them. All
experience proves this. Austria, Russia, & Prussia
should be first looked to to follow our lead, & France
& England the last to give their acquiescence — &
even this, as experience teaches us, will not avail with-
out a Congress. I may repeat here that I know that
France (while she likes to lead in most matters) in
this would prefer to follow.
If such a Congress ever takes place, it ought to be
held in some central European Capital of a non- (or
minor) Maritime power, such as Dresden, Munich,
Stuttgart, &c.
The visit last summer of the Flag Ship Wabash
to the waters of the Adriatic produced a very good
effect, & I would suggest that the Commodore be
instructed again next summer to touch among other
places at Venice & Trieste, particularly with the new
gim-boat.
Great disquiet exists here at present. The intelli-
gent & conservative masses are very much discon-
tented. A revolution is dreaded by them, however,
as much as by the government, as they only know the
fruits of revolution by the bastard attempt of 1848,
which endangered all security to property & produced
anarchy alone. The retirement of Count Buol to
Rome, & Hubner to Venice, & of Ferdinand Max, the
Emperor's next eldest brother, to Madeira, creates an
impression that a change of policy may be effected by
a change, not of djrnasty, but by calling another mem-
ber of the family to the Throne, who will represent an
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APPENDIX 219
entirely different policy. But this may never happen,
or if it does, it may be remote. I speak only of the
impression.
Very respectftdly,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington,
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. ID. Legation of the United States,
Vienna, January 30th, i860.
Sir:
I have forwarded to the Department, through the
United States Consul at Bremen, a package contain-
ing: (i) a statistical view of the population, &c., of
Austria, according to the Census of 1857, (2) a state-
ment of the Foreign Commerce of Austria for 1857,
(3) communications from the Bureau of Statistics,
7th volume, 2d & 3d parts, & (4) statistical tables of
the Monarchy, 2d vol., ist & 8th parts. These docu-
ments are presented to our Government by that of
Austria, & are in continuation of series, the preceding
numbers of which have already been forwarded.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Honble. Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
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220 APPENDIX
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. ii. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, March 12th, i860.
Sir:
My despatch No. 9, dated Dec. 24, 1859, was written
on the eve of a contemplated European Congress, in
which it was supposed by many the question of a
modification of maritime law might be considered.
Since that time the public mind of Europe has been
in a constant state of fluctuation, ever approaching
some definite result & yet never reaching it. No
special event of importance occurring, I have delayed
writing from time to time, expecting weekly to have
something definite to say on subjects which might be
of interest to our government, & in the shaping of
which Austria might act a conspicuous part. I am
sorry to say, however, that the adjustment of Euro-
pean complications just now appears to be farther
removed than ever. The opinion is becoming daily
more prevalent that France having disturbed the
equilibriimi of Europe by throwing her sword into the
scale, that equilibrium can only be restored by the
sword. On this subject I ventured in my first despatch
the opinion that France had more at heart the exclu-
sion of Austrian & the substitution of French influ-
ence in Italy than the independence and unity of
Italy itself. Events have only tended to confirm me
in this opinion; but the Italians themselves have
shown a spirit & zeal for nationality not anticipated,
& their own perseverance is likely to end against the
policy of France, in at least forming a good nucleus
for future progress in the annexation of Parma, Mo-
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APPENDIX 221
dena, & Lombardy to Sardinia. This is not the work
of France, save Lombardy, but of the Italians them-
selves.
In the meantime, as all idea of a congress has van-
ished, the question of maritime rights has been for-
gotten, except among the commercial classes of Ger-
many, Englaiid, & even of New York. I took occasion
to speak freely to my colleagues on this subject, al-
ways accompanied with the declaration that I had
no instructions & was acting unofficially, but was
anxious to learn, as far as it was compatible with their
views of official propriety, the views of their respec-
tive governments. The response was frank, and even
eagerly given, Rtissia, Sweden, Denmark, Spain, &
many of the minor powers stating that it would be
hailed with joy if our government would make itself
felt in the settlement of maritime law. The English
Minister, Lord Loftus, made a formal inquiry of
Count Rechberg as to the designs of Austria, which
was answered by informing him that no proposition
had been n^de by the American government yet, but
that if the American government ever should propose
to Austria the alternative of privateering or inuntmity
of goods upon the ocean, Austria would cheerfully
unite with that government, believing it to be her
interest to do so. Lord Loftus informed me that he
had made it the subject of a despatch to his govern-
ment to which he had received a very prompt & em-
phatic reply, &c. The effect of all this has been very
good, even if it rests here. England learns for the
first time that if she can succeed in combining all the
European powers against privateering to the extent
also of closing their ports against our privateers in
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222 APPENDIX
time of war, treating them as pirates, or at least as
outlaws, entitled to no hospitality or comity, that our
government, if it pleases to exercise it, has always in
reserve a step which will draw all these powers to its
side, & cripple immensely the dominion of England
on the ocean & her consequence in the family of na-
tions ; for her power in Europe lies in this magic wand.
The fearful annihilation of their commerce, in the
event of hostilities, causes many a reluctant power
to bow to England's cotmsels. England has also
learned, perhaps not for the first time, that if we deem
it expedient, it is not inconsistent with our policy to
be heard in a maritime Congress, & that if we lead the
way every other maritime power in Europe will follow
& acknowledge the jurisdiction of such a body. These
facts alone may, when known to England, induce her
to abandon all further steps on the subject, & if so
we can afford to rest for the present also, at least until
further steps are taken adversely to our interests.
All that I have ventured to say in my former despatch
as to our policy of abandoning privateering was based
upon the progressive combination of other nations to
render privateering impotent & odious, as far as they
have power so to do. As our government is not
aggressive, it needs not to hold in terrorism over the
heads of other nations a threatened destruction of
their private property on the ocean in order to coerce
them to terms, & can therefore afford to jdeld priva-
teering simultaneously with the immunity of goods.
If this combination is abandoned, we can afford to
rest in statu quo with safety. Still, I am ftilly satisfied
that the commercial & mantifacttiring world will in
less than twenty years demand this exemption,
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APPENDIX 223
seconded by the producers of raw materials such as
cotton. It is a policy founded by great maritime
powers alone, never by the common consent of all,
or of the weaker, on principles of humanity & general
justice. It is abandoned on land, & not now main-
tained upon any other ground than that of recognized
law in the jus gentium, & its continuance is advocated
by those powers alone who either are now or expect to
be great in maritime strength. It is wise, therefore,
for a great nation whose policy is fotmded on equal
& exact justice to all to indicate beforehand a course
consistent with its dictates whenever the contingency
may arise, & preserve its reputation in advance from
being placed in a false position in the eyes of the civil-
ized world.
All eyes in Austria have been eagerly turned for
some time to the coming promised constitution,
which has just been published. It turns out to be no
constitution at all, however, but rather a patent —
an enlargement only of the cotmselling power of the
Empire. Of course it is not satisfactory to those who
were sanguine ; but the conservative men are disposed
to regard it as not so very bad a beginning, although
promising nothing very tangible at present. It recog-
nizes a right to be heard, based on suffrage, the de-
tails of which are yet to be adjusted, & which they
hope they may be enabled to enlarge from time to
time as in England, & convert that which is now an
advising into at least a coordinate legislative body.
A translated copy of this Patent is enclosed.
Your despatch No. 6, 2Sth Nov. 1859, accompany-
ing a copy of the report of the proceedings of the na-
tional Quarantine & Sanitary Association at its third
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224 APPENDIX
meeting, held in April last, has been duly received &
presented by me to the Austrian government, as I was
instructed to do, with the request that this govern-
ment would reciprocate.
Your despatch No. 7, ist Feby., i860, relative to
the case of Wm. Madardsz, an Hungarian, has also
been received, &, as instructed, I have addressed a
communication to the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Count Rechberg, a copy of which is herewith enclosed.
As yet no reply has been returned to it.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 1 1 . — Translation,]
Patent op March 5, i860.
We, Franz Josef the first, by the grace of God
Emi)eror of Austria, &c., &c., have resolved to increase
our Reichsrath by extraordinary members whom we
shall periodically convene, the Reichsrath itself con-
tinuing to exist on the basis of our Patent of the 13th
of April, 1851, & of our rescript of the 20th August,
1851. To this end, after hearing of our Ministers &
of otir Reichsrath, we ordain as follows :
§1. As extraordinary members to attend these
periodical consultations, we shall appoint
1. Archdtikes of our Imperial house.
2. Some of the higher dignitaries of the Church.
3. Men who have distinguished themselves in our
Civil and Military service or in other ways.
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APPENDIX
225
38 members of the representative bodies of
the country — ^to wit:
6 from the Kingdom of Hungary.
3
((
Bohemia.
2
It
Lombardo-Venetia.
I
(f
Dalmatia.
2
l<
Slavonia & Croatia.
3
it
Galicia,Lodomeria,&
the Grand Duchy
of Krakau.
2
<l
** Archduchy of Austria below the
Enns.
it
" Same above the Enns.
it
** Duchy of Salzburg.
<<
" Archduchy of Styria.
l(
** Duchy of Carinthia.
(<
** Duchy of Krain.
<(
** Duchy of Bukowina.
3
<<
** Grand Principality of Transyl-
vania.
2
<<
" Earldom of Moravia.
I
<(
" Duchy of Silesia.
2
<<
" Principality of Tjrrol.
I
ti
Vorarlberg.
I
<<
the Earldom of Istria, with those of
G6rz & Gradisca.
I
««'
the Imperial City of Trieste & its ter-
ritory, and
2
<f
the Servian Woiwodschaft and the
Temesvar Banat.
The representative bodies in these Crown Lands
will choose for each one of the appointments to be
thus made three of their number & propose them to us.
Vol. n— 16
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226 APPENDIX
The extraordinary members of the Reichsrath,
designated in i, 2, & 3, will be appointed for life.
Those designated in 4 will be chosen for six years.
After this term is over, they are not, however, ex-
cluded from reelection. If during his six years term
of office a member dies or loses the personal qualifi-
cations for membership of the representative body
which proposed him, or is permanently prevented
from taking part in the deliberations of the enlarged
Reichsrath, we will appoint from the names already
proposed to us a substitute for the remainder of the
six years terms.
In reference to the elections to be held by the Repre-
sentative bodies for the enlarged Reichsrath, we shall
issue special regulations.
§2. The enlarged Reichsrath will be convened by
us periodically to deliberate upon the matters re-
ferred to it in the following paragraphs.
§3. The enlarged Reichsrath will have to consider:
(i) The determination of the Budget, the examina-
tion of the balance sheet of the State, the plans of the
Committee on the public debt. (2) All the more im-
portant projects in regard to legislation. (3) The
propositions of the representative bodies.
We reserve to ourselves, also, the right to refer other
matters to the consideration of the enlarged Reichsrath.
§4. The enlarged Reichsrath cannot take the in-
itiative in making projects of law or ordinances.
Should it, however, in considering a project referred
to it find occasion to point out wants, defects, or re-
quirements in the legislation concerned, it is called
upon to bring them to notice at the time that it lays
its opinions before us.
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APPENDIX 227
§5. The members of our permanent Reichsrath
have seats & votes in the deliberations of the enlarged
Reichsrath.
§6. Our ministers & the heads of our central offices
are entitled to take part in all the deliberations of the
enlarged Reichsrath & to maintain their propositions
in person or by a delegate.
§7. Matters other than those designated in §§3 & 4
upon which we decide to consult our Reichsrath are
to be treated as heretofore in the prescribed manner
by the -permanent members of the same.
§8. We reserve to ourselves the right to issue an
order of business for the enlarged Reichsrath.
§9. The Extraordinary members of the Reichsrath
will have as such no pajrment from the State Treasury.
§10. All the determinations of our Patent of the
13th of April, 1851, in respect to the Reichsrath,
which are not set aside by the present patent, remain
in force, with the exception of those contained in
§§13, 16, 17, & 37, referring to the temporary partic-
ipants.
Given in our Capitol and Residence, city of Vienna,
this sth of March, i860, & of our reign the 12th year.
[Note.]
An Imperial Ordinance of the same date provides
that as soon as the representative bodies in the vari-
ous provinces are created and constituted they shall
proceed to the elections designated in the Patent.
Until then, the Emperor will himself appoint men,
in the ntmiber (38) above mentioned, from the several
Crown Lands, to attend the deliberations of the en-
larged Reichsrath.
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228 APPENDIX
The Reichsrath thtis constituted will meet in the
month of May of this year (day to be hereafter desig-
nated), in order to examine the btidget for 1861.
[Enclosure in Despatch No, 11. — Copy.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, February 29th, i860.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
has been instructed by his Government to use his good
offices tmofficially with the Imperial Royal Ministry
of Foreign Affairs in the following case:
William Madardsz, a Hungarian by birth, emi-
grated to the United States in the year 1851, and
settled in the state of Iowa, where he was married in
1853. In 185s he returned to Htmgary, leaving his
wife behind him, with the avowed purpose of arrang-
ing his private affairs there, with a view to a -pev-
manent residence in the United States, he having, as
is alleged, already taken the necessary preliminary
steps to become a citizen of the United States. He is
still in Htmgary, where he is detained, as is alleged,
against his will, not having permission to quit the
dominions of Austria.
The Undersigned is not yet fully informed as to the
merits of the case, but is of opinion that upon present
information he has no right to make any demand i^
the premises; and hence, relying upon the well known
relations now so happily subsisting between the gov-
ernment of the United States and the government of
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APPENDIX 229
His Imperial Majesty of Atistria, he addresses him-
self solely to the humane consideration of the Imperial
Minister for Foreign Affairs, with the confident belief
that unless some formidable obstacle unknown to
the Undersigned, and not supposed by him to exist,
intervenes, the government of His Imperial Majesty
will in the same spirit facilitate the restoration of Mr.
Madar^z to his family in the United States.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to His Excellency Count Rechberg, Imperial
Minister of Foreign Affairs, the assurance of his per-
fect consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
His Excellency Count Rechberg,
Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 12. Legation of the United States,
Vienna, April 30th, i860.
Sir:
Your despatch No. 8, with notice that a box of books
has been sent to this Legation, has been received.
I transmit, herewith, two documents— one a trans-
lation of the Protest of the Duke of Modena which his
diplomatic representative here has presented to the
Legation, the other a copy of a note received from the
Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs accompanying
publications on the subject of Quarantine in Austria,
for the use of the National Sanitary Association,
which were asked for by me in accordance with your
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230 APPENDIX
despatch No. 6. The publications themselves were
forwarded yesterday to the Department through the
Consul at Bremen.
Since my last despatch, of March 12th, an effort
has been made to relieve the finances of the Empire
by procuring a loan, but it has not yet been successful.
Ci^at and systematic frauds on the Government have
been discovered. Baron Bruck, the Finance Minister,
was supposed to be implicated, & was temporarily
dismissed by the Emperor on the 22nd of April, in the
evening. On the next morning he was found in his
blood in bed, & an inquest discovered that the throat &
wrists were cut by his own hand. This only con-
firms the suspicion that he was implicated. There will
result an effort to put the financial affairs of the Empire
on a better footing, & as this can only be done by re-
organization, it is already announced that the policy of
1848 is to be modified. Hungary is to have her local &
municipal jurisdiction once more restored. The super-
vision of the finances is to be so constituted as to secure
confidence, &c. There is no doubt of the resources of
Austria ; her liabilities are not beyond her reach ; but no
stability can be secured, no credit restored, until the
political disqtiietude of the country is calmed and con-
fidence renewed in the management of public affairs.
All this is now promised, & time will tell the result.
The Archduke Albrecht has resigned, & General
Benedek is Governor of Hungary. He is a Hungarian
& popular ; but he of coxirse goes to Hungary to obey
orders & carry out a policy conceived in Vienna, &
whether he can adapt it to the present wishes & wants
of Htmgary cannot be told. Hungary is very dis-
trustful. She does not desire revolution; indeed, she
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APPENDIX 231
has very little to hope from it at present, while the
revolutionary spirit is qiiiet in France & Germany &
she is hemmed in and surrotmded by Austria, Russia,
& Turkey. While the policy of the French Govern-
ment seeks alliances with absolutism in Russia &
Austria, & England gives daily notice that sympathy
is all she can offer, & that fight she will not except in
self defence, it would be in vain for Htmgary to hope
from revolutionary remedies. She relies, therefore,
on peaceful agitation, masterly inactivity, which at
least works well enough to bring out fair promises,
& she, in turn, replies that she will suspend judgment
until these promises are fulfilled.
I learned recently, indirectly, that the Consulate
at Venice was vacant — ^Mr. Sarmiento having left
without informing me of the fact, nor to whom he had
entrusted the records. I have addressed a note of
inquiry to Mr. Remak at Trieste, the Consul nearest
to Venice, and from him have learned that the Consul
selected his own deputy, a Mr. Zaccaria, & had diffi-
culty in finding one on account of the temporary ten-
ure of the office. The same difficulty will arise in my
making an appointment. I cannot possibly secure the
services of a competent officer & citizen of the United
States, tmless I can give him some assurance of his
being continued. I therefore propose to await your in-
structions, tmless in the meantime something should
occur to require prompt action.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
HoNBLE. Lewis Cass,
Secretary of State.
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232 APPENDIX
[Eficlosure in Despatch No, 12,— TranskUion.]
PROTEST OP THE DUKE OP MODENA.
We, Francis 5th, Archduke of Austria, Prince Royal
of Himgary and of Bohemia, by the grace of God
Duke of Modena, Reggio, Mirandola, Massa, Carrara>
GtiastaUa, &c., &c., &c.
The events of the latter days of April, 1859, in the
Grand Duchy of Tuscany, & the attitude of Sardinia,
then become more openly hostile to us, having forced
us to concentrate our troops, in withdrawing them
from that part of the Duchy bordering on these two
States. We protested, the 14th of May, 1859, against
the iniquitous usurpation of these provinces, which
the Piedmontese government inmiediately after the
departure of our forces hastened to make.
The events of the war in Lombardy, the revolution
effected in Parma, the imminence of that in the Lega-
tions, the violation by the French troops of our terri-
tory on the side of Tuscany, obliged us to withdraw,
with the greater part of our forces, from the rest of our
States, convinced of the impossibility of maintaining
otirselves there as independent Sovereign in presence
of Enemies immensely superior in number and means.
The revolutionary faction, directed & sustained in
every way by the Sardinian Government, succeeded
in overthrowing the Regency which we had instituted
by decree, nth June, 1859, & a Piedmontese com-
missary possessed himself immediately of the power
& put himself at the head of the revolt. We then ad-
dressed from Villafranca, the 2 2d June, 1859, a second
protest, in which, in exposing the spoliations com-
mitted by the government of Sardinia against our
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APPENDIX 233
rights of Sovereignty, we referred to the declarations
already made of the ntillity of the acts which any gov-
ernment or power not proceeding from us should
originate in our States, & appealed for help to the
allied & friendly Courts.
The armistice of Villafranca having put an end to
hostilities between Austria and France, the belligerent
powers settled the preliminaries of peace, which were
then raised by the Treaty of Zurich to solemn stipu-
lations, & as well in the first as in the second. The
reestablishment of our Sovereignty was openly &
incontestably agreed to, so that our rights received
thereby a clear & final sanction.
It is known to all how the French Government by
its acts & interpretations prevented the possibility of
our restoration, & how the Sardinian Government,
though signer also of the Treaty of Zurich, continued
disloyally by its organs & representatives, whatever
may have been their name, to rule our State & assim-
ilate it to its own.
The recent decree of annexation, which it is sought
to make appear as the consequence of a vote of a sup-
posed universal suffrage, & which in extending itself
to the Amilia embraced also our States, caps the
series of unjust & illegal acts by which we have been
robbed of the sovereignty inherited from our ancestors
& which they have exercised for many ages, a Sov-
ereignty which, in consequence of events analogous
to the present, was in the Treaty of Vienna of 1815
recognized & reintegrated in favour of our family by
all Europe, happily then coalized & triumphant over
the revolution. We believe, then, to fulfil a most
sacred duty in protesting, as we do protest, once more
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234 APPENDIX
in the face of Europe, against such an act, which out-
rages all our rights, which is based upon violence, &
which has profited by the victories of a powerful ally
to obtain an aggrandizement long coveted & prepared
for by means fraudulent and deceitful — against an
act which is based on a principle hostile to every
dynastic system — against an act which in its execution
is wanting in every guarantee of good faith, having
been planned, followed, and controlled by those who
had excluded the vote in favour of the legitimate and
preexisting power — by those, we say, who, supported
by a numerous armed force kept constantly in our
states, employed deception & intimidation to the end
of exercising a decisive pressure upon the poptdar
vote.
The faithful troops who followed us upon the ter-
ritory of his Maj. the Emperor of Austria, who re-
ceived them in a manner so generous & hospitable —
these troops, which have not ceased to preserve for
us an luishakable faith; the number of distinguished
persons who by their voltmtary emigration protest
against the change of dominion in our States; the
number still greater of those who tmderwent im-
prisonment, vexations of every kind, and the loss of
office, or who gave of their own accord their resigna-
tion, exposing themselves sometimes to privations
rather than deny their principles or fail in their duty
as faithful subjects; the abstention from aU partici-
pation in the actual condition of things, by which the
great majority of the higher classes in Modena & the
Clergy have distinguished themselves ; finally, the fre-
quent manifestations of fidelity in the country dis-
tricts, in spite of the very active surveillance & al-
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APPENDIX 235
though immediately suppressed, are so many proofe
that this pretended universal suffrage, from which
the Sardinian usurpation borrows an appearance of
legality, is nothing but the result of that perfidy &
that constraint which from the commencement have
distinguished the conduct of the Sardinian govern-
ment & its partisans.
This solemn declaration, which we make also for
our successors, has chiefly the- end of protesting
against every infringement of our rights of sover-
eignty, which we derive by descent and which have
been sanctioned & guaranteed by the European
powers. We protest also against the spoliations in-
curred, against the usurpations committed, against
the universal suffrage adopted or pretended for this
purpose, against the damage which we have suffered &
against that which we may have yet to suffer, finally
against the losses & the prejudices to which, in con-
sequence of these tmjust & illegal acts, the faithful
part of our subjects may be exposed.
We wish to have recourse & we claim once more the
support of the powers who have guaranteed the
treaties, satisfied as we are that they will never admit
the right of the stronger, nor the theory of a so-called
universal suffrage — for such a theory, though applied
now to one of the small states (whose rights, however,
are as sacred as those of the largest), may, by parity
of reason, be applied to all the others, & attack thus
the existence of all the monarchies of Europe.
Penetrated with the sentiment of our duty to our
faithful subjects, we declare, finally, that adversities
will never lead us to renounce our rights of Sovereignty
over our States ; and convinced that we thus discharge
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236 APPENDIX
the duty which Divine Providence has entnisted to
us, we await the future, in the firm hope that the jus-
tice of God will put an end to the machinations of
which states & peoples are the victims in assuring one
day the triumph of the good cause.
(Signed) Francis.
Vienna, aad March, i860.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 12.— -Translation.]
BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, April 2 2d, i860.
The I. R. Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the honour
to inform the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States, Mr. J. Glancy Jones, in reply to his note of
the 2oth January, that the printed report of the pro-
ceedings of the 3d National Quarantine & Sanitary
Association, held in New. York last year, presented
by him, as commissioned by his government, to the
L R. Government, was at once handed to the I. R.
Ministry of Finance, with a request to furnish for the
U. S. Government a collection of the rules & regula-
tions referring to the subject of Quarantine in Austria.
The undersigned, returning to the Hon. Minister
sincere thanks for the presentation of the said Report,
has now the honour to transmit to him herewith the
Austrian Quarantine laws for both land & sea frontier,
together with two parts of the new system of instruc-
tion concerning the pest in animals, with the remark
that the I. R. Government is now engaged in a thor-
ough reform of its system of land Quarantine & that
it designs as soon as the new Regulations shall have
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APPENDIX 237
obtained the supreme sanction to present a printed
copy to the U. S. Government.
The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to his Excellency the Minister the assurance of
his perfect consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Koller.
To His Excellency, Envoy Extraordinary, &c.,
&c., OP THE United States of America.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 13. Legation of the United States,
Vienna, June nth, i860.
Sir:
The books mentioned in your despatch No. 4, of
Oct. 3d, 1859, have just reached Vienna. They are
stated in that despatch to be intended for presenta-
tion to the Austrian government. As, however, they
belong to a work the volumes of which thus far have
been forwarded for the use of the Legation, I am led
to infer that this is really the intention of the Depart-
ment in the present case, & shall therefore retain them
unless otherwise directed by you.
Enclosed I have the honour to forward a transla-
tion of a Note received from the Foreign Office here
in reply to a communication addressed to that office,
as instructed by the Department, soliciting permis-
sion for Wm. Madar^z to emigrate to the United
States. It will be seen that the Austrian Government
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238 APPENDIX
decline giving this permission, on the ground that Mr.
Madar&z has become bankrupt & that proceedings
are now pending against him in a court of the country.
The enlarged Reichsrath came together for the first
time on the 31st ulto. The sittings are not public, &,
though the government promised to give extracts from
the proceedings in the official paper, it was at first
intended to bind the members themselves by oath to
entire secrecy. To this, however, several, pauiictilarly
those from Htmgary, objected so strongly that the
government finally yielded, & the concession thus
obtained, together with others relating to the business
rules of the assembly, & the appearance of a disposi-
tion on the part of some members to maintain a cer-
tain freedom of discussion have caused the public to
look with more interest upon the new institution.
The success, too, of C^ribaldi in Sicily will, it is
thotight, make the government more yielding & dispose
it to gratify, perhaps, to some extent, the desire of the
people to participate in the management of public affairs.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 1$.— Translation.]
BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES.
The Imp. Ministry of Foreign Affairs has the hon-
our to reply to the esteemed Note of the Legation of
the United States of the 29th February that Wm. de
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APPENDIX 239
Madar^z, a son of the (sentenced in contumaciam to
be hung) insurrection's fugitive, Lradislaus Madardsz,
& who, in 1850, without emigration-permit, by eva-
sion of the passport regulations, left Hungary, then
went to America, & from there, towards the end of
July, 185s, in a clandestine manner returned to Hun-
gary, cannot now receive a permit to emigrate, for the
reason that he has become a bankrupt & that his case
is now pending before the Imp. County Court at
Kaposvar.
The Undersigned uses this occasion to renew the
assurance of his perfect consideration.
Vienna, 8th May, i860.
For the Minister of For. Affairs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Kollbr.
Thb Honble. Legation op the United States.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 14. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, August 6, i860.
Sir:
Since my last despatch relative to the condition of
Europe in its political complications, & in which Aus-
tria bore a conspicuous part, changes in the relations
of the great powers have changed results and indicate
still further changes. A few months since, the issue
with England and France was hastening to a crisis;
Russia, Austria, & Sardinia were gravitating into an
alliance supposed to be offensive & defensive, and the
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240 APPENDIX
Rhine threatened to be the theatre of this fearful
issue. England was left without any reasonable hope
of allies, beyond Prussia & Belgium, the latter being
a neutralized territory under the guarantee of all the
European powers. The scene has suddenly shifted
from the Rhine to Sicily & Sjrria. The progress of
Italian unity having far outstripped the programme
of the Emperor of the French in the aimexation of
Tuscany & the Romagna, & in direct violation of the
spirit, if not the letter, of the Treaty of Villafranca &
Zurich in the absorption of Parma and Modena, the
Austrian govenmient began to turn its eyes in another
direction. Its opposition to this transfer of territory
was not the only cause of tmeasiness and distrust.
The openly announced principle upon which the Sar-
dinian govenunent was acting & the French govern-
ment intervening was more repugnant to Austrian
policy than even the loss of territory. The recogni-
tion of such an expansion of the doctrine of Universal
Suffrage ^ to enable it to change nationalities, as ex-
hibited in Parma, Modena, Tuscany, Romagna, &
even Savoy, foreshadowing, also, Sicily, Naples, &
the remainder of the Roman States, was, however,
not only unpalatable to Austria ; Prussia, Russia, and
even England, with Ireland and her Indian posses-
sions, felt the dangerous tendency of such new ideas
to their respective peculiar systems. But the minor
powers of Germany took most alarm. The hint that
universal suffrage as practised by France might add
Saxony, Hanover, & Wurtemberg to Prussia, while
it transferred the Rhenish provinces to France, led
to the correspondence between the Prince Regent of
Prussia & the Prince Consort of England, and ended
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APPENDIX 241
in the meeting at Baden, where the unity of Gennany
was determined upon. Austria was hot represented
in her sovereign or his official substitute, but she was
represented by some of her friendly minor German
powers, who had assurances that she was in a condi-
tion to second the motion for German tmity & abandon
all sjrmpathies with France. Prussia, pressed by Eng-
lish influence, made liberal promises, & this led to the
late conference between the Prince Regent of Prussia
& the Emperor of Austria. Of course these sover-
eigns keep their own counsels; but enough is known
to assure the world of successful results. The chief
obstacle in the way of this tuiion has always been the
antagonism of the systems represented by Austria &
Prussia respectively, & this antagonism has been
widened lately enormously by the accession of the
Prince Regent of Prussia to power, his alliance with
England by the marriage of his son, & the rupture
between France & Austria in Italy. So hostile had
this antagonism become that Austria felt (while
smarting under her defeat & the want of German
material aid in Italy) strongly inclined to form an
alliance offensive & defensive with France, at the ex-
pense of German tmity, even to the disintegration of
the Rhenish provinces. It was this state of things
which alarmed England & led to the formation of her
volunteer corps, in which she, tmdesignedly perhaps,
pays so high a compliment to the example of the free
States of the American Union.
The alarm of Austria (composed as she is of so many
nationalities) at the progress of the doctrine of tmi-
versal suffrage applied to nationalities, & its practical
application in Modena & Tuscany, soon turned her to
Vol. n— 16
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242 APPENDIX
the purstiit of new alliances. Only one obstacle stood
in the way now to a cordial German tinity, with the
sjrmpathies of England, & that was a change of in-
ternal policy in Atistria & in Gennany where her in-
fluence might prevail with minor powers. Austria
has determined to take this step, & the enlarged juris-
diction of the Reichsrath, or Cotmcil of the Empire,
by giving it a veto upon revenue bills & taxation, is
its first fruit. This concession of the Emperor to his
Council as the representatives of his people is still
hampered with many reservations & exceptions; but
even as it is, a great point is gained as a beginning.
It will be very popular in the provinces of the Em-
pire, because it is a concession & argues well for the
future, & this particularly as reform, & not revolu-
tion, is what is sought for in Austria. At the same
time, instead of being critical, England and Russia
will, prompted by interest, exaggerate this change of
Austrian policy far beyond its merit, in order to render
the desired alliance popular with their people. In-
stead, therefore, of an alliance between France, Aus-
tria, Russia, & Sardinia (with most of the other Euro-
pean powers neutralized), & this alliance favouring
the issue on the Rhine with Belgixmi, Prussia, and
England, the prospect now is of an alliance between
England & United Germany, including of coiu-se Prus-
sia & Austria as its leaders.
Such are the developments of a few months termi-
nating at Baden-Baden & Tdplitz. The Emperor of
the French cannot be surpassed in foresight, however.
He clearly foresaw all this as the probable fruits of his
failure to comply with his promises at Villa Franca,
& prompt to (Uvert the concentration of such formid-
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APPENDIX 243
able powers against France, which the Prince's private
letter to Prince Albert disclosed, he almost demanded
an interview at Baden-Baden with the Prince Regent.
His whole policy was changed for the present by the
perusal of that letter. Of this fact all the Gennan
powers were assured at Baden-Baden, and even more,
to wit, that he never at any time contemplated hos-
tilities on the Rhine.
The Syrian outrages & the Sicilian complication at
once presented to the fertile genius of the French Em-
peror a new field of diversion. France now leads the
war of intervention in Syria in behalf of oppressed
Christianity; diplomatizes with Europe as to how far
Garibaldi shaU be allowed to go; sjrmpathizes with
the oppressed nationalities of Italy; strips the Pope
of all temporal power by lending moral aid & comfort
to Sardinia & Garibaldi, & French bayonets to keep
all other powers from intervening; &, at the same
time, challenges the gratitude of the Pope for the pro-
tection afforded to his person by French soldiers in
Rome, as well as the mission of French artillery in
behalf of oppressed Christianity tmder the iron rule
of Islamism. This diversion emplojrs the French
Army (a pressing & a feverish necessity alwajrs upon
military powers), feeds the cravings of love for niili-
tary glory so clamorous in France, silences opposition
to the home government, & justifies, together with
the joint war in China, a closer cordiality with Eng-
land. Savoy is to be forgotten in this new turn, and
the boundary of the Rhine, as though it had never
been heard of. All apprehensions therefore of war in
Europe are at an end, at least until the next shifting
of the scenes, which, if the Emperor of the French
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244 APPENDIX
lives, will be on the day which best meets the policy
& convenience of France. This Sovereign exhibits
great tact in avoiding issues that might be fatal, not
only to his ascendancy in Europe, but also to his power
in France. He is well versed in the secret springs
which move the powers of Europe; he knows well
when & where he can strike with safety; & he com-
bines in his own person, beyond all doubt, the courage
to strike, the caution to withhold, the foresight to
realize, & the prudence to avoid threatened coming
events fraught with danger to his dynasty.
My instructions enjoin upon me to keep the De-
partment well informed upon European political com-
plications in which the government to which I am
accredited may act a part. In the absence of any
official matter to communicate, I devote this despatch
entirely to that branch of my duty. In all that I have
written, Austria has & is now playing a conspicuous
part. She is the central seat of diplomacy in Europe
to-day, as much as she was in 1815. With her opened
the war in Italy; with her it remained to change the
whole face of Europe. By adhering to France, Ger-
man'tmity is dissolved; the seat of war is transferred
to the Rhine. France, Austria, Russia, & Sardinia
on one side, England & Russia on the other, involve
all Europe in war & convulse the world. On the other
hand, if Austria pleases to change her internal policy,
adapt herself to the progressive spirit of the age, seek
alliances with kindred powers having kindred ob-
jects, she changes the balance of power in Europe &
all is peace & prosperity. So nicely has the develop-
ment of European nationalities adjusted her relative
weight, with but little maritime strength & a very
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APPENDIX 245
limited commerce, standing in the reax of commercial,
industrial, & political progress, she still represents the
conservative & reactionary forces of Eiirope, a power
which vibrates a chord in every comer of Europe,
England not excepted. She is the chief patron of a
church whose political influence is still felt, in kind if
not in degree, as it has been for ages in Europe, & is
not now even confined to Europe. Her age gives her
prominence among the dynasties of Monarchical gov-
ernment, & her extensive territorial possessions, lo-
cated in the centre of the continent, defended by an
armed power of the first magnitude, catise her every
movement to be felt & watched in Etirope. She has
been checked of late by her financial embarrassments,
& threatened with the loss of allies by her persistent
adherence to a system at war with all progress. Events
in Italy in 1859 are producing, surely, though slowly,
the fruit of reform-7-change of policy & progress.
There is no question, under any form of government
of any age, which excites deeper & more permanent
interest than that of taxation, and the struggle to
place it under the control of those who are to bear the
burdens is one by no means confined to the history of
our own revolution & its causes. Even a limited con-
cession of power on this momentous & all-pervading
question by a government not given to making con-
cessions will have great moral weight. It will in time
release Austria from her financial embarrassments,
bring her into alliance with progressive powers, in-
crease her industrial wealth, extend her commerce,
and strengthen her political power in the civilized
world. People in Austria as well as elsewhere have
learned that no steps backward can now be taken
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246 APPENDIX
with safety by any power, but that one step forwaixl
being taken others are sure to follow; and hence the
beginning, although small, inspires confidence, not
so much for what has been done as for the hope of
what is almost certain to come.
As our government is wisely self-excluded from
European politics, she may be at a loss to see ber in-
terest in these changes in Austria, but she will soon
feel it commercially in the increase of industrial
wealth under a more liberal policy, with railroads
traversing the Austrian dominions from Trieste
through Vienna to Hamburg & Bremen, & from Htm-
gary through Vienna to Paris, now nearly completed,
together with the increased facilities of steam navi*
gation from the ports of Bremen, Hamburg, & Havre
So also will our cotmtry feel it politically. For while
we are free from all Etiropean political complications
relating to djmastic boundaries, there is a question of
the first magnitude in the family of nations in which
we are prominently interested — a questiori over
which, up to this period of time, European powers
have assumed to exercise jurisdiction — ^I mean the
question of maritime law. This law is the life blood
of the first political power of Europe & our most for-
midable rival in commerce and manufactures. In
case of a conflict (which it is to be hoped may never
come), we can never consent that a European Con-
gress in which we are not represented shall dictate
the provisions of maritime law by which we are to be
governed. And yet this will be attempted — it has
indeed been alreaidy done ; and although our consent
has been solicited, thus far it is well known that all
Europe will be combined, as far as possible, to coerce
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APPENDIX 247
our submission to its code, whenever it may be deemed
expedient to enforce it, presenting to us at least the
alternative of submission or war with all Europe
united. In this point of view, Austria, together with
other European powers, may become of lasting im-
portance to our cotmtry; and now that she has taken
a step towards liberal government, we can and ought
to cultivate with her the most friendly relations.
The present indications are that Garibaldi will be
stopped with Sicily, and Naples still be upheld as a
power on condition of a liberal & constitutional gov-
ernment being formed; but this will only postpone
the final result, which must be a united It^y.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 15. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, August 7, i860.
Sir:
I have received a letter, signed J. J. Springer, dated
Jtily 20th, i860, at Dresden, Saxony, informing me
that he has been duly commissioned by the President
of the United States as Consul at Dresden, & that he
has applied to the Minister of Foreign Affairs for an
Exequatur, which so far has not been granted him —
that he has waited a long time & called often, but can
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248 APPENDIX
receive no satisfactory reply; furthermore, that he has
sufficient reason to believe the Government at Dresden
does not intend to recognize him.
Having no Minister accredited to that Court through
whom he can communicate, he has applied to me, as
the Minister accredited to the next adjoining cotmtry.
Of course, I cotdd only reply that I would lay the mat-
ter before the Department of State, & if you should
deem it proper to commission me to Dresden in con-
nection with Austria, as you are authorized by Act of
Congress to do in the case of courts where our country
is not regularly represented, I shall cheerfully tmder-
take the mission and obey your instructions.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY CASS.
No. 1 6. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Octr. 29th, i860.
Sir:
My last despatch, No. 15, was confined mainly to
the political condition of European Affairs, which
have tmdergone no very material modification since
that date. In Austria, however, a decisive step has
been taken in the direction of reform & concession.
The Manifest issued by the Emperor on the 20th of
October, on its face, would seem to make, particularly
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APPENDIX 249
to Hungary, all the concessions that have been asked
for; and no doubt is entertained, if it ttims out that
these concessions have been made in the true spirit
of reform (that is, from a sincere desire on the part of
the government to enlarge the liberties of the people
& to secure to them that participation in the legisla-
tion which the spirit of the age requires), that it will
give general satisfaction. The time is too short yet
since the issuing of the Manifest to enable one to judge
of the impression made on the people, but so far it has
developed a feeling of distrust as to the motives of the
government. While the liberaKty of the Act is duly
applauded, it is immediately followed by a conviction,
not concealed or disguised, that these concessions are
made only to quiet domestic discord & to enable the
government more efficiently to embark in a war with
Sardinia. The formidable military forces of the Em-
pire now concentrating in Venetia, the Military ap-
pointments, & the meeting of the sovereigns of Russia,
Prussia, & Austria at Warsaw, so forcibly strengthen
this conviction, that a depression in the funds was
immediately felt & still continues.
The result of this Conference will of course be con-
cealed from the public; but Nations cannot stand
still, and the acts of the respective governments fol-
lowing the conference will be scanned & watched with
intense anxiety, in order to enable the public to form
an opinion by drawing inferences from these acts.
Austria meditates hostilities against Sardinia. She
cannot renew the war, however, unless France de-
clines to aid Sardinia — and so, again, the whole pro-
granmie of the future turns upon the fiat of that mys-
terious power which guides the destinies of France.
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250 APPENDIX
An issue will be had, however, ere long, as Italy must
soon reach a crisis. The Emperor of the French keeps
it in studious suspense. He withdraws his minister
from Turin; declares his disapproval of the invasions
of Naples & the States of the Church by Sardinia;
increases his military forces in Rome, apparently to
arrest its further progress; assures the European
powers that his sympathies are with Russia, Prussia,
& Austria on this point ; & yet, by every movement,
he aflEords moral aid & comfort to Sardinia. No one
in Etirope believes that Sardinia would assume the
hazardotts responsibilities of invading two neighbour-
ing states with which she is at peace, under protests
from all the great powers of Europe, England alone
excepted, imless she had secret assurances from
France. The only encouragement England affords
is moral sjrmpathy, accompanied with declarations
that no material aid can be had from her in any con-
tingency. The only rational conclusion to be drawn
from aU this is that Napoleon wishes Naples & the
Pope to be pressed out of Italy, tmder his nominal
protest; so that France, without forfeiting the con-
fidence of the Italians, can still lead in diplomacy as
the representative of the Catholic powers in asking
favourable terms. France aims at leading the reac-
tionary powers & at the same time securing the grati-
tude of the parties of prpgress in Europe, & studiously
shifts her policy so as to make herself indispensable
to both, never extinguishing the hope on either side of
the ultimate acquisition. Even England, through
her press, tu-ges France onward.
No one can foretell results. At present the signs of
the times do not indicate revolution. Agitation for
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APPENDIX 251
reforms & djniastic changes by tmiversal sufiErage is
the present popular panacea for political ills & griev-
ances — & it will have its day.
Enclosed I send a copy of a communication made
by me unofficially to the Foreign Office & the answer
thereto in the case of Edward Seidel, an adopted
citizen of the United States, also copies of a corre-
spondence (unofficial) relating to the children of John
Miller, likewise an adopted citizen of the United
States.
In obedience to instructions, I addressed a Note
to Baron Konneritz, the Minister of the Saxon Gov-
ernment at this court, in relation to the Exequatur
of J. J. Springer, appointed Consul of the United
States at Dresden. I have recently received a reply,
informing me that the Exequatur has been issued.
Copies of this correspondence are enclosed.
I enclose also a copy in translation of the Imperial
Manifest above referred to.
I have also to acknowledge the receipt of a letter
from the department of State, enclosing one to J. J.
Springer, which I have duly forwarded to his address
at Stuttgart, Wurtemberg.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State,
Washington, D. C.
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252 APPENDIX
[Enclosure in Despatch No. i6.—^opy.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG.
Legation of the United States,
Vienna, August loth, i860.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
is requested by Edward Seidel, a native of Austria
and a naturalized citizen of the United States (he,
the said Seidel, having emigrated by the permission
of the Austrian Government to America), to solicit
of the Imperial and Royal Government permission for
his return to Austria, with the view of attending to
some business transactions of the last importance to
himself and family. He alleges that judicial proceed-
ings were once instituted against him in Bohemia,
not of a criminal character but based upon some
municipal regulation of trade, and that he is of opinion
that while litigation might be instituted and prose-
cuted on his return by enemies who have already
grievously wronged him, that the Imperial Govern-
ment would, on a fair presentation of his case, grant
him permission to return, and also suspend any prose-
cution against him for past offences of a civil and
commercial, not criminal, character, and of so long
standing; the charge being that he has prosecuted the
business of merchant in Vienna under another name,
and manufacturer in Bohemia in his own, at the same
time, which is contrary to the laws of Austria, though,
as he alleges, very often practised and not seriously
regarded by the Government under the circxmistances.
He further alleges that the prosecution, if undertaken,
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APPENDIX 253
would be by private persons, merely with a view to
injure him in his business by protracted litigation, and
not with any intention of vindicating public jtistice.
These facts as they are presented to the considera-
tion of the Undersigned are founded upon the state-
ments and allegations of the said Edward Seidel him-
self, and presented to this Legation through the Vice-
Consul of the United States at Bremen.
The Undersigned presents the case to the considera-
tion of the Imperial Government, on the grotmds of
humanity — Seidel having a wife and children in
Vienna — and of justice, if the facts are as he alleges,
but unofficially. He trusts that the case may receive
a fair and favorable consideration, and if the facts are
sustained as presented, that the relief prayed for may
be granted, which would be regarded as an additional
indication of the continued friendly relations now so
happily subsisting between the respective Govern-
ments of the United States and Austria.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs the
assurance of his distinguished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
His Excellency Count Rechbbrg,
Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. i6. — Transkttion.]
BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES.
To the esteemed Promemoria of the loth August,
i860, in which it has pleased the North American
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,
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254 APPENDIX
Mr. J. Glancy Jones, to intervene for a free return of
a certain Edward Seidel, emigrated from Austria to
America, the Imperial Foreign Ministry has the honor
to communicate the following to the Minister.
According to a communication of the Imperial Min-
istry of Justice, the legal doctmients referring to this
subject leave hardly a doubt that this Edward Seidel
is identical with the woolen Manufacturer of the same
name at Krakau, who fled the country on the 28th of
March, 1852, and who, in consequence of a decree of
the then district "Collegial" Court at Reichenberg
of the 28th of Jtme, 1852, is pursued with a warrant
of arrest because he is tmder the strong suspicion of
having made a fraudulent transfer of his property,
200,000 florins, to his brother Kosmas Seidel (who in
company with a third brother, Karl Seidel, tmder the
firm of C. & C. Seidel, kept a store in Vienna), and of
having then fled, leaving behind debts to the amotmt
of 200,000 florins. He has since, in the year 1855,
petitioned for an examination, on condition that if
he presented himself before the court, he should be
left free during the trial. This request was, however,
not listened to.
From this statement it appears that Edward Seidel
is not pursued by the proper court merely on account
of an infringement of the trade-regulations, by con-
ducting at once a business in Vienna tmder another
and in Bohemia under his own name, but on account
of an act which by Austrian law is published as a
crime of fraud with from five to ten years' severe
imprisonment.
In this state of the case, the Imperial Ministry
of Justice has declared itself unable to take any
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APPENDIX 255
measure in favor of Edward Seidel, inasmuch as to
leave him unptmished on the ground of the humane
considerations alleged will appear the less justified,
for the reason that the injury which Edward Seidel
may suffer from his continued absence from Austria,
in his family and business affairs, can be ascribed only
to his own guilt.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, regretting its ina-
bility to communicate a result answering to the wishes
of the Minister, avails itself of the occasion to renew
to him the expression of its perfect consideration,
Vienna, Sepr. sth, i860.
For the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Baron Koller.
His Excellency J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 16,—^opy.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG.
Legation of the United States,
Vienna, September 3rd, i860.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
has been urgently requested to present tmofficially
to the favorable consideration of the Imperial Minis-
try for Foreign Affairs the following case.
It appears that a person by the name of John Miller,
a native of Nixdorf, Bohemia, Austria, emigrated to
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256 APPENDIX
the United States of America in the year 1852, and has
became a duly naturalized citizen of the United States.
That on his departure at Bremen in August, 1852, he
and a certain Veronica Dittrich of the same place
entered into articles of agreement to live together as
man and wife, before the Consul of the United States
at Bremen, which articles or declaration provided
that the forms of marriage should be duly solemnized
on their arrival in the United States. The said parties
returned to Nixdorf in Bohemia in the year 1853,
shortly after which the said Veronica was delivered
of a son, whose name is Johann Dittrich.
The said parties continued to live as man and wife
in Nixdorf, Bohemia, and in 1854 the said Veronica
was delivered of another child, named Veronica.
Since that time the said John Miller has rettuned to
the United States, and the said Veronica has been de-
livered of another child, by another father, which, as
the petition states, the Mother was charged with and
convicted of having destroyed.
Said conviction took place at Prague in 1857, and
the mother was sentenced to an imprisonment of five
years. The children she had by the said Miller, being
yotmg, were left in the care of Joseph Miller, brother
of the said John Miller. The said John Miller now
desires permission of the Imperial Royal Grovemment
of Austria to remove the said children to America,
where he alleges he is able and prepared to educate
and maintain the said children, and if permission
should be granted he will provide a suitable person
to carry them to America.
He further alleges that he cannot remove the said
children without the consent of the Imperial Govem-
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APPENDIX 257
ment of Austria, and hence solicits of the Undersigned
a presentation of his case. The Undersigned enter-
tains no doubt that if the facts as alleged are sus-
tained, and the Imperial Government should become
satisfied that it would be better to put the children
under the charge of the father — ^the Mother being im-
prisoned — ^that such permission will be granted.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to His Excellency Cotmt Rechberg, Imperial
Minister of Foreign Aflfairs, the assurance of his dis-
tinguished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
His Excellency Count Rechberg-Rothenlowen,
Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. i6. — Trandation.^
BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES.
In reply to the esteemed Note of the 3d Septr.,
i860, the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Aflfairs has the
honour to forward to the Minister of the United States
of America, Mr. Glancy Jones, the " Entlass-schein "
for John Miller of Nixdorf, Hainspach district, in
Bohemia, with the respectful remark that no obstacle
exists to the issuing of an Emigration-permit for the
United States of America to his & Veronica Dittrich's
two illegitimate & minor children, John & Pauline
Veronica Dittrich of Nixdorf, as the consent of the
guardian, the Hainspach I. R. district oflfice, to their
Emigration has been granted.
As, however, according to the report of the said
Vol, 11—17
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258 APPENDIX
office, no one has oflEered to accompany these 6 & 7 year
old children in their jotimey to America, the Minister
will perhaps have the goodness to let the father, John
Miller, know this; & further, that it now rests with
him either to come & take his two minor children with
him from their home, or, previotisly arranging the
matter of the cost of the journey, to name a person
worthy of confidence who will obligate himself, before
the Authorities, to take care & charge of the said
children on their journey, in which case the permis-
sion sought for to enable these children to emigrate
to America will be given.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to the Minister the expression of his perfect
consideration.
Vienna, Octr. 20th, i860.
For the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Kollbr.
His Excbllency the Envoy Extraordinary & Min-
ister Plenipotentiary op the U. S. op America,
Mr. Glancy Jones.
[EitclosMre in Despatch No. it.—^opy.]
MR. JONES TO BARON KONNERITZ.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Sept. 12th, i860.
Sir:
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America
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APPENDIX 259
at the Imperial Royal Court, is instructed by his Gov-
ermnent respectfully to make some inquiries through
His Excellency Baron Konneritz, the Envoy Extra-
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Royal
Court of Saxony at Vienna, relative to the Exequattir
of an American Consul recently appointed by the
Government of the United States of America to re-
side at Dresden.
The United States' having no representative ac-
credited to the Royal Government of Saxony accounts
for the necessity of addressing said Government
through the medium of its representative at this
court.
It appears that Mr. J. J. Springer, a citizen of
the United States, w^ duly commissioned as Consul
for said government, to reside at Dresden, and
that said Springer on arriving at Dresden duly pre-
sented his commission and respectfully asked for his
Exequattir.
To this application he received no reply, and after
waiting a considerable length of time and calling fre-
quently, was still unable to obtain any answer to his
communication. He then addressed the Undersigned,
setting forth the facts as thus stated.
The Undersigned supposes that through some ir-
regularity arising from the want of the usual channel
of communication this matter has been overlooked,
or not properly understood, and that it will only be
necessary to draw the attention of the Royal Govern-
ment of Saxony to the facts, in order to have the
exequattir duly granted.
The Undersigned will be happy to receive any com-
munication His Excellency Baron Konneritz, after
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260 APPENDIX
consulting his Government, may be pleased to make
upon the subject.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
assure His Excellency of his distinguished considera-
tion.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jonbs.
His Excellency Baron Konneritz,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of His Majesty the King of Saxony at Vienna.
lEncloswe in Despatch No. i6. — Translation.]
BARON KONNERITZ TO MR. JONES.
The Undersigned, Royal Saxon Envoy Extraor-
dinary & Minister Plenipotentiary, had the honour
to receive the note which his Excellency, the Envoy
Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States of America, Mr. Glancy Jones, was
pleased to send him imder date of the 12th ultimo.
The Undersigned did not fail to commtmicate to
his Government this matter of the appointment of a
Constd of the United States at Dresden, & has now
the honour to acquaint respectftdly his Excellency,
Mr. Glancy Jones, that, according to a conmiunica-
tion just received, his Majesty, the King of Saxony,
has been pleased to grant an Exequattu- to Mr. John
Jacob Springer (appointed to the said post) which he
required for the exercise of his functions.
The Undersigned, pleased that this affair has been
arranged in accordance with the wish expressed,
gladly avails himself of this occasion to assure his
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APPENDIX 261
Excellency, the Minister of the United States of Amer
ica, of his distinguished consideration.
Vienna, i8th Octr., i860.
(Signed) Konnbritz.
His Excellency the Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary op the United States
OP America, Mr. Glancy Jones, &c., &c.
[Enclosun in Despatch No. 16. — Translation.]
imperial charter for the regulation of the
internal national affairs of the
monarchy
We, Francis Joseph the First, by the Grace of God
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary, Bohemia,
&c., &c.
After that our Ancestor of glorious memory, with
true foresight, had endeavored to establish a definite
form of inheritance in our Serene family, the order of
succession finally and unchangeably fixed by his late
I. R. Apostolic Majesty, Emperor Charles VI., on 19th
April, 1 7 13, came to a conclusion in the actually ex-
isting State Fundamental and Family law known
under the name of the pragmatic Sanction, and ac-
cepted by the legal bodies of our various kingdoms
and provinces.
On the tmshakable legal basis of a definite order of
succession, and of the indivisibility and inseparability
of its various parts, brought into harmony with the
rights and liberties of the said kingdoms and prov-
inces, the Austrian Monarchy, since then enlarged
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262 APPENDIX
and strengthened through national and international
treaties, has, supported and upheld by the fidelity,
devotion, and valour of its people, tritimphantly over-
come the dangers and assaults by which it has been
assailed.
In the interest of otir House and otir subjects, it is
otir duty as Sovereign to guard the national position
of the Austrian Monarchy and to secure it by the guar-
antees of a clear and indubitably fixed legal condition
and harmonious cooperation. Only such institutions
and laws which answer to the inherited sense of Right,
to the existing diversity of otu- kingdoms and prov-
inces, and to the demands of their indivisible and
inseparable tuiion, can give these guarantees in full
measure.
In consideration that the elements of common or-
ganic institutions and of harmonious cooperation have
been increased and strengthened through the equality
of otir subjects before the law, the free exercise of re-
ligion guaranteed to all, the eligibility to office with-
out reference to rank and birth, and the duty common
to all alike of bearing arms and pa3dng taxes, as well
as through the abolition of compulsory service and of
internal Tariff duties in our Monarchy; in considera-
tion, further, that in consequence of the concentra-
tion of power in all countries of the European conti-
nent, the united control of the great ends of State has
become an imavoidable necessity for the sectirity of
our Monarchy and the welfare of its various provinces.
We have, in order to harmonize the diversities for-
merly existing between otu* kingdoms and provinces,
and for the purpose of a practically regulated participa-
tion of our subjects in legislation and administration,
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APPENDIX 263
on the basis of the Pragmatic Sanction and by virtue of
otir Authority, found it good to determine and to ordain
the following as a permanent and irrevocable funda-
mental law of the State for our own guidance as well
as for that of our legal successors in the government:
1. The right to make, change, and abolish laws will
be exercised by us and otn* successors only with the
cooperation of the legally assembled Provincial Diets
or of the Reichsrath, to which the provincial Diets
will send the ntmiber of members fixed by vs.
2. All subjects of legislation which refer to rights,
duties, and interests common to all our Kingdoms
and provinces — ^to wit, legislation in regard to coin-
age, currency, and credit; in regard to Customs and
to Trade ; further, in regard to the principles of banks
of issue ; legislation in reference to the Post, to Tele-
graphs, and to Railways; in reference to the mode,
noianner, and order of military service — shall be con-
sidered in and with the Reichsrath, and shall be de-
termined constitutionally with its cooperation ; as also
the laying of new taxes and imposts, the augmenta-
tion of existing taxes and duties, especially the in-
crease of the price of Salt, and the making of new
loans, in accordance with our resolves of 17th July,
i860; likewise the conversion of Existing Loans and
the sale, change, or enctmibrancing of the Real
property of the State shall be determined on only
with the consent of the Reichsrath. Finally, the
examination and passing of the projected budget
for the coming year, as well as the proving of the
accounts and of the result of the annual financial
management, has to take place under the cooperation
of the Reichsrath.
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264 APPENDIX
3. All other subjects of legislation which are not
comprised in the foregoing points will be decided in and
with the provincial Diets concerned, to wit, in the king-
doms and provinces belonging to the Htmgarian Crown,
according to their former constitutions, and in otir other
Kingdoms and provinces constitutionally in accordance
with their provincial institutions. As, however, with
the exception of the provinces of the Hungarian Crown,
in respect also to such subjects of legislation which do
not fall within the exclusive competence of the whole
Reichsrath, for our other provinces, for a long series
of years, a treatment and decision in common has had
place, we reserve to ourselves the right to determine
these subjects also, with the constitutional coopera-
tion of the Reichsrath and with the assistance of the
members of the said Reichsrath from these provinces.
A treatment in common can also take place, if it
shall be denied and proposed by the respective pro-
vincial Diet in respect to such subjects as are not ex-
clusively reserved for the Reichsrath alone.
4. This Imperial Charter shall be forthwith de-
posited in the provincial archives of our Kingdoms
and provinces, and be introduced into the laws of each
province in an authentic text, and in the language of
the province. Our successors shall in like manner
attach their imperial signature to the said Charter
immediately on ascending the Throne, and shall issue
it to each separate kingdom and province, where it
shall be incorporated in the laws.
In witness whereof, we have hereto set our signa-
ture and caused our Imperial seal to be affixed, and
commanded that this Charter shall be preserved in
our Family, Court, and National Archives.
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APPENDIX 265
Given in Our Capital and Residence, Vienna, on
the aoth October, one thousand eight hundred and
sixty, and in the twelfth year of our government.
(Signed) Francis Joseph.
By Supreme Command,
Count Rechberg, Freiherr v. Ransonnet.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY BLACK.
No. 17. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, January 30th, 1861.
Hon. J. S. Black, Secretary of State,
Washington.
Sir:
Nothing of great political importance has taken
place in Austria since my last despatch to the Depart-
ment. The liberal ideas promulgated by the Patent
of the Emperor of the 20th of October last assumed
some practical form shortly after, in the appointment
of Mr. Sehmerling as Minister of State, who is looked
upon by the people as being committed to a liberal
course of policy. Yet this has received the stigma of
inconsistency by his followers, from the fact that
Count Rechberg and his party, who are known to be
committed to an entirely opposite policy, have still
been retained in office, though the question of their
removal has been constantly agitated by the public
and the press. The latter, having grown much more
free and outspoken under the apparent change of policy
in the Government, takes the liberty of commenting
very freely upon the acts of the Government itself.
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266 APPENDIX
Great discontent is expressed in the German prov-
inces of the Empire on account of these so called con-
cessions granted by the patents for the several prov-
inces. They allege that great injustice has been done
them; that whilst the Himgarians have never mani-
fested the same spirit of loyalty with themselves, but
have made constant resistance to the policy of the
government, they have received nearly sll they asked
for, while loyalty and submission go tmrewarded.
In Hungary recent events have verified the apprehen-
sions expressed in my last despatch, that the Imperial
Government would fail to inspire the confidence and
obtain the submission they had hoped for, from the
eflEect of the Imperial patent of the 20th of October
last. The same spirit that prevailed throughout
Hungary before the grant of the concessions con-
tained in that Patent have continued, without any
perceptible diminution, ever since.
The conference which was held at Gran (composed
of distinguished Hungarians selected by the Govern-
ment, and whose duty it was made to determine upon
the manner, &c., of choosing delegates to the Diet of
the Elingdom, which Diet is to determine, among
other things, when and where the Emperor should
be crowned King of Htmgary) remained in session
only three days, during which they imanimously de-
termined that the only Electoral laws they cotdd pre-
sent were those of 1848; and to these the Imperial
Government has assented, with some inconsiderable
modifications, and has convened the Diet to meet at
Ofen on the 2nd of April next.
The Hungarians avail themselves of every oppor-
ttuiity to indulge in harmless demonstrations against
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APPENDIX 267
the Government. Thtis upon a recent occasion Koss-
uth, Iflapka, and other distinguished Hungarian
refugees were elected members of the comitat of the
respective cotmties of which they are natives. It is
needless for me to state that these elections have been
annulled in a decree of the Emperor recently pub-
lished. The conciliatory spirit of the Emperor towards
Hungary was further manifested a short time since
upon the rendition of Cotmt Teleki, a distinguished
Hungarian refugee, by the Saxon Government, who
seized him upon the occasion of a recent visit made
to Dresden. The Emperor commanded him to be
brought into his presence, and exacting an assurance
that he would remain within the Austrian frontier
and abstain henceforth from interfering in the politics
of the country, he set him at liberty.
The Austrian Government, in publishing a few days
since their intention of negotiating a new loan of 30,-
000,000 florins, publicly announced that they were
compelled to do so on account of the refusal on the
part of the Hungarians to pay their taxes. Matters
at present stand in a very uncertain and dubious con-
dition. All sorts of reports are circulated daily touch-
ing the course the Government intends to pursue and
the result of the stand taken by the Hungarians ; but
as yet nothing definite is known as to the noianner in
which the present complications will be arranged.
Hungary is made the base of revolutionary action,
also, in European politics at large. The disintegra-
tion of Venetia from Austrian rule, with a view to its
accession to the Italian tmity, is an earnest desider-
atum in Italy, England, and Prance; and the final
pacification of the one will depend somewhat upon
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268 APPENDIX
the adjtistment of the complications of the other.
The success of Italian unification is still hopeful, but
not so clear and definite, nor so encouraging as to its
full consummation, as could be wished for. This
arises from the peculiar political status which France
holds at present in the European family of Nations.
First, France makes the Italian question an Etm>-
pean question; and secondly, France presents in
Europe a half-way position, fluctuating between the
politics respectively represented by England and
Austria, at one time leaning to the one, and then to
the other; and time alone can determine in which
scale she will throw her influence, and perhaps her
sword, or whether, by abandoning both, she may at-
tempt to patch up for Italy a hybrid confederation,
a political mosaic partaking of the character of each
and every system and failing to secure the full fruition
of any one of them.
The Conference of Toplitz was intended by the
parties concerned to bring about a more cordial union
between Austria and Prussia, the latter feeling a deep
prospective interest in a United German military
confederacy to protect the Rhenish frontier, the for-
mer an interest equally deep in extending the frontier
of the German interests so as to embrace Hungary
and Venice. Austria yields to Prussia in her strong
proclivities to interfere in the Holstein and Schleswig
provinces of Denmark, and Pnissia is very anxious to
take the field; but England, France, and Russia have
.given Prussia to understand that they wiU interfere in
behalf of Denmark, and this will probably end the
matter. All Europe is in trepidation. A pervading
belief exists that the favorite balance of power is out
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APPENDIX 269
of joint, and the equilibrium of Eim)pe — ^that diplo-
matic panacea for all ills — so sadly out of time that
the harmony of the spheres for the nonce is converted
into jarring dissonance. Scheming is the order of the
day; nothing is considered safe or settled, from the
banks of the Euphrates to the pillars of Hercules or
the Ultima Thule of Scotland, and for the first time
for many years America is drawn in, and shrewd cal-
ctdations are made upon contingent balances of power
in American politics. These apparent domestic com-
plications, however, are so remote, and so imperfectly
imderstood by them, that it would not excite much
remark if it were not for the visible effect produced
thereby upon the money market of all Europe. So
magnified has otu* conmiercial wealth become of late,
and so interwoven into all the relations of European
industry, that a slight derangement in New York
(our commercial emporium) vibrates discordantly
through every capital on this side of the water.
The Despatch of the late Secretary of State, Genl.
Cass, No. 9, enclosing a copy of a note addressed by
the Chevalier Hulsemann, the Austrian Minister at
Washington, to the Austrian Vice-Consul at Charles-
ton, has been dtdy received, and in obedience to the
request therein contained I availed myself of the first
convenient opportunity to communicate verbally to
the Imperial Royal Ministry of Foreign ABEairs the
satisfaction which the course of the Chevalier Hulse-
mann in the matter had given to the Government at
Washington. The verbal reply was, that the Aus-
trian Government was pleased to learn that the con-
duct of their Minister was approved by the Govern-
ment of the United States. That its approval of his
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270 APPENDIX
conduct had been given to Mr. Hulsemann immedi-
ately on the receipt of his despatches, with the infor-
mation that if they had been previously informed,
he would have been instructed to do as he had done,
which fact I was requested to commimicate to the
American Government.
Some irregularities have arisen recently in the
transaction of the business of the Consulate at Venice,
growing out of the non-reception of the commission
of Mr. Springer (who has informed me that the Presi-
dent had designated him for that position) and the
subsequent withdrawal of Mr. Zaccaria, who had been
left in temporary charge of the archives of the, Con-
sulate by Mr. Sarmiento, without apprizing me of it.
The Foreign Office addressed a note to me, making
inquiries in the premises and desiring to know whether
Mr. Springer was vested with any authority from the
President of the United States, and what Ws business
and objects were in Venice. I replied that I had in-
formal information that Mr, Springer had been desig-
nated for the Constalate at Venice by the President,
and expected ere long to receive his commission. In
the meantime, the Consulate being vacant and Mr.
Springer being in Venice, I deemed it best to appoint
him temporarily, which I have done with the assent
of the Austrian Giovemment that he shall be tempor-
arily recognized. This appointment, on its face, is
made only to hold good until a regular appointment
of a Consul at Venice, made by the Government at
Washington, can reach me.
Some weeks since I received two books from
the Patent Office for presentation to the Austrian
Government. They were duly handed over to the
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APPENDIX 271
Foreign Office for transmission to their respective
destinations, and a copy of the note acknowledging
their receipt, and retiiming thanks therefor, is here-
with enclosed.
Copies of the correspondence above referred to,
in relation to the Consulate at Venice, are also
enclosed.
I have also to notify the Department of the receipt
of a lengthy correspondence between the United
States Constd at Mimich and the Bavarian Foreign
Office, and the Aiistrian Minister accredited to that
Court, relative to the subject of visas upon American
passports. I am informed by the said Constd that he
has furnished a copy of this correspondence also to
the State Department, and consequently a duplicate
is not given here. The point insisted on by the Ainer-
ican Consul was conceded by the Austrian Govern-
ment, and its only value now is the precedent it fur-
nishes for future similar cases which may arise.
I have the honor to acknowledge, also, the receipt
of yotir circular letter of the 19th December, i860,
informing me that the President by and with the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate, has appointed you
Secretary of State of the United States of America,
and that you had entered upon the discharge of the
duties thereof.
I have the honor to be,
Very Respectftdly,
Your Obedient Servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
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272 APPENDIX
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 17. — Translation.]
BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, Deer, isth, i860.
According to a commiinication of the I. R. Statt-
halter in Venice, Chevalier de Toggenburg, to the I.
R. Central Maritime Authority at Trieste, a certain
J. P. Springer has reported himself as appointed by
the President of the United States of Ainerica to the
North American Constdate at Venice, vacant since the
departure of the Constd Sarmiento & provisionally
occupied by Mr. Paul Zaccaria.
As Chevalier de Toggenburg, in the absence of any
official notice on the subject, has applied here to know
in how far an official recognition of Mr. Springer as
Constd can be given, the Imp. Ministry of Foreign
Affairs has the honour to request of the Envoy Ex-
traordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States of North America, Mr. J. Glancy Jones, infor-
mation as to the facts in reference to the appointment
in question of the said person.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to the Hon. Minister the expression of his per-
fect consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
the Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Br. Koller.
To Mr. J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of North America.
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APPENDIX 273
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 17. — Copy.}
MR. JONES TO BARON KOLLER.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, December 19th, i860.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the es-
teemed note of His Excellency Baron Koller, Imperial
Royal Under Secretary of State, dated December isth,
i860, giving information of the arrival at Venice of
J. J. Springer, as Consul of the United States, at said
port, and inquiring of the Undersigned whether said
Springer is duly appointed and authorized so to act,
&c., &c.
The Undersigned avails himself of the earliest
moment to say, in reply, that J. J. Springer has been
appointed Consul of the United States at Venice, as
he has been informally notified, and in consequence
of Mr. Springer's having been in Europe at the time
of his appointment, it became necessary for him to
inform the Government of the United States of his
acceptance, and to file the necessary sectirities at
Washington before the regular and full commission
cotdd be sent to him.
Mr. Springer has notified this Legation of his ap-
pointment, and also of the fact that he has some time
since forwarded to America the necessary securities,
&c. His commission is expected at thds Legation
very shortly, when, on its arrival, the regular appli-
cation for an exequatur will be made for him by this
Legation.
Vou 11—18
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274 APPENDIX
In the meantime, as the Constilate at Venice was
vacant, it was deemed proper, and Mr. Springer was
so informed, that if no objection should be made by
the proper Authorities of the Imperial and RoysJ
Government of Austria, he might take temporary
charge of the Consulate under his conditional appoint-
ment, which he has, tmtil his commission arrived and
an exequatur nught be applied for in the regtilar
form.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to His Excellency Baron Koller the sentiments
of his distinguished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
His Excellency Baron Koller,
Imperial Royal Under Secretary of State.
[Enclosurg in Despatch No. 17. — Translation.]
BARON KOLLER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, Dec. i8th, i860.
The Undersigned, in forwarding to their respective
addresses the 2 copies of the official report on the
Agriculture of the United States for 1856, presented
to the Imperial Royal Geological Society and to the
Imperial Royal Geographical Society at Vienna, and
received along with the esteemed note of the North
American Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Ex^
traordinary, Mr. Glancy Jones, of the 12th inst., has
the honor to express the grateful acknowledgments
of the Imperial Rojral Government for this valuable
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APPENDIX 275
gift, and uses this occasion to renew to the Hon. Min-
ister the assurance of his perfect consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign AfiEairs,
The Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Br. Koller.
To THE Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni-
potentiary OP THE United States op North
America, Mr. Glancy Jones.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. i8. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, March nth, 1861.
To THE Honourable
THE Secretary op State.
Sir:
In my despatch No. 16, dated October 29th, i860,
I referred to the Diploma issued by the Imperial &
Royal government of Austria, said Diploma being a
proclamation of the principles & measures of reform
long expected by his Majesty's subjects. A few days
ago, we received the supplement giving the details of
the machinery, inaugurated by a grand illumination
of Vienna. A copy of this latter is herewith enclosed
in translation. It will be seen that, although falling
far short of the expectations of the sanguine, it is
nevertheless a step in advance for Austria, & presents
to the more calm observers here the germ of a repre-
sentative government, with freedom of debate, public
proceedings, & a free press in publishing its acts. The
main point gained is the clear indication of growing
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276 APPENDIX
poptilar power and the weakening & yielding of the
Imperial prerogative. When the people once begin
to feel their power, & realize that their rulers feel it
too & respect & yield to it, the work of progress may
be considered fairly begun.
The progress of Italian tmity is beginning to make
itself felt in Hungary & in Poland. At the same time,
as is alwajrs the case at the first start, the demands
of Himgary & Poland have produced a slight reaction.
The non-Hungarian elements of the Austrian Empire
are getting imeasy for fear that Himgary may obtain
so much that they will get nothing. They are strongly
inclined, therefore, to press for a constitutional gov-
ernment for the whole Empire, with popular repre-
sentation, frequent election, & extended suffrage, &
to ignore separate nationalities. This party is im-
mensely strengthened by the concessions made al-
ready to popular power by the throne, while at the
same time this form of reaction strengthens the gov-
ernment in withholding more liberal concessions to
Hungary. The alarm occasioned by the revolutionary
spirit evinced both in Htmgary & Poland has led, as
is generally believed, to an imderstanding between
Prussia, Russia, & Austria, to make some concessions
& then common cause against revolution in these
dismembered nationalities; so that much further
progress in this direction need not be looked for just
now, though it will only be suspended, not suppressed.
England dreads war, because war means to her in-
creased taxation, and France, while she is determined
to see Italy through, is desirous, as far as possible, of
keeping on fair terms with the conservative or reac-
tionary powers of Europe, at least for the present, by
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APPENDIX 277
not intervening beyond Italy. Thtis, with the excep-
tion of Italy, the progressive powers will adhere to
non-intervention for the present, and Garibaldi &
Kossuth alone are too weak to make much progress
tmtil time shifts the policy of these latter powers.
France has determined to appeal to the people on the
Italian question. The Emperor, with great foresight,
& feeling sure of success, has opened the door in his
legislative bodies for the formation of parties in which
he will take sides. He will thus reap, in public opinion,
much credit for liberal concessions to free speech &
freedom of the press; while he will divide the respon-
sibility of his Italian policy with his legislating & his
people. In this movement he will challenge the sjon-
pathy of England, of Italy, & indeed of all Europe,
saving where the reactionary power is in the ascend-
ant; & even then a large minority, embracing the
wealth & intelligence of the middle classes, will sym-
pathize. The tendency of European complications
is therefore to diplomacy, & not to war. While Eng-
land & France will not be checked by the other powers
in canying out their Italian policy, even to the ex-
tent of absorbing Venice, if they are not too precipi-
tate, Russia, Prussia, & Austria will be tmchecked by
the other powers in coercing Poland & Hungary; and
these two policies, coming in conffict only in the public
mind, through the medium of the press (and Europe
is beginning to have a public opinion), will advance
popular ideas & popular strength generally, without
convulsing the powers or precipitating general revolu-
tion. This state of things may continue for years,
unless one or the other element of power should ob-
tain too sudden an ascendancy, or the equilibritim of
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278 APPENDIX
Europe be disturbed by passing beyond its proper
area & interpolating Asiatic questions & ideas. One
must speculate upon the futtu^ by the facts and reali-
ties of the present, or be silent ; but the whole system
is so artificial that one cannot call to his aid the or-
ganic principles of either law, philosophy, or political
economy. Human passion, personal aggrandizement,
dynastic influence, & physical force are, separately &
combined, too potential yet in Europe to admit of a
solution by any such process of reasoning.
Very respectfully.
Your obe(Uent servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. z8. — Translation,]
FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OP THE STATE.
We, Francis Joseph the First, By the Grace of God
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia,
&c., &c., &c.
Inasmuch as We, in our patent for the ordering of
the legal relations of the Monarchy, published on the
2oth of October, i860, on the basis of the Pragmatic
sanction, and in virtue of otu* sovereignty, have foimd
good to decree and to order, for our own and for the
guidance of our lawful successors in the Government,
that the right to make, alter, and repeal laws should
be exercised only with the codperation of the Diets
or of the Reichsrath, and in consideration that this
right, in order to be put into operation, requires a
fixed order & form for its exercise, having taken the
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APPENDIX 279
opinion of our council of Ministers, do hereby declare
and decree and publish:
I. The law hereby annexed, relative to the formation
of the Reichsrath, that is to represent the Empire, & the
right secured to it in Patent of the 20th of October, i86o,
to cooperate in the legislation. We hereby sanction ; and
grant to it further the authority of a ftmdamental law
of the State over all our Kingdoms and Provinces.
II. With regard to our Kingdoms, Hungary, Croatia,
and Slavonia, as well as otu* Grand principality of
Transylvania, We have in pursuance of our intention
to restore their former provincial Constitutions, in
accordance with our above mentioned Patent, and
within the limits of the same, already taken the neces-
sary measures in owe letter of the 20th of October,
i860, as therein set forth.
III. For our Kingdoms, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Gal-
ida, and Lodomeria; for the Duchies Auschwitz and
Zator, and the Grand Duchy of Cracow; for our Arch
Duchies of Upper and Lower Austria; for otu* Duchies
of Camiola and Bukowina; for our Margravate of Mo-
ravia; for our Duchy of Upper and Lower Silesia; for
our Margravate of Istria, together with the Princely
Counties of G6ritz and Gradisca, and the City of
Trieste, with its territory; and for the Province of
Voralberg: We find good to issue and sanction the
annexed statutes and electoral ordinances, hereby pos-
sessing for each separate Province the authority of
a fundamental law of the State, with the intention
of developing and reforming the rights and liberties of
the faithful bodies of these Kingdoms and Provinces
according to existing circumstances and necessities,
and to bring them into harmony with the interests of
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280 APPENDIX
the entire monarchy. Since, however, the legal posi-
tion of our Kingdom of Dalmatia, with our Kingdoms
of Croatia and Slavonia, has not yet been definitively
settled, therefore the published statute for Dalmatia
cannot yet fully come into operation.
IV. In order to bring the published statute for our
Duchies of Styria, Carinthia, and Salzburg, as well as
our princely County of Tyrol, in due accordance with
those resolutions on otir part which are to be accepted
as fimdamental provincial ordinances, sanctioned by
us this day; also, in order to secure more extended
functions to the Provincial assemblies of the above men-
tioned countries, as we have granted to the representa-
tives of the remaining crown lands ; finally, in order to
carry out eqtially in Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg, and
Tyrol our published resolutions of the sth of January,
1861, in regard to the right of election: We have seen
fit to sanction the annexed new provincial Statutes
for Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg, and Tyrol, which will
extend and vary the statute already published.
V. In regard to our Lombardo- Venetian Kingdom,
We have issued an order to our Minister of State to
prepare and lay before us, at a suitable time, a provin-
cial Constitution upon a similar basis, and in the mean-
while confer the right upon the Congregations of the
Kingdom, as its present representative bodies, to send
the appointed ntunber of members to the Reichsrath.
VI. Inasmuch as, partly through the foregoing
fundamental laws, partly through the Constitutions
restored, partly through those created by means of
the new laws, the fotmdation of the legal condition of
our Monarchy is established, and in partictilar the
representation of our peoples is arranged, and their
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APPENDIX 281
participation in legislation is settled: We therefore
make known, by these presents, that the fundamental
laws ^herein contained form the constitution of our
Empire ; and we further make known and vow not only
to follow and uphold them inviolably, but we also en-
gage our successors in the Govenmient to follow and
uphold them inviolably, and further, upon their ac-
cession to the Throne, to vow so to do, in the Manifest
which they shall then publish. We hereby declare
also our firm resolution to protect them against every
assault, to the extent of our Imperial power, and
strictly to observe that they shall be followed and up-
held by every one.
VII. We ordain that this Patent shall assume the
form of an Imperial Diploma, together with the fun-
damental laws accompanying it, and be deposited in the
archives of otu* House, Court, and State ; and further,
that the fundamental law of representation, as well as
the special laws for each Province, shall be deposited
and preserved in the archives of our Kingdoms and
Provinces.
Given in this our metropolis and residence of Vienna,
on the 26th day of February, 1861, and in the 13th
year of our reign.
(Signed) Francis Joseph, m. p.
Archduke Rainer, m.p.
EXTRACTS FROM THE DETAILS OF GENERAL INTEREST
ACCOMPANYING THE FOREGOING.
The Reichsrath forms the representation of the
Empire, is composed of an upper and lower house,
and will be convoked annually. The Princes of the
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282 APPENDIX
Imperial House when of age, the Chiefs of certain
aristocratic families of large landed possessions, all
Archbishops and Bishops of Princely rank, are mem-
bers of the Upper House. The Emperor reserves also
the right of making distinguished persons in the
Church or in science members for life.
The Lower House will be composed of 343 members,
and the members are to be elected by the Provincial
Diets. The President and Vice-President of each Diet
are to be chosen by the Emperor. The Government
has a right to lay drafts of laws before the Reichsrath,
which has also a right to bring in Bills. The sanction
of the Emperor is necessary to every bill that has
passed both houses, before it can become a law. An
absolute majority is required in the Reichsrath to
make a resolution valid, and the members must give
their votes in person. The Reichsrath may be pro-
rogued or the Lower House dissolved by the Emperor.
In the latter case, a new chamber must be formed as
above. The sittings of both houses are public, but
on demand of the President, or 10 members, with the
agreement of the house thereto, they may be held in
secret.
The permanent and the enlarged Reichsrath are
dissolved, and a Council of State is to be formed,
known under the name of " Staatsrath. " The cotmcil
of State is to be composed of a President and several
cotmcillors, he to have the rank of a Minister, and to
be present at the Council of Ministers, without a vote,
and all shall be nominated by the Emperor. The
"Staatsrath" will be composed of distinguished men
from the different Provinces, and their opinion can
be taken by the Emjperor and his Ministers. The
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APPENDIX 283
number of its members, their rank and salary, &c.,
wOl be made known in a separate rescript.
The Provincial Diets are composed, ist, of the high
clerical dignitaries of each Province, by virtue of their
oflSce, 2nd, of Deputies elected by the large landed
proprietors of the Province, and 3rd, of deputies
chosen by the cities and towns and the rural districts.
The landed proprietors, to be qualified as voters,
must own estates pajring in direct taxes amoimts
varying in the different Provinces from one htmdred
to two htmdred and fifty florins. In the various
cities, with few exceptions, persons pajring direct
taxes to the amount of 20, 15, and 10 florins respec-
tively have the right of suffrage, and in the rural dis-
tricts a tax of 5 florins confers the franchise, though
in this case the elections are indirect.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 19. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, April 8th, 1861.
Honorable William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Sir:
Since my last despatch. No. 18, dated March nth,
1 861, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt
from the State Department of Despatch No. 11, in-
structing me, in the event of an application being
made to this Government by Agents representing the
"Confederate States" of the South for an acknowl-
edgment of its independence or separate existence, to
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284 APPENDIX
use all my influence and power to prevent the same ;
and also your Circular note informing me officially of
your appointment as Secretary of State of the United
States. I shall be governed by these instructions, and
will carry them out to the extent of my ability.
An application was made through me (not offi-
cially), by the Superintendent of the Assay Office of
the United States at New York, for a plan and de-
scription of the process adopted here in refining gold
by the Sulphuric add process. This process has long
been known to be equal in expedition and efficiency
to the Nitric add process, and with a large diminution
of expense. But the fumes given out by the sulphur
are so offensive and unhealthy that it had to be aban-
doned, until a mode of condensation of these fumes
has been invented which is found to answer every
purpose. I applied informally for plans, diagrams,
descriptions, &c., and the government with alacrity
placed the whole at my command. I have forwarded
to the office at New York, this week, fuU diagrams
&c., &c., so as to enable any mechanic versed in this
line of arts to put the whole machinery in operation.
The saving will be very great to the Government, on
account of the great disparity of price between nitric
and sulphuric acids. The application was made by
me, at the request of Samuel P. Butterworth, Super-
intendent of the Assay Office, who is entitled to what-
ever credit may accrue from the introduction of this
process into our Assay Offices; and although, the sub-
ject matter being tmoffidal, I might have passed it
by here without notice, yet I deemed it, on reflection,
in a sdentific point of view, worthy of a place in the
files of the State Department, and feeling anxious also
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APPENDIX 285
to make a record of the prompt cordiality with which
the Imperial Government placed the whole matter at
the service of my coimtry, I thought it but proper to
make this note of it.
In a political point of view, nothing has transpired
since the date of my last Despatch that could be called
an event ; all Europe is uneasy, but the uneasiness is
eqtially distributed, and so generally balanced that
the ill humors of the body politic find it difl&cult to
fester or come to a head in any one particular spot.
The disposition of the reactionary powers, Russia,
Austria, and Prussia, to make very Kberal concessions,
being well known, disarms revolution. England,
France, and Italy are all equally committed and in-
terested against any revolutionary movement which
might endanger the system of Constitutional Mon-
archy; the activity therefore of Kossuth, Mazzini,
and Garibaldi, who are indefatigable in their agita-
tions in Venice, Rome, Htmgary, and Poland, is neu-
tralized continually by the diplomacy of Russia, Aus-
tria, and Prussia, on this basis (of concession), with
England and Prance. These of course are eflEects.
The cause, however, is apparent; to wit, the popular
mind of Europe rtms just now in the current of pop-
ular agitation for popular rights, and not revolution
by an appeal to the sword, tmtil they shall be con-
vinced that the ultimate result is inevitably necessary.
The cotirse recently developed in Russia towards
Poland, Austria towards Htmgary, and France to-
wards Italy (by standing guard against all comers,
while Sardinia is permitted to enter the ring, and have
it her own way), has so strongly inclined the popular
ndnd of Europe to believe that all these rights may be
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286 APPENDIX
seciired by peaceable agitation, and that prerogative
is bound to 5deld to popular rights without war, that
revolutionary movements of any other kind are just
now at a d^count, and unless some untoward event
should happen, peace is likely to prevail.
The chief interest manifested in our domestic
troubles is how far, and in what manner, they are
going to affect themselves; and great pains are taken
by England and France — ^who are now free trade
propagandists — ^to prejudice the commercial coind
against the new Tariff.
Notwithstanding all I have said of the formidable
obstacles in the way of Austria's resorting to hostili-
ties — ^her embarrassed finances, the restive condition
of the interior and the imsettled domestic policy of
the Empire, the approaching session of a Parliament
representing the whole Empire, the failure to embroil
Prussia in the quarrel so as to direct France from Italy
to the Rhine, and (in the event of war) the almost
certain rising of Htmgary, the equally certain loss of
Venetia, if not half the remaining Provinces of the
Empire — ^notwithstanding all these dissuasives, Aus-
tria may be plunged into war, not as the result of any
process of reasoning nor as the legitimate consequences
of any fixed policy, but rather in despite of both. It
is possible for want of system, for want of policy, and
from a desperation which rushes on evils they know
not of rather than bear the ills they have. A few days
since the whole Ministry resigned, because too much
had been conceded to Htmgary at the expense of the
German element of the Empire. The same day these
resignations were withdrawn, on the assurance that
the concessions should be modified. The Conserva-
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APPENDIX 287
tives are convinced that every day's delay strengthens
Italy and weakens Austria's hold on Venetia, that
French policy is reducing to the verge of despair the
last rallying point of Legitimacy around the Pope's
temporal throne in Rome, that Venetia is being at-
tacked now, not on the Po, but in Hungary; and a
hasty conclusion may be reached that all is lost that
is in danger, and precipitate war. Such are the un-
certainty and unsettled condition of affairs that this
is within the limits of possibility; but as I said before,
it is not so now intended by Austria. Austria is mak-
ing demonstrations on the Po, which indicate, and
are intended to indicate, a renewal of hostilities by
her own initiation, but she means it as a diversion to
draw off the Italian intervention in Himgary by giving
it employment at home. This I am sure is her mean-
ing, and yet her councils are so unsteady, and the crises
of the reorganization of her internal r^fime so near,
that results may be upon us unforeseen by any one.
The Holstein-Schleswig question is farther from
settlement than ever, and if European war becomes
desirable, this may furnish the pretext as well as any
other; for a European war it will be, or no war at all.
England and Russia will restrain, (knowing that France,
in the event of war, will come to the Rhine to help
Denmark) while Austria, keeping her own hands out,
would like to embroil Prussia with France and thus
divert her from Italy, disturb the balance of power
in Europe on the Rhine, and, ending in another Euro-
pean Congress of Diplomatists, after a general war, to
reconstruct the map of Europe. Unless, therefore,
England and Russia decide that a European war is
inevitable, the Holstein affair will be settled. It rarely
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288 APPENDIX
happens that such conSkrting interests should alike
feel inclined to hazard and avoid war, and yet such is
the fact with both the legitimist leactionarv party
and the Republicans; and Fianoe, being a Military
power founded on universal sufbage, has sympathies
with both, and very strong prcx^Uvities to empk>y her
armies and enlarge her borders.
I have the honor to enclose herewith translatioiis
into French of the protestations of the Grand Duke
of Tuscany and the Duke of Modena, respectively,
against the asstmiption by Victor Emmanuel of the
title of •' King of Italy, " recently conferred upon him
by the Italian Chambers. They have been piesented
to me by the representatives of the above mentioned
sovereigns at this court, with the request that I would
lay them before my Government.
Very Respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
J. GlancyJonbs,
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 20. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, April isth, 1861.
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
Circular, dated 9th March, 1861.
I presented the copy of the inaugural address of
the President to Count Rechberg on the 8th day of
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APPENDIX 289
April, and at the same time verbally communicated,
in accordance with the instructions contained in said
despatch, the views and opinions of my Government
on the present disturbed condition of its domestic
affairs, and the aspect in which it wished them to be
regarded by the Government of Austria.
He replied that Austria hoped to see us reunited.
That she was not inclined to recognize de facto Govern-
ments anywhere ; her opinions had been made known
and her minister and Consuls in America instructed
fully on the subject ; that no application had yet been
made to Austria for recognition, as an independent
Sovereignty, by any portion of the Confederacy of
the United States, and he was of opinion that, as the
views of Austria would soon be known on the subject,
no such application would be made. Should it be
otherwise, however, he would notify this Legation,
and the subject could be resumed.
Application has been made to me for a requisition,
under the Extradition Treaty, on the Austrian Gov-
ernment for the surrender of a fugitive from justice,
named Thomas B. Marsh, a native bom citizen of the
United States, who had, as was alleged, escaped from
justice. The crimes charged were forgery and robbery,
by making false entries, &c., in the books of the Mer-
cantile firm of Slocomb, Stowell & Co. of the city of
New York, in whose employ Marsh had been for some
years retained in the capacity of Invoice Clerk.
Marsh was arrested in Vienna, on complaint of Calvin
L. Cole, a citizen of the United States and the duly
constituted Attorney of said Slocomb, Stowell & Co.
Marsh confessed the crimes alleged, in writing, and in
my presence, as well as that of the police officers of
Vol. 11—19
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290 APPENDIX
the Govermnent who had him in charge, and ex-
pressed a wish to be sent immediately to the United
States for trial. On this state of facts the reqiiisition
was made by me, and after the usual formalities Marsh
will be delivered up. I may add that Mr. Cole fur-
nished the Magistrate with ample proof of Marsh's
guilt, independently of his voluntary confession, as
he informed me in person, and as he also certified to
the Chief of Police for the use of the Foreign OflSce.
The certificate of the Chief of Police under Marsh's
written confession was sent by me to the Foreign
Office, as the basis of the requisition.
Very Respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
MR. BURLINGAME TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
Paris, May 31st, 1861,
Hon. Wm. H. Seward,
Secretary of State.
Sir:
On my way to Vienna I have learned through Mr.
Walsh, our late Secretary of Legation that he was
waited upon by the Secretary of Prince Mettemich,
Austrian Minister at this Court, who desired to know
when I intended to leave for Vienna, with an intimation
that the Prince would be pleased to have me remain
until the way might be cleared for my presentation.
Learning, unoflficially, that the action of the Prince
was prompted by a desire to aid rather than retard
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APPENDIX 291
the purposes of my Mission, I determined after con-
sultation with my colleagues, Messrs. Dayton, Marsh,
Sanford, and Pike, who were tmanimous in their opin-
ion, to remain until I should hear further from the
Prince.
I learn from another quarter that the trouble prob-
ably springs out of something sent to the Austrian
Government by Chevalier Hulsemann touching my
authorship and advocacy of the Bill raising the Sar-
dinian Mission, taken in connection with my well
known sentiments in favor of the Italians.
The Sardinian Bill received the vote of every mem-
ber of the House and of the Senate, and I have not
expressed any sentiment in favor of the Italians not
shared in by nearly every American citizen.
If the Austrian Gov. chooses to make such an issue
as that — an issue involving the assumption, on her
part, of the right to demand that we shall send, not
an American, but an Austrian in feeling, she will, in
my opinion, prove weak where she has been deemed
strongest in her diplomacy.
After having shown by my conduct a disposition
not rudely to force an issue on the Austrian Govern-
ment, I think self-respect and a due regard to the
dignity and honor of the Government I represent will,
after having waited a reasonable time, render it ad-
visable that I should demand audience of the Em-
peror, leaving the responsibility of reception or rejec-
tion where it belongs.
I send you the proceedings of a meeting of Amer-
ican citizens which took place here on the 29th inst.
The meeting was rendered necessary to correct the
misapprehension of our position from the tireless
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292 APPENDIX
efforts of the traitors who had preceded us. We have
had all we could do to turn the tide, and, for this pur-
pose, have been in consultation almost hourly.
Your instructions to Mr. Dayton, which we had
translated into French, were the first assurances of a
fixed purpose on our part of maintaining the integrity
of our Government at every hazard; they were most
timely, and made a profound impression. I think I
can assure you that we have now the hearty sympathy
of the French Gov. and people.
Very respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
A. BURLINGAMB.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 21. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, June 21st, 1861.
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
despatch No. 12, dated April 13th, 1861, informing
me of my recall, of the appointment of the Honor-
able Anson Burlingame as my successor, and express-
ing an approval of my course and a wish that I
might find it convenient to await the arrival of my
successor.
In consequence of the peculiar state of affairs now
existing in our country, rendering it likely any day to
make calls on or impart information to Foreign Gov-
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APPENDIX 293
emments, I deemed it my duty to comply with this
request, especially as after having learned informally
that Mr. Burlingame had already reached Europe, I
knew that the delay did not promise to be protracted.
I have yet no intelligence of Mr. Burlingame, further
than that he is reported to be in Paris. I shall con-
tinue here at my post, awaiting his arrival, for a few
weeks longer, when, if he should not have arrived and
no further positive instructions shall have reached
me, I shall consider it a full compliance with my in-
structions to leave the Legation in charge of the Sec-
retary; I shall do this the more readily because his
long experience, ability, and fidelity furnish me with
every guaranty that the country will be faithfully
represented by him. As it is of moment to me to re-
ttim at the earliest practicable period to my coimtry,
I hope the course I propose to follow may meet the
approval of my Government.
In my last despatch, No. 20, I referred to the case,
at length, of Thomas B. Marsh, an alleged fugitive
from justice. He was subsequently delivered up, as I
then intimated he would be ; but it is but proper that
I should state that the Austrian Government, with
a view to show her kind feelings, as she alleged, to the
American Government, waived the regular and formal
mode of judicial investigation provided for in cases
arising out of the extradition Treaty. The confession
of Mr. Marsh's guilt, made by himself without solici-
tation, the fact of his citizenship, and his own desire
to be transferred to his own country for trial being
made manifest, he was handed over to the custody of
Mr. Cole without a formal warrant ; so, also, the money
found in Marsh's possession was paid over to Mr. Cole,
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294 APPENDIX
at the joint request of Marsh and Cole, throt^h this
Legation, amounting to the sum of one hundred and
forty-seven and a half Napoleons, five hundred and
twenty-seven and a half potmds sterling, with silver
coins in value of four or five Dollars, together with
other effects, consisting of clothing, watch, &c., and
for which receipts were duly taken and filed here.
Copies of the papers, correspondence, receipts, &c.,
relating thereto are hereby enclosed.
A copy also of a correspondence relating to the case
of Leonard S. Sawitzky, an insane naturalized citizen
of the United States now confined in the Insane Asy-
lum in Vienna, is also herewith enclosed. I took pains
immediately on learning of his confinement, to have
the case thoroughly investigated.. I found him well
cared for, as he said himself; and that he was a native
of Austrian Poland, had gone to America, was natu-
ralized, and not succeeding in his expectations had
returned to Europe, had no property nor relations in
America, but had some relations in Poland, but no
property as far as could be ascertained. The only
favor he wished of the Government of his adopted
country was, that he might by it be transferred to an
Hospital of the brothers of mercy in Vienna. He al-
leged strongly that he was not insane, but of this fact
no one else doubted ; his case is a mild one, of the form
of monomania, as I ascertained by sending my own
physician specially to examine and report to me. The
Hospital he desired to be transferred to, of course,
could not receive him, as by the judgment of all —
except his own — ^the Insane Asylum was the proper
place for him. I arranged that his relations in Poland
jnight be informed of his situation and condition,
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APPENDIX 295
which the Government readily concurred in, as they
are anxious to have him cared for and removed. I
hope the Government will notice the case and make
the proper reply to the application here.
I have despatched through the Consul at Bremen
a package of books which were sent to me by the
Ministry of Foreign AflEairs, with the request that I
would forward them to my Government.
On the 25th day of March, I issued a Passport to
William Plessing, who furnished evidence that was
satisfactory to me that he had been naturalized in
the United States and had lost his papers. A copy of
the deposition taken is herewith enclosed.
I availed myself of an early opportunity to apprize
Count Rechberg of the anxiety of my Government to
have a good understanding with other Governments
in relation to privateering. He assured me no aid or
encouragement would be received in Austria; not
being a large maritime power, and having a strong
police force, she considers her ports suflBciently un-
der her control without issuing proclamations; and
thinks, or says, that better faith in this regard may
be observed than by many who may issue proclama-
tions. I believe Austria will do all she says, but it
would be simple folly not to perceive what her chief
motive is. Regarding herself as a conservative power,
she is hostile to all revolutions and necessarily against
all de facto Governments, and by consequence against
anything that may aid or comfort them. She is op-
posed to privateering per se. I regard England and
France as hostile, or at least unfriendly. Cotton is
not so powerful as the earnest desire to balance powers
in America. These two nations will act in concert,
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296 APPENDIX
and in my judgment the blockade is to be broken by
an acknowledgment of the new Confederation just
at that time when it is supposed cotton will be badly
wanted — ^to wit, in October next, and of this fact the
Southern Confederation will be duly informed. Cot-
ton will be the pretext, but a divided power in Amer-
ica is much dearer to the hearts of those who rule in
Europe than all the cotton in the world. The non-
maritime powers are with the United States, but they
will avail nothing against the combined power of Eng-
land and France, or even of England alone, in maritime
affairs. Unless something can be done, therefore, ere
October next to settle this question and restore the
Union, I fear the moral power of all Europe will be
against us, or at least not with us; and as I regard a
divided cotmtry as the death knell of all our hopes, I
cannot refrain from pressing this point upon the at-
tention of my Government. As to the mode of settle-
ment, I have nothing, of course, to suggest — ^that is
better understood at home; but as to the necessity
of preserving the Union, I can judge here, and know
that for the North, for the South, for all, it is our
sheet anchor, and should be preserved at all hazards.
Once divided, we will be the play and sport of Euro-'
pean Diplomatists. Differences arising out of a diver-
sified climate and soil, in our productions, commerce,
and manufacttu^s, will be exaggerated if not created
by European influence, in order that European influ-
ence may settle them and adjust the terms of settle-
ment.
The rising power of our united strength was felt>
deeply felt, in every council chamber of Europe, and
as this rising power bodes no good to tottering feudal-
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APPENDIX 297
ism, its prospective dissolution is heard with secret
delight. Disunion, with us, is destruction; they are
synonymous terms, and so regarded by all Europe.
I wish to impress the Government at home with
the magnitude and importance of that in which we
all ought to agree, which is the preservation of the
Union at all hazards; and in order to fully compre-
hend its danger, it is best to regard the ruling powers
of Europe as secretly at heart in sympathy with the
South, or for a divided American power.
Judging solely from a European point, I say by all
the reminiscences of the past, all the hopes of the
future, for the sake of all sections and our posterity,
never assent to disunion until you make up your
minds that all is lost, and lost forever.
I have more hope for the futiu« of Syria than for
our people under a dismembered union. Cavour's
death vibrated every chord in Europe, but, though
dead, his system lives and will live, and hence, though
all look for the effect, the wisest could not foretell
what it would be; politically and financially it has
changed nothing, because to the system of which
Cavour was a living, acting soul all the powers had
made up their minds to submit. No one can attempt
to change without losing, and hence all things will
continue for a time as they are, and move by peaceful
agitation for popular rights without revolution, unless
death should vacate the French throne; and then
what will come no man can foresee or foretell. Our
troubles are counter-revolutionary in Europe, and
material forces have made already a grand advance
at the expense of rational progress in human society.
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298 APPENDIX
On tatdi^ leave of the Emperor, I shall, as re-
quested, assure him of the desire of my Government
to continue its friendly relations.
I have the honor to be,
Very Respectfully,
Your Obedient Servt.,
J. GlANCY JONBS.
lEndostire in Despatch No. az. — TransiaiioH.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, April 9th, 1861.
Between the Imperial Austrian Government and
that of the United States of America exists a Treaty
concluded at Washington on the 3rd of July, 1856,
and rendered valid by the ratifications exchanged
there on the 13th of Etecember, 1856, according to
which these two States agreed, on mutual requisition,
which the Govenmients themselves or their Ministers,
officials, or other authorities might issue, to give up
certain accused individuals to justice.
A few days ago, at the request of a citizen, Mr. C.
L. Cole, sent here for this purpose, a certain Thomas B.
Marsh, formeriy a derk in New York, was discovered
and arrested here through the vigilant activity of the
Imperial Royal City Police Office, he being also an
American citizen, and being charged on the ground
of sworn declarations of having committed the crime
of fraud and falsification, to an amount not yet pre-
cisely fixed but certainly very large, at New York,
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APPENDIX 299
in the commercial house of Slocomb, in which he
served as clerk.
The said Thomas B. Marsh, in a note addressed to
me, has notified me (with the addition that he declares
himself guilty of the crime charged to him) that he
himself wishes to be delivered up to the American
authorities. This statement is legalized and certified
to by the I. R. Police Office.
In this state of things, the intervention of the
judicial authorities, provided for in the above men-
tioned treaty, and a regular prosecution, which would
occasion a procedure of several months' duration,
may be more readily dispensed with, as such are only
necessary when on the part of the person to be deliv-
ered up objection is made thereto, or other difficulties
arise, which is here not the case.
In the view of the Undersigned, it is only neces-
sary for the purpose of Thomas B. Marsh himself that
the I. R. City Police Office should be authorized by
the competent higher authorities to furnish Mr. Cole
with a suitable document to empower the same to
take Thomas B. Marsh, for rendition to the Amer-
ican authorities, by the way of Hamburg to America,
and to lay claim to this end to the assista,nce of the
authorities here.
The Impl. Royal City Police would also confer a
favor if, at the request of Mr. Cole, and of course at
his cost, it would allow him to be accompanied as far
as Hamburg by one or two persons as an escort.
As the affair is, in so far, a very pressing one, as
Mr. Cole, who has already pursued Marsh for several
months in Europe, ardently desires to depart with
Thomas B. Marsh in the next mail Steamer which
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300 APPENDIX
leaves Hamburg in a few dajrs, I have the honor to
request that the Imperial Royal Ministry of Foreign
Affairs will have the goodness to intervene as soon as
possible, and in the most expeditious way, with the
Imperial Ministry of Police, to the end that the ren-
dition of Thomas B. Marsh to Mr. Cole, with the above
mentioned document, and their speediest possible
departure, may result.
The Undersigned believes that he can give the as-
surance that the Government of the United States
would not hesitate in a similar case to do the same.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
in submitting the above to His Excellency Count
Rechberg, Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs,
begs leave to renew to him the assurance of his dis-
tinguished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jonbs.
To HIS Excellency Count Rechberg,
Imperial Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs.
[Enclosure in Despatch No, 21. — TranshaionJ]
BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, April nth, 1861.
To the esteemed note of the 9th inst. respecting the
delivery of the American citizen, Thomas B. Marsh,
accused of the crime of fraud and falsification com-
mitted in New York, the Imperial Ministry of Foreign
Affairs has the honor respectfully to reply to the
North American Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
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APPENDIX 301
Plenipotentiary, Mr. Glancy Jones, that according
to the rules here in force in respect to the rendition
of a foreigner accused of a crime and seized in Austria
to the Authorities of a foreign country, whether this
rendition be claimed on the groimd of a special inter-
national treaty or also without such, the decision can
come only from the competent Austrian judicial
Authority.
The Ministry of Foreign AflEairs has therefore not
failed to take the necessary steps in order to call forth
the requisite judicial decision upon the case here under
consideration, and it will hasten to bring the same to
the knowledge of the Hon. Minister, as well as, in case
of compliance, the measures taken by the Police for
the execution of the Extradition assented to.
In the meanwhile, the Undersigned avails himself
of this occasion to renew to the Honorable Minister
the expression of his perfect consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
The Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Koller.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. ax. — Copy.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, April 27th, 1861.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Min-
ister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
referring to his note of the 9th inst. respecting the
case of Thos. B. Marsh, an American citizen, whose
extradition as a criminal was solicited by him, has
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302 APPENDIX
now the honor respectfully to ask that the said Marsh
— in case that the Austrian judicial authorities have
decided on his rendition to the American Government
— ^may be, together with the money and all other
effects found on him, delivered up in Vienna to this
Legation.
The Undersigned, in making this request, begs leave
to assure the Imperial Royal Ministry of Foreign
Aifairs of his most distinguished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
To THE Imperial Royal Ministry
OF Foreign Affairs.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. ai. — Translation.]
BARON ROLLER TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, April 27th, 1861.
The Ministry of Foreign AflEairs has the honor to
reply to the esteemed note of the 27th inst. of the
Legation of North America, that the Imperial Ministry
of Justice has been requested to take the necessary
steps for the rendition of the North American citizen
Thomas B. Marsh, accused of fraud, in the manner
desired by the respected North American Legation.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to the Legation the expression of his perfect
consideration.
For the Minister of Foreign AflEairs,
The Under Secretary of State,
(Signed) Roller.
To THE American Legation.
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APPENDIX 303
[Papers referred to in Despatch No, ax.]
To His Excellency J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten-
tiary, Vienna.
Sir:
The Authorities of Austria having decided to de-
liver, and having delivered, Thomas B. Marsh into
your custody, I humbly request and pray you to de-
liver to my custody the said Marsh for the purpose of
conveying him in my custody to the United States of
N. America.
Your Obedient Servant,
(Signed) C. L. Cole.
Vienna, April 29th, 1861.
To all whom it may concern, be it known that I,
Thomas B. Marsh, of the dty of New York, U, S, of
A., having been under arrest in Vienna, and surren-
dered to the American Minister with the property
and money in my possession at the time of my arrest,
including say about six hundred and forty pounds
sterling: Now, therefore, this is to declare that I con-
sent that the said money and other effects so deliv-
ered to the American Legation should be delivered
and given up to C. L. Cole, the authorized agent and
attorney of Thomas Slocomb of New York.
Witness my hand and seal. Dated this 30th day
of April, 1861, at Vienna.
(Signed) Thomas B. Marsh.
(L. S.)
Witness:
J. P. Delaplaine.
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304 APPENDIX
The Undersigned, holder of a power of Attorney
from Thomas Slocomb, Merchant of New York, author-
izing him to act for and in the name of the said
Slocomb, hereby acknowledges the receipt from the
Legation of the United States at Vieima of the money
and other effects fotmd in the possession of Thomas
B. Marsh at the time of the arrest of said Marsh at
Vienna on a charge of defrauding the said Slocomb,
the personal effects consisting of clothing, watch, &c.,
&c., and the money of one htmdred and forty-seven
and a half Napoleons, five htmdred and twenty-seven
and a half potmds sterling, with silver coins in value
of four or five dollars, both money and effects having
been delivered to the said Legation by the Govern-
ment of Austria.
(Signed) C. L. Cole,
Attorney for Thomas Slocomb.
Witness:
J. P. Delaplaine.
I, George W. Lippitt, Secretary of the United
States Legation at Vienna, hereby certify that the
above are true and accurate copies of the original
papers on file in this Legation.
George W. Lippitt.
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APPENDIX 305
[Enclosure in Despatch No. ai. — Transkuion.]
BARON MEYSENBURG TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, May 31st, .1861.
According to a communication of the Imperial
Ministry of Justice, Leonard Sawitzky, teacher of
languages, who had come to Vienna and was living
in the Hotel Matschakerhof , had to be taken to the
Imperial Royal Insane Asylum, and by decision of
the Imperial Royal Vienna Court of the 19th of Feb-
ruary, 1 861, on the grotmd of legally proved insanity,
was placed under guardianship.
As the person in question, according to the here-
with enclosed passport, dated Feb. 23rd, i860. No.
17, 221, is a citizen of the United States, the Imperial
Royal Notary, Dr. Gustav Pobenheim, was appointed
by the city District Court of Vienna Curator for Sa-
witzky (for so long) tmtil the competent authorities
of his cotmtry shall make another arrangement. The
ward having no property, security is not required.
The Imperial Royal Ministry of Poreijgn Affairs,
in bringing this matter to the knowledge of the Lega-
tion of the United States for such further disposition
as may be agreeable, has the honor to request that this
disposition of the case may be made known to it as
soon as possible, and that the enclosed Passport may
be returned — ^its rettam being expressly desired by the
Imperial Royal authorities concerned.
The tmdersigned avails himself, &c., &c.
For the Minister of Foreign Aflfairs,
(Signed) Meysbnburg.
To His ExcBLLBNCY J. Glancy Jones, &c. &c. &c.
Vol. 11—20
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306 APPENDIX
[Enclosvire in IkspaUk No. ai. — Co^.]
MR. JONES TO COUNT RECHBERG.
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Joine i8th, 1861.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America has
the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of
his Excellency Baron Meysenburg, on behalf of the Im-
perial and Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which
the Undersigned is informed that a certain Leonard
S. Sawitzky, a citizen of the United States, has been
consigned to the Imperial Royal Insane Asylimi by
decision of the Imperial Royal Vienna Court, it having
been first legally proved that he was insane, and that
Dr. Gustav Pobenheim has been appointed curator,
omtil the competent atithority of his own cotmtry
shall make other arrangements; and further that said
Sawitzky has no property, and that said information
is given to this Legation in order that further disposal
may be made of the case by this Legation.
In reply, the Undersigned begs leave to inform the
Imperial and Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs that
his Government has no local jurisdiction over the
persons or estates of insane citizens of the United
States, except in the District of Columbia (the seat of
the General Government), the subject matter being
one entirely reserved by the respective States as a
question of local jurisdiction. Persons becoming in-
sane abroad, however, as in this case, and that fact
being brought to the notice of the representatives of
the Government of the United States in any way, it
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APPENDIX 307
will always be made known to their Government and
by the Government speedily communicated to the
competent authorities, when the residence can be as-
certained of the party, and such authorities will take
action and communicate through the representative
of the Government of the United States to the Govern-
ment under which the case has arisen.
In this case that course will be taken by the Under-
signed, and the results when known duly reported to
the Imperial Royal Government of Austria.
The Passport forwarded from the Ministry of For-
eign Afiairs is herewith returned, in accordance with
the wish expressed.
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew, &c., &c.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
To His EXCBLLENCY CoUNT RSCHBBRG, &C. &C. &C.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. ax.]
Legation op the United States of Vienna.
Copy of the Deposition of William Plessing, a Nattiralized Citizen
of the United States of America.
WilKam Plessing, being dtdy sworn according to
law, doth depose and say, that he is 41 years of age ;
was bom in Vienna, in the Empire of Austria, in the
year 1820. That he emigrated to the United States
of America, and landed at the city of New Orleans,
in the State of Louisiana, on the 9th of October, 1846;
that while in that city he, in the month of December,
1846, made a declaration of his intention to become a
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308 APPENDIX
citizen of the United States, and that he resided per-
manently in the United States of America, without
leaving the same, tmtil the sth of February in the year
i860, at which time he sailed for Europe.
And this deponent fiuther declares, that he was
married in America in the year 1851, and has a wife
and children now living, to the best of his knowledge
and belief, in the State of California.
And he, the said deponent, fiuther declares upon
his solemn oath that he was dtily naturalized a citizen
of the United States of Ainerica in the city of San
Francisco, in the State of California, in the month of
July, in the year 1852, and that he took out his certifi-
cate of naturalization accordingly. That the vessel
Phoenix, in which he embarked, was wrecked near
Cuxhaven in the month of March, i860, and that he
thereby lost aU the goods of which he was possessed,
including his certificate of naturalization; and this
deponent prajrs that upon the strength of this deposi-
tion he may be granted a Passport as a citizen of the
United States of America.
(L. S.) (Signed) William Plessing.
Sworn and subscribed before me, George W. Lippitt,
Secretary of Legation, at the Legation of the United
States of America at Vienna, in the Empire of
Austria, this 25th day of March, in the year of our
Lord 1861, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the Eighty-fifth.
(Signed) G. W. Lippitt.
(Seal of the Legation.)
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APPENDIX 309
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 22. Legation of thb United States,
Vienna, July 20th, 1861.
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Sir:
A few dajrs since. Count Rechberg, the Imperial
Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs, was interrogated
in the House of Deputies of the Austrian Empire on
the subject of the course pursued, or about to be pur-
sued, by the Imperial Royal Government in relation
to American Affairs in the present complication. The
report of his remarks is as follows:
Cotmt Rechberg rose to answer the question, " What
measures has the Government taken to protect its
commercial relations with the United States of North
America, tmder the warlike condition of things now
existing there, " put by Mr. Putzer and his associates.
He said: "The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has, in
connection with the iCnistries of Trade and of the
Navy, caused information to be obtained through the
Imperial Minister Resident at Washington as to the
measures which other Governments have taken for
the same reason. The answer received was, that Eng-
land and France, as well as Holland, had strengthened
their squadrons in the American waters, and had en-
deavored to bring the belligerent powers to the recog-
nition of those principles especially, relating to the
protection of private property, which were agreed
upon at the Congress of Paris in 1856. The Imperial
Government has for the present abstained from send-
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310 APPENDIX
ing ships of war, and has directed the Minister Resi-
dent to obtain from the belligerent powers the recog-
nition of the following points established by the said
Congress:
1. The neutral flag covers enemies' goods, with the
exception of contraband of war.
2. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraband
of war, are not liable to capture tmder enemy's flag.
3. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effec-
tive ; that is to say, maintained by a force suflScient
really to prevent access to the coast of the enemy.
The Government hopes, on accoimt of the friendly
relations which have existed between it and the Amer-
ican States for years, to obtain the recognition of these
three points on the part of the belligerents. "
In an interview with Coimt Rechberg a day or two
ago, he expressed to me the hope that the answer
might be deemed satisfactory to my Government, as
it was his wish to make it so. I replied that so far as
I was advised, no exception could be taken to his
language ; but that I should transmit to my Govern-
ment both the question and answer, and if they had
anything to say, they would make it known to him,
through their Minister here.
He repeated his strong desire to see the integrity of
the Union preserved in America, and said that Aus-
tria was anxious to cultivate the most friendly rela-
tions with us, and would be the last to aid or abet any
movement looking to the disruption of our confed-
eracy or weakening its power.
Very Respectfully,
Yotir Obedient Servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
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APPENDIX 311
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 23. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, August 6th, 1861.
Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Sir:
The condition of Hungary has more or less attracted
the attention of Europe and America — and especially
in their Diplomatic Circles — since the Italian war of
1859, *h^ Htmgarians insisting on the restoration of
their old Constitution and laws as they existed prior to
and in 1848. The Government of Vienna, making
liberal concessions in two Patents, issued in October,
i860, and in February, 1861, respectively, propose to
confine the Htmgarians to the principles laid down in
the Pragmatic Sanction. On this issue has been joined ;
the Hungarian Parliament refused to send members to
the Imperial Reichsrath tmtil their demands should be
complied with. An address was recently sent by the
Hungarians to the Emperor, by whom technical ex-
ception was taken to their manner of addressing him —
a refusal, in fact, to recognize him as their Sovereign,
except conditionally. This omission served a good
purpose for the Emperor, in bringing to his support
the Representatives of aU the German Provinces of the
Empire, as well as Poland, in the Imperial Parliament,
as these Representatives desire a Constitution in which
all sections of the Empire shall have equal rights &
privileges, and consequently are not friendly to the
grant of National privileges to one of the integral parts
of the Empire which are denied to another.
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312 APPENDIX
The Hungarian Diet tinanimously changed the form
they had chosen of addressing His Majesty, with which
alteration the address was received by the Emperor,
who has published his reply to it in the form of an Im-
perial Rescript, which was read in both houses of the
Imperial Parliament on the 23rd of July inst. This
assumes to be a finality, and results in a change of
Ministers, to the extent of the Htmgarian members
alone however.
The political condition of Europe has its influence
in Hungarian affairs. The death of Cavour, the ac-
knowledgment of the Kingdom of Italy, the disturb-
ances in Poland, &c., disable Prance and England from
interfering at the present crisis in Htmgarian affairs,
beyond that of expressing sirmpathies. Under these
circumstances, Htmgary will probably have to submit
tmtil European complications offer a better oppor-
tunity, when all their demands will be renewed with
increased vigor, and in all probability with ultimate
success. The chief barrier in Htmgary's way, in the
future, will be the hostility of the sections of the
Empire who are not to be equally benefited, and these
interests will be much strengthened by having a voice
in the National Parliament.
A translation of the Rescript above referred to is
herewith enclosed.
I forward also, herewith, to the Department, in
compliance with my instructions, an Inventory of the
books, &c., now in possession of the Legation.
I am. Very Respectfully,
Your Obedient Servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
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APPENDIX 313
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 33. — Translation.]
RESCRIPT TO THE HUNGARIAN DIET.
We, Francis Joseph the First, &c., &c., &c., present
to the Magnates and Representatives of otir Faithful
Kingdom of Hungary in Diet assembled, according to
our summons of the 2d of April of this year, our salu-
tation and our favour.
Beloved and faithful, as you have complied with our
summons addressed to you by rescript of the 30th ult.,
to offer the loyal address presented to us in such a form
that its acceptance might be in harmony with the dig-
nity of the Crown, which will be guarded by us against
every assault, and with our hereditary sovereign right,
with dutiful readiness, for which we have already
caused our satisfaction to be expressed:
We are rejoiced, agreeably to our promise and our
lively desire, to be able to express ourselves unreserv-
edly in regard to the weighty matters contained in that
Address — in order to attain in this way, through a clear
and complete explanation, a proper and permanent
settlement of the present difficulties.
Through the sunmioning of the present Diet we de-
sired to open a way in which the obstacles to the con-
stitutional administration of our Kingdom of Htmgary
might be legally removed, and the relations arising out
of- its indissoluble union with our kingdoms and prov-
inces might be, in conformity to the demands of our
whole monarchy, regulated in such a manner, through
the legislative power, that the measures to be taken, in
this respect, corresponding to the feelings of the nation,
may be such as to avoid every other than a legal solu-
tion of the question which must be decided.
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314 APPENDIX
If in the loyal Address referred to our Diploma of
2oth October, i860, is spoken of as though it stood in
strong contrast with the independence of Htmgary
secured by the Pragmatic Sanction, so do we acknowl-
edge indeed that according to the above Diploma the
Htmgarian Diet will have to deliberate in reference to
those matters which refer to taxation, and to the mode,
manner, and regulation of military duty, in a way
different from that tmder the former laws ; namely, in
common with the other constitutional representatives
of the whole empire. We cannot, however, from this
infer that there is herein an infringement of the guaran-
tees of the Gjnstitutional independence of Htmgary,
but must rather expect that they will be strengthened
in consequence of the tmderstanding to be attained by
common deliberations with the freely elected repre-
sentatives of our other kingdoms and provinces in re-
lation to their mutual interests; and we graciously
make the Magnates and representatives assembled in
Diet attentive to the fact that their influence formerly
extended only to a small part of the general taxation,
and not as in future, by virtue of the Diploma, to all
kinds of taxes and measures of finance ; and also to the
letter of the Pragmatic Sanction incorporated in the
first and second articles of law of the year 1723, which,
according to these, did not originate solely in order to
protect our Kingdom of Htmgary against inward and
outward assaults and the easily excitable and to the
cotmtry well known interior convulsions, but also in
order that a final common basis might be gained for a
mutual understanding and union with our other king-
doms and provinces.
Our Royal summons for the present Diet has already
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APPENDIX 315
furnished the proof that it is oiir firm will to follow the
usage in reference to the coronation Diploma, and we
also, in order to the desired pacification of excited
minds and to remove tmgrotmded fears, openly ac-
knowledge that our Kingdom of Htmgary, as well in
reference to the persons employed as also to the sjrstems
and the forms, is to be governed in a manner peculiar
to itself, and correspondingly to its old constitution,
and that therefore the absorption of the countries be-
longing to the Crown of St. Stephen, with the rest of the
monarchy, is not intended by us, and is far from our
heart.
Prom this we freely admit, indeed, an "autonome"
administration of the internal affairs of the cotmtry,
as ordained in the loth Article of the year 1790, but by
no means does it follow herefrom that the existing in-
dissoluble bond between our kingdom of Hungary and
our other kingdoms and provinces consists solely and
alone in the unity of the ruling family, or forms merely
a personal union, an assertion which is clearly refuted
by the legal position of our kingdom of Htmgary as
actually resulting from the laws and history.
The unity of the throne, the conduct of the army,
and the central administration of the common finances
of our whole monarchy are the natural consequences
of the Pragmatic Sanction, which established the in-
divisibility and inseparability of the monarchy; and
as our kingdom of Htmgary since the accession to the
throne of otir ruling has never been specially represented
abroad, and is also now tmder the name of the Austrian
Empire among the Powers of Europe, comprehended
with otir other kingdoms and provinces, so had Htm-
gary alwajrs to contribute to the common necessities of
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316 APPENDIX
our whole monarchy, and to participate in the sacrifices
which in consequence of wars were made by the nations
under our rule, as is clear from the Articles 63 of the
year 1741, 2 of year 1796, i of the year 1805, 2 of 5rear
1807, 6 of year 1808, and others.
In consequence of having shared the same fate for
three centuries under a conmion government, our king-
dom of Hungary has entered into a much closer union
with the countries of our whole monarchy than can be
designated by a personal union. This doser tmion is
unmistakably pointed out in first and second Articles
of year 1723, as well in their words as in their conse-
quences. And not only do the Articles 21 and 98 of
the same year in their third paragraph and the Articles
104 and 114 refer to that central government which
managed affairs common to it with the other countries
of the monarchy, but the Htmgarian legislation has in
Section 4 of Article 4 of year 1 741 given a striking proof
of its care for the common interests of the Empire,
inasmuch as it, in order that the supreme government
of Htmgary might not be separated from that of the
other parts of the Empire, and in contradiction with
the 2d Article of year 1845, referring to the guardian-
ship of the Palatine, quoted in the address of the Diet,
designated the Emperor Francis, the most serene Con-
sort of Maria Theresa of glorious memory, not only as
co-regent, but also, in case of minority of the heir to the
throne, as the legal guardian for Htmgary likewise, to
the end that he might govern Hungary as well as the
other parts of the monarchy with paternal and guar-
dian authority.
The common conduct and administration of the
departments of War and Finance is certified by a com-
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APPENDIX 317
plete series of facts not compatible with the idea of a
personal union, and the 4th Section of nth Article of
year 1741, in which the country demanded the appoint-
ment of Hungarian members in the Ministry of State,
would be inexplicable without a closer union. Through
the laws of 1848 it was indeed designed to bring about
a personal union, in no little contradiction with the
declaration made in the preface to these laws, that the
unity of the Crown and all obligations to the monarchy
shotdd remain xmimpaired ; but the execution of these
laws revealed in the first half year the dangers which
threatened, Hungary inclusive, our whole monarchy,
for the reason that, setting aside the legal position and
history of Hungary, it was endeavored to sustain the
entire interests of the State on the narrow basis of a
personal union. This separation caused dangerous
convtdsions which compelled the application of another
administrative system and the setting aside the con-
stitutional institutions of Hungary.
Since, however, by our Diploma of 20th October,
i860, the restoration of the Hungarian Constitution
under the conditions and limitations which are required
by the interests of our throne and kingdom and by the
introduction of constitutional institutions in our other
kingdoms and provinces has been assured by us in the
fulness of our Royal authority, we have, in order to
fulfil this assurance, restored as well the traditional
constitutions of the Cotmtries as also the Htmgarian
governmental functionaries, and afterward have sum-
moned this Diet in order through it, in the way of legis-
lation upon the basis of Royal propositions or by motion
of the Diet itself, to attain a practical solution of the
supremely important objects contained in our Diploma
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318 APPENDIX
of 2oth October, i860, and in otir resolves of the same
date, and thtis to satiny the interests and wishes of the
coiintry, and to bring the legal position of Htingary
into harmony with the requirements of the inseparable
and firm tinion of all our cotmtries and with the inter-
national position of the Empire.
As, however, for the attainment of this end the Mag-
nates and representatives in Diet assembled put the
laws of 1848, and, making this demand a preliminary
condition, wished to base the constitutional legal state
of the country solely hereon, they seek the solution of
the problem laid before them in a sphere in which op-
position to most essential interests of our whole mon-
archy is unavoidable, and a settlement answering to
the just demand of the common weal is in no way at-
tainable.-
Those principles contained in the laws of 1848 which
refer to the abolition of the privileged position of the
nobility, to the capacity for office and for holding
property of aU classes without distinction of birth, to
the removal of burdens on the peasantry, as well as to
the common liability to military duty and to taxation
and to participation in the election to the Diet of all
classes of our subjects of the Kingdom of Htmgary not
formerly entitled to it, we have already, in our resolves
of 2oth October, i860, recognized and confirmed as
valid. As, however, to the other laws passed by the
Diet of 1847 3^d 48, it is well known to the Magnates
and representatives that various of the chief points of
these laws are strongly opposed to the substance of the
Pragmatic Sanction, and hence are of themselves from
the standpoint of the law inadmissible ; nor is it less
known to them that these impair, not only the rights
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APPENDIX 319
of the other provinces and of the whole state, but also
a great part of the population of Htingary itself in their
national interests. A bitter experience has also taught
us that nmny articles, for the very reason that they do
not harmonize with the drcumstances produced and
developed by the ancient and legal municipal relations
of Himgary, oflEer no guarantee for the fulfilment of
their purpose, and that hence the various political and
national elements, as well as the relations of Hungary
to our whole State, necessarily require another basis of
union. For this reason we herewith graciously make
known to the Magnates and representatives in Diet
assembled that we can never bring ourselves to the
recognition of those Articles of these laws which are in
open contradiction with the necessary regard for the
inseparable interests of our whole kingdom, and espe-
cially with the resolves of 20th October, i860, and 26th
February, 1861 — a recognition which, as we have thus
far never made, we shall never feel disposed to make in
the future, as we do not feel ourselves personally obli-
gated to the same.
As, however, the initiative to the necessary motions
for changes belong not only to us in the way of Roj^l
propositions, but also to the nation itself, and as the
representation has not only a right but also a duty to
find for its motions a basis upon which the country will
be quieted in respect to its constitutional privileges and
its national interests, and on which the application of its
historical rights can be restored to its true path, there-
fore we declare hereby that a revision of the laws of 184&
answering to the spirit of the Pragmatic Sanction and
to the interests of our whole monarchy, as graciously
ordained by us already on 20th October, i860, has
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320 APPENDIX
indispensably to precede, before the Diet can deKberate
upon the Coronation Diploma to be isstted by us.
In the confident hope the assembled Magnates and
representatives will follow the example of their ances-
tors, who, led by patriotic feelings, knew how to appre-
ciate the imperative demands of events from time to
time occurring, and through the Articles 4th of year
1687, 8th of year 1715, ist and 2d of year 1723, were al-
ways ready to bring the legal position of Hungary into
harmony with the mutual claims of the whole Mon-
archy, we call upon the assembled Magnates and repre-
sentatives, reserving to ourselves the right of further
commtmication in the way of Royal propositions, to
make in reference to the revision and also to the aboli-
tion of the laws of 1848 the necessary projects of law,
conformably to the supreme designs stated by us, and
to offer them as soon as possible for oiu* Royal sanction.
Under the circumstances that in consequence of the
ist and 2d Article of our Diploma of 20th October,
i860, and of the fundamental Law of 26th February,
1861, those points of legislation which refer to the
mutual rights, obligations, and interests of all oiu*
Kingdoms and provinces are to be deliberated upon in
the Reichsrath, representing our whole Monarchy, and
that we through our Note of the 26th February, 1861,
to our Hungarian Chancellor have been pleased to
direct the constitutional regulation, by means of the
legislation of the land, so as to avoid all compulsion and
disorder, of the question of the mode and manner in
which in Hungary the choice of delegates to the Reichs-
rath shall take place, so will the Assembled Magnates
and representatives' have to give to this question the
proper treatment.
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APPENDIX 321
Inasmuch, however, as the definitive settlement of
this affair, in the way of legislation, manifestly will
require some considerable time and may give rise to
extended argument, inasmuch as we further, for this
reason, already at the time of summoning the Reichs-
rath, on the 26th February last, in the view of sending
delegates to the present sitting Reichsrath, have been
pleased, through our Letter directed to the Hungarian
Court Chancellor, to provide a provisional Order for the
present event, and finally, since also the assembled
Magnates and representatives, in their most loyal ad-
dress to us, declared themselves ready to enter into
deliberation with the constitutional people of our other
kingdoms and countries on every event demanding it,
we do therefore call upon the Magnates and representa-
tives, although they have already in their Address
formally declined participation in the Reichsrath, yet
with efi^mest repeated admonitions, by the sending of
members to the present Reichsrath in session to main-
tain the due influence of their country upon those sub-
jects which we in the 2d Article of our Diploma of 20th
October of last year desire shoxild be treated and de-
termined in future only under the duly ordered partic-
ipation of our people.
We urge, therefore, the Magnates and representa-
tives assembled imperatively to comply with this call,
because the subjects alluded to must be treated and
determined without delay, and in truth at the latest
during the month of August.
According to the regulation of the relations of Hun-
gary with oiu- other provinces, if effected in the sense
of our Imperial intentions, and after the revision or
abolition of those parts of the legislation of the year
Vol. 11—21
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322 APPENDIX
1848 the restoration of which is either quite imprac-
ticable or at least cannot take place in an unchanged
form, the question as to the petitioned completion of
the Diet is answered without difficulty in the following
manner.
In the first place, as regards the union of the prin-
cipality of Siebenburgen with Hungary, determined on
without the free consent of the Roumans and Saxons,
it must be observed particularly that this union was
never in full legal measure effected, and in fact broke
immediately after it was proclaimed, and is to be con-
sidered as impracticable so long as the inhabitants of
Siebenburgen, who do not speak Himgarian, see their
natural interests opposed by such a tmion, and so long
also as the necessary guarantee to the interests and
demands of the entire Empire is not afforded hereby.
For this cause we have, in our resolves of 20th October,
i860, left untouched the matter of the union of Sieben-
burgen with Hungary, and only commanded that the
restoration of the Diet of Siebenburgen should be pre-
pared for.
With Croatia and Sclavonia the case is different. In
respect to these kingdoms, we have in our Note of 20th
October, i860, to the Ban, reserved for future decision
the solution of the question in regard to the relation of
these countries to the kingdom of Hungary.
The historical connection of these kingdoms with the
Hungarian Crown, whether in respect to their right of
representation in the Hungarian Diet or to their in-
ternal administration and legislation, even in the
higher offices, was essentially changed through the
legislation of the year 1848 — as this was of such ex-
citing effect that these Kingdoms preferred to dissolve
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APPENDIX 32S
their union with the Kingdom of Hungary rather than
subject themselves to the demands of an Hungarian
Minister.
In harmony with our above mentioned Note, we
repeat accordingly that this question can only be suc-
cessfully prepared for our supreme decision in the way
of an imderstanding with the Croatian and Sclavonian
Diet — ^that it will be therefore one of the high objects
of the assembled Magnates and representatives to
seek a solution of the question how, with a perfect
internal administration of the Kingdoms of Croatia
and Sclavonia, an agreement may be come to as to the
conditions under which these Idngdoms, without im-
pairing their relation to the whole monarchy, may
be ready to accept, and put into effect, a legal union
with Himgary.
By this definitely to be made settlement of the in-
ternal constitutional relations, that ordinance remains
untouched which we, in respect to the partifipation of
the kingdoms of Croatia and Sclavonia in the delibera-
tions of the now sitting Reichsrath upon those subjects
which we will have treated and decided, according to
Art. 2d of our Diploma of 20th October, only with the
practically regulated cooperation of our people — ^which
(ordinance) we have issued in our Note to the Presi-
dent of the Croatian Sclavonian "Hof dicasterium '*
of the 26th February 1861, and with reference to which
our requisition on the Croatian Sclavonian Diet has
been issued for the choice of delegates for this year's
session.
At the same time we deem fit to call upon the as-
sembled Magnates and representatives to take into
deliberation the project of law to be proposed, either
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324 APPENDIX
by our Grovemment or by the Diet itself, which shall
contain definitely stated the full rights of those inhabi-
tants who do not speak Hungarian, in respect to their
national development in language and their mutual
relations to the pubhc administration.
In reference especially to the Servian inhabitants,
we reserve to ourselves to lay our resolves and proposi-
tions before the assembled Magnates and representa-
tives for their deliberation, and the fulfilment of them
in respect to guarantees for the traditional privileges
and national interests of the Servians, on the basis of
the wishes expressed during the national Congress held
in reference to the reincorporation of the Servian Woi-
wodschaft in the Kingdom of Himgary.
Finally, we hope that the assembled Magnates and
representatives, penetrated with the high importance
of their present duty, will dedicate all their efforts to
the happy discharge of the same, and, keeping in view
the indispensable demands of their existing relation to
the whole Empire, will see that we, Hungary's heredi-
tary King, can only after a settlement of the affairs
here touched upon proceed to deliberation in regard to
the inaugural Diploma. As to the abdication of his
Majesty the Emperor Ferdinand, we hereby graciously
make known to the assembled Magnates and repre-
sentatives, finally rejecting the pretext of a formal de-
fect of the documents executed on the occasion, that
after that our most Serene Uncle, in the act of abdica-
tion of the 2d December, 1848, renounced the Crown
of the Empire of Austria (" and of aU kingdoms united
the same '* — ^wherein the Kingdom of Hungary is un-
doubtedly comprised — ^and "aU the other provinces,
however they may be called"), and after that his Im-
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APPENDIX 325
penal Highness the most Serene Archdiike Francis
Charles had waived his right to the succession, we in
consequence ascended our hereditary throne, and pro-
claimed the said abdication and renunciation as also
our accession solemnly to all our people. The neces-
sity, therefore, of the execution of a new document,
especially by an Article to be framed hereupon, clearly
does not exist. -
We fiuther declare, in conclusion, our gracious dis-
position willingly on the occasion of the coronation to
take into gracious consideration the petitioned con-
donation of those condemnations pronounced by the
Exceptional Court.
And this is what we desire to graciously answer to
the loyal Address of the Magnates and representatives
in Diet assembled, justly expecting that as we gave our
special attention thereto, that our Kingdom of Hun-
gary, quieted in regard to the independence of its in-
terior administration, should find tmshakable support
for the guarantees of its future welfare ; that the Mag-
nates and representatives also, with due consideration
of the relations of Hungary to the other kingdoms and
countries indissolubly tmited with it through the Prag-
matic Sanction, will not refuse their constitutional co-
operation to this our proposed legal and for the com-
mon interest beneficial regulation of all matters which
require it. As we, however, in view of the circum-
stance that a split in the administration or legislation
of a country never can be ventured on without severe
shaking of all relations, annihilation of the welfare, and
endangering of the most sacred interests, have already
in our resolves of 20th October, i860, ordered that all
existing laws and institutions, so important for the
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326 APPENDIX
country itself, as also exacted by the interests of our
other countries, namely, as far as they relate to pro-
viding means for supplying the wants of the entire mon-
archy, shall continue in full force and be administered
with all firmness until their change is accomplished in
a constitutional way — accordingly we bring to the
memory of the Magnates and representatives in Diet
assembled this fact, with the earnest admonition that
obedience to these our ordinances is most scruptilously
to be rendered.
For the rest, we remain constantly well disposed
toward you with our Imperial and Royal favour and
grace.
Given in our Imperial Capital of Vienna in Austria,
on the twenty-first day of July, in the year 1861.
(L.S.) Francis Joseph, m.p.
Count Anton Forgath, m.p.
KoLOMAN Beke, m.p.
MR. MOTLEY TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
Washington, 14 August, 1861.
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter of 14th inst., by which I am informed that the
office of envoy extraordinary & minister plenipoten-
tiary of the United States to Austria had been con-
ferred upon me. You request me also to inform you
how soon it will be convenient for me to repair to
Vienna.
In reply, I have to express my high & grateful appre-
ciation of the honor thus bestowed, & to state that I
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APPENDIX 327
am ready to leave by the steamer which sails for Boston
this day week, 21st instant.
I have the honor to remain,
Your obedient servant,
J. LoTHROP Motley.
Hon. W. H, Seward, Secretary of State
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 24. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Augt. 26, 1861.
Sir:
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
despatch No. 13, dated July 26th, 1861, enclosing the
Commission of Richard Hildreth, Esq., of New York,
the newly appointed Consul at Trieste, 6kc., and in-
structing me to apply to the Austrian government for
an Exequatiu*. In compliance with which, I have
already addressed the Minister of Foreign Aifairs, &
have no doubt of the Exequatiu* being issued as soon
as the usual forms are gone through with ; and in the
meantime, if Mr. Hildreth should reach Trieste & need
it, a temporary permit will be given him, which will
hold good until the Exequatur is disposed of.
In my last despatch, No. 23, a full copy, in transla-
tion, of the Imperial Rescript relating to Htmgarian
Affairs was given. The Hungarian Diet has with sig-
nal unanimity drawn up an answer to it, which is al-
ready forwarded to the government here. It is a
lengthy & elaborate document, argumentative in form
& closing with a broad declaration of general principles.
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328 APPENDIX
It is intended, on the whole, to be a conclusive answer
to the points made in the Rescript. Issue is thus
joined, & the Hungarians, declaring they are willing
to submit it as it stands to their own people & to the
judgment of the civilized worid, affirm it to be final &
tmalterable ; giving notice that they, as at present con-
stituted, deem themselves incompetent to legislate, &
that they are ready for dissolution. What the Govern-
ment here will do next is entirely unknown, except
that they will dissolve the Diet. They havQ declared
that they will never recede from the positions of the
Diploma of Oct., i860, & the Patent of Feb., 1861.
Austria knows that Htmgary has no hope for help at
this time from other European nations. England,
France, & Italy have not only, indirectly, so informed
Hungary, but Kossuth has also apprized his friends of
the same. The most reasonable conjecture is that she
will prolong the controversy, & Austria & Hungary
may both address manifestoes to the civilized world.
Ovir disturbances are not without their influence in
easing Austria's apprehensions of the progress of Re-
publican & revolutionary ideas, & in stimtilating her
hopes that the time for reaction has come. When
Austria arrives at a distinct issue with Hungary, I will^
if still here, taking the Rescript already sent as a basis,
transmit the points of agreement & divergence, so as
to make it intelligible at Washington. The real issue,
though not avowed, may be stated in general terms to
be, that Austria really wants to govern Hungary as a
conquered province & merge it into the Empire ; but,,
not wishing to admit that fact, she faUs back on the
pragmatic sanction, & doing so, the Hungarians, on
this issue, have the better of the argimient.
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APPENDIX 329
The defeat of our troops at Manassas has had, of
cotirse, a bad effect upon the European mind. The
middle classes are fretting under the derangement of
their financial, commercial, & industrial interests, oc-
casioned by the war in America, while the ruling classes,
having no love for us at heart, avail themselves of the
opporttmity to suggest that republican forms of gov-
ernment are failures & that the dissolution of the
American Confederacy is a "fait accompli." Where
these two classes combine, they always wield great in-
fluence with the masses, or third estate, who really do
sympathize with us & pray for our success.
Prussia has applied to Austria for her opinion on the
points commonly called the foiu* points of the Paris
Conference of April, 1856, as now modified & submitted
to the European governments by our government.
Count Rechberg replied that he had as yet received
nothing from our govenmient on the subject & could
give no opinion until he had heard from it. He sub-
sequently informed me of all this in the most friendly
maimer, & inquired after the despatch. I told him I
had none, but supposed it might be in the hands of
Mr. BurKngame, who had been appointed to succeed me^
all papers coming to his address at Vienna having been
forwarded to him at Paris at his own request. He
then expressed a wish to see & examine the propositions
& hoped I would furnish him at an early day with a
copy, as he had learned there was a condition annexed
to our adherence. I replied I would state the facts to
my government & report to him anything that might
be sent to me, but at present I could say nothing fur-
ther. He then said that this question had only been
put to him since the intelligence of our recent defeat
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330 APPENDIX
had reached Europe; he hoped that the condition
which we (Count Rechberg & xayseU) had discussed at
length on a former occasion might be insisted on by us.
(For the details of this conversation, see my despatchies
of Jany., i86o, et infra, where the position of Austria
& of all (Germany is given at length.) That he had
very recently informed the British Ambassador & the
Prussian Minister that if the American (jovemment
submitted to Austria, at this or any future time, its ad-
herence to the four points of the Paris Conference, on
the condition that all private property, of belligerents
as well as neutrals, should forever hereafter be exempt
from capture on the high seas, that Austria wotild
assent, & use her influence to procure the assent of
others — ^that she could not do otherwise, it being so
much to her interest as a non-maritime power to save
her commerce in the event of hostilities. He added
that, in his opinion, to this Cireat Britain wotild not
assent. I replied that I was of the same opinion, but
that as the principle was right in itself & founded upon
the dictates of humanity & common justice, I was
anxious to see my government take the lead by sug-
gesting a Maritime Congress of all the Commercial
Powers, hoping to be followed by all the non & minor
maritime powers, backed by the Commercial manu-
facturing & shipping interests of aU nations, & then
leave the question to (Jreat Britain on the one side &
progressive civilization & Christianity on the other;
but, I repeated, my government would not back me, &
I could only hope that at some future day she would
take the position which I regarded as immensely to her
interests & to the furtherance of her power in the world
as the advocate of freedom & imiversal justice. Aus-
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APPENDIX 331
tria, Count Rechberg said, wotild as a general rule be
slow to assent to any new questions disturbing the
settled principles of international law, as she was also
opposed to the unsettling of Treaties & of established
order in favour of de facto or suddenly improvised
governments (this was intended as a hint at the recog-
nition of our Southern Confederation to which England
& France were supposed to be not unfriendly), but she
regarded this maritime question as an exception.
Austria, in fact, has no S3rmpathies with & is disin-
clined to follow, separately or combined, England,
France, or Prussia. The foreign policy of Prussia is
subject to the control of England, &, in my opinion,
Prussia is put forward in this instance by England,
as a German power, to procure the consentment of
Austria (who has very great influence with the minor
German States) to the policy which Great Britain
wishes to adopt in reply to your propositions on the
"four points." Of course I learn nothing from the
English Ambassador on this subject. His predecessor
took exception in i860 to my inquiries of the repre-
sentatives of the respective powers in Vienna as to
their feelings & views on the question of immtmity of
aU private property on the ocean ; and he was so much
alarmed at the responses given that he made it the
subject of a despatch to his government, though the
inquiries were informal & I declared (very much to my
regret) that they were entirely unofficial & that I was
without instructions from my government on the sub-
ject. Had my government backed me at that time,
I would have recommended, not a European, but a
Maritime Congress of the world, in which America
could with perfect consistency be represented. I be-
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332 APPENDIX
lieved, in that event, that in less than two years she
wotild have had the support of all the governments of
Etirope, not excepting France, against Great Britain
on this question ; & I felt then, as I do now, & as I know
all non-maritime Europe feels, that the initiative lies
with us because it is in consonance with our principles.
Great Britain took the initiative in a local Congress,
convened for local purposes, where we were not & could
not be represented, in inaugurating new elements of
maritime law & committing all Europe to them, the
only practical point in which was one to weaken our
power upon the ocean in the event of hostilities. These
views of mine are known to the British Ambassador
here — ^he knows how earnestly I have discussed them
at proper times & places, & he knows also how willing
an ear Austria has lent, & how earnestly she has at my
request unofBdally presented them for the considera-
tion of the other powers of Europe. Count Rechberg
told me he would privately feel the views of the mem-
bers of the European Congress (then expected to meet
in Paris) on this subject, England having stipulated
in advance for its official exclusion. I am not as yet
apprized of the nature of your propositions; but I was
glad to hear, through Count Rechberg, that he was in-
formed a condition was annexed, & I fondly hope it
may be the condition before alluded to. If this subject
matter should interest you at this time, you wiU find
my despatches full upon it, beginning with Jany., i860,
et seqr. ; & I only feel justified now in discussing it at so
great length in this despatch by the fact that you have
opened it anew & this may be my last opportunity to
allude to it in diplomacy. It is my conviction that
Great Britain, with her usual precaution, is feeling the
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APPENDIX 333
pulse of Europe on the subject before she answers —
that she never will give an answer favourable to our
power on the ocean, & also that whatever she may give,
she will try, in order to add to its moral weight, to
commit to it in advance as many European powers as
possible. This question, now disctissed here, is only
intended on the part of England & France to be the
prelude to (the question of blockade being the next in
the series) the recognition of the Southern Confeder-
acy; an event it is to be hoped may be prevented by a
settlement at home in advance.
A street rumour prevails that a lot of old, discarded
Austrian muskets have been sent to America for sale
on private speculation, but how, by whom, or when,
no one can tell me. The points of the recent corre-
spondence between our government & Spain are well
faiown in private diplomatic circles here, & the refusal
to publish by our Grovemment leads to comments on
the reasons why. No one doubts that Spain has been
backed in all she has done & said ; her self-complacency
warrants the belief that other powers are pledged to
come to the rescue in the event of embarrassments
which an know she has neither the courage nor the
power to face single-handed, or without good back bail
for all resulting contingencies.
Colonel Madardsz, an adopted citizen of the United
States & a native of Hungary, has addressed me a letter
complaining of interference by the Austrian Govern-
ment with what he considers to be his rights as an
American citizen, & asks me to demand satisfaction
for the same. As he states himself that these infringe-
ments do not affect his personal liberty or safety, but
are of such a character as to entitle him, in his judg
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334 APPENDIX
ment, to damages, I have replied that the correspond-
ence growing out of such a claim would, from its very
nature, be prolonged beyond my expected stay in
Europe, & recommended him to submit his case to my
successor, whose arrival might be expected shortly;
but that if he apprized me, at any time, of any inter-
ference with his personal liberty or security, I would
give it prompt attention. Copies of the correspondence
are herewith respectively enclosed.
I cannot close this despatch, as it may be my last on
this subject, at the risk of being tedious, without stat-
ing distinctly once more what I regard, from long &
careful observation, to be the position of Austria rela-
tively to ourselves, & the motives leading thereto (& in
this sense Austria means all Germany except Prussia —
& on questions of a German character, as against non-
German powers, it means Prussia too). She has no
sympathy for our institutions, for organically we have
nothing in common & our success involves the failure
of her s)rstem, but the operation of these principles she
considers as belonging to the remote future . An inland
power herself, she regards the distance & the Ocean as
effectual barriers to any encroachment from us ; but she
has witnessed the potential influence we wield on Eng-
land & France in moulding the maritime policy of the
world, & this, as a first-class power, she regards as her
weak point, which puts her always at a disadvantage
when she has to contend with European Commercial
powers. She believes we have common ends in view,
of paramount importance in maritime affairs, & that
we are the only commercial power which has no in-
ducement to wield it with a view to affect European
complications — ^that, having no European territorial
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APPENDIX 335
interests, no unrepresented c»lonies to protect, & no
selfish ends in view, we can afford to rest upon maritime
laws founded on principles of equal & exact justice to
all ; & the success of such principles she readily perceives
would enure immensely to her advantage. She thinks,
further, feeling the continual stretch upon the cord
which feebly binds together the varied & non-homo-
geneous elements of her own Empire, that she can
recognize a counterpart in us. In the threatened dis-
memberment of our confederacy she reads the tendency
in the end to drive us into alliances with powers having
similar interests, against all powers who favour revolu-
tions suddenly improvised or de facto govenmients;
and the present aspect of other European govenmients
towards Italy, Poland, Hungary, & America alike tends
to confirm her strongly in this conviction. I may add
that as she is still wedded to the idea of absolutism,
she thinks the future is more likely to bring us to her
than her to us, & that as all republics that have fallen
have invariably passed over to absolutism, & never to
mixed forms of government, that our lot will be to
follow the precedents. These are her views, & although
not expressed in so many words, they form the tone &
spirit of her intercourse. I have on all suitable occa-
sions, on my own responsibility, concxnred cordially in
her maritime views. I have repeatedly given her my
individual opinion that we must look to non-maritime
powers in Europe to aid us in influencing the mari-
time powers of Europe whose rival interests would
always array them against us, & who wish to make &
keep maritime law subject to European interest. (See
my despatches in i860 on this subject.) But to her
other views I utterly & unqualifiedly dissented, alleging
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336 APPENDIX
I never could see any analogy in our confederacies, re-
garding, as I did, the homogeneity of the American
people at the bottom as beyond doubt, & that their
dissensions, lying upon the surface only, are conse-
quently of but temporary duration, while, I added, if
it be true that republics must end in Absolutism, it
would take at least a thousand years to try the experi-
ment in America, & we could then only fail on the
hypothesis that men are & ever will be incapable of
self-government — a doctrine we most thoroughly repu-
diated; that, to mention nothing further, all republics
which had fallen had had monarchical antecedents, &
present embarrassments always look for relief in the
statu-quo-ante embarrassments — ^represented at all
times & in all cotmtries by the reactionists ; that as we
had no such antecedents, & no party to represent them,
I could conceive of no such reaction with us imless upon
our entire failure. We must revert back to the normal
state of barbarism, in which the human race began
its social life.
In speaking of the disinclination of England to come
to the aid of Hungary, I should have added that the
rumoured arrangement that the government of Sar-
dinia is to cede the Island of that name to France, in
consideration of the French evacuating Rome, has ob-
tained so strong a hold on popular belief in England
as to entirely modify the tone of the English Press
towards Austria ; & in this connexion the visit of the
Archduke Maximilian (eldest brother of the Emperor
of Austria & son-in-law of the King of the Belgians)
to England is not without its significance. Our troubles
weaken the liberal party in England on the one hand,
& the French alliance weakens it on the other ; & a re-
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APPENDIX 337
trxcn to power of the conservatives in England, with an
Austrian alliance, may not be remote in the future.
The formidable character which the French Navy has
assumed & is assuming has worked up England to the
war point — an evil she thinks to be preferred to the
loss of maritime supremacy — & if Sardinia is ceded,
she will regard it as a casus belli, beyond all peradven-
ture. But this fact, once being known, together with
the temporary reaction in Naples, may & probably will
change the tactics of the French Emperor, and Rome
& Sardinia will remain as they are, & peace will con-
tinue. In this connexion, also, the visit of Prince
Napoleon to America is significant ; for an issue between
England & France opens a competition at once for our
alliance, & France thinks she has now the inside track.
European politics are interwoven & purely artificial,
& like the slightest movement of the Kaleidoscope, the
least change gives new aspects & varied colours to the
whole group.
Earnestly as I desire to return home, I do not feel at
liberty to abandon my post in the present crisis, at
home & abroad, without the special leave of my gov-
ernment or the arrival of my successor, either of which
events will be, personally, very agreeable to me.
Your despatch containing an enclosure from the
United States Legation at Jeddo has been received, &
the enclosure transmitted as directed to the Austrian
Government.
Very respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
HoNBLE. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
Vol 11—22
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33S APPENDIX
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 24.—Cofy.]
COLONEL MADARASZ TO MR. JONES.
To HIS EXCELENCY THE MINISTER & AMBASSADOR
OF THE U. S, OF N. America at Vienna.
Excelency!
I was borne in Hongaiie and am the only son of
Hon. Ladislas Madardsz late Secretary of State of
Hungarie during the Revolution of 1848-9 who has
left Europe in 185 1 and went to the U. & of America
and after having selected a location in Iowa, resides
there ever since,
I also went with my Father there as a minor in the
meantime my Grandmother from my Mother's part
deceised Baroness Majth6nyi did in Hongarie in 1855
and leaving me the only heir of her's. I visited Hon-
garie and toock possession of the Estate, after many
difficulties I wotmded up and retoumed to my new
Cotmtry & home, to the U. S. of America, wich I left
in this year wanting to visit several of my relations^
friends and accotmtences, — I came to Hongarie in
February 1861 as my Pasport will show. Since that
time I never had the least difficulty nor trouble until
now. I wanted to give full information to your
Excelency and now I have the honor most respect-
fully to inform your Excelency of the fact pased with
me on the 26th day of July 1861.
I was on a visit in Paks at the residence of my Onkle
Hon. Joseph Madardsz (a member of the present Con-
gress of Hongarie). On the 2Sth day of July an Aus-
trian Gensdarme came there and wanted to hand me
several papers from the Taxes Executing Commission,
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APPENDIX 339
the acceptation of which I refttsed saying that I am a
Citizen of the U. S. of America and if they have any-
thing to hand me they shall send them to the Legation
of the Union at Vienna, and if your Excelency will send
them to me of cotirse I will most respectfully accept the
same.
On the following morning that is on the 26th day of
July 1861 an other one came wery early, wanting to
know why I refused the acceptation of the above
papers, — I told him that I am an American Citisen, he
said he can believe it or not just as he likes, — ^I then
went to my Carpetbage several yards distant from
there and opening the same I toock place in my bed
again and showing pasport, — ^but he saw in my open
left carpetbage two pistols and going there he took
them out of it, — I asked what he wants with my pistols,
he answered he will tack them in charge for I maight
get a notion to shout him with them, — I replied no
danger, but he said let that alone, and now I forse you
that you shall signe this papers wich are the Certificate
that you have received such and such papers, — I
signed the papers and he left the house coursing taking
my two pistols with him.
I got up and toock a walk, in the meantime he went
to the Captain stationed there for the Taxes execution,
and related him that I wanted to shout him, and he
prodtised my two pistols telling that he took them
away by way of forse, — ^the Captain ordered a patrol
to go with the above Gensdarme to take me in charge
and to bring me as a prisoner to him, — ^the Soldiers
with the Gensdarme went to my Oncle's residence but
did not find me for I was out in town, — and as soon as I
thought the taxes executing Conmiission wood be there
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340 APPENDIX
I went to the Courthouse demanding my pistols back
and satisfaction and also telling them that they had no
wreight to send me those papers and have forsed to
accept them, the above Captain of the Austrian Army
stationed at Paks for executing the paiment of taxes
by way of forse, said if I wood speak with him in such
manner, he wUl have me taken a prisoner and will send
me to Vienna in Iron.
I took my almoghty pasporte and showing the same
asked him if he tought of the responsibility of such
violential acts, he answered he don't care if they will
shout him or hang him, he would do it if it pleased
him, — ^then I demanded if I am a prisoner he said no I
may go to hell — I left the gentlemen without asking
or saying another silable.
This is the plain fact and nothing but the trouth and
now I beg most respectftdly for satisfaction.
I leave the whole matter to yoiir Excelency's best
believe, who I am fully convinced will do all the neces-
sary steps that our country and her peacefull Citizens
shall be respected everywhere.
I shall not write to any other person not even to our
President Lincoln untill I will receive the answer from
your Excelency wich I beg for in the wery shortest
time to Kun Szent Miklds Hongarie hoping to receive
satisfaction and inclosing a copie of my declaration to
become a Citizen of the U. S. a copie of my Citizen
paper and a copie of my pasport, all the originals are
in my hands and in case of need I can forward them to
your Excelency on demand.
I remain.
Your Excelency's Most respectfull Countryman,
Col. Wm. Madarasz.
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APPENDIX 341
[Enclosure in Despatch No, 24. — Copy.]
MR. JONES TO COLONEL MADARASZ.
Legation of the United States,
Vienna, Aug. 6th, 1861.
Sir:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter without date, enclosing copies of the certificate
of your declaration of intention to become a Citizen
of the United States, of your naturalization, and of
your passport respectively, and asking for my inter-
ference in your behalf as an American Citizen, claiming
satisfaction from the Austrian Government for certain
malfeasances of their officials in Htmgary affecting
your rights as an American Citizen, &c., &c. In reply,
I can only reassure you that the Government of the
United States will always hold itself ready everywhere
to protect any legal right of person and property apper-
taining to any of her citizens.
Your case, however, is one which appears not im-
mediately to affect your personal liberty, but is rather
in the nature of a claim for satisfaction for past griev-
ances. This class of cases always leads to a protracted
correspondence, extending often over a year, and as I
have received my recall and am only waiting for the
arrival of my successor (who is weekly expected) in
order to take my leave and place the Legation in his
charge, it would be impossible for me in the meantime
to obtain even a first answer from the Government of
Austria touching your case, for want of time. I will
place the papers therefore on file and draw the attention
of my successor to the case, who will have ample time
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342 APPENDIX
& every disposition to give it his prompt & energetic
attention. In the mean time, however, if anything
should tf anspire affecting your personal liberty or right
of returning in peace and safety to your adopted coun-
try, and you have me apprized of it, I will give it my
immediate attention, as that class of cases alwajrs
warrants a prompt personal demand for immediate
reparation.
I am, very respectfully,
Your obedient. Servant,
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 25. Legation of the United States,
Vienna, Sept. 2, 1861.
Sir:
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
despatch No. 14, dated August 12th, 1861, informing
me of the appointment of Mr. Motley to be my successor
— ^that he will without much delay relieve me of my
mission, & will be clothed with full power to treat
with the Austrian Government, &c. — approving of my
official conduct, & authorizing me, in the mean time,
to inform that Government of the views entertained
by our government relative to three of the points of the
Paris Conference of April, 1856— to wit, ist, Neutral
flag; 2d, Neutral goods under Enemies* flag; 3d, Block-
ades — ^and also instructing me to assure the Austrian
Government that the course pursued by it relative to
our affairs is most highly appreciated, & will be recip-
rocated by our government.
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APPENDIX 343
In accordance with this authorization & instruction,
I have addressed a despatch to the Imp. & Royal
Minister of Foreign AfiEairs, a copy of which is herewith
enclosed. I shall proceed forthwith to prepare myself
for Mr. Motley's reception, &, after taking leave of the
Emperor, shall repair to the United States with as
much expedition as possible.
I hope to be able, therefore, to reach Washington
not later than in the fore part of December next, &
shall be pleased if the usual order be given by you
immediately, through the Treasury Department, to
the Collector at New York, to pass my baggage, &c.,
containing my private property.
Very respectftilly,
Yoiu" obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
HoNBLE. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
\Enclo5i»r€ in Despatch No. 35. — Copy.]
Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Aug. 30th, 1861.
The Undersigned, Envoy Extraordinary & Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, has
the honor to inform his Excellency, Count Rechberg,
Imperial & Royal Minister for Foreign Affairs, that his
Government has appointed J. Lothrop Motley to be
his successor at the Court of Vienna — ^that Mr. Motley
will reach Vienna without much delay, and will be
clothed with full powers to treat with the Imperial
Government of Austria on all the questions recently
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344 APPENDIX
discussed & referred to between the said Governments
of the United States and Austria, with the conviction,
on the part of the fonner, that they can all be disposed
of satisfactorily & to their mutual advantage.
The Undersigned is authorized in the meantime to
say to his Excellency, Cotmt Rechberg, that the Gov-
ernment of the United States adheres now, as hereto-
fore, to the three principles enumerated by him in his
speech before the Imperial Reichsrath of Austria (the
substance of which was reported by the Undersigned
to his Government), namely:
1. The neutral flag covers enemies* goods with the
exception of contraband of war.
2. Neutral goods not contraband of war are not li-
able to confiscation tmder enemy's flag.
3. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effect-
ive. With the distinct tmderstanding, however, that
no construction is to be put upon the latter point which
may impair the right of the Government of the United
States (which it will never concede) to close all or any
of its own ports by blockade, or otherwise, for the pur-
pose of suppressing the existing insurrection.
The Undersigned is instructed to assure the Imperial
Royal Government of Austria that the President has
received with great satisfaction the assiirances of the
just purposes & good will of Austria towards the
United States, as communicated to the Undersigned
by his Excellency, Count Rechberg, & also through the
Austrian Minister at Washington, Mr. Hulsemann, &
to add that it is the purpose of the Government of the
United States to cultivate the best tmderstanding with
all nations which respect our rights, as that of Austria
does.
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APPENDIX 345
The Undersigned avails himself of this occasion to
renew to his Excellency, Count Rechberg, the assur-
ance of his distinguished consideration.
(Signed) J. Glancy Jones.
To HIS Excellency Count Rechberg,
Impl, & Royal Minister of Foreign Affairs,
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 26. Legation of the United States,
Vienna, Septr. i6th, 1861.
Sir:
In my despatch No. 24, dated August 26th, I traced
up the action of the Hungarian Diet to the answer &
rejection of the propositions of the Rescript, & stated
that no doubt was then entertained that the Diet would
be dissolved. Since then the Diet has been dissolved
by the Emperor, with a reassurance that the position
taken by the Imperial government, on the basis of the
Diploma of Oct., i860, & the Patent of Feb., 1861,
would be inflexibly maintained, & that his Majesty
would convoke a new Diet in about six months. To
this the Diet contented itself with simply entering its
unanimous protest, & then dissolved.
The Emperor has since addressed his Reichsrath,
reviewing the whole subject of the Hungarian com-
plication. The answer to the Rescript & the Protest
make up the appeal to the civilized world on the part
of the Hungarians; this latter message of the Emperor
to his Reichsrath is intended also as his Manifesto to
the same tribunal of public opinion. This message is
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346 APPENDIX
now being debated by the Reichsrath, & with a freedom
of speech that will astonish most people outside & all
who read it inside of the Austrian dominions.
The Reichsrath will sustain the Emperor & the Re-
script, & so the issue will be committed to the future.
Htmgary is not in a condition to resort to arms now,
& instead of revolution she will try agitation. A copy
of the message of the Emperor to the Reichsrath, in-
cluding the Rescript of dissolution, is herewith enclosed
in translation.
I have thus sent in translation all the official docu-
ments emanating from the Austrian Government on
this Himgarian complication, beginning with the Di-
ploma of Oct., i860, & ending with the above message
to the Reichsrath. I have omitted the replies of the
Himgarian Diet, as well becattse of their interminable
length as because they are only negatives of the docu-
ments fiunished, & because, also, they are not official
acts of any recognized government in the family of
nations.
In former despatches I have referred to the convic-
tion I have of the anxiety of the ruling powers of Eu-
rope, particularly of England & France, to see us di-
vided into two republics, & their willingness to recog-
nize the southern confederation at the earliest prac-
ticable moment. I also stated that October next was
regarded as the latest convenient point to which the
blockade could be allowed to extend without doing
serious damage to their own manufacturing interests.
Since that Despatch was written, a change has taken
place. They have now concluded, since our late re-
verses, that separation is reduced to a certainty & is
only a question of time. They wish as a preliminary,
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APPENDIX 347
therefore, to recognition, provided it involves no risk,
to avail themselves of the present cotton panic to
stimtdate the growth & export of cotton from Brazil,
Egypt, & India, so as to at least divest the new con-
federate states, when they enter the family of nations,
of a cotton Monopoly. The wish is to have a divided
power in America, but that England may not be de-
pendent in the least degree on either, & hence the recog-
nition will be postponed tmtil the manufacturing classes
shall have reached the starvation point (when that will
be I know not, except that it will not be in i86i)> for
which they are to be compensated, in the hope of pre-
venting a recturence of the same calamity, by the use
made of the present inflated prices to invoke into the
commercial arena the products of labour now dormant
& of cotton-producing fields now lying fallow, & thus
forestall future monopolies. This will postpone recog-
nition, but not defeat it. If the blockade should be
lifted at home, it would, seemingly, diminish the
chances of recognition & the hopes of it at home, but it
might, in reality, only hasten it here, for that event is
desired by the ruling powers here at all hazards, & if a
revival of commerce & of manufactures, inspiring hope
& bringing content to the masses, should threaten to
render public opinion adverse to future recognition, it
would only operate as an incentive to precipitate
action.
I enclose herewith a copy in translation of a note
from the Imperial Minister of Foreign Affairs in
reply to my despatch annotmcing the appointment of
Mr. Motley as my successor. I have intelligence
from Mr. Motley that he may not be able to- reach
Vienna before the latter part of October. This may
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348 APPENDIX
delay my departtire a little longer, but still I hope
to reach Washington some time in December.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
HoNBLE. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. a 6. — Translation.]
COMMUNICATION TO BOTH HOUSES OF THE AUSTRIAN
REICHSRATH IN RELATION TO THE DISSOLUTION
OF THE HUNGARIAN DIET
His Imperial Royal Majesty, moved thereto by
recent transactions in the Hungarian Diet, which have
made some decisive measure an absolute necessity
and duty, has been pleased to charge his ministers with
the duty of communicating to the Two Hotises of the
Reichsrath the contents of the Roysl Rescript, which
was issued upon the 21st of August and published in
both Hotises of the Diet on the 2 2d of the same.
This Rescript in literal translation is as follows :
DbAr& Loyal:
Forasmuch as the Himgarian Diet, after a session
of more than four months, has not corresponded to the
demands addressed to it, and forasmuch as We, to our
great and heart-felt sorrow, cannot await any further
action truly beneficial to Hungary from a Diet which
in these times of difficulty mistakes its vocation, to the
so great injury of all who are interested in it, so far as
to declare all the threads which might have led to a
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APPENDIX 349
settlement of the diffictalties to be broken because de-
mands could not be acceded to which in their gravity
were wholly inadmissible, We, therefore, find otirselves
compelled to dissolve the Diet, which was called to-
gether on the second of April, while reserving to our-
selves the calling together a new Diet, according to
circumstances, in the cotirse of the next six months.
Vienna, August 21, 1861.
(Signed) Franz Joseph, m.p.
( do. ) Count Anton Forgach, m.p.
( do. ) Ignaz Rohonczy, m.p.
At the same time, his Majesty has been pleased to
charge his Ministers with imparting the following care-
fully considered reasons for the decision of his Majesty,
and the fundamental principles of the political action
which will be adopted by the Governments in the
futtire.
It is with profound sorrow that His Majesty has per-
ceived that the public affairs of his Kingdom of Him-
gary, since the reestablishment of its ancient institu-
tions, have fallen into a condition which the coimtry
cannot much longer bear, and from which by its own
power it cannot emerge. Commerce and industry are
blocked ; internal and international trade are a prey to
a lamentable instinct ; confidence in the administration
of jtistice is shaken; the administration of the com-
mimes, comitats, and the coimtry offers in many places,
through an tmexampled abuse of self-government, the
deplorable spectacle of a sad recklessness; the falsely
called legal protests against the decrees of the organs
of the royal Government enervate the moral strength
of the people.
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350 APPENDIX
There was no reason for his Majesty to expect the
development of such a condition of things, when, Octo-
ber 2oth, i860, resolving to grant to all his peoples a
participation in legislation, he held out the forgiving
hand also to the Kingdom of Hungary, which, in a
disastrous insurrection, went on even to the crime of
April 14, 1849, and had to be brought back to its duty
by force of arms. Relying upon the words of patriots
of all classes, of the princes of the Church, and of other
intercessors, who declared that the inevitable results
of the above-mentioned events had become dear to all,
as to the Unity of the Monarchy and the form of con-
stitutional reorganization, His Majesty proposed, as
regards Hungary, to revive her ancient institutions as
organic elements of a political creation more vast, and
capable of satisfying the wants of an Epoch which has
made immense progress, and the legitimate desires of
all the nationalities, and the imperious demands of the
actual political state of Etirope.
With that self-consciousness which a benevolent
monarch who has honorably fulfilled his duties as regent
feels. His Majesty declares that he has done for Hun-
gary all that with right cotald be expected which could
be done in justice to other ICingdoms and cotmtries —
all that the political development of the Empire de-
mands. His Majesty has restored the constitution of
Hungary, its rights & liberties, its Diet and Municipal
institutions. His Majesty has done this with one
single condition reserved.
The object of this reserved condition is not to in-
crease the unlimited power; but, the action of the
national representation having considerably increased,
especially as regards taxes and other financial questions.
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APPENDIX 351
it requires that the constitutional right of voting in
matters common to all nationalities shall no longer be
exercised separately by provinces, but in common.
The national independence and development of Htm-
gary are not in any manner whatsoever infringed upon
by this reservation, for the constitutional deliberations
in common only bear upon questions relating to mili-
tary duties, political economy, and the finances of the
Empire, while all other questions come tmder the au-
thority of the Hungarian Diet.
This reservation does not restrict any of the liberal
dispositions of the legislation of 1848, which are the
most important part of it — ^that is to say, the sup-
pression of peasant duties & services, the abolition of
the privileges of the nobles, the obligation of military
service and taxes for all, as also the right for all classes,
without distinction of origin, to enter the public ser-
vice and hold landed property. On the contrary, these
regulations have been expressly recognized & confirmed
at the same time by his Majesty,
Nor does this reservation endanger anything con-
nected with constitutional liberty; especially does it
not threaten the right of those classes participating in
the elections for the Diet who were formerly excluded,
and which right was in fact exercised at the present
Diet ; it simply requires the revision & suppression by
the Diet of those articles which are in contradiction to
the new fundamental laws.
It is clear that a reservation of this nature does not
rest upon an arbitrary decision, but that it is founded
upon right and derives its origin from the very nature
of things. It is founded on right, for his Majesty has
spontaneously resolved to reestablish the Hungarian
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352 APPENDIX
Constitution. The Htingarian Constitution was not
only broken by the revolutionary power, consequently
legally cancelled, but de facto suppressed. His Majesty,
therefore, to prevent the recurrence of similar events
to those which arose from the laws of 1848, was in duty
boimd, in fulfilment of his high duties as a Monarch, to
issue enactments to such eflEect — enactments required
by the prosperity, greatness, power, & honor of the
Empire, its present safety & future welfare.
His Majesty having therefore in his paternal good-
ness, by the Diploma of the 20th of October last year
and \mder the condition of that reservation, reestab-
lished the Constitution, and having immediately con-
voked the Hungarian Diet for the 2d of April of the
current year, it ought to have been the well understood
duty of the latter, consequent upon the above-men-
tioned reservation, to submit the articles of law irre-
concilable with the Diploma, conformable to a wise
policy & enlightened judgment, to that revision upon
the basis of which it might have been possible to come
to an tmderstanding on an inaugural diploma in har-
mony with the new position of affairs ; thus to eliminate
from the Constitution the articles dangerous to the
maintenance of order — enactments unjust and intoler-
able for other than the Magyar people — ^to do away
with the remains of by-gone ages, to succeed in creating
a renovated Constitution, keeping at the same time
with the power of Austria the Autonomy of Hungary,
restricted within certain limits,with a view to sanction
simultaneously the new regulations based upon the
remnants of past ages and thus lay the groundwork
for a prosperous future.
Instead of which, the Diet, after three months of
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APPENDIX 353
existence, and in discussions which were of a nature
only to throw new difficulties in the way of an under-
standing, announced its intention of adopting the legis-
lation of 1848 as its basis, a legislation which has
nothing to do with that venerable Constitution sworn
to by the forefathers of His Majesty, and which, with
all its exaggerations, could not fail to lead to the re-
newal of lamentable scenes. It demanded the recog-
nition without reserve of that legislation, without
taking into accoimt the necessary consequences of a
fatal historical fact; it finally lost all control over itself,
and went so far as to adopt an address in which not
only the Deputies, but also the Members of the Table
of Magnates, who are indebted for their dignity almost
without exception to his Majesty and his ancestors,
even dared to refuse to their Emperor, King, and Lord,
with an audacity hardly credible, the title of his Im-
perial & Royal dignity, which no power on earth has
hitherto called in question. It is true that the Diet,
after seriotis exhortations, gave to that address a form
at least which rendered its acceptance possible.
But after his Majesty, with a forbearance unex-
ampled in history, had expressed his opinion openly
and sincerely on the temper of that address, and had
pointed out to the Diet the only path whereby it would
have been possible, conformable to the positive claims
of justice and at the same time to the cotmsels of wis-
dom and prudence & equity, to bring the political re-
lations of the country in accordance with the constitu-
tional wants of the monarchy, the Diet declined the in-
vitation to place itself in that lojral point of view which
alone cotald lead to the desired end. On the contrary,
the Diet persevered in its demands, insisting upon the
Vol. 11—23
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354 APPENDIX
recogmtion in principle of the legislation of 1848, with-
out reservation of the revision of the Articles in oppo-
sition to the Diploma.
Moreover, those articles, even were His Majesty in
his benevolence willing to admit them, could not &
cannot be recognized, confirmed, or made valid, be-
cause from their tenor in their dispositions relating to
the Palatine they attack the sovereign and prerogative
rights of the Crown of Hungary; because, moreover,
they are oflEensive to the people not Magjrars, and in-
fringe upon the rights of the Monarchy as a whole.
His Majesty declares that in his quality as ICing of
Hungary he feels himself called upon to protect the
many millions of Slav, Rouman, & German inhabitants
living in this land and equally dear to his heart, & to
maintain them with his paternal benevolence in their
equal rights to the recognition of their nationality,
which the articles of the law in question not only do
not guarantee, but upon which they make a serious
attack.
Nor can his Majesty confirm those articles of the
legislation of 1848 which have for their object to pre-
judice the parity of right of the Kingdoms of Croatia,
Slavonia, and the Principality of Transylvania, which,
as all men know, are of so offensive and irritating a
nature that they led to war eleven years since.
Among the articles in question there are some which
appear to be of a nature to try and slacken the relations
between Hungary and other lands of the Monarchy
which have existed for centuries, which raised Austria
to the rank of a great European power, which have
been expressed in a series of laws and docimients,
especially in the Pragmatic Sanction incorporated in
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APPENDIX 355
the axtides of law out of gratitude for the deliverance
from the Ottomdn Yoke achieved by the arms of the
House of Hapsburg and the assistance of the Empire,
& which in historical annals have been confirmed a
thousand times over.
Those laws and documents, without detriment to
the independent administration of Hungary, having
had as a consequence one common general government,
and especially not only a common diplomatic repre-
sentation abroad but also the same administration,
military & financial, and public debt in common, it is
clear that the recognition of the Articles of the legisla-
tion of 1848, which infringe upon the rights & interests
of the provinces comprised in the Pragmatic Sanction,
without regard to the latter, who shed blood and sacri-
ficed life for it, according to the immutable laws of jus-
tice would be inadmissible.
To this must be added the circumstance that His
Majesty has declared that the combined constitution
is the inviolable foundation of his empire, one and
indivisible, and regards the demand of the Hungarian
Diet as an attack upon that constitution, and conse-
quently upon all the other lands and provinces of the
Empire.
Although the Hungarian Diet has not thought fit to
enter into the path of conciliation offered by the Gov-
ernment, but on the contrary has declared the threat
of negotiations to be broken asunder. His Majesty
nevertheless desires to maintain in Htmgary, as in
other countries of the Empire, constitutional principles,
trusting that the country will return to more reasonable
opinions. It is not His Majesty's wish to amalgamate
all the different countries of the Empire into one single
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356 APPENDIX
body without distinction, but rather to preserve to
Hungary as well as to the other countries their distinct
character; but His Majesty, in the interest of the latter
as well as of the former, must not only protect the bonds
which link the two, but strengthen them by constitu-
tional measures.
I. The ftmdamental laws of the 20th October last
year and of the 26th February of this year remain in-
tact. Nor does His Majesty withdraw from Himgary
the concessions granted after mature reflection and
with a seriotis will.
The refusal of one country to participate in the
legislative labors of the Reicterath cotald not prevent
the representatives of other lands from fulfilling their
duties and exercising their constitutional rights.
Moreover, the right of being represented in the Reichs-
rath rests reserved for all lands as soon as public opin-
ion is sufficiently enlightened and the necessity of such
representation admitted, and which will induce them
to participate in the councils of the Reichsrath and join
its deliberations.
No change in the Constitution, whether in the sense
of a more extended autonomy of parties or in favor of
the competency of the whole, will be allowed by his
Majesty except by constitutional measures, that is to
say, by the Reichsrath and its vote.
II. His Majesty is the more determined to refuse his
Royal sanction to the stipulations of the legislation which
are in contradiction to the prerogatives of the Crown,
to the rights of other coimtries of the Monarchy and of
the whole Empire, as also to the interests of the non-
Magyar population of Hungary, & which require revi-
sion, as they could not be carried out except by force.
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APPENDIX 357
On the other hand, His Majesty declares, with the
same decision, that no obstacle shall be thrown in the
way of those stiptilations which are in accordance with
the fundamental laws, but that on the contrary, many
of the stipulations of the legislation of 1848 having
already been previously sanctioned by the patents of
the 20th October of last year. His Majesty is likewise
disposed to sanction the others; for which end they
must be selected in their ensemble so as to be suited to
the actual state of things, that the next Diet may bring
them forward for that sanction by constitutional
measures.
III. But after the Diet assembled at Pesth has de-
clared its resolve to persist in its opposition to the new
fundamental laws, although its existence rested only
on the condition of the reservation expressed in the
Royal rescript, and as, by such an attitude, the Diet
has rendered the establishment of an inaugural di-
ploma impossible, and consequently the proximate
coronation, under the pretext of a condition which
never existed de jure or de facto — ^that is to say, the
condition of the personal Union — considering that
from these grounds the Diet, instead of conscientiously
accomplishing its political task, has entered into a
lamentable path from which there is no outlet. His
Majesty has foimd himself forced to decide upon and
ordain the dissolution of the Htingarian Diet.
But his Majesty still hopes that public opinion will
return from its errors, that the public mind will calm
down, and that shortly it will be possible to convoke
a new Diet, which will be called upon to fulfil the
duties which the dissolved Diet has disavowed &
neglected in the most unjustifiable manner. More-
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358 APPENDIX
over, His Majesty has given the most peremptory
orders for the reestablishment and maintenance of
order by the Government authorities.
In ordering the present communication to be made
to the illustrious Reichsrath, His Majesty desires again
to express to it his firm resolution to shield, consoli-
date, and accomplish the tmity of the Empire as well as
the legal Autonomy of all the lands and Kingdoms
within the limits of constitutional liberty.
His Majesty deigns finally to declare that, strength-
ened by the knowledge of the purity of his intentions,
convinced that it is one of the noblest prerogatives of
power to exercise necessary severity with a gentle hand,
yet at the same time it is the duty of a monarch to show
decided firmness, and fully resolved in this important
question to show as much firmness as clemency, he
looks forward with certainty and trust in God to a
happy solution of these difficulties.
[Enclosure in Despatch No. 26. — Translation.]
COUNT RECHBERG TO MR. JONES.
Vienna, Sept. 2d, 1861.
The Undersigned, Minister of the Imperial House and
of Foreign Affairs, has had the honor to receive the
note in which the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
plenipotentiary of the United States of America,
Mr. J. Glancy Jones, tmder date of 30th ultimo, was
pleased to commtmicate to him the appointment of Mr.
J. Lothrop Motley, as Envoy Extraordinary & Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States to this Court.
. While it affords pleasure to the Undersigned to be
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APPENDIX 359
able to reply to the Hon. Minister that this choice meets
the approval of His Majesty the Emperor, he takes the
opportunity to add that he feels it personally to be a
duty to cherish in case of Mr. Motley also those con-
fidential relations which will correspond to those so
friendly in their nature now existing between Austria
& the United States, to the great advantage of both.
There will not be wanting on the part of the Under-
signed that interest in and earnest attention to the
communications which it is stated Mr. Motley will
bring with him which the importance of their subjects
in so eminent a degree demands.
The Undersigned cannot close without again ex-
pressing the lively regret with which he sees approach-
ing the end of the so agreeable & serviceable relations
which he has had the pleasure of enjoying with
Mr. Glancy Jones, & embraces the opportunity of re-
newing to the Hon. Minister the assurances of his dis-
tinguished consideration.
(Signed) Rbchbbrg.
Mr. J. Glancy Jones,
Envoy Extraordinary & Minister Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
No. 27. Legation op the United States,
Vienna, Novr. 5th, 1861.
Sir:
Mr. Motley, my successor, arrived in Vienna on the
evening of the 31st of October. On the 3rd of Novr.
<the day fixed by Count Rechberg for receiving him)
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360 APPENDIX
I accompanied him to the Foreign Office, and having
first presented my letter of recall, informing Count
Rechberg of the desire of my government to continue
its friendly relations, I introduced Mr. Motley & retired,
leaving him with the Foreign Minister. Count Rech-
berg was pleased to express his regret at my departure ;
but as this was decided, my successor, he said, would be
most cordially received. He added that the Emperor
would be pleased to grant to me an audience of leave,
& that as soon as it could be arranged he would notify
me. I shall transfer to Mr. Motley, as soon as he is
prepared to receive them, the archives of the Legation,
& shall immediately after my au(}ience take my de-
parture for America, my intention now being to sail in
the Steamer Arago, of the loth Deer., from Havre.
Since my last despatch, No. 26, nothing has trans-
pired that does not confirm the accuracy of my former
observation, that although at present England & France
are apparently receding from the idea of the recognition
of the independence of the Southern confederacy, it is
nevertheless only apparent. They do not wish to in-
augurate a quarrel with the North. The facility with
which we extemporize an army of citizen soldiers, &
the condition of the finances, which promises to be able
to sustain them, are inatispicious signs to them &
strengthen the desire for friendly relations. They
have made up their minds, furthermore, that our sep-
aration will become an inevitable necessity ; & believing
this, they prefer that it should gravitate of itself, with-
out involving them in future complications with either
section. If I am not mistaken, & no new issues arise,
you will now have an era of kind words — a, modified &
subdued tone of the press touching American Affairs —
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APPENDIX 361
both in England & France. The South will be even
kindly attacked & alarmed by the repulsion of the idea
that these powers can be, in any contingency, coerced
by the withholding of cotton, or induced from motives
of selfishness, or interest generally, to do that which
they would not do from motives alone of justice & in-
ternational right. All this, if I am not again mistaken,
means that the separation being regarded as " un fait
accompli" (to be completed by its own progression),
it is deemed now desirable to be on good terms with
both & independent of each of the confederacies — & to
take immediately the first essential steps in diplomacy
to enable them successfully in the future to play off the
one upon the other. If successful, this date inaugurates
the era of an American balance of power, which, being
based upon the dissolution of our confederacy, involves
us in irretrievable ruin, unless the indignation of our
whole people. North & South, can be aroused in time to
save us against our common enemies at home & abroad.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
J. Glancy Jones.
HoNBLE. Wm, H. Seward, Secretary of State.
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
Arch Duke Charles Hotel,
Vienna, 14 Nov., 1861.
Sir:
This being the day fixed by his Majesty at i Ocl. P.M.
for my audience of leave, I duly presented my sealed
letter of recall to him; stating, as instructed, that
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362 APPENDIX
my Government appreciates to its fullest extent the
friendly feelings exhibited by the Atastrian Government
towarcb it, & that I was instructed to. say, on taking
leave, that my Government desired not only to con-
tinue these friendly relations, but even, if possible, to
strengthen them.
i'^His Majesty was pleased to say that He earnestly
desired to extend still further these friendly relations,
& particularly he hoped that our commercial relations
might be increased. He asked me a number of ques-
tions about the War & conversed with great fteedom,
but, of course, dealing only in generalities. He was
pleased to express his regret at my departure, &c. The
audience of my successor was fixed half an hour later
the same day. I have thus closed my official inter-
course with the Government here, & have transferred
the Legation over to my Successor. I have been con-
fined to my house for a few days, & am still under
medical treatment for a rheumatic aflEection, resulting
from a violent cold, which, while it does not much
affect my general health, disables me for locomotion.
My Physician informs me I shall be able to leave
Vienna in a week, & I have no doubt I shall be able to
sail by the Steamer of the lo Deer, from Havre. The
Exequatur of Mr. Hildreth has been issued & by me
lodged with the Legation.
I am. Sir,
Your Obt. Svt.,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State.
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APPENDIX 363
MR. JONES TO SECRETARY SEWARD.
New York, 28 Dec., 1861.
Sir:
I arrived at New York per Steamer Arago on Thtirs-
day night, & intended proceeding to Reading, my home,
on Monday next, and then, after spending a few days
with my family, to proceed to Washington & close my
mission. Being accompanied by Gen. Scott, who was
directly from Paris, & knowing that the Ministers of
the XJ. S. Government at Paris & London wotald furnish
the latest intelligence, & that Genl Scott would be
better posted, I did not attempt to collect any definite
information relative to our aflEairs, & hence have
nothing to report that could possibly interest you or
add to your information. England had determined
upon the demand for the surrender of Messrs. Mason &
Slidell, & France considered her demand a proper one,
but one in which she was not called upon to interfere.
K any service can be performed by me by my appear-
ance at Washington at an earlier date, a telegraphic
despatch to Reading will bring me at any time on a
day's notice.
I am. Sir.
Your Obt. Svt.,
J. Glancy Jones.
Hon. W. H. Seward, Secy, of State.
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364 APPENDIX
LETTERS FROM JAMES BUCHANAN TO
J. GLANCY JONES.
United States Legation,
London, June 23, 1854.
My Dear Sir: Many thanks for your kind note of the
6th instant. I wish you would often drop me such
brief notes giving me a bird's-eye view of affairs, which
you could write in five minutes at your desk.
The Elgin treaty has been received with great favor
by the public journals of this country. His Lordship
is a very able man, and went to Washington, I believe,
with great discretionary powers. He is very shrewd,
but entertains warm friendly feelings for the United
States, and has expressed them on all occasions in this
country. He is the best public speaker in point of
manner, I have heard in England, but this is not saying
very much for him. I was at a public dinner last even-
ing, given by the Lord Mayor to the Bishops, which
was as dull an affair, and the speaking as heavy, as I
have ever witnessed on any similar occasion. By
great good luck I avoided making a speech.
I do not know why the President quoted me as an
authority that the introduction of coal duty free would
not affect Pennsylvania. Doubtless he has heard me
express this opinion, or he would not have made the
remark.
If so, it must have been the opinion, which I hold, that
the Nova Scotia bituminous coal can never injuriously
compete with the anthracite of Pennsylvania. I have
not yet been informed of the provisions of the treaty, as
the fishery and reciprocity questions were retained at
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APPENDIX 365
Washington. I have, therefore, only a general idea of its
contents. I earnestly hope I shall be satisfied with them.
I was astounded when I learned the result of the
Philadelphia election. I had entertained apprehen-
sions of the result, but had no conception that the ma-
jority against us could be so great.
On public considerations I am very sorry for the loss
of the ticket; and for personal friendship for Herst and
Badger I deeply regret their defeat. The Know-Noth-
ings may exert an unfortimate influence for some years
to come.
I have nothing of the least interest to say concerning
mjrself. My duties, both social and official, are very*
laborious. The former will not be oppressive after
another month, when the London season will terminate
and the nobility and gentry will all leave London.
With my respectful regards for Mrs. Jones, I remain
as alwa3rs, very respectfully yoiu- friend,
James Buchanan.
Legation op the United States,
London, Dec. 8, 1854.
My Dear Sir: In answer to your favor of the 7th
ultimo I have to say that I got Mr. Bates, the leading
partner of the house of Baring Brothers & Co., closely
connected with the Bank of England, to make the ex-
amination which you requested. His answer, under
date of first instant, is as follows :
" I have the pleasure to inform you that I have made
the inquiries you desired at the Bank of England, and
have been tmable to find any money or fimds in any
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366 APPENDIX
department of the bank to the credit of ' Evans's es-
tate.' This is rather a vague description, and if any
ftirther information is desired, the parties should give
more particulars."
The truth is that the credulity of our people, per-
haps excited by the interested rumors set afloat from
here, has induced them to expend large suxns of money
in pursuit of old and vast estates in the moon. The
Jennings estate and the York and Lancaster estate
have nearly passed away ; but, if I may judge from the
letters I have received, independently of your own, the
Evans estate is about to take their place. This may
not be moonshine ; but the only mode of ascertaining
the truth is to employ some eminent solicitor to inves-
tigate the subject. The profession enjoy a monopoly
here of such investigations. Title deeds are in their
possession instead of being recorded, and no man
of business in London ever thinks of making such in-
vestigations for himself. Besides, the expense is far
greater than our experience in the United States would
induce us to credit. The Legation could not under-
take the task if you wotild quadruple oiu- force. I will,
however, from special regard to yourself, make one
suggestion. If you can obtain sufficient information
about this Evans estate to afford a clue for the investi-
gation, and the persons interested will send me a bill of
exchange for £i 5 sterling in favor of Messrs. Atkinson &
Pilgrim, eminent solicitors in London, whom the Lega-
tion employ when they have any business, I will under-
take, without having seen them, that they shall make a
thorough investigation. The expense incurred by them
in doing it will amount to the greater part of this sum.
I have no public news to communicate which you
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APPENDIX 367
will not see in the public papers. If the President has
communicated to Congress my correspondence with
Lord Clarendon on the Central American questions, I
would thank you to send me several copies through the
despatch bag. They would arrive here at the very nick
of time to be tiseful.
I see it stated in the American papers that I intend
to return home next spring. This was never my inten-
tion. My two years in this legation will not expire till
the end of August, and it is my purpose to remain here
tuitil the 30th Sept., the end of the quarter, and return
in October, unless at the time something should be
pending which it would be improper for me to leave.
Prom your friend, very respectfully,
James Buchanan.
Legation op the United States,
London, Jan. 11, 1855.
My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i6th
ultimo, and, although without a Secretary of Legation
and having more business of different kinds to transact
than one man can accomplish, I cannot deny mjrself the
pleasure of congratulating you upon the proud position
you now occupy in public opinion. I should not do this
did I not believe it was well deserved. Those who
formerly expressed doubts of your political, not of your
personaJ coiu-age, must have had all these removed by
your conduct, as wise as it was bold, since you reached
Washington. May your course be onward and upward.
I now receive many more letters from the United
States than I can possibly answer. This grieves me
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368 APPENDIX
much, because I pride myselt on being a punctual cor-
respondent, especially with my Triends. Should you
hear any complaints, I know you will make my excuse.
You present a numerous and formidable list of Presi-
dential candidates who "will all be discussed." For
my own part, I have not allowed myself to indulge a
single personal aspiration on the subject, and shall be
more than content should the choice fall upon any other
man "fit for the crisis.*' Still, as my friends in Penn-
sylvania have brought me forward "upon their own
hook " it will be a proud consolation to me in any event
that the Democracy of the great and good old State
have not deserted me " when I am old and grayheaded."
This will make retirement doubly sweet. Besides, it
will give to the true Democracy of the State their just
influence, provided they remain imited, both in the
State and in the Union.
I intend to leave London for Paris and the Continent
about the middle of next month to meet my nephew,
J. Buchanan Henry, who is already there. As he speaks
French like a Parisian and Italian tolerably well, it will
be very agreeable to me to have him with me. I have
never seen a young man better calculated in all respects
to be a diplomatist ; but he has not any idea of com-
mencing this career, and seems intent on pursuing the
profession of the law. I have often thought of sug-
gesting to you the mission to England, for which you
are well qualified ; but have refrained from doing so be-
cause you are so much needed at home. If to the
present salary there were added house rent, this would
not be an undesirable position, even in a pecuniary
point of view. Besides, this Legation and that at Paris,
for the convenience of American citizens, ought to have
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APPENDIX 369
a permanent abode, and not be changed with every
succeeding Minister. The frequent removals of it dis-
arrange the papers, and do injury in a variety of ways.
I now pay ;£74o ($3,581.60) for a furnished house and
a stable. If I could have taken a lease of such a house
for twenty years for the Legation, I am qtiite satisfied
it might have been obtained for £500.
Deeming that it could do you no harm in any event,
and whether elected to the Senate or not, I have sug-
gested your name in proper terms to Gov. Marcy, but
have truly said : " I make this suggestion without the
knowledge of Mr. Jones, and without having the least
idea whether it would be agreeable to him or not."
We shall, I think, have peace in Eiu-ope before the
season for opening another campaign. France and
Turkey both desire it, and Russia much needs it. John
Bull, however, is anxious for another campaign to re-
cover his prestige. He has gone to immense expense in
preparing for it, and is now in a better condition to
prosecute the war than he has probably been for half a
century.
With my kindest regards to Mrs. Jones and the
family, and to your Democratic colleagues from the
Kejrstone, I remain, very respectfully, yoiu* friend,
James Buchanan.
Legation op the United States,
London, 4th May, 1855.
My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i ith
ultimo and am pleased to learn that the American
people begin to interest themselves about Cuba. The
Vol. 11—24
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370 APPENDIX
Ostend report was prepared with much deliberation
after we had possessed otirselves of all the information
within our reach. We were unanimously of opinion
that the time had arrived when a solemn and formal
offer should be presented to the constituent Cortes to
purchase the island ; and were convinced that we should
be powerfully aided in accomplishing the object by the
influence of the Spanish bondholders, the Spanish
clergy, and the commercial classes in England. Spain
is hopelessly bankrupt, and her creditors can have no
hope of payment but in the sale of the island. That of
the church property to which the Government has re-
sorted, will prove to be only a temporary relief for im-
mediate wants; and besides will give great offence to
the clergy. Had Mr. Soul6 been instructed according
to our report, the question would have become Euro-
pean as well as Spanish, and while we had every-
thing to hope from this fact, we could have nothing to
fear. Perhaps, however, Augustus Caesar Dodge may
be able to remove all the clouds which now "lower
upon our house."
Gov. Marcy, I am informed from all quarters, is now
an active candidate for the Presidency, and when the
Presidential maggot invades the brain of the wisest
(happily I am not in this category), it prompts him to
do many foolish things. Still, however, I do not doubt
but that Gov. Marcy honestly differed from us in opin-
ion, and at the first the public seemed to adopt his
views. Although never doubting for a moment what
would be the final result, I did not expect the reaction
would take place quite so soon as it seems to have done.
The Know-Nothings will lose their power and must
speedily perish, but whether before the next Presi-
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APPENDIX 371
dential election is a question of doubt. It has severed
many rotten branches from the tree of Democracy,
whose places will be more than supplied by fresh, pure,
and vigorous branches.
The news you will find in the public journals. There
seems to be but little hope of peace, though the allies
have greatly reduced their demands upon Rtissia. In
the present temper of the British people, smarting
under their disasters in the Crimea, had peace been con-
cluded upon the terms proposed, this would beyond all
question have expelled the existing Ministry from
power.
The Emperor and Empress of Prance while here re-
ceived me with more than common courtesy. He ex-
pressed a warm feeling in favor of our country, and an
ardent wish that the friendly relations between the two
countries might never be disturbed ; all which I recipro-
cated. The Empress, without being very beautiful, is
very fascinating.
Please to remember me very kindly to Mrs. Jones
and the family. Miss Lane unites with me in this re-
quest, and also desires her kindest regards to yourself.
From your friend, very respectfully,
James Buchanan.
Legation op the United States,
London, June i, 1855.
My Dear Sir: By the last steamer I received your
favor from Washington of the 9th ultimo, and feel
greatly indebted to you for the information it contains.
Although I have nothing of any importance to com-
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372 APPENDIX
mtmicate in rettim, yet, as you truly say, being "a
friend to reciprocity " in correspondence I write now to
preserve my reputation.
I am much gratified that you were so well received
at Washington; but feel confident that your reception
was no better than you deserved. I am rejoiced that
your political position is now so elevated, and earnestly
hope that all the wishes you have expressed and more,
may be realized.
Heaven grant that Wise's anticipations may prove
correct, and that he may be tritraiphantly elected. He
is now the great man of Virginia — ^able, energetic, and
eloquent — and his friendship has bound me to him by
"cords of steel." We shall not learn the result before
the I ith inst. If he has been defeated, still he has cast
bread upon the waters which will return to give him
triumph after a few days. But I ardently hope to hear
of his election.
I am proud of the old Democratic party. In its
ascendency the Constitution and the Union 3.re alwajrs
safe. It has nobly adhered to its principles amidst the
storm, and has not degraded itself by compromising
with any of the isms of the day. For one, I should
gladly receive into its fellowship such Whigs as have
been too proud and too honest to become Know-Noth-
ing Free Soilers ; but this upon no other tmderstanding
than that they should join the party in principle and in
heart. We shall have some such converts ; but I do not
expect them to be very ntraierous.
I have not yet received an acknowledgment of or
answer from the State Department relative to my resig-
nation, to take effect on the 30th of September, nor any
intimation of who is to be my successor. If he be
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APPENDIX 373
comme il fatU, and wotdd arrive a fortnight before the
time, I coidd give him a good start. For my own part,
I am very anxious for the arrival of the time when I
shall be relieved ; and yet I shotdd be ungrateftil not to
appreciate the kindness of many Englishmen and
English ladies.
I am now sitting in a room with a good fire. The
weather during this spring has been unusually cold,
and many persons here begin to entertain apprehen-
sions for their wheat crop. It now appears to be very
unpronodsing. I cannot imagine a greater calamity for
this country than a short crop this year ; and I hope, for
the sake of the poor and needy, that it may be averted.
These have suffered very much diuing the past winter.
Mr. Fillmore has arrived in this country, but has not
yet reached London. I shall not be surprised should he
be received with distinguished honors. So much has
been said recently of the neglect of oiu- distinguished
countryman, in contrast with the royal honors be-
stowed upon every little sprig of a German principality,,
that it is quite probable Mr. Fillmore may be made
somewhat of a lion. Grund is, I understand, in Lon-
don, but has not shown himself at the Legation. The
arrivals of our countrymen are very numerous on their
way to the Paris Exhibition; but this, at least so far,
has proved a failure. John Bull still continues to
cherish the war spirit. His pride has been deeply
wounded by disasters in the Crimea, and the old gentle-
man will fight manfully to recover his prestige. He at
length begins to succeed. With the Idndest regard to
Mrs. Jones and yoiu- family, I remain always sincerely
your friend,
James Buchanan.
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374 APPENDIX
Legation op the United States,
London, Nov. 30, 1855.
My Dear Sir: I shotdd sooner have answered your
favor of the 12th inst. had I known at the time of its
receipt what to say about my return home. It was im-
possible for me to leave my post in a storm, and now
that Mr. Appleton has gone home, I shall be obliged to
remain here until the arrival of my successor, or at
least until they send me out a Secretary of Legation.
You write in enthusiastic terms of the result of our
late election in Pennsylvania, in all which I warmly
sympathize. I regretted, however, to observe that our
excellent friend Plumer had not a majority of all the
votes cast. Our victory was, therefore, not so decided
but that active vigilance is required to render our
position secure at the Presidential election. We ought
to receive into the party without hesitation, those
honest and independent Clay Whigs who, without any
compromise, are prepared to adopt our principles and
battle with us against Knownothingism, Free Soilism,
and all the other isms of the day.
I feel indebted to you for the caution you have given
me about Mr. Sohl.
I earnestly trust and hope that ere this your old dis-
ease has been banished. This is no time for men to get
sick who can enact so able and useful a part for your
coimtry as yourself. If I read the signs of the time
aright, the next Presidential term will be the most im-
portant and responsible of any since the days of Wash-
ington. Still I entertain no serious fears for the Union,
because when the people approach the precipice they
will recoil from the abyss before them. Your plan is
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APPENDIX 375
excellent for giving to the good and faithful Democrats
of Pennsylvania their jiast share of influence in the Cin-
cinnati Convention. The delegates from our State
ought to act as a tmit in that Convention, and thus they
will be able to exercise a controlling influence in the
selection of a candidate. This, in serving the best
interests of the country, will redotmd to their own
advantage. Louisiana has done well under all the cir-
cumstances, and I expected nothing from Massachu-
setts and New York; but I confess I have been greatly
mortified and disappointed at the result of the election
in Maryland.
One good effect of the present flare up between Great
Britain and the United States will be the direction of
the public mind in this country toward the United
States. The ignorance of the English people in regard
to us is truly ridiculous. We have now become a topic
of discussion in the newspapers, to which I have some-
what contributed, and shall be better known, and we
find defenders where formerly we had opponents.
When we meet I shall be able to give you amusing
anecdotes of the ignorance of people, even in high
places, in regard to our country. We are the more of
a mjrstery to them on this account, and therefore the
more imposing. They entertain vague apprehensions
of our advancing power, and yet there is an undercur-
rent of self-satisfaction among them because of their
having given birth to such a people.
The existing war with Russia is still popular with the
masses, though there is not so much feeling on the sub-
ject as there was a year ago. They are consciotis that
their prestige as a military nation has been impaired
and they wish to recover it before the close of the war.
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376 APPENDIX
Not so, Louis Napoleon. The French arms have ac-
quired new glory, and the war has already made him
the foremost man in Etuxjpe, with England as a sub-
ordinate ally. It is believed that he now desires to
make peace.
With my kindest regards to Mrs. Jones and the mem-
bers of your family, and in the hope that I may ere long
enjoy the pleasure of meeting you and them, I remain
always, very respectfully, your friend.
Jambs Buchanan.
[Prtvat^.]
Legation op the United States,
London, Dec. 7, 1855.
My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i8th
ultimo, for which accept my thanks. I am rejoiced
that you are once more at your post, and, I trust, with
renewed health, as you say nothing to the contrary in
your letter. I am now anxiously awaiting the Presi-
dent's message, which we hope to receive on Monday
the 17th by the steamer from Boston.
Rumors of peace have prevailed here for several days,
and from all I can learn they rest upon better founda-
tions than similar rtmiors have heretofore done. Aus-
tria is again the intermediary, and I venture to. say
that, should her propositions prove acceptable to tte
French and EngKsh Govenmients, as it is beheved
they have done, Louis Napoleon will take care that she
shall join the allies, in case these propositions should be
rejected by Russia. I shrewdly suspect, however,
that Austria had consulted Russia before the terms were
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APPENDIX 377
proposed. Besides, it wotdd be madness for Russia to
continue the war should the forces of Austria be added
to those of the allies, and this very circumstance will
save the honor of the Czar. From the high price of
provisions and the pressure of the war, the poor of this
cotmtry will suffer dreadfully throughout the present
winter.
The Times, which is an Ishmaelite, as well as certain
joiunals friendly to the Palmerston administration,
while rejoicing that the news from America is so peaceful,
still endeavors to keep up the delusion that the events
threatening war all proceeded from oiu- country. Upon
this false assumption, they attribute them to the mere
electioneering designs of the President to secure his
renomination and reelection, and then praise the good
sense and sober judgment of the American people for
restraining him within the proper bounds by the force
of public opinion. This is the key to numeroias articles
in British journals. The greatest injustice is thus done
to the President, and his character thus suffers on this
side of the Atlantic. I have already vindicated him
warmly whenever the occasion offered, but what can
one person do in his intercourse with society to remove
prejudices created by the press in this manner? After
all, they can do no serious injury at home. Indeed, as
I have often remarked, such palpable injustice will in-
crease his popularity among the American people.
Pennsylvania has now the opportunity of enjoying
that proud and influential position in the Union to
which she is so justly entitled; and I am rejoiced that
you fully appreciate it. The best and most trustworthy
Democrats in her ranks ought to go to the Cincinnati
Convention resolved to act as a unit in nominating
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378 APPENDIX
that candidate who, under all the then existing circtim-
stances, will be most likely to succeed, and be best cal-
culated to advance the great interests of the coimtry.
You are a much better judge than myself as to futtire
events; but yet I cannot concur with you in opinion
that the triumph of the Democratic party in 1856 is
beyond a perad venture . Both justice and sound policy
require that we should receive into our ranks, with open
arms, those national Whigs who agree with us in prin-
ciple, and who are willing to enter them voltmtarily
without any compromise . It would be the worst policy
in the world to drive them from us by unkindness.
I know that great efforts have been made for some
time past to renominate the present President. This I
have learned from different portions of the Union.
Well, be it so ; I have no objection ; let his merits and his
popularity be fairly weighed at the proper time in com-
parison with other candidates.
Of Wise I can never speak without grateful emotions.
He has been my true, able, active, and efficient friend.
His energy, patriotism, and moral courage cannot be
excelled, and he has much more prudence than his ene-
mies are willing to concede. I am warmly attached to
the man, and, should the occasion ever offer, I shall
esteem it a privilege to serve him.
Please to remember me always in the kindest terms
to your wife and family. Remember me, also, most
kindly to your Democratic colleagues from Pennsyl-
vania, and beKeve me ever to be sincerely your friend,
James Buchanan.
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APPENDIX 379
Legation of the United States,
London, Dec. i8, 1855.
My Dear Sir: Your favor of the 22d tdt. did not
reach me iintil the loth inst. by the Pacific. I had not
time to answer it on Friday last from numerous and
pressing engagements, but now embrace the oppor-
tunity of addressing you a few lines by the Arago, which
will leave Southampton to-morrow. I have scarcely
the heart to write. On yesterday, I received the
moumftd intelligence of the death of my much-loved
niece, Mary Baker, in San Francisco. I can scarcely
think of anything but this sad event.
I had not supposed, until the receipt of your letter,
that you would be a candidate for the United States
Senate, though you are well qualified to fill that station
with honor to yourself and advantage to the country.
Should the choice fall upon you, I shall say Amen! with
all my heart.
I had presumed from the manner in which you re-
ferred to the subject in one of your late letters that your
views were in another and different direction.
Some time before Mr. Appleton left me, I had placed it
out of my power to interfere between the candidates who
had been my true and faithfid friends. I was strongly
advised to this course by several friends who informed
me that the candidates would be entirely satisfied with
this conduct, and I declared that I would act upon their
suggestion. While I cannot, therefore, interfere, I
have, nevertheless, since the receipt of your letter, in-
formed one trusted friend of my high appreciation of
yotM" talents, character, and conduct, and I shall write
to others in the same strain by the next steamer. This
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380 APPENDIX
is no more than the jiistice which I owe to you, and I
cannot go further without violating my word.
I shall now anxiously expect to hear by every steamer
of the appointment of my successor. I am heartily
tired of my present position, and still more so, if pos-
sible, since I have heard of the death of my poor niece.
I prestmie we shall have the Message on Monday next.
It is expected here that it will assume a decided but
prudent tone on the Central American questions. The
British people are prepared for this, and it will do good.
It wiQ be for the American people to say how I have
conducted the negotiation tmtil its termination. Ere
this you have perceived that our ultimatum has been
rejected in all its parts by the Palmerstonian Adminis-
tration. In the disposition of the people of England,
I should not be astonished if public opinion would re-
quire the British Government to reconsider its answer
to the President's ultimatum and retrace its steps ; pro-
vided the subject has been presented in a grave and
serious aspect, which I have no doubt will prove to be
the case.
Prince Esterhazy, the Austrian Ambassador at St.
Petersbtirg, has left Vienna bearing the terms of peace
suggested by Atistria to France and England and ac-
cepted by them. War or peace now depends upon the
decision of the Czar. If he be wise, he will accept the
olive branch.
With my kindest regards to Mrs. Jones and your
family, I remain alwajrs, very respectfully, yotir friend,.
James Buchanan.
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APPENDIX 381
Legation of the United States,
London, Feb. 19, 1856.
My Dear Sir: I have just received yotir favor of the
4th inst., and have only had time to give it a cursory
reading. I shall of course remain here until the arrival
of Mr. Dallas, whom I expect by the Collins steamer
which was to leave New York on the i6th inst. I trust
I may not be disappointed. Whether I shall return
home immediately after his arrival, or go to Paris and
the Continent until the end of March, I have not de-
termined. I am a wretched sailor and always sick at
sea, and the roughest and longest passages are made in
March. Everybody advises me not to select the season
of the equinoctial gales for crossing the Atlantic. Be-
sides, I have not yet been in Paris. I have not deter-
mined, however, what I shall do.
I shall direct this letter to Harrisburg, presuming you
will be there on its arrival in the United States. What-
ever may be the result of the spontaneous exertions of
my friends in favor of my nomination, I shall have one
sotirce of satisfaction demanding my everlasting grati-
tude. My own noble State, God forever bless her! has
not deserted me in the day of trial, but has covered me
with the mantle of her power. Words would be but a
vain expression of my feelings toward her noble Democ-
racy ; and if I were to employ such as my heart dictates,
they would be considered extravagant.
Lord Palmerston, in two recent speeches in the House
of Commons on the recruitment and Crampton question
has done great injustice both to the Administration and
myself. By stating part of the facts and suppressing
the remainder inseparably connected with them, he has
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382 APPENDIX
given the question a coloring far, very far difEerent from
the truth, as will appear when the correspondence is
published. In great haste and with high esteem I re-
main always your friend,
Jambs Buchanan.
Legation of the United States,
London, March 7, 1856.
My Dear Sir: I have received your favor of the i8th
ult., and note your prediction of my nomination. I
confess I am not now and never have been sanguine ;
but time will show.
Well, I have now certain information, through Gen.
Campbell, the Consul, that Mr. Dallas and his son, as
Minister and Secretary of Legation, will be here in the'
Atlantic, about the middle of next week. It is my
present purpose, soon after his arrival, to pay a brief
visit to Paris and the Continent, and to reach home
some time in April. It is more than probable I may
embark from Havre; but I can settle nothing until
Mr. Dallas shall make his appearance. Some friends
advise me to remain abroad and others to come home
immediately. In this contrariety of opinion I shall take
my own course. Being a bad sailor, I do not choose to
encounter the equinoctial gales by leaving in the month
of March. Besides, it would be absiu-d for me to rettun
home without having seen Paris.
Mr. Dallas must have great faith in Gen. Pierce's
reflection, or he would not have accepted the mission
and brought all his family with him.
I thank you for directing my attention to the subject
of the Missouri Compromise . Would it be wise to make
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APPENDIX 383
its constitutionality or the revenue a plank in the plat-
form? Would it be good policy to make an assault
upon those Democrats who maintained it in opposition
to the Kansas-Nebraska bill, provided they are now
willing in good faith to maintain the settlement as it
exists? The question has been settled by Congress,
and this settlement should be inflexibly maintained.
We shall need all the strength we can honorably obtain.
Then why go behind the existing law; and by doing
so drive from our ranks many Northern Democrats,
and many honest and independent anti-Free Soil Whigs
who are quite willing to maintain that law as it stands?
It is well known how I labored in company with
Southern men, to have the Missouri line extended to the
Pacific. But it was defeated, and the time for it has
forever passed away. The only mode now left of put-
ting down and keeping down the fanatical and reckless
spirit of abolition at the North, is to adhere to the
existing settlement without the shadow of change, re-
gardless of any storm which may be raised against it.
"Noltmius leges Angliae mutare." This is altogether
confidential and for yourself alone. I begin to receive
interrogatories from the United States which I shall not
answer, however easy this might be. I have now a
well-written letter of this character before me from
"Mr. James N. Shino," dated "Montezuma, Henrico
county, Va., Feb. ii, 1856."
After the receipt of this, when you write, which I
trust you will not fail to do, direct to me to the care of
the Hon. J. Y. Mason, United States Minister, Paris.
Just drop your letter into the Post Office without pre-
payment, and it will come direct. Ever your friend^
very respectfully,
James Buchanan.
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INDEX
Administimtioii. anxiety of the, aaz.
"Angelica.** 40.
Anti-Leoompton Democrats, ii, x 7 . 79i 9Z .
Appendix, ii, 159.
Appropriations, ii. 34.
AragD. steamship. Mr. Jones takes pas-
sage on, from Southampton for New
York, ii, lai.
Attorney-general, deputy, Mr. Jones is
appointed, for Berks county. 141.
Austria, Mr. Jones is appointed minister
to, ii, 91; his departure for, ii, 94: his
return from, ii, zas.
Bangor church. Churchtown, Pa., a4. a?.
Barton, Rxy. Thomas, 38, 47.
Bbmton. Thomas H., a 14; death of, ii,
43.
Berki county. Pennsylvania. Welsh set-
tlement in. 13; tribute of the bar of,
to Mr. Jones' memory, ii, 156.
Beverly. N. J., 68.
Black Warrior, affair of, a 13.
Brecldnridge-Cutting affair, axo.
Brooks, Prbston S., assault of, upon
Charles Sumner, 333.
Buchanan, Jambs, 107; Mr. Jones' de-
fence of. in the House of Representa-
tives, 339; letter to, from Mr. Jones
from Cincinnati. 345; Mr. Jones* se-
lection for the Cabinet of. 348; peti-
tion of citizens of Reading to, 366;
letteiB of, to Mr. Jones about his Cab-
inet, 358, 363, 37 x; letteiB from, to
Mr. Jones, Appendix ii. 364.
Budapest, trip of Mr. Jones to, ii. xox.
Bull. Rbv. Lbvi, 48.
Burlinoamb, Anson, rejected as Mr.
Jones' successor as minister to Aus-
tria, U, ZZ7.
Cabinet. Mr. Jones is selected as a mem-
ber of Mr. Buchanan's. 348.
Cadwaladbr. John, letter of. to Mr.
Jones, ii. XS4*
Call of the House, ii. 44.
Cass. Lbwxs. despatches to. Appendix.
Chasb, Bishop Pbilanobr. ss*
Christ church, Reading, Penn., reso-
lutions of the vestry of, 65.
Churchtown, Pemisylvania, a7; school-
house in, a8; old Bangor church at, a?.
Cincinnati, Ohio, Journey from Philadel-
phia to, 60; convention at, 345: Mr.
Jones' letter from, 343 ; prominent part
of Mr. Jones in convention at, 345.
Clarkson, Rbv. Josbpb. 48.
CocBRANB, John, letter from, to Mr.
Jones, 357.
Conestoga river. Pexmsylvania, settle-
ments on. X3. z6, ao.
Conestoga wagons, sx.
Conestoga valley, negro slavery in, as;
leaders in. »$', Welsh settlen in. as;
Indians in, 3 x ; Bnfl^h scholan in, 47 ;
changes in, 48; decline of, $»; dergy
in. 53.
Congress. Mr. Jones is elected to, iss*
aoa, »6o, 34s: is renominated for. ii,
8x ; is defeated for. u, 88.
Congressional rampaign of 1838, ii. 79.
Cooperstown. N. J., 68.
Court of Claims, bill to create. a45:
jurisdiction of, 334.
Crampton, John P., British minister,
recall of, 338.
Cutting-Breddnridge affair, axo.
Davibs, Blizabbth, X9; marriage of. ao.
Davibs. John. 39.
Davibs, Maroarbt. 39; marriage of, 39.
Davibs, Wiluam, X9.
Debate, long, over Democratic plat-
form. a68.
Decade between 1830 and X840, 69.
Democrate, attitude of, in the Civil War.
ii. Z33-
Democraticstateoommittee,Mr. Jonesbe-
oomeschairmanof , X44 ; his address, X 45
Democratic state convention, Mr. Jones
is president of, as^i his address be-
fore, asa.
Diary of Mr. Jones, ii, xoo.
Dixmer, public, tendered to Mr. Jones
by citizens of Philadelphia, ii, so; by
citizens of Reading, ii, 95.
Diplomatic correspondence. Appendix.
DoANB. Bishop Oborgb Wasbinoton
6a; letters from, 6a.
Dome of the capitol, U, 7.
385
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386
INDEX
Easton Lyceum, Mr. Jooes' address be-
fore, xe4*
English mission, Mr. Jones is suggested
for, 948.
EvAKS, Rbv. EvAM, 19.
Filibustering, ii, 37*
FiLLMORB, Millard, retirement of,
ixom the Presidency, 194.
Finances of the country, ii, 96.
Financial panic of, 1837. 69.
Florida, journey from Philadelphia to 7a.
Fox hunting. 14; 96.
Georgia, letter of leading members of
Congress from, asldng Mr. Jones to be
excused from visit to, 343>
Olanct, Owsm, 45-
Glamct, Sarah, 45,
Grbblbt, Horacb, letters from, to Mr.
Jones, ii, XS3-
Harnbt, Gbnbral. act to enable, to
perform his engagements with the
Sioux Indians, ii, 99.
Heidelberg, township of, arrest in. ii.
131; address of Mr. Jones to cittsens
of, B, 13 X.
Heidelberg, visit of Mr. Jones to. ii. x X9.
House of Representatives. Mr. Jones be-
comes leader of his party in, 965; new
and old halls of, ii, 4; call of, ii, 44.
HuoRBs, Rbv. Grzppith, 47*
Ilumo. Rbv. Trauood Frxbdrjcb, 48.
Indian affairs, ii, 65.
Indians in the Coxiestoga valley, 3X.
Iron, manufacture of, in the Conestoga
valley, 13, 93.
Ischl, Austria, visit of Mr. Jones to, ii,
X03.
Jackson, Andrbw, Mr. Jones' eulogy
upon, xxs.
J0NB8, Anna Rodman, 69.
J0NB8, Calbb. 38.
J0NB8, Cbarlbs Hbnrt, 68.
J0NB8, David, xo, X9; marriage of, 19.
90.
J0NB8, Eluabbtr, 67.
J0NB8, EsTHBR Rodman, 69.
JONBB, HnoB, xo.
JoNBs, Colonbl Jonathan, 38* Re-
sides near Reading. 41; raises troops
in Caernarvon township, 4s; career
of, 43; children of, 45.
JoNBs, J. Glanct, birth of, 50; educa-
tion of, 54; marriage of, 58; enters the
mixustry, 65: at Chew's T<anding and
Berkeley, N. J., 66; at Spottswood,
N. J., 67; at TM^llingboro and Bever^
I7. N. J.. 68; at Quincy, Fla., 71. 75 :
studies law. 77; admitted to the bar.
78; at Blkton. Md., 79; •^ Easton«
Peim., 80; his fife at Baston. 80; ad-
dress upon the tariff, 89; addresses
before the Easton Lyceum, X04: takes
an active part in the Piesidential
campaign c^ x844i m; at Reading.
Pexm., XX9; fuxieral oration on An-
drew Jackson, xxs; li^e in Reading,
X9s; 1^ activity there, X37; becomes
Deputy Attorney General, 141; dele-
gate to the National Democratic Con-
vention of X848; active part in the
Presidentia] campaign of, 1848. X44; '
becomes chairman of the Democratic
State Committee, X44; his address,
X45; as R leader, xsx; is elected to
Congress, 155; residence in Washing-
ton, XS7; is appointed a member of
the Committee of Ways and Means.
158; his ill health. X58: slavery agita-
tion. X 60; his speech in the House on
the tariff, 165; letter of. upon Presi-
dent Pierce's Cabinet, 193; reputation
becomes national, 197, 3x5; declines
a reflection to Congress, 198; is
reflected to Congress without soUd-
tataon on his part, 909; takes his seat
in the 33d Congress, 903 ; his residence
in Washington, 903: speech on the
Mexican Treaty, 9x6; takes charge of
and passes the bill establishing the
Court of Claims, 946; is suggested for
the English mission, 948; letter to the
printeiB of Reading. 949; ie chosen to
preside over the Democratic State
Convention at Harrisburg. 9Ss; his
speech, 959; his activity in political
aiSairs. 956; is elected to Congress for
his third term, 960; is suggested for
Governor of Kansas, 963; becomes
the leader of his party in the House of
Representatives, 965*. the platform
of Democratic principles drafted by
him. 966; his long debate thereon.
968; his defence of the Constitution.
3x5; notes ^m President Pierce, 399;
his interpretation of the jurisdiction
of the Court of Claims, 394; his de-
feiace of Mr. Buchanan in the House
of Representatives, 399: bis visit to
Georgia, 343; his active part in the
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INDEX
387
Presidential campaign of 1856, 344;
letter from Cincittnati to Mr. Buchan-
an. 345 : ia nominated and elected to
Congress for the fourth time, 345; his
prominent part in the Cincinnati con-
vention, 345; bis residence in Wash-
ington, 347: bis selection for Mr.
Buchanan's Cabinet, 348; letters to
Mr. Jones thereon from Mr. Bu-
chanan, 358. 363. 371 ; letter to, from
Hon. Henry May, 367; his speech at
Bloomsburg, Penn., 374*. is appointed
chairman of the Committee of Ways
and Means, ii. a; residence of, in
Washington, ii, 4: letter to Dcono-
crats of Philadelphia, ii. 5: speech
to dtisens of Waslungton upon the
admission of Kansas under the Le-
oompton constitution, ii» x8; remarks
upon agreement with Sioux Indians,
ii, 39; remarks upon the revenues
and finances of the country, ii, 96;
speech in Washington on Mayor Ber-
ra's election, ii, 40; o£Fer of public
dinner to. by Philadelphia Democrats
ii. so; letter to. ii, 52 *. speech of, upon
Utah rebellion, ii, 6x ; is renominated
for Congress, ii, 81 ; speech at serenade
in Washington, ii, 8x; is defeated for
Congress, ii, 88; is appointed Minister
to Austria, ii, 91 ; his speech in Wash-
ington, ii, 93; his departure for Aus-
tria, ii, 94 ; is tendered a public dinner,
ii, 9S; Us residence in Vienna, ii, 99,
xoo; his diary, is, xoo; trip to Buda-
pest, ii, xox; visit to Ischl, ii, X03;
visit to salt works, ii, 104* 106; visit
of, to Maria Zell, ii, xo8; return of. to
Reading, ii, 193; his reply to address
of welcome, ii, X96; address to dtisens
of Heidelberg township, ii, 13 x; his
address in defence of the Union, ii,
134: views upon negro su£Erage,ii, 139;
his plea for political honesty, ii, 149;
letters of Horace Greeley to, ii, xss;
his death, ii, is$; tribute of the Read-
ing Daily Times to the xnemory of,
ii, 155; testimonial of the Berks
County Bar to, ii, X56; diplomatic
correspondence of. Appendix; letters
from Mr. Buchanan to. Appendix.
J0NB8, Jambs Glanct, 195.
JONBS. Jbbu, 45*
JoNBS, KaTBBKINB, XXX.
J0NB6, Major Jobn, 38.
JONBS, Mary. 79.
JONBS, RlCBMOND L., 76.
J0NB8, Rbv. William, xo.
JoNBs, William Rodman. 63.
Kansas, territory of, 961, 393. 333; Mr.
Jones is suggested as Governor of, 363 ,
refusal of Congress to admit under
Topeka constitution. 333; admission
of, to the Union under the Lecompton
constitution, ii, xs; rejoicing over, ii,
x8; Mr. Jones* speech to the dtisexu
of Washington upon. ii. x8; final
admisdon of, to the Union, ii, x8.
Kansas-Nebraska bill, 303, 309, 393;
last scene in the Kansas-Nebraska
draxna, ii, 9.
Kenyon College, 53; BCr. Jones' educa^
tion there, 53.
Know-nothing party, 338.
K068UTH, Louis, 163.
Lanb, Josbph, of Oregon, speech at
serenade to Mr. Jones, ii, 93.
Lawrence, Kansas, insurrectionary
movement at, ii, xo.
Lecompton constitution, ii, 9, xx; Kan-
sas admitted under, ii, xs; rejoidng
over, ii, x8; Mr. Jones' speech, ii, x8.
Lecompton government of Kansas, rec-
ognised by Congress, ii, X7.
Loan bill, ii, 36, 33.
London, vidt of Mr. Jones to, ii. X30.
"Main line," the, X4.
Maria Zell, vidt of Mr. Jones to. U. xo8.
Mat. Hon. Hbnrt, letter from, to Mr.
Jones, 367.
Mbigs, Captain Montgombrt C, letter
from, to Mr. Jones, ii, 7*
Mexican treaty, 3x4; speech of Mr,
Jones thereon. 3x3.
MiPPLiN. Gbn. Tbomas, 40.
Mixmesota, admitted as a State into the
Union, ii, 39-
Morgantown. Peimsylvania, 39.
Morgantown road, 34.
Motlbt. J. Lothrop. Mr. Jones' suc-
cessor as Minister to Austria, ii, 1x7,
xx8.
National conventions of, z844i 109; of
X848, X4x; of x8s6, 34S-
Negro slavery, 33; failure of the revo-
lutionary party in Kaxisas to meet
the issue of, ii, xs; established in
Kansas, ii, 13.
Negro suffrage, Mr. Joxses' views upon
ii. 139.
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INDEX
Neutrality laws, ii. 71.
Nicaragua, ii, 67.
Pacific railroad, ii. 78.
Panic of 1837. 69: of 1857. ii. 30.
Pazaguay. expedition to. ii, 56.
Paris, visit of Mr. Jones to, u, 119.
Pawling family, 45.
Philadelphia Democrate, letter to. from
Mr. Jones, ii, 5; offer of dinner by, to
Mr. Jones, ii. 50; letter of Mr. Jones
to, ii, 51.
PiBRCB, Franklin, his inauguration as
Ptwidcnt, Z94 ; his Cabiaet. 19s ; letter
of, to Mr. Jones, ass; notes from, to
Mr. Jones, 3 a a.
Postal system. H, a9.
Presidential campaigns of 1844* no,
xxx; of X848, X44; of i8s6, 344.
Printers of Reading, Penn., Mr. Jones'
letter to, a49.
PoUtical honesty, plea of Mr. Jones for,
ii. X49.
Ouincy, Pla., 7a, 7s.
OviTicAN. Gbn. John A., u,66, 7a, 77.
Reading Daily Times, txibute of, to Mr.
Jones* memory, ii, 153.
Reading, Pennsylvania, a4. xxa; peti-
tion of dtixens of, to Mr. Buchanan,
366; Mr. Jones' departure fxom, for
Austria, ii, 94; tender of public din-
ner by dtisens of, to Mr. Jones, ii, 95 ;
Mr. Jones' return to, ii, x 33; his re-
ception by the dtisens, ii, zas; riot
in railroad shops at, ii. 13a.
Republican party. a6o.
Revenue, ii, a6.
RiDOBLT, Rbv. G. W., s8.
Riot in Reading Railroad shops, ii. 133;
ringleader of, shot, ii, 133.
RooicAN, Anna, 58.
Rodman. Hon. William, 5^.
St. David's church, Radnor, 19.
St. Thomas' church, Morgantown, 37, 39.
Salt works. Mr. Jones' visit to, ii, X04,
X06.
Sbward. William H., ii, 99; despatches
from ii, iz8; despatches to. Appen-
dix, ii, 375.
Sioux Indians, ti, aa; Mr. Jones' speech
upon, ii, aa.
Slavery, in Caernarvon township. 33;
agitation of, x6o; agitation of, re-
opened, 303, 3x5; failure of revolu-
tionary party in Kansas to meet issue
of. ii, 13; adopted in Kansas, ii, 13.
Sparrow, Dr. Wiluam, s5-
Speakership, kmg contest over, 367.
"Squatter sovereignty," U, 16; repudi-
ated by the Cincinnati platform, ii, 17 :
afterwards caused split in the Demo-
cratic party, ii, X7.
Stage-coaches, sx.
SuMNBR, Charlbs, Rssault upon. 333.
Tariff, Mr. Jones' address thereon at
Baston, 8x: his speech thereon in the
House of Repreaentatives, 163; re-
marks thereon by Mr. Jones, ii, 38.
Taxation, burden of. ii, 31.
Topeka, Kansas, revolutionary govern-
ments formed at, a6a; refusal of Con-
gress to recognise the revolutionary
PATty at, 333; refusal of Congress to
admit Kansas under constitution
formed at. 333; revolutionary govern-
ment at, ii, 10.
Utah, rebellion in the territory of, ii, 59;
Mr. Jones' speech thereon, ii, 6z.
Union, struggles for the preservation of
the, 315: Mr. Jones' speech in defence
of the, ii, Z34.
Volunteers, regiments of, authorized,
ii. 63;
Vienna, Austria. Mr. Jones' residence
in. ii, 99, 100; sightseeing in. ii, zx6.
Walkbr, William, ii. 66.
Wannbr, Jobl B., nutyor of Reading,
his address of welcome to Mr. Jones.
iif xa4.
Washington, speeches of Mr. Jones to
dtisens of , ii, x8;ii, 40; ii. 8x;ii, 9a.
"Water Witch" fired on, u, 57.
Ways and Means, committee of. Mr.
Jones becomes member of. 158; Mr.
Jones becomes chairman of. ii. a;
duties of chairman of. ii, a.
Welsh immigration into Pexmsylvania, x
Welsh Mountain, ao.
Welsh settlers in the Conestoga Valley , a 5 .
Welsh tract, 3.
Whig party, disintegration of, 19$.
WUlingboro township, New Jereey, Mr.
Jones* residence thcurdn, 68.
WiNTRROP, ROBBRT C, ii, XOO.
YouNG.BRiOHAM.rebellionof .against the
govenmient of the United States, ii. .59
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