This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at|http : //books . google . com/
SIR JOHN CHARLES MOLTENO
K.C.M.G.
VOL. II.
tr/kw/ as.
I He LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR
^. r M.G, First Premier of Cape Coiot>v
oinprismg a HistoiVoT Reprtsaibtivf^
\\ ii*»tlions and Responsible Govemrrjeiit
-i he Cape and of Lord G^rniirvoa s^
nfederalion Micy ^ of SirBerrte fVerf's
r cii Commissiojiership of Soiilli Aiika
by
-r i r fcN { ) . M A . : . L .^^ . : >> i n ; i y u^ll.:. »',i .c.^ y. ;■ . ; ' ■ doe.
..:;iMOP. OF >. r=nrkAL ^^ith afpna'
vol.. li,
k ■ ' ^111;
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR
JOHN CHARLES MOLTENO
KCM.Gn First Premier of Cape Goloi^,
Comprising a Histoor^ Represeniative
Institofioiis and Responsible Government
at the Cape and of Lord Carnarvon^st:
Confedeiation Fblicy & of SirBarlle ImTcls
High Commissionership of South Afrka
by
p. A JHOLTENO.M.AaiM TRINITY COLLEGE .CAM BR I DOE.
^AUTHOR OF "A FEDERAL SOUTH AFRICA"
VOL 11.
LONDON : SMITH, ELDER & CO., WATERLOO PLACE
1900
[All rigbl* retervedj
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME
CHAPTER XVI
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT. 1875
PAOB
Position of Parties — Decisive Action of Ministers— Censure on Mr. Froude
— Mr. Molteno*s Speech— Debate— Receipt of Lord Carnarvon's Third
Despatch — Mr. Solomon's Motion— Conciliatory Attitude of Constitu-
tional Party — Mr. Solomon's Speech— House offers to assist Lord
Camanron with Griqualand West -Ministerial Majority— Position of
Question in England— Mr. Disraeli's Speech— The English Press-
Lord Granville I
CHAPTER X\n
LORD Carnarvon's despatches. i875-7(i
Lord Carnarvon attempts to turn out the Ministry— Directs a Dissolu-
tion— Sir Henry Barkly's Reasons against — Reception of Despatch at
the Cape— Improper Treatment of Mr. Molteno— Lord Blachford's
Views — Lord Carnarvon's Criticism on the Debates— Ministers' Reply
— They vindicate Self-government— Precedents in other Colonies-
Lord Carnarvon adopts Fronde's Proceedings— Ministers' Reply —
Debate in the Imperial Parliament — Results of similar Policy in the
West Indies 40
CHAPTER XVIII
THE DESPATCHES CONTINUED, AND THE SESSION OF 1876
Lord Carnarvon's Fourth Despatch — Inconsistency of the Despatches-
Fifth Despatch— Reply of Ministers — Conference transferred to
Xiondon — South Africa mast be left to itself — Lord Carnarvon rejects
VI LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
I'AOK
Advice — Session of 1876, and State of Parties — Mr. Molteno proposes
to visit England— House approves Ministerial Action— Work of the
Session — Confederation excites Natives 70
CHAPTER XIX
MISSION AS PLENIPOTENTIARY TO ENGLAND. 1876
Mr. Molteno proceeds to England— Lord Carnarvon arranges without Him
—Free State Difficulty— Imperial Government asks Cape to pay —
Correspondence with Lord Carnarvon — Interviews— Mr. Molteno pro-
poses Annexation of Walfisch Bay— Lord Carnarvon refuses — Serious
Results of Refusal to annex Damaraland— Mr. Molteno agrees to annex
Griqualand West— Annexation of Transvaal — Mr. Molteno declines to
discuss the Question— Urges Consolidation of South Africa by Unifica-
tion, not Confederation 92
CHAPTER XX
CONFERENCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 1876
Lord Carnarvon's Conference — Its Constitution— He invites Mr. Molteno
— The Latter declines— Conference invites Him— Proceedings of Con-
ference-Its Failure— Mail Contract 109
CHAPTER XXI
THE PERMISSIVE BILL. 1876-77
liOrd Carnarvon's Intrigues with Mr. Paterson — He passes over Ministers
—Announces Policy of Permissive BiU —Annexation of Transvaal— The
Permissive Bill— Its Impracticability— Breach of Faith in regard to
Griqualand West — Ministerial Protest— Lord Carnarvon admits its
Validity — Reactionary Character of Bill — Discrepancy between Lord
Carnarvon's Public and Secret Action — Letter to Sir Bartle Frere —
Resolved to force his Policy — Hostile Reception of Permissive Bill in
South Africa -Details of Bill— Attempts to coerce South Africa— Re-
ception of Bill in Natal— In Transvaal — In Free State — In Eastern
Province— In the West— Mr. Molteno's Speech at Beaufort— Banquet
to Sir Henry Barkly — His Departure— Success of his Administration
—Our great Colonial Governors 122
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME vii
CHAPTER XXII
SIR BABTLE FRERE. 1867-77
PAOK
Indian Bnreauorat— Despotic Rule—Indian Experience— Unfitted for
Cyonstitntional Ruler— Rashness, Want of Judgment and Patience —
He forces Hands of Superiors — His Love of Popularity— Cotton
Disasters — A Quinquennial GsBsar— Lord Blaohford*s Views— Mr.
Molteno*8 Experience— Sir Bartle Frere's Views after Colonial Ex-
perience—He advocates untrammelled Responsible Government —
And Mr. Molteno*8 Unification Policy— Recommends Abolition of New
Zealand's Parliament — And Establishment of Dictatorship — Sir
George Grey's Views— Special Salary 158
CHAPTER XXIII
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S ARRIVAL. ANNEXATION OP THE
TRANSVAAL. 1877
Lord Carnarvon makes Sir Bartle Frere Dictator of South Africa— He
complains of his limited Powers as Constitutional Governor—
Disastrous Results of his Policy in Afghanistan — Australian Warning
— Duty of Constitutional Governor — Ignorance of the English Press
— The Governor first meets the Cape Cabinet— Presses his Views of
Confederation— Mr. Molteno rejects them — The latter's Views on Con-
federation— Their ultimate Justification— The Annexation of the
Transvaal— Mr. Molteno not consulted— He refuses to involve the
Cape in the Question— Lord Carnarvon's Promises broken . 184
CHAPTER XXIV
FIRST PARLIAMENTARY SESSION UNDER
SIR BARTLE FRERE. 1877
Meeting of Cape Parliament — Annexation of Damaraland— Position of
Ministry —Attacks upon It — They serve to strengthen Ministry— Crisis
with Ereli — Energetic and Successful Action — Defence — Burgher Bill
— Unity of Colony maintained— Wise Native Policy— Mr. Solomon's
Tribute — Annexation of Griqualand West — Discourteous Treatment of
Mr. Molteno by Lord Carnarvon — Position of Confederation Question —
Bouth Africa, except Cape and Free State, directly under the Secretary
of State —Disastrous Results of Control from afar .... 207
viii LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXV
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR. 1877
PA«F
Native Disturbanocs — Kreli and Fingoes — Oovemor temporises — Dis-
regards Ministers* Advice — Ministers* Preparations — They arge
vigorous Action — Mazeppa Bay Landing— Relations of Imperial and
Colonial Forces— Mr. Molteno urges immediate Advance — Proceeds to
Frontier— Griffith in charge of Operations — Successful Clearance of
Galekaland — Governor's Proposals for Settlement of Galekaland —
Forces them on Ministers at Bisk of a Crisis— Their unsuitable
Character -Ministers urge Governor's Beturn to Cape Town — Galekas
come back 222
CHAPTER XXVI
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAR. 1877
Panic on Escape of Mackinnon— Gaika Outbreak— Necessity for Use of
Native Allies— Imperial Troops used by Governor— Baises Forces in
opposition to Ministers— Refuses to return to Cape Town— Chaos of
Government Business - General's Inactivity — Allows Khiva to escape 254
CHAPTER XXVII
DISARMAMENT OP NATIVES. 1877-78
Governor ignores Ministers— Announces Disarmamen of Natives—Fatal
Effects— Gaikas driven to Desperation— The Governor refuses
Ministers' Advice— Crisis in Relations- Mr. Molteno goes to Frontier
— He vetoes Disarmament Policy — Martial Law — Governor refuses
Attorney-General's Advice — Issues Illegal Proclamation — Subsequently
withdraws Proclamation— Appeals for Imperial Troops— In Opposition
to Mr. M(jlt<»noV Advice 281
CHAPTER XXVIII
KVKNTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL. 1878
Arrival on Frontier — Griffith appointed Commandant- General — Military
Mismanagement— Disastrous Betreat— Relations between Imperial
Troops and Colonial Government — Difference between Governor and
^linisters — Ministers insist on control of Colonial Forces — Governor
resists — Correspondence between Mr. Molteno and Governor —Minutes
between Governor and Mr. Molteno — Governor forces Cabinet
Council 300
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME ix
CHAPTEB XXIX
THE DISMISSAL. 1878
FAQI
Relations between Governor and Ministry—Oovemor suddenly inmmons
Cabinet Gooncil — Mr. Molteno protests — Qovemor asks for more
Imperial Troops — Mr. Molteno refuses Assent— Violent Crisis — Cabinet
Council of February 2nd— Dismissal thereat— Letter of February 6th
repeating Dismissal— Unconstitutional Aotion of Governor-— Ignorance
of Constitutional Law— Questions at Issue— Governor ignorant of
Colonial History— His Contentions upset by Secretary of State— Mr.
Molteno's Speech on Dismissal — Constitutional Principles involved —
Disastrous Results of Sir Rartle Frere's Dictatorship— Todd's account
of Dismissal discussed
CHAPTEB XXX
DISMISSAL DEBATE. 1878
South Africa under Despotic Rule — Free State alone independent — Sub-
servient Ministry in Cape— Untrue Statements circulated — Denials in
Press — Hostility of Press— Intrigues— Government House Influences
—Governor misrepresents Position to Home Government— Confused
and misleading Statement of Case — Dismissal Debate — Mr. Merriman*s
Resolutions — His Speech— Mr. Molteno's Speech— Speaker intervenes
-Mr. Stockenstrom*s Speech— Mr. Sprigg's Defence — Papers with-
held— Real Issue not met — Mr. Merriman's Reply — Party Action of
Governor— Fatal Results of condoning Governor's Aotion— South
Africa convulsed— Mr. Molteno's Policy and Sir Bartle Frere's . . 364
CHAPTER XXXI
PERSONAL RULE RE-ESTABLISHED
Effects of Personal Rule on Cape Colony— Costly Defence Schemes-
Their Futility — Enormous War Expenditure — Sunmiary of Mr.
Molteno's Policy — Success of his Administration — Irrigation to follow
Railways— Extension of Colonial Boundary— Ultimate Federation of
South Africa — Responsible Government an Object Lesson — Destroyed
by pursuit of Imperial Policy — Lord Blaohford's Views — Machinery
of Empire — Impossible without Responsible Government— Mr. Molteno
retires temporarily from Public Life 402
VOL. II. * a
X LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXXII
POSITION OF CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL. 1878-80
PAOI
Sir Bartle Frere makes Diotatorehip more efFeotive — Asks for Control OTer
Sir Henry Bolwer and Sir Theophilns Shepstone— Home OoTemment
aooedes to this — Change in Tone of Despatches— Sir Henry Bulwer
ignored— Znla Policy— Sir Bartle forces War on Cetywi^o— Presses
for Reinforcements- Secretary of State disapproves Znln Policy— Ulti-
matom to Zulu King— Censure of Secretary of State — Sir Qamet
Wolseley sapersedes him in South-east Africa— Sir Bartle Frere retoms
to Cape— Betams to Disarmament Policy — ^Basato War — Transkei
War— Confederation Question in Cape Colony- Session of 1879—
Evils resulting from Confederation Policy— Transvaal Constitution
delayed — Promises to Transvaal broken — Impatience of Secretary of
State— Attempts to hasten Confederation in Cape Parliament— Session
of 1880— Proposals for a Conference — Unfairness of to Cape— Debate
on— Rejected without a Division— Recall of Sir Bartle Frere— Govern-
ment out of touch with People of South Africa— Afrikander Bond— Sir
Bartle Frere misrepresents State of Affairs— Resentment of Transvaal
People— No Want of Evidence of Feeling — Deputation of Cape Members
urge Restoration of Independence — Sir Bartle forces Hand of Mr.
Gladstone's Ministry— He declares Civil War result of Independence
—Mr. Molteno returns to Public Life— Elected for Victoria West— Fall
of Sir Bartle Frere's Nominee Ministry- Mr. Molteno becomes Colonial
Secretary again — Condition of Colony on Sir Bartle Frere's Departure
— War — Taxation — Stagnation — Violent Feelings and Resentments —
Mr. Molteno resigns and retires finally 415
CHAPTER XXXIII
CONCLUSION
Estimate of Mr. Molteno*s Character— Testimony of Colleagues— Of High
Commissioners — Of Sir George Grey— Opponents* Views— Lord
Wolseley's— Lion of Beaufort— Personal Reminiscences— Last Tears . 461
INDEX 469
ILLUSTRATIONS to VOL. II.
PORTRAIT OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO FronHspiaee
MAPS
EUROPEAN SOUTH AFRICA IN 1878 tofacep.iOS
EUROPEAN SOUTH AFRICA— PRESENT DAY ... ,,460
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
SIR JOHN CHARLES MOLTENO, K.C.M.G.
CHAPTER XVI
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PABLIAMENT. 1875
Position of Parties— Dedsive Action of Ministers— Censure on Mr. Fronde —
Mr. Molteno*s Speech- Debate— Beoeipt of Lord Carnarvon's third
Despatch — Mr. Solomon's Motion— Conciliatory Attitude of Constitutional
Party — Mr. Solomon's Speech— House offers to assist Lord Carnarvon with
Griquahmd West — Ministerial Majority— Position of Question in England
—Mr. Disraeli's Speech— The English Press— Lord Granville.
IjET us now see what was the position of paxties in the
Legislature. Was Mr. Molteno to be ousted and replaced
by Mr. Paterson, or would Parliament support Mr. Molteno,
as it had supported him in the previous session, in his
refusal to join for the Colony in any Conference? Mr.
Froude had boasted in his Port Elizabeth speech that his
appeal had been to the people, who had answered that appeal
in his favour; he held petitions and resolutions from a
majority of the constituencies, and, by virtue of this com-
mission from the people, he had vmtten to ask the Governor
what he proposed doing on the reassembling of Parliament.
He had even gone so far as to say that he would, through
his Premier, Mr. Paterson, use his majority, in the first
instance, to pass an Act of Indemnity for any acts of his
own which were not constitutionally correct. The public
*' VOL. n. B
S LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
press of the Colony — could it be taken, as Lord Carnarvon
took it, to really represent the feelings and wishes of the
colonists — was largely in favour of his scheme of a Conference
followed by confederation. The press was, however, merely
the echo of the unreal and superficial support which an
active clique, with money supplied from the Port Elizabeth
Federation League, had galvanised into the appearance of a
more solid and widespread feeling.
Mr. Froude had evidently reported to Lord Carnarvon
his sanguine views as to the support he would receive
in the Cape Parliament. Lord Carnarvon adopted them,
coinciding as they did with his ardent wishes, and inti-
mated to Sir Henry Barkly his conviction that the Ministry
would be defeated, if not immediately, yet on an appeal to
the constituencies, which he directed him to make ; but the
Governor, before Parliament met, had told Lord Carnarvon
that the issue was at least doubtful, and that probably a
resolution approving the Ministerial Minute would be carried
by a very small majority; after the resolution of the Ministry
had been published he reported that they expected a fair
majority.
Mr. Molteno had refused to be dragged out of the proper
constitutional routine in official action by Lord Carnarvon's
and Mr. Fronde's line of conduct. He refused to follow
them in appealing to the people in the irregular and uncon-
stitutional manner in which Lord Carnarvon by his de-
spatches and Mr. Froude by his ' stumping ' tour had done. He
had further refused to allow Mr. Froude or any unauthorised
person to be made privy to the Minutes and Memorandum
of the 14th of September, which had remained unpublished.
In silence he had to endure the misrepresentations, the
assertions, the mis-statements, and the imputations of un-
worthy conduct hurled at him by his violent and bitter
opponents; he had no means of meeting these mis-state-
ments. Now, however, the time had come to give expres-
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PAELIAMENT 3
sion to his pent-up feelings, and to speak out before the
proper constitutional tribunal, which was also the proper
authority to have cognisance before all others of the de-
spatches which had passed between the Ministry and the
Secretary of State.
Not only was it desirable, but it was absolutely neces-
sary, to speak out clearly and distinctly to vindicate re-
sponsible government, the principles of which had been
so seriously infringed by Lord Carnarvon and Mr. Froude.
The Governor's speech on the opening of Parliament did
not give Mr. Molteno the requisite opportunity, as the
former refused to say all the Premier wished him to do.
Before the Ministerial Minute and Memorandum of the
14th of September were made known the issue had been
doubtful, but Mr, Molteno had acted like the captains
of old when at Trafalgar they reserved the fire of their
double-shotted guns for the moment at which they broke
the line, carrying irresistible destruction to the enemy.
With a promptitude which took away the breath of his
opponents, he laid these documents upon the table of the
House immediately upon the assembling of Parliament,
coupled with the resolution set out below. The Governor
had thought that its boldness might stagger some of the
Ministerial supporters. It had the contrary effect of
strengthening any possible waverers. The issue was no
longer doubtful.
The resolution was as follows : —
That in the opinion of this House the agitation which has been
created and encouraged in this Colony by the Imperial Grovem-
ment, in opposition to the Colonial Gk)vemment, on the subject of
a Conference of representatives of the several Colonies and States
in South Africa, as proposed by Lord Carnarvon, is unconstitu-
tional, and such as to make the successful working of self-govern-
ment in this Colony impossible ; and this House, having considered
(he despatch of tiie Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the
Colonies, dated the 15th of July last, is still of opinion that the
B 2
4 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
interests of the Colony would not be promoted by pressing forward
at the present time such a Conference as the Secretary of State
proposes.
This notice had been considered and agreed to at a
meeting of what was called the Constitutional Party,
attended by Messrs. Sprigg, Solomon, and Fairbridge, and
all the influential men of the party. When Mr. Molteno
informed the Governor that he had given notice of a resolu-
tion which charged the Imperial Government with having
encouraged unconstitutional agitation with a view of pressing
its views on the Colonial Government, the Governor expressed
his surprise. Mr. Molteno explained to him that, when he
found that he had refused to say all that he wanted him to
say in his opening speech, he deliberately decided on this
course, and thought it better to say nothing to him until
afterwards. The Governor said that, even if the charge of
unconstitutional agitation could be established against Mr.
Froude, it was unfair to assume that Lord Carnarvon was
ready to sanction all that Mr. Froude had said and done.^
* As the Governor infonned Lord Carnarvon, the feeling against Mr. Froude
was very decided, even among the old Datch families around Gape Town, and
it would kindle into flame if it were attempted to put down things with a high
hand. Mr. Froude, himself, in his famous report, says, * with respect to myself,
an opinion began to prevail that my zeal had gone beyond my discretion.* —
I. P., C— 1399, p. 80.
The character of the feeling now being called out was exemplified by the
speech of Mr. Fairbridge, one of the members of Parliament for Cape Town,
who was a most staimch Conservative. At the public meeting recently held in
Cape Town to discuss Lord Carnarvon's policy he said : —
*Mr. Paterson has appealed to the question of blood. Well, we have
English, and French, and Dutch blood among us, and out of that blood will be
made up the future South Africa ; and I will ask you all, of whatever blood you
may be, are you going to give up your constitutional rights to please Lord Car-
narvon or anyone else ? I will ask the Englishman, whose nation has long
been regarded as the home of constitutional liberty, Will you give up your
rights ? I will ask the Frenchman, who loves liberty. Will you give up your
rights ? I will ask the Dutchman, whose mother country resisted the efforts
of Spain for eighty years, Will you give up your rights and bow down to the
dictation of Lord Carnarvon ? Should not an Englishman in the Cape show
that he was as good and true as one who was out of it? Were there not
English in Australia, and was the Englishman at the Cape of inferior blood ?
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PAELIAMENT 6
The Governor informed him that he would hold himself free
to disallow the proceedings of the Ministry in any way he
might see fit. Mr. Molteno replied that they had foreseen
this, and were fully determined to take all the consequences,
whatever they might be.
At a subsequent interview next morning, the Governor
informed Mr. Molteno plainly that he was prepared to take
any responsibility sooner than to let him move a resolution
to that effect as a Minister of the Crown. Mr. Molteno
informed him that he was indifferent as to the capacity in
which he made the motion ; he quoted precedents from
the other colonies to show that far more outspoken reso-
lutions had been carried without the Governor attempt-
ing to interfere, notably in the case of Victoria at the
end of 1869 under Lord Canterbury, when the Assembly
declared its readiness to support the Ministry against any
interference on the part of the Imperial Government ; and
he urged that responsible government in the colonies would
be a farce if directly a Ministry complained of the action of
the Secretary of State and his agents the Governor were to
step in and attempt to stifle the free expression of opinion.
The Governor urged Mr. Molteno to await the result of
(Loud cheers.) I suppose if we had been a more powerful people the Home
Oovemment would never have taken such liberties with us.
* Or is it because we live in the West that we are unworthy of the rights of
Englishmen ? This is not the first time Cape Town has had to take up a firm
stand. There was the Anti-Convict agitation. It was said then that we were
disloyal, and that we ought to do whatever the mother country told us to do,
but we did not do it. We did not give way ; and I believe that if it had been
necessary we should have taken up arms to maintain our position. Well, I
hope the ooimtry will evince a similar spirit now. John Paterson is one of
those men who were described by Mr. Merriman as coming here to make
money and going away again as soon as they had made it. Well, I do not
grudge him a fortune if he should make one, nor shall I envy him if they make
a baronet of him, of which it is said there is a chance. But there is one on
whom I think we can count to do his duty to the Colony, and that is John
dharles Molteno.'
This was significant coming from Mr. Fairbridge, who had so strenuously
opposed Mr. Molteno when he desired to introduce responsible government at
the Cape.
6 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
the protest in the Minute against the course pursued by
Mr. Froude, who, he suggested, might have gone beyond his
instructions.^ Mr. Molteno then inquired whether, if the
conduct of Mr. Froude alone were condemned, the Go-
vernor would feel bound to interfere at the risk of a Minis-
terial crisis and a dissolution, which would have the effect
of throwing the whole Colony into confusion, and dividing
it into hostile camps. The Grovemor consented to avoid
this if the language used were moderate. The result was
that after Mr. Molteno had consulted with his party the
word ' by ' was omitted, and the words ' in the name of ' were
inserted before * the Imperial Government,' and with this
modification the Governor deemed it prudent to rest content.
The Minute and Memorandum and resolution were wel-
comed with acclaim at the time, as they will be treasured in
the future by all who understand the principles of constitu-
tional liberty and established law. They were felt to place
the Cape Colony in line with and in the highest ranks of
the most high-minded, freedom-loving, and constitutional
colonies under the British Crown.
It was indeed vain to deny that Mr. Froude had appealed
to the people against the Ministry, and that he knew this
to be contrary to constitutional usage, for he had candidly
confessed that it was so. And an incident now occurred
which showed the effects of his intrigues. A resolution
in favour of a Conference was proposed in the Legislative
Council. Advantage was taken of a technical rule of the
Council to deny to Mr. Molteno when he presented him-
self the right to be heard at all upon the resolution, thus
showing the character of the means to which the Froude
party were ready to resort. Mr. Froude had skilfully played
on the fear of the effects of the Seven Circles Act, which
* As Bnbseqaeni events proved, it was fortunate for the vindication of the
rights of the Golony that Mr. Molteno did not take this advice, for Lord
Carnarvon approved all Mr. Froude had done.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PAEUAMBNT 7
had always been distasteful to the existing Council, with
the object of influencing the more deliberate and important
debate which was taking place in the House of Assembly*
The incident shows the danger of having a Chamber of so
few representatives. The work of intrigue is made easy, for
the effects of capturing even two or three votes is serious in
a body composed of so few members.
When the notices were called, the Premier rose, and, as
the champion of the rights of the colonists of the Cape of
Grood Hope, gave his challenge to the anti-colonial party.
As was his wont, there was no uncertain meaning in his
words, no equivocation, no necessity to read between the
lines. The words of the resolution read like the utterances
of the Englishmen who in British North America and Aus-
tralia were building up nations worthy of the free institutions
which they had generously received from England. The
cynical philosopher who, in his books, had spoken with con-
tempt of constitutional government ; the speculators whose
interest in the farms of the Transvaal and elsewhere made
them desire to see the English flag over them ; the office
seekers, ready to grasp at the treasury benches, might
unite if they pleased in opposing the resolution ; but every
man who valued free government would rally round Mr.
Molteno in thus boldly and manfully meeting the imperial
agitator.
A cheer of the kind that indicates deep feeling greeted
the resolution, and the hope that the Assembly would take
the government of the Colony out of Mr. Molteno's well-tried
hands to place it in the keeping of the instrument selected by
Mr. Proude was destroyed for ever. Separation had always
been nowhere when brought face to face with the strong
common sense of the Parliament. And now, however skil-
fully Mr. Froude had worked his plans, and played his cards
to gain supporters amongst the land speculators of Port
Elizabeth and the Separationists of Grahamstown, amongst
8 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
the patriotic Afrikanders, and all the other interests, in-
fluences, and agencies — now, when the arguments were put
forward where they could be met and answered, the great
house of cards collapsed at once.
Mr. Molteno spoke in a manner characteristic of him, and
worthy of the high position which he held as the defender
and champion of the great constitutional privileges which
the Cape now possessed, and for which he had fought through
many a long day of discouragement. The success with
which he had initiated responsible government was univer-
sally admitted. He now proved that he was capable of its
defence with equal courage and ability. There may have been
a want of systematic arrangement or definite elaboration
in the framing of the speech, but there was a broad, manly
honesty and straightforwardness about it, of which every
colonist worthy of the name might feel proud. There was
nothing hollow, deceptive, tricky, or evasive in any single
word, while there was an inteUigent and patriotic appreciation
of true constitutional principles. With all his defects, the
figure he presented and the attitude he assumed were worthy
of the position he held as first Premier of the Colony of the
Cape of Good Hope.
Mr. Molteno began with a reference to the importance
of the subject and his own inability to do justice to it : ' I
feel strongly upon the question, and it is quite probable that
I shall speak strongly, but at the same time I hope that any-
thing I may say will not be deemed discourteous.' It was
indeed remarkable to what an extent, considering the pro-
vocation given, he succeeded in avoiding personal attacks,
keeping the discussion on the high level of the great prin-
ciples involved. He said there was a time in the history of
aU nations with free institutions when the people were
tempted to part with their privileges, and he passed on to
the rise and progress of representative government at the
Cape of Good Hope. He showed how, here, self-government
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 9
followed the noble resistance of the Colony to the attempt
of the Imperial Government to make it a penal settlement.
Beferring to the share he himself had taken in the straggles
to relieve this country from the mismanagement of Downing
Street, he said he would go down to his grave with self-
condemnation in his mind if he did anything to destroy the
privileges it now enjoyed.
I believe, Mr. Speaker, that in the history of all nations and
Monies — especially young colonies — you find occasions of this
kind arise where assaults are made on their privileges — privileges,
perhaps, which they have been fighting for for many years. A
time arrives when there is some kind of temptation, some allure-
ment is held out ; and people, not thinking properly what they are
doing, are apt to grasp at a shadow, and sacrifice perchance their
valuable privileges for really next to nothing. I am rather inclined
to think that this is the case here, that a number of persons at the
present day in this Colony are thinking too Ughtly of this matter
altogether, and are not asking what sacrifices they are going to
make, and what they are going to get in return. I consider that
in matters of this kind, if you once begin to pull away a brick here
and a brick there from the foundation, you will very soon have the
whole structure down about your heads. You require to be very
careful what you are doing, and nothing but the direst necessity
or the strongest possible groimds should induce a representative
body to tamper in any way with or injure the privileges which,
after a hard fight, and an agitation and discussion for years and
years, they have obtained.
Now, Mr. Speaker, I will go back a long time. This Par-
liament has, I think, been in existence since 1854, and we know
how it was that a constitution came to be granted to this country.
Some of us, at all events, are able to remember the great an^-
convict agitation, the resistance which was made to bringing
^sonvicts here, and making the Cape a penal settlement. We
can remember the strenuous exertions which were made to
resist the measure proposed then by the Imperial Government.
No doubt Earl Grey acted with the best intentions, and had no
desire to sacrifice this Colony; but every thinking man must
admit and feel that had this Colony submitted to that mea-
Bare, then it could not have been the Colony it is. It was neces-
sary at that time to stand firm and resist the measure which was
proposed, and, in spite of all the weight and authority of the
Imperial Government, we resisted successfully ; and I believe the
10 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
very men who wished to impose that burden upon the Colony now
see that we are right. The conduct of this Colony on that occa-
sion has been held up to the admiration of all the colonies. It
stopped the sending of convicts to the Australian colonies ; and
we were considered generally to have taken a just stand on that
most important question.
After this it was foimd that it would no longer do to rule the
Colony from Downing Street in the way it had hitherto been
ruled, and out of that noble resistance sprang the constitution^
and an end was put to the close system which had prevailed
before. In order to complete the structure, and to enable us
to manage our own affairs, a movement was subsequently started
for what was called responsible government; and it is now
just three years since that consummation was arrived at. Many
difficulties had to be encountered in attaining this, and there was
a great deal of trouble and hard work. I had the honour of taking
the leading part in that movement, and I have lived to see th&
success of our endeavours in that direction, and our representative
institutions crowned by that which can really make them useful
and effective. Under these circumstances I was invited by the
almost unanimous call of the country to become its first respon-
sible Minister, and I happen still to hold that position ; and, hold-
ing that position — having taken an inmiense interest in this ques-
tion, and knowing the great value of what we obtained then — I do
feel that I am placed in a most responsible position, not only as a
member of this House, which I am outside my position as the first
responsible Minister of this Colony, but I do tUnk I should go down
to my grave with a reflection on myself if I did anything to de-
stroy those privileges which we fought for and acquired.
I regret to see men who believe in these institutions ready on the
slightest pretext and the smallest inducement to surrender them.
What we agitated for was the management of our own affairs. We
object to gentlemen being sent out from England to manage our
concerns, however well-intentioned they might be. They are unable
to understand them as we can, and therefore it was we said ' Give us
the management of our own affairs.' Even if we do not manage
them to the exact satisfaction of those outside, so long as we do not
interfere with their rights and privileges, let us get on as best we
can with our own affairs, and do not let anything send us back again
to the old close system. Therefore, I say. What is it you are doing
to-day ? Beware what you do to remove the foundations of those
valuable privileges which you have obtained ; and if you will
sacrifice them, take care that you get something in the way of
compensation, if it is possible so to do.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 11
He then passed on to the agitation and the agitator. He
described, amid the laughter of his supporters, how Mr.
Froude first came to the country and how he travelled over
it by post-cart and other expeditious conveyances. He
referred to what Mr. Froude had said of himself at that time,
but briefly and with delicacy, as if he disliked using the
terms that would properly describe these statements. The
government of the Colony knew nothing more about the
matter till one day, when occupied with his parliamentary
duties, the Governor sent for him, and put into his hands
the despatch of the 4th of May. * I was never more surprised
in my life, and am really at a loss how exactly to explain
my feelings.' It was then he received a private letter from
Mr. Froude, urging him to carry out the views of the
despatch.
It was not left to the consideration of the responsible Ministers
of this Colony to say whether it should be published or not, and
yet it was a matter Tyhich was going to affect our deepest interests.
Tet everything was all cut and dried ; and, virtually, we were told
to accept it, whether we liked it or not. The Home Government
did not think it necessary to consult the responsible Ministers of
this Colony at all upon that matter — we who had been selected by
this House as men in whom confidence could be placed. Yet we
were entirely passed by. I certainly thought this an extraordinary
proceeding.
As the Governor was ordered to publish the despatch
the Ministry thought that they would be cowards if in put-
ting it before Parliament they did not express their opinion
upon the document. They were now accused of having been
rude in their Minute, but he was only a plain man who put
upon paper what he honestly meant, and not a * polite letter
writer,' who wrapped up disagreeable things in honeyed
words. He scouted the idea of rudeness, and defied anyone
to point it out.
Then he went on to describe the second arrival of Mr.
Froude, and how he was captured by a set of gentlemen who
12 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
had never since allowed him to go out of their clutches. He
caused considerable merriment by referring to the dinner
which at the time was said to be non-pohtical, but which,
when the Cape Town meeting was to be held, was referred to
by its promoters as having given the opinion of the city on
the question of the day. He next described how the same
party had taken the ' eminent historian ' about the country
and made a show of him. He was severe on the onesidedness
of what he called the * Dutch press ' at that time. He
referred to Mr. Froude's departure for the east when the
separation cry was raised, and the * 14,000 petition ' was
taken out of its pigeon-hole.
So satisfied were the people with the introduction of respon-
sible government, that addresses of congratulation poured in from
all sides. I have them now, some fifty or sixty in number, and I
defy any one to point out a single syllable where there was any
such idea as separation. The thing, I say, was dead and forgotten,
and we had all agreed to go on harmoniously together. We con-
sented to sink all these things, finding in consequence of the
Separation Commission that to support three governors and three
ministers was altogether out of the question. There was no objec-
tion to give all the localities an increase of local government,
which is as much as large towns in England expect. They do not
want a governor at every place, nor a Minister at every place ;
they could not stand it. We agreed, therefore, to go on together ;
it was resolved to carry on public works, and to let the hatchet be
buried. We agreed to spend five millions on railways and other
public works, and were going on most comfortably, when this
gentleman comes out here and tells us we are in a pretty mess
and do not know it. He told us that we did not know how to do
this, and how to do that, and how to do the other ; but if we would
only let proper people tell us we should get along all right, and
there would be hope and salvation for us yet.
We were to be taught how to cultivate our farms, drive our
oxen, plough our fields, and do all those things about which we
knew so little. It was considered that people at home could take
a much larger view than we poor imfortunate folks. This literary
gentleman said : ' You poor working fellows do not value, you do
not know the capabilities of the country, and how they can be
developed ; you must be guided by a superior intelligence.' The
Ministry were stigmatised as the greatest set of rascals that ever
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 18
existed, although a short time before they had been oourted and
congratulated in every district, and told they were the most suit-
able persons who oould possibly be selected for the first responsible
Ministry.
He pointed out how artfully it was contrived in the
despatch of the 4th of May to fan the separation fire by reducing
the Prime Minister of the whole Colony to be a representative
of only a part of it, and how by making him a representative
of the west it was intended to injure the Ministry in the
east. He expressed his respect for public meetings properly
convened and conducted, but derided those got up by busy-
bodies who never took part in anjrthing except when mischief
was on foot. Such things had been done by Mr. Froude,
and in his presence, that he felt sure that Earl Carnarvon or
any other British statesman would never approve of them if
they were brought to their notice. At one dinner given to
him, when the health of Sir Henry Barkly, the Governor of
the Colony, and the legal and constitutional representative
of her Majesty the Queen, was proposed, it was hissed, and
Mr. Froude stood by and allowed the insult to go unnoticed.
The Opposition party went on stirring up the strife, urging that
it was a monstrous thing for the Ministry to set themselves up
against the voice of the country. Why pay attention to the vote
of the House of Assembly ? They say, Why do not the Ministry
resign instantly ? I reply that I do not feel justified in resigning.
The House of Assembly has put me in my present position, and it
would be most cowardly on my part to resign. Whenever the
country has had enough of my services and can find a better man
I shall be only too glad. I have had a good deal of hard work,
and shall not break my heart ; but I cannot desert my post. It is
no crime to stick to the views of duty. I felt I was bound to do
80 till I was relieved. When that time comes there is an end of
the thing. But how can I take a small meeting here and there
with cut and dried resolutions got up by a lot of busybodies as the
views of the country?
What had we to resign for? The people of the Colony had
entrusted their af&drs to us ; we were tried men ; but instead of
placing confidence in us it has been urged that attention should
14 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
be paid to these noisy meetings all over the coontry, when there is
no certain way of finding out how far they represent the feelings
of the people. But are meetings of this sort to disturb the
decisions of the legislature deliberately come to ? Do you want
to get into the same state as Paris was ? I verily believe that if
it was possible for Lord Carnarvon to be fully acquainted with
these things, no British statesman would countenance such pro-
ceedings, so utterly subversive of good government. For a man
to come here and over-ride the Government of the Colony and the
people, and arrogate to himself all these functions ! I do not say
it in any offensive way. Mr. Froude, no doubt, is a man of large
literary resources and so on ; but for all that he has come out here
and agitated the country. To show the Imperial character of this
gentleman, he is authorised, in his own opinion, to over-ride the
Governor. He is Lord Carnarvon's trusted agent. I suppose
Lord Carnarvon, as a constitutional Minister of the British Crown,
can appoint a governor here, but can he appoint another person to
over-ride him ?
I will read what this gentleman said at Grahamstown, and
truly I was astonished when I read it. ' My dear Mr. Mayor, — I
must write a few words now, when the excitement of the first
impression has cooled, to thank Grahamstown for the splendid
support which it has rendered to her Majesty's Secretary of
State.' What support, I would ask ? Is not that opposition to
the Ministry and Government of the country in favour of Lord
Carnarvon, after a matter has been properly decided by the repre-
sentatives of the people ? Could anything be more extraordincuy ?
I was utterly astonished when I read that, and I thought that Mr.
Froude had better assume the governorship at once. He goes on :
' I have to thank you further on account of my own self for the
reception you gave to me as Lord Carnarvon's unworthy repre-
sentative.' Now how can we have any other representative than
the Governor ? By what constitutional course does Lord Carnarvon
send another representative of the Queen here? By what
authority, I ask, can a British Minister do anything he likes ? If
this is an unconstitutional course, which it certainly seems to me
to be, it is for us to look carefully into the matter, and ask the
reason why.
* Nothing, I can assure you, can give me more pleasure, or her
Majesty's Gk>vemment.' Just look at the whole tone of the things.
No governor could have written in stronger terms, for it seems to
me to supersede everything and everybody. ' All the English nation.'
What on earth have the Grahamstown people done for Lord Car-
narvon to deserve the thanks of the English nation ? They certainly
received this gentleman and gave him a good dinner, and made a
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 15
great deal of fuss, bnt they had better have lain down in the streets
and allowed him to walk over their neoks ' All the English nation
thanks you on acooont of the hearty loyalty of the inhabitants of
80 important a community as yours.' That is this gentleman's
loyalty, to excite the people of the Colony, who have got a regular
fixed Gk)veniment, and a House of Representatives, who have
dealt with this matter — to call them together and speak to them,
and say ' these people do not represent you. Tell them to make
insulting remarks against the Ministry.' And then he concludes
his letter, * To yourself as Mayor and the rest of the community I
tender my gratitude.' After that, I think we had better all shut
up. I really do not see what is to be done, or how the Govern-
ment is to be carried on. I am afraid if this hterary gentleman
were to write an additional page or two with regard to Ireland
and picture such a state of things as anyone going and setting
himself against the Gk)vemment, he would say he ought to be
hanged on the highest gallows ; he would, in fact, be obliged to
condemn himself from his own point of view.
With reference to the petitions from the country in
favour of the Conference, all in the same terms, and in the
same handvmting, he said : —
I had intended to remark upon the singular coincidence and
similarity of all these petitions which have been presented, evi-
dently issuing from one fount of type, and from one particular
place. The only occasion when I remember anything similar was
when Sir Philip Wodehouse sent down a Bill recommending the
destruction of the constitution of this Colony. He proposed to do
away with the Council, and reduce the House of Assembly to
twelve members. Then a similar course was adopted of sending
cut and dried petitions about the country. The moment we saw
this proposal to cut down the constitution, we said, ' If we die on
the floor we must stop this ; it will never do.' But you will find
men sometimes who will support everything, so long as it comes
from a certain source, and at that time we found gentlemen in
this House ready to support the cutting down of the constitution,
and petitions were got up and signed in much the same way as
we see to-day. Now, we are asked virtually to destroy responsible
government. Well, what is the use of responsible government if
an Imperial agent is to come out here and arouse the whole
country against the Ministry? I ask any sensible man, and it
does not require one to go very deep into constitutional law
and aU that sort of thing. It stands to reason and common
16 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
sense. How can the government be properly carried on when
an Imperial agent, commissioned by an English statesman, comes
out here, gathers the people together, addresses them, receives
their homage, and incites them against the Ministry ?
The Ministry have laid before this House a memorandmn,
and I think we were rather wanting in our duty in not at once
denouncing the fact of the Secretary of State for the Colonies
sending a despatch of this kind to the Governor, and passing by
his responsible Ministers. It was in my opinion a gross breach
of the rights and privileges of the Colony ; and here I will just
read what the people in Victoria resolved, to show the stand they
took when an attempt was made by the Home Government to
interfere with their privileges. There was a series of resolutions,
but I will only read two of the most important, and the House
will see what an important bearing it has upon this subject :
' The official communication of advice, suggestions or instructions
by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to her Majesty's repre-
sentative in Victoria on any subject whatever connected with
the administration of the local government, except the giving or
withholding of the Royal Assent to Bills passed by the two Houses,
is a practice not sanctioned by law, and is derogatory to the inde-
pendence of the Queen's representative, and a violation of the
principles of responsible government, and the constitutional rights
of the people of this Colony.'
There they said the Home Government had no right to do any
such thing. They might disapprove of Bills if they chose, but no
communications affecting the rights of the Colony could take place
except through the responsible Ministers. I know that Mr. Porter
held these views very strongly, and he held even that such com-
munications could not take place through the High Commissioner ;
and, recollect, this despatch was not sent to the High Commis-
sioner, but to the Governor, and he was not to wait. He was
instructed to publish the despatch, and Lord Carnarvon censured
the Governor for waiting a few days even in a matter of such vital
importance to the inhabitants of this Colony. The responsible
Ministers were to be passed by, and Government was to imme-
diately communicate with the hon. member for Port Ehzabetb.
Mr. Molteno now gave his view as to what course would
have been wisest and best in regard to the despatch of the
4th of May, and his explanation shows how unfair it was to
charge him wdth precipitation and want of consideration
to Lord Carnarvon : —
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 17
My opinion from the first was this, that there were grave
mistakes in the despatch ; but I thought it might be possible for
the Gk)yemor to put it on one side for a little, and communicate
again with Lord Carnarvon in the first instance the serious nature
of the objections, with a view to the matter being reconsidered.
I thought he must have been wrougly advised somewhere — that he
had not gone to the proper source for advice. I told Mr. Froude
that was my opinion of the matter, and although he used all the
persuasion possible, and put the matter in every way, I remained
firm. He said, ' Oh ! I can explain it all ; I can put quite a
different light on the thing.' To this I replied : ' I am perfectly
willing to receive from you any explanation. I think you have
been accredited as a representative of the British Government for
this Conference, and if you are in possession of further information,
or have an3rthing to say which will materially alter the aspect of
the thing, if you will put it in writing and submit it to me, I will
take the opinion of my colleagues, and an3rthing we think ought
to be conmiunicated to the people of the Colony constitutionally
shall be done. I cannot, however, see how you can possibly pass
by the Government, and go to the people direct as a representative
of Lord Carnarvon in any ofl&cial capacity.' Mr. Froude replied :
* There is something in what you say. I shall be obliged to justify
the course I am taking, as it is recorded in the Colonial Office.'
I then wrote to him to the effect that in my opinion it would be
unconstitutional to communicate to the people of this Colony
except through its Government.
Dealing with the unfair character of Mr. Fronde's pro-
ceedings, and the charge of disloyalty insinuated by him, he
said that : —
Having taken up the position of leader of this agitation,
I suppose he communicates certain things to that party, as
much as he thinks right : but the unfortunate and anomalous posi-
tion we are in is this — that we have no such means of communi-
cating with Lord Carnarvon as Mr. Froude has. The Government
have no means of attending public meetings and entering their
protests on the other side. Certain gatherings are called together
and opinions expressed, and away they go to England, where Lord
Carnarvon is duly advised of them, everything being placed before
him in a certain light. But what chance have we, having no
opportunity of communication except through the Governor in
the official way ? All this has been carried on, and this is the
sort of influence that is brought to bear. I saw in a paper only
VOL. n. c
18 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
yesterday a flaming article to the effect that I ought to be hauged
for high treason for calling in question the expediency of this
Conference. But we have heard that story over and over again,
when we resisted Sir Philip Wodehouse's proposal to out
down the constitution, and we heard that we were extremely
disloyal when we refused to have the convicts. The moment
you open your mouth, and do not acquiesce in everything that
is done by the British Ministry, it is disloyal; but are they
expected to do everything to perfection ?
I only read just now one resolution of the Victorian Legis-
lature in order to show how men there can assert their rights,
and I am not aware that they are called disloyal, nor do they
seem to go very much out of their way to put their feelings
into such nice language as some of the hon. members in this
House would like. When we get this polite letter-writer in the
Colonial Office at a suitable salary, perhaps we shall be able
to go in for that sort of thing. The other resolution I alluded
to is an assertion of pohtical rights against any unlawful inter-
ference by the Imperial Government in the domestic affairs of
the Colony. That is how they assert their rights and privileges in
Victoria. (Mr. Watermeyer : * Domestic affiairs.') Yes, and so
the annexing of this Colony to the Free States and Natal is a
matter about which the responsible Ministry here are to have no
say ? If this is what the hon. member means I can understand it.
Now he has put his foot down. Now where is his responsible
government ? What is it worth in his hands ? Why, he would
sell the Colony to-morrow if that is his view, if you only give him
enough money, and he gets a quid pro quo, but I am not willing to
do so imder any circumstances. I would rather not have what-
ever they may be going to give us, than take it on those terms.
As to the attitude of the Colony towards the Free State,
he showed that there was the very best feeling between
them : —
I beg it to be distinctly understood on the part of myself and the
Government, that in their opposition to join in the Conference there
is not a particle of ill-feeling or any unfriendliness towards the
two Free States. Not the shghtest ; and I cannot see how such a
thing can be supposed. We have always been on the most
friendly terms, and I see no possible reason why we should be on
any other. I should be only too glad if we could ui any way
co-operate with them ; but, as far as I can see, they have got their
eyes open too. They are not so likely to have dust thrown in
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 19
their eyes, but the hon. member for Colesberg is willing to have
a oonsiderable amount of dust, and to look through the thing with
a particular kind of spectacles. I have the utmost sympathy
for those states, and always have had. I am well acquainted
with many of the people there, and I was one of those who
thought that Sir Philip Wodehouse dealt very harshly in the
measures that he took, and I expressed myself to that effect. I
have always been intimately connected with many of those people,
old Dutch inhabitants, and a most scandalous and infamous
insinuation was thrown out when it was said that I was hostile to
the Dutch. We all know for what purpose it was done. Will the
hon. member for Colesberg say he believes I am ? I say it is a
false and scandalous libel. And it has only been put forward for
the vile purposes of those who are working the oracle. I have had
no opportunity of expressing myself, and I felt I do not know
how. I could not enter into a newspaper controversy ; I felt that
would be improper in my position as Prime Minister. I have had
to bear all this ; but to-day I shall express myself. To-day I have
a chance of expressing my indignation at the insolent and scanda-
lous rumours. I can only hope that Mr. Froude has not identified
himself with them. At any rate I do not think the people will
believe it. My connection with this Colony is too fast and sincere,
and has lasted too long to be knocked on the head by any schemes
of that sort.
Ringing cheers followed his challenge, and no one dared
repeat in either House what had been circulated out of doors,
with a view to destroying the support he received from
members representing Dutch constituencies.
In defence of his relations with and attitude to the Im-
perial Government, he simply said that he had been publicly
thanked in a despatch for what he had done for the Im-
perial Government in the Langalibalele affair, and imder
circumstances that placed the existence of the Ministry
at stake : —
Neither, Mr. Speaker, is it my desire in any way to evince an
xmwillingness to meet the Home Government in any proposition
they may make. In one of his despatches, Lord Carnarvon, I
think, thanked the Ministers here for the step they took on a
jecent occasion when they jeopardised their existence. The hon.
member for Port EUzabeth (Mr. Paterson), who now says that the
c 2
20 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
Home Government ought to be supported, was the very man who
went against them on that occasion. He was then Lord Carnarvon's
bitter opponent. Now he stands up and condemns the Ministry
because they will not sell the privileges of the country. I did not
myself like Langahbalele being brought to the mainland. I con-
sidered he was better on Bobben Islwd ; but Lord Carnarvon put
the case most strongly : he was placed in an awkward position with
the people of England, pressure was brought to bear upon him,
and, under all the circumstances, I was willing to meet the Home
Government and strain a point. But the hon. member was opposed
then to the wishes of Lord Carnarvon. He will go with him now.
... I say, then, do not come here and talk of disloyalty as
regards myself and an indisposition to meet the Home Government
in a fair and open manner. It is not from any surliness. If I could
have written the Minute in any other way I would have done it,
but I wrote it from conscientious motives and in the interests of
the country. I cannot sell the birthright of the Colony for anyone,
nor will I. I will let other men come in and do that dirty work.
This was received with loud cheers. Then he turned
to the danger of trusting to people newly arrived in the
country, in preference to those whose knowledge and well-
tried services entitled them to be heard : —
In the course of my experience I have seen gentlemen come
out here, some with letters of introduction to myself, and they
have asked me various questions in regard to the country. Many
of them have fancied that we are a poor, benighted people here,
and really knew nothing about farming or anything else. They
had an idea that they could teach us the right way to do this, and
the right way to do that : but it has generally ended in their
giving it up as a bad job, and finding out their mistake when they
came to putting their ideas into practice. And yet we find some
people who are willing to hand over all the affairs of this country,
and cease to be guided by experience. We who have lived in the
Colony for a number of years know its wants and requirements
best. Mr. Froude may be an excellent man — I do not deny that
for a moment — but he does not know sufficiently of the country
and its people to steer things of this kind. I almost pity Lord
Carnarvon, because I consider that he must have been guided mainly
by the advice of Mr. Froude. That gentleman just rushed through
the country, and fancies he understands the affairs of the Colony
better than we do ourselves, but I do not subscribe to that
doctrine.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 21
As to the character of the Conference and the objects to
be attained by it, they could all be secured without this
extraordinary body. No Conference was needed with regard
to Griqualand West. He was not opposed to the ultimate
federation of South Africa, but it must grow, and not be
forced. Natal they could have nothing to do with at present ;
we were prosperous, and had to complete the difGicult task
of initiating responsible government : —
I am not opposed to an ultimate agreement between the states
of South Africa. The time will come when that may be necessary,
but it is not now. It cannot be forced on, and I particularly
object at this present moment to have anything to do with the
Colony of NataL The Home Government have recently sent out
a most eminent man to Natal ; the constitution there has been
subverted, a new policy has been introduced, and that sort of
thing is not done without difficulty. Let them manage their own
a&irs there. Let them give us a lesson, or, if they like, let them
take a leaf out of our book. . . .
If we are all to be confederated together, the very best thing
to be considered is defence; and do those who advocate this
Conference rightly estimate all the consequences of that ? We see
our way in so far as this Colony is concerned, and by judicious
management are able to hold our own without a ruinous expendi-
ture ; but I should be very sorry to be a responsible Minister when
Natal has to be looked after, with its 350,000 people, under a
system which has been admitted to be bad. A new system has
been introduced, and therefore this is a most inopportune time for
anything of the sort. The Cape Colony has a tolerably good
revenue, and a good population ; there is something to work upon,
and yet we are put in the despatch on only slightly different terms
to the other states, that have scarcely anything. What is the
white population of the Free State ? Perhaps the hon. member
for Colesberg will say — about 25,000 I think. The Transvaal not
as much ; and at Natal we know the white population is 15,000.
While the other states have a revenue of 300,000^. or 400,0002. at
the very most, ours is a million and a half. The burden, there-
fore, would all be placed on our shoulders.
I think the sooner Mr. Froude takes his departure, having
found out what an incorrigible set of fellows we are, and that we
insist on working our own destiny, the better.
The Imperial Government would think no worse of the
22 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
Colony for looking after its own interests ; and as to the
taunts that the Ministers desired to adhere to office through
everything : —
Let me add that Lord Carnarvon will not think a bit the
worse of this Colony for looking after its own afihirs properly : he
will say it is luoky they have got a set of men there who do not
follow my leader without knowing what they are going to, just
haphazard. They know there, he will say, how to maintain tjieir
rights against no matter what. I know very well all the taunts
that have been made aboat the desire of the Molteno Gk)vemment
to stiok to office, that they are afraid of being turned out ; but
there is something better than office ; there is the conscientious
knowledge of having done one's duty. That is far more to me
than anything else. If you are determined that we are not the
men to govern, then dismiss us. I certainly will never carry this
measure out. That is quite clear.
I have looked at this matter from every point of view, but I
cannot see any good that will result from this Colony joining the
Conference.
As an illustration of the danger to free government from
the action of Mr. Froude, he instanced the action of the
Legislative Council, which, on the very first day of its
meeting, raised a discussion on a most important question
(the Conference), and when the first responsible Minister
rose for the purpose of speaking, he was prevented from
addressing them.*
He warned the Colony that it was being misled : —
Has any meeting been held where the matter has been properly
brought forward and explained? Has anyone pointed out the
liabihties we are likely to incur ? We see meetings called together
here and there, and cut-and-dried resolutions passed, which only
tend to mislead the country. I maintain that people have been
misled ; and if this Conference should take place, and disastrous
consequences ensue, I can see the result. I would not like to be
in the place of those men who have fostered this agitation, and
got people to sign petitions when they did not know what they
were about. It was at Grahamstown, I think, that Mr. Froude
took upon himself to allude to what is called the ' Seven Circles
* See p. 6, supra.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 23
Bill/ and spoke of it in a most improper manner. An Aot passed
by both branches of the Legislature, submitted for her Majesty's
approval, and which had become the law of this Colony, was spoken
of in a sneering and improper manner, and I could only account
for it as another effort to bring the Ministry into contempt, and
having a certain effect at particular places.^ I think I have said
sufficient to show that the opposition which the Government make
to this proposal does not arise from any ill-feeling or desire to affront
Lord Carnarvon. We have no such intention, and I think the
resolution put on paper now, must do away with anything of that
sort.
He concluded his speech by justifjdng the serious step
which had been taken of calling Parliament together in
special session : —
I hope what I have said will be sufficient justification for the
extraordinary step we have taken in calling you together to take
counsel on this very important subject. No Ministry could pos-
sibly do justice to the affairs of this Colony with such an agitation
going on, and while such scandalous misrepresentations ,were
being made as those at Grahamstown, where it was asserted
that the officials were brought under compulsion and were not
allowed to go out of their houses to attend a meeting. It is all
nonsense. These statements, I say, were industriously circulated,
and an endeavour was made in every way to bring the Ministry
into disrepute, so that they might be hurled from power. I could
not contradict these malicious statements. I had to bear them, as
it would have been derogatory to the position I hold to have
written in the papers. I hope we shall see an end of this one day,
and that we shall have an opportunity of speaking to the country
and seeing whether they will support this measure.
After Mr. Molteno had sat dovm, Mr. Philip Watermeyer
was the first to speak. He was the principal supporter of
Lord Carnarvon's policy, holding that Lord Carnarvon was
really desirous of doing justice to the Free State, whose
rights Mr. Watermeyer had always championed, yet he now
» Mr. Froude, in his defence, says (J. P., C- 1399, p. 81) :* If I really
deserved the imputation which Mr. Molteno threw upon me, your Lordship mnst
regret having confided so important a negotiation to a person so unfit to be
tmsted with it.' It is for our readers to judge whether Mr. Molteno accurately
stated the facts or no.
24 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
laboured under the difficulty that the Free State absolutely
refused to submit its claims on Griqualand West to such a
Conference as Lord Carnarvon proposed. His opposition to
the Ministry was based on various grounds. He urged that,
judging by the numerous petitions and public meetings, the
Colony was desirous of joining in the Conference; and he strove
to impress his audience with the desirability of finding some
means to satisfy the Free States, who thought themselves
injured by the annexation of the Diamond Fields. He
dilated on the danger to the Cape of a northern confederation
of the Free States, Natal, and Griqualand West taking its
trade ; the authority, strength, and stability which would be
given by the proposed confederation to all the states composing
it ; the advisability of a uniform native policy, and generally
the necessity of showing some deference to the wishes
of the Imperial Government in a matter which it was at-
tempted to be alleged was not one affecting the internal
administration of the Colony.
The Attorney-General, Mr. Jacobs, followed in a powerful
speech, in which he referred to the constitutional principles
involved, and showed how Lord Carnarvon and Mr. Fronde's
action had infringed on the rights of the Colony, not only as
laid down in the text books of authority on constitutional law,
but as stated by Lord Carnarvon himself when speaking in the
House of Lords on Canadian Confederation. He vindicated
the Ministry in their resolution to use their own judgment
as to the wisdom or imwisdom of any course proposed to
the Colony, however strongly such a course might be urged
upon them by so high an authority even as Lord Carnarvon,
the responsibility was theirs and could not be taken from
their shoulders.
The day after this speech was delivered. Lord Carnarvon's
third despatch arrived, and as in the two former, it contained
a peremptory injunction to the effect that it should be laid
before Parliament, or anyway should receive full pubhcity as
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 25
soon as possible. It was therefore laid on the table of the
House at once. It contained much that was notable, but it
is now mentioned because it changed the course of the debate
and was taken to mean a withdrawal of the proposal for
a Conference. The words of the despatch from which this
meaning was drawn seemed plain enough. Lord Carnarvon
subsequently said he could not for the life of him understand
how they were so interpreted. However, readers may judge
for themselves. Here they are : —
It appears to me not improbable that the great amount of
discussion which has been given throughout the Colony to the
question of confederation may be held to have fulfilled most of
the purposes of that preliminary Conference which I had originally
suggested, and it may be thought, as I myself am disposed to
think, that the time has arrived when her Majesty's Government
should more specially explain the general principles upon which
they are of opinion ^at the native policy of the future should be
based, and the terms and conditions upon which they conceive
that a confederation might be effectively organised.^
This was understood by the Governor, the Ministers,
the whole House, and the portion of the press which supported
liord Carnarvon, as a withdrawal of the Conference suggestion,
though it is true a tentative proposal was thrown out that a
meeting in England would be convenient, for explanations
which her Majesty's Government desired to make. The situ-
ation of affairs was now entirely altered, and Mr. Solomon
moved the adjournment of the House.
Mr. Molteno was never anxious to have any difGiculties
with the Home Government — he had done his best to avoid
them, even to the extent of risking his political existence
over the Langalibalele question to procure harmony
between the Colonial and Imperial Governments, and aid
the Colonial Secretary in the difficult position in which he
had found himself ; but Lord Carnarvon had so little appre-
ciated this that his demands on colonial deference to his
» I. P. C— 1399, p. 27.
26 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
views had become more exacting. A chance now seemed to
have occurred of shelving the difficulties, and Mr. Solomon,
who also shared the desire to avoid friction with the Imperial
Government, introduced a resolution with the assent of the
Ministry : —
As it appears from the despatch dated the 22nd of October, 1875,
that the Bight Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies has
withdrawn his proposal for a Conference of Representatives of
the several Colonies and States of South Africa, this House is of
opinion that it is not now called upon to record its continued
objection to the holding at the present time of such a Conference,
or its condemnation of the unconstitutional agitation carried on in
this Colony in connection with this question.
To this was added, on the motion of Mr. Walter : —
The House desires, however, to express its opinion that the
Grovemment and Parliament should, if it be desired by the Imperial
Government, give it their counsel and assistance in settling the
difficulties which have arisen out of the extension of British juris-
diction to the territory known as Griqualand West.
Mr. Solomon made a convincing speech. He followed the
previous speakers in condenming the course pursued by the
Home Government, through Mr. Froude, as * unprecedented
in the history of the British colonies since they possessed
self-government, and because unprecedented, therefore, ac-
cording to the theory and usage of the British constitution,
unconstitutional.* He showed how the chief support received
for Lord Carnarvon's proposals had been in the Grahams-
town and Port Elizabeth districts, the old separation head-
quarters, while in the west the aid had mostly come from
those whose sympathy had been enlisted because it was
represented that Lord Carnarvon's policy was one of concili-
ation towards the Free State and Transvaal. * I could see
under all the glamour thrown around the movement the
feelings that were at work, and it was this that aroused my
suspicion from the beginning.' He showed how he could not
be called with any justice an opponent of confederation : —
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 27
It will be remembered by those who took an interest in politioal
matters in 1854 that I was the first man to give my sentiments in
favour of a South African confederation. It was one of my dreams
of, it may be, a distant future, and I still indulge in that dream and
hope of confederation,which I said I hoped would form the United
States of South Africa. I included in this union British Eaffraria
(since incorporated with the Colony), the Free State, the Transvaal
Republic, and Natal. This I mentioned in my first address to my
constituents twenty-one years ago, and, therefore, so far as forming
a great dominion in South Africa was concerned, I was not stag-
gered with Lord Carnarvon's despatch. My objection was to the
way in which the Conference was proposed, and the subjects which
it was to discuss. . . .
But all Mr. Froude's public utterances have manifested a
decided preference for the native policy of the Transvaal Republic
over that of this Colony, and so far as our native policy was con-
cerned, I had grave apprehensions of a Conference in which the
representatives of England seemed to entertain these views. . . .
While I admit that the native policy of this Colony is not perfect,
I assert that it is more perfect than the policy of those two Re-
publics. ... I agree with the Memorandum of the Ministry on
this point. . . . The only proper and effective native policy that
we can adopt at present is to have laws based on principles of
justice, whose administration may be extended and modified accord-
ing to the circumstances of the times and the people on whom they
operate.
And then as to Natal : —
Would it not be an act of madness for this Colony even to
consider the admission of Natal into a federal union in these cir-
cumstances and at this time ? Let Great Britain consolidate its
native policy at Natal ; let it take precautions against any outbreak
which might happen in the course of the experiment now being
made ; let the time of transition go by, and then it will be time
enough to ask us to admit Natal into federal union with this
Colony.
As to the charge of disloyalty in opposing Lord Carnar-
von's policy, he said : —
I am not one of those who are always boasting of their loyalty.
I am a Cape Colonist, and I call myself an Englishman. Though
bom in Africa, the hon. senior member for Colesberg will not
admit me to the privilege of being an Afrikander ; the hon. mem-
28 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
ber for Somerset will not, I know, allow that I am what he calls
a Dutchman ; and, therefore, I must be content to consider myself
as only an Englishman and a British subject, and I am content
to be that. Nor am I disposed to exchange the rule of Queen
Victoria for that of President Burgers, or the flag of old England
for that of the Transvaal Republic ; and I believe this to be the
sentiment imiversal among the Cape Colonists, both Dutch and
English.
As to the character of the support accorded to the
Conference : —
It will be as well, therefore, I think, that we should know a
little more of this matter before we can decide who are in favour
of confederation on its own merits, and who on the groimd of the
profit they will derive from their land speculations; for, Grod
forbid that the government of the country should get into the
hands of land-jobbers. Let us keep clear of that. . . . That we
are not too early in looking after our rights may be seen by the
London ' Standard,' which arrived by the last mail. In a leading
article in that organ of the Conservative Grovemment, we have this
passage : ' Nor can it be admitted to be a local privilege of a
British colony to determine when it shall be united for certain
general and common purposes with other British colonies and
foreign states.' Surely the time has come when we ought to resist
and resent such a doctrine as that. If this Colony is to be sacri-
ficed, we should, at least, let our voices be heard. If the interests
of the empire require a colony to be sacrificed, that colony may
surely protest against being made a victim. And it appears to me
that the passage in the ' Standard's ' article is well illustrated by the
attempt to fasten upon this Colony the Colony of Natal in its
present circumstances. We did not oppose the Conference a bit
too soon or too much, and Lord Carnarvon's withdrawal from his
position shows that we adopted a right course.
He defended the Ministers from the attitude of those
who said that they were wrong in not agreeing to the Con-
ference, for he showed how the House in the previous
session was unanimous on the point of not agreeing to a
Conference; the only question was, which resolution was
most polite in its refusal. He showed the grounds of the
support of Port Elizabeth to the Conference movement,
quoting Mr. Paterson's speech there, when he descanted to
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 29
the shrewd business men of Port Elizabeth on the rise in
values, when every acre of land in the Free States and
Transvaal would be more than doubled on the morning of
confederation. No money gain with millions of acres
suddenly doubled in value ! What prospects of increased
security for their accounts I
Beferring to the relation of Lord Carnarvon and Mr.
Froude with the Free State and Transvaal, he said : —
I was unable to understand many of the statements made in
the coTurse of the agitation, for we find the Home Government, in
the person of their representative, expressing themselves as
repentant and humbled sons of injustice. At Worcester we heard
of the Imperial Government being content if allowed to keep
Simon's Bay, and the people of this Colony being asked to promise
that in any foreign war the resources of this country would be placed
at the disposal of the Queen. I could but ask myself what all
this meant? This was so dififerent from the course usually
adopted by the Imperial Government, and then there was Lord
Carnarvon's second despatch, wherein he spoke of the Transvaal,
and said that the proposed Conference was in order that the Home
Gk>vemment might be advised what to do in reference to the
position of the Zulus, and the arbitration about Delagoa Bay — I
wondered what had happened to induce the Home Government to
invite a foreign power to advise them ? I really felt ashamed of my
country, and I was not at all sorry when I saw the last despatch
from Lord Carnarvon to the President of the Free State, in which
he assumes, as I think, a position which I will not say is right —
though the hon. member for Somerset has to-day said it is— but it
is at all events more creditable to the Home Government than that
humiliating and abject position of pretending to be guilty of
injustice which they could easily redress if they chose, or to have
conunitted sins which I am sure the Home Government, when
pressed to an issue, will not confess to have committed.
As far as my own feeling goes, I would prefer that the Colonial
Secretary should withdraw the original resolution altogether, as it
seems to me that by the withdrawal of the proposed Conference
the only reason for it has disappeared. As Lord Carnarvon has
withdrawn his proposal for a Conference, all action on our part on
that question ought, in my opinion, to cease, but there are many of
those who vote with us and perhaps the Ministry too, who are not
of that opinion. They feel that the withdrawal of the motion
80 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
after all that has happened, with no other resolution to take its
place, may be misunderstood and misapprehended ; that it may be
supposed we have changed our opinions, and not that the circum-
stances and the position of the controversy have changed. I have
no such feeling as that myself, but in deference to these views,
which are not unnatural, I think it right to propose the amend-
ment which I have already read. We do no harm in saying that
as this despatch withdraws the proposal for a Conference, we do
not feel called upon to record our opinion as to whether there
should be a Conference or not.
As to the position of the Ministry and the possibility
of its defeat, which was the principal object of the oppo-
sition to it, and not the holding of a Conference, Mr. Solomon
said: —
But if Lord Carnarvon's last despatch had not changed the
whole aspect of the case, I should have been sorry indeed to have
seen the Ministry defeated on a question in which I think they
have done the Colony a good service. They have fought our battle
well and manfully resisted what they deem to be an invasion of
this Colony's rights. And here let me say that although I think
the Hon. the Colonial Secretary may have gone wrong on some
points in this particular dispute, still I admire the courage, I
admire the fairness, with which he adhered to his point — I admire
the manliness with which he has asserted our constitutional
rights. He would have many temptations to meet the views of
the Home Government, and such a course might have been greatly
to his own personal advantage ; we owe him therefore a debt of
gratitude for having — ^whether we believe him to be right on all
points or not — that he has resisted the pressure and blandishments
that might have been brought to bear upon him. Though this
Colony has no baronetcy to dangle before his eyes, he was faithful
to what he believed to be its best interests and its constitutional
rights.
Mr. Sprigg showed how astounding was the position
created by Mr. Froude and Lord Carnarvon, and how im-
possible to defend : —
There is no doctrine better understood or more firmly settled
in England than this : that so long as the Ministry possess the
confidence of the country, they are entitled to enjoy the confi-
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PAKLIAMENT 31
dence and be sustained by the power of the Grown ; and it is
that sound constitutional doctrine which we, who have taken up
this question, contend has been infringed by the course followed
by the Secretary of State and his agent, Mr. Froude.
Now it must be manifest to the House that if the Grown is
fighting against itself a divided house cannot stand — that the
Government of the Queen in this Golony cannot be carried on if
the Ministers of the Crown in England are fighting against the
Ministers of the Grown in the Golony. The result of such a con-
test must be to lessen the power of the Grown, and ultimately to
bring it into contempt. This is the position we occupy upon this
occasion. It is perfectly clear to my own mind, and I hope I
have made it equally clear to the House. We say that the mem-
ber for Beaufort and his colleagues are carrying on the Government
of the Crown in this Golony, and then Mr. Froude comes out here
claiming to be the mouthpiece of the Queen. That was his own
statement at the public dinner in this town. He said that he
spoke not merely the mind of Lord Carnarvon, but the mind of
her Majesty ; or if hon. members do not wish to carry it so far
back as that, Mr. Froude is undoubtedly the agent of Lord Car-
narvon, who speaks the mind of the Queen so long as he holds
office. When Lord Carnarvon speaks it is the Government of the
Queen that is speaking, and consequently the Crown itself ; so
that Mr. Froude is in fact the agent of the Grown, and, occupying
that position, he appeals by agitation to the people of this country
against the Queen's Ministers in this country. That is what we
say is imconstitutional, and that is why we say that the successful
working of self-government in this Colony is by this course of pro-
ceeding rendered impossible. There is only one constitutional
appeal by the Crown to the people, and that is by a dissolution.
We contend that the Crown can only address the people through
its own servants, the Ministry.
It is not agitation on the part of the people of this Golony
that we object to ; but we object to the Queen's Government in
England carrying on an agitation against the Queen's Govern-
ment in this coimtry. If we talk for ever on this subject we must
come back to that at last ; and that is a proceeding which renders
the successful working of self-government in this Golony impossible.
Mr. Paterson of course supported Mr. Watermeyer's
amendment, which asserted that the proposition of Lord
Carnarvon ought to be accepted that delegates should be
appointed, but that none of the conclusions of such Con-
32 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
ference should be binding without the sanction of the
responsible legislatures of the colonies and the states ; but
even Mr. Paterson had to concede that it would be fatal to
admit Natal to a confederation unless the Imperial Govern-
ment agreed to keep 4,000 troops there for ten years at
least.
Mr. Laing, who had opposed Mr. Sprigg's resolution in
regard to the confederation despatch in the previous session
of Parliament, gave notice of an amendment, that the
House could not give even an implied assent to any of the
suggestions in paragraphs four and five of the original
despatch, by which the holding of any Conference might be
relegated to England instead of being held in the Colony.
Even Lord Carnarvon's supporters had begun to take alarm at
the high-handed manner in which he was urging this question.
When Mr. Froude perceived that Mr. Molteno was
likely to have a majority, he urged the Governor to use
his influence to get him to concur in a rider to the reso-
lution, offering, on behalf of the Colonial Government, to
co-operate with the Imperial Government in effecting an
amicable settlement with Grigualand West. He even
desired the Governor to press Mr. Molteno to go further
and agree to send a colonial delegate to directly negotiate
with Lord Carnarvon on the subject. Mr. Molteno would
not agree to this, but accepted the amendment moved by
Mr. Walter, to the effect that the Colonial Government
should, if it be desired by the Imperial Government, give it
their counsel and assistance in settling the difficulties which
have arisen within the limits of British jurisdiction in the
territory known as Griqualand West ; and this was incor-
porated with the substantive motion.
The discussion and debate lasted eight days, and finally
Mr. Watermeyer's resolution in favour of appointing dele-
gates was negatived by thirty-five to twenty-two votes.
Mr. Solomon's amendment, which had now become the
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 33
main question, was adopted by thirty-six votes to twenty-two,
a decisive majority in a small House consisting of sixty-six
members. It was also an increased majority on the division
in the previous session on a similar subject. A glance at the
list of the minority shows that the old separation names
are there in opposition as usual, together with one or two
members, such as Mr. Watermeyer, who sympathised
strongly with the Free States; but Mr. Froude's at-
tempt to destroy Mr. Molteno's influence with the Dutch
had absolutely and miserably failed; they supported him
solidly. No western member but Charles Barry, sub-
director-general, as he was called, of the agitation, and
his brother, Mr. T. D. Barry, voted with the Opposi-
tion. Taking the division lists from another point of view,
we find that, out of the thirty-six, there were twenty-five
English names against eighteen English names on the other
side. No one could say that this decision of Parliament did
not represent the opinion of the country.
The debate had been ably and calmly conducted ; the
great question had been fairly deliberated upon. The
issue afi&rmed, firstly, two great principles — that, the Colony
having been endowed with responsible government, should
not be subjected to the dictation, control, or interference
of any sort from home officials unacquainted with its wants
and circumstances, and therefore incompetent to dictate
thd policy best suited to its interests. Secondly, that an
agitation could not be constitutionally carried on through the
home officials by, or in the ncune of, her Majesty's Govern-
ment in England against her Majesty's Government in
South Africa. It showed moreover how diplomatic man-
oeuvring could be detected and resisted by plain colonists,
and that the great agitation, thought by Mr. Froude and pro-
nounced by Lord Carnarvon, in his despatch of the 22nd of
October, to be the opinion of the country, was nothing but
the noisy exhibition of a minority in the Colony who desired
VOL. n. D
34 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
to make use of Mr. Fronde and Lord Carnarvon for their
olterior objects.
Thns, again, as on three previous occasions during the
governorship of Sir Fhihp Wodehouse, had Mr. Molteno
succeeded in parrying the assault on the constitutional privi-
leges of the Cape, and had repelled it successfully ; the right
to self-government was vindicated. Engb'shmen at the Cape
had proved their brotherhood with Englishmen in every
part of the world in preserving intact their free institutions.
The result of the decision in the Cape Farliskment was
looked upon throughout South Africa as the death-blow to
the Conference, and to the confederation idea as well, for the
present. One thing only was clear, and that was that South
Africa desired to be left alone. Nothing now remained for
Mr. Froude but to go home to the Colonial Office and
inform his noble friend that he had done all that man can
do by travelling, speaking, and writing, but that he had
utterly failed in awakening the sympathies or enlisting the
support of the South African people on behalf of the scheme
for the confederation of the colonies and states of that
portion of the continent. Mr. Froude had gained some
experience from his present tour, and in the final paragraph
of his Beport he tells Lord Carnarvon that ' plants of slow
growth endure the longest, and the final consmnmation,
however devoutly it be wished, can only be brought to
wholesome maturity by the deliberate action of the South
Africa/n, communities themselves.' ^
This advice was as unpalatable to Lord Carnarvon
as was the decision of the Cape Parliament. We must
briefly draw attention to the position of this question in
England. Lord Carnarvon had been entirely misled by the
numerous resolutions of public meetings and by the public
prints into supposing that the confederation was acceptable
to the majority of the people of South Africa. As a justiii-
* I. P.. 0-1899, p. 88.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OP PARLIAMENT 36
cation of his action the blue-books on South Africa teem
with the resolutions of pubhc meetings of this character, all
organised, as we have seen, from the same office, with their
petitions and resolutions written in the S8kme hand ' ; other-
wise he could not have made the very serious mistake of
introducing the confederation question into the Queen's
Speech at the end of the session of 1875, nor would Mr.
Disraeh himself have made his reference to it at the Guild-
hall in November of the same year. After taking credit
for the establishment of the Canadian Dominion seven years
ago, he had said : —
The same spirit animated her Majesty's Ministers at the
present moment. There is every prospect that another federation
of colonies and states, which will add power to our empire and
confer immense advantages on the world in general, will be esta-
blished in South Africa. These are the acts of a Government
which has confidence in the Colonial Empire of Great Britain,
and which does not believe— as some few beheve — it to be an
exhaustive incumbrance on our resources and political life, but
feels, on the contrary, that it ought to be, and can be, a source of
wealth, power, and glory.
We have already seen that the Canadian confederation
was the work and real idea of the Canadians themselves,
who had asked for it. The Cape had never asked for it.
And we may observe that this question was to be dragged
in the train of party triumphs at home — a very dangerous
game to play with such interests, and a course which has
always been deprecated by all thoughtful men who have
considered the relations between the mother country and
the colonies, and who have desired their permanence and
their being placed in a position to involve no ill-feeling
between the two. The Ministry had committed itself to
the policy hastily and on insufficient and misleading infor-
mation. It was natural, then, that the great organs of the
press which supported them should desire to override all
1 See note at end of chapter.
D 2
86 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
opposition, and should resent any hesitation on the part of
the Ministers at the Cape in accepting snch a policy.
In the coarse of the Langalibalele question it has been
shown what violent resentment was roused in the Colony
by the ' Times ' articles, written in that lordly fashion which
denies to colonists either the right or the capacity to choose
anything different from what they may have had indicated to
them from England as being for their welfare. A series of
inspired articles now appeared in the various public prints.
These journals have no special knowledge of colonial sub-
jects, with which they pretend to deal. They are blind
leaders of the blind on all such questions ; they voice panic
suggestions of the moment when crises arise; and, worse,
they frequently voice the views of interested and active
cliques who have their own ends to accomplish, and whose
object is not the welfare of the whole community.^
As the 'Times* subsequently confessed on this very
subject, in criticising Mr. Lowther's speech on the South
Africa Bill : — ' Mr. Lowther assumed that the House either
possessed an extraordinary intimacy with South African
politics or was possessed by a culpable indifference to one of
the greatest of Imperial questions. The truth is the House,
and, for that matter, the country too, cannot pretend to
any intimate knowledge of colonial affairs, and yet it is
reasonably disinclined to surrender its right to criticise
colonial policy.'
* Sir G. 0. Lewis had long sinoe pointed oat that an appeal to the pablio of
the dominant country was useless : — ' Nor are the ignorance and indifference of
the dominant coontry about the concerns of the dependency limited to the
supreme government. Hence if any dispute should arise between the depen-
dency and the supreme government, and if the dependency should appeal from
the government to the people of the dominant state, it will probably find that
it has not appealed to a better informed or more favourable tribunal. On the
subject of the dispute the people of the dominant country can scarcely be so
well informed as their government ; and in any struggle for power between
their own country and the dependency they are likely to share all the preju-
dices of their government and to be equally misled by a love of dominion and
by delusive notions of national dignity.'— Lewis, on Dependencies (Lucas'
edition), p. 248.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OP PABLIAMENT 37
When, however, the report of the debate in the Cape Par-
liament reached England even the ' Times ' was somewhat
enlightened by a perusal of the proceedings. While support-
ing Lord Carnarvon's proposals for a Conference, and his
action generally, it was bound to confess and admit that
'it is only fair to the Ministry to acknowledge that they
have shown considerable skiU in the manner in which they
have met the emergency, and that they have made the most
of what undoubtedly has been a mistake on the part of those
who have more especially represented the Imperial policy.' It
then analysed the Premier's motion, condemning the agita-
tion, and went on to say : 'It ought, we think, to be admitted
that the Colonial Government have some reason to complain
on this score, and the mistake of which they had taken
advantage ought to afford a salutary lesson for the future.'
Speaking of Mr. Froude's action, it admitted that he had used
his prospective official authority and his ability to raise —
a popular opposition against the responsible Ministry of the
Colony, .... but it is reasonably inferred that he represented
the mind of the Colonial Office, and from this point of view it can
hardly be denied that his course was as unconstitutional as if the
Oovemor of the Colony himself had raised a popular agitation
against his own Ministers. The Governor may think them utterly
mistaken, but he must be content to express his views to them
directly, and he must leave it to other parties and other public
men to urge his views on the country. The Governor is but the
representative of the Imperial Government, and any course incum-
bent on him is still more incumbent on the Imperial authority
itself. Neither Sir Henry Barkly nor Lord Carnarvon, nor Mr.
Froude as their representative, had any right to appeal to the
people at large against the Ministry, which was supported by the
majority of the regular representatives of the people. Mr. Molteno
has had the skill to concentrate his opposition against this flagrant
error, and if he gain an immediate victory, it will be the fault of
those who have gratuitously played into Ids hands.
Mr. Froude's proceedings had not altogether escaped
attention in the Imperial Parliament. Lord Granville, in
the House of Lords, referred to Mr. Disraeli's Mansion
38 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
House speech and to Lord Carnarvon's action in the matter
of South African confederation, taunting his noble friend
with * errors which might have been avoided with a little more
communication with the Governor of the Colony and the
local authorities.' Lord Carnarvon interjected a remark that
he had retracted any words which were offensive, and Ear!
Granville immediately replied : —
The noble Earl used language which, justly or unjustly, was
sure to be irritating to certain persons belonging to the Colonial
Government, and there can be no doubt that the noble Ear!
did afterwards withdraw the names of those particular per-
sons. There is also another point connected with this con-
federation upon which the Government will be required to give
explanations. I should desire to know what is the exact position
of a very eminent man of great intellectual power — Mr. Froude —
who has been sent to that Colony. We shall also require to know
what are the conditions under which he has acted, and whether it
is true that aftefr the noble Earl himself had laid down in the
clearest manner the constitutional relations between her Majesty* s
Chvemment and the Colonial Govemmenty the delegate, or the
oommissioner (or whatever post Mr. Froude occupied), absolutely
* stumped ' the Colony at meetings of the most hostile character to
the existing Government of the Colony. I shall be curious to
know whether that conduct has been approved or disapproved
by the noble Earl. I do not see why, because a Colony having
representative institutions is small, you should not be as punc-
tilious in your relations witb it as you would be with the largest
of your Colonies.
Note. — ^We have called attention to Lord Carnarvon's improper appeal
to the people of the Colony by directing the immediate publication of his
despatches, and we shaU see how subsequently he referred to the local
press for support for his policy. He thus passed by the constitutional
channels of communication. The matter is so important that it is desir-
able to state clearly what the proper constitutional practice is.
The opinion of the people of any country is the opinion of their
representatives in the Legislature. The Imperial Government has no
right, nor has the High Commissioner, to go behind the opinion of the
country or colony as expressed by its Legislature, and has no right to act
on any other opinion.
This is reaUy in accordance with common sense, as a moment's reflec-
tion will show; but there is ample authority in support of this view.
THE SPECIAL SESSION OF PARLIAMENT 39
Todd, in his ' Parliamentary Gbvemment,' lays it down distinctly. * The
House of Commons is the legislative organ of the people, whose opinions
cannot he oonstitntionally ascertained except through their representatives
in Parliament.' In a debate in the House of Commons in 1841, Sir
Robert Peel said, ' It is dangerous to admit any other regular organ of
public opinion than the House of Commons.* Mr. Gladstone, in a debate
on the Reform Bill of 1867, said, ' I am not a lover of circumstances by
which the business of governing this country is taken from within the
walls of this House and transferred to places beyond.*
Lord Carnarvon had curiously enough enunciated very clearly the
correct view in the case of Canadian confederation. * The wishes of the
colonists are likely to be more futhfully and effectively brought before
the Home Qovemment by the local Ministers who are in immediate con-
tact with the communities they represent, and through the Governor who is
responsible to her Majesty for furnishing all requisite information, than
by persons acting in pursuance of their own views.* You have a Governor
in a Colony and a Ministry, and it is not proper to go to third persons.
We have iJready given Lord Carnarvon's own authority for the statement
that the Imperial Gt}vemment has undertaken to communicate with a
colony possessing responsible government only through its properly con-
stituted authorities. (See vol. i. p. 878, sttpra. See also p. 124, infrat
for a similar statement of Lord Carnarvon.) When the attempt was
made in the case of Queensland to follow the advice of non-representative
parties, the Government of the Colony framed a memorandum in which
the following occurs : * Considerable dissatis&ction has for some years
been caused by the mischievous interference of pretended representatives
of the colonies in England, and ask that in jfiiture no statement made
at Downing Street by persons not formally and officially accredited by the
Government of the Colony may be permitted to influence her Majesty's
advisers.' We may further recall Lord Blachford's condenmation of a
policy which forms a British faction in a Colony by means of the partisan
action of the Secretary of State against local Ministers, or by similar action
on the part of the Governor or High Conmiissioner. (Supra, vol. i. p.
416.)
40 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XVII
LORD CABNABYON'S DESPATOHES. 1876-76
Lord Carnarvon attempts to torn oat the Ministry— Directs a Dissolution — Sir
Henry Barkly*s reasons against— Beception of Despatch at the Cape — Im-
proper treatment of Mr. Molteno—Lord Blachford's views — ^Lord Carnar-
von's criticism on the Debates— Ministers* Beply— They vindicate Self-
government- Precedents in other Colonies— Lord Carnarvon adopts Fronde's
proceedings— Ministers' reply— Debate in the Imperial Parliament— Beenlts
of similar Policy in the West Indies.
LoBD Cabnabyon having committed himself and Mr.
Disraeli's Govemment to the confederation policy, meant to
brook no opposition from a Colony which only a few years
previous had to accept his rulings almost without question.
In these distant parts of the empire constitutional procedure
meant, in his view, delay to Imperial projects, and there-
fore need not be followed. The Minister who would not
obey him must be displaced. Intrigue had been em-
ployed but with no success. He was to resort later, through
Sir Bartle Frere, to the high-handed proceeding of dis-
missing this Minister who possessed the confidence of the
Legislature.
The despatch of the 22nd of October,^ to which we have
referred, was written by Lord Carnarvon in the evident an-
ticipation that the Parliament would immediately turn out
the Ministry. He expressed his personal gratification with
the accounts which had reached him ' principally through
the reports of the local press,' evincing the deep interest
which was felt throughout the Colony in the proposals for
a Conference, thus continuing to ignore the constitutional
> I. P., 0—1899, p. 26.
LOBD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 41
channels of information, deliberately setting aside the prin-
ciples which he had laid down himself, to the effect that
any information from the colonies to the Imperial Govern-
ment should come through the Governor, and he went on
to say:
that the remarkable expression of feeling which had thus been
elicited may be considered to have by this time sufficiently at-
tained its object, and it may now be convenient to bring to its
legitimate conclusion an agitation which cannot with advantage
be indefinitely prolonged.
This was to admit fully the authorship and approve the mode
in which this agitation had been conducted.
He approved of the summoning of Parliament, and added
that he ' has no personal feeUng in the matter in regard to
its effect upon local parties/ and that he ' cannot suppose
that Parliament vnll fail to be in accord with the opinion of
the country.' He thus accepted with a lordly complacency
the hoped for disappearance of Mr. Molteno's Ministry;
but to make this event absolutely certain, he continued : —
If, however, from any cause there should appear to be a diver-
gence between the decision of Parliament and the wishes of the
community on a question of so great public importance, you will
not need to be reminded by me that the true constitutional course,
whenever it can properly be taken, will be to dissolve the Parlia-
ment and to remit the question to the final and supreme decision
of the constituencies.^
What did Lord Carnarvon mean by ' the subjects which
principally occupied the attention of the country, and for
which Parliament was called together,' and by ' the probable
decision of Parliament as affecting local parties,' and by his
supposition that Parliament would not fail to be in accord
with the opinion of the country? The only question before
it was whether Mr. Froude was right in his condemnation of
the Parliament and Ministry, and whether his object in turning
» I. P., C— 1899, p. 27.
42 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
out the latter should succeed. If it be answered that it was
the conduct of the Ministry in refusing to go into the
Conference, then the reply is that Lord Carnarvon in this
very despatch says that he thinks that Conference no longer
necessary, though he may suggest another one. The only
conclusion we can draw is that Lord Carnarvon looked to
the overthrow of the Ministry as the special object of the
assembling of Parliament, and as a vote of confidence by
implication in himself and his agent ; in the event of this
not being done Sir Henry Barkly was directed to dissolve
the Parliament and appeal to the country.
It was evident that Lord Carnarvon, finding himself so
strongly supported by the press which he thought to be
equivalent to the country, had felt it safe to show more of his
hand, and that the Conference summoned in London was for
no other purpose than to bring its members within range of
those potential influences which are so largely at the command
of the Imperial Government.
Was it constitutional to hold a threat of dissolution over
the Cape Parliament unless it immediately adopted Lord
Carnarvon's policy? At the time this despatch raised a
violent protest from the press ; the ' Argus ' called it ' the
most marvellous despatch ever sent by a responsible Minister
of the CrovTU in England to a constitutional representative
of her Majesty's in any British colony endowed with free
representative institutions,* and further, ' anything so mon-
strous was never attempted by a constitutional responsible
Minister of the British Crown before.' It was true Mr.
Froude had frequently said to many persons, and in many
places, that ' if the Parliament opposes us we shall compel
Governor Barkly to dissolve,' but this statement was looked
upon as another of his astounding and indiscreet utterances ;
it now appeared that he had inveigled Lord Carnarvon into
adopting it seriously.
Condenmation of this despatch was not confined to the
LOBD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 43
press which supported Mr. Molteno, the ' Grahamstown
Journal/ an out-and-out Gonfederationist, said of it : —
A more inopportune document it has seldom been our lot to
read — what are we to understand by the despatch? The first
three sections are probably clear enough, though we very much
doubt the expediency of an Imperial Secretary of State prospec-
tively dictating dissolution upon the Governor of a Colony
possessed of responsible government. The * Journal ' has said that
such a dissolution should take place, that it was meet and right
for the inhabitants of the Colony to do so, but it would be time
enough for a Secretary of State to administer his lecture when a
Governor had failed in this duty. A Secretary of State 6,000
miles off has no right repeatedly to assume because he has read
the ' Journal ' and other newspapers, that the feeling of the country
is against the Ministry for the time being. Technically, the
country is represented by any Ministry in office, and ordinary
esprit de corps would have guided the Earl aright if he had been
discussing the question of a difference in which he had no special
personal interest. . . .
The only way to carry out Lord Carnarvon's original views, in
which most of us are so earnestly interested, is to disown all con-
nection with certain points in his Lordship's latest despatch. We,
his followers, must disagree with him as to the non-necessity of
the Conference, and by so doing endeavour to seal the fate of the
Ministry, and we must disown all intention to submit our afibirs
to a Conference in London I
The * Volksblad', the leading Dutch paper at the other
extremity of the Colony, and a strong supporter of the Con-
ference, took this view also. Lord Carnarvon's despatch
must be ignored by his supporters, and * just at present we
want no meeting in England, nor any basis of confederation.'
The unfortunate Conference party were utterly dumb-
founded. Mr. Froude and his men endec^voured to say that
the interpretation put upon Lord Carnarvon's message by
Mr. Solomon and Mr. Molteno was not a fair one, and not a
legitimate inference from the wording of the despatch. As
we see from the views expressed above, Lord Carnarvon's
strongest supporters took exactly the same view as did Mr,
Solomon and Mr. Molteno. It is interesting to observe that
44 LU^B AND TIMES OP SIE J. C. MOLTENO
Lord Carnarvon, when he learned the effects of his despatch
at the Gape, then turned round and said that he had never
intended to v^ithdrav^ the Conference, but had only sug-
gested its meeting in England I
The position contemplated by Lord Carnarvon had now
arisen. ParUament had refused to turn out Mr. Molteno.
Happily for Lord Carnarvon, the man on the spot — the
High Conmiissioner — had a better knowledge of the facts
and a vnser discretion. In a despatch to the Secretary of
State for the Colonies he entered upon a consideration of the
question as to whether the dissolution suggested by Lord
Carnarvon was 'constitutionally practicable.' Fortunately
for the empire. Lord Carnarvon's despatch was received by
a man whose experience of the working of the representative
institutions granted to the colonies was unrivalled.
He had initiated responsible government in Victoria ; he
had himself been a member of the House of Conmions, and
thus possessed an advantage denied to Lord Carnarvon
himself. He at once saw the impossibility of carrying out
the instructions for a dissolution, and did not hesitate to
point it out. He showed that the decision of the Lower
House was in striking contrast with the burden of the
petitions presented to it, and with the resolution of the
Legislative Council ; and that it was by no means certain
that the agitation which had taken place, and the expressions
of opinion, did really represent the feeling of the country.
He pointed out that the result of a general election must
be looked upon as uncertain, and depending mainly on the
latent political feelings which might be evolved at any
particular crisis ; and he drew conclusions to the effect
that—
these feelings would, judging from past experience, be readily
fanned into flame by so high-handed an exercise of the prerogative
of the Grown, as any attempt to turn out a Ministry with a large
and increasing majority for the purpose of dissolving Parliament
LOBD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 46
on a question of Imperial policy would be held to constitute, and
that the result might prove disastrous ;
and that though there was a divergence of opinion between
the Upper and Lower Houses, yet upon any general election
the Upper House would now be elected on the seven circles
system, which would bring it into harmony with the Lower
House. From considerations such as these he believed that
Lord Carnarvon would recognise that this was not one of
those occasions on which the course of appealing to the
constituencies could be properly taken ; and Mr. Froude
himself had come to the conclusion on wholly independent
grounds ' that such an appeal at the present moment would
in all probability raise a false issue, the result of which
might be the indefinite postponement of any Conference.'
Under these circumstances the Governor awaited further
instructions from Lord Carnarvon.^
Apart from the unconstitutional character of the course
directed by Lord Carnarvon, what are we to say of the vns-
dom and justice of the Home Grovemment in proceeding in
this way against Mr. Molteno ? Had he not assisted it most
materially in persuading the Colony to decide upon accept-
ing responsible government, thereby relieving it of a serious
difficulty? Had he not taken upon the Colony the burden
of its own defence? Had he not restored order to its finances ?
Under his administration the Colony had been raised from
a position of extreme depression to one of great prosperity.
Its conservative inhabitants, owing to their confidence in
Mr. Molteno's judgment, had undertaken enormous public
works. On these public grounds, then, Mr. Molteno was
entitled to the grateful support of the Home Government, to
whom the Cape had hitherto always been a source of anxiety
and difficulty.
But upon Lord Carnarvon himself Mr. Molteno had a
» I. P.. C— 1899, pp. 62 and 53.
46 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
high claim to consideration in that when he was in
difficulties over the Langalibalele affair, and appealed to
Mr. Molteno to assist him, the former did so at the risk
of his poUtical existence. What return does Lord Car-
narvon make ? He replies by sending out Mr. Froude to
upset Mr. Molteno. With Mr. Froude he intrigues with
Mr, Paterson, a member of the Opposition. Mr. Froude
pubUcly stated at Port Elizabeth that he had a majority in
the Cape Parliament, and meant to supersede Mr. Molteno
by Mr. Paterson. Lord Carnarvon, believing Mr. Froude has
this majority, tells the Governor that if the Parliament does
not immediately turn Mr. Molteno out on its assembling, he
must give him the coup de grdce by a dissolution on the ques-
tion. Lord Carnarvon's purposes were defeated by the Colonial
Parliament, but he never desisted from his intrigues with
Mr. Paterson until the latter's death, nor did he desist from
his attempts to dislodge Mr. Molteno ; and eventually, as
we shall see, he sent out Sir Bartle Frere to strain the royal
prerogative, and dismiss him from office.
The instructions for which Sir Henry Barkly waited
came in the shape of a despatch, in which Lord Carnarvon
stated : ' he was disposed to think that a dissolution of Par-
liament is not necessary at the present moment to bring the
Legislature and constituencies into accord ; and if not neces-
sary, then undesirable.' But he added : * There being, of
course, no sufficient ground on which Mr. Molteno would
recommend to you such a step, you will be pleased to
understand that with regard to any observations on this sub-
ject in my despatch of the 22nd of October, you are relieved
from the necessity of considering them.' * We must draw
attention to the disingenuous character of this latter statement.
Lord Carnarvon had directed the Governor to dissolve the
Parliament — to turn Mr. Molteno out : yet now he sees he was
wrong, and, to save appearances with those who did not
* I. P., 0—1899, p. 68.
LOBD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 47
know the circumstances, he pretended that he had suggested
a dissolution by the Governor only on Mr. Molteno's recom-
mending it to him.
It might have proved (says Lord Blachford) rather unfor-
tunate that about this time Lord Carnarvon recommended the
Governor to dissolve the Parliament if he had reason to think
that it did not represent the wishes of the people. If this had
been done on the back of Mr. Froude's agitation (which it was not),
a rhetorical reviewer of different poUtics might plausibly have
denounced it hereafter as a dissolution unconstitutionally dictated
by the Secretary of State in the crisis of an excitement unconsti-
tationally got up by his agents, and in that view ' perhaps the most
discreditable violation of the guaranteed rights of a free colony
which is recorded in British colonial history.' ^
If this be said of a dissolution of Parliament, what
are we to say of Sir Bartle Frere's action in dismissing
a Ministry possessing the full confidence of Parliament,
and carrying on a war by his nominees, whom he sup-
ported with all the prestige and patronage of his position of
an Imperial Governor and High Commissioner ?
Lord Carnarvon wisely climbed down from a position
which, had it been maintained, must have led to very serious
consequences. Had he deferred with equal wisdom to local
opinion upon the whole subject of confederation, it would
have saved himself, the Empire, and South Africa endless
loss and suffering.
On the first receipt of Mr. Molteno's notice of motion in
the House, Lord Carnarvon wrote to the Governor that he
would wait to receive the report of the debate before he ex-
pressed any opinion upon the motion, but he was inclined to
take exception to its terminology.' On discovering that his
expectation that Mr. Molteno would be ejected by the Parlia-
ment was falsified by the result, and that Mr. Molteno was fully
supported by the Cape Parliament, he indulged his feelings
> EdMubwrgh Review^ February 1876, p. 91.
• I. P., 0—1899, p. 40.
48 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
in a despatch to the Governor. In his despatch of the 22nd
October, it was clear that his reference to a dissolution of
the Parliament if it supported Mr. Molteno showed that
he no longer expected to co-operate with the latter, and
that course having failed, he could only indulge in an attack
upon him personally. Sir Henry Barkly wrote, on receipt
of the despatch which now followed, that he was disappointed
that Lord Carnarvon had felt it impossible to adopt his
suggestion of endeavouring to conciliate Mr. Molteno, 'by
far the most influential politician in South Africa.'
When he saw Mr. Molteno after he had read this despatch
it was evident all chance of that was at an end. Lord Car-
narvon had based his observations upon the original form of
the motion of which Mr. Molteno had given notice, which
charged the Imperial Government with creating an agitation,
but which was modified before discussion, so as to run * in
the name of the Imperial Government ' : —
I will, therefore, say little more than that I greatly regret that
a gentleman holding the Queen's commission as the leader of the
Gk)vemment in a very important Colony, should have so imper-
fectly comprehended the nature and obligations of his position
as to feel able to subscribe his name to a resolution reflecting so
seriously on the servants of the Queen in this country, and charging
them with conduct which, if it could be substantiated, would make
them in my opinion unworthy of advising the Crown on this or any
other subject.
I am aware of Mr. Molteno's ability, and of the position which
he holds in the estimation of his fellow-subjects in the Cape Colony,
and I think it can only have been from a failure to understand the
relations which must, both in language and in practice, subsist
between the Imperial (jovemment and the officers of a colonial
government, that he overlooked the fact that the terms of his
motion were such as are, to the best of my belief, without parallel
or precedent, even in cases which have been far more open to
controversy than this can be said to be, and for obvious reasons are
not adopted by persons continuing to hold office in colonies under
the representatives of the Queen.^
» I.P., C— 1899,p.87.
LOBD CABNAEVON'S DESPATCHES 49
To this the Ministers replied as follows : —
Ministers have had under consideration the despatch from the
Bight Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies, dated
24th January last, on the subject of the proceedings of Mr. BVoude
in this Colony, and the subsequent delMite in the Colonial Parlia-
ment on the proposals of Lord Carnarvon.
The important constitutional issues raised in the first part of
the despatch in question will, it is trusted, be their excuse for
entering on the discussion of topics of a delicate nature, but upon
which they conceive that their duty to the Colony demands tiiat
they should give a decided opinion.
They approach the subject in no spirit of controversy, but with
an earnest desire that a clear understanding should be arrived at
on points which he at the root of those constitutional privileges
with which it has pleased her gracious Majesty to invest the
Parliament and people of this Colony.
Paragraphs 4, 5, and 6 of the despatch reflect on the form of a
motion which Mr. Molteno felt it his duty to submit to the Colonial
Parliament in the recent session, on the ground that the said
motion expresses in an unbecoming manner an opinion adverse to,
and reflecting on, the acts and policy of the present Secretary of
State for the Colonies.
To the justice of this censure Ministers feel it impossible to
subscribe. They would respectfully submit that they, as well as
the Bight Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies, are
servants of her Majesty, bound to give advice to her Majesty's
representative in this Colony on all subjects connected with the
Colony, without fea/r, fa^jour, or prejudice, even where such advice
may be inconsistent with the opinions of her Majesty's advisers
in Great Britain.
Under the constitution which has been conferred on this Colony,
Ministers are not only the servants of the Crown, but they are the
lawful representatives of the people of the Colony, and the appointed
guardians of the rights conferred by that constitution, which rights
they understand to be a freedom to manage their own affairs, sub-
ject in certain matters to the interests and general legislation of the
Imperial Oovemment, They concei/oe that it is their bounden duty
when those rights are interfered with, by whoever it may be, to
bring it to the notice of the Parliament of the Colony, and to enter
a solemn protest against the infringement.
Acting in this spirit, they felt constrained to place on record
their opinion that the presence in this Colony of a gentleman,
acting under secret instructions from the Bight Honourable the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, speaking in the name of the
VOL. n. K
50 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
Imperial Goveminent, wriiing letters oonveying the thanks of her
Majesty's Government to the political opponents of the legally
constituted Government in the Colony, and armed with the prestige
conferred upon him by his apparently official status, denouncing
the conduct of the Ministry at public meetings, was incompatible
with the successful administration of the form of government
conferred by the constitution, detrimental to the peace and well-
being of the Colony, and, in the words of the despatch under
consideration, without parallel or precedent in the history of
colonies possessing responsible government. ^
This view is surely the only view compatible writh
responsible government, and is to-day become recognised
without question throughout the Colonial Empire, in large
measure, no doubt, through this protest by Mr. Molteno.
It has the support both of authority and practice in the
relations between the Imperial Government and the Colonies.
Lord Kimberley, as Secretary of State for the Colonies, in
addressing Sir G. Strahan, Governor of the Cape, on the
14th of October, 1880, upon the subject of the relatioas
between the Imperial Government and the Colonial Minis-
try, uses words almost identical with those above quoted : —
Colonial Ministers are bound to give such advice to the repre-
sentative of the Crown as they believe to be most for the interests
of the Colony; and although her Majesty's Grovernment may
differ from them in opinion, and regret the course which may have
been taken, it is not their province to call to account the Colonial
Ministers for the advice which they may have deemed it their duty
to give upon affairs which are placed under their control, and for
which they, and not her Majesty's (jovemment, are responsible.'
Nor are the words of the minute those of men who seek
to fasten a quarrel upon the Home Government. It was
none of their seeking ; they asked only to be left in peace to
pursue the arduous work, which their position as the first
Ministry under responsible government entailed upon them,
duties which they had discharged with acknowledged suc-
cess where they had been so left to themselves. They were
» I. P., C— 1681, p. 12. « J. p.. C-2740. p. 84.
LOBD CABNARVONS DESPATCHES 61
gpoken becauBe they were necessary for the preservation of
those principles of self-government accorded to the Gape so
recently, and which had been equally accorded to the colo-
nies of Canada and Australia. Englishmen at the Cape were
no whit inferior to EngUshmen in other parts of the world in
public spirit, and in the fulfilment and vindication of the
public trust reposed upon them.
From another point of view, it is of the utmost impor-
tance to the empire that the system of responsible govern-
ment should be a reality and not a sham. Looking to
the vastness of the empire, it is impossible for any set of
statesmen at home to cope with the government of the
whole empire. Our only hope is that each separate part of
the empire will learn to manage its own affairs, leaving only
the large questions of general policy, and particularly foreign
relations, to the care of statesmen at home. It is a most
necessary and vital division of labour ; if the empire is to
exist as the complicated congeries of states, which it now is,
it must exhibit that higher tjrpe where specialisation of
organs and their functions go hand in hand with their higher
integration.
But more than this. The Government of a great
empire from one centre has never really been carried out in
history, and it is not actually possible. The attempt affords
an opportunity for a vast system of intrigue and corruption,
which has in past times destroyed great empires. When we
look at Bome, with whose empire ours is now comparable,
we see this most clearly exemplified. The effete condition
of the neighbouring peoples led to an extension of Eoman
rule, which was forced on that mighty nation against their
will. They at first endeavoured to support the Greeks as a
series of independent states ; but the exhausted condition of
this once great people was such as to defeat the attempt.^
' See Mahaffy's Introduction to Duruy's History of Greece, p. 102 ; and
ef. p. 51 of the same work.
K 2
62 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Factions fought each other until the Pax Bomana was
forcibly established. It was the same with other neighboms.
The circle of empire thus rapidly widened. The result to Borne
was the fatal miscarriage of the reforms which had been
attempted by the Gracchi, and were necessary to the freedom
and even the life of the Boman people. A terrible system
of corruption ensued. The factions in the outlying portions
of the empire purchased the support of the senators by
enormous bribes,^ the result being misgovemment in the part
affected, and the deterioration of the character and patriotism
of the senate, while the exploitation of the new possessions
brought enormous wealth to individuals, as in the case of
Crassus.*
We see a striking resemblance to this condition of Borne
in the tendencies of the moment in the British empire,
arising from the enormous extension of British rule to vast
areas of the earth's surface. These extensions cannot be
immediately assimilated. They necessitate large armaments
for their defence, bringing us in contact as they do with all
the other powers. The consequences of this state of affairs
appear to be analogous to those which ensued on similar
conditions in Bome. Internal development is checked.
Where are the great principles of peace, retrenchment, and
reform to-day? And the analogy proceeds still further.
Have we not recently seen the vast wealth acquired in the
exploitation of the possessions of the empire used to influence
the Imperial Parliament for the purpose of a powerful party
in a distant dependency ? Have we not seen eighty votes,
* See MommBen's History of Rome (new edition), vol. iii. pp. 298, 294; for
the further effect of permission to capitalists to exploit the sabjeots of the
empire, see vol. iii. p. SSl.
' Speaking of Crassus, Mommsen says, ' Half the senate was in debt to him ;
his habit of advancing to ** friends " money without interest, revocable at
pleasure, rendered a number of influential men dependent on him, and the
more so that, like a genuine man of business, he made no distinction among
the parties, maintained connections on all hands, and readily lent to every one
who was able to pay or otherwise useful.' — Mommsen's History of Rome (new
edition), vol. iv. p. 277.
LORD CABNAEVON'S DESPATCHES 63
more or less, in the House of Commons subjected to the
influence of one individual for several sessions by the gift of
10,0002. for the objects dear to those members ? Have we
not seen large emoluments and positions of profit placed in
the hands of members of both Houses of Parliament by the
same individual ? May not the influence thus acquired and
wielded be used for the purposes of a party in a distant
country, of whose conditions and requirements the public
here are necessarily ignorant ? Have we not seen a portion
of the empire, and the administration of British subjects,
handed over to private individuals for the purposes of gain ? '
Is it not clear, then, that if the empire is to avoid the
fate of Bome, it must develop the principles of responsible
government to their utmost limit, making each portion of
the empire autonomous to the extent of being free from
disastrous interference from a distant centre. Such inter-
ference is too often dictated by the interested advice of party
schemers for their own ends, and made possible by the
general ignorance of the public on the questions involved
and the interests at stake, the relationship, thus constituted,
being one full of menace alike to the mother land and to the
dependency.
To return to our immediate subject. Let us see what
precedent and authority have to say upon the question.
Taking the action of other colonies on similar points, Mr.
Molteno in his speech had referred to the resolutions of the
Parliament of the Colony of Victoria. They were passed by a
very large majority — forty to eighteen — in committee of the
whole House, and they were afterwards agreed to by the whole
House of Assembly without any division at all. They ran
thus : —
That the official communication of advice, suggestions, or
instructions by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to her
* This is really what was done when the charter was giyen to the British
Sooth Africa Company. Compare with this the same result in Bome. Momm-
aen, yoI. iii. pp. 294, 381.
64 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
Majesty's representatdves in Viotoria, on any subject whatsoever
connected with the administration of the lociJ government, except
the giving or withholding of the royal assent to, or the reservation
of, Bills passed by the two Houses of the Victorian Parhament, is
a practice not sanctioned by law, derogatory to the independence
of the Queen's representatives, and a violation both of the princi-
ples of the system of responsible government and constitutional
rights of the people of this Colony. That the Legislative Assembly
will support her Majesty's Ministers for Victoria in any measure
that may be necessary for the purpose of securing the reunion of
the exclusive right of her Majesty, the Legislative Council, and
Legislative Assembly to make laws in and for Victoria in all cases
whatsoever, and put an early and final stop to the unlawful inter-
ference of the Imperial Government in the domestic afihirs of this
Colony.
That goes far beyond anything the Cape Ministry had
done. They asserted that the Governor must receive advice
through the responsible Ministers, and authority supports
their view that this is the principle upon which responsible
government should be carried on.
The Legislature of the Colony of Prince Edward's Island,
not a large colony like Victoria, in an address to the Queen
relative to confederation, passed this resolution in the year
1866 :—
We do not deem it inconsistent with the most devoted and
loyal attachment to your Majesty's person and Government to
declare our firm conviction that in deliberating upon a question so
seriously afifecting the hberty, happiness, and prosperity of the
inhabitants of this Colony, we ought to be guided mainly by the
well-understood wishes of the people whom we represent, even
should their wishes unfortunately conflict, as in the present
instance, with the declared policy of your Majesty's Government
for the time being, the inhabitants of this Colony being in our
opinion fully competent to decide upon so vital a question as the
constitution of the country in which their lot has been cast, and
the means best adopted to promote and perpetuate the stability
and prosperity of that country.
We may also quote a Minute of the Canadian Ministry.
In 1859 the Duke of Newcastle merely threw out a sugges-
LOBD CAENABVON'S DESPATCHES 56
tion that the Home Ministry might have been induced to
disallow the Customs Tariff Bill which had passed the
Legislature. The Canadian Ministry took fire at the bare
hint: —
The Provincial Ministry are at all times ready to afford ex-
planations in regard to the acts of the Legislature to which they
are a party, but subject to their duty and allegiance to your
Majesty, their responsibility in all general questions of policy
must be left to the Provincial Parliament, by whose confidence
they administer the affairs of the country. . . . Self-government
fDOuld be utterly annihilated if the views of the Imperial Govern-
ment were to be preferred to those of the people of Canada, It is
therefore the duty of the present Government distinctly to affirm
the right of the Canadian Legislature to adjust the taxation of the
people in the way they deem best, even if it should unfortunately
happen to meet the disapproval of the Imperial Ministry. Her
Majesty cannot be advised to disallow such acts, unless her advisers
are prepared to assume the administration of the Colony irrespec-
tive of the views of its inhabitants. . . . The Provincial Govern-
ment believes that his Grace must share their own convictions on
this important subject, but as serious evils would have resulted
had his Grace taken a different course, it is wiser to prevent future
complication by distinctly stating the position that must be main-
tained by every Canadian Administration.
We draw particular attention to this resolution, which
avers that self-government would be utterly impracticable if
the views of the Lnperial Government were to be preferred
to those of the people of Canada.^
Sir Charles Adderley, who had been Under-Secretary of
State for the Colonies under Lord Carnarvon himself, writing
in 1869, says : — ' With neither form of colonial government
does the Lnperial Parliament ever interfere unless in extra-
ordinary matters of general concern, and then only in the case
of constitutional colonies, because the colonies cannot unite
with it any sort of congress, and general interests cannot be
* With these precedents may be osefoUy compared Bfill on RepresefUative
ChvemmeiU, p. 181 (People's edition), and Erskine May, Constitutional
Hiitory.
56 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
discussed in separate assemblies, and in the case of Grown
colonies, because Parliament will alwaj's control the actions
of the Sovereign in matters however remotely involving its
own supplies.' And again : — ' There need be no fear of causing
separation by coming to a clear understanding of our true
relations ; far greater fear should attach to any assumption
of false relations which the day of trial will prove treacher-
ous, and which the very pretence will have rendered worse
than treacherous by having superseded necessary prepara-
tion.' »
Yet even if this country bred Scions for its ministers it is
nevertheless true of free communities as of individuals that they
must earn, not take, experience. Even if our colonies pass laws
for themselves which seem unwise to us or hurtful to ourselves,
so that they infringe not the common weal, it cannot be helped.
This freedom is necessary for the exercise of their constitutional
powers. The alternative is that they should cease to be English-
men. ' Subordinate governments must indeed submit ultimately
to a supreme assertion of general interests rarely exercised, but
this subordination must not be at the sacrifice of the ordinary con-
stitution, but is solely conceded for the sake of its integrity to
extreme imperial necessity.' ^
So long ago as 1841 Sir George Comewall Lewis
wrote : —
If a dominant country grants to a dependency popular institu-
tions and professes to aUow it to exercise self-government without
being prepared to treat it as virtually independent, the dominant
country by such conduct only mocks its dependency with the
semblance of political institutions without their reality. It is no
genuine concession to grant to a dependency the names and forms
and machinery of popular institutions unless the dominant country
will permit those institutions to bear the meaning which they
possess in an independent community, nor do such apparent con-
cessions produce any benefit to the dependency, but, on the con-
trary, may sow the seeds of political dissensions, and perhaps of
insurrections and of wars which would not otherwise arise.'
I The Colonial Policy of Lord John RuaselVa Adrntnutration, pp. 875-377.
< Ibid, p. 190.
' Lewis on Dependencies, p. S07.
Mr. Laoas foUows Sir George C. Lewis, and says :— ' The grant of self -goyem-
LOED CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 57
Mr. Molteno's Minute embodying his answer to Lord
Carnarvon was adopted by the Gape Parliament at its next
meeting. We are reminded of Sir C. Adderley's words : —
'The normal current of colonial history is the perpetual
assertion of the right to self-government.' Lord Carnarvon
had omitted his usual formula directing the immediate pub-
lication of this despatch, but Mr. Molteno supplied the
deficiency. On its becoming public it was felt to be —
Lord Carnarvon himself who had imperfectly comprehended
the nature and obligations of his position, and not Mr. Molteno.
The noble Earl ought to know there are Englishmen elsewhere
than in England, and that Mr. Molteno is one of them. Whilst
such men are loyal to the land of their birth, they are no less loyal
to the land of their adoption, and if entrusted with the confidence
of their fellow-colonists with high public trusts, they are neither
to be cajoled nor bullied into doing anything contrary to their con-
science. Mr. Froude did not succeed in driving Mr. Molteno
from office by his campaign through this Colony. Lord Carnarvon
will not drive him from office by censures from Downing Street
based upon imaginary facts. The Premier of the Colony is in
office because, whatever his faults may be, the people here know
he will not betray them, and as long as they have that conviction
Mr. Molteno can afford to look on the censures of the noble Earl
as he did on the sneers of an eminent historian.^
Lord Carnarvon replied to the protest of the Cape Minis-
try against Mr. Fronde's proceedings by fully adopting
them all : —
He has possessed from first to last my full confidence, accorded
to him no less on account of his high character and ability than
because of the unhesitating earnestness with which he has con-
tended for the promotion of South African interests, and his
general concurrence in my view of the manner in which those
interests could best be advanced, and whilst unfettered in the exer-
cise of his own discretion as to the event of the moment, with
ment means the grant of virtaal independenoe ' (preface, p. xziii.). Also, ' The
gift of responsible government was except in matters of foreign policy fall
and unfettered.' See also pp. xlii. and xliii., where he shows that the self-
governing colonies are no longer dependencies but protected states whose
foreign policy only is controlled by the Imperial Government.
' Argus,
68 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
regard to which it is ohvious that I could not give, and for which I
purposely abstained from giving, detailed instructions, he has been
able to explain the general tenour of my wishes and objects with an
eloquence and fulness and ability to which hereafter, if not now, full
credit, I am convinced, will be given. And now that this visit has
terminated I gladly take this opportunity to express my recognition
of the great and lasting benefit which he has conferred upon South
Africa by his untiring energy, by the high qualities which he has
brought to bear on the particular question of the time, and the cir-
cumstances of peculiar difficulty, and by the clear and forcible
manner in which on many occasions he has inculcated a policy
and principles not imnaturally lost sight of by many under the
more immediate pressure of local questions. And if, indeed, he
has been misunderstood and misrepresented in some quarters, I
trust that he will have been well rewarded by the knowledge that
he was taking part in no common or insignificant question, and by
the consciousness of having done his utmost to render those
measures in which he has been engaged really beneficial to all
concerned in them, of whatever nationaHty or race.
Nor ought I here to be silent on another point which, as I am
aware, has excited some attention. During the course of local
discussion, every kind of position, duty, and function has been
attributed to Mr. Froude, motives have been freely imagined, and
many suppositions have been entertained which a little inquiry
would have easily removed. It might, however, have been known
by anyone who cared to ascertain the fact, that Mr. Froude has
acted in no capacity beyond that already indicated, and has
received, in the strict sense of the word, no official instructions,
and further that no formal correspondence has passed between
him and this department ; for this reason, because I felt that all
such correspondence ought to pass through you as the representa-
tive of the Crown, and as the legitimate adviser of her Majesty's
Government. I have, therefore, throughout the discussion of this
question addressed my despatches solely to you, with a request
^at you would communicate them to Mr. fVoude as well as to
your Ministers.^
We have already drawn attention to the serious conse-
quences to the Imperial Government from its adoption of
Mr. Froude's statement and actions. When Lord Carnarvon
says that it might ' have been knov^n to anyone who cared
to ascertain the fact that Mr. Fronde has acted in no capacity
» J. p., C— 1399, p. 89.
LOBD CABNABVONS DESPATCHES 69
beyond that already indicated/ what did he mean? Sir
Henry Barkly had written on the 25th of June, 1875, to Lord
Carnarvon, stating that Mr. Fronde claimed to be the direct
exponent of Lord Carnarvon's views, while on the 14th of
September the Ministry officially complained of the position
which Mr. Froude had assxmied. Yet Lord Carnarvon
did not reply to either of these complaints, and on the
10th of October the Governor had written to Mr. Molteno
to inform him that Mr. Froude had demanded in an ' official '
note that he should be treated as an agent of the Imperial
Government. So that Lord Carnarvon had not, though
appealed to, told the Governor or Ministry what Mr. Fronde's
position was.
So much for the subterfuges which an Imperial Secre-
tary of State thought it necessary and desirable to pursue.
We cannot wonder that England and South Africa have
suffered bitterly for such conduct. With regard to Mr.
Froude having received in the strict sense of the word ' no
official instructions,' and * no official correspondence,* we
have already seen that the most important events were known
to him before the High Commissioner himself was informed
of them. We have his own statement as to the possession
of discretion to delay the Conference. We find him writing
to the Governor officially as ' Agent of the Imperial Govern-
ment.' His expenses were paid by the Imperial Govern-
ment.^ The formal and non-confidential correspondence was
addressed to the Governor of the Cape, but the informal and
confidential was sent to his agent, who had, ' in the strict
sense of the word, no official instructions.' Was not this a
paltry quibble utterly unworthy of any statesman holding
the high office of Secretary of State for the Colonies, under
which Lord Carnarvon endeavoured to back out of official
responsibility for passing by the legitimate adviser of her
Majesty's Government in South Africa ? It is little to be
1 See p. 61, infra.
60 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
Wondered at that Mr. Molteno was thoroughly disgusted and
discouraged.
Finally, when Lord Carnarvon and his agents were being
accused, he constituted himself the judge and acquitted the
prisoners, being —
fully satisfied that no unconstitutional agitation has been carried
on within the Gape Colony, I cannot but express my regret that
expressions, which although indirectly implied such a fact, were
retained in the amendment adopted by the Assembly on the
motion of Mr. Solomon. They are not consistent with the facts
of the case, nor, as far as I understand the debate, with the
general spirit in which this amendment was moved.
This was like many other of Lord Carnarvon's despatches,
written for home consumption, where the facts were not
known. To this portion of it Mr. Molteno repUed as fol-
lows : —
Ministers regret to learn that the proceedings of Mr. Froude
meet with the approval of the Eight Honourable the Secretary of
State for the Colonies, for they feel bound to place on record their
opinion that such proceedings are subversive of the principles
of responsible government, and incompatible with the constitu-
tional privileges which have been so graciously bestowed on this
Colony
The result of Mr. Froude's utterances in the former case has
been to set on foot in certain quarters an agitation for division
which is, Ministers feel assured, most distasteful to the Colony at
large, and which has renewed a strife which it was hoped hsid
been set at rest ; while, with regard to the native policy, the crude
and impracticable ideas of Mr. Froude, as expressed by himself,
have led some to entertain the opinion that the Imperial Govern-
ment are prepared to inaugurate a system which will be retro-
grading from the principles which have hitherto been acted on
by the Government and Legislature of this Colony ; and Ministers
cannot but regret that the Bight Honourable the Secretary of
State should, even by implication, have given the weight of his
approval to the policy and principles inculcated by Mr. Froude.
On these and other subjects Ministers have had the honour of
submitting their opinion in Minutes from time to time addressed
to his Excellency the Governor ; and, without asserting that the
system of management of natives adopted by the Cape Parliament
LORD CABNARVON'S DESPATCHES 61
is incapable of improvement, they respectfully submit that
advancement in this direction must be looked for in the gradual
development of the same principles which have hitherto guided
colonial legislation in such matters, and that the introduction of
violent changes based on theory will, in all probability, have a
most prejudicial effect on the safety of the Colony, and lead to
disastrous consequences.'
Lord Carnarvon made no attempt to answer this minis-
terial Minnie, but contented himself with transmitting to
the Governor Mr. Froude's observations upon the portion of
it which reflected upon that gentleman's conduct. And it is
significant that in introducing the South Africa Bill into the
House of Commons Mr. James Lowther, the Under-Secre-
tary of State for the Colonies, made use of the following
language : —
When the vote for 1,000Z. for Mr. Froude's travelling expenses
was moved silence reigned supreme. It would be unbecoming in
him, nor did he feel called upon to justify the whole of Mr.
Froude's proceedings to the House. While that gentleman had
rendered most valuable services to the Colonial Office and to the
country, and while he had most efficiently performed a patriotic
and thankless task, he (Mr. Lowther) could not accept the obliga-
tion of accounting for all the proceedings of the eminent man
during his absence from this country. Mr. Froude was in no
sense a representative of her Majesty in South Africa. He was
not a governor, but was employed in a special service without
remuneration, and the Colonial Office were not therefore called
upon to be responsible for all his movements. While Mr. Froude
was no doubt performing great public services, he was quite as
much justified in attending a dinner at Port Elizabeth as he
would have been at home in attending a public meeting at St.
James's Hall.
At the same time Mr. Lowther presumed to such an
extent upon the ignorance of the questions involved as to
say, in regard to Lord Carnarvon's action, that Lord Car-
narvon had not pressed the policy of confederation upon
' J. P., G— 1681, p. 13. A warning most amply fulfilled when Sir B. Frere
attempted to destroy the native chiefs of South Africa and disarm their subjects.
62 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
South Africa : ' The Council of Natal passed a resolution
endorsing the principle of confederation. The Legislative
Council of another colony passed a similar resolution. There-
fore, so far from this policy originating in the Colonial
Office, it was evident that it originated in the colonies them-
selves.' This statement of Mr. Lowther's was not allowed
to pass unchallenged, and Mr. Courtney pointed out that
Mr. Froude had been called by Lord Carnarvon himself
' the representative of this country in the Conference,' he
challenged Mr. Lowther's statement that the movement had
originated in the Colony, and showed how the resolutions of
the coimcils of Griqualand West and Natal were those of
Crown colonies, and therefore to cite them was misleading
the House, while the Cape Parliament, the only free parlia-
ment in South Africa, had rejected it by a majority of 36
to 22.
Mr. Froude is about to vanish from these pages, but it is
impossible to take leave of him without referring to the
famous ' Beport ' made by him to Lord Carnarvon upon his
return, in which he gave an account of his mission, and
defended his conduct.^ It is a composition of much literary
merit, exhibiting in a high degree his intellectual power and
thorough command of the English language; it discloses
his defects of judgment in an equally prominent manner.
On matters of fact of great moment it is hopelessly incorrect.
The whole character of the Beport is utterly inaccurate. To
those in South Africa the inaccuracies were so transparent
that it was difficult to account for them except on the sup-
position that they were to suffice for misleading the people
of England.
After the debate in the Cape Parliament, to which Mr.
Froude had himself listened, he nevertheless tells Lord Car-
narvon that the subjects of his despatch were Imperial and
external, in which the Ministers of the Cape had no more
' J. P., C— 8199, p. 6S.
LORD CABNARVONS DESPATCHES 63
right to initiate a policy than in the relation of Great
Britain with Canada and Australia. Among these subjects
are the sale of arms and ammunition, the surrender of
criminals, and the native question. These are not external
questions for the Colony with regard to which it has no
right to initiate a policy. The Cape Government had
actually dealt with them by successful legislation and by
arrangements with the Free State and Transvaal. The
Gunpowder Ordinance, the extradition treaties with the two
Republics were not only initiated by the Colonial Govern-
ment, but had received the sanction of her Majesty's
Government, and had become law. Mr. Froude states
that the eastern province had once a separate government
of its own, and had never acquiesced in its incorpora-
tion into the rest of the Colony. As a matter of fact
there never has been but one Government for the Cape
Colony, to which the so-called eastern province was always
subject. Some minor administrative duties were at one
time performed by a Lieutenant-Governor, but the eastern
province was then as much as now incorporated with the
rest of the Colony.
Then, again, Mr. Froude says that the east ' objects to
a Government so remote as Cape Town, and to sending its
members to take part in an assembly the majority of
which is powerfully under local influence, and that on
critical questions eastern representatives find themselves
invariably out-voted or overpowered.* The real fact is
that if the numbers be counted by constituencies half
were in the east and half in the west, but the Speaker being
a western, the east had actually a majority of one in voting
power. As to any objection to come to Cape Town, this
was imaginary. The east was no further in distance than
were Yorkshire or Northxmiberland or Scotland from Lon-
don before the advent of railways ; that distance had never
64 LIFB AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
been regarded as a reason for impcuring the efl&ciency of the
Imperial Parliament.
In eflfect his Report says, with reference to England's
conduct towards the two Free States : —
You abandon the Dutch colonies, and in spite of their entreaties,
at a time when their territory was unproductive, but directly
diamonds were discovered you tried to invent a pretext for
resuming your sovereignty over the territory you formerly re-
jected. Assuming that your claims to certain lands within certain
boundaries were valid, you attempted to cheat the Dutch by
falsifying those boundaries. When they fought and subjugated
their enemies, the Basutos, you stood aloof till it was at an end,
and then stepped in and prevented the Dutch from reaping the
advantage of their successes. Your conduct towards the Dutch
has been one tissue of selfishness, treachery, and fraud from the
beginning, and now that the Dutch, by careful and wise govern-
ment, and by the fortuitous circumstance of the diamond dis-
coveries in their territory, have raised the fabric of a flourishing
Bepublic, and aU your pretexts for encroachment on the coveted
land are exhausted, you come and invite them to place themselves
once more under the British flag, which the tradition of their fore-
fathers, and more lately their own actual experience, has taught
them to despise.
When Mr. Froude began his agitation he knew nothing
of the local conditions, and while carried away by party
enthusiasm of the Separation party he had done his best to
turn out the Ministry. Now, however, he confessed that
* If the Conference party came into power after a general
election vnthout a concerted programme of future action,
difi&culties which I believe to exist would immediately make
themselves felt. The Conference might be a failure after all,
and the Ministers might prove to have been better justified
in their opposition than I wish to see them.* Now he saw
that all his hurry and his outside pressure had been a mis-
take— it was another example of South Africa having to
suffer for the education of a stranger to her politics and her
difficulties. He distinctly came to the conclusion that as
regards the objects of the Imperial Government the policy
LOBD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 65
of the Cape Ministers was the wisest one. Let causes of
contention be removed, and the mutual interests of the
various colonies and states would eventually lead to their
union. ' Suspicion will die out when the Imperial policy
is seen to be disinterested — resentments will cease when the
provocation no longer remains. But plants of slow growth
endure the longest ; and the final consunvmation, however
devoutly it be wished, can only he brought to wholesome
maturity by the deliberate action of the South African
communities themselves,* ^
This appears really to embody Mr. Froude's deliberate
opinion, inasmuch as we find he wrote, on leaving Cape Town
after the debate, to Bishop Colenso that he must hasten
vdth all speed to England to undeceive Lord Carnarvon,
* who imagines that the Colonies are ripe for Confederation.' '
It was natural that the Conference party should feel very
much chagrined at the ' Beport,' for it was clear that Mr.
Froude did not approve of its action in the special session.
In fact he had not approved of the amendments proposed in
the House of Assembly by the Opposition. Mr. Philip Water-
meyer had moved for a general conference, and Mr. Laing
that the conference should be held in South Africa, and not
in England, as suggested in Lord Carnarvon's despatch of
the 22nd of October. Neither of these proposals was in
accordance with Mr. Froude's views as published in his
report. On the contrary, he expresses his very great satisf ac -
tion that Mr. Solomon's amendment was carried by a large
majority.
A change of Ministry was not desired by Mr. Froude. It
seems clear that he never really entered into the objects and
plans of the Opposition. He saw through their incon-
sistencies, and estimated their capabilities below those of the
Ministry. His agitation was Teally to bring pressure to
bear on the Ministry, not to displace them.
• J. P., C— 1899, p. 83. ' Life of Bishop Colenso^ vol. ii. p. 424.
VOL. n. F
66 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
We may close the story of Mr. Fronde's relations with
Mr. Molteno by adding copies of two letters written when
the latter was in England as plenipotentiary for the Gape
Colony in regard to the affairs of Griqnaland West. It is
interesting to observe that, in spite of the heat of battle and
the terrible mischief wronght by Mr. Fronde to Mr. Molteno's
hopes and aspirations for the government of South Africa,
his personal relations were such as to inspire the sentiments
expressed in the second letter. Unfortunately we have not
the replies.
5 Onslow Gardens, S.W. :
August 9th, 1876.
Deab Mb. Molteno, — I am sorry that I was out when you
were so good as to call. In the deserted condition of Loudon I
scarcely like to ask you to give me the pleasure of your company
at dinner ; I feel so little confident of being able to find anyone to
meet you that you would care to see.
If, however, you have an evening at your disposition, and are
willing to bestow it upon me, I should like to invite Mr. Forster
and Mr. Lowe, or one of them, who, I am sure, would greatly
value the honour of being introduced to you. I will ask you to
name your own day, and if these gentlemen will still be in London,
I think I can count on Mr. Forster at any rate. But dinner
parties, unless they are the best of their kind, and unless the com-
pany is really interesting, are, I well know, an infliction which
we have no right to impose. If you had rather not be bothered
in this way, do not hesitate to say so.
Faithfully yours,
J. A. Fboude.
6 Onslow Gardens, S.W. :
September 30th.
Deab Mb. Molteno, — I have just returned to town. I hear
that you sail next week : and as, in human probability, we shall
never meet again, I should be glad to see you if you would allow
me before you go. In spite of appearances, I have never wavered
in the regard which you taught me to feel for you on my first visit
to the Cape. Where mistaken impressions have left unpleasant
feelings, it is well to remove them if possible ; and I really believe
that if you would allow me half an hour's conversation with you,
I believe I could show you that in some respects you had been
under a misapprehension about my conduct.
LORD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 67
If you shrink from seeing me or for any other reason are
xmwillhig to let me to call on you, I will not press my request,
but content myself with a hope that you may long continue to
hold the high post in her Majesty's service which you have
hitherto filled with so much distinction.
Believe me,
Faithfully yours,
J. A. Fboudb.
Confederation, if it ever comes, must be founded by the
people of South Africa themselves, and not by outsiders, who
<)an know but little of what they desire to change. Confede-
ration is desirable in itself ; but where men are concerned,
circumfitances must be considered as well as the thing itself.
Circumstances were not favourable to confederation in South
Africa at that time, and the Cape Ministry, knovnng this,
said so to Lord Carnarvon, besides maintaining at the same
time the rights of the Colony. In policy as in principle, the
Molteno cabinet was right, and now they were being justified
both vdthin and without the Colony. Mr. Froude himself
had not failed to learn this lesson as a result of his fuller
experience of South Africa.^
Our difficulties in South Africa are worrjdng and per-
plexing, and sometimes seemingly inexplicable ; but a due
understanding of the action of Lord Carnarvon will explain
the origin of much of the trouble in South Africa. The
Secretary of State told Sir C. Darling in 1865 : ' It is one of
the first duties of the Queen's representative to keep himself
as far as possible aloof from and above all personal conflicts.
He should always so conduct himself as not to be precluded
from acting freely with those whom the course of parlia-
mentary proceedings might present to him as his confiden-
tial advisers.' Lord Carnarvon's personal interest in forcing
confederation made him forget this rule laid down by
> Writing more than ten years after these events, he says : ' I had observed
in Sonth Africa that the confusion and perplexities were diminished exactly in
proportion as the Home Government ceased to interfere.' — England in ihe
West Indiet, p. 8.
w 2
68 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
his predecessor, and supported by every constitutional
principle.
For an object-lesson on the dangers of stepping out of
the neutral attitude of a constitutional governor into the
arena of party conflict, the course urged upon Sir H. Barkly
by Mr. Froude and Lord Carnarvon, we may turn to what
was at this time taking place in another part of the
Empire under Lord Carnarvon's rule. One of his schemes
was to be carried out in South Africa, and the other in
the West Indies. In a part of the latter Lord Kimberley
had formed a confederation ; but some of the islands object-
ing to that policy, the Liberal Secretary of State attended
to their wishes, and did not press them to accept a form of
government against which they protested. Lord Carnarvon
was not so scrupulous ; and about the time Mr. Froude was
despatched to the Cape Colony, Mr. Pope Hennessy received
his commission as Governor of the Windward Islands.
Both were sent forth as missionaries to propagate Lord
Carnarvon's grand idea. They had this also in conmion, that
both were furnished by the Secretary of State with private
instructions. They had official despatches to be put before
the constitutional authorities, and they had private communi-
cations if they should have to go on the stump. At the Cape
and in the West Indies the constituted authorities held
opinions opposed to the expediency of Lord Carnarvon's
policy under the existing circumstances ; and in both, no
doubt in accordance with the private instructions received
from the Secretary of State, an attempt was made to bully
the constituted authorities into doing the will of Downing
Street. At Barbadoes, as at Cape Town, the question was
submitted more or less explicitly to the Houses of Assembly ;
and when these bodies declined to have anjrthing to do with
the matter, similar action was taken by Governor Hennessy
and Mr. Froude. Public meetings were held, at which the
most illusory speeches were made. Confederation was said
LOBD CABNABVON'S DESPATCHES 69
to be the panacea for all the ills of the State. No oppor-
tunity was lost to delude the people.
Fortunately, at the Gape the constitutional representative
of England abstained from taking any part in the agitation.
Sir Henry Barkly did not attend public meetings and tell one
class of the population that under confederation they would
be free from the oppression of another class. Neither did he
go from village to village, raising race against race. Governor
Hennessy, having no Mr. Froude to do the stumping,
undertook that duty himself. He appealed to the people
against the representatives. The West India Association
charged the Governor with having presented the strange
spectacle of the Governor and officials 'converted into an
electioneering band for the purpose of forcing a ruinous
policy on an unwiUing people.' He fanned class and race pre-
judices till whites and blacks took arms against one another.
And all this happened because the Governor of the colony,
forgetting his position, became a partisan in carrying out the
ill-timed policy of Lord Carnarvon. He disregarded ' consti-
tutional principles,' and he received his reward. The colony
over which he ruled was in confusion, and he was recalled.
Sir Henry Barkly held firmly to the much sneered at ' consti-
tutional principles,' and the Cape was peaceful.
70 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XVni
THE DB8PAT0HB8 OONTINUBD, AND THE
SESSION OF 1876
Lord GMnarfon's Fourth Despatch — IneonsiBteney of the Despatohes — ^Fifttt
Despatch— Reply of Ministers— Ck>nlerenoe transferred to London — South
AlHca most be left to itself— Lord Carnarvon rejects Advice— Session of
1876, and state of Parties— Mr. Mdteno proposes to visit England— Hoiia»
approves Bfinisterial Action — Work of the Session — Confederation exeitea
Natives.
Let 118 return to the history of Lord Carnarvon's despatches,
the fourth of which now arrived. It was dated the 15th of
November,^ and was therefore penned before he had received
the result of the special session of the Gape Parliament. It
commences by referring to the possible expediency of holding
* a meeting on the subject of Confederation/ the decision
of the Gape Parliament being of so Uttle importance to the
conclusions which he had been led to form on the subject.
In the next paragraph the meeting becomes a Gonf erence^
which is put forward tentatively to the Golonies and the
States of South Africa ; but not ' The Gonference/ be it
observed, of his previous despatches, which was to be held in
South Africa, for this is to take place in England. For the
benefit of the uninformed in England who will read his
despatch, he says : ' In arriving at a decision on the grave
questions which would come under consideration, the
extent to which the interests of each community must be
left to the Government which is responsible to it will have
» /.P., 0—1899, p. 27.
THE DESPATCHES CONTINUED 71
to be carefully borne in mind.' What about Mr. Fronde's
agitation which he had fully endorsed? What about his
directions to Sir Henry Barkly to turn out Mr. Molteno ?
Were these left to the Government of the Cape ? Did he
consult the Transvaal Government when he annexed the
country?
The despatch suggested that a meeting should take place
in England rather than the Cape to receive the views of
her Majesty's Government, on the ground that it would ' be
impossible to invest any person or persons with either plenary
powers or adequate instruction on which he or they could
safely act without further reference to this country.' Lord
Carnarvon evidently perceived that he had made a mistake
when he had suggested that Mr. Froude should occupy this
position at the first Conference.
After dealing with President Brand's objections to sit in
Conference with Griqualand West, and agreeing with him
that Griqualand West need not be there, the writer pro-
ceeded to state that it would be for the Cape Government
to select the two delegates, ' whom I still presume it
will be the desire of the Colony to send as their representa-
tives.' A somewhat cool assumption in face of the fact. The
Colony had never expressed any wish to have represen-
tatives at any Conference. He concluded with an assurance
to the Colonies and States that the Conference would only
deliberate, and its proceedings would not bind the Govern-
ments of the respective delegates, but he nevertheless ex-
pressed the hope that the final result would be such a
general agreement as to satisfy the several Legislatures ' that
it is most safe and desirable to confederate on terms not very
dissimilar from those adopted by the Provinces which now
constitute the great Dominion of Canada.'
Lord Carnarvon had now sent out four despatches
between the 4th of May and the 15th of November. No
two of these were wholly reconcilable with each other, while
72 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
the first and the last asserted different objects and different
modes of procedure. Lord Carnarvon, before he became
Colonial Secretary, was a brilliant classic, and had doubtless
studied Aristotle in his early days. His cast of mind would
seem to have fastened on the portions of the 'Bepublic'
where it is laid down that a good deal of falsehood and
deceit might be resorted to by rulers for the benefit of their
subjects, such practices being as medicine in the hands of a
skilful physician. As confirming this view there had cer-
tainly been an absence of candour in his treatment of the
Cape which a comparison of the despatches will bring out
and which gave rise to a very proper resentment.
At last Lord Carnarvon ventured to tell the country that
Confederation was his sole aim and object. In the first
despatch it was stated that at the Conference to be held
ui South Africa the chief subjects for deliberation would be
native policy, the sale of arms and ammunition, and other
subjects of that character. Confederation being mentioned
only as an incidental matter which might possibly come
up in the course of discussion. In paragraph 7 of the
despatch of the 4th of May he says : —
It is then with reganrd to the native question that I conceive it
to be most urgent at the present moment that there should be a free
and friendly interchange of opinions among the neighbouring
(Governments of South Africa ; and if it were for the consideration
of this question alone, I should conceive that the assembly of a
Conference, such as I am about to propose, of representatives
of the Colonies and States, would be productive of the greatest
advantage.
Another section of the same despatch mentions Grigua-
land West as pressing for urgent and careful consideration,
and then a further reference is made to it : —
The more immediate benefit which I should look for would be
some satisfactory understanding as to native policy.
The second despatch dealt with the reception of his pro-
posals by the Cape Ministry and Parliament, and directed
THE DESPATCHES CONTINUED 73
the holding of a Conference at Maritzburg of the other
Colonies and States, whether the Cape accepted the invita-
tion or no. This Conference was, of course, never held
The third despatch expressed his satisfaction with the
agitation raised by Mr. Fronde, and his confident belief
that it would suffice to get rid of Mr. Molteno's Ministry.
The suggestion for a Conference in the Cape was withdrawn,
with the hint that he was thinking whether a meeting in
England might not be best, and that he would request the
Governor and Mr. Froude to confer with him; this con-
ferring being for the purpose of enabling her Majesty's
Grovemment to ' explain the principle on which the native
policy of the future should be based,' and the terms and
conditions on which a Confederation might be originated.
In the fourth despatch, either because the Minute of the
Ministry of the 14th of September had clearly disposed of
the various questions which Lord Carnarvon had put forward
for discussion in the first instance, or because these objects
were never seriously intended for discussion, but merely
advanced as a blind, they are entirely forgotten, and Con-
federation is the sole end and aim in view — native policy
finally disappears.
Thus Lord Carnarvon had pursued a course embracing
serious inconsistencies which had led him into an altogether
illogical position. The Eastern Province was naturally
annoyed at this change of front, and did not hesitate to say
so. The ' Grahamstown Journal,' one of his ablest and most
influential Press supporters and no friend of the Molteno
Ministry, wrote that : —
' it meddles and muddles ' the situation more than ever. Taken
with other despatches it is full of inconsistency. The last despatch
spoke of the preliminary Conference being unnecessary, and gave
no name to the gathering of the few men who were to meet in
London. The despatch in to-day's issue speaks of that meeting
expressly as ' The Conference.' Why cannot Lord Carnarvon do
that which is the first lesson of statesmanship — let well alone ?
74 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
The Earl sagely remarks that when the Gape Parliament has made
its deoision, ' a distinct stage in the proceedings will have been
oompleted.' Then, in Heaven's name, why could not his Lord-
ship let OS reach that stage without his injudicious, ruinous, in-
explicable interference ? And again, the whole country — ^that is
to say, the whole Eastern Province— desires Gonfederation, which
was nearly within its grasp. Lord Carnarvon's unwise inter-
ference— ^we can call it nothing else — has indefinitely postponed
the accomplishment of this great purpose.
Conference and Confederation were made to look like
the same thing in this last despatch, but they were not so
in the views of the supporters of the Conference. In the
debate just closed Lord Carnarvon's quondam supporters had
resented the holding of the Conference in England. It was
felt that a Conference, however constituted, which met in
the Cape Colony, would be affected by the public opinion
of the country and would be in touch with its leading views,
and the interests of the Colonies and States would be to this
extent protected ; but in London, away from the influence
of the Cape and its surroundings, and subject to the full
glow of blandishments such as Sir Garnet Wolseley had
used so successfully in Natal, the few South African repre-
sentatives would be exposed to serious risk and dangers.
How true this fear was will be seen when Lord Carnarvon
ostentatiously announced on the opening of his Conference
of nominees in the ensuing year, that Sir Theophilus Shep-
stone had been made a K.C.M.G., and thus it might be seen
what good and dutiful delegates would get for themselves.
Were South Africa as a whole desirous of completing
Confederation, it is certain it would never consent to this
method of bringing it about. As in the case of the Canadian
Colonies, the people of South Africa would want to see the
foundation of their future institutions built upon their ovm
land. That in itself would be enough to cause the rejection of
the suggestion for a Conference on such a subject being held
out of South Africa. And here was Lord Carnarvon's plan :
THE DESPATCHES CONTINUED 76
that the Conference to settle the proposals for Confedera-
tion shonld meet in London, that then the proposals should
be sent back to the Cape, and what was finally agreed upon
should be sent on again to London. All this was the reverse
of what was done in the case of the Canadian Confederation.
We now come to Lord Carnarvon's fifth despatch,
written upon the receipt of the decision of the Cape Parlia^
ment.' In regard to the question of Conference or Con-
federation he stated plainly, 'I have felt Confederation to
be the question in the presence of which all others are of
secondary consideration.' He accepted the resolution of the
Cape Parliament offering its aid in the settlement of Griqua-
land West difficulties 'as a substantial concession to the
Imperial Government on points of real importance.'
Not only has the Hoose declined to place on record the state-
ment which would have been neither accurate nor becoming, that
the Imperial Government has been connected with any un-
oonstitutional agitation,^ but it has accepted, in terms which I have
no doubt the Colony wiU understand, to imply substantial co-
operation, the duty which I have repeatedly urged on your
Government of redeeming those pledges which were given by a
former Parliament, and in consequence of which Griqualand
West was brought under British rule.'
To the concluding portion of this paragraph the Cape
Ministry took strong and well-founded objection as being
not consistent with the facts, while we may again note thai
the Cape Parliament, wishing to avoid a conflict with the
Imperial Government, had abstained from passing direct
judgment on the unconstitutional agitation condemned so
strongly by the majority of its members ; and this was the
way in which Lord Carnarvon received the olive branch ! I
* We have already alluded to the paragraphs of this despatch which dealt
with Ifr. Molteno's motion in the Cape Parliament, and the jostification of
Mr. Fronde's action by Lord Carnarvon.
' The reader should consult pp. 26-80 auprct, to see how flagrantly Lord
Camarron had chosen to misinterpret Mr. Solomon's amendment.
• J. P., C— 1899, p. 90.
76 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
He continued that ' he hopes to arrange for a Conference
in London/ and suggested that any delegate sent over by
the Cape to discuss the matter of Griqualand West should
attend such a Conference. In section 19 he made the im-
portant statement that if the two Bepublics saw their way
to a resumption of their connection with' the British Crown
by Confederation, it would be a result of great value ! So
little acquaintance had Lord Carnarvon with South African
history, that he here supposes that the Transvaal Bepublic
had once been connected with the British Crown, which, of
<K)urse, had never been the case. It was reserved for Lord
Carnarvon to force it into its first connection with ihe British
Crown. Equally egregious was the blunder of supposing
that the real feelings of the people of the Free State and
Transvaal were such as to permit of their voluntary union
under the British Crown.
This was one of the objects of Lord Carnarvon's policy,
a very legitimate and worthy object, and one which would
simplify South African questions; but Lord Carnarvon's
mode of pursuing it has made it more improbable than ever.
Had he left well alone, the unfettered development of
responsible government would have proved to the two
Bepublics that the ruinous consequences of interference
from afar were no longer to be apprehended, and that a
perfect liberty to manage their own internal affairs would
be accorded them under this system. We have seen how
eagerly both the Bepublics looked to this result when
responsible government was first introduced at the Cape,
we have now to see how these hopes were ruined. Lord
Carnarvon failed to realise that nothing permanently good
•can come of deception. The condition of South Africa since
his action in this behalf has amply borne out this truth.
He concluded with the prophetic paragraph: — *The
termination of the late debates in Parliament closes the most
important era which has occurred in the history, not only of
THE DESPATCHES CONTINUED 77
the Cape Colony, but of South Africa.' The tone of the
whole despatch is what we may term 'Olympian/ The
Colonists, with their ' petty parochial ' ideas, must sit with
open mouth at the feet of the paternal instructor. English-
men never have, and we hope never will, submit tamely to
such treatment. The day they do they cease to be English-
men. All colonial history is our witness.
The reply of Ministers contained in their Minute dated
the 14th of March stated that : — '
Ministers are pleased to learn that the Bight Honourable the
Secretary of State for the Colonies rightly interprets the resolution
of the House of Assembly as a wish on the part of the Govern-
ment and Parliament of the Cape Colony to do all that lies in
their power to aid in bringing about an equitable settlement of
the difficulty which exists with reference to the territory known as
Oriqualand West. They feel bound, however, to take exception
to the statement contained in paragraph 22, to the effect that the
redetnption of certain pledges has been repeatedly urged on this
Government.
If the Besolutions adopted by the Cape Parliament in 1871 be here
alluded to, those might fairiy be held, without stopping to discuss
their real tenor, to have been abrogated by the subsequent creation
of Griqualand West into a Crown Colony without consulting this
Gtovemment; and although the Secretary of State may have
intimated to his Excellency the Governor his Lordship's dis-
satisfaction with the arrangements then concluded, this dis-
satisfaction has never been formally communicated to Ministers.
It was further stated that Mr. Molteno would be ready to
proceed to England during President Brand's visit to that
country for the purpose of rendering on the part of the
Cape Government its counsel and cordial assistance in
settling the difficulties which had arisen out of the extension
of British jurisdiction to the territory of Griqualand West.
Mr. Molteno would thus further be able to discuss with the
Secretary of State any further matters which might be
considered desirable. But the Ministers were careful to state
> I. p.. C— 1631, p. 12.
78 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
that the question of the attendance of delegates at any
Conference must, as ahready intimated, be determined by
the Colonial Legislature. The Ministers added that they —
regretted the terms of the Besolution adopted by the House of
Assembly in the recent session should be taken by the Bight
Honourable the Secretary of State for the Colonies to contain a
misconception of his Lordship's meaning as to the withdrawal of
the original proposal for a Conference. . . . Ministers observe
with pleasure that no steps are to be taken in the important
matter of Confederation without fall and anxious deliberation, and
they share the hope that the proposed negotiations may tend to
the promotion and continuance of those friendly relations which
have hitherto subsisted between the Covemment of this Colony
and the Governments of the Border Bepublics.
Mr. Molteno was large-minded and hberal enough to
sink any personal question between Lord Carnarvon and
himself, and to give to the great interests at stake the
full determiiiation of his action ; he endeavoured to do
what was possible to meet the wishes of the Imperial Govern-
ment, and to render such aid as might be wise and possible
for the Cape to give so as to deal with the difficulties of
the situation.
Lord Carnarvon now turned over a new leaf and began
a new chapter in the history of his Confederation movement.
He transferred the question from the dust and heat of the
Colony to the calmer atmosphere of Downing Street. He
was no more successful here than he had been in South
Africa itself, and he now made serious departure from his
previous policy. He had followed Mr. Fronde's advice in
the main until the period of the London Conference. After
its failure he abandoned his comparatively gentle guide for
more forcible counsels.
In the event of the offer of the Colony to assist the
Imperial Government in the Griqualand question being
accepted, Mr. Molteno stated in a subsequent Minute * that
» I.P., C-1631,p. 2.
SESSION OF 1876 79
he would be willing to proceed to England to discuss the
matter with Lord Carnarvon. Sir Henry Barkly had ex-
pressed to Lord Carnarvon his wish that Mr. Molteno
should go to England to confer with him, but he informed
Lord Carnarvon that unless he went at once he would
hardly be back in time for the ordinary Session, and there
would be so much disadvantage to the Colony from his
absence that a good cause for going was essential. He
further told Lord Carnarvon that the whole position of the
question afifbrded another strong ground for not dissolving or
exchanging a Ministry in some degree pledged to co-opera-
tion as to Griqualand West for one that would not be so.
As to his Lordship's invitation, Mr. Molteno thought it
was not such as anyone would care to accept, particularly
as his Lordship seemed to be of opinion that he could settle
everything with President Brand, and there was no reason
why he should not do so.
The Colonial Parliament was again about to meet, and
we must look at the position of parties. Lord Carnarvon's
action had completely demoraUsed the Conference party.
Through their principal organs in the Press they were
accusing each other of deserting the cause. The ' Standard
and Mail * and the * Volksblad ' in the West were reviling
the 'Journal' and the ' Star ' in the East. The effect of Lord
Carnarvon's despatch of the 22nd of October was evident
as soon as it was published, for Mr. Sauer and other leaders
of the Conference party immediately declared their hostility
to any Conference in England. They distinctly repudiated
Lord Carnarvon's course of action, and in strong language
deprecated the holding of a preliminary Conference in London,
and in terms of the motion in Parliament urged the party
against giving ' even an implied assent ' to any of Earl Car-
narvon's suggestions with respect to the London Conference.
The Conference party might be said to consist of three
distinct sections, the first being those whose expiring hopes
80 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
of separation had been revived by Earl Carnarvon's pro-
posals ; the second consisting of thoroughgoing Confedera-
tionists ; and the third of people desirous of seeing the
long-pending boundary question settled between the Home
Government and the Free States. The first of these sec-
tions had few adherents outside of Grahamstown and Port
Elizabeth. The second consisted of a very small party, few
people being sufficiently sanguine to see any prospect of an
early Confederation with the Free States under the English
flag. The third section was large and influential, the object
in view being shared by every colonist. Both parties in fact
here occupied common ground, the difference between them
consisting in the means to be employed in attaining so desir-
able an end.
The Conference party insisted upon holding a general
Conference, although the Government of the Free State
had repeatedly intimated its unwillingness to submit the
boundary question to such a tribunal. Earl Carnarvon
endeavoured to force the Free State to be represented at
this joint Conference by stating that providing this was done
there would be no objection on the part of her Majesty's
Government to holding direct communication with the
President on questions of common interest, and to giving it
satisfaction in settling the Diamond Fields disputes.
The Ministerial party, on the other hand, whilst main-
taining the inexpediency of the Conference on general
grounds, were convinced that as a means of settling boundary
questions it would be practically useless. The finnness of this
party, and the no less resolute attitude of President Brand
with respect to this matter, were not without effect on Lord
Carnarvon, who at last consented to the President's states-
manlike proposal — that the territorial difficulty should be
considered by Earl Carnarvon and by a delegate from the Free
State specially deputed for that purpose. With the view
of promoting this arrangement, the Ministerial party in the
SESSION OF 1876 81
Assembly passed a resolution expressing the willingness of
the Cape Goyemment to meet the Imperial Ministry with
council and assistance in bringing this question to a close.
This oflfer was accepted by Earl Carnarvon, and in
so doing he said, ' that this decision of the Assembly
embodied one of the first and principal results which he had
thought a Conference likely to bring about.* * Under these
circumstances it might now be expected that a speedy settle-
ment of this question would be hailed with general satis-
faction as a practical result which the vague originally
proposed Conference could not have brought about.
Nevertheless Lord Carnarvon had not withdrawn his pro-
posal for a Conference in London, the main object of which
now was to explain his ideas on the native policy of the future
and the basis for forming a Confederation of the South African
Colonies and States. The latter object being the major one
included the minor. But had the Cape Colony asked for
Confederation ? Had the Orange Free State or the Transvaal
Republic? It was known that just the contrary was the
case. The Cape had its hands quite full at that time with
its own internal affairs, and required time to consolidate its
existing institutions. The Transvaal Republic would come
into a Conference only on the express condition that nothing
should be done to impugn its independence. President
Brand had recently expressed himself as follows in the
Yolksraad : ' The great idea of Earl Carnarvon is a united
South Africa under the British flag. He dreams of this,'
and further, * I consider this very desirable, but under a South
African banner. . . This Council cannot be in favour of a
Conference where Confederation is to be discussed.* The
above was a plain and honest statement which all were bound
to honour and respect, and in the face of utterances like these
it would be foolish as well as ungracious to insist upon
Federal Union.
• I. P., C— 1399, p. 90.
VOL. n. G
82 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Lord Carnarvon had treated the Republics with great
deference hitherto ; the butter which he and Mr. Froude
were spreading over the Presidents might well be calcu-
lated to rouse distrust, and to be regarded only as a
means of swallowing the Bepubhcs with greater ease.
Lord Carnarvon's policy being the unification of South
Africa under the English flag, his extreme courtesy to the
Presidents had a suspicious look. It had the appearance of
the invitation of the spider to the fly; if the annexation
could be brought about by soft words well and good, but if not,
other influences would be set at work and the independence of
the liepublics undermined. The subsequent annexation of the
Transvaal confirms this surmise. It was, however, becoming
evident even at this time that Lord Carnarvon had designs
upon the Bepublics. For the Cape he had shown less
consideration than he showed at first to the Bepublics when
he sent his agent, Mr. Froude, to back his unwelcome
proposals.
The strictly constitutional attitude of Ministers and
Governor had defeated his designs on the independence of
the Cape.' In regard to the Bepublics it was becoming
evident that they were not ready to take the bait. There
were public rumours of annexation despatches having arrived,
and a policy of forcible union was being advocated in the
Froudean Press, while the Attorney-General of Griqualand
West had even asserted in a court of law that England
possessed rights over the Bepublics. The Cape Ministry had
let Lord Carnarvon know that the Colony was ever ready
' It was dear to most observers who knew the facts that Lord Carnarvon
was infataated with his Ck>nfederation scheme. Writing on the 31st of March,
1876, Bishop Ck>lenso says : * I must conclude that he has made np his mind
to sacrifice truth and justice to political considerations, especially to his
desire to bring about the South African Ck>nfederation, for which he considers
that he has special need of Mr. Shepstone*s assistance.'— i;i/« of Bxihop
ColensOt vol. ii. p. 444. And again he says : * But he (Lord CSamarvon) seems
infatuated about this Ck>nfederatlon scheme, which is quite premature, and, I
strongly suspect, vnll end in a complete fiasco.' Ibid, p. 446.
SESSION OF 1876 83
to render its assistance to the Imperial Government in the
difficulties caused by Imperial officials, but that it expected to
be treated no worse than its sister Colonies in other parts of
the Empire. This action had succeeded, and in so doing, the
Cape was not only preserving its own rights but was acting
as a bulwark to the freedom of the Bepublics. Were the
Imperial officials allowed their own way at the Cape they
would make short work of its neighbours, the Free State
and the Transvaal.
Under these circumstances Mr. Molteno on the meeting
of Parliament submitted his answer to the Secretary of
State, embodied in the Minute of Ministers of the 14th of
March, at the same time asking Parhament to confirm the
suggestion that he should proceed to England to arrange
with Lord Carnarvon the difficulties which had arisen
in connection with Griqualand West; the terms were as
follows : —
This House desires to express its approval of the action
taken by the Government as specified in the Minute of
Ministers of the 14th of March last, consequent on the Resolution
agreed to by the House in the Special Session of November with
the view of giving the counsel and assistance of this Government
in settling the difficulties which have arisen out of the extension
of British jurisdiction to Griqualand West, and the House further
approves of the suggestion made in the same Minute that Mr.
Molteno, while in England, should also discuss with the Bight
Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies any further matter
which may be considered desirable, and thus among other
advantages resulting therefrom, afford her Majesty's Government
the opportunity which Lord Carnarvon states that he considers
expedient for explaining more specifically the general principles
upon which they are of opinion that the native policy of the
future should be based, and the terms and conditions upon which
they conceive that a Confederation might be effectively organised.
As Mr. Molteno would be going to England he might
take the opportunity of learning from Lord Carnarvon
what his views were upon these subjects. There would
o 2
84 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTBNO
be no Conference of an indefinite character which might
bind the Colony, however much the latter might dissent
from the conclusions which might be arrived at. Al-
though nothing may be done at such a Conference so as to
be binding on any Colony or State, yet certain moral obliga-
tions are invariably contracted which it would seem ungra-
cious to ignore. Nor is this the only objection, for ideas are
started and questions raised which, though impracticable and
even known to be such, often cause hurtful agitations calcu-
lated to distract people's minds from matters of far more
practical utility. Let your guarantees be ever so strong,
depend upon it no Government ever comes away from a
Conference so free as it entered upon it, and hence the inex-
pediency of taking part in any official Conference unless
some special and clearly defined object is to be attained.
The Parliamentary Opposition was disorganised, and it
was only at the eleventh hour, after the motion had been on
the paper for ten or twelve days, that Mr. Maasdorp pro-
posed an amendment to the Besolution suggesting that it
was requisite in the interests of the Colony that Mr. Molteno
should be assisted by at least two delegates to be selected by
the Colonial Legislature.
Mr. Molteno introduced his motion in a very short speech,
as far as possible avoiding any controversial matter. In
regard to the amendment proposed by Mr. Maasdorp he
said : —
We have not yet had an opportunity of hearing the views of
the hon. member for Graaff Eeinet, and the reason for an addition
of this sort. So far as I can see, however, what he proposes is
entirely beyond the necessities of the case. It would be a very
extraordinary thing to do what he proposes. I take it that so
long as the Colonial Secretary possesses the confidence of this
House he is presumed to represent the whole Colony, and in my
opinion it would be quite sufficient for him to go to England for
the purpose of giving counsel and assistance, and conferring with
Lord Carnarvon on this important matter. Of course, it must be
understood that whatever takes place would not be of a binding
SESSION OF 1876 85
character at all. It would be simply to ascertam the views of
her Majesty's Government, which would be communicated in due
course to this House, and its opinions taken thereon. Therefore I
fail to see what object is to be gained by the Colonial Secretary
being accompanied by two co-delegates, and it is difficult to know
what assistance could be possibly afforded thereby; indeed,
mstead of being an assistance it might turn out that it would
gimply neutralise the action to be taken, and do more harm than
good. . . . The Government think that a person occupying the
position I do would be the proper person to represent the Colony.
If the House thinks I am not the proper person, it would be a
matter for the consideration of the Government. It will amount
then, I may say, to a vote of want of confidence. Without arro-
gating anything to myself I claim to represent this Colony, and I
have no reason to believe that I do not correctly represent the
people of this Colony, with the exception of a particular party,
and that I confess I do not represent. That is the Separation
party. I repeat it is the Separation party which is the only party
I do not represent.
The Constitutional party led by Mr. Molteno were still
standing upon their original ground, resolutely refusing to
go into a vague, indefinite Conference to discuss nobody
knows what, leading to complication and difficulties of
which no one could see the end; while the rights and
privileges of the Cape of Good Hope are to be maintained
against attacks coming from whatsoever quarter, the duties
attaching to the citizenship in the British Empire would not
be neglected. Having successfully resisted all encroach-
ments on the privileges of self-government the Constitutional
party were ready to assist in repairing the error, if any,
conmiitted by the Imperial officers in their dealings vrith
neighbouring and friendly States.
The debate was naturally of a half-hearted character, and
on the following day Mr. Saner moved an amendment to
the effect that the Premier's mission to England should be
confined to the Griqualand West question. He stated in ex-
planation that he came forward as one of those who, having
originally been in favour of a Conference in South Africa,
86 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
were opposed to any attempt at holding it in London,
which, in the face of the unwillingness of Presidents Brand
and Burgers to take part, would in his opinion prove
nugatory, and he held therefore that delegates be not
appointed, and that Mr. Molteno's functions should be con-
fined to aiding in the settlement of the boundary dispute
with the Orange Free State.
This amendment was seconded by Mr. King. Mr. Sprigg
made a speech in favour of Mr. Sauer's amendment. Mr.
Paterson then spoke, and was followed by Mr. Solomon with
a scathing criticism of the specious and inconsistent argu-
ments of the member for Port Elizabeth. Mr. Solomon
likewise supported Mr. Sauer's amendment. Mr. Molteno,
in his reply, declared that he had no desire to suggest a Con-
ference— he had no intention of suggesting a Conference by
the latter portion of his motion, and he readily accepted Mr.
Sauer's amendment. In the course of his speech, replying
to a charge of vacillation on the part of the Government, he
said : —
At this charge he was certainly surprised, for he thought that
all along they had been regarded as too obstinate, that they
took up a certain position from which it was impossible to move
them. Everyone knew the circumstances under which the thing
was opposed from the beginning; it was useless going over all
that ground again, seeing that we had successfully resisted any
interference with our political privileges. They all knew how
that agitation resuscitated the Separation question. Even Lord
Carnarvon had admitted that in some instances he was wrong
and the whole of the English Press admitted it. In bis opinion, as
first responsible Minister, it was his duty at all hazards to stand
up and protect the constitutional rights of the Colony, and he was
glad to say he had been successful.
After denying that he had asked to be sent as a delegate
to the Conference, and declaring that while he should hold
himself at liberty to converse upon any subject which Lord
Carnarvon might wish to discuss, he should only express
his personal opinions, and should not represent the Colony
SESSION OF 1876 87
officially except as regards Griqualand West, he accepted this
amendment on the ground that the latter part of the Govern-
ment Resolution had been misunderstood. The omission of
the latter part of the original motion was therefore carried by
32 votes to 24. The addition proposed by Mr. Maasdorp was
negatived afterwards by 31 to 25, and the first part of the
original motion expressing the approval of Mr. Molteno's
action was agreed to without a division. A similar Resolution
proposed in the Council was carried there. Upon receiving
this Resolution through the Governor, Lord Carnarvon
stated that it would give him much pleasure to have the
opportunity of personal discussion of these questions with
Mr. Molteno on his arrival in England.
We may briefly allude to the other work of this
Session. When compared with previous ones we imme-
diately recognise the comparative barrenness brought about
by the excitement consequent upon the Confederation
proposals of Lord Carnarvon. It was impossible to discuss
calmly the ordinary business of the country. There were
nevertheless one or two matters of considerable importance
dealt with in this Parliament. A perusal of the Blue-book
on native aflfairs shows that the policy of the Ministry was
proving of the greatest advantage to the natives themselves
and to the Colony; British rule was being gradually extended
over great territories with the consent of the natives. An
Act for the annexation of Tembuland was passed in this
Parliament. This territory is the country lying between the
Umtata and Tsomo Rivers, about 50 miles by 120 miles.
There were fifteen mission stations and a population of
about 60,000. The paramount chief was Gangelizwe. He
and his people had asked to be annexed, no doubt owing to
the fear which they entertained of Kreli, who was threatening
them. Four new magistracies were to be created. The
revenue was 5,000Z., estimated expenditure 4,287Z.
It was at the same time announced that a special
88 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Commissioner had been appointed to arrange with the native
tribes between the Conene and the Orange Biver and the
hinterland of Walfisch Bay for their annexation to the Gape
Colony. We have already alluded to the immense impor-
tance of this step, which mifortonately Lord Carnarvon
refused to permit the Colony to carry oat.
An attempt was made on the part of the members for
Port Elizabeth and those interested with them to divert
the great trunk Une of railway from Cape Town to Beau-
fort, so that it should run vid Bobertson and Montagu,
thus increasing the distance between Cape Town and
Beaufort West, and preventing all chance of Cape Town
competing with Port Elizabeth in the centre of Beaufort for
the trade of that important district and the districts beyond,
and destroying the principle of a great tnmk line to the
Free States and the interior. Happily the Besolution pro-
posed to this effect in Parliament was defeated by a majority
of 40 to 17. A public meeting to urge the direct route to
Beaufort had been held at Cape Town, and this strengthened
the hands of the Ministry in the Parliament.
Mr. Abercrombie Smith had been appointed in the pre-
ceding year to the newly created office of Auditor-General.
The Ministry was subjected to considerable criticism owing
to this appointment having been made while he was a mem-
ber of the Ministry. Mr. Sprigg moved a Besolution that
while giving the Government full credit for being actuated
solely by the wish to promote the public interest in recently
appointing a member of the Cabinet to the office of Auditor
and ControUer-General, the House desires to express its con-
viction that such appointments are inexpedient, and should
not be made without the sanction of the Legislature. To this
Mr. Molteno replied that the Government were answerable
to the House for all their actions, and the House could not
be responsible for appointments to the Civil Service. He
conscientiously believed that the Government, in acting as
SESSION OF 1876 89
they had done, had only done so in the best interests of the
Colony. He believed Mr. Smith was an excellent man for
the position, and possessed a special qualification for it.
This was one of those occasions on which Mr. Molteno
had been able to find the right man to occupy the position.
He allowed no minor considerations to interfere with his
decision when he believed the interests of the country
demanded the appointment, even where he took a con-
siderable responsibility and risked his political existence by
so doing. In this year 1899, and for twenty-four years
previously, Mr. Abercrombie Smith has most admirably
discharged the duty of that office to the unanimous satisfac-
tion of all parties. On the attempt of Mr. Philip Water-
meyer to so alter the resolution as to make it a condemnation
of the appointment, his object was defeated by a vote of 29
to 18, and eventually Mr. Sprigg's Resolution was carried
with the assent of the Ministry by 28 votes to 14.
The Ministry had introduced a Volunteer Bill which
gave it the power to move Volunteers to any part of the
Colony. This gave rise to considerable objection, and
eventually a compromise was arrived at by which it was
decided to appoint a Frontier Defence Conmiission to deal
with the whole question.
The Government also announced, as on a previous
occasion, that they would refuse to introduce Chinese labour
into the Colony, although they were pressed so to do by
certain portions of the Colony. They also announced that
there was no truth in the rumour that Basutoland was to
be annexed to the Free State. It had become necessary to
apply to Lord Carnarvon for a definite denial of this rumour,
which was causing considerable uneasiness among the
BasutoB. Lord Carnarvon and Mr. Froude's actions were
beginning to bear fruit in a disturbance of the native mind.
It was reported to Lord Carnarvon by the High Com-
missioner, that the talk of Federation among the whites
90 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTBNO
might lead to uneasiness among the blacks. Mr. Griffiths,
the Government agent in Basutoland, a man experienced in
native affairs, writing on the rnmoor that Basutoland was
to be handed over to the Free State, and assuming that it
was to take place, said : —
Not only would the Basutos, and with bitter reason, become
our enemies, but their cause would be taken up by, and the sym-
pathy excited of, every native tribe in South Africa. Let the pro-
posed cession be taken in connection with Mr. Fronde's recom-
mendation as to the adoption of a common native policy, and the
assimilation of our policy to that of the two Republics, which he
seems to advise, and the chain of suspicion will be complete ; the
proposal to hand over the Basutos or Basutoland to the Free
State will then seem to be only a step in the policy recommended
by Mr. Froude.^
The opinion of an officer in Mr. Griffiths' position, and
of his experience in native affairs, would, under any
circumstances, be worthy of the greatest consideration ; but,
in addition, his opinions were supported by what had already
occurred.
He said : —
If the vague rumours of Federation which have reached such
men as ' Nehemiah ' and ' Tsekelo ' have alresidy been productive
of inconvenience and expense, and have furnished materials for a
plot, which, perhaps, only the timely and spirited action of the
Government of Griqualand East has dissipated, what will not be
the effect of the rumour which has now been set afloat ? Lately,
when the Free State disarmed some of their native subjects living
in the neighbourhood of Witsie's Hoek, a report obtained currency
here that this was part of a concerted plan, and that our (Govern-
ment intended to pursue a similar coarse, and disarm the Basutos,
I was able to allay the fears of the Chief Letsie and the Basutos by
treating the rumour with contempt, and telling them how unlikely
and absurd it would be of us first to grant permits at the Fields,
and thus to arm those we intended shortly afterwards to disarm.
Here we see the beginning of that disturbance in the
native mind which was, curiously enough, not unwarranted
> J. P., C-134S, pp. 3S-36.
SESSION OF 1876 91
by what was to occur a little later under Sir Bartle Frere.
It is an easy matter for gentlemen in London to rearrange
the map of South Africa, but it was felt that the rearrange-
ment prematurely effected might lead to consequences that
the enthusiastic admirers of Lord Carnarvon's policy never
anticipated.
Only so recently as the autimm of the preceding year
serious difficulties had arisen for the Colonial Government
out of a quarrel between Kreli and Gangelizwe, but the
knowledge of the natives, and the patience brought to bear on
the question by Mr. Molteno and Mr. Brownlee, aided by
the co-operation of the Governor, had prevailed. The crisis
had been a serious one, and it had become necessary to
move some of the Frontier armed and mounted Police
across the Kei, together with some artillery. With the aid
of this show of force the colonial diplomacy succeeded, and
Sir H. Barkly writes to Mr. Molteno, under date September
30th, 1875 : ' I am glad to see things are more settled in the
Transkei ; it will be another triumph for Cape native policy.'
A previous success for Cape policy had been secured just
after the ministry entered upon office in 1872, when a state
of war broke out between Bj:eli and Gangelizwe, threatening
to involve the colonial natives in the trouble. Mr. Brownlee'
had proceeded to the Transkei, and had succeeded in
arranging the difficulty. On both these occasions, it may be
observed that the Governor allowed his ministers, who had a
more thorough knowledge of the natives, to manage the
negotiation. At a subsequent period when trouble arose
once more with Kreli, the new Governor, Sir Bartle Frere,
endeavoured to conduct the negotiation himself and thwarted,
as far as he was able, the wishes of the ministry, holding, as
he did, that it was monstrous to manage instead of to
command a native chief, and the natural result was the
Transkei war of 1877-78.
LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTBNO
CHAPTER XIX
MISSION AS PLENIPOTENTIABY TO ENGLAND. 1876
Mr. Molteno proceeds to England — Lord Gftmaryon arranges without him —
Free State Diffionlty — Imperial Ck>vemment asks C^>e to pay — Oorrespon-
dence with Lord Gamarron — Interviews — Mr. Molteno proposes Annexation
of Walfisch Bay— Lord Camanron Befoses — Serious results of Refusal to
annex Damaraland-— Mr. Molteno agrees to annex Griqualand West-
Annexation of Transyaal— Mr. Molteno declines to discuss the question —
Urges Consolidation of South Africa by Unification, not Confederation.
As soon as his duties in the Cape Parliament admitted of his
departure, Mr. Molteno proceeded, on the 7th of July, to
England in the Windsor Castle. His mission was that of
plenipotentiary for the Cape Colony to give cordial assist-
ance and advice to the Imperial Government in the difficulties
which had arisen out of the extension of British juris-
diction to Griqualand West. His instructions allowed him
to discuss personally with Lord Carnarvon any matters con-
cerning South Africa, but he was not at liberty to attend any
Conference. The same vessel carried to England Mr. 8hep-
stone, the official nominee of Lord Carnarvon, to represent
Natal at any Conference which might be held, as well as Mr.
Akerman and Mr. Bobinson,' who had been appointed by the
Natal Legislature when it first met after the invitation to
the Conference had been received from Lord Carnarvon.
As soon as the decision of the Cape Parliament autho-
rising Mr. Molteno to proceed to England with the object
of meeting Lord Carnarvon became known, public meetings
were held in the Eastern Province to urge that that por-
tion of the Colony should be separately represented. Mr.
> Subsequently first Premier of Natal.
MISSION AS PLENIPOTENTIARY TO ENGLAND 93
Paterson and Mr. Blaine were nominated at these informal
meetings in that behalf, and Mr. Paterson proceeded to
England by the same steamer as Mr. Molteno. President
Brand had already arrived there. Lord Carnarvon had
replied to the ofifer of the Cape Ministers that he would be
pleased to receive the assistance offered, and he suggested
that a representative of the Cape Government should be
present to consult with him on this subject during President
Brand's visit, and subsequently, on learning that Mr. Mol-
teno would proceed to England to meet his wishes, he said
he would be very pleased to receive him.
The suggestion to remove the Confederation negotiation
to London had been made by Mr. Froude during the special
session in November, and had been adopted by Lord
Carnarvon. South Africa had been thrown into a ferment
by his unwise action in regard to Confederation. Better
results were hoped for from its removal to the calmer
atmosphere of Downing Street. We shall find that the
difficulty was not in the place of meeting, but in the
subject itself. No better result attended the effort in
England made by Lord Carnarvon. He determined then to
push his views once more in South Africa, and for that work
Sir Bartle Frere was selected.
The first news which met Mr. Molteno on his arrival
in London was that Lord Carnarvon had arranged with
President Brand the difficulties between the Imperial
Government and the Free State. Lord Carnarvon had
himself urged that the Parliament of the Cape by its
resolution had intended to offer 'some substantial co-
operation.' He had urged that the representative of the Cape
Government should be in England when President Brand was
there, and had accepted Mr. Molteno's offer to come over to
confer. Mr. Froude had said that the Cape stood in the way
of the Free State difficulty being settled, and Lord Carnarvon,
in his despatch of the 24th of January spoke of the duty of
94 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
' substantial co-operation which I have repeatedly urged on
your Government of reducing those pledges which were given
by a former Parliament, and in consequence of which
Griqualand West was brought under British rule/ Lord
Carnarvon's action showed that these arguments had been
unreal, and that he cared little or nothing for Cape advice ; so
long as they afforded a reason for urging a Conference they
were pressed, now that President Brand had refused the
Conference on this point Lord Carnarvon cared nothing for
the Cape advice or assistance — he only desired the Colony
to pay the bill when he had called the tune.
Mr. Molteno, in order to meet Lord Carnarvon's wishes,
had come over from the Cape, at great inconvenience to
himself and to the public affairs of the Colony. He could ill
be spared from the Colony, and this was the treatment he
received. Was not the invitation merely a blind to secure the
presence of a Cape delegate at the Conference ? Lord Car-
narvon writes to Sir Henry Barkly excusing his conduct in this
respect : * I should appear very immindful of the consideration
shown to her Majesty's Government by the Cape Government
and Legislature in resolving to offer advice and assistance
in connection with Griqualand West, if I were to close the
account of this transaction without some reference to the
fact that they were concluded before it was possible for Mr.
Molteno to arrive in this country,'
He added that the approaching departure of President
Brand had rendered it most important not to delay the
settlement with the Free State, that the nature of the
latter did not require the presence of the Cape repre-
sentative, and that this accorded with the desire of the
President that the negotiation should be conducted as
between the Orange Free State and her Majesty's Govern-
ment alone.
Nevertheless, though the Cape Government had not been
one of the parties, he intended to invite its representative to
MISSION AS PLENIPOTENTIARY TO ENGLAND 96
confer on the proffered assistance relative to the settlement
of Griqualand West. Lord Carnarvon added : —
Her Majesty's Government have left entirely untouched and
open to free consideration hereafter the very important question
of the future government and political position of Griqualand
West, as to which it would have been improper, and indeed, im-
possible, for me to attempt to arrive at any conclusion as a part of
a specific negotiation with another Government, and without full
knowledge of the views and feelings of the inhabitants of the
province and the Cape Legislature.^
Lord Carnarvon now enclosed a copy of this despatch in
his first communication to Mr. Molteno, which stated : —
Lord Carnarvon desires me in the first place to express his
satisfaction at your arrival in this country, invested by both
Houses of the Cape Parliament with power and authority to give
effect to their desire that her Majesty's Government should
receive the assistance of the Colony in making provision for the
future administration of the province, and in order that you may
be in a position to enter into communication with his Lordship on
this subject without delay, Lord Carnarvon thinks it desirable
that you should have a correct account of his negotiation with
President Brand, as to which inaccurate reports may not im-
probably have reached you.
The result of this negotiation which, as you are aware, was
according to previous agreement conducted between the Orange
Free State and her Majesty's Government alone, and to which no
Colonial Government could be a party, is sufficiently explained in
the despatch, of which I am to enclose a copy; and you will
perceive that, by the rectification of a disputed frontier, and by
removing all questions as to her Majesty's title to the territory of
the province, it has cleared the way for the next and not less
important step, namely, the consideration by his Lordship and
yourself of the means by which it is to be maintained and
governed.*
We may observe that the terms of the resolution of the
Cape Parliament said nothing about ' the future administra-
tion ' of Griqualand West, and, further, Lord Carnarvon now
says no Colonial Government could be a party to settling
» I. P., C— 1681, p. 70. « I. P., C— 1631, p. 72.
96 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
the qnestion with the Free State, yet the Cape Government
had been invited to assist by Lord Carnarvon himself ; Mr.
Fronde had made it a charge against the Cape Government
that it had refused to take any part in the negotiations between
her Majesty's Government and the Free State, while its
assistance was vitally necessary for effecting a settlement.
Now, however, Mr. Molteno is to be invited only to pay the
bill.
After much consideration of the subject Lord Carnarvon is
disposed to think that the co-operation of the Cape can hardly
avoid taking one of three forms, viz. either (1) The incorporation
of Griqualand West as an integral part of the Cape Colony ;
(2) The association of th& province in a Federation with the
Cape ; or (3) The payment to the province of the customs duties
levied in ports of the Cape Colony upon goods consumed in the
province ; with any similar refund which may be found reason-
able of revenue unquestionably contributed by the population of
Griqualand West ; the Government of the province and its con-
stitutional relations with the Cape remaining unaltered.
With regard to the first alternative. Lord Carnarvon
remarked : —
that he has received representations from Griqualand West
against this course, which would render further inquiry and
reference to the province necessary before he could commit him-
self to an opinion as to its expediency.
The position was clearly entirely altered from what Mr.
Molteno had a right to expect it would be on his arrival.
The boundary question was already settled ; while the
Province had been, without any reference to him, saddled
with a debt of 90,000/. and lessened by a loss of several
farms. This might well make Mr. Molteno hesitate on the
very threshold of the negotiations. He had no right
to force his views on the Government in the settlement
of a question which had relation only to a Crown Colony
and its neighbours.
There was a further surprise in the course adopted by
MISSION AS PLBNIPOTBNTIABY TO ENGLAND 97
Lord Carnarvon. After the first interview, for the inter-
change of compliments, instead of a series of interviews
being arranged, in which to exchange his views with the
Secretary of State, the above suggestions were handed to
Mr. Molteno in a cnt and dried despatch. It is obvious
that Lord Carnarvon laid stress on his second and third
solutions by his reservation on the first. Mr. Molteno con-
sidered the incorporation of the Province with the Cape to
be the true solution of the question ; but how could he
become its avowed advocate in the face of Lord Carnarvon's
statement that the Province had petitioned against it, and
his own avowed intention of silence concerning it? Yet
curiously enough, Lord Carnarvon, after starting by saying he
would not even express an opinion on the subject, winds up
towards the end of the negotiations by urging its acceptance
with unseemly vehemence.
The evident intention of Lord Carnarvon's first letter
was to bring on a discussion, which, under cover of reference
to a particular State, would involve the general principles of
confederation. The toils were well spread, but the quarry
was wary. Mr. Molteno declined a written discussion, which
might have taken place equally well had he remained at the
Cape, and which might have given a handle to his enemies.
For a statesman to make public a particular line of action
on a matter involving strong feelings long before the
possibility of consummating it can arrive, is courting difiGi-
culties altogether gratuitously. He replied that under the
altered circumstances of the case he should like to consult
his colleagues before committing himself to any definite
engagement, and that all objection to this postponement of
the question was removed by the fact that Lord Carnarvon
could not express any opinion on the first issue without first
consulting the people of Griqualand West ; he therefore
wisely declined the correspondence, and courteously hinted
that if an interview were granted to him he should be
VOL. II. H
98 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
pleased to place any information he was able to give as to
the affairs of the Colony at the service of Lord Carnarvon.
He proceeds : —
I would represent to your Lordship in the first place that the
Minute of the Cape Ministry, upon which the Legislative resolu-
tions authorising my mission were founded, expressly contem-
plates my proceeding to England during President Brand's visit
to that country for the purpose of rendering, on the part of the
Government, its counsel and cordial assistance in settling the
difficulties which have arisen out of the extension of British
jurisdiction to the territory known as Oriqualand West; the
presence of President Brand will no doubt greatly facilitate such
settlement, and Ministers will do all in their power to promote it.
I now learn from' your Lordship that a satisfactory arrange-
ment of the difficulties in question had been concluded a fortnight
before my arrival in England, and it would thus appear that the
main object of my mission has been accomplished without my
having had the opportunity of rendering that counsel and assist-
ance which it was thought probable would be required. As
regards, therefore, your Lordship's invitation that I should state
my opinions and suggestions on the whole subject, and particu-
larly as to the future government and maintenance of the province
of Griqualand West, I desire to submit to your Lordship that the
difficulty with the Free State having been overcome, there does
not appear to be the same necessity for the immediate settlement
of these important questions as would undoubtedly have existed
hsid their adjustment constituted a requisite preliminary to con-
cluding the agreement with that State ; and I note that your Lord-
ship, in paragraph 6 of your letter under reply, recognises the need
of a reference to Oriqualand West in regard to the first of the
three alternatives mentioned by your Lordship, viz. the incorpora-
tion of Griqualand West as an integral part of the Cape Colony,
and also in paragraph 17 of your despatch to Sir Henry Barkly,
the expediency of ohtaining, as respects the general question of
the future government and poHtical position of the province, a full
knowledge of the views and feelings of the inhabitants of the
province and the Cape Legislature.
While in view of these circumstances I am unable to perceive
that any appreciable advantage would be gained by my now en-
tering, at this distance from my colleagues, upon what I apprehend
would be a long and tedious correspondence with your Lordship —
from engaging in which I would gladly be excused — I wish at the
jsame time to renew the assurance I have already had the honour
MISSION AS PLENIPOTENTIARY TO ENGLAND 99
of giving in my oommunioation of the 6th inst., that I a<n lUixioad to
place your Lordship in possession of all the information which I
oan render in this and kindred matters. From the interview which
yoor Lordship was good enough to accord me on the day after my
arrival in London, I was disposed to expect that I should be
favoured with an intimation of your Lordship's wishes in respect
to a convenient time for personally discussing with your Lordship
those matters on which you might be desirous of consulting me,
and I learn with pleasure from Mr. Ommaney's note of yester-
day's date that your Lordship is only deferring the appointment df
a further interview until the receipt of my present communication.
The marked advantages attending a personal consultation, as
compared with those afforded by official correspondence — advan-
tages clearly recognised in your Lordship's published despatches —
had much weight in determining the Colonial Legislature to sanc-
tion my present mission, and I can entertain no doubt that conver-
sation with your Lordship on the questions which you indicate will
not only tend to facilitate a thorough understanding of them, but
will also enable me, on my return to the Cape, to submit far more
fully and satisfactorily than would otherwise be the case, these
important matters for the consideration of my colleagues and the
Legislature.^
Knowing that the first course, which was the only one
with any chance of being carried out, was thus being reserved
by Lord Carnarvon, it was idle to discuss the question
hypothetically. Moreover, no Cape politician was prepared
to annex Griqualand West except at the express wish of the
Lnperial Government or of the Province itself. Mr. Molteno's
reply has the sanction of wisdom and diplomacy. Its result
was to force Lord Carnarvon's hand.
The latter was evidently anxious to get the matter
settled, and was at first unwilling to take the responsibility on
himself, and desirous to throw it on Mr. Molteno. The latter
was equally careful. He expressed his opinion verbally that
incorporation or annexation to the Cape Colony was the only
possible measure. But he declined to express his intention to
take action on that opinion, or to avow it as his accepted
policy. The Earl himself must express his own opinion, for
» I. P., C— 1631, p. 75.
u 2
100 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
he was the present responsible ruler of the province. This
Lord Carnarvon now did ; he withdrew his reservation and
agreed to the expediency of annexation, but he did so by
pressing it upon Mr. Molteno, even to the point of telling
him that unless he could come to a definite arrangement
about it at once, his visit to England would be valueless.
How necessary it was to pin Lord Carnarvon to this course
will be seen when we find him subsequently attempting to
go back upon his own agreement and endeavouring to per-
mit Griqualand West to come in as a province under his
Permissive Bill. Mr. Molteno could now negotiate without
seeming to grasp at a prize, or placing himself in a false
position. His duty as a statesman doubtless called upon
him to accept the responsibility of undertaking, on the part
of the State which he represented, the administration of the
affi&irs of Griqualand West ; but he would have ill represented
the feeling at the Cape on the subject had he shown any
desire for such consmnmation apart from pressure on the
part of the Home Government or willing acquiescence of the
State itself.
After some personal discussion. Lord Carnarvon wrote
that he understood that Mr. Molteno preferred the incorpora-
tion of Griqualand West with the Cape Colony, and he
recognised that Mr. Molteno did not feel ' able to take any
action with reference to the association even of the single pro-
vince of Griqualand West in a confederation with the Cape,'
and he expressed his readiness to bring the proposal for
annexation before the Government of Griqualand West.
Then follow three paragraphs of great importance. The
Cape Government had proposed the annexation of Tembu-
land and Walfisch Bay.
There are two other suggestions proceeding from the Cape
Government for the annexation of territory to the Cape, whioh
Lord CarnaiTon has for some time had under his consideration,
and which you have in conversation urged upon him ; but his
MISSION AS PLBNIPOTENTIABY TO ENGLAND 101
Lordship is of opinion that he cannot properly or safely advise the
Queen to sanction these annexations unless the case of Griqua-
land West, which is now pressing, and has for a longer time
demanded settlement, is at the same time provided for.
If the Gape Government should be prepared to undertake at
the same time the government of the three districts, those of
Griqualand West, Walfisch Bay, and Tembuland, Lord Carnarvon
is disposed to think that arrangements might be made for annex-
ing them to the Colony, subject, of course, to the reservation of
the necessary power of revising the boundaries, or even of again
separating the newly added territories from the Gape in the event
of any fresh provincial sub-division or any form of confederation
becoming desirable.
Lord Carnarvon trusts that you may be able to give him an
early and definite reply on this subject, as his Lordship is most
anxious to come to some satisfactory arrangement with you, and
would for many reasons greatly regret your departure horn this
country without making provision for a condition of affairs which
demands immediate attention.^
To this letter Mr. Molteno replied by asking to be ex-
cused from entering into formal negotiation on the subject
by correspondence, or on his sole responsibility apart from
his colleagues; but offering to continue to discuss the
matters at personal interviews. As to the concluding para-
graphs of Lord Carnarvon's letter he says : —
I would briefly advert in conclusion to that portion of your
Lordship's letter which refers to the proposed annexation to the
Gape Colony of the Walfisch Bay country and Tembuland. After
most careful perusal, I have failed in discerning the precise
bearing which these proposed annexations have in your Lordship's
view upon the question of Griqualand West, but I would most
respectfully record my decided opinion that it is very desirable to
amoid any unnecessary delay in dealing with the two proposals in
question, and I cannot escape from the conclusion that any length-
ened postponement of the extension of British jurisdiction to the
districts referred to would be calculated to leave matters open to
serums complications hereafter.^
To this Lord Carnarvon replied by arranging a fresh
personal interview, but he expressed a doubt of the utility of
» I. P., C— 1681, p. 7. » I. P., C— 1681, p. 9.
109 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
SQoh a meeting if Mr. Molteno would not go further and
pledge himself to annex Qriqualand West; and as to the
last paragraph of Mr. Molteuo's letter : —
Lord Oaroarvon feels oonstrained to add that if the delay which
you deprecate in arriving at a settlement of the question of the
Walfisch Bay and Tembuland is open to so much risk, the delay
which you think yourself obUged to interpose in the settlement of
the Griqualand difficulties appears to his Lordship to be not less
fraught with objection and danger.'
We may here observe that Lord Carnarvon had mixed
up the annexation question with the confederation question.
He at first said that Walfisch Bay would be a harbour for
the province of Griqualand West in his proposed federation.
Sir Henry Barkly writes to Mr. Molteno, under date Octo-
ber 3rd, 1876 :—
I had a letter a few days ago from Mr. Palgrave, who seems
sanguine that the Damaras would ask to come under the Cape
Oovemment. I hope you hofoe convinced Lord Carnarvon that
Walfisch Bay could not make a seaport for Griqualand Weet.
Mr. Palgrave was the Special Conmiissioner of the Cape
Government to arrange with the Damaras for their annexa-
tion to the Cape. Lord Carnarvon now makes his consent
to the annexation of Walfisch Bay depend on the annexation
of Griqualand West. Which was the more imperially minded
statesman? Surely Mr. Molteno, who saw the difficulties
which might arise in the future if this coast line was left
open, and whose foresight has been so amply justified ; for
this refusal of Lord Carnarvon allowed the Germans to take
Damaraland, and now we have the greatest military power
in the world settled behind our South African Colonies. The
German Emperor's telegram of January, 1896, to President
Kruger shows how embarrassing the neighbourhood of this
power may become. Mr. Molteno endeavoured as a states-
man to settle the matter at a time when there was no diffi-
I.P., C— 1681, p. 9.
MISSION AS PLENIPOTENTIABY TO ENGLAND 103
culty in so doing. Arrangements were made with the
natives, who were most anxious to come under our rule, and
no claims of European powers conflicted with this extension
of British territory up to the Cunene River — the Portuguese
boundary proposed by Mr. Molteno. Lord Carnarvon
prevailed on the latter to consent to the annexation of
Griqualand West, but he deferred the annexation of
Damaraland, as he thought it would act as a lever to force
Mr. Molteno to fall into his plan of urging a premature con-
federation of South Africa. The Empire has suffered the
loss of territory, and has been put to serious expense in
increasing the Cape garrison in consequence of this action.
We feel to-day a sense of insecurity in South Africa, which
would have had no existence had Mr. Molteno's proposals
been acceded to by Lord Carnarvon, whose fancies and
dreams of Confederation were allowed to interfere with the
wise and practical steps for the consolidation of British
territory in South Africa.
Mr. Molteno brought up the subject of the annexation
of Damaraland in the Governor's speech in every subsequent
Parliament ; but Lord Carnarvon continued to refuse to give
his assent to the letters patent, the only formality now
wanting to complete the annexation to the Cape.
Aiter another personal interview, Mr. Molteno writes
that he did not understand Lord Carnarvon's expression of
his readiness to bring the question of annexation of Griqualand
West before that province to signify, as he now learned it did,
that :—
Your Lordship entirely concurred vdth me in the view that
such incorporation would be the preferable course to adopt. But in
conversation yesterday your Lordship was good enough to indicate
that the import of the paragraph to which I refer was to the effect
that if I could assure you that I was in a position to consent to or
to undertake to press upon the Colonial Parliament the incorpora-
tion of the province with the Gape, your Lordship was prepared to
take measures, which, as far as Griqualand West itself was con-
104 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
oemed, would virtually adopt the principle of incorporation, and
prevent farther delay in the settlement of the question. ... I
beg, therefore, to state that although, as I have already had the
honour of representing, I should have preferred such brief post-
ponement of the a&dr as would have enabled me to consult
my colleagues in the Colonial Government, I am so impressed
with the conviction that under all the circumstances the incorpora-
tion of Griqualand West with the Colony will be the best and
most satisfactory solution of the matter, that, in view of your Lord-
ship's representation of the urgency of the case, and of my own
earnest desire, as the representative of the Colony, to meet to the
utmost of my ability the wishes of her Majesty's Government, I am
wiUing to undertake the responsibility of supporting that course
as the one which most conmiends itself to my judgment, and of
pressing its adoption upon the Colonial Legislature accordingly.*
In his reply Lord Carnarvon accepts the answer of Mr.
Molteno as being such as to ' meet the present requirements
of the case ' ; but he concludes with a significant request
that it would afford him
much assistance in the consideration of the very important ques-
tions which are now coming forward with regard to the future of
South Africa if you should feel yourself able to favour his Lord-
ship with any views which you may have formed as to the general
principles upon which the Colonies of Natal and Griqualand West,
or the Transvaal Bepublic, if the cession of it to the Crown, as from
recent information seem^ not improbable, should take pUice, can best
be brottght into connection with the Cape Colony.^
To this Mr. Molteno replies, that he is gratified to learn
that the views and intentions in regard to Griqualand West
which I have had the honour of stating, appear to your Lordship to
meet the present requirements of the case. Your Lordship is
further pleased to invite the expression on my part of any views
which I may have formed as to the general principles upon which
the colonies of Natal and Griqualand West or the Transvaal
BepubUc, if the cession of it to the Crown should take place, can
best be brought into connection vnth the Cape Colony. Being
now on the eve of my departure from England, and not having
given to this question — which affects so intimately the future wel-
fare of South Africa — the mature consideration which I should
wish to bestow upon it, I trust that your Lordship will allow me
' J. P., C-1681, p. 10. » J. P., C— 1681. p. 11.
MISSION AS PLBNIPOTENTIABY TO ENGLAND 106
to defer for the present any detailed statement on the subject,
and will accept my assurance that, after my arrival at the Cape,
the matter shall receive from the Colonial Government the atten-
tion which its importance demands.
I would at the same time beg to observe that, as your Lordship
will have gathered from me in the course of conversation, I
incline to the opinion, taking a general view of the question, that
the mode in which the unification of South Africa could eventually
be most satisfactorily effected and maintained, would be by the
gradual annexation of the several minor colonies and states to the
Gape Colony, due provision being made for relegating to local
administration matters which may properly be regarded as local
in character and application, not demanding action on the part of
the general Government.^
We may observe that Mr. Molteno refused to be dravm
into a discussion on the annexation of the Transvaal. It
is of interest to observe that this appears to be the first
public statement by Lord Carnarvon that he contemplated
the annexation of that state. Mr. Molteno here formally
enunciates his policy of Annexation as opposed to Confedera-
tion. This policy would have been preferred in the case of
Canada had it been possible there.* It is in conformity vdth
the natural progress of settlement and development in South
Africa. And, moreover, he possessed a complete knowledge
of all the conditions and circumstances of South Africa,
gained from a vride and lifelong experience; he brought
to bear upon these facts large powers of observation and
acknowledged sagacity, his grasp of South African questions
was utterly beyond the reach of any stranger like Lord
Carnarvon, whose life had been spent elsewhere, and whose
energies had been spread over the whole extent of the Empire.
Mr. Molteno rightly read the facts. A policy of an-
nexation provided the method for assimilating the various
outlying portions of South Africa as soon as they attained
to similar conditions of development. This could not
be attained simultaneously by all the colonies and states
» I. P.. C— 1681, p. 11.
* Colonial PoUcy of Lord John RusselVa Adminisirati on, . 49.
106 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
and territories, and we have already drawn attention to the
dissimilar stages in which they were when Lord Carnarvon
made his attempt to confederate them. Mr. Molteno*s policy
of annexation has hitherto given the best results in the
direction of consohdation in Sonth Africa. When we examine
the history of British rule in South Africa, we find that
there has been an evolution of administrative development
which has been successful in safeguarding the interests of
the colonies and territories there, and has also safeguarded
the interest of the tax-payer at home. Only where thi&
evolution has been deliberately set aside to follow a delusive
short-cut have we experienced loss and trouble.
To state this evolution more clearly, we have had the
Cape Colony, the first and oldest of our possessions, passing
through all the stages. First, the Crown Colony, adminis-
tered directly from home by Administrators or Governors
responsible only to the Home Government ; then the local
Council was added, then a part of this Council became repre-
sentative and a means of ascertaining, and in some degree
acting in conformity with, public opinion. Then part of it
became elective, though this was necessarily a minority, and
again a Legislative Council was established. At a later stage
a Legislative Ajssembly was added also, but still without a
government responsible to the local opinion through repre-
sentative institutions. Finally, the last stage was arrived at
in South Airica when, in 1872, there was established re-
sponsible government in the Cape Colony as in Canada and
as in Australia, the executive being composed of persons
practically nominated, as in England, by the community.
Grafted on to this main trunk we have a series of similar
stages in adjacent and dependent territories.
Natal has passed through all the stages in the same way
as the Cape, and has lately become possessed of the fuUest
measure of self government, the evolution being attended
with equal success in that case.
In regard to the territory of Eaffraria we have had a
MISSION AS PLENIPOTBNTIABY TO ENGLAND 107
similar process. First, while the population of European
origin was extremely small, and the native population
enormously outnumbered it, a Crown Colony directly
administered by the Imperial Government through a
lieutenant-governor under the High Commissioner. The
white population grew rapidly, and as soon as their numbers
sufficed to elect representatives the territory was annexed,
in 1865, with its revenue and its public debts, to the Cape
Colony, and in this manner, through its connection with
the Cape, it came to enjoy representative institutions, and
eventually responsible government.
The history of Griqualand West presents similar
features. Administered at first by the Crown directly, then
receiving a Council who joined in all legislative measures,
it was eventually annexed through the instrumentality of
Mr. Molteno to the Cape Colony, by whom its debt was taken
over ; but no charge was placed upon the Imperial taxpayer,
and this territory, through its forming part of the Cape, also
eventually enjoyed the benefits of responsible government.
In this instance, too, the time which has elapsed since the
annexation has shown the wisdom of that policy.
Let us take another territory, the Bechuanaland Protec-
torate, one in a low state of development, both as regards
its white population and its natural resources. Here,
again, a similar course was followed. England did its
duty in first administering it directly by the Crown
through an Administrator under the High Commissioner ;
but so soon as the circumstances permitted, this out-
lying and less settled portion was incorporated with the
Cape Colony without any difficulty, thus relieving the
Imperial Government of a charge, and giving the benefit of
good government without the cost of a separate establish-
ment. This course of natural and, on the whole, highly
successful evolution of administration, furnished a valuable
precedent for any future dealings with the less developed but
108 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
adjacent portions of South Africa, whose possession by
England was necessary for the security and prosperity of
our already established colonies.
Both subsequent and previous history have amply vin-
dicated Mr. Molteno's policy. Lord Carnarvon summed up
the result of his interviews and the arrangements arrived
at in a despatch to Sir Henry Barkly, to whom he wrote as
foUows in transmitting the correspondence to which we have
alluded above : —
I have had much pleasure in making acquaintance with Mr.
Molteno, and I cannot doubt that the interchange of opinions
and explanations at our repeated interviews will prove of material
advantage in promoting a clearer understanding hereafter on
many important questions. Mr. Molteno has, as you will fully
learn from him, expressed himself in favour of the incorporation
of Griqualand West with the Gape Colony as the preferable
alternative, among several, which I had placed before him as open to
consideration. I am gratified to find that the successful conclusion
of my negotiations with President Brand has, by removing all ques-
tion as to the ownership of the territory, removed also any difficulty
which Mr. Molteno might have continued to feel with regard to
entering into this undertaking on the part of his Government.
You will observe that in my last letter to him I stated that it
would be my first duty to request the Gape Government to have
regard in settling the terms of annexation to the reasonable views
and wishes of Griqualand West, and I have received with pleasure
Mr. Molteno's assurance that they will be most carefully con-
sidered. The circumstances of the province have materially
changed during the last few months, and the failure of mining
and other enterprises, with the consequent departure of a large
part of the population, have tended strongly to confirm the
opinion which I, with many others, have always entertained, that
the machinery of a separate government is more costly than a
country relying in great part upon a precarious industry could
wisely attempt to maintain permanently. Matters have, in fact,
been brought back to the condition in which they originally stood,
when both my predecessor in this office and the Cape Legislature
contemplated that, after a temporary administration under the
Grown, the province should become an integral part of the Cape
Colony.^
» J. P., C— 1681, p. 12.
109
CHAPTER XX
CONFEBBNCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND. 1876
Lord Gamaryon's Conference — Its Consiitaiion- He invites Mr. Molteno^
The latter declines — Conference invites him— Proceedings of Conference-
Its Failare— Mail Contract.
Wb must now return to the position of the Conference
question on Mr. Molteno's arrival in England. In the
light of his strenuous opposition to Mr. Froude, and to
the attempt on the constitutional liberties of the Cape
Colony made by Lord Carnarvon, as well as to the conspicuous
success, admitted by all, of his administration of the Cape
Colony, and, further, looking to the question whether he
could be prevailed on to take any part in the Conference
which Lord Carnarvon had decided to convene, there
attached a considerable interest in Downing Street to Mr.
Molteno's personality and character.
Sir Eobert Herbert tells Sir Henry Barkly that Mr, Mol-
teno had made a favourable impression in Downing Street.
Lord Carnarvon invited him to visit him at Highclere, and
several personal interviews at the Colonial Office enabled
him to interchange ideas with the Colonial Secretary.
The latter had so little practical acquaintance with the
details of South African questions that he found it impossible
to combat Mr. Molteno's arguments, drawn from such an
intimate knowledge of South Africa as was possessed by
hardly any other man in the Empire. As we have seen,
Lord Carnarvon came to adopt his views as to annexation
being the proper course in regard to Griqualand West.
110 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Yet Lord Carnarvon was not frank with Mr. Molteno.
He continued his intrigues with Mr. Paterson. He said
nothing to the former of the Permissive Bill for South Africa
which he was then drafting. Sir Henry Barkly had told
Lord Carnarvon, in announcing Mr. Molteno's departure
for England, that he would find him disposed to discuss
freely Griqualand West and any other question which he
might bring before him. He added that Lord Carnarvon might
rely on his fideUty and power to fulfil any engagement he
might enter into, and that he still possessed the confidence
of the moderate persons throughout the Colony more than
anyone else, and even in the event of a dissolution was most
likely to be at the head of afiiairs.
It was very necessary to secure Mr. Molteno's attendance
at the Conference. Lord Carnarvon had succeeded in
getting him to come to England — it was now necessary to
make use of his presence there to further his policy, and at
any rate save appearances. Lord Carnarvon would succeed
in this if he could prevail on Mr. Molteno to attend the
Conference as representing the most important Colony in
South Africa, while his support for any policy there decided
upon would be most important.
Inmiediately on Mr. Molteno*8 arrival he received an invi-
tation to attend ^ a Conference for the consideration of certain
matters affecting South Africa.' Lord Carnarvon stated that
the following gentlemen would be present : President Brand,
Sir Garnet Wolseley, Mr. Froude, Mr. Shepstone, Mr.
AJcerman and Mr. Robinson. He added that President
Brand was not permitted by his ' Volksraad ' to discuss the
question of Confederation, but was prepared to enter upon
the consideration of other questions of importance. Lord
Carnarvon expressed the hope that, though the Colonial
Parliament had not empowered Mr. Molteno to be present
as a delegate, yet he would still attend and take part in the
consideration of some of the questions ; but he added that he
CONFERENCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND 111
had no desire to put any pressure upon Mr. Molteno.^ To
this the latter replied in what was termed by Lord Car-
narvon at the opening of the Conference ' a most courteous
and considerate letter/ that, looking to the resolutions of
Parliament and the minute of Ministers on which it was
based, it would be contrary to the spirit and intention of
those documents for him to assist at the Conference.^
Let us see what this Conference was which purported to
represent South Africa. Its president was Lord Carnarvon
himself ; its vice-president was Sir Garnet Wolseley ; its
delegates were Sir Theophilus Shepstone from Natal, a Crown
Colony, and Mr. Froude, designated by Lord Carnarvon
without consultation with Griqualand West to represent
that community.' All these were Imperial oflBcials and
nominees of Lord Carnarvon himself. There were present
Mr. Akerman and Mr. Eobinson from Natal, but they had no
formal position. President Brand was there only in regard
to the native question.* In fact, the so-called Conference
consisted of but two men who were independent politically,
Lord Carnarvon himself and President Brand ! The others
were only there to make a show. Was not Mr. Molteno
amply justified in refusing to submit the destinies of the Cape
Colony to a Conference so composed ? Confederation was
Lord Carnarvon's main object, but President Brand was
entirely precluded from discussing this question and would
withdraw at once if it came up. The Transvaal was un-
represented, and its President had told the Yolksraad that
he would resign at once if they had anything to do with it.
It might tend to save appearances, for Lord Carnarvon
to call together a meeting that he dignified by the title
of a South African Conference, but, as the * Daily News *
remarked, * the Conference is only the shadow of a repre-
» J. P., C— 1681, p. 61. « J. P., C— 1631, p. 67.
* See despatch of the 6th of October, 1876, C— 1681, p. 18.
« J.P., C-1681,p. 62.
112 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
sentation of the communities whose interests it is dis-
cussing.* The London ' Standard ' stated that ' the South
African Conference from which the Cape of Good Hope has
excluded itself, in which the Transvaal Republic is not
represented, and where the Orange Free State's delegate sits
with tied hands, cannot be said to be such an assembly as
Lord Carnarvon had in his mind when he first proposed the
idea to the Colonies and States of South Africa.' It had no
resemblance to the Conference originally proposed. Without
the Cape Colony being represented by Mr. Molteno, it was
the play of ' Hamlet ' without the Prince.
This jejune representation of South Africa was itself of this
opinion, for its first act was to pass a resolution urging Mr.
Molteno to take part in its deliberations. Mr. Akerman was
deputed to hand the resolution to him, and to press him to
be present. Lord Carnarvon formally transmitted another
resolution in a letter to Mr. Molteno,^ in which he informed
him that it was adopted unanimously at a sitting of the Con-
ference, and he would observe from the resolution * that in
the opinion of the members of the Conference present it is
essential that you should be earnestly invited to take part
in discussing with them the policy to be adopted in reference
to the trade in arms.' It was added that Lord Carnarvon,
while anxious not to put any undue pressure upon you, cannot but
concur in this resolution on general grounds, and I am further to
acquaint you that in his opinion and that of the Vice-President's,
the news received within the last few days respecting the hostilities
between the Transvaal and the neighbouring native tribes has
greatly altered the circumstances of the case, and renders it still
more important in the interest of South Africa that some general
agreement should now be arrived at as to the policy to be i^opted
in relation to the trade in arms. He trusts that the resolutions
of the Gape Parliament will not be considered by you to preclude
you from conferring in the present circumstances on this par-
ticular question with those best qualified to guide the decision
of her Majesty's Government.
» J. P., C— 1681, p. 74.
CONFERENCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND 113
To Mr. Akerman Mr. Molteno replied verbally that he
was not anthorised by the Parliament to attend any con-
ference, and further that his own view was that it was
premature to press confederation upon South Africa, and he
could take no steps with this object in view. Upon receiving
Mr. Molteno's refusal to join the Conference or take part
in its discussion Lord Carnarvon suggested that he might
appear before it as a witness. To this Mr. Molteno replied
that
the grounds upon which I felt it my duty, as intimated in my
letter of the drd inst., to respectfully decline your Lordship's
invitation to assist at the Conference appear to me to apply with
equal if not greater force to the present proposal. In my judg-
ment, to attend the Conference as a witness and offer views and
opinions for consideration, in the discussion of which I should not
— ^from the position I have held it right to maintain — be able to
take part, would be a course at once highly unsatisfactory and
incompatihle with the tenor of the resolution of the Cape Legisla-
ture. While, therefore, I consider myself bound to decline with
all respect to appear before the Conference in the manner pro-
posed, I desire most distinctly to assure your Lordship that I
shall at all times be prepared to render your Lordship every
information in my power on the matters to which the latter por-
tion of your letter refers in accordance with the minute of the
Cape Ministry.^
To the suggestion that the outbreak of hostilities between
the South African Republic and the neighbouring native
tribes augmented the importance of arriving at a general
agreement between all the colonies and states as to the
policy to be adopted in relation to the trade in arms, Mr.
Molteno replied : —
I am certainly (although well aware of the great importance
of the question, and the very serious difficulties which beset it)
not in a position on behalf of the Colony which I have the honour
to represent to enter into any such agreement as that which
appears to be in contemplation, however desirable it may be.^
' J. P., C— 1681, p. 76. • I. P., 0—1631, p. 74.
VOL. n. I
114 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
He stated at the same time that if his Lordship should
think fit to favom: him with the result of the deliberation
on the trade in arms at which the Conference with his
Lordship might arrive, together with an intimation of his
Lordship's views thereon, it would afford him much pleasure
to give the same his most careful consideration, and he would
then be enabled on his return to the Cape to bring the matter
in its completeness before his colleagues and the Colonial
Legislature.
Lord Carnarvon, in reply to the latter portion of Mr.
Molteno's letter, said that
the South African Conference, under the presidency of Sir Garnet
Wolseley, expressed its view upon this question in the following
unanimous resolution : ' The Conference regrets extremely that
Mr. Molteno feels prevented from attending the meeting of this
Conference to assist in considering what is commonly known
as the arms question.' Lord Carnarvon shares the feeling of
regret thus expressed, and he will take a later opportunity of
communicating with you upon the subject referred to.^
The Secretary for the Colonies opened his Conference on
the 3rd of August, 1876, in a speech which exhibited no
special knowledge of South Africa and no signs of marked
ability, and which reminds us of Lord Blachford's observation
that his presidency of the Canadian Conference was dis-
appointing. To anyone with a real acquaintance of South
Africa this opening speech was equally so. It betrayed its
origin in the inspiration of Mr. Fronde's imperfect observa-
tions of South Africa.
He began with a welcome to the delegates, and as to the
Cape he said : —
I had hoped to have welcomed Mr. Molteno, the Prime Minister
of the Gape Colony, though aware that he has come over from
the Cape fettered by a resolution of the Assembly of that Colony
which confines his official and formal communications to
» J.P.. C— 1631,p. 79.
CONFBBBNCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND 116
partdcular subjects. At the same time it was due to him, due to
the great Colony he represents, and certainly in accordance with
my own feelings, that I should offer him a cordial invitation to be
present here to-day. I have received from him a most courteous
and considerate letter, from which I understand that while he
would be personally very glad to attend, and also very glad, as I
have no question, to give any assistance to the Conference, he yet
feels himself so tied by the resolution of the Assembly that he
doubts whether it would be in accordance with the spirit of the
resolution of that body that he should assist at our deliberationB
to-day. I feel confident from the tone of his letter that, so far as
he conceives himself at liberty to do so, he wiU be ready to give
us any assistance at any future stage of our proceedings.^
Lord Carnarvon then announced in an ostentations
manner that Mr. Shepstone had received a mark of royal
favour in the honour of the K.C.M.G. This was evidently
held out as an inducement to the delegates to further his
policy, personal honours being their reward. He again
repeated that he did not wish to force his policy, it must be
* the result of a clear conviction on the part of each state
entering into it.' He did not, however, conceal from the
Conference that in his opinion it was extremely desirable,
and he added that ' it is clear that the effect of confederation
would be to give to these great colonies even a fuUer and
larger measure of self-government than that which has yet
been accorded to them.' When we come to examine his
Permissive Bill on which he was already engaged we shall
see how far this was his real purpose and intention.
He next proceeded to discuss the native question ; and in
this he showed his complete reliance upon the imperfect infor-
mation which Mr. Fronde had afforded him, and he made the
extraordinary statement that ' the usual method of payment
in South Africa for work done and labour given seemed to
be by arms.' This was quite wrong ; in the Cape Colony the
payments were made in specie by the Government and many
private persons as well, while in the case of others it was made
» 7.P., C— 1631,p. 62.
I 2
116 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
in stock. As to the possession of arms, a permit was required
both for the purchase and removal of a gun by a native. It
was only in Griqualand West, under direct Imperial rule,
where the sale of guns was said to be an absolute necessity.^
There was, however, a further difficulty in the fact that large
quantities of arms were introduced through Delagoa Bay '
and Walfisch Bay, which were quite beyond Imperial or
Colonial control.'
While engaged on the native question he took occasion
to condemn the war with the natives, which was proceeding
in the Transvaal, as a war for which he had ' seen as yet no
sufficient justification,' while he held it to be ' unfair to the
natives to deprive them of their means of self-defence.' We
may remark that this is the man who sent out Sir Bartle
Frere, who initiated the policy of disarming the natives in
South Africa with such disastrous results. He admitted
that so far as the treatment of the natives was concerned
he was
quite aware how much had been done in the Gape Colony, and
how liberal the policy there had been, and it will, I hope, be
possible, without coming into conflict with the resolution of the
House of Assembly to which I have alluded, to obtain from Mr.
Molteno information on some points as to the native policy which
has been pursued there, and which it may be desirable that we
should consider In our efforts to improve (the native races,
we have to look not only to their civilisation in the ordinary sense
of the word, but also to the conmiunication of a higher morality and
a truer knowledge of religion than they unfortunately now possess.
All these are considerations of the gravest nature, considerations
> Sir H. Barkly writes under date the 16th of September, 1876, to Mr. Molteno :
*I hope yon will still take the opportunity of stating your views to Lord
Carnarvon, preventing his misapprehensions imbibed from Mr. Froude as to
wages being paid in guns and importation by hundreds of thousands.'
* Sir H. Bulwer to Lord Carnarvon, J. P., 0— 2000, p. 42.
* We may observe that Delagoa Bay had just been lost to Great Britain as
the result of an arbitration, as far as we oan tell, carelessly entered into, and
that Lord Carnarvon had only just refused to Mr. Molteno to extend British
Colonial jurisdiction to Walfisch Bay.
CONPEBENCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND 117
which have doubtless been before the mind of the President of
the Orange Free State, have certainly been recognised both by
the Cape and by Natal, and which in this country we accept as a
duty and a trust of the highest possible nature.
He concluded with an appreciation of the importance of
South Africa to the Empire : —
It would be idle, as it would certainly be contrary to my inten-
tion, to ignore the fact that there are Imperial interests in South
Africa of the highest possible value, interests which affect not
only England, but India, Australia, and New Zealand, as well,
indeed, as many other colonies. There has sometimes been
misapprehension on this point, and it has been supposed that
there might be indifference on the question, or even some dis-
position here at home to neglect these considerations. No one
could fall into a greater mistake. There is certainly not the
slightest intention of abandoning any Imperial rights. Of course
the concern of this coimtry in South Africa is not to be measured
by the actual number of troops that are maintained at the Gape
at any time. That number is imdoubtedly in excess at this
moment of what strictly Imperial interests may require, though it
is of very great advantage to every single member of the European
family in South Africa. The presence of those troops is a
guarantee beyond measure for the peace and consequent
prosperity of that great continent. But England is not, and
never has been, niggardly in these matters — she has no desire to
make up a strict debtor and creditor account.^ She has accepted
freely her position as the paramoimt power of South Africa with
its duties and its responsibilities, and whilst determined generally to
maintain her Imperial interests there, she rejoices to use her great
power and means for the advantage of her colonies and her
neighbours.
' It is remarkable that Lord Camaryon sboold have used this language.
The idea which he repudiates was what he had actually done. Lord Carnarvon
had in his former term of office addressed a despatch to Sir P. Wodehouse
as to the payment by the Gape for the troops there. * During the year 1869
payment must be made at the same rate for all infantry in the €k>lony in
excess of one battalion. And for three years after the expiration of 1869
payment must be made for the whole force in the Ck>lony at the Australian
rate — that is to say, at the rate of 40Z. a head for every infantry soldier, and,
70Z. for every artilleryman. If at any time default is made in these payments
her Majesty's Oovemment will be at liberty to withdraw the troops from the
Colony either wholly or to such extent as they may deem expedient.' (i. P.,
C — 459, p. 1.) This money was a debtor and creditor account with a vengeance
118 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
This is all admirable, and the only pity is that Lord
Carnarvon, in acting on these views, did not utilise the
experience of the High Commissioner in South Africa as well
as the unanimous recommendations of the Colonial Ministers.
The sequel certainly shows that immense loss of Ufe and
treasure and great injury to both whites and natives would
have been avoided, while the race feeling would not have
assumed the serious importance which it has for us to-day,
had Lord Carnarvon deferred to the opinion and advice of
those on the spot who were well quaUfied by their experi-
ence and the responsible position which they occupied to
give him the best advice.
As soon as he had finished his address President Brand
rose, and stated that he could be present only at the discus-
sion of ' the question about free trade in arms and ammu-
nition, and a uniformity of law amongst the native tribes of
South Africa,' but he could take no part ' in a negotiation
with reference to a confederation of the colonies and states
of South Africa by which the independence of this State can
be endangered ' — he would withdraw at once should this
question be discussed. As a matter of fact, as soon as
President Brand withdrew the Conference expired, and
confederation was never discussed in it at all. Lord Car-
narvon did not stay to argue with President Brand as to
his powers at the Conference, but took up the matter
by correspondence, and as with the Cape, so vrith the
Orange Free State, attempted to interpret to the respon-
sible authorities the resolution of their own representative
Chambers.
The first resolution of the delegates to the Conference,
as we have already stated, expressed their regret that Mr.
Molteno was not present and, further, that it was ' essential
that he should be earnestly invited to take part in discussing '
the sale of arms. A resolution as to the desirabiUty of
encouraging individual ownership amongst the native tribes
OONFEEENCE QUESTION IN ENGLAND 119
wftB then passed, Mr. Akerman, one of the Natal dele-
gates, dissenting. Another resolution asserted that no law for
the restriction of arms was possible unless this course was
agreed upon by the various European Governments in South
Africa, and that her Majesty's Government should undertake
to get the co-operation of all the governments concerned. A
further resolution was carried that natives should be allowed
to have a moderate quantity of alcoholic liquor, but that
great care should be taken in carrying out this permission.
The formal resolution of regret that Mr. Molteno was
prevented from attending the meeting of the Conference
was passed after Lord Carnarvon had submitted his corre-
spondence with Mr. Molteno to the Conference, a corre-
spondence the tenor of which we have already seen. A
resolution was proposed by Mr. Froude as to the appren-
ticeship system which he had advocated in South Africa,
and which he now brought forward, but this the Con-
ference refused to accept; it preferred 'not to advocate
the adoption of the ancient European method of compulsory
apprenticeship or any compulsion at all,' but that natives
should voluntarily place their children under farmers and
artisans where they might learn to become useful mem-
bers of society. Finally, a resolution as to the native
pass law in various states was carried, admitting the neces-
sity of individual state action. But as already stated the
whole proceedings were entirely abortive, and were never
referred to again ; indeed, the resolutions to which we have
referred above were never officially made public.^
When its composition became known in South Africa it
was recognised that the so-called Conference might serve to
blind the enlightened British public and to save the reputa-
tion of Lord Carnarvon, but that it was in no sense a South
' A report was handed to each delegate, and to the kindness of Sir John
Akerman, who was a delegate, I am indebted for a perosal of this report fram
wldoh the above partioolars are taken.
190 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
African Conference. Looking to the debate and resolutions
of Parliament, no surprise was manifested at Mr. Molteno's
absence, and Griqaaland West raised a vigorous protest
against Mr. Froude being called its representative.
We are a freebom people, whose right to elect a representative
at the deliberation of any measure oonoeming our welfare is as
indisputable and perfect as the British Constitution. Lord
Carnarvon should have known that unasked favours, like unasked
advice, are never valued, and deeply sensible as we are of his
Lordship's kind intention, when we put our future in the hands
of Mr. Froude we cannot but express our dissatisfaction at the
indifference which has been shown to our feelings. When an
outsider like Mr. Donald Currie was invited to assess the damages
we were to pay, and when Mr. Shepstone and others from Natal
were asked to assist in that assessment, we were surely entitled to
the poor courtesy of being cited to defend our interest. We
respect Mr. Froude for many things, but we do not recognise him
as our representative.
There was one matter which Mr. Molteno had greatly
at heart and which he was able to advance by his visit to
Europe. The question of fast steam communication
between the Colony and the Mother Country had been
one to which he had given great attention, and to
which he attached a very great importance. He had asked
Parliament for power to conclude a contract for the convey-
ance of mails with the two companies now serving South
Africa, the Union Company and the Castle Company,
dividing the service between them. A very lengthy nego-
tiation ensued between him and the representatives of the
companies, and the strongest pressure was brought to bear
upon him to give up his demand for a weekly mail service.
A service of forty-eight sailings per annum was suggested
instead of fifty-two, which would be involved in a weekly
service, but no argument could move his determination to
have the latter. He was ready to pay for rapid communica-
tion, which he thought so essential to the prosperity and
CONFEBENGE QUESTION IN ENGLAND 131
advancement of the Colony. It was arranged to give a
large subsidy and premiums for speed above the contract
maximum. This contract was most efifectual in inducing
the companies to run at a speed never previously attained.
It entailed very large payments for these premiums in the
last years of the contract, but the success of the policy was
complete.
122 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXI
THE PEBMISSIVE BILL. 1876-1877
Lord Oankarvon*8 Liirigaes with Mr. Paterson — He passes over Ministers — An-
noonces Policy of Permissiye Bill — Annexation of Transvaal — The Permis-
sive Bill— Its Impracticability— Breach of Faith in regard to Oriqoaland
West — Ministerial Protest— Lord Camarvon admits its Validity — Beaotion-
ary Character of Bill — Discrepancy between Lord Camarvon's Public and
Secret Action— Letter to Sir Bartle Frere — Besolved to Force his Policy-
Hostile Beoeption of Permissive Bill in Soath Africa— Details of BRl—
Attempts to Coerce Sooth Africa — Beoeption of Bill in Natal — In Transvaal
—In Free State— In Eastern Province — In the West — Mr. Molteno*s Speech
at Beaufort— Banquet to Sir Henry Barkly— His Departure— Snooess of
his Administration — Our great Colonial Governors.
It was well known while Mr. Molteno was in England
that Lord Carnarvon was continuing his intrigue with Mr.
Paterson for the former's overthrow. Lord Carnarvon
looked upon Mr. Paterson as a future Prime Minister of the
Cape Colony, and he had made up his mind long since to
promote his early advent to power as soon as possible. Mr.
Paterson did not hesitate to tell his friends that the annexa-
tion of the Transvaal to the British Empire was vital to him
and his constituents, the merchants of Port Elizabeth, to
whom, he declared, about a million pounds were owing
from the Transvaal, of which there was small chance of
payment unless the annexation took place. No doubt a rise
would take place in the value of land, and the Transvaal
' greenbacks ' are said to have risen from about Is. 6(2. to
par on the annexation becoming a fact.
Lord Carnarvon told the Governor, under date the 31st of
August, Hhat though he could not recognise Mr. Paterson as
» J. P., C— 1681, p. 6.
THE PEBMISSIVE BILL 128
a delegate at the Conference, yet he would not neglect to avail
himself on an early occasion of learning his views, and indeed
that he had ' already had the opportunity of receiving Mr.
Paterson's representations on many points of importance.'
Mr. Molteno had hardly left England before Lord Carnar-
von gave public prominence to Mr. Paterson's representa-
tions. On the 26th of October, just three weeks after bis
departure, Lord Carnarvon gave public audience to a deputa-
tion arranged by Mr. Paterson which purported to represent
the Gape, but which was in reaUty a deputation of Eastern
Province or Port Elizabeth merchants, and had evidently
been arranged between Lord Carnarvon and Mr. Paterson
to enable the former to prepare the public for his policy of
the annexation of the Transvaal and his Permissive Bill for
South Africa.^
The speakers began by assxuing the noble Earl of the
unanimous approbation with which they viewed the success of
his confederation policy. They urged that the opportunity
afforded by the Transvaal war to interfere there under cover
of extending ' the same policy with regard to the natives
which had been so signally successful in the Cape Colony '
should be availed of. It was contended that, although the
war itself was much to be regretted and was full of danger,
it would, if properly used, afford a most admirable oppor-
tunity which ought not to be let slip * to press forward the
policy of confederation.' Sir Theophilus Shepstone's mission *
was referred to with approval, and the hope was subsequently
expressed that he might annex the Transvaal. Lord Car-
narvon now stated that Sir T. Shepstone * would not go out
there to carry out a policy which wets adverse to any views
which her Majesty's Government have ever expressed.' He
repeated his regret that Mr. Molteno was not present at the
* For a report of the proceedings see J. P., G— 1782, p. 1.
* Sir T. Shepstone had left England at the end of September with aeoret
instructions.
124 LIEE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
Conference, and that it was impossible to have the opinion
of men so well qualified as were the delegates chosen by the
Eastern Province of the Gape.
Bat every person in this room will readily admit with me that
where representative institutions have been given to a Colony like
the Gape, the Minister at home must be the first person to hold
himself bound by, and scrupulously to respect the principles of
those representative institutions; and therefore it is quite im-
possible for me to receive a formal representation at such a
Conference, except through the medium of persons who have been
formally accredited to me by the Colonial Parliament. Whatever
may be the differences which may exist within that Parliament,
it is only through the voice of the majority of that Parliament
that the Minister at home can receive any answer or can accept
any representation. At the same time I hope that you will also
do me the justice to feel that, placed as I was in a somewhat
difficult position upon this point, I was anxious that outside the
Conference I should not be debarred from the advantage of
receiving the fullest representations that might be made to me by
those gentlemen who I knew had the confidence of the Eastern
Districts of the Cape Colony. It would be impossible to choose any
men more competent to express the opinion of the Eastern District
than Mr. Blaine and Mr. Paterson, and I rejoice to say that I
have received from them, and I may particularly add from
Mr. Paterson, information of the most valuable kind on many
more than one single point — valuable in itself, valuable also in the
sense of having been given by one so deeply interested in the
Cape Colony in which he is so distinguished a member of
Parliament.^
He mentioned that, although Mr. Molteno considered
himself precluded from attending the Conference,
I had the satisfaction of commimicating with him personally
and most freely on many subjects which are of the highest
importance. I arrived at a clear understanding touching the
settlement of the Griqualand difficulty, and was enabled to discuss
with him other questions, and so I trust to render the solution of
that important subject which you have brought before me to-day
easier than it ever has been up to the present time.
But now he takes these unofficial members into his con-
fidence and communicates to them what he had withheld
» I. p., C-1732. p. 11.
THE PBBMISSIVB BILL 125
from the accredited plenipotentiary of the Cape Colony.
He seemed to feel that he was not doing what was quite
correct, and excused himself in the following words : —
It was my wish to give all explanations to anyone accredited
by his (rovemment to receive those explanations of the viewa
which I entertain. Mr. Molteno's position was however such
that it precluded him from entering fully into this question with
me ; but as I have been repeatedly asked to explain, at length and
in detail, the mode in which her Majesty's Government would
desire to see their poUcy of confederation carried out, I think it
will be convenient, and can give no possible cause of offence to
any party in the Gape Colony or elsewhere, if I bring before the
Cape Colony, through its Government, the general principles upon
which it seems to me that such a confederation might fairly and
properly be carried out. In fact, looking to the very critical state
of things in South Africa, I think it would be hardly right if her
Majesty's Government were any longer to be reticent on such a
point and refuse to give that information which all parties seem
to be entitled now to claim.
With that view I may tell the deputation that I am at thia
moment considering the principles of a measure which I hope may
carry out the views which we hold, and which may repeat the
general wishes of all the parties locally interested. It would how-
ever be clearly wrong if I were to give any eocplanation even to such
an important deputation as this upon matters of detail, when those
explanations are justly due in the first instance to the Colonial
Government. Everyone in this room I am sure will go along with
me on that point, and will recognise my anxiety now, and in truth
I may say always, to do nothing which could encroach upon the
rights and liberties of the Colony, or to stint any of that considera-
tion and the regard which the Home Government has ever paid to
the Colony and its institutions. But I may say this, that such a
measure as I am now contemplating, would, in its nature, be
essentially a permissive one, and would be open to the spontaneous
acceptance of each of the colonies and states of South Africa. In
that Bill I desire as far as possible to provide the necessary power
to confederate, giving an outline of the constitutional machinery,
but leaving it as much as possible to local knowledge and experi-
ence to fill up the details of the scheme.
He concluded by pajring a powerful tribute to the
native policy of the Cape : —
196 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
I should think it very wrong when touching upon such a theme
as this if I failed to do justice to that which I consider to be the
extremely liberal and fair policy which the Cape has endeavoured
for many years to follow in its relations to the native tribes. The
Gape at this moment is receiving in a great measure the reward of
that policy in the tranquillity of the frontier under very critical
circumstances.^
Mr. Paterson forwarded the report of this deputation
and Lord Carnarvon's reply in pamphlet form to the Cape,
a step which gave rise to the following comment : —
There can of course be no possible objection to any number of
private gentlemen waiting on the Secretary of State and giving
him their opinions as to the condition of affairs in South Africa,
providing it is distinctly imderstood that in no sense do they
oflSoially represent the Cape Colony. It has been too much the
fashion for old colonists in England to assume that they know
the feelings of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South
Africa, forgetful that a few years, sometimes even a few months,
make a great change in the current of public opinion. Carried
away by their assumed knowledge of existing circumstances in the
Colony, these gentlemen have sometimes taken upon themselves
to speak for one or the other of the dependencies of the Empire,
but as a general rule they have, unintentionally no doubt, given an
erroneous representation of the state of things in any particular
Colony. Some five or six years ago this threatened to become a
serious danger, and some Colonial Governments — Queensland in
particular — took strong exception to such unauthorised representa-
tion, and begged that in future no statement made in Downing
Street by persons not formally and officially accredited by the
Government of the Colony might be permitted to influence her
Majesty's Government.^
The same principle was stated by the Imperial Govern-
ment itself, when Lord Carnarvon, speaking officially as
Secretary of State, said that —
the wishes of the colonists are likely to be more favourably and
effectually brought before the Home Government by the local
Ministers who are in immediate contact with the communities
they represent, and through the Governor who is responsible to
her Majesty for furnishing all requisite information, than by
persotks acting in pursuance of their own views .... under
' I. P., C-1782, p. 16. » Arffus.
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 127
influences not always identical with those which are paramount
in the Colony, and without the guarantee which their recom-
mendations may derive from haying passed through the Gh>vemor'8
hands.
There can be no doubt that this is the correct yiew of
the case, and therefore whatever weight may be given to the
gentlemen who formed the deputation to Lord Carnarvon,
they certainly were not authorised to speak for the Colony.
Only the Colonial Parliament and those delegated by it can
do that. And there were to be found among merchants and
others interested in the Cape, but resident in London, some
who fully realised this constitutional principle. In the
London * Daily News ' of the 28th of October we find the
following letter from Mr. William G. Soper : —
As a merchant interested both in the Eastern and Western
Provinces of the Cape Colony, suffer me to call attention to a
principle, and as a matter of fair play to make an explanation.
The principle to which I allude is that where — as in the case of
the Cape — a Colony has its own representative institutions it
cannot be other than prejudicial to the public interests to aUow
partial representations of disputed points of Colonial policy to be
made directly, and of necessity unofficially, to the Imperial
Government, and in this way tend to produce the impression on
the British public that it is the Cape which is speaking, whereas
it is only a minority at the Cape. The voice of the Cape Colony
to the Imperial Government can only be authoritatively annoxmced
from her Parhament and through her Premier. The explanation
which I venture to offer is that the gentlemen who yesterday
waited on Lord Carnarvon represented only the supposed interests
of the Eastern Province of the Colony. Mr. Molteno, the Premier,
has left England ; Mr. Paterson, who has been marked out as his
possible successor, is still here, and has succeeded in making a
demonstration. My argument is that Colonial questions should
be fought out in the Colony and not in England, and that if it be
desiraUe to ventilate them here, let it be at a public meeting of
merchants and others ' interested in the South African Colonies.'
The Gape would neither be represented in Downing
Street by self-appointed delegates, nor accept special
conunissioners from the Secretary of State in place of the
legally constituted authorities appointed by the Colonial
128 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Parliament. Lord Carnarvon felt the falseness of the
position so much that he immediately wrote to the Gk)vemor
expressing a hope that what had passed with the deputation
of Gape merchants would not create fresh difficulties at the
Gape. The Governor replied to this that Mr. Molteno was
very indignant and very sore that nothing had been said
to him about the Permissive Bill when conferring with
Lord Gamarvon. He feared that it would induce the
Griqualand West Council to hold out against annexation to
the Gape; and he had been urging Mr. Molteno to go to
Eimberley to smooth matters down, but the latter now said
that he would do nothing to appear eager for the annexation.
The Governor, added Mr. Molteno, would now be more
cautious than ever in deahng with the annexation question.
Looking to the attitude of the two BepubUcs towards
confederation, every step which Lord Carnarvon now took
in this direction wideAed the breach between the South
African ' patriots ' ^ and the Eastern Province parties, and
threw the former into Mr. Molteno's arms. As the Governor
told Lord Gamarvon, what Mr. Molteno feared was the cer-
tainty of splitting up the Colony into fragments before
there was any certainty that other territories would be
added to it. This was in reference to Lord Carnarvon's
statement to the deputation that he would have no objection
to splitting up the Cape Colony at or before confederation.*
Before Lord Gamarvon could receive the Governor's letter
Mr. Herbert had written to Mr. Molteno the following letter
to attempt the smoothing-down process : —
{Private.) Colonial Office, November 29th.
MydeabMb. Molteno, — I have been glad to hear of your safe
return to the Cape, and I sincerely trust that the threatenings of
native troubles on the frontier will soon be removed in the only
* This was a tenn oommonly used at the time in South Afrioa to designate
the more pronounced sympathisers with the two Republics who had received
special encouragement from Mr. Froude.
« I. P., 0—1782, p. 18.
THE PBBMISSIVE BILL 129
permanent manner, viz. by a complete change of policy on the
part of the Transvaal. I should be mach relieved if that unhappy
state were a province under the central Government at Cape
Town, but nothing that we have yet heard justifies the expecta-
tion that this is likely to occur immediately.
You will have read the report of the proceedings when a
deputation, comprising Messrs. Paterson, Blaine, and other South
African notabilities, attended upon Lord Carnarvon. I hope you
were satisfied and pleased with his speech, which was conceived
in a spirit of mindfulness of what is due to you and your Govern-
ment, and therefore necessarily dealt only in such generalities as
I fear may have seemed somewhat insufficient to some at least of
his hearers. You will not improbably receive all sorts of stories
to the effect that Lord Carnarvon has made ilarge communications
of policy to Mr. Paterson, or the Natal delegates or others. Such
is not the case, as his Lordship has felt himself obliged to make
all material disclosures and proposals to your Government in the
first instance. Pray therefore do not pay attention to any
rumours that may reach you. I do not of course mean that Mr.
P. will say anything of the sort ; but others have and will.
I think you will receive very shortly the draft Bill, which you
will find to be one for union rather than confederation. The
expression of your opinion that all the countries combining should
be brought under one overruling Government and Legislature
has had much weight. As you will remember. Lord Eimberley
was advised by the law officers that an Imperial Act is necessary
for uniting Natal to the Cape — so even for the purpose of *uniting
Griqualand West to the Cape a Bill must have been introduced
next session, and we shall take the opportunity of so drafting the
measure as to make it sufficient to enable a larger union at any
time hereafter if that is desired. You will thus be left quite free
as to any further amalgamation than that of Griqualand West
with the Cape ; and also quite free as to all the details of union.
Of course we hope that you may see your way to become Premier
of a considerable union at an early date ; but the Bill will not
pinch or press you.
Yours very truly,
RoBEBT G. W. Hebbebt.
To this Mr. Molteno replied : —
Colonial Secretary's Office, Cape Town :
January 16th, 1877.
Mt deab Mb. Hebbebt, — I must apologise for having allowed a
mail to leave without a line from me in acknowledgment of your
VOL. n. K
130 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
very kind note dated 29th November, whioh unfortunately oame
by one of the slowest vessels carrying our mails, the Lapland,
I am very much obliged to you for the information you give
me relative to the draft Bill and other subjects connected with
Confederation.
The Bill itself only came to hand by last mail, and I have
consequently had but little time to consider it, nor have I been
able to give its accompanying despatch attention.
But as far as I am able to judge, this Government is phkced in
a somewhat awkward position with regard to the proposed annexa-
tion of Griqualand West, upon which question I had hoped, after
the full imderstanding and agreement arrived at with Lord
Carnarvon before I left England, there would have been no
further difficulty. The action then taken is generally approved
of in this Colony, and there is but little opposition to it in Griqua-
land West.
I am not at all sure that the generally desired union of the
several states and colonies of South Africa will be very much
promoted by the line of action which his Lordship has decided
upon taking, but am not prepared to enter fully into this most
important and difficult subject.
Believe me to remain,
Tours very truly,
J. C. MOLTENO.
The object with which Lord Carnarvon received the
deputation on the 26th of October was evident when we find
that he transmitted a copy of the proceedings to Sir Henry
Barkly with the request that he should publish them in the
newspapers at the Cape, and he pursued a similar course
with Sir Henry Bulwer, the Governor of Natal. It was
clear that Lord Carnarvon continued to expect that he
would succeed in displacing Mr. Molteno, and setting up
Mr. Paterson in his place as Prime Minister of the Cape
Colony.
Indeed, Lord Carnarvon seemed incapable of receiving and
appreciating the numerous warnings which he had received
and was now receiving as to the dangers of forcing on his
policy of Confederation upon South Africa. The High Com-
missioner had warned him that if the policy were persisted in
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 131
there was a danger of an agitation in which East would be
ranged against West, Dutch against English, and Kaffirs
against both. Lord Carnarvon was aware that Mr. Molteno
shared these apprehensions, which had now become verified
by actual facts in the first case, and in the last we have seen
that uneasiness had begun to prevail among the natives.
Mr. Akerman, the Natal delegate of the Legislative
Council, warned Lord Carnarvon of the dangers of the
course on which he was bent, and so much impressed was
he with the serious character of the situation that he wrote
to the ' Times,' * Daily News,' and ' Standard,' a letter of
warning signed by himself, his official designation being
attached, yet so imbued was the London press with Lord
Carnarvon's ideas that each and all refused even to admit
the letter to their columns !
There was, however, one man whose official connection
with the colonies had ceased but who continued to take an
informed interest in events there, and to him also it was
clear how serious was the danger. Lord Blachford writes
to Sir Henry Taylor, telling him that he was not pro-
posing to speak in the House of Lords on the Eastern
Question for he was engaged upon another subject. * The
South African question is also a big one. It is capable of
working up into the worst cluster of native wars that we
have yet had.' *
Mr. Froude had published his views in the * Quarterly
Review ' for January 1877, and Mr. Reeve, the editor of
the 'Edinburgh Review,' had asked Lord Blachford to
answer him. This he did in an article in the April number
of that periodical, which exposed Mr. Froude's improper
conduct at the Cape and warned the country of the dangers
of pressing the Confederation policy.
On whom was Lord Carnarvon relying for advice when
* Letters of Lord Blachford^ pp. 376, 877. A forecast too terribly borne
OQt by the Galeka, Gaika, Zulo, and Basnto wars.
K 2
139 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
he pressed on his policy against all these warnings ? Even
his own emissary, Mr. Fronde, had told him, after learn-
ing the lesson of experience in South Africa, that Con-
federation must be the work of South Airica itself, and
could only be brought about by time. The sole support
Lord Carnarvon received was from Mr. Paterson and the
merchants whom he had brought with him as a deputation,
and who really represented one town in South Africa, Port
Ehzabeth, where resided the speculators and merchants who
were to make money out of the annexation of the Transvaal.
Nevertheless he now determined to press his policy
more strongly than ever. In England he introduced the
Permissive Bill for enabling a confederation of the South
African colonies and states to be formed, and in South
Airica he worked through the agency of a man who was rsrsh
enough to look upon his own ignorance as superior to local
knowledge, and to conmiit the country to the most reckless
expenditure of blood and money to accomplish the policy
which he confessed had been * dictated * to him by Lord
Carnarvon, and which he meant in his turn to dictate in spite
of all warnings to South Africa. It became known almost
simultaneously that Sir Bartle Frere had been selected as the
new Governor and High Commissioner for South Africa,
and that the Permissive Bill was to be introduced into the
Imperial Parliament.
On neither of these matters had Mr. Molteno been con-
sulted by Lord Carnarvon when he was in England. In trans-
mitting the Bill to the Governor Lord Carnarvon in a lengthy
despatch alluded to the deputation of the 26th of October as
the opportunity of making public his intention as to the
Permissive Bill. Though Mr. Molteno was the accredited
plenipotentiary of the Cape, Lord Carnarvon selected the
unofficial and self-elected deputation as the repository of his
confidence. It is true he apologises to the Natal delegates
when he addresses the Governor of Natal on the subject for
THE PEBMISSIVE BILL 133
Bot commonicating to them the Bill when they were in
England.^ For his treatment of Mr. Molteno he does not
venture to ofiEer an apology.
Moreover, Lord Carnarvon had departed from his arrange-
ment with Mr. Molteno as to the incorporation of Griqua-
land West with the Cape Colony. Mr. Molteno had distinctly
refused to be a party to any federal connection with
Griqualand West as a province, and on reference to the
despatch detailing the arrangement made with him during
his visit, Lord Carnarvon clearly tells the Governor that this
is so, and that he agrees
that there is every reason to believe that, when more simply
and inexpensively governed as a district of the Gape Colony,
Oriqualand West would provide a revenue ample for the require-
ments of its administration and its liabilities.^
Yet now, in transmitting to the Governor his Permissive
Bill, he turns to the plan definitely rejected by Mr. Molteno
and by himself. He says of the Permissive Bill : —
It will serve either for the more limited purpose in the first
instance of uniting Oriqualand West to the Cape, or for the larger
object of confederating at any time hereafter the whole of South
A&ica.
And again : —
The correspondence which I have lately transmitted to you
has explained that after full communication with me, Mr.
Molteno expressed, on the part of the Cape Government, their
readiness to take measures for the incorporation of Griqualand
West with the Cape. With regard, however, to the form and
manner of such incorporation, I had received strong representa-
tions from the people of the province, which I have, of course,
kept in view during the preparation of this measure. They urged
in effect that Griqualand West should not be subordinated to the
Cape Colony as at present constituted, though they had no objec-
tion to confederation. Now, while I am bound to say that no
explicit reason was assigned for this request, and that it is one to
which I could not in all circumstances deem myself under an
» J. P.. C— 1782, p. 24. « I. P., C— 1681. p. 12.
134 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
absolate obligation to aooede to (believing as I do that the Gape
Gk>vemment would be fully able and willing to provide for all the
reasonable claims and requirements of the province), I am glad
to have been able to satisfy myself that under the machinery pro-
vided by the Bill there need be no difficulty in admitting Oriqua-
land West to the union as a separate province, by which course I
apprehend that the views both of your advisers^ as expressed to
me by Mr, Molteno, and of the memorialists in the province tvUl be
adequately met}
We have here a distinct statement that in the proposed
confederation Griqualand West is to be admitted as a
separate province.
It is clear from a reference to the correspondence between
Mr. Molteno and Lord Carnarvon that the latter had again
played fast and loose and had departed from his engagement,
and we see how amply justified was Mr. Molteno in his
cautious treatment of the Griqualand West question with
Lord Carnarvon during his visit to England. But as a
practical question, what are we to say of Lord Carnarvon's
proposals to unite the province of Griqualand West v^th
the Cape Colony by means of the machinery of this BiU ?
Lord Carnarvon appeared to dream on some lofty Oljrmpian
peak of lesser men and states, and his dreams carried him
far away into the empjrrean where unfortunately the affairs
of this world are not to be practically carried out. We
see here the ideal fancies of folks at home which vanish
before the touch of practical men.
What was Lord Carnarvon proposing by this method of
incorporating Griqualand West ? We will describe his Bill
later on ; it will suffice here to say that to join the diamond
fields to the Cape Colony, the existing constitution of the
Gape must be abolished, the elaborate machinery contained
in the Bill must be created, providing for a Governor-General
at 10,0002. a year vnih two or more provincial councils and
as many presidents, and a general legislature as well. The
> I. p., C— 1782, p. 17.
THE PEBMIS8IVE BILL 136
cost of all this to the Cape beyond that of its existing
establishment was estimated at 40,0002. a year. Could any
practical statesman be so incapable as to agree that the Cape
should annex at such a cost a province with an area of
about 25,000 square miles, and a population of about 20,000
souls, of whom only 6,000 were whites ? Mr. Molteno was
rightly annoyed at such a proposal being in any way
looked upon as being sanctioned by him, and it became
necessary at once to prevent any misunderstanding upon
the subject.
A minute of Ministers was presented on the subject in
which, after thanking the Secretary of State for the oppor-
tunity afforded them of expressing their opinion on the Bill
in question before it was finally proceeded with, they con-
tinued : —
Tbey feel bound, however, without delay, to express their regret
At the course which it seems proposed to adopt in dealing with
the province of Griqualand West. It would appear that his
Lordship is disposed to abandon the idea of that province being
incorporated with this Colony as an integral part thereof.
Ministers were prepared, fully confirming what had been done by
Mr. Molteno, to propose to the Cape Legislature with every
prospect of success that the arrangement recently entered into
between his Lordship and Mr. Molteno in England should be
carried out, but they fear that they will not be able to support a
proposal for such a union of that province with this Colony as is
contemplated in the Bill before them.
About the nature of the arrangement entered into. Ministers
apprehend there can be no doubt. On the 5th of August, 1876,
three courses were submitted on behalf of his Lordship to Mr. Mol-
teno with regard to the future of Griqualand West, one of which
was its incorporation as an integral part of the Colony. On
the 6th of September, in a letter from Mr. Herbert, the annexa-
tion of Griqualand West, which is classed with that of Tembu-
land and Walfisch Bay, is again pressed on Mr. Molteno. On
the 22nd of September, after considerable delay and further
communication both in person and by letter, Mr. Molteno
expressed himself in favour of the incorporation, and pledged
his Government to press its adoption upon the Cape Legislature.
On the 30th of September the acquiescence of the Bight Hon.
186 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
the Secretary of State for the Colonies was signified in the
decision arrived at by Mr. Molteno, and the arrangement thus
entered into was communicated in a despatch, bearing date
4th of October, to his Excellency the Governor. In this despatch
his Lordship stated among other things that her Majesty's
Government would not under the circumstances be justified in
recommending compliance with a petition which had been received
against the annexation of Griqualand West to this Colony, and
gave his opinion that the case would be adequately met by tiie
proposed annexation, concerning which further details were
promised. No further communication was received until the
despatch of the 14th of December giving cover to the Bill before
mentioned, which provides that Griqualand West may be a
separate province of the union of South Africa, and apparently
contemplates on the contingency of its union with the Cape the
introduction of costly machinery for governing the two, and the
abolition of the existing constitution of this Colony.
In the able report of Lieut.-Col. Crossman, B.E., on the affairs
of South Africa (paragraph 106), the white population of Griqualand
West is given as 6,000 souls, and there is no reason to think that it
has increased since that time. The nature of that population may
also be gathered from the same report. The population of the
Gape Colony consists of about 236,000 whites, even if all those of
coloured or of mixed races be excluded. They are settled on the
soil and enjoy a hberal constitution. The position of Griqualand
West is such as to require immediate settlement, and in the
opinion of Ministers the best settlement would be its annexation
to this Colony, which would not in any way interfere with the
general object of the Bill, and it will scarcely be contended that
merely for the purpose of the annexation it is desirable to subject
the Cape Colony to a revolution, which, whatever its other results
may be, will certainly increase the cost of government, while it is
doubtful whether, looking to past experience, the form of govern-
ment suggested by the Bill would tend either to the prosperity or
happiness of the province. In accordance with these views, and
in fulfilment of the pledge given by Mr. Molteno to the Eight Hon.
the Secretary of State and approved by his Lordship, Ministers
have the honour to state that they will, during the next session, be
prepared to carry out the course upon which, as already men-
tioned, they had resolved previous to the receipt of the despatch
under acknowledgment, and they venture to express a hope that
either the Bill will be so modified or other arrangements made to
enable them so to do.^
> I. P.. C— 1732. p. 82.
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 187
The Governor in transmitting the minute suggested that,
if an early settlement of the Oriqualand West question was
desired by her Majesty's Government, it would be expedient
that the Imperial Act should, as suggested in this Minute,
be so worded as to admit of the possible alternative of
the annexation of the province to the Cape Colony.' Lord
Oatmarvon replied acquiescing in the views of the Ministry
and the Governor, and he expressed his satisfaction at the
clear and temperate manner in which the Ministers stated
their views upon the point which appeared to them to be of
the most immediate importance : —
The Bill is drawn with no special reference to Oriqualand
West, and, though it would permit of the union of that province
with any other colony or state, does not in any way preclude its
immediate incorporation with the Cape Colony. . . . The corre-
spondence quoted in the Minute sufficiently proves that the
incorporation of Oriqualand West with the Cape is the course
which has not only appeared preferable to her Majesty's Oovem-
ment, but which they have strongly urged, and recent oiroum-
Btances have confirmed me in the belief that it should be taken as
your Ministers advise without delay. I trust, therefore, that
among the first measures considered during the approaching
session will be one for this purpose. It will be desirable that it
should be passed as soon as possible, in order that the necessary
legislation may be completed this year.^
After endeavouring to explain his reference to the
province in his despatch, and stating that the machinery
of the Bill is more complicated than would be necessary
for merely uniting Griqualand West alone, he concluded by
saying :—
I am, however, as I have said, quite prepared to accept the
opinion of your Ministers, that there would be practical incon-
veniences or disadvantages in using the machinery of this Bill for
the particular union now under consideration, and I am fully
satisfied with their undertaking to effect the object in the way
they propose.
» See I. P., C— 1782, p. 81. « I. P., C— 1782, p. 87.
188 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
We come now to the larger question of the Permissive
Bill itself. Lord Carnarvon had on several occasions stated,
as had Mr. Fronde, most emphatically, that his desire was
to extend self-government in South Africa. To his South
African Conference he said, ' the effect of Confederation would
be to give these great colonies even a fuller and larger
measure of self-government than has yet been accorded
them.' * While for Mr. Fronde's statements we may refer to
his letter to Mr. Molteno suggesting even the abolition of the
High Commissionership, and his reiterated assertions that
Confederation was to extend responsible government, which
had succeeded so well in the Cape Colony, to the rest of
South Africa.
What was the object of Lord Carnarvon's statements
with which his actions were in continued contrast? We
find him declaring publicly in his despatches and in his address
at his South African Conference, where President Brand was
also present, that ' Confederation in order to be enduring should
be the result of a clear conviction on the part of each state
entering into it that its political, social, and material interest
as a whole will be advanced ; ' and again, ' I have said this
much because I conceive that I was bound by my despatch
to allude to the question of Confederation, but I do not wish
to seem to press it upon you, and I have referred to it in the
briefest and merest outline.' ^ But at this very time what
were his real thoughts and intentions? They have been
disclosed to us, for we find him writing to Sir Bartle Frere
at this very time under date the 13th of October, 1876 : —
A strong hand is required. ... I propose to press by all
means in my power my Confederation policy in South Africa.
« • . I do not estimate the time required for the work of con-
federating and consolidating the confederated state at more than
two years."
» I. P., 0—1681, p. 64. » I. P., 0—1681, p. 64.
' Martineao, Iri/0 of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. ii. p. 161.
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 139
* I do not wish to seem to press it upon you' — No. Not to
seem to press it, but to do so really with all his power. Was
not this the invitation of the spider to the fly — come into my
scheme to be freer than you were before, and come in of
your own will ? This was the language ; the action was
intrigue with every force of discontent, of difficulty or of
danger to the estabhshed governments of South Africa. In
the Transvaal it was the native difficulties which were to be
made the cloak of force to make it come in. In the Orange
Free State the difficulty over the diamond fields was to be
used. In the Cape the desire of the Eastern Province for
its separation from the West was to bring pressure on the
Ministry together with the intrigue with Mr. Paterson and
his deputation. A mild-sounding phrase, Permissive Bill,
was to be used, and imder cover of this the liberties of the
Cape as well as of the whole of South Africa were to be
taken away. The official chosen by Lord Carnarvon to
effect all this was, as the latter calls him, the 'pro-consul,'
who was to be the instrument of his will, and who tells his
hearers publicly, * I go out to carry out the policy dictated
to me hy Lord Carnarvon,' and he was to dictate it to the
country regardless of the true interests of that country to
which he was sent.
What then was the Permissive Bill which had come at
last, and which was to embody Lord Carnarvon's ideas of
advanced self-government ? We may look at it in two ways.
If it were really intended to meet the requirements of a very
difficult question and to settle it in accord with the circum-
stances and conditions of South Africa, then it was utterly
absurd and out of accord with the conditions. We have seen
an instance of the absurdity, and Lord Carnarvon's admission
of the fact, in the mention therein of Griqualand West. It
had only to be read in South Africa to be rejected,
whether in the British colonies or in the Free Eepublics.
But if we regard its real purpose to be the destruction of
140 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
the large measure of self-government already accorded to
and enjoyed by the Cape and the destruction of the freedom
of the Bepublics, we can understand its being the expression
of Lord Carnarvon's dreamy ideas.
Mr. Molteno had told Lord Carnarvon that unification
was the proper way to consolidate South Africa, a way which
he could support, and which the subsequent march of events
has shown he was correct in forecasting. But this policy would
not have afforded Lord Carnarvon the opportunity which he
sought of revoliitionising the constitution of the Cape Colony.
Lord Carnarvon therefore declined to adopt Mr. Molteno's
▼iews, as by so doing he left his main purpose unaccom-
plished.
He was fully ahve to the enormous importance of the
Cape Colony to the Empire, the Cape peninsula being the key
to the maritime supremacy of the South Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans, commanding the route to Australia, India, and the
East as well. His object was to tie South Africa more
tightly to England, but in his heart he was a reactionary, and
he had no love for or appreciation of constitutional government
when it was popular in form. He misread Colonial history
when he thought too much freedom had been conceded to
the Colonies. He did not perceive that the more the formal
bonds were relaxed, and causes of irritating disputes removed,
the stronger became the real bond of sympathy and feeling
between the Mother Country and the Colonies. He wished
to step back, and therefore he chose Sir Bartle Frere, who
had no experience of constitutional government, but had
been trained in the inevitably arbitrary and despotic school
of India, a country whose political condition differed abso-
lutely and entirely from that of the self-governing Colonies
of the Empire. The conditions of our colonial development
rendered his real purpose of increasing the power of the
Crown in the constitution of South Africa incompatible with
the ostensible object of his Bill, the unification of South Africa.
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 141
Lord Carnarvon's Bill aroused the opposition and indig-
nation of every man in South Africa who valued free
institutions, and who lived under the conditions which had
so much advanced the prosperity of the Cape Colony. They
marvelled that an EngUsh Minister could at this period of
Colonial development put before a community having British
institutions such an abdication of their freedom. What was it
that Lord Carnarvon asked the people of the Cape Colony to
do ? The Secretary of State, under the flimsy disguise of an
Imperial Act of Parliament conferring on the Crown in Council
general powers regarding South Africa, proposed to have in
his own hands the right to divide the Colony as he pleased
into provinces, and then to place at its head a kind of despot
with the title of Governor-General, who was to receive, with
or without the consent of his subjects, a salary of 10,0002.
a year.
Let us examine some of the provisions of the Bill. The
preamble, it is true, refers to the wishes and opinion of the
various colonies and states with respect to details, but there is
nothing said as to the manner in which these wishes should
be carried into effect. The authority to elect whether they
should be put into effect or no, under the third section of
the Bill, is the Queen in Council, and for Colonial purposes
the Queen in Council is the Secretary of State, so that what-
ever the local legislatures might resolve as to the terms of
union, their decision might be overridden by the voice of
Lord Carnarvon himself, a gentleman 6,000 miles distant,
and who expresses his ignorance on the details of which he
is to be the final judge. In other words, on a matter
affecting the deepest interests of South Africa, the Colony
was asked to give up its privilege of self-government and to
submit itself humbly to the will of Lord Carnarvon !
The sixth section of the Bill says, * The union shall be
divided into such provinces with such names and bound-
aries as the Queen shall by any proclamation or order
142 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
in Council issued in pursuance of section 3 of this Act declare
and define.' ^ That is to say, the Secretary of State, acting,
it may be, under influences inimical to the Colony, might
divide it into as many provinces as he pleases, and group the
divisions without any regard to their wishes ; he might divide
it into East and West or West and Midland, or East, West,
Midland and Border, or make any other arrangement he
pleased, and the people of this Colony, heretofore supposed
to have a voice in their own government, were not to be
allowed a choice in the matter till the business is done.
The people of the Colony were not even to have the
choice of a place for the seat of government, for the fifteenth
section provided that the seat of government of the union
shall be in such place as her Majesty, i.e, the Secretary of
State, should from time to time by proclamation direct.
South Africa had already had experience of the evil efiEect
of a peripatetic Parliament. Sir Philip Wodehouse held the
Parliament at Grahamstown. Much worse would it be with
peripatetic public offices as well.
The Governor-General was to act in certain cases on
his own discretion instead of on the advice of the Ministers
having the confidence of Parliament. There was to be a
Governor-General with a salary of 4,000Z. beyond the salary
of the present Governor. There was to be a nominated
Executive Council, whom the Governor might dismiss as
well as appoint at pleasure. A nominated Legislative
Council in place of the existing Elective Council and a
nominated Speaker. It is true the Elective House of
Assembly was allowed to remain, but the franchise was to be
withdrawn from a vast number of the electors. The Colony
was to be cut up into provinces, presided over by Presidents,
appointed by the Queen. The control of native legislation
was to be reserved for the Crown directly. There were other
provisions of a character similar to these.
» The BiU wUl be found in J. P., C— 1782. p. 20.
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 14»
Mr. H. G. Jarvis, an old veteran in the fight for freedom^
whose experience extended over a period dating from Lord
Charles Somerset's rule, who had for twenty years presided
over the mmiicipality of Cape Town, the first and only
popular body in the Colony before the Constitution of 1854 was
established, and as its chairman had taken a leading part in
the struggle for the Constitution after the anti-convict agita-
tion, and who had sat as one of the first members for Cape
Town in the new Parliament and later in tho Council, wrote
as follows, expressing the feelings of those who had fought
for and won the free institutions which the Colony then
I have before me the ' Government Gazette Extraordinary ' of
the 12th inst., publishing Earl Carnarvon's despatch of the
14th December last with his ' Permissive Bill,' which he proposed
to submit to the Imperial Parliament during the session of 1877.
Does the Earl of Carnarvon for one moment suppose that the
inhabitants of British South Africa will endorse, or submit to be
beguiled into sanctioning, his scheme of federation in the spirit
and on the terms he proposes? Does he forget our present
position, and the struggle it has cost us to obtain it? ... .
It is plain, therefore, what all this means. Too many con-
cessions have been granted us, and it is proposed by this plan to
bring us back again to the position we were in in the days of Lord
Charles Somerset — a nominee Executive, a nominee Legislative
Council chosen by the Governor-General, subject to dismissal at
pleasure, whenever disobedient to his mandate. Can anything be
more tyrannical ? Many of the details of this ' Permissive Bill '
are equally objectionable, disfranchising at least one half of
existing voters, &c.
Sufficient has been shown to open the eyes and satisfy my
fellow-countrymen that we must be firm in resisting this measure
if we wish to retain our present independent position, and, if
necessary, remind Earl Carnarvon of the defeat of his predecessor
in office (Earl Grey) when he attempted to make this Colony a
penal settlement.'
Mr. Molteno had, in the correspondence which we have
already quoted, indicated to Lord Carnarvon the mode in
' Argus, 17th of January, 1877.
144 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
which he conceived that the anion of South Africa could
best be brought about, by the gradual annexation of the
minor colonies and states to the Cape Colony, involving no
revolutionary changes as the development of each separate
state or territory came up to the required standard. It was a
scientific plan recommended by all the existing experience of
South Africa, and Lord Carnarvon may indeed have entered
into these views, as the following passage seems to indicate,
yet its provisions entirely fail to give effect to them : —
I have in the next place had special regard to the opinions
expressed on behalf of your Grovemment by Mr. Molteno from
time to time, and more particularly during his visit to this
country. These opinions I may summarise briefly by saying
that Mr. Molteno, while not unfavourable to the principle of Con-
federation, repeated the wish that it should be reserved to the
Cape Government and Legislature to decide as to the time at
which, and the conditions under which, that Colony should enter
any confederation, and he further expressed his opinion that the
union should take the form of an incorporation under one legis-
lature rather than an association of several co-ordinate legisla-
tures. As the Bill will he found to he so framed as to satisfy and
include these views, if they should meet with a general acceptance
on the spot, I feel justified in the confident trust that it will be
favourahly received by your Government}
We ask where are the provisions in the Bill that * satisfy
and include ' the view that the union * should take the form
of an incorporation under one legislature rather than an
association of several co-ordinate legislatures ' if the former
* should meet with a general acceptance on the spot ' ? The
fact is that the Secretary of State, assuming that the terms
of the Bill were his final decision, which thus appeared to be
the case, had deprived the people of South Africa of the
choice which in the despatch his Lordship states is left open
to them. In other words, South Africa was not at liberty
under this Bill to select that form of union in connection
with the Crown of England which in the opinion of those
» J. P., 0—1732, p. 17.
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 146
who knew the country might be best suited to its require-
ments.
Mr. Molteno could not, however much he might have
desired to meet Lord Carnarvon's wishes, have agreed
on behalf of the Colony to such a Bill. Lord Carnarvon
made a mistake in the way he presented Confederation to
the colonies and states, and he made the further mistake
of ofiEering only one hard and fast form for the union — a
form which was utterly distasteful to South Africa. Had it
been ever so ready to form a union, by dictating the form
Lord Carnarvon made it quite impossible for any union to
take place under it.
He was clearly trying to secure by this Bill the return of
the Bepublics to the British connection, for by the admission
of the Orange Free State or South African Bepublic the 4th
section of the Bill expressly made their citizens ipso facto
naturalised subjects of the Queen. He evidently feared the
effect of this accession of Dutch subjects to the citizenship
of British South Africa, and hence his curtailment of the
freedom which the Cape Parliament already enjoyed, particu-
larly in regard to its control of the native policy. He had fre-
quently eulogised the native policy of the Cape, and had held
it up as an object of imitation to Natal and the other states,
so that it was not with a view to the modification of Cape
policy that this provision was inserted in his Bill.
In the curtailment of constitutional freedom proposed
by the Bill, and the substitution of the nominee for the elec-
tive principle, we may trace the same desire to get back
a larger control of the Crown over South Africa. Lord
Carnarvon failed to get his Bill accepted in South Africa, but
he effected his purpose for a time in so far as the Cape
Colony was concerned by unconstitutionally overriding
its Oovemment. He had already revolutionised through
Sir Garnet Wolseley the Constitution of Natal, and held
complete control of its Legislature by the majority of
VOL. n. L
146 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
nominee members. He had control of Griqnaland West, a
Crown province. He now was abont to annex the Trans-
vaal, and so get control of that country, and the only two
states which preserved their freedom were the Orange Free
State, which for very shame he could not then openly attack,
and the Cape Colony.
He could not deprive the latter of its Constitution without
its consent, but he could still send a Governor who might so
work on the people as to cajole or bully them into carrying
out his purposes. The Cape had been a Crown Colony up to
1872. Eesponsible government had only been in existence
for four years. The people would not yet have realised the
change quite fully, and, as it was hoped, had not become
accustomed to it. The High Commissioner might use his
powers and his patronage again in the old way as when per-
sonal rule of the Governor prevailed. Lord Carnarvon tells
Sir Bartle Frere, in asking him to accept the position, that
he is to go out * nominally * as Governor, but
really as the statesman who seems to me most capable of carrying
my scheme of Confederation into effect, and whose long adminis-
trative experience and personal character give me the best
chances of success.^
In this way the whole of South Africa was to be
subordinated to Lord Carnarvon, and to be as clay in the
hands of the potter. Confederations are not formed by
theorists with maps and scissors, the component states being
laid together in a conveniently damp condition so as to adhere
perfectly and show no boundary lines. They are composed
of living men, with all their traditions and habits and
customs, their prejudices, their feelings and their virtues, and
of these latter, where the component parts are British or
Dutch, a love of self-government has ever been conceded
to be one of the best and most powerful. This was Lord
» Letter of 13th of October, 1876, Life of Sir B. Frere, vol. ii. p. 161.
THE PBEMISSIVB BILL 147
Carnarvon's paper dream, in attempting to carry out which
he plmiged Sonth Africa into war and bloodshed, and fatally
disturbed for a time the relation between the whites and
blacks, and for a longer time, the end of which we have not
yet seen, the relations between the English and the Dutch.
We may ask, then, had Lord Carnarvon's Bill succeeded
in establishing the form of confederation laid down in
the Permissive Bill, would it have worked, and would it
have eventually led to a better relationship between
South Africa and England? The answer must be em-
phatically No. This is proved by what actually occurred
when Lord Carnarvon had control, after Sir Bartle Frere dis-
missed the Constitutional Ministry at the Cape, of the
whole of South Africa except the Orange Free State, and we
shall see what diflSculties arose out of that control. The new
and revolutionary restraint impressed on South Africa by
the Permissive Bill would have given rise to inevitable fric-
tion between the Mother Country and the Colony, and would
have necessitated either an almost immediate modification in
its form, or a rupture between the Mother Country and the
Colony.
Sir Henry Barkly reluctantly gave his views of this re-
markable Bill, and concluded by advising Lord Carnarvon,
the more the Imperial Act can be rendered of a purely permis-
sive character, the easier will it be to arrange a general scheme
under it. It should, I respectfully submit, give the barest outline
possible of the conditions on which the colonies and states of
South Africa may, if they think fit, confederate under the British
flag, leaving all matters of detail to be filled in hereafter by the
Boyal orders in Council.*
Natal was not satisfied with its position under the pro-
visions of the Permissive Bill. The Orange Free State would
have none of it. The Transvaal was favoured with a copy of
the Bill, but its death warrant was already in Sir Theophilus
» I. P., C— 1732, p. 43.
L 2
148 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
Shepstone's pocket.^ In the Gape Colony it was condemned
almost miiversally. The reception given to the Bill in the
east, where Lord Carnarvon's strongest support was to be
expected, was equally decided. In Mr. Paterson's strong-
hold, Port Elizabeth, feeling was voiced by the * Telegraph,*
which wrote : —
We are utterly at a loss to understand how anyone who had
been in communication with Gape Colonists so intimately as those
who have inspired and drafted this Bill could ever have come to
the conclusion that it would be acceptable to the colonists. All
have been told by the advocates of Confederation — and this
journal has been consistently one of those who told the people —
that Confederation means an extension of the political advantages
at present enjoyed, and expansion of the freedom we have become
accustomed to, and would cause the development of our neigh-
bours to as honourable a platform of political life. We can find
no promise of anything of the kind in the Bill, nor can we see
any way by which either by amendments or orders in Council any
such libentl provisions can ever be imported into it. We shall
be very glad if anyone who may advocate its adoption can point
out any opening for rendering it useful in promoting the intended
purposes, because that purpose is our purpose. We consider the
adoption of Confederation to be worth all and more to us than
Lord Carnarvon or even Mr. Froude has ever valued it at ; but, in
our opinion, any endeavours to urge the adoption of the Bill as
gazetted will only harden the prejudices of every division of the
Colony against the consideration of even the principle involved.
The gifts it brings us are dust and ashes. The privileges it takes
away from us are such as men worth any Consideration, or who
have any feelings whatever of independence or patriotism, hold to
be the most precious that the citizens of any state can acquire.
They are privileges for which the leading politicians, the press,
and all intelligent citizens have struggled in this country until
they attained to their possession. Some good Conservatives may
think that the more adventurous section of the community are
hasty sometimes in their desire to advance, but none of any
^ It is interesting to observe that Lord Carnarvon kept up to the last the
faroe of inviting the South African Confederation to join of its own free will.
In a despatch dated the 12th of April, the very day on which the Transvaal was
declared annexed to the British dominions, Sir Bartle Frere is directed to send
a copy of the amended Permissive Bill to the Transvaal Government I. P.,
C— 17S2, p. 43.
THE PEBMISSIVE BILL 149
influence, however, ever ventured to raise the argument that the
Colony did not do wisely when it ceased to be governed entirely
by officials guided directly by views of distant statesmen, and took
upon itself the responsibility of constitutional existence. The
movement for Confederation has been conceived to be one made
in advance, not in retreat ; the policy was to be one of progres-
sion, not of retrogression. The Bill proposed would take all the
life of our political being, and reduce everything approaching the
representation of the people to the miserable condition of an
impotent farce. . . .
If the Bill were to destroy the Constitution of the Cape, root
and branch, and make it once more a Grown Colony, we could
understand its provisions, and possibly we might be content
to be found in security, civilisation and large profits by the
agency and expenditure of the home authorities. But surely if
we are to be taken care of throughout, it is pitiful mockery to
be offered the semblance of representation with a view to the
Colony being saddled with responsibilities, debts, and taxation,
while the opinions of those representatives when disagreeable
can be brushed aside as mere cobwebs by the presmnptuous
nominee Council, an obsequious Privy Council, and a magnificent
Gk>vemor-General.
The real aim of the Bill was seen to be the revolutionising
of the Constitution of the Cape, after the precedent set by
Lord Carnarvon in Natal ; the same ground for this change
was put forward in both cases — namely, the native policy.
Yet on the spot it was felt that the change in Natal would
not prove ultimately of any advantage to it, or would in
the end save her Majesty's Government any risk, trouble,
or expense, while there was a certainty that any similar
movement in the Cape Colony would result in a great dis-
advantage and eventual loss, not only to the colonists,
but to her Majesty's Govermnent also. There were
no threatening native difficulties so far as the Cape
Colony was concerned. Sir Henry Barkly told Sir Bartle
Frere on his arrival, that there were no native troubles to
be deialt with. The native question was a cloak to cover the
force which Lord Carnarvon meant to use to confederate
South Africa. As to the Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown
160 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
hobby of a separate government for the Eastern Province,
the references to it in the Bill were received by the
* Telegraph ' as follows : —
There are Major Lanyons and handsome comets of dragoons
in plenty who would be only too happy to be nominated as
Presidents, but when the Eastern Province seeks one we think it
would desire something more truly Ck)lonial, and would not be
particular about being able to legislate that property and civil
rights or the mode of solemnising marriage should differ in that
province from any of the others. An Eastern Province Council
would like to have something more to say than is set down for it
about its harbours, railways, and public works, and will not be
anxious to levy new taxation for the purpose of paying additional
officials and attending generally to ' all matters of a merely local
or private nature in the province.' We take it that the Provincial
Councils of the Act are framed more with the view to use by the
outlying colonies and states. They will soon let us know what
they think of such provision.
The magnificence to be thrust upon the country did not
find favour either : —
We have heard the payment of the Governor-General
commented upon a good deal, but though we consider 10,000/ . a
year to be more than the Colony will be warranted in voting, we
do not care to discuss the point at present. The crowd of suggested
officials with their numerous underlings will all require so much
money to swell the pomp of such a Governor's Court that the
question will very soon right itself. Such an advance in the vote
for the Governor's department would increase the expense of living
throughout the Colony, as the example of lavish expenditure soon
affects all classes.
Similar comments appeared in other eastern papers.
As to the reception in the west, the * Argus * at once
attacked the plan tooth and nail. The 'Times* followed,
but with more moderation, while the * Standard and
Mail' was coldly critical, and suggested the postpone-
ment of the introduction of the Bill into the Imperial
Parliament until 1878, with a view to its being fully
considered in South Africa.
THE PEBMISSIVE BILL 161
How amply justified was Mr. Molteno in his opposition
to Lord Carnarvon's attacks on the constitutional privileges
of the Gape I ' Obsta principiis * is a good maxim in all such
matters. There are few occasions on which in the Gape
Colony public men are afforded an opportunity of addressing
the public when ParUament is not sitting. Mr. Molteno
was visiting Beaufort about this time, and the presentation
of an address of welcome in his constituency gave him the
opportunity of saying a few words.
As to Confederation, he insisted that he had been mis-
represented on that subject. He was not opposed to unity,
but there were several ways of doing a thing. Would the
people of Beaufort be content to sacrifice any part of those
institutions for which they had fought so long ? He thought
not. He thought the Bepublics would willingly join the
Colony if they could retain their own local institutions, and
come in for a share of the benefits accruing from such a union
or federation. But that required time to work out. Those
matters must grow, they cannot be forced. When the time
came he would gladly lay down his charge to others if they
were true friends of the Colony.
For his part, as long as he held his present position he
would not give up the smallest part of the representative
institutions. He advised his Beaufort friends to hold fast
to that precious gift. Matters may at times seem a little
out of joint, but as long as the present Constitution exists
nothing very serious can happen. He himself would be
among the last to forego any part of those priceless institu-
tions. He might be considered a little too sensitive on that
point, but it was best to be ever watchful. He must own
he sometimes felt chafed at being misrepresented, but he
always felt that in the end justice would be done to him.
When once he saw his hne of duty he stuck to it, whatever
might be said by outsiders.
The reply of the Ministry to Lord Carnarvon's despatch
162 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
on the main portion of the Permissive Bill, apart from the
Grigualand West qnestion, was deferred until the arrival of
Sir Bartle Frere, who had been selected to succeed Sir
Henry Barkly as Governor of the Gape and High Com-
missioner.
The latter took his departure amidst universal regret,
and at the farewell banquet given to him, Mr. Molteno took
the opportunity of bearing testimony to the cordial manner
in which Sir Henry had worked with the Ministers in the
difficult part of introducing responsible government.
I entirely bear testimony to the truth of what was stated just
now with regard to Sir Henry Barkly. The success attending
the introduction of responsible government and that success which
has followed it are greatly due to the very kind and considerate
manner in which Sir Henry Barkly has at all times treated my
colleagues and myself, in the general assistance he has given us,
and in the forbearance he has exercised towards us in views which
did not agree with his own opinions. I have always found him
willing to discuss any difficult subject, and we have generally
come to an agreement on most points. Nobody knows the many
difficulties which the Governor and his Ministers have had to
contend with during the time I have held office, and I think they
will never be known. Notwithstanding the state of the frontier
and the other disturbing occurrences, Sir Henry Barkly has always
endeavoured to advance the true interests of this Colony.
Mr. Solomon, in his speech, entered a little more fully
into the grounds for the congratulations to Sir Henry Barkly
on the success which he had met with as Governor of the
Cape : —
It is not only in that capacity, but also as a token of respect
to Sir Henry Barkly as Governor of this Colony, that we
are assembled here to-day, as a Governor who, to a very great
extent, has been successful in the administration of the government
of this Colony. Sir Henry Barkly entered upon the duties of the
government of this Colony at a difficult and critical time. He
was preceded by Sir Philip Wodehouse, who succeeded to Sir
George Grey, an extremely popular man who governed this
Colony at a time of great prosperity. But a time of adversity
came, and then there was something of a collision between the
THE PERMISSIVE BILL 153
Government and the Parliament of this country. It was then
thought desirable by Sir Philip Wodehouse, in order to effect a
reconciliation between the Government and the Parliament, that
the power of the Parliament should be to some extent diminished,
and the power of the Government increased. The home Govern-
ment did not take that view of the question, and thought the best
plan to adopt was to enlarge the power of the Parliament and
introduce responsible government into this country. They looked
around them for a man who was best adapted to carry that
important change into effect, and they sent out a Governor of
wide experience and reputation, Sir Henry Barkly, in order to
carry out that I great change. He arrived here, and whatever
opinions there may have been of the wisdom or otherwise of that
form of government, I am quite sore that no Governor could give
more satisfaction as regards the way in which it was introduced
than has Sir Henry Barkly.
Not only has Sir Henry Barkly introduced responsible
government, and governed this Colony at a time when a great and
important change was transpiring, but he has lent his aid in
social, religious, and educational capacities. I am not here to
sound his praises, but this I think we must all admit, that we are
met here to-day to show our respect and esteem for a Governor
who is about to leave our shores after having carried on the
government in a most successful way. Moreover he became
Governor of this Colony at a very critical time when, if he had
not held the balance evenly between contending parties, probably
we should have been launched into great difficulties, out of which
perhaps we should not have escaped by this time. Though
possibly from the position he occupied he may have been looked
upon with some suspicion by the ruling authorities in England,
we see by the despatch which has been already alluded to that
the Government of Great Britain has expressed its entire
approval, and that in words that cannot be misimderstood, of his
conduct during the time he has administered this government.
And I am sure this testimony is no more gratifying to Sir Henry
Barkly than it is to the people of the Cape of Good Hope.
We must all sympathise with the difficulties he has had to
contend with, and we must aU admire the satisfactory way in
which they have been surmounted.
Mr. Solomon at the same time reviewed the work of the
Ministry, and paid a tribute to Mr. Molteno : —
I may be permitted to say that I know something of the
difficulties which the first Ministry of this Colony had to
164 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
encounier, but I am quite sure of this, that but for the ripe
experience of Sir Henry Barkly, and but for his desire to do all
in his power to carry out responsible government, it is possible
that the difficulties we had to contend against would have over-
whelmed us, and we should not have been placed in the happy
position we now enjoy. It was confidently predicted that when
we got responsible government there would be a rapid succession
of changes, but I think that prediction has been amply refuted.
Mr. Fuller has alluded in a very marked manner to the first
responsible Ministry we have had here, and undoubtedly on the
whole it has been a successful administration. Whether we agree
with all that has been done or not, it has been successful, perhaps
more so than we had any reason to expect in beginning so great
an experiment. We have found that imder that administration
railways if not inaugurated have been largely extended, tele-
graphic conmiunication has progressed, the borders of the Colony
have been enlarged, and above all, which I am sure must be most
encouraging to his Excellency, the natives of this country are
showing more and more confidence in the Government, and an
increased desire to be incorporated within its limits. I say that
an administration which could accompUsh such great results as
that has not been a weak or an unsuccessful administration ; and
I believe the natives will owe much to the policy of the present
Gk>vemor, for without doubt, under his auspices, we shall find a
policy carried out, not only approved by the Government of
England, but by the people, which gives a tone and complexion to
the Government.
Sir Henry Barkly had, indeed, served the Imperial
Government well. Up to the time of his arrival the
condition of the Cape Colony had been a constant source of
anxiety and trouble to the Mother Country, owing to the
contests between the Legislature and the Executive, while
its material condition was most unsatisfactory during Sir
Philip Wodehouse's Governorship. Sir Henry Barkly had
successfully inaugurated responsible government, and had so
dealt vnth the problems of a most difl&cult situation as to
deserve the highest reward at the hands of the Imperial
Government. The introduction of responsible government
had done away vnth the constitutional difficulties at the
Cape.
THE PEEMIBSIVB BILL 165
Bat Lord Carnarvon was not content with the progresB
made under the new system, and, in the words of Sir Bartle
Frere, * like the impatient child who polls up the seeds he
planted yesterday to see whether or not they are growing in
the right direction/ > he was ready to upset responsible
government which had already done so much, and to
replace it by his Permissive Bill constitution. The mistakes
of Sir Henry Barkly's successor, which plunged both the
Gape and England into a series of wars, brought out in
relief the wisdom and prudence of an administration which
had dealt so successfully with a set of circumstances
abounding in possibility of error, fraught with disastrous
results.
Sir Henry Barkly's eminent services in South Africa and
in many other colonies and dependencies of our extended
Empire were all forgotten by Lord Carnarvon, and he vented
his displeasure at the non-success of his policy on the states-
man whose conduct had been impugned by Lord Carnarvon's
emissary, Mr. Froude. This displeasmre was made known
publicly in despatches, to which we have already referred.
Though the censures were entirely undeserved, Sir Henry
Barkly was allowed to retire into private life on his return to
England. It is true a despatch was received thanking him for
his services, but no special mark of royal favour was accorded
him. A fuller appreciation of the enormous difficulties which
beset the Cape and the High Conmiissioner of South Africa
has since been shown, in the fact that two of his suc-
cessors in this office have received peerages from a grate-
ful Government and country for their conduct in South
Africa.
The part played by our great constitutional Governors in
the successful development of the Empire has not been
properly realised or adequately acknowledged. Often
trained, as was Sir Henry Barkly, in the House of Commons,
' NineUitUh CtrUury, January 1881.
166 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
they have gone out to our distant dependencies, where they
have given a high and honourable tone to the civil services,
of which they became the head. The honour of England
has been safe in their hands. They have governed great
territories under difficulties, of which a more settled and
populous country knows nothing. They have carefully
and sympathetically tended the growth of the young con-
stitutions which have been planted in our now great and
wealthy self-governing colonies, constitutions whose proud
boast it is that they resemble as closely as the altered
conditions will permit the Constitution which has made the
Mother Country what it is, the home of free and self-reliant
men.
The difficulties with which they have had to contend
and which they have overcome have been stupendous, and are
a measure of the success which has crowned their honourable
efforts. Justice has not been done them in the history of
our Empire. This is an age of advertisement, and largely of
self-advertisement. These men have never been advertised.
Their work has been the silent, energetic, powerful action
which is the basis of our national success. It shrinks from
blare and fanfaronade. There is no self-boasting with such
men.
The best work of EngUshmen has been done in this
silent and unobtrusive manner. Their matured experience,
always at the disposal of the Crown, has been the surest
safeguard against dangerous and fatal errors on the part of
the Government at home in relation to its action in distant
territories ; where this has been thrown aside as useless and
valueless, as did Lord Carnarvon with Sir Henry Barkly's
advice on Confederation, it is not to be wondered at that
disaster follows as a sure and certain result. The Uves of
our eminent Governors have yet to be written. Their pages
will be read with interest and advantage by the whole
Empire, and time will serve only to bring out in clearer
THE PEEMISSIVB BILL 157
prominence the splendid services which they have rendered
to the Mother Country which sent them oat, and to the
colonies and dependencies which received them, and in
which they represented so worthily the administrative
power, the might, the honour, the justice and the majesty
of our Imperial rule.
168 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXn
SIB BABTLE FBEBE. 1867*77
Indian Bareanerat—Despotio Bole— Indian Experienoe — Unfitted for CSonsti-
tational Baler— Bashness, Want of Judgment and Patience —He forces
hands of Saperiors — His love of Popularity — Cotton Disasters—A Quin-
quennial CflBsar — Lord Blachford's Views— Mr. Molteno's Experienoe—
Sir Bartle Frere's Views after Colonial Experience— He advocates un-
trammelled Besponsible (Government— And Bfr. Molteno*s Unification
Policy — Beeommends Abolition of New Zealand's Parliament — And Estab-
lishment of Dictatorship — Sir George Orey's Views — Special Salary.
LoBD Gabnabvon had foand a suitable instrument to carry
out his policy and force on his views, despite the warnings of
statesmen who were most conversant with the subject, not
alone in South Africa, but in England and even AustraUa.
He had turned to military men for his previous appoint-
ments in South Africa ; his arbitrary and reactionary tem-
perament instinctively looked to the essentially despotic
character of miUtary organisation. Men who valued freedom
had no countenance from him, witness his treatment of one
of the most distinguished Englishmen of our Colonial
Empire, Sir George Grey, and the still more recent example
of Sir Henry Barkly.
Precedent, as well as convenience, pointed to a man
of some administrative experience being appointed to the
office of High Commissioner, and by this consideration the
ranks of purely military candidates were closed to Lord
Carnarvon. Another source, however, was available. The
necessity of ruling a subject people by despotic methods
had produced in India a race of officials unused to the ways
of freedom and the liberty of representative institutions, to
whom obedience on the part of the people over whom they
SIR BARTLE FRBRE 169
ruled was necessarily one of the highest virtues. The history
of the Eoman Empire has shown how the despotic govern-
ment of subject races by a free people reacted on the latter,
and gradually ate into their free institutions, till it eventually
destroyed them. There is a similar tendency in the vast
bureaucratic system of India to produce men who are ready
to undervalue the free constitution we enjoy.
It was to this school of despotism that Lord Carnarvon now
turned for an instrument to over-ride the expressed wishes
of the Cape Colony, the Free State, and the Transvaal —
practically the whole of South Africa to which any free
choice was possible, for Natal and Griqualand West were
Crown Colonies. Sir Bartle Frere had just acted as drago-
man to the Prince of Wales on his tour through India, and
had been rewarded with a baronetcy and a G.C.B. He was
now free for any great work which might satisfy his am-
bition, bring him. further opportunities of giving scope to
his active powers of mind, and enable him to put into
effect those * Jingo ' tendencies which were so strong in him.
Bumour, in the mouth of his friends, assigned him all
offices. At one time he was to be the new Governor-
General of India ; at another he was to be the Governor of
Bulgaria under English administration ; then he was to
return to Bombay, to serve another term as Governor in
succession to Sir Philip Wodehouse ; again, he was to be the
despot chosen to carry out his suggestion of a dictatorship
for New Zealand. He was invited by the Khedive to
become his Eailway Minister; he was consulted by the
Government on Indian, Egyptian, and East Airican affairs ;
his advice was solicited on the Eastern question. Whether
any man was equal to advise on and to be entrusted with
all these high matters is uncertain, and we need not stop to
inquire, as he was not called upon to actively discharge all
these offices ; but it is certain that he very egregiously failed
in that office to which he actually was called.
160 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
There was a consensus of opinion, among his admirers^
that such great abilities should not long remain unutilised
by the country. Lord Carnarvon had used the prestige
of a successful warrior combined with the despotic ten-
dencies of a military ruler to deprive Natal of its free
constitution. He did not search in vain among the ranks of
Indian bureaucrats for a man ready to ' dictate ' his policy
and to crush the opposition of all local men. Here was the
very man of whom Lord Carnarvon was in search. Had
. not the Ministry of Lord Beaconsfield already set the seal of
their approval upon him ? Had not Lord Sahsbury already
accepted his advice in regard to India ? And it is curious
to remark that the Ministry had followed his advice in
India, and were sending him to Africa, thus placing him in
a position to control the policy of the Empire in two con-
tinents.
Hampered with no personal experience of English
ParUamentary government, such as Sir Henry Barkly pos-
sessed, with no special knowledge of our Colonial Empire in
general or South Airica in particular, no objection would
rise up from an intimate knowledge of the country and its
history to make him hesitate to carry out Lord Carnarvon's
policy. The prestige of his name would be likely to bear
down all opposition of minor men. Was he not bold to a
fault, and rash enough to rush in where wiser men would
hesitate ? Lord Carnarvon offered him the Governorship of
the Cape, with a view to carrying out the policy,
for which I have now for two years been steadily labouring, the
tmion of the South African Colonies and States . . . nominally as
Gk>vemor, but really as the statesman who seems to me most
capable of carrying my scheme of Confederation into effect, and
whose long administrative experience and personal character give
me the best chances of success.
The Governor-Generalship of the confederated South Africa
was held out as a further inducement. Lord Carnarvon
SIB BABTLB FBEBE 161
added that he was considering the details of a Bill for the
Confederation of South Africa; and in regard to this he
said : * I propose to press by all means in my power my conr-
federation policy in South Africa.* *
We must now see what was this personal character and
this administrative experience to which Lord Carnarvon
appealed, and what reason there was to anticipate that they
wonld be guarantees for the success of his mission.
In India Sir Bartle Frere had a great reputation for
administrative ability; an idea carefully fostered by his
circle of admirers, who took every opportunity of putting it
forward, but which undoubtedly rested on his courage,
ability, and unremitting attention to work. Joined, how-
ever, to these excellent qualities there was a want of
balanced judgment and careful weighing of the pros and
cons which led him, in a country which, owing to the ex-
treme poverty of its inhabitants, required the most careful
and even painful frugality and parsimony in all dealings
with the public money, to look mainly to the extension of
British enterprise, and thus to be even lavish in his dealings
with the public resources.
In the same way he was ever eager to advance the
influence of England by our arts and our arms, regardless of
the cost to ourselves or to those who were to be influenced-
Witness his views as to the policy to be pursued towards
Afghanistan, and his advice, which led directly to the second
and third Afghan wars. His line of action and bent of mind
are well exemplified in his Governorship of Bombay. He
brooked no control; he constantly forced the hand of his
superiors, and defied the rules which had been drawn up for
the purpose of regulating the relations between the Supreme
Government and the Provincial Government — rules which
were as binding on the Governor-General as on those who
> Life of Sir Bartle Frere^ yoL ii. p. 162, qaoting letter of Lord Camarvoo,
dated the 13th of October, 1876.
VOL. n. M
162 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
came below him. He ignored these rales withont scrapie,
thoagh they had actaally been drawn ap when he was a
member of the Coancil of the Governor-General.
He hated estimates of any pablic work which he pro-
posed; he liked to spend first and ask for an indenmity
afterwards. * The responsibihty shoald be always retrospec-
tive in the shape of praise or blame for what is done, and
shoald never involve the necessity for previoas sanction ' ; ^
bat, as Lord Lawrence replied : * This mode of proceeding
may prove very embarrassing to the financial department ;
and there is one great objection in my mind to sach system
— viz. that when once a man has adopted the line of acting
first and reporting afterwards, the main indacement to report
and explain vanishes away.' ^
The same aathority says of Frere : * I never saw a man
like him for taking his own line.' And again : * One of two
coarses shoald be adopted, either that he was made to obey
orders or that he was declared absolately his own master.'
To Willoaghby, a member of the Coancil of India, he
says : ' I find it rather difficalt to get on with Frere, thoagh
I am most anxioas to do so. He is bent on independence
withoat its responsibihties. He insists on spending, not only
his own revenaes, bat oars also.' These letters of Lord
Lawrence were written in 1864, yet later on, the 11th
Febraary, 1866, he again writes : —
Our financial prospects are very gloomy indeed. The furor
for expenditure is excessive. ... Sir Henry Rose and Napier have
no regard for financial considerations, and Frere is worse than any-
body. It was only the other day that he wanted to pay four lacs
of rupees for twenty acres of land on which to construct a lunatic
asylum near Bombay ! He has also allowed buildings to be self-
erected at Kurrachi for the Telegraphic Department which will
cost 2| lacs by the time they are finished.
This want of sound judgment and careful discretion
unfitted Sir Bartle Frere to deal with any real crisis. In
' lAfe of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. i. p. 272.
* Life of Lord Lawrence, vol. ii. p. 318.
SIR BAETLE FEEEE 163
the Indian Mutiny he had not to cope with the brant of the
affair. He was in a subordinate position, his part was
to send all help to those who were contending with the full
volume of the insurrection ; and this he did nobly and well,
and such action was wholly in keeping with his character
viewed from a certain standpoint. It was John Lawrence
who was in chief conmiand, a man who had all the qualities
of forethought, the habit of carefully weighing all sides of
the question, and the well-balanced mind which appreciated
thoroughly the circumstances in which he found himself ;
and in his practice he showed that he realised the enormous
importance of decisions which affect millions of human beings
and their interests.
The contrast between the two men is so analogous to
the contrast between Sir Bartle Frere and Mr. Molteno that
we venture to quote Lord Lawrence's biographer on this
subject : —
Sir John Lawrence and Sir Bartle Frere were as different from
each other in character, in business habits, and in general views
as two very able, very public-spirited, and very self-reliant, strong-
willed men can well be. Sir John Lawrence was for a careful
economy of the public money; Sir Bartle Frere for a liberal
expenditure of it in all directions. The first and almost the only
question which suggested itself to Sir Bartle Frere, when some
magnificent public work, such as a land reclamation scheme or
the practical rebuilding of Bombay, came under consideration, was
whether the work was good and worthy in itself. The first ques-
tion asked by Sir John Lawrence was whether India could afford
it ; and, if it could, whether it was worth the additional taxation.
Sir John Lawrence thought he was bound to be just before he was
generous, and to look before he leaped. Sir Bartle Frere too often
leaped before he looked, and sometimes it may have been to the
advantage of India that he did so; but he also found that his
undeniably great works left him with an exhausted treasury, and
sent him to beg as a favour from the Government of India what,
if he had been content to keep rules, he might have been able to
demand as a right.
Sir John Lawrence was always for a minute investigation
and specification of details, because he felt that such precautions
M 2
164 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
were the only security for due economy in the whole. Sir
Bartle Frere thought sJl such precautions vexatious in the ex-
treme, and for very much the same reason. Sir John Lawrence
very possibly cared for popularity too little ; Sir Bartle very pos-
sibly too much. Sir John was blunt and downright to a fault ;
Sir Bartle erred equally in the opposite direction. The man who
applied to Sir John Lawrence for an appointment for which he
was not fit, and met with a curt refusal, very probably as he came
down the steps of Government House called the Governor-General
a bear ; but, after a little reflection, was not sorry that he had been
told the worst at once, and admitted the integrity of his chiefs
motives. The man who applied under similar circumstances to
Sir Bartle Frere came down from 'the Land of Promise,' as
Government House in Bombay was not inaptly called, charmed
with the courtesy and grace of his reception, and thinking that
his suit was granted ; but when he found, a few days later, that
the place was given to another candidate, he was apt to turn
round upon his chief and put him down, in his vexation, as a
hypocrite. In the one case hopes had been unduly raised, in the
other they had been too rudely crushed; but in each case, so
public- spirited were both men that after a short interval the
applicants were generally able to admit that the refusal was due
to one and the same motives — the paramount claims of the public
service. . . .
That it was well for India that Sir John Lawrence held
the supreme, and Sir Bartle Frere the subordinate, position
will not be questioned by those who believe, in spite of his recent
disclaimer, that the miserable Afghan War in one continent, and
the equally miserable Zulu War in another, are the direct and
legitimate consequences of the principles and proclivities of the
Governor of Bombay.^
The failure to allow due weight to financial considerations
had a very important bearing upon Sir Bartle Frere's con-
duct in South Africa, as will appear in its proper place.
His want of appreciation of the real inner meaning of
affairs, and his consequent unfitness for any serious emer-
gency, was amply revealed in the great cotton boom which
for a time poured untold wealth into the hands of the
merchants of Bombay.
The American War had reduced the supply of cotton
* Lift of Lord Lawrence, vol. ii. p. 314.
SIB BABTLE FBEBE 166
from America far below the necessary consumption of the
mills of Lancashire, and India came in to snpply the place
of the American article. The value of cotton exported from
the Bombay Presidency rose from less than seven miUions
in 1860 to 1861 to more than thirty-one millions in 1864 to
1865. Enormous profits were reahsed by cultivators and
merchants. Here was an opportunity of testing a man's
soundness of judgment and his discretion. The prudent
man who kept his head cool would feel there were serious
dangers involved in the position, and would use his
endeavours to turn to permanent advantages the tem-
porary benefit, and above all do nothing to increase the fever
of speculation. The plethora of money gave rise to a
genuine desire for investment, and such investments as
were justified by sound judgment would naturally be the
proper outlet for this large capital; but unfortunately all
kinds of wild-cat schemes were put forward, which any
person who pauses to think for a moment must concede were
never likely to make any adequate return for the capital
invested — schemes for reclaiming land, for building, for
concessions of foreshore, for harbour works, and many
others.
Of these the ' Back Bay ' reclamation scheme was per-
haps the most famous; its object was to reclaim through
the means of a commercial company a large tract of land
known as Back Bay, to hand over to the Bombay and
Baroda Railway such portion as was necessary for its pur-
pose, and make the company's profits out of the sale of the
rest of the land. The Government of Bombay had originally
proposed that the railway should carry out the speculation,
using so much of the land as it required and selling the rest,
but the Home Government very properly objected to such a
speculative transaction on the part of a railway which had
its capital guaranteed.
Sir Bartle Frere proposed that the Government should
166 LIPB AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
take shares in this wild scheme, but fortunately the Secre-
tary of State repUed that no money of the guaranteed
railway could be placed in such a scheme. If the land were
really required, the Government must reclaim and then make
over to the railway the land required. In making his sug-
gestion, Sir Bartle Frere says, under date 23rd of July, 1864 :
'All Bombay have gone mad about Back Bay. I was
anxious that the Government should have had a share in
the work such as it has in the Bombay Bank, not so much
to secure a share in the profits as to have the only possible
effectual hold over the management in such matters as
allotment of shaxes.'^
We shall see presently of what value such control was
in Sir Bartle Frere's hands. It is clear that the Govern-
ment were perfectly right in their decision. They had no
right to give their sanction to these monstrous schemes by
taking shares in them. A similar tendency to speculation
had arisen in Calcutta, but it had been discouraged with
success by Lord Lawrence, though he incurred considerable
unpopularity thereby. The scheme eventually collapsed
on the fall in the prices of cotton, and the losses were
enormous. The works were abandoned to the Government.
The bank above referred to was the Government Bank
of Bombay, managed by nine directors, of whom three were
appointed by the Bombay Government. The bank's capital
was now doubled, and the game of lending money went fast
and furious. It was only on account of a warning from Sir
Charles Wood, the Secretary of State for India, that Sir
Bartle Frere gave some attention to its affairs. The former
writes under date the 3rd of March, 1865 : —
I cannot help being in some alarm at the possibility of a crash
in your Bombay speculations. We hear disagreeable rumours,
and after the way in which they have been going on I am afraid
that it is too probable. Pray look after your bank and currency
» Despatoh to Sir G. Clerk. July 23. 1864 ; Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. ii. p. 7.
SIB BARTLE FBEBE 167
matters — we must stand clear. But I would send for your
Gk)vemment directors in the bank, and desire them to look very
carefully into what the bank is doing and to keep you informed.'
1
It was then found that there was gross mismanagement,
and the losses had been enormous. The Calcutta Govern-
ment complained on several occasions of the want of
detailed information of the affairs of the bank. Frere prac-
tically asked them to get it for themselves ; he relied upon
his own judgment, and defied the Supreme Government. It
was clearly his duty on the spot to see that a proper
investigation was made. Early in May 1865 a native
merchant failed, owing the bank 170,0002. A panic ensued,
and a run on the bank. Frere telegraphed to the Supreme
Government, and asked leave to advance, if necessary, 150
lacs. To this the Supreme Government assented, and the
run ceased. Surely this should have led to a proper investi-
gation, but nothing was done.
Just before Christmas of the same year Frere heard that
there was only six and a half lacs of silver coin in the bank,
and that it was for the third time in danger. He returned
to Bombay and summoned the Government directors. Surely
now the position should have been ascertained; but the
financial imprudence which always characterised his pro-
ceedings carried him to the excessive imprudence of allowing
the bank actually to declare a dividend of 8 per cent, in
January of the next year — that is, only a few days after this
crisis. On the Slst of March, 1866, the Government direc-
tors presented a report in reply to a letter from the Govern-
ment of India asking for information and for an examination
of the ofi&cers of the bank.
Again the report was far too sanguine, and the true
state of affairs was not discovered. A second committee failed
to discover the true state of affairs. Enormous advances
were now made to Premchund Eoychund. No proper
■ Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. 11. p. 19.
168 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
ingniry was made as to whether the advance would really
save him, and no agreement with the other banks who had
joined in securing the advance to him was signed. The
money was paid before the full amount of security which
had been agreed upon had been given. Can it be beheved
that this would be allowed to be the position for a single day?
It actually remained so for four months. When Prem-
chund Boychimd failed, the securities, such as they were,
were wholly insuflScient, and the irrecoverable balance due
from him was 247,000^.
This was not all. The secretary was allowed to advance
to the Asiatic Bank, without any adequate security, so large
a sum that, on its failing in September, 196,000Z. was due
from it to the Bank of Bombay, and in February 1867
there was another run, and then the latter was practically in
liquidation. Black ruin fell on the shareholders, and the
whole of Bombay was involved in disaster. Was ever a
more extraordinary story told of reckless confidence, want
of judgment and unwise defiance of sound and proper
instructions?
But the worst offender of all (says Lord Lawrence's biographer),
the Bombay Bank, still held its own, though with a loss of half ite
capital, still plunging itself and others, in spite of all that remon-
strances from the Governor-General and urgent requests both by
telegram and letter for information could do, more deeply into the
mire ; till at last it fell, deep alike in ruin and in guilt, the full
dimensions of which were only to be revealed by the Commission
of Enquiry which an outraged people demanded, and at length
succeeded in obtaining.^
We can hardly wonder that one of the Commissioners
speaks of 'the supineness and inaction of the Bombay
Government,' i.e. of Sir Bartle Frere, the real fact being
that Sir Bartle Frere had, in conmion with lesser mortals,
lost his head, his usual financial recklessness facilitating this
result.
* lAft of Lord Lawrence^ vol. ii. p. 866.
SIR BARTLE FREEE 169
We obtain some insight into Sir Bartle Frere's view of
his position as Governor of Bombay from his letter to Sir
John Kaye, in which he says that the Governor of Bombay
was intended to be 'a biennial or quinquennial Cesar/
He evidently attempted to practise what he preached,
and his relations with the Supreme Government were
based on this theory. A further instance in addition to
his other defiances of budget rules occurred when Dhuleep
Singh arrived at Bombay on his way back to England
after attending his mother's funeral, Sir Bartle Frere
coolly lent him 2,000i!. of Government money, though there
was no such provision made in the Government budget,
and though he might have consulted the Supreme Govern-
ment by telegraph. To justify this he wrote to the Governor-
General. He says to Lord Lawrence : —
I thought you would wish me to do this, if only to facilitate his
return to Europe, and to prevent the necessity for his borrowing
here in the bazaar ; so I have ordered 20,000 rupees to be advanced
to him. I do not want him if he goes to the Treasury on the
strength of my promise to find the door shut by a telegram from
Calcutta conveying an order from you.
To this Lord Lawrence replied : —
You will have received my telegram regarding the advance to
the Maharaja. As regards the other matters touched on in your
letters Trevelyan strongly objects, as indeed do the other members
of Council, to your using Government money in the manner you
describe, especially without authority first obtained.^
Listead of loyally abiding by this decision. Sir Bartle
Frere wrote a letter of great length, in which he claimed
that all that was necessary was the subsequent approval of
the imauthorised steps by the Calcutta Government. Lord
Lawrence very civilly answered, * that budget rules were
budget rules and must be adhered to.'
There were other instances of Frere's reckless defiance of
» Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. i. p. 433.
170 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
definite instractions even from the Home Government
itself, and as an instance we may mention a case in which
he called down upon himself the strongest censure of the
Secretary of State for India. The issue of Enfield rifles to
a Bombay Native Infantry Bifle Begiment had been made
by Sir Bartle Frere, and Sir Charles Wood says, under date
the 12th of September, 1864 :—
Whether, then, I look at the exercise of your own discretion or
the regard which you ought to pay to what may be wise elsewhere
in India and the possible opinions of the Government of India, or,
lastly, to the deference which you are bound to have for the orders
of the Home Government, I am sorry to say that you are equally
wrong, and when in one and the same case you sin in all these
three respects I cannot see any justification for you.^
This would appear strong enough, but even stronger
expressions of censure, though expressed in a kindly tone,
followed this letter.
Again, in the matter of the census of Bombay, the
Home Government telegraphed that they did not approve
and refused their assent to the Act ; yet Frere, in face of this,
determined to proceed, though as a volimtary matter and
not under the Act.^ This was of course a colourable evasion,
and again brought down the censure of the Secretary of
State for India.
His action in practically declaring war upon the Sultan
of Zanzibar without leave of the Government who sent him,
and thus forcing the hand of the Government, was in keeping
with all his other acts. Fortunately the Sultan yielded,
owing to the influence of Sir John Kirk. Sir Bartle Frere's
biographer says : * Frere's letter seems to have fallen like a
bombshell on the EngUsh Cabinet. It met to consider the
matter, and appeaxs to have scarcely Uked either what he
had done or what he proposed the Government should do.*'
* Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. i. p. 460.
« Ibid, vol. i. p. 460. » Ibid. vol. ii. p. 101.
SIB BABTLE FBEBE 171
His readiness to offer an opinion on subjects on which
he had not had the same experience or knowledge, or
responsibility as had others, was well exemplified in his
attack on the poUcy of the Ponjaub Government for ita
general frontier arrangements. Lord Lawrence says : ' I
do not know from whom Frere takes his information. I
know he has no personal knowledge of the country himself/
And the Secretary of State for India, Sir Charles Wood,
who had studied Frere's attack and the reply, says : ' Nothing
could be more precipitate or rash than Frere's tirade against
the Punjaub policy.*^ We think that Lord Blachford's
strictures on Sir Bartle Frere are justified by the history of
his action in India. He writes : —
I am angry with Frere, and have been (before this a&iry
since I read this memorandum which is at the root of the Afghan
war. It seemed to me then, on contrasting his paper with that
of Lord Lawrence, that he was one of those over-confident men
who make and ruin Joint Stock Companies in private life and
destroy princes and nations who trust them in public. . . .
I do not think Indian administrators understand the conditions
under which Colonial Government has to be carried on. And
I confess I think Frere takes his ignorance for superior know-
ledge, and does not hesitate to over-rule and force the hand of
his superiors.^
We shall find him ready to force the hand of his superiors
in the Transkei war and the Zulu war and in the disar-
mament of the natives of South Africa. Act first and report
afterwards was his policy, and he was ready to pursue
it in South Africa as in India.
We have drawn attention at such length to these faults
in the character of a very able man, for they were now to
have a wide field for their operations. They brought about a
series of wars and disasters involving the ruin of thousands
of natives and the death of many a brave man, while tho
' JW/b of Lord Laivrence, vol. ii. p. 300.
* Letter to Sir Henry Taylor, p. 894 of Letters of Lord Blackford.
172 LIFE AND TIMES OP BIE J. C. MOLTENO
hatreds then engendered have not yet subsided. ' As time
rolls on, when the desolation caused by war has been long
obliterated, the passions which a sense of wrong have
aroused do not cease to bum, but pass on from one genera-
tion to another.'
Mr. Molteno's character resembled that of Lord Law-
rence in many ways. He had the same strong sense of
duty, the same regard for the rights of all, whether it
were the individual rights of Europeans or natives or the
poUtical rights of the adjoining European or native States.
He realised the inunense importance and responsibility of
decisions which affect the happiness and welfare of whole
peoples. He had the strongest sense of justice, he despised
popularity ; he threw himself heart and soul into the work
for which he had abandoned all his private interests. His
attention to all the duties of his office was unremitting. His
knowledge of the coimtry over whose destiny he presided
was thorough and complete, gained by personal experience
extending over a period of nearly fifty years.
He had himself taken part in the native wars, and had
thus gained personal experience of native character as well as
of colonial susceptibilities, and ideas as to the conduct of
operations. He had personally met Ejreli in the famous in-
terview with that chief during Sir Andries Stockenstrom's
expedition against him. His sympathies were entirely with
the inhabitants of the Colony, whether of Dutch or English
extraction ; he had none of the foolish feelings which lead
to disparaging thoughts and remarks upon the habits and
views of the farming portion of the community. He
appreciated the sterling qualities of the Dutch and their
aptitude for self-government, their conservatism, their cau-
tion and their independence, while he was fuU of generosity,
of energy, and of progressive ideas, and devoted to the
practice of those principles of justice and right which have
been the foundation of England's Empire.
His political experience was co-extensive with the estab-
SIE BABTLE FRBRE 17»
lishment of representative institutions in South Africa.
From the very inception of the Cape Parliament he had
been one of its ablest and most active members, and had
taken a very prominent part in all its proceedings, introduc-
ing and supporting a large portion of the legislation which
had been carried out in that Parliament even before he
became Premier. Added to this was his further experience
of five years* administration as Premier — years of enormous
and unparalleled progress for the Cape Colony. His policy
and his measures had met with unqualified success, a success
admitted and acknowledged by Lord Carnarvon and Mr.
Froude, as well as by all who were acquainted with the
circumstances of the country.
Inter-Colonial and inter-States relations were facilitated
by his personal knowledge of the leading statesmen of
the neighbouring colonies and states, with whom his rela-
tions were intimate and cordial. Sir John Brand had been
a member of the Cape Parliament with him, and had
strenuously supported him in his efforts to perfect repre-
sentative institutions by the establishment of responsible
government, and these relations had remained on the best
footing since Sir John Brand had been President of the
Orange Free State.
A sound and well-balanced judgment, which carefully
weighed all the various considerations to be taken into
account, a thorough sense of the responsibility attaching
to all public acts, a knowledge more complete than any man
of the political history of South Africa for the last quarter
of a century, long administrative experience, together with
a very wide knowledge of men and insight into character,
rendered Mr. Molteno the fittest man for the position which
he held. These qualifications gave a weight and validity to
all his opinions on Cape questions far beyond that attach-
ing to any opinion rapidly formed on necessarily imperfect
acquaintance with the diflSculties in the way of government
174 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
in South Africa. Had Lord Carnarvon had the wisdom to
avail himself of Mr. Molteno's ripe experience, endless loss
of life and snffering would have been saved to the Empire
and its subjects.
He was now well aware of Mr. Molteno's views upon
the question of Confederation, views which were formed
after the most careful and painstaking thought and with
the ripeness of experience, and he was determined to
override his opposition by force. The lengths to which
he was prepared to go had been shown by the revolution
he had effected in Natal; by the Froude agitation and
his adoption and confirmation of it; and by his forcible
annexation of the Transvaal. Sir Bartle Frere was the man
to his hand. We have seen how he was put forward by his
admirers for work of any and every kind. So little apprecia-
tion did Lord Carnarvon have of the situation that he told
Sir Bartle Frere that two years was his estimate of the
time required not only to carry out but to consolidate Con-
federation.^
Sir Bartle Frere's reply to the invitation of Lord
Carnarvon is very characteristic. Without any special
knowledge of the subject, without asking for time to study
the policy which he was to force on South Africa, without
consideration, he says immediately : * There are few things
which I should personally like better than to be associated
in any way with such a great policy as yours in South
Africa, entering as I do into the imperial importance of your
masterly scheme.* It was nothing to him whether the
policy was for the real welfare of South Africa generally,
and of the Cape Colony in particular, which he was sent to
govern ; he did not trouble to inquire whether it was in
accord with the wishes of the people on the spot. As Mr.
Gladstone truly said of him, he had never 'been in a position
1 * I do not estimate the time required for the work of confederating and
consolidating the confederated States at more than two years.' Letter of Lord
Carnarvon to Sir B. Frere : Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. ii. p. 162.
SIE BAETLB FREEE 175
of responsibility, never imbibed, from actual acquaintance
with British institutions, the spirit by which English govern-
ment ought to be regulated and controlled . . . apt to take
into his own hands the choice of means in a manner those
who are conversant with free government and with a
responsible government never dream of.'
It was sufficient that Lord Carnarvon had asked him to
go, and had given him an opportunity of distinguishing
himself. Lord Camaxvon had settled his decree ; nothing
further was necessary than to carry it out. Here was an
instrument who would ask no questions, but would kiU,
slay, force, and disregard the wishes of whole peoples with-
out demur. How differently the duties of a Governor were
viewed by a man who had thoroughly imbibed the principles
and spirit of English institutions may be seen by contrast-
ing Sir George Grey's views on such a subject.
I considered (he once said to the writer) that I had duties to
discharge, not only to the Home Government who had sent me
out, but also to the Colony whose interests had been placed under
my charge ; and when I found that the varying and conflicting
orders of the successive Secretaries of State were such as to
endanger the safety and prosperity of the Colony, I felt it my duty
not to silently carry out those orders, but to point out this fact to
the Home Government, and suspend the operation of their orders
until my representations could be dealt with.
South Africa in previous years, as readers of these pages
will know, had had to pay severely for the education of men
ignorant of her history and the conditions of her government,
yet sent out to deal with her vital destinies ; but in no case
had she paid so dearly as she was to pay for the education of
this masterly mind. No good physician accepts any diagnosis
of a case in place of his own ; had Sir Bartle Frere acted
in an analogous manner towards South Africa, and investi-
gated the conditions on the spot, he would undoubtedly
have given different advice and action to what he did, and he
would have saved England and South Africa enormous loss
176 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
and suffering. But he had a policy 'dictated' to him, and he
wished to hear no objections to it.
Sir Bartle Frere was able in the case of India to see the
dangers involved in sending out a man of high ability to a
C50untry of which he knew nothing ; and he writes to Lord
Canning in regard to a Special Conmiissioner, who had
been sent out to put the Indian accounts in order : —
Whoever comes will feel he has, like a Roman consul, to make
his name famous in a single year, or at most two or three, and
will not be content honestly to carry out his predecessor's policy.
An active man, even of the first class, will probably be actively
mischievous, and a second or third class man, whether active or
passive, will be far worse than useless.^
His own career in South Africa is ample proof of the
truth and wisdom of these words. In sending out Sir
Bartle Frere to be supreme Dictator in South Africa, Lord
Carnarvon was making a return to the personal rule of
the Governor, which was supposed by those on the spot
to have been abandoned, as it constitutionally was, when
responsible government was introduced into South Airica.
Let us see what Sir Bartle Frere himself, after his bitter
and fatal experiences in South Airica, thought of the
wisdom of such a course.
Writing after his return from South Airica in 1881, he
says : —
After a long series of dislocating Kaffir wars, the English
Government resolved that the system of allowing colonial manage-
ment of colonial affairs to grow and develop, instead of being ruled
from England, should be practically tried. The plan has answered
fairly in other far-separated Colonies. It has been for eight years
only in operation at the Cape. I believe it has answered still better
there than in Canada or Australia, for reasons which space does
not now admit of my stating : but even if there are many disappoint-
ments, what are eight years for the growth of such an organism as a
nation ? Those who would withdraw from the Cape Colony the
gift of responsible government ask us to act like impatient children,
* Life of Sir BarUe Frere, vol. i. p. 327.
BIB BABTLE FBEBE 177
pulling up the seeds they have planted yesterday to see whether
or not they are growing in the right direction. . . .
When responsible government was given to the Cape Colony,
the question was : Has the Colony arrived at that stage of material,
social, and political development which renders the exertion of
the direct parental authority of the Mother Country inexpedient
or impossible? The English nation dehberately answered this
question in the afi&rmative.^
And he then goes on to say that it is impossible to retract
this gift of responsible government now.
Again, in his letter to Mr. Gladstone he says : * As regards
the Cape Colony itself, nothing more seemed to be needed
than to let the Colony, under its existing constitution, work
out its own political future.'" And, in regard to the native
question, which was now made the ostensible reason for
Sir Bartle Frere's mission of interference in South Africa,
we find him, after his experience had been matured, stating
in an address to the Colonial Institute in February 1881 : —
The other difiSculty which has been urged to that more com-
plete self-government to which union in South Africa is essential
is connected with the native question ; there is still inherent in
the British mind a belief that the South African Colonies cannot be
trusted with the exclusive management of their native afihirs
subject to no greater control from the Home Qovemment than is
afiforded by the power of veto to any legislative enactment which
is possessed by the Crown.
I have stated to very little purpose my opinions regarding the
present position of the native population in the Cape Colony, if it
is necessary for me here to repeat my conviction that our country-
men in South Africa are not]; only quite capable of dealing with
all native questions as wisely and firmly as we ourselves are in
1 * The Basutos and the Ck>n8titation of the Gape,' Ninet6mth Century,
January 1881. Compare with this the speech of Lord Kimberley at the Colonial
Institute, April 20, 1899. * Another measure which had far-reaching and
valuable results had been the granting of responsible government to the great
Colony of the Cape. ... He was content with the success which had attended
that legislation. Frere, the Governor . . . had told him on his return that
nothing had been more salutary and more successful than the establishment
of a free and responsible government in South Africa.'
> Letter to Mr. Gladstone, July 1881.
VOL. n. N
178 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
England, but that the best interests of the natives are quite ai»
safe in the hands of the Colonial Government, constituted as that
of the Cape is, as they would be if reserved for the exclusive
management of the Home Government. It may be difficult to
impress this conviction upon those who, for more than three
generations past, have been in the habit of hearing nothing but
evil of the colonists in their relations with the colonial natives,
and who consequently disregard at once as unworthy of attention
all opinions and statements of facts which come from colonists.
But I am convinced that a very few months of sojourn in
South Africa would conveii; any reasonable observer to the con-
viction at which I have myself long since arrived, that in South
Africa, and especially in the Legislature of the Cape of Good Hope,
there may be found men as thoroughly conscientious in their
dealings with the natives, as influential in their own Legislature,
as fully alive to the best interests of the natives, and as determined
to secure those interests as far as they can be secured by govern-
ment action, as any members of the Imperial Parliament, whilst
of course they possess an infinitely greater superiority in know-
ledge of the facts of the case, and of the real requirements
of all concerned. The popular English misgiving regarding the
treatment of natives by colonists or by a colonial Government is
justifiable only on the supposition that all our countrymen who
go to the other hemisphere leave behind them the conscientious
sense of moral obligation which guided them in this country. It
is surely unnecessary to come at such a supposition. And I will
therefore only conclude by once more expressing my deliberate con-
viction that the best interests of the natives in the Cape Colony are
quite as safe in the keeping of the Cape Parliament, as they could
be in that of the Parliament of the United Kingdom}
These opinions were formed by Sir Bartle Frere after
a mature knowledge of the circumstances of South Africa,
gained by painful experience there; but his views, before
he had this knowledge were taken from Lord Carnarvon,
and differed in toto from what we have just quoted. In 1881
Sir Bartle Frere condemned unreservedly the revolution in
the constitution of Natal : —
It is quite unnecessary to dwell on the advantages of a consti-
tution like that of the Cape. No one who has had opportunities
* Address to Colonial Institute, February 22, 1881.
SIB BABTLE FREBE 179
for comparing the working of the government at the Cape with
that of Natal can douht the deoided superiority of the former as
far as relates to local progress, and the development of all those
energies on which the welfare of the Colony must depend. Every
kind of public business, it seemed to me, was better discussed and
considered, and settled more in accordance with the interest and
wishes of those concerned in the Cape than in Natal. ^
Sir Bartle Frere, after three years* experience, is no
longer Sir Bartle Frere the minister of Lord Carnarvon,
He now agrees with the local statesmen as to the value, and
importance, and sufl&ciency of responsible government : —
Responsible government was established in the Cape in 1872. . . .
The question here naturally arises, How does the present constitu-
tion suit the peculiar circumstances of the Cape Colony ? I can only
speak from personal observation of the working of the constitution
during three or four years, and it has yet been in operation for
eight or nine years only. It may appear, therefore, somewhat prema-
ture to speak dogmatically on the subject; but I think that anyone
who has seen as much of the working of the Colonial Government
as I have during my term of office would agree with me that, like
most constitutions which have gradually grown, it is on the whole
well suited to the present wants of the people. It is as free and as
completely representative as any constitution which could be devised.
It recognises no distinction of race or creed in the qualifications
required for political or municipal franchise, and it contains within
itself the necessary machinery for well-considered amendment
or improvement.
I have personally known almost every member of both Houses
during two successive Parliaments, and I can safely say it would
be difficult to find in Europe a body of gentlemen better qualified,
by their intelligence and public spirit, to manage their own share
of the affairs of the vast region for which they legislate. There
was, when I first went to the Cape, a considerable body of
colonists who sincerely doubted whether it was possible to find
among those returned to the Legislature the number of men
qualified, and at liberty to undertake, the duties of responsible
Ministers. The results of two successive administrations have,
however, proved that there is little foundation for this appre-
hension; and I think I saw during my residence at the Cape
a very sensible diminution in the number of colonists who
' Address to Colonial Institute, February 22, 1881.
N 2
180 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO '^
doubted whether responsible goyemment m the form now known
at the Gape would be a snccess.^
Here is a convert to Mr. Molteno's views, that in any
future confederation the Colonial Parliament should be ex-
tended, and representation be offered to the neighbouring
states in that Parliament, and that the complicated
machinery which Lord Carnarvon desired to introduce
in his Permissive Bill was unnecessary and undesirable.
Sir Bartle Frere says in February 1881 : ' Let provision
be made for Natal being represented in the Colonial Par-
liament and Executive Government whenever any of the
class of questions I have indicated as affecting more than
one state comes up for discussion.' ' Lord Carnarvon's
policy was rejected by Sir Bartle Frere after he had had
sufficient time and opportunity for observing its suitability or
otherwise, yet on his first arrival he was its out-and-out
advocate.
In Sir Bartle Frere's reply to Lord Carnarvon's offer
of the governorship he refers to the latter's 'masterly
scheme ' ; but, as we know, the idea of Confederation was
in no sense Lord Carnarvon's. The only scheme which
could be called Lord Carnarvon's was the ill-advised and
ill-conceived plan of forcing his form of confederation by
means moral or immoral on the South African States ; this
rash and immature judgment on the masterly character
of Lord Carnarvon's scheme is on a par with other of his
judgments, equally incorrect, and formed on a similar want
of knowledge and sound discretion.
As we see from the above extracts Sir Bartle Frere
finally agreed with his predecessor, Sir Henry Barkly, with
Mr. Molteno, and the leading statesmen of the South African
constitutional party, that the unfettered development of
responsible government in South Africa was the true solu-
» Address to Colonial Institute, February 22, 1881. « Ibid.
SIB BABTLB FBEBE 181
tion of the South African question. And again in the same
address he said : —
The question of responsible government is a vital one as con-
neoted with any union of the South African Colonies. I do not
think it likely that a country in the position of the Orange Free
State would ever voluntarily confederate with a Crown Colony
unless with the assurance that responsible government would be
substituted for the autocracy of the Governor. I am very certain
that in the existing state of public feeling in the Cape, that Colony
would never voluntarily assent to a union with an autocratically
governed Crown Colony, or with a colony in which the repre-
sentative institutions were not practically equivalent to those of
the Cape. Whether, therefore, we look to the present efficiency of
Local Colonial Government or to any prospects of future union
between any two or more colonies, I regard the grant of respon-
sible institutions to Natal as the key of the whole position.'
What could be in greater contrast than this to the mea-
sure proposed in Lord Carnarvon's Permissive Bill, by which
a return was made to the Crown Colony form of government
for the whole of South Africa ? It is again the difference
between the man who knows and the man who does not
know.
Sir Bartle Frere's views of Colonial Government, when
he spoke without knowledge, are amply illustrated by his
suggestion for dealing with the difficulty in New Zealand.
The news of Te Koote's massacre of the whites at Poverty
Bay, towards the latter end of 1868, had seriously alarmed
and puzzled the English Ministry, as they feared that all the
loss and expense already suffered in New Zealand had been
useless. Great friction had resulted between the Imperial
and Colonial authorities in connection with the dual control
of the military operations and the native policy. Ministers
were at their wits' end. In this crisis Sir Bartle Frere strongly
pressed upon the Ministry the plan of appointing a Military
Dictator. He proposed that a large number of Indian Police
> Address to Colonial Institute, February 22, 1881.
182 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
sfaoold be shipped to New Zealand, that the constitution
should be temporarily suspended, and the ablest man obtain-
able placed in supreme power.
Sir Bartle Frere had at that time no experience of colo-
nial constitutions and their working, or the value attached
by the colonists to the rights and privileges of representative
institutions. His training in the arbitrary ways of Indian
bureaucracy, which wielded large forces at its pleasure, crush-
ing any unfortunate chief who showed a tendency to be
rather less subservient than his fellows by moving down upon
him the immense mobilised forces under its control, utterly
unfitted him to give advice or to take part in the Government
of a free community. Fortunately, before acting upon this
advice, the Ministers took the opinion of Sir George Grey
upon the scheme.
With his ample knowledge of the character and feelings of the
New Zealand colonists and their high spirit Sir George Grey saw at
once that such a proceeding would be fatal to the good feeling
existing between the Mother Country and the Colony ; and beyond
the immediate effect of such an unprecedented course in the Colony
more immediately affected, Sir G^rge Grey felt certain that this
arbitrary act would do more n one day to sever the colonies from
England than all the efforts of the economists could accomplish in
twenty years. He pointed out that the colonists of New Zealand were
a bold and resolute community ; they would resent such a sudden
and uncalled for interference. Willing as they were to pay taxes
levied, and engage in active service ordered by their own Parlia-
ment, they would object to both exacted by a military Dictator.^
These difficulties and dangers did not occur to Sir Bart
Frere, as they were not suggested by his experience and were
such objections as his Indian training hardly fitted him to
^ lAfe of Sir Oeorge Orey, vol. ii. p. 424. It is oorioos and interestiiig
to observe that the Transvaal was deprived of its Volksraad and governed
by a military Dictator, with results only too well known. Sir B. Frere, it is
hardly necessary to say, approved this. He says to Lord Carnarvon, * I think
Shepstone is quite right not to summon the Volksraad ' {Life of Sir Bartle Frere,
vol. ii. p. 184). He approves Lanyon's mode of exacting taxes, writing to Mr.
Herbert : * I will answer for Lanyon providing more than Sargeaunt estimates
for the receipts into the Treasury * {ibid. vol. ii. p. 308).
SIB BABTLE FBEBE 183
appreciate. We caoinot wonder at his subsequent arbitrary
acts in South Africa, when we remember that his first and
only previous relation with colonial matters was of such
ominous import for his future in that Colony.
We must draw attention to another point in Sir Bartle
Frere's reply to Lord Carnarvon on accepting the oflSce of
High Commissioner. Sir Garnet Wolseley had been reputed
to have succeeded by * a champagne and sherry pohcy,' when
Dictator at Natal. Sir Bartle Frere foresaw a large draft
upon his allowance in the carrying out of this change to Con-
federation, and in the pursuance of the policy of cajolery and
flattery which was so successfully adopted by him subse-
quently— a hint of which has been given in the appellation of
* the Land of Promise ' to Government House at Bombay.
It strikes me (he wrote), that at a transition period such as you
anticipate the unavoidable calls on the salary of the Governor
would be greatly increased beyond the ordinary amount.
It is significant that Sir Philip Wodehouse had reported to the
Home Government on a proposition of the Cape Parliament to
cut down the 1,000Z. paid to the Governor of the Cape as High
Commissioner that : ' If by the introduction of responsible
government his office be converted into a dignified sinecure in
a very fine climate, 5,000Z. would be sufficient.' ^ Eesponsible
government had been introduced ; but the Governor of the
Cape still drew 6,000Z. Lord Carnarvon now arranged that a
special allowance of 2,000Z. in addition should be assigned to
Sir Bartle Frere for two years in his capacity of High Com-
missioner of South Africa. There is no suggestion that he
was in any sense moved by sordid motives in referring to the
salary which he would receive ; but we protest most strongly
against the view that it should be possible by any increase of
the Governor's salary for personal purposes and for personal
entertainment of the colonists to deflect them from the path
of strict duty or from their true interests. Such a use of
money in a colony is utterly and entirely reprehensible.
> See despatch of the 11th of Ootober, 1865.
184 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXIII
8IB BARTLE PRERB'S ARRIVAL. ANNEXATION OP THE
TRANSVAAL. 1877
Lord GarnAnron makes Sir Bartle Frere Dictator of South Africa — He complains
of his limited powers as Constitational Oovemor— Disastroiis results of hia
Policy in Afghanistan — Australian Warning— Duty of Constitutional Oover-
nor— Ignorance of the English Press — The Ooyemor first meets the Cape
Cabinet— Presses his views of Confederation— Mr. Molteno rejects them —
The latter's views on Confederation - Their ultimate justification - The
Annexation of the Transvaal — Mr. Molteno not consulted— He refuses to
involve the Cape in the question— Lord Carnarvon's promises broken.
The condition of South Africa, thanks in large measure
to Lord Carnarvon's policy, was one containing the elements
of very serious mischief. The utmost prudence and caution
were necessary in dealing with the situation. Sir Bartle
Frere had shown at Zanzibar, when he declared war without
the consent of the Ministry, that he was ready to force his
superior's hand. In India the Governor-General was con-
stantly under the necessity of controlling his rashness and
putting a limit to his assxmiption. Lord Carnarvon now
did his best to give him absolute power. He had made Sir
Gurnet Wolseley Dictator of Natal. Sir Bartle Frere was
to be Dictator of South Africa right up to Zanzibar.
It has been determined to invest Sir Bartle Frere, who is about
to assume the government of the Cape, with special powers not
possessed by his predecessors in office ... he is to arrange a
union of Natal with the Cape. And be will also be appointed her
Majesty's High Commissioner for South Africa generally, instead
of being merely High Commissioner for the Territories adjacent ta
the Eastern Frontier.*
* See despatch of the 26th of January, 1877, Colonial Office to Treasury,
J. P., G — 2601, p. 8. These were secret instructions at the time, and were
SIB BABTLE FBEBE'S ABBIVAL 185
Before he left England to take up his new duties, Sir
Bartle Frere was entertained at a great banquet in London,
at which Lord Salisbury and many distinguished men were
present. It is curious to observe in connection with Sir
Bartle Frere how continually we are reminded of Eome. In
the speech made by Lord Carnarvon on this occasion he com-
pared Sir Bartle Frere's departure to that of a pro-consul
proceeding to take possession of his province ; but we are not
carried back to the best days of Bome, when its free institu-
tions were sound, but to the period when the task of govern-
ing the world was overtaxing the energies and the probity of
the Senate, and making a Caesar a fatal but inevitable neces-
sity. Sir Bartle Frere, as we have seen, compared himself
at Bombay to a ' Caesar.' At last his time had come ; he
was to be the Caesar of South Africa.
But Caesar owed his success to the conditions of Eome
at that time. The solution of Indian rule may be auto-
cracy. The solution of colonial self-government was further
self-government. 'The history of Caesar and of Eoman
ImperiaUsm, with all its unsurpassed greatness of the master
worker, with all the historical necessity of the work, is in
truth a sharper censure of modem autocracy than could be
written by the hand of man . . . Caesarism, where it appears
under other conditions of development, is at once a caricature
and a usurpation.' ' We shall see how true was this of
Sir Bartle Frere's Caesarism in South Africa.
only made public in 1880. They show that Lord Carnarvon considered it
unnecessary even to consult Natal as to its onion with the Cape, sach was the
use he meant to make of his power under the revolutionary constitution of
Natal. Had this intended disposal of Natal been made public it would have
raised a violent outcry in that Colony.
* Monmisen, Hiit of Borne, vol. v. p. 826. The context of this passage
is well worth quoting, for it admirably expresses one of the truths underlying
the spirit of colonial self-government. ' According to the same law of nature
in virtue of which the smallest organism infinitely surpasses the most artistic
machine, every constitution, however defective, which gives play to the free
self-determination of a majority of citizens infinitely surpasses the most bril-
liant and humane absolutism ; for the former is capable of development and
therefore living, the latter is what it is and therefore dead.'
186 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Yet his first appearance in public was as a hnmble
* GsBsar/ for has he not a master ? And he tells the audience :
' I hope to carry out those views of colonial policy which
will be dictated to me by Lord Carnarvon.' Lord Carnarvon
evidently felt that this was letting the public too freely into
his secrets, and in public he reminds Sir Bartle Frere that
he goes out, not as Governor of a Crown Colony, but as one
who will have to carry on the task of governing in conjunc-
tion with local advisers. In regard to the Permissive Bill,
Lord Carnarvon added that it was for the colonies and states
of South Africa to take it or to leave it as they pleased ;
but we know from his letter to Sir Bartle Frere that he in-
tended to force his policy by all the means in his power ;
and already the instructions were on their way to annex
the Transvaal, in return for its refusal to come into his
scheme.
We can feel no surprise, then, when we find that Sir
Bartle Frere's very first despatch after arriving at the Cape
complains that his power is too limited under responsible
government in the Cape Colony, and states that he would
bow to constitutional usage only so long as he considers
it conducive to his view of his duty to her Majesty's Grovem-
ment.^
In sending out Sir Bartle Frere to force his policy on
the Cape Colony, Lord Carnarvon was making a return to
the old colonial theory of Earl Grey that the Crown, in
addition to its proper place in the constitution of the
colonies, had a sort of paternal superintending function
as well. Against this assumption the colonists had pro-
tested, and the Mother Country had admitted the cor-
rectness of the protest. Lord Carnarvon no longer put it
forward openly, but this function was now to be exercised
by means of secret instructions to the Governor and by
the weight of Imperial influence and patronage dispensed
• I. P., C— 1980, p. 6.
BIB BABTLB FBEBE'S ABBIVAL 187
through his hands. While in public Lord Carnarvon
reminded Sir Bartle Frere that he must take the advice of
his constitutional advisers in South Africa, he told him
privately that he meant to ' press ' his poUcy by all means
in his power on South Airica.
To the policy of confederation Sir Bartle Frere loyally
adhered, but the means he adopted to further it were not
such as Lord Carnarvon could have contemplated, and in
the end they entirely defeated their object. Lord Carnarvon's
sole purpose had been to relieve the Lnperial Government of
serious habilities and of expenditure in South Africa, and
not to increase them. He was the Minister who opened a
debtor and creditor account with the Colony for troops, and
told the South Airican Conference that there were at present
more troops in South Africa than were really needed for
Imperial purposes. While he told the Cape that it must
prepare for the complete withdrawal of all the Imperial
forces, Lord Carnarvon was not the man to suggest or
desire a Zulu or Transkei war.
Sir Bartle Frere, in taking the steps which led up to
these wars, forced the hand of his superiors, and acted in
accordance with the principles and procUvities which char-
acterised him in India, and which prompted that advice
which was then being followed in Aighanistan, with results
which were equally disastrous. There is a striking parallel
between the action of the Home Government at this time
in its dealings with India and South Africa which clearly
illustrates the danger of setting aside principles which have
received the seal of wise theory tested by centuries
of practical experience. The consequences of ignoring
these principles brought disaster in countries widely sepa-
rated and under conditions which were otherwise totally
different.
* On the 22nd of January, 1875, without having previously
consulted the Government of India, Lord Salisbury sent out
188 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
the first of those disastrous despatches to Lord Northbrook
which made him begin to undo the work of thirty years,
and in the direction recommended by Sir Bartle Frere.' '
Lord Northbrook, supported by the whole weight of his
Council, stoutly resisted Lord SaUsbury's proposals for a
whole year.* On the 4th of May, 1875, Lord Carnarvon
sent out his proposal for confederation to the Cape, toithout
having previously consulted the High Commissioner and the
authorities at the Cape. The High Commissioner and his
advisers also resisted Lord Carnarvon's rash proposal.
In the case of India, Lord Salisbury relied on the advice
of Sir Bartle Frere, who was not clothed with responsibility
in the matter. In the case of South Africa, Lord Carnarvon
relied on Mr. Froude, who spoke vdth no official knowledge
and without the weight of official responsibility. The
parallel is very close, but it proceeds. Lord Northbrook
resigned, and it was only by putting a new man in his place
who had no previous experience of India that Lord Salisbury
succeeded in forcing his policy on the Indian Government.
In South Africa the local authorities resisted, and the High
Conmiissioner, notwithstanding the censures of Lord Car-
narvon, refused to depart from his position as a Constitu-
tional Governor and force Lord Carnarvon's policy. It was
only when a new man with no previous knowledge of South
Africa, and of the proper t5rpe, was put there that Lord
Carnarvon could prevail in forcing his policy.
We may remark in passing on the strange spectacle
afforded by the fact that England was putting its fortunes in
two continents on one horse, and that the wrong one. So
far as India was concerned. Lord Salisbury was following
out Sir Bartle Frere's policy absolutely. In so far as another
continent. South Africa, is concerned. Sir Bartle Frere was
sent out to deal with its destinies. In both cases the result to
» Life of Lord Latorence, p. 479, vol. ii.
' Lord Roberts, Forty-one Years m India, p. 829. New ed.
SIB BABTLE FBEBE'S ABBIVAL 189
England was enormous disaster, and disaster shared in
by the portion of the Empire specially affected as well as
by England herself.
It was improper and wrong to force the Afghan policy
on the Indian Government. The history of all Empires
which have been called on to govern distant dependencies
points to the impossibility of directly interfering with
advantage in the local government of those dependent
cies. Even the despotic Empires of Eome and of Spain
recognised the impossibility of directly governing their
dependencies from home, and the most complete power
was entrusted to the local Government, directed though it
was by the ofiScers of the supreme power. If it were
improper to force a policy on the Indian Government, it
was still more improper and wrong to force the Confedera-
tion policy on the Cape Colony, possessing, as it did,
responsible government.
As we have already shown, Lord Carnarvon had received
many warnings of the danger of the course on which
he was bent, and yet another came to him from a colonial
source. We have already quoted the vigorous protest of
the Canadian and Australian colonies against the attempted
interference of the Home Government in their local affairs.
One of their statesmen had given some attention to the
question of Confederation generally, and about this time
addressed the Colonial Institute on the subject. The Hon.
W. Forster, after referring to the abandonment of the Free
States and the emigrant farmers in South Africa, said : —
These are the penalties of disintegration, the consequences of a
fatuous policy, the judgment that waits upon misgovemment. And
to remedy these evils, to escape these penalties, we are called upon
by the Government and urged by newspapers to establish by
Imperial authority a system of Federation at the Cape. I have
been somewhat surprised to learn — and I think it must surprise
most people who take an interest in colonial affairs, and who have
become acquainted with the result of Mr. Froude's late mission to
190 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
South Af rioa and the local feelings it awakened — that the Imperial
Government will persist, after all that has happened, in what may
be termed their Federal policy for the colonies, and that a BiU
b to be introduced next session into the Imperial Parliament for the
express purpose of inaugurating or establishing a Federal system
at the Cape. I am aware, as of course my hearers generally are
aware, that it is quite possible that Colonial Federation may be
advocated or defended upon other grounds than as a means of
warding off or carrying on successfully a frontier war with
neighbouring savages. And there can be no doubt that in their
endeavours to establish a Federal system of Grovemment at the
Gape the British Government must have other objects in view
thim the benefit and the interest of the Dutch settlers, or to
recover those insignificant states to the Imperial dominion.
But, I ask, is this not another instance of fallacy connected
with the question of Colonial Federation to suppose or take it for
granted that such a system can be successfully introduced into
any community, and much less into a British Colony, by the
mechanical agency of remote, and what for practical purposes is
in fact alien, legislation, and in direct opposition to or without the
concurrence of local feelings, sympathies, and opinions ? How
often have we been told that constitutions must grow, and that
they cannot be made, much less extemporised to suit some
apparent crisis or emergency ; that they must, on the contrary, to
be of any value — to be effective as instruments or agencies of
natural progress and prosperity — spring naturally out of the cir-
cumstances, and adapt themselves to the character and disposition
of a people. And why is an exception to be made in the case of
Federal constitutions, which cannot but involve an extreme, if not
a violent, revolution for the commxmities they concern ?
These views are extremely interesting as showing that
the Australian views coincided with the Cape view of the
question. The warning fell on deaf ears — none so deaf as
those that do not want to hear. As we have already said,
Sir Bartle Frere in his first despatch from South Africa,
which had naturally to do with the policy he was sent out
to carry through, complained of his limited power as a
Constitutional Governor. Writing to Lord Carnarvon, he
says : —
I pointed out to Mr. Molteno the very obvious fact that this
very limited view of the Governor's functions must of necessity
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S ARRIVAL 191
either restrict within the narrowest limits the Governor's powers
of usefolly assisting the Ministers in the consideration of com-
plicated questions like that before us, or risk the creation of
division in the Cabinet owing to the different effect produced on
different members of the Cabinet by the same argument separately
presented to them in their separate interviews with the Governor.^
But I let him at the same time clearly understand that as long as
my duty to her Majesty's Government permitted I should care-
fully avoid making any change in the existing practice as long as
that practice was satisfactory to him and his colleagues. As
far as I can judge from our first meeting of the Executive
Council, which has been held since this conversation, my remarks
were not without effect, for there seemed to be an evident inclin-
ation on the part of Mr. Molteno and his colleagues to enter
more into discussion and explanation on the papers before the
Council than from his previous description of past practice I
should have expected. I am bound to add that nothing could
exceed the courtesy and cordiality of Mr. Molteno and every
member of his Ministry on this and every other occasion since my
arrival.*
What are the functions of a Constitutional Governor?
The * Times ' will not be suspected of placing his prerogative
too low, or giving undue prominence to local pretensions,
and yet writing upon the occasion of Lord Loch's return
from South Africa, it says : —
The first duty of a Constitutional Governor is to accept in all
loyalty the principle of the responsibihty of the Ministers, and to
act generally under their advice. There are, doubtless, many
occasions upon which, in the exercise of a wise discretion, the
opinion of the Governor unofficially expressed may determine the
advice tendered to him officially by his Cabinet. But it is not his
business to supply to the Colony over which he rules the energy,
> Sir Bartle Frere had no knowledge of Constitntional Government. He
desired to deny the right of Ministers to deliberate in private. A most
elementary knowledge of Constitutional Government would have told him he
had no right to ask this (see Todd, Parliamentary Ocvemment in the Colonies,
pp. 11 and 47) ; while further he had no right whatever to discuss or attempt
to influence Cabinet Ministers apart from their head the Premier. (See Todd,
Parliamentary Oovemment in England, 2nd edit. vol. ii. p. 10 ; also pp. 12,
13, 14.)
« I. P., C-1980,p.6.
192 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
tiie initiative, or the high ambition by foroe of which great reforms
Mid far-reaohing schemes are conceived and carried out. These
qualities, if they exist at all, must spring from the people of the
Colony. They are proper to the political leader. The function
of the Constitutional Governor is not to lead, but to preside. The
tact, the patience, and the good manners of the man of the world,
the instinctive toleration which accompanies an extended expe-
rience of men and things, an equitable readiness to hear both sides
of the questions that present themselves, are among the Ughter
qualities with which he should be equipped ; nor are these suffi-
cient without some touch of the genuine kindliness which feels
pleasure in exercising that power of helpfulness which is always
incidental to high station. Btrictiy as the (rovemors of the great
self-governing Colonies are limited in the exercise of the constitu-
tional authority delegated to them by the Sovereign, the position
which they occupy is still one that offers many opportunities
for success or failure. The gifts of the successful Governor
are not always those which are held to command success in other
positions. Brilliant attainments, decided views, strong political
convictions, have been shown by experience to be frequentiy out
of place.^
If this is a correct view, and we believe it to be so,
then Sir Bartle Frere was very far from being a Constitu-
tional Governor. It is true that at the period of which
we write the ' Times ' had not attained to the clearer and
sound views of the Governor as representing the Crown
in a Constitutional Colony. It was at this time officially
inspired, and in its support of the Ministry and Lord
Carnarvon it cared little to form any independent opinion
on the question. Its leading article on the appointment
of Sir Bartle Frere contained, among other comments,
the following : —
In the eyes of the colonial public Sir Henry Barkly was iden-
tified with a particular set of views which happened to be those of
a powerful party in the Colony, and to be directly in conflict with
those of the Colonial Office. It is, therefore, reasonable enough
that Lord Carnarvon should wish to have his policy represented
at the Cape by someone more sympathetic towards him, and, with-
* Times, April 16, 1895.
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S ARRIVAL 193
out any disparagement of Sir Henry fiarkly's services or abilities,
we may afSirm that the work which has now to be done in South
Africa will be better done by Sir Bartle Frere. ... It is to be
hoped that Lord Carnarvon's Permissive Bill will be accepted
promptly and loyally by the British colonists in South Africa.
Here is Mr. Fronde's old error of dividing the colonists
into loyal or disloyal, according to the views they took of
complicated questions deeply concerning themselves, and
on which they had every right to form their own opinion.
Is this noble word * loyalty ' to bear a corrupted meaning,
and signify nothing more than the unreasoning acquies-
cence ynth which a child is coaxed to swallow a dose of
disagreeable medicine ? Is it desirable to see this kind of
loyalty develop among the communities who are striving to
extend the interests as well as the institutions of the British
Empire ?
Could English colonists worthily carry out this high
mission if they were ready to receive like wax the im-
pression of every hand in which the shifting politics of Eng-
land may place for a time the reins of the Colonial Office ?
Their loyalty is not to men, however eminent, nor to the
Cabinet of the day, but to those principles which have made
Great Britain the freest and best-governed country in the
world, and which it is the hope of colonists will make
Greater Britain worthy of its prototype. The condition and
consequences of any measure must be thoroughly weighed
and considered before it can be properly applied, and only
if it be found suitable in the opinion of those who are to be
responsible for its future working should it be accepted.
Sir Bartle Frere, with his masterful spirit, backed by
the unlimited confidence of Lord Carnarvon, and with no
previous experience of the principles or practice of Consti-
tutional Government, was naturally chagrined to find himself
informed by Mr. Molteno that the Premier was responsible for
the policy of the Cape Government, and not the Governor, and
moreover, that the Premier and Ministry did not accept Lord
VOL. II. 0
194 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Carnarvon's Permissive Bill so far as the Cape was concerned.
This intimation was conveyed to Sir Bartle Frere most politely,
as we see from the above-quoted extract of his despatch ; but
he acquiesces in this view only so long * as my duty to her
Majesty's Government permitted.' This was not the last
occasion on which Mr. Molteno found it necessary to remind
Sir Bartle Frere that his was the responsibility for the Govern-
ment decision.
Sir Bartle Frere was constantly endeavouring to impress
his views, and finally, as we shall see, he deliberately fol-
lowed his own course in opposition to that submitted by
his constitutional advisers. During the Langalibalele episode
Mr. Molteno had thought it his duty to protest that the
position of the Premier was one of separate responsibility
from that of the Governor, and Sir Henry Barkly had ad-
mitted the validity of his protest. Mr. Molteno was not to be
moved by the influence of any great name or any pressure
from the course he believed to be marked out by his duty
to the Colony as Premier under responsible government.
At the request of Sir Henry Barkly the remarks of the
Ministry upon Lord Carnarvon's Permissive Bill had been
delayed until Sir Bartle Frere could arrive. The latter
tells Lord Carnarvon in his despatch above quoted that
he had attempted to induce Mr. Molteno and his colleagues
to express views more in accord with the policy of her
Majesty's Government, but without inmiediate result ; and
he then describes the views of the Ministry : —
The favourite idea in this part of the Colony is naturally what
they call ' unification.' The Parliament of the Gape Colony being
in existence and in practical working order, having, as the advo-
cates of unification assert, gained the confidence of the country as
a useful representative body, and being understood and appreciated
not only by the colonists, but by their neighbours, it is argued
that it will be the more generally acceptable and easiest plan to
advance it to the dignity of the Union Parliament — to add to it
a fair proportion of representatives for each province which may
be willing to join the union, increasing the powers of the divisional
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S ARRIVAL 195
oouncils as might be found necessary to meet the reasonable wants
of the more remote provinces in matters of local regulation and
administration.
It is argued that this plan will avoid the obvious difficulty of
finding competent men willing to give their services to the public,
not only for the purposes of general legislation, but for the pro-
vincial legislature ; and the equally obvious risk that with two
kinds of legislature — the one provincial, and the other general —
for the union, that there will be constant collision in legislation
owing to the practical difficulty of distinguishing the precise class
to which measures of any complexity belong.
Mr. Molteno informed me that the Bill for the annexation of
Oriqualand West, which is the subject of my despatch of this date
to your Lordship, might be taken as an example of the mode to
which he and his colleagues would propose to proceed.'
Mr. Molteno's minute of the 16th of March, 1877, to which
the Governor referred, after * accepting, as a conclusion from
which few will be found to dissent, that such a union is
eminently desirable,' and pointing out the unsuitability of
the provisions of the Bill to the conditions of South Africa,
concludes as follows : —
The effect of the measure as submitted for their consideration
in its present form will be, as Ministers conceive, to abrogate, on
the union of any state or colony with the Colony of the Cape of
Good Hope, the constitution which her Majesty has been gra-
ciously pleased to bestow on this Colony, and to substitute for that
constitution a legislature elected under the provisions of the BilL
If this were absolutely necessary, however much Ministers would
deplore it, they would feel inclined to yield ; but, seeing that this
Colony is from its size, the number of its population, and its
resources by far the most important of the South African communi-
ties, and to a great extent may be considered as the parent of those
communities, such a measure seems unnecessarily sweeping, and
Ministers do not consider it would be either necessary or desirable.
They would, on the contrary, submit for the consideration of
the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies that in
their opinion the end and object aimed at by her Majesty's
Government, and in which Ministers concur, might be attained in
' J. P., C— -1980, p. 7. This view was eventually adopted by Sir Bartle
Frere, as we have already seen in his address to the Boyal Colonial Institute
(supra, vol. ii. p. 180).
o2
196 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
a more simple, and, they venture to think, in a more effectual
manner by preserving the Parliament of the Gape of Good Hope,
and providing for the representation therein by the State or Colony
willing to join in the union of members elected by such state or
colony ; and the said Parliament might after such union be called
the Union Parliament, the number of members to be returned by
such state or colony, and the terms upon which the local govern-
ment of such state or colony and the larger colony would be carried
on respectively, to be settled by mutual agreement, and to be ratified
by Proclamation or Order in Council, as provided in Clause 3 of
the Permissive Bill.
Subject to this general provision, they would propose that the
whole arrangement of details should be left for settlement by the
parties to the proposed union rather than that they should be
fixed by the proposed Bill, the provisions of which in this respect,
by provoking discussion and criticism, are likely to detract from its
utility as a purely Permissive Bill.^
We have already drawn attention to the fact that this
wise course would not suit Lord Carnarvon's purposes.
It would afford him no opportunity of revolutionising the
constitution of the Cape Colony with a view to obtaining the
control of the legislation in regard to natives, or to in-
creasing the power of the Crown in that constitution, as
provided in his Bill. Though combating Mr. Molteno's
views at the time. Sir Bartle Frere, after his three years'
experience of South Africa, ultimately gave his adhesion to
them. It is, therefore, hardly necessary to dwell on their
soundness, as all who have studied the question with
adequate knowledge, including Sir Bartle Frere after his
education had been perfected on the subject in South Africa,
admitted their wisdom and validity.
Notwithstanding all the efforts of Sir Bartle Frere and
Lord Carnarvon, the only consolidation which has since
taken place in South Africa has been in the manner indicated
by Mr. Molteno. British Bechuanaland has been success-
fully incorporated with the Cape Colony, and sends its mem-
bers to the Cape Parliament, while the Transkei has in a
» I. P., C-1980, p. 9.
SIR BAETLE FRBRE'S AKBIVAL 197
similar manner been annexed to the Cape Colony, and is being
endowed with representation in the Cape Parliament as its
inhabitants become sufficiently advanced to permit of this.
Thus has subsequent history in the Cape Colony justified
the wisdom of Mr. Molteno*s advice to Lord Carnarvon.
The process began with the incorporation of British Kaf-
fraria in 1865, and all unifications since then have conformed
to the rule of annexation as opposed to Federation.
What, then, was Sir Bartle Frere's position ? Lord Car-
narvon had told him that he hoped to confederate South
Africa in two years. The revolutionary constitution of
Natal was to last only for five years, and three of these
had nearly run. On his arrival Sir Bartle Frere found
Mr. Molteno in power, strongly supported by the Cape
Parliament. As he tells Lord Carnarvon, no one at the
Cape seems to regard federation as a practical question,
yet he hopes the annexation of the Transvaal and the enact-
ment of the Permissive Bill wiU 'force' their attention
to it.'
Lord Carnarvon had doubtless told Sir Bartle Frere of
his overtures to Mr. Paterson, but no steps could be taken
against Mr. Molteno in the present session, for he was carry-
ing out the agreement arrived at with Lord Carnarvon to
annex Griqualand West to the Cape Colony. No man
newly arrived from Europe could be in a position to urge
any new argument or place a fresh light on confederation,
which had been before South Africa for several years. Sir
Bartle Frere had tried to get Mr. Molteno to modify his views
on Confederation, as we have already seen when he dealt
with the reply of the Ministry to Lord Carnarvon's despatch.
Besort was now to be had to threats.
Lord Carnarvon had given up the farce of urging that
South Africa was yearning for his confederation, for he told
» See vol. ii. p. 190 of The Life of Sir Bartle Frere. The Permissive BiU
was at that moment passing throogh the Imperial Parliament.
196 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
the House of Lords in his speech upon the Permissive Bill
at this time ' that ' her Majesty's Govermnent thought a
measure of confederation ought not to be longer delayed,*
and that while in the case of Canada
almost every point of difficulty or controversy had been brought
into the way of settlement by previous explanation and preliminary
discussion — the same could not be said of this BilL ... as her
Majesty's Government had been compelled to pursue a different
course from that which was adopted in the case of the Canadian
Act. . . . But if I am asked why the Government has not
delayed this Bill for some clear and unmistakable indication of
the exact feeling of the various states and colonies such as would
enable us to bring in a Bill framed on the precedent of that for the
Dominion of Canada, my answer is that we feel that a positive
duty is imposed on us of at once placing within the reach of the
South African communities a power to unite under the protection
of the British Crown.
It was here confessed that the imperial officials in Europe
desired to bring about this result. It was not the imperial
officials on the spot who desired, or thought desirable, to
bring about this confederation. Just as at this time the same
Ministry was forcing its fatal Afghan policy on the unwill-
ing Government of India, so was it forcing its Federation
poUcy on an unwilling South African Government.
Sir Bartle Frere arrived at Cape Town on the 4th of
April. No time was lost in pressing the policy dictated to
him. Less than fourteen days after his arrival he had
indited to Lord Carnarvon a despatch describing his argu-
ment with Mr. Molteno, complaining of his limited power,
and admitting that he appeared to have made no impression
upon Mr. Molteno's views. Sir Bartle Frere enclosed with
his despatch a copy of the notes he used as arguments with
Mr. Molteno, and on perusal we cannot wonder that they
did not affect Mr. Molteno's opinion.^
The Colonial Parliament was to meet very soon after
» Speech of April 23, 1877. « See I. P., C— 1980, p. 9.
SIB BABTLB FRBEE'S ARBIVAL 199
Sir Bartle Frere's arrival. News of the annexation of the
Transvaal was received shortly after the 12th of April, the date
of the annexation.' Mr. Molteno had been in no way consulted.
Indeed, Sir Theophilus Shepstone had taken his orders direct
from Lord Carnarvon, and though his commission instructed
him to consult the then High Conmiissioner (Sir H. Barkly),
if possible before taking the step of annexation, he had
ignored this clause, and had not disclosed it to the Transvaal
officials when he was asked for his powers.
Mr. Molteno was utterly and entirely opposed to the
annexation and to Lord Carnarvon's policy, which he had
consistently resisted. Lord Carnarvon had done his best to
get rid of him by intrigue and by public censure, and by
suggestion to the Cape Parliament to turn him out of office.
He would not therefore take him into his confidence or
expect any aid for his policy from him. He had not suc-
ceeded yet in getting rid of him, but his fate was trembling
in the balance, for Sir Bartle Frere was armed with a com-
mission which empowered him to dismiss or disregard the
advice of his Ministers, and it was not long before this power
was exercised.
At first, however, as Mr. Froude had done, so did Sir
Bartle Frere endeavour to gain his purpose by the suaviter
in modo. Mr. Molteno was informed of the high opinions
of him held in England by the Colonial Office and her
Majesty herself, as Mr. Froude had before stated. He
was not to be moved in this way any more than by the
threats which followed, and the Transvaal annexation soon
gave rise to a difference between the two. Sir Bartle Frere
desired to drag Mr. Molteno and the Cape Government into
the Transvaal question. He offered to show him Sir
* As the question of the rapidity of communication between the Transvaal
and Cape Town has been raised, we may note that on April 17th Sir B. Frere
was aware that the annexation had taken place on the 12th, as on the former
date he telegraphed to Lord Carnarvon to that effect.— See I. P., C— 1776«
p. 102.
900 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Theophilus Shepstone's letters, explaining his reasons for
the annexation, but Mr. Molteno said that the Cape had
nothing to do with the question. He desired, as in the case
of the dispute with the Orange Free State, to keep the Cape
entirely free from any entanglement of this character, on
which it had not been consulted and for which it was not in
any sense responsible. He was not misled by the stories of
the danger of annihilation of the Transvaal by the natives.^
Sir Bartle Frere desired inmiediately, and without waiting
for confirmation of the annexation by the Imperial Govern-
ment, to publish Sir Theophilus Shepstone's annexation
despatch, and he asked Mr. Molteno whether he should do
so as Governor or as High Commissioner.
It has been contended that Sir Bartle Frere was not a
consenting party to the annexation of the Transvaal. It is,
however, clear from this action and from that which he
desired to take on the assembling of Parliament, that he
was fully in accord with the policy of the annexation of the
Transvaal. Mr. Molteno thereupon wrote to Sir Bartle
Frere under date the 3rd of May, 1877 :—
In reply to your note of yesterday on the subject of republish-
ing the proclamation which Sir Theophilus Shepstone has issued,
it is the opinion of Ministers that should your Excellency consider
it advisable to take such action you should do so as High Com-
missioner.
With this note he inclosed the following letter from
Mr. Stockenstrom, who had recently succeeded Mr. Jacobs
as Attorney-General : —
It seems to me that his Excellency is going somewhat out of
his way to give his formal sanction to Shepstone's proceedings. I
> The idea that the Transvaal was in danger of being annihilated by the
Zola power was quite absard U> those acquainted with the facts. A few farmers
on the extreme Zulu frontier might be in danger of a sadden attack, but no
native tribe could successfully attack the assembled Transvaal burghers, who
would have certainly received, in case of any reverse, the aid of their brethren
in the Free State.
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S ARRIVAL 201
should have thought that until her Majesty's pleasure is known,
what has been done is quite sufficients—at all events that it would
have been better simply to have published the documents for
general information. It will not perhaps do for us to interfere,
but you will see in my letter I have given a gentle hint.
Mr. Molteno thus maintained the same attitude which
he had consistently taken up for the Cape Colony since the
receipt of the first Conference despatch from Lord Carnarvon.
He refused to make the Cape a consenting party in any way
to the proceedings of the Imperial Government and its
oflScials. Sir Bartle Frere desired to lay Sir T. Shepstone's
despatch before the Cape Parliament and to refer with
approval to the annexation in the speech on the opening of
ParUament, but Mr. Molteno would not agree to it.* On
the contrary he desired to state that between the Colony and
the Transvaal there had always been a most * friendly under-
standing.' This difficulty was arranged by the insertion of
an entirely neutral paragraph in the speech which ran as
follows : —
Recent events which have taken place in the Transvaal will, it
is hoped, promote the peace, prosperity, and good government of
that territory, and the contentment of its people, between whom
and the people of this Colony so many ties exist.
In regard to Confederation, Sir Bartle Frere desired
Mr. Molteno to make a distinct announcement that if the
* Sir Bartle wished to refer to the annexation in the following terms : — ' I
have caused to be laid before yon the documents published by her Majesty's
Commissioner specially charged with a mission to the Qovemment of the
territory beyond the Yaal River. Those documents fully explain the grounds
on which her Majesty's Special Commissioner has acted in declaring that
territory, heretofore known as the South African Bepublic, to be British terri-
tory, and in taking charge of its administration in her Majesty's name until
her Majesty's pleasure shall be more fully known.
* Bearing in mind the intentions of her Majesty's Oovemment, as repeated
and very fully expressed with regard to the future government of her Majesty's
dominions in South Africa, I cannot doubt that the results of the steps taken
by her Majesty's Special Conunissioner will be found to promote, <fec., Ac' This
was enclosed in a letter dated 19th May, 1877, arguing at considerable length
against Mr. Molteno's draft, stating * that a most friendly understanding ' had
always existed between the Cape and the Transvaal.
902 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Permissive Bill now before the Imperial Parliament became
law, it would be considered by the Cape Government with
a view to its possible application to a union of the Colony
with one or more of its neighbours. This Mr. Molteno
refused to assent to, and the official minute of the Ministry
stated that they would wait until a reply had been received
from Lord Carnarvon to their remarks on the Permissive
Bill. The same course was adhered to in the ensuing
session of Parliament, and we may note that it has Lord
Carnarvon's express approval.^
On the 29th of May came the reply of the Orange Free
State to Lord Carnarvon's invitation to join in a South
African union under his Bill. It was to the effect that, while
fully assured of Lord Carnarvon's good intention, it would
not be able to join the union and so sacrifice its indepen-
dence.^ The matter did not look promising for the early
reaUsation of the hopes of Lord Carnarvon and Sir Bartle
Frere. The former continually talked of the paramount
necessity of immediate confederation for securing the safety
of South Africa, but this was his own uninformed opinion.
Sir Henry Barkly, the High Commissioner, did not hold this
opinion, nor did any of the authorities on the spot.
In pursuance of this policy he had made the cry of danger
to British South Africa the cloak for an unwarrantable aggres-
sion on the Transvaal. When he first invited its President
to a Conference, he expressly announced that he had no
designs on its independence — its choice was to be free and
unconstrained. Mr. Froude, his chosen emissary to South
Africa, whose action he explicitly adopted and approved,
had told the Transvaal public —
That you rightly perceive that in proposing a ConfereDce
between delegates of the several states of South Africa his Lord-
ship is not encroaching on your independence, which he trusts you
1 See despatch of the 16th of August, I. P., 0—1980 of 1878, p. 23.
• J. P., C— 1980, p. 17.
SIB BARTLE FBEBE'S ABBIVAL 203
will maintain and defend so long as you conceive that your posi-
tion as an independent community is of moral and material
advantage to you.^
At the famous banquet at Cape Town, where he explained
Lord Carnarvon's plans, he said : —
So long as the people of the Free States desire to retain their
freedom the Enghsh statesman is not bom who will ever ask them
to surrender it, or endeavour to entice them back under the British
flag unless they are willing to come back, and also that they con-
sider it would be for their own benefit.
Lord Carnarvon was now to be renoinded of these state-
ments of Mr. Froude by the Dutch portion of the com-
munity, who had in consequence given him their support
in his confederation policy.^ The Transvaal President had
been received on his recent visit to England in a most
flattering manner by Lord Carnarvon and by royalty, and
thus any complaints or any stigma in regard to alleged slave
raiding operations had been condoned. Yet when the
Transvaal presumed to refuse to come into the Conference,
Lord Carnarvon makes it the first object of the policy of
force, which, as he confided to Sir Bartle Frere, he meant to
use in South Africa.
* Extract from a publio letter of Mr. Froude dated the 28th of September,
1875 f to Mr. Hutherford, who had addressed to him the resolutions of a meet-
ing in favour of the Conference held at Potchefstroom, in the Transvaal.
' See a petition signed by 5,000 persons in the Gape Colony against the
annexation of the Transvaal : J. P., C— 1883, p. 28 :—
Extract from Petition against Annexation of Transvaal.
(3) That at a moment when the annexation of the Diamond Fields had led
to new disputes between your Majesty's (Government and the Republics, and
discontent reigned worse than ever, certain measures on the part of your
Majesty's present Secretary for the Colonies, as explained to the Colonists by
Mr. Froude, induced a large majority of the old Colonists to believe that a
policy of conciliation towards themselves and the Republics was being inaugu-
rated which would put for ever a period to the existing feeling of discontent.
(4) That accordingly, notwithstanding the attempts of some parties in the
Colony to inspire the old colonists with distrust of Lord Carnarvon's inten-
tions, the majority of your Majesty's petitioners have cordially supported his
Lordship's Conference plan, and that the organs of the Press by which the old
colonists are more specially represented, have likewise strongly supported the
Permissive Confederation Bill, by which it is contemplated to unite the several
colonies and states of South Africa into one dominion.
204 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
On the 22nd of September, 1876, before the Conference
was held to which the Transvaal had been with the other
States invited, Lord Carnarvon wrote to Sir Henry Barkly
that * there can be no doubt that the safety and prosperity
of the Bepublic would be best assured by its union with the
British Colonies * : —
Should the people of the Transvaal Bepublic consider it advi-
sable under all the circumstances to invite her Majesty's
Gtovemment to undertake the government of their territory on
terms consistent with the now well-known policy of her Majesty's
Government, I am of opinion that the request could not properly
or prudently be declined.^
And finally the cloven hoof appears clearly. * It is obvious
that my inclinations in favour of continuing to co-operate
foith the Transvaal as a separate State may have to be
modified,' Lord Carnarvon announced at the same time
that Sir Theophilus Shepstone was to proceed to South
Africa at once to deal with this matter.^
We may further refer to Lord Carnarvon's request to
Mr. Molteno while in England in 1876 to give his opinion
as to the mode of government of the Transvaal if it should
be annexed. Everything goes to prove that he determined
to seize the Transvaal by hook or by crook.* While osten-
* Extracts from despatch of the 22nd of September, J. P., C— 1748, p. 103.
' The Commission to Sir T. Shepstone was a most extraordinary one for a
British Cabinet to issue, giving him power to annex any territory or state
to the British Empire. Surely no such commission was ever issued before or
18 likely to be issued again.
' As to the annexation of the Transvaal, Bishop Colenso vnites : — * As to
the Transvaal affair I hardly know what to say, except that the sly, underhand
way in which it has been annexed appears to me to be unworthy of the English
name, and to give the lie direct to Lord Carnarvon's public statements about
Sir T. Shepstone being only sent to offer friendly offices to the Transvaal
Government. It is plain that the whole was planned in England ; and I
am afraid the scheme will be found to include other annexations — e,g. of Zulu-
land, which will be a very serious affair indeed. But time will show how Sir
T. Shepstone means to govern the Transvaal — as large as France and Ger-
many together, so they say — and how he means to make a recalcitrant people
pay for such government. The expense will enormously exceed that of the
Boer Government. Is the British taxpayer to be bled for it ? ' {Life of Bishop
ColensOt voL ii. p. 447).
SIR BARTLE FRERE'S ARRIVAL 205
sibly still inviting it to come in under his Permissive
Bill, yet on the very day on which he addressed a despatch
to Sir Bartle Frere extending this invitation, Sir Theophilus
Shepstone had announced the annexation of the Transvaal
in accordance with Lord Carnarvon's instructions. The
seizure of this State at peace with ourselves, and to which
we were bound by solenm treaty obligations, was an unholy
act, which if wrongdoing by states as well as by individuals is
punished, was certain to bring down the severest punishment
on the Ministry who initiated it and on England, whose
name they dishonoured by this act.
Mr. Molteno had carefully guarded against being in any
way made a party to this policy of force towards the Trans-
vaal. He entirely disapproved of Lord Carnarvon forcing
on Confederation. He resisted it until he was driven from
office by Lord Carnarvon's pro-consul. He had been care-
ful to maintain the position of the Cape Colony free from
any quarrel with the Orange Free State over the Diamond
Fields. In regard to the Transvaal also, he was careful
not to allow the Cape Colony to be entangled in the danger-
ous game which was being played, and when in England he
informed Lord Carnarvon that he entirely refused to have
anything to do with the policy which was apparently in-
tended to be pursued towards the Transvaal. In his conduct
of the relations of the Cape Colony to the Free States his
was the view expressed by Mr. Gladstone during the Don
Pacifico debate : —
Let us do as we would be done by, and let us pay all the
respect to a feeble state and to the iiifancy of free institutions
which we should desire, and should exact from others towards
their maturity and their strength. Let us refrain from all
gratuitous and arbitrary meddling in the internal concerns of
other states, even as we should resent the same interference if it
were attempted to be practised towards ourselves.^
* Baraett Smith's Lift of Gladstone, vol. i., p. 199.
906 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
What a different history would South Africa have
presented since 1875 had the difficulties of the Free States
been regarded with a genuine desire to treat them sym-
pathetically, and to aid them on the part of the Imperial
Government. The old fable of the wind and the sun and the
traveller's cloak comes to mind. The principle is well
expressed in Shakespeare's words : —
When lenity and cruelty play for a kingdom, the gentler
gamester is the sooner winner.'
This action of Lord Carnarvon's has had a most fatal
influence on British prestige in South Africa and on the
relations of the two races. The policy of entrusting South
Africa with the management of its own afiiairs, a policy to
which Lord Carnarvon often declared his adhesion, was
now, in words used subsequently by Lord Blachford, ' not
so much altered as reversed,' and with what fatal conse-
quences will soon appear.
' Henry V. act 8, so. vi.
207
CHAPTEE XXIV
FIRST PARLIAMENTARY SESSION UNDER
SIR BARTLE FRERE. 1877
Meeting of Cape Parliament— Annexation of Damaraland— Position of Minis-
try— Attacks upon it— They serve to strengthen Ministry— Crisis with Kreli
—Energetic and Successful Action— Defence— Burgher Bill— Unity of
Colony maintained— Wise Native Policy — Mr. Solomon's Tribute— Annex-
ation of Griqualand West— Discourteous Treatment of Mr. Molteno by Lord
Carnarvon— Position of Confederation Question— South Africa, except Cape
and Free State, directly under the Secretary of State— Disastrous Results
of Control from afar.
Such was the position of affairs when the Cape Parliament
met very shortly after Sir Bartle Frere's arrival. A subject
on which Mr. Molteno felt very strongly was that of Wal-
fisch Bay, which Lord Carnarvon still refused to permit the
Cape Colony to annex. The attention of Sir Bartle Frere
was drawn to the matter immediately upon his arrival, and
Mr. Molteno in the Governor's opening speech to Parliament
referred to it, stating that ' the Special Commissioners report
was so satisfactory that a Bill would be submitted during
the ensuing session for its annexation, but the letters patent
had not been received from the Colonial Office, though it
was believed that her Majesty's Government had approved
the principle.' At the close of the session, the same state-
ment, that letters patent had not arrived, was repeated to
account for the non-introduction of the Bill and the success
of Mr. Palgrave's mission was again referred to. It may be
mentioned that subsequently, doubtless upon the strong repre-
sentation of the importance of the subject by Sir Bartle Frere
himself, Lord Carnarvon consented to the annexation of Wal-
fisch Bay itself, and a small area of surrounding country, but
208 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
not to the whole district proposed by Mr. Molteno to be
annexed, viz. from the Orange River up to the Cunene River.
During Sir Bartle Frere's absence on the frontier Mr.
Molteno personally explained to the Commodore the steps
which the Colonial Government desired him to take in
hoisting the British flag at Walfisch Bay itself. We have
already dealt with the serious consequence to South Africa
and the Empire of Lord Carnarvon's restriction of the area
to be acquired. Bills for the annexation of Griqualand
West, in accordance with Mr. Molteno's undertaking to
Lord Carnarvon, and for frontier defence, for irrigation,
and various other purposes were announced in the same
speech.
At first the position of the Ministry seemed to be
threatened by a more powerful opposition than the Parlia-
ment had hitherto seen. Mr. Southey, late Governor of Gri-
qualand West, who had been elected as member for Grahams-
town, commenced, in conjunction with Mr. Sprigg and Mr.
Paterson, a series of attacks on the Ministerial policy and
measures. Mr. Paterson took up the rdle of financial critic ;
but the misleading character of his statements, and the
utter recklessness of his assertions, made it impossible for
anyone to take him seriously, and his attacks only resulted
in strengthening the position of the Ministry.
The attack of Mr. Sprigg was rather directed to the ques-
tion of frontier defence, though he joined Mr. Paterson in his
financial strictures on the Government. An attempt was
made to delay the discussion on the estimates with a view to
forcing the Ministry to discuss defence first. Mr. Molteno was
extremely indignant at the charge of neglect of the defence
of the frontier. He had undertaken the responsibility of
defending it with the resources at the disposal of the Colony,
and in his reply he alluded to some of the measures which
the Government had taken to allay the scare upon the
frontier : —
FIRST SESSION UNDER SIR BARTLE FRERE 209
The honourable member might not perhaps make these state-
ments Intentionally, but he certainly exhibited a great deal of
oarelessness and recklessness in the way he manipulated his
figures. He was prepared to admit that there was a considerable
increase under the head of defence, but this had been inevitable. At
the time he (Mr. Molteno) was in England he could not have been
in ignorance of what was going on in the Colony, nor shut his eyes
to the excitement on the frontier. Whether there was any ground
or not for the * scare ' was another thing ; but, at all events, these
facts were very detrimental. He sent out guns and a very large
supply of ammunition, which the Imperial Oovemment, upon his
representation, were pleased to give at a very large reduction in
price. He also sent out an increased number of men for the Frontier
Armed and Mounted Police, and in spite of all these precautions,
the Government were now charged with neglecting the interests of
the country, and failing to attend to its defensive resources. He
might say that the Oovemment at that time managed to get the
Buffs retained in the Colony by way of additional security, although
the Colonel of the regiment had no instructions to take such a
course, and ran the risk of being censured by the Home Oovem-
ment. Many other things were done, and it was untrae to say
that the Oovemment were insensible to, or indifferent to, the
requirements and interests of the Colony.
The discussion which followed brings out powerfully
the high sense of dignity which characterised Mr. Molteno*8
conception of responsible government. A charge being
made by a leading member of the Opposition that the
Ministry did not possess the confidence of the country, and
several members showing a tendency to support the authors
of the charge, he immediately said : —
Both the honourable member for Port Elizabeth and the honour-
able member for East London had, in the most distinct manner,
challenged the Oovemment, and charged them with incompetency
in managing the finances of the country, and with failing in pro-
viding adequately for its protection. Two more serious charges
than these it would be impossible to hurl at any Oovemment, and
they accepted the challenge. ... It was not possible that any
Government with a shadow of self-respect could sit in that House
and have charges hurled against it, and not ask the House if it
beheved them true ; and if that was its opinion of the Ministry, the
Ministry must appeal to the House The whole of the
VOL. II. P
210 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
country was interested in what the House was doing. Let not
consideration for himself or his colleagues weigh with the House,
except the Ministry was still thought useful to the country. If
the Grovemment receiyed an unmistakable vote on the part of
the House (which had always favoured the Ministry with their
confidence, and he hoped had not altogether withdrawn it), let the
question be at once decided. There was no possibility of avoiding
the issue, as the Government could not rest under the charges
that had been made.
This was Mr. Molteno's view of the duty of a Ministry in
immediately meeting a vote of want of confidence, expressed
or implied ; and as to himself personally, he said : —
He did not think the country would be very much benefited
by a change of Ministry just yet. Honourable members might of
course say, * Oh I you want to keep your place.' He did not
think any Minister had such a bed of roses after all, as was
popularly supposed. He hoped he had higher aspirations and
more lofty ideas than those of the mere continued possession of
place, and a greater sense of his duty to his country than that.
He would be willing to serve the country so long as he could do
so honourably, but was perfectly willing to vacate his seat so soon
as he was told, * We have had enough of you, and we want some-
body better than you.'
Finally, the Opposition did not dare to go to an issue on
the question on which they had challenged the Government,
by the mouths of their leaders, in terms the most distinct ;
they feared to court an ignominious defeat on a division,
and they surrendered the cause they had boasted they would
maintain.
A more pitiable spectacle (says the ' Argus ') than that presented
by the Opposition yesterday, has never been seen in the House of
Assembly. Member after member of the anti-Ministerial party got
up and protested that he did not wish to turn out the Government,
nor had he wished to obstruct the business of the country. It
was a day of apologies. Then the valiant Mr. Paterson, after the
manner of street boys caught throwing stones, ' Please Sir, it was
not me, it was the member for East London.' The honourable
member for Port EUzabeth had not made his criticism on the
financial position of the Colony out of any spirit of hostility to the
FIRST SESSION UNDER SIR BARTLE FRERE 211
Government ; he made it out of the love and a£fection he bore for
the occupants of the Treasury Bench.
During the course of the debate, an incident showed the
confidence of the Dutch-speaking members in Mr. Molteno,
with whom a number of members generally voted as one man.
Twitted with this, Mr. Botha rose in his seat, and in im-
perfect English threw the taunt back, and said : — ' It was
not because they did not make speeches that they did not use
their common sense, and, for his part, he would rather follow
the Beaufort lion than the Colesberg foxes * (Mr. Watermeyer
and Mr. Cole). The confidence in the Beaufort lion was
strengthened by the attacks upon the Ministry, who had
never boasted of their acts, while they served to bring out
clearly the wisdom and patriotism of their actions, which
would otherwise have remained unknown and unpublished.
As was well said at the time : —
In regard to the present Government, Mr. Paterson performs
a very useful office. In the Roman GathoUc Church, when it is
proposed to canonise some departed soul of reputed sanctity, the
tribunal is formed to investigate the act of the reported saint.
Before this tribunal an officer appears, who states all the evils he
can discover or imagine regarding the deceased ; and because of
the nature of his duties he is called * The Devil's Advocate.' Of
course the charges he brings are refuted, the sanctity of the
deceased is proved, and the departed soul is placed on the rolls of
the saints. It seems to us that, as regards the Molteno Ministry,
Mr. Paterson played a part not unlike that of ' The Devil's Advo-
cate.' He brings the most serious charges against the Govern-
ment ; but they are refuted, and the administration stands higher
in public estimation owing to the ordeal.
We may remind our readers that this Mr. Paterson was
the individual chosen by Lord Carnarvon to replace Mr.
Molteno.
We must now draw attention to the steps which were
taken by the Government to force Kreh to respect the
Governor's decision on the boundary question. They were
prompt and vigorous, they had the desired effect without any
p 2
212 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
bloodshed, and served as a precedent for the action, which
Mr. Molteno desired to take on the outbreak of the Galeka
troubles, but which Sir Bartle Frere vetoed.
On the 20th of July, 1876, Sir Henry Barkly had reported
to the Secretary of State on the condition of the frontier,
recounting the steps which had been taken by the Ministers
vnth his full concurrence.^ Part of the ammunition which
had just been purchased of the Imperial Government had been
ordered by telegraph to be conveyed to various border towns.
The Ministry did not believe there was any danger ; they did
not, however, ignore the alarm which existed — they adopted
all the precautions in their power. The assistance of Imperial
troops was asked from the Imperial Government to the
extent of the ordinary reliefs for the 32nd regiment being
sent out some little time beforehand. The Buffs were sent
for this purpose, and, on their arrival, the Governor desired
Sir Arthur Cunynghame to move them to East London.
In the despatch Sir Henry Barkly said : — * It may be
hoped that the advance of a large body of police beyond the
Eei will not be called for, but that the effect produced by
the mere disembarkation of the 3rd Buffs at East London
will suffice to induce Kreli to respect the decision on the
boundary question.* It was further decided to augment the
frontier police by at least 200 men, for which purpose
active measures were being taken by the Government, and
meanwhile its advance posts in the Transkei were being
reinforced gradually and cautiously. By these means, and
by the prompt suppression of all acts of insubordination, all
risks of a serious outbreak were obviated.
Thus the Ministry, enforcing its own policy in accord with
the High Commissioner, did all that could be done to give
protection to life and property on both sides of the Kei, and to
maintain the supremacy of the Queen. They sent for troops,
» J. P., 0—1748, p. 67 ; also J. P., 0—1776, p. 36, where Lord Caraarvon
expresses his satisfaction with the steps taken by the Colonial Government.
FIRST SESSION UNDER SIR BARTLB FRERE 213
and used them judiciously without parliamentary authority ;
they increased the frontier police; they forwarded 10,000
stand of arms to the border ; they purchased cannon for
use if war broke out.^ They acted vigilantly, vigorously,
and with coolness, relying on the good faith of the Parlia-
ment to support them in what they did for the defence of
the country.
The anxiety Mr. Molteno and his colleagues suffered at
that critical time cannot be known to any but themselves ;
but the attacks upon their administration served to bring out
all these facts, which received the unanimous approval of
the Parliament. Lord Carnarvon took the opportunity of
again reminding the Colonial Ministers that they must
provide against native disturbances, and that the Imperial
troops must not be used for this purpose ; while, at the
same time, he expresses his approval of their native policy : —
' I have no desire to find fault with the course which has
been pursued by your advisers on native affairs. On the
contrary, I have given on many occasions emphatic praise
to a policy which has been, in its dealings with these
uncivilised or half -civilised races, prudent and hberal.* '
The mode in which Mr. Molteno treated the ques-
tion of frontier defence serves to bring out the continuity
of his policy as head of the Government, with the liberal
spirit of the constitution of 1854, drawn up as it was by
Mr. Porter, and interpreted and fostered by Sir George
Grey's administration. It also served to bring out the
importance which he attached to the preservation of the
unity of the Colony for all purposes, and more particularly
for that purpose which, above all, tends to bind the inhabi-
tants of a country together, the defence of their common
country.
A conmiission on frontier defence had sat in the recess,
presided over by Mr. Sprigg, and several recommendations
» I. P., C— 1776, p. 88. » I. p., 0—1776, p. 8.
214 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
had been made, some of which were adopted by the
Government. There were, however, two of great importance,
carried only by the casting vote of the chairman, which met a
different fate. The one asserted that it was desirable to divide
the Colony into two parts in respect of personal service
during war time ; the other, that a line of distinction should be
drawn between the whites and the coloured inhabitants
of the Colony. Both these principles Mr. Molteno rejected
in the Government Bill, and the House of Assembly sup-
ported him in this aflBirmation of the unity of the Colony.
In the defence of their common country there is not, and
ought not, to be any difference made between east and
west, any more than between north and south in England.
It is the duty of all citizens to take up arms when the
Colony is in danger.
On the second point Mr. Molteno was equally firm that in
the defence of their country, as in the suffrage, no line was to
be drawn between the white and coloured inhabitants. No
line was to be drawn between whites and blacks merely on
account of their colour. The men of colour, loyal to the
Queen, and faithful to the Colonial Government, were not
to be excluded from the defensive forces of the country, and
so be led to consider themselves as enemies and not friends.
This action of the Ministry is interesting in the light of
what was so soon to follow. The native was to be disarmed
by Sir Bartle Frere and regarded as an enemy, upon whose
neck the white man's foot must constantly be set. It was not
to the colonists that this fatal attempt to put into operation
a principle new to South Africa was due ; it was to the in-
spiration of the Anglo-Indian, Sir Bartle Frere, who directed
his nominee and henchman, Mr. Sprigg, to carry out his orders
in this as in other respects.
We may add in this connection very appropriately, what
Mr. Solomon's organ in the Press wrote at this time of this
treatment of the natives by the Molteno Ministry : —
MEST SESSION UNDER SIR BARTLE FRERE 215
It has often been said that the special mission of Mr. Solomon in
this country was to obtain justice for the native races. If that be
true, we say confidently, that the debates just ended show that
the object of the mission has been accomplished. No retro-
gressive law stands any chance of being passed by the legislature
of the Cape of Good Hope, and statesmen of England may rely
on the good sense and love of justice in this respect of the Cape
Parliament.
Eemembering Mr. Solomon's vdse, consistent, and un-
flagging efforts in the direction of justice to the natives, no
better proof of the fairness and justice of the Ministerial
policy towards the natives could possibly be adduced.
When we recall the fact that Mr. Molteno had the almost
unanimous support of the Dutch members behind him in
this policy towards the natives, we may realise the extra-
ordinary success which characterised his Ministry. It is
true that Mr. Watermeyer was opposed to him, but this
gentleman had now become an out-and-out advocate of the
Imperial policy of coercion towards South Africa, and in
this session he not only expressed his approval of the
annexation of the Transvaal, but actually threatened the
Cape Colony with the loss of its constitution if it did not
immediately fall in with Lord Carnarvon's confederation
proposals. Mr. Molteno was quite correct when in the pre-
ceding session he had shown that responsible government
in Mr. Watermeyer*s hands would be worthless.
The man who was to change all this harmony was
already in South Africa, with a great philanthropic reputation
to back him, and to mislead even men like Mr. Solomon
into supporting him, till it was too late to prevent the
evil he was about to perpetrate. When a division took
place upon the Frontier Defence Bill, several members
who voted against Mr. Molteno were immediately taken to
task at public meetings convened by their constituents,
while others would have voted VTith the Government had
they thought it in any danger. A journal which had pre-
216 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIE J. C. MOLTENO
dieted great things of Mr. Sprigg's generalship among the
principal Opposition members, was now compelled to con-
fess that —
on many occasions daring this session we regretted to see the
course taken by Mr. Sprigg, but last night we really pitied him.
The party of which he so much boasted was broken asunder, and
they showed the rent to the world. Out-generaled in tactics, his
last effort before a full House was turned into ridicule, and he was
hoisted by his own petard. We are sorry that such a spectacle
should have been presented, but it proved, what we have said
tiiroughout, that the party was a rope of sand and a sham. The
Opposition of the session of 1877 is dead. Let it be buried with
all decent speed. Even the abihties and energy of Mr. Sprigg could
not create a party to live out of such materials.
It is this Mr. Sprigg whom Sir Bartle Frere chose, a few
months later, for his minion, and whom he kept in power
by the prestige and patronage of the Imperial Governorship
and High Commissionership.
It is clear that Mr. Molteno remained unquestionably
the only man who really possessed the confidence of the
Parliament and the country. Sir Bartle Frere must have
recognised the ridiculous character of Lord Carnarvon's
intrigue with Mr. Paterson, and that it was foredoomed to
failure, while he himself would have a most difficult task in
any attempt to displace Mr. Molteno from the position he
held in the Parliament and the country by any legitimate
and constitutional means.
The fact to which we have already alluded, that Mr.
Molteno was now carrying out his promise to Lord Car-
narvon that he would annex Griqualajid West to the Cape
Colony, precluded Sir Bartle Frere from taking any active
steps against him. But Sir Bartle Frere still tried to bring
Griqualand West into union by confederation, and only
discontinued his efforts in this direction when Mr. Molteno
definitely declined to proceed except by annexation.
This Act for annexation was introduced by Mr. Molteno.
FIRST SESSION UNDER SIR BARTLE FRERE 217
He shortly sketched the history of the question, and said,
that the * only reason why the House had refused before to
annex the Diamond Fields was in consequence of the dis-
pute with the Orange Free State, but this had now been
settled.' On finding this to be the case, on his recent visit
to Engljtnd the question arose of the future government of
the province of Griqualand West, and he there gave it as
his opinion that annexation to the Cape Colony would be
best in the interests of the province itself as well as of
the Imperial Government and the Colony; he firmly
beheved that it would tend to the welfare of the whole
of South Africa, as well as to the advancement of the
province itself.
In the debate which followed, Mr. Southey, ex-Governor
of Griqualand West, confirmed the view which Mr. Molteno
had always held and had put before the Imperial Govern-
ment, that by the erection of Griqualand West into a
separate government the Cape Parliament was absolved
from all responsibility or liabihty which might have attached
to it owing to its resolution in 1871 in favour of the annexa-
tion of Griqualand West to the Colony. On a show of
opposition being made, Mr. Molteno at once stated that the
refusal to pass the second reading of the Bill could only be
regarded as a vote of want of confidence in the Ministry ;
it was not a question which could be treated lightly see-
ing that he had pledged himself to the Secretary of State
for the Colonies to do his best to carry the measure
through.
Thus Mr. Molteno once more risked his pohtical ex-
istence to carry out arrangements made to suit Lord Car-
narvon's wishes. We may contrast with this the treatment
which Mr. Molteno received at Lord Carnarvon's hands
on this subject. This was not alluded to in any way by
Mr. Molteno in the debate, but it was referred to by Mr.
Marais, who said :
218 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
He especially deprecated the way in which the Colonial Secre-
tary had been treated when he went to England last year only to
find that the question of the boundary dispute had been already
settled. He regretted the great act of discourtesy on the part of
the Imperial Government, and the insult to the Ck>lony at large
He was among those who voted for the introduction of responsible
government, but really it seemed as if we were governed as much
from Downing Street as ever.
The Bill was eventually carried without difficulty. Mr.
Molteno felt the serious character of the step which
was to be taken. Griqualand West was now in a very
depressed condition, its population was a floating one with
at that time no permanent stake in the country. It was
of a very miscellaneous character, and derived its wealth
solely from the mines. Seeking the earliest opportunity
of leaving the country with its savings or its fortune, it
was not a desirable population to trust with much political
power. It was apparently of a turbulent character, for
a rebellion had only just been quieted by the despatch of
Imperial troops. It was moreover uncertain how long the
mines would continue to yield, and admit of taxation suffi-
cient to meet the expenses of its government.
The concentration of the mines in one spot, and the
Eiver Diggings in jtnother well defined area, enabled the
electoral constitution to be clearly and sharply defined, and
four members were assigned to Kimberley, and two to
Barkly, thus adding six members to the Colonial Par-
liament, while one member was added to the Legislative
Council. The success of the management of this province
upon its annexation to the Cape Colony, compared with its
financial deficit and political unrest culminating in open
rebellion in the period preceding its incorporation with
the Colony, attests the superior efficiency which attends
colonial administration on the spot in comparison with the
distant and more difficult control from England herself.
It affords an illustration of a numerous class of cases all
HEST SESSION UNDER SIR BARTLE FRERE 219
proving that while the Imperial Parliament may be trusted
in the settlement of general principles, relying on the
wisdom that has descended through generations of states-
men to the political leaders of the present day, yet in the
application of these principles to other countries, and under
other conditions, the Imperial Parliament, from want of
local knowledge, is not to be trusted. This is generally
conceded and acted upon in the establishment of responsible
government in the colonies.
One of Lord Carnarvon's great objects had now been
attained. The Imperial Government was reUeved of Gri-
qualand West.* A conciliatory policy towards the Free
State had led to this result. A similar policy towards the
Transvaal would have led to similar results in that direction,
but Lord Carnarvon was in a hurry. He was not content
to wait to register the success of this first step towards
consolidation in South Airica. It would have been well for
the success of Confederation and for the welfare of all
South Africa had he been content so to do. He was,
however, launched on the road of ' force.' The Transvaal
had been seized. Sir Bartle Frere was to confederate and
consolidate South Africa in two years. The annexation of
the Transvaal, instead of tending to bring about an iiome-
diate federation, rather demonstrated its practical impossi-
bility.
It was seen that the new federation, that is practi-
cally the Cape Colony, would have to deal with Secoceni,
with Cetywayo, and other chiefs, to grapple with the
internal disorders of the Transvaal, and would have imme-
* Notwithstanding the passage of the Act the annexation was deferred for
the purpose of making Griqaaland West count as a unit in the proposed
confederation. Mr. Molteno was dismissed shortly after, and his snooessor
acquiesced in this policy. Griqualand West appears in his conference proposals
of 1880 as a separate state with three delegates, being half the representation
accorded to the Gape ! The conference was rejected by the Parliament of 1880,
and thereupon only was Griqualand West annexed to the Cape.
220 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
diately to advance, as the Imperial Government was obliged
to do, 100,0002. to maintain the government of the Trans-
Taal. It appeared at once to all observers that the Transvaal
was not then in a condition to be politically joined to other
struggling commmiities, whatever its position might be after
some years of British role and British expenditure. It was
clear to any impartial mind that the Cape Colony, coping
with immense difficulties in the development of its physical
resources, and in the government and assimilation of the
newly annexed territories in the Transkei and elsewhere,
had its hands so full that the assumption of any further
burden was likely to be disastrous and fatal to the success
of its undertaking.
All South Africa was now to be brought under Lord
Carnarvon's direct control. Natal was subject to it by the
constitution of 1875, the Transvaal was seized, and it was
fondly believed that its fate could be disposed of by a stroke
of the pen. The Free State and the Cape Colony remained
the only parts of Africa still able to control their own des-
tinies. The latter was now to come under Lord Carnarvon's
direct control once more through Sir Bartle Frere. His
policy and his officials were soon in complete possession of all
South Africa except the small Free State.
We shall see the means adopted to bring the Cape
under Sir Bartle Frere in our next chapter, and subsequently
we shall have to record the disastrous results of this return
to a direct control of South African policy from afar,
which under the old personal rule of the Governor and
Secretary of State had been demonstrated to be the most
fatal, most costly and impossible mode of ruling South
Africa. Local experience and knowledge was wholly set
aside, the statesmen who thoroughly understood and were
in touch with the population of South Africa were displaced
for men newly arrived from Europe. Sir Bartle Frere,
FIBST SESSION UNDEB SIB BABTLE PBEBE 221
Sir Owen Lanyon, and Sir George Colley were now the
arbiters of its fate, to the infinite loss of South Africa, the
embarrassment of the Empire, and the fall of the Home
Ministry, which by its unwise policy had brought disaster
by similar principles in two continents.
222 LIFE AND TIMES OP SDft J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXV
SIB BABTLB FBBBB AS DICTATOB. 1877
Native Distnrbanoes— Kreli and Fingoes — Qoveroor temporiBes— DisregardB
MiniBten' advice— MiniBten* preparationB — They urge vigoronB aotion —
Mazeppa Bay Landing— Belations of Imperial and Colonial Foroes— Mr.
Molteno urges immediate Advance — ProoeedB to Frontier— Griffith in charge
of OperationB— SaooeBBfnl clearance of Oalekaland— Govemor*B proposals
for settlement of Qalekaland — Forces them on Ministers at risk of a Crisis
— Their onsoitable Character— Ministers nrge Governor's return to Cape
Town—Galekas come back.
' Thb South African qnestion is also a big one. It is capable
of working np into the worst clnster of native wars that we
have yet had.' So wrote Lord Blachford to Sir Henry Taylor
in the same month in which Sir Bartle Frere left for South
Africa.^ The prophetic utterance was to be too surely realised.
The native question in South Africa is one which exceeds
all others in importance. It is the touchstone of a Governor's
abiUty and wisdom. For twenty-five years there had been
peace under Colonial management with but little Imperial
interference. The responsibility for the management of the
natives had been definitely placed on the Cape Colony's
shoulders on its acceptance of responsible government.
Three serious crises had arisen since then, and had been
successfully dealt with by Mr. Molteno.
As soon as Parliament was prorogued Sir Bartle Frere
announced his intention of making a tour through the Colony,
particularly its eastern section. There was no reason at this
time to anticipate, in the absence of bad management or
a change of policy, any outbreak or trouble between the
> LetUra of Lord Blachford^ p. 878.
SIE BAETLE PRERE AS DICTATOR 223
whites and the natives. His predecessor had informed him
that on the Cape frontier everything was perfectly quiet, and
that he thought that he might safely predict that Sir Bartle
Frere would find no native difficulties to deal with so far as
the Cape Colony was concerned. To the Secretary of State
he had reported on the 23rd of February, 1877, just before Sir
Bartle Frere's arrival, that * perfect tranquillity now pre-
vails from one end of the Transkei to the other.'^ Never-
theless frontier defence had not been neglected by the
Ministry, and steps which have been already referred to
were taken by them. The question was one which if
improperly handled or imwisely dealt with might lead to
very serious results. Inasmuch as it was to afford Sir
Bartle Frere an opportunity of dismissing his Ministry
and placing his own nominee in power we shall be compelled
to follow in considerable detail the course of the war which
now ensued.
While the Governor was on the frontier a perfectly
accidental collision took place between the Galekas and
the Fingoes. A narrow river divided these tribes from one
another, and at a marriage among the Fingoes, to which
some of the Galekas were invited as guests, a quarrel arose
because of the rudeness and insolence of the latter, and
they were driven by the Fingoes across the river. This
was considered an outrageous insult by the Kaffirs, and a
band of Galekas invaded Fingoland to retrieve the national
honour. This band was also defeated and driven back, and
then a more organised invasion of Fingoland took place, and
a large number of stock were swept off by the Galekas. The
British Residents with the tribes interfered, and succeeded for
a time in keeping the parties separated.
The policy which had led to the Fingoes being placed in
proximity to the Galekas was one against which the Colony,
' Sir Henry Barkly'B despatch : I. P., C— 1776, pp. 96 and 106.
224 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
through its Legislature, had protested.' It was done by the
High Commissioner on his own responsibility. Kreli had in
1856 been driven by Sir George Grey out of the country be-
tween the Kei and the Bashee. This territory had in conse-
quence been left vacant, and small bodies of natives from the
surrounding tribes gradually began to filter into it, and it
became necessary to make some provision for its government
and occupation. Sir Philip Wodehouse proposed to divide
it up into farms with a view to colonisation by a white
population. Kreli thereupon made a demonstration. The
Home Government, being alarmed at Kreli*s move, refused
their co-operation and assent, and Sir Philip Wodehouse was
in consequence obliged to abandon his scheme, with the final
result that a body of Fingoes, the natives who could be most
relied upon by the Government, as well as a body of Tam-
bookies, were placed in a portion of this territory, while the
southernmost coast strip Kreli was permitted to reoccupy
with his people.^
When Lord Carnarvon announced that the Imperial
troops were to be gradually reduced and eventually to be re-
moved from the Colony, a strong protest was raised by the
Legislature against the withdrawal until the results of this
policy on the part of the High Commissioner had been more
fuUy developed.' It was contended that trouble was inevitable
owing to the proximity of native races so hostile as were
the Fingoes and the Galekas. The Fingoes, originally in a
position of subjection, indeed almost slavery, to the stronger
Kafl&r races, had naturally taken sides with the British
Government in the Kaffir wars since 1835. Kreli saw with
bitter anguish their occupation of part of his ancestral king-
* * The restoration of Kreli and his tribe was carried out by the (Governor
as an Imperial measure in opposition to colonial advice, and it was predicted
that it would sooner or later lead to trouble and disturbance.'— C. P., G — 48,
1882, p. 5.
« I. P., C— 2144, p. 91 ; also C. P., G— 43, 1882. p. 6.
« I. P., C-469, pp. 6, 22.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 225
dom, while he complained that he was shut up within bounds
too narrow for his people. At first it seemed as if the Fingoes
in the presence of the more uncivihsed Kafi&rs would go
back from the position of semi-civilisation to which they had
attained within the Colony, but with the assistance of
Residents among them they continued to progress, and by
this time were possessed of numerous herds of cattle, to the
envy of their neighbours, while Kreli had never ceased to
complain of the want of land for his growing tribe.
AlS soon as news of the outbreak was received Mr.
Molteno urged upon the Governor the course which had
enabled his Government on three successive occasions to
deal with native crises. The steps which had been taken for
prompt and active intervention should the orders of the
Government be disobeyed had been perfectly successful,
when war broke out between Ereli and GangeUzwe in
1872. Again, when Langalibalele crossed into Basutoland,
the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police had immediately
moved up to support the loyal natives, with the resultant and
immediate recapture of this great chief. And so lately
as the autumn of the preceding year, when Kreli had shown
a disposition to disobey the injunctions of the Government
and disregard the boundary between himself and the
Tembus laid down by the Government, a similar prompt
pohcy had succeeded.*
Similar energetic steps were now urged upon the Governor,
the * F. A. M.' Police were immediately ordered forward to the
border of Fin goland and concentrated in positions where they
might support the Fingoes. It was also suggested, as had
been done on former occasions, that as a matter of precaution
two companies of the 88th regiment should be moved up from
Cape Town to East London. The Governor, however, replied
to Ministers that he did not consider the matter was so
serious. To Mr. Molteno's telegram that ' upon a general
» C— 1748, pp. 67 and 77.
VOL. IL Q
226 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
review of the situation he had arrived at the conclusion that
it was unadvisable to stop the embarkation of troops/ and
asking whether this view was concurred in by the Governor,
Sir Bartle Frere replied ' he was not satisfied that a move-
ment of troops was required, for he thought that it might add
to the Galekas* apprehensions that we intended to attack
them.' The order for the troops to move up was counter-
manded, and the Governor at the same time, without consult-
ing with the Ministry, himself communicated with the
Conmiandant of Police, directing him to inform the natives
that they must refer disputes to the Government.
In further pursuance of this poUcy, after the efforts of the
magistrates had secured a temporary cessation of attack, he
determined himself to proceed to the Transkei. The advice
of Ministers had been : * Move upon Kreli with all the forces
at your conmiand ; hit him hard, hit him often ; move
quickly ; give him no time to perfect his plans.* There can
be no doubt that had this been done the war would have been
at an end in six weeks* time, but the High Commissioner,
having had no experience of Kreli or of KafiBr tribes, followed
his own views, instead of using the experience of men who
had lived among them and known them all their lives. It
is hardly necessary to say that Kreli refused to see the High
Commissioner, and though hostile steps had been suspended
while he was present, the moment he crossed the border the
Galeka raids reconmienced.*
Meantime the force of police who had already moved
up were worn out by awaiting the result of these fruitless
negotiations. They had no permanent camps or establish-
ments, and the delay was very disastrous to them. The
men themselves were saddle-sore and their horses were
run down in condition, for the local pasturage had been
destroyed by the exceptional drought. If the police had
been hurled at the enemy before its strength and freshness
> C. P.,A. 7— '78,pp. 21, 25.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 227
had been in this way wasted by inaction, it would at
once have carried all before it. This was the first serious
disregard of the advice of local and responsible experience
by Sir Bartle Frere. The Ministry were told in effect,
* You carry on things with a very high hand in the Colony,
but in the Transkei I am High Commissioner.'
In order to apprehend the position clearly the reader
must bear in mind that the Transkei, in which Kreli resided
on sufferance, was not annexed to the Cape Colony, and that
in consequence the Cape Ministry did not possess the same
authority in it as in the Colony itself. Sir Bartle Frere, in
virtue of his office as High Commissioner, was empowered to
deal with the affairs of territories bordering on the Colony.
On the other hand the affairs of the Transkei had been
looked upon as of Colonial concern, for the effects of any
disturbance in that coxmtry were immediately felt on the
Colonial border, and the only mobilised force which could
immediately deal with them was a Colonial force, the
Frontier Armed and Mounted Police.
Sir Bartle Frere, it is hardly necessary to say, was
not prepared to forego any of his legitimate prerogatives ; on
the contrary, as we shall see later on, he meant to assume
many which were not legitimate. His knowledge of con-
stitutional law and government was so meagre that his
first despatch to Lord Carnarvon complained of the rule so
well recognised and established that the Cabinet does not
deliberate in the presence of the Sovereign but in private,
and he added that he would not observe this rule longer than
he thought desirable. It was clear that the position was a
very difficult one, and full of complications only to be over-
come by the utmost tact on each side.'
* This difficulty of the conflict of jurisdictions had not been unforeseen by
Sir Henry Barkly when he carried out the introduction of responsible goyemment,
and he had suggested to Lord Kimberley that a distinction between the respon-
sibilities should be made, the Colony being responsible for any operations
within its bounds while the High Commissioner and her Majesty's Government
q2
228 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
The most effective measures against barbarous enemies
are those which are promptest and which destroy their
morale. Once allow them to fancy that you are hesi-
tating and their courage immediately revives, they
become formidable in their great numbers. But attack
them instantly, give them no rest, allow them no time
to recover, and the largest numbers may be driven before
a compact force of civilised men infinitely inferior in
numbers. Anyone who studies Lord Koberts*s narrative of
his Afghan campaigns will not fail to perceive the enormous
importance of attacking a barbarous enemy before they are
encouraged by the possession of strong positions near, or
have formed combinations which lead to their being
mustered in large numbers in your neighbourhood ; above all,
never allow them to believe that there is any hesitation in
attacking them.
There can be little doubt that had the forces been moved
up, as Mr. Molteno had arranged, directly he knew of the first
conflict with the Fingoes, the effect on the Galekas would
have on this, as on previous occasions, been instantaneous, and
they would not have dared to renew their attack when the
Governor left Galekaland. Mr. Molteno, in his instructions
to Commandant Bowker, tells him that he had arranged for
these forces to go to the frontier, and that he should let
it be known in the Transkei as widely as possible through
his confidential native agents.
We must be fully prepared (telegraphed Mr. Molteno to Mr.
Merriman) ^ and I think it necessary to take steps accordingly. I
should be responsible for any operations which might become necessary beyond
the bounds of the Colony properly. Lord Kimberley however replied that he
could not sanction any such distinctions, and that the Colony must be entirely
responsible for its own defence against native aggression whether internal or
external, while Lord Carnarvon himself had again, so recently as the 3rd of
January of this year, reminded the Colonial Qovemment that the duty of pro-
viding for native disturbances of necessity devolved on the Colonial Ministry
* when responsible government was established in the Colony.' — C 1776, p. 3.
* Mr. Merriman hsid succeeded Mr. Abercrombie Smith as Commissioner of
Crown Lands and Public Works.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 229
have this morning arranged for 300 men of the 88th to proceed to
East London in the Anglian, and have directed Bowker to concen-
trate his police as much as possible with a view to moving on the
disturbed points. Brownlee will leave in the Anglian. His influ-
ence with the Gaikas will most likely keep all quiet in that direc-
tion, so that we may the more easily deal with Ereli. I think it
would be well if you could proceed immediately to King William's
Town.i
The native policy here indicated was all frustrated by
the Governor's action in countermanding the troops. Had
the Galekas been stopped at the outset, the subsequent
efifects of their outbreak in causing the Gaikas and Tam-
bookies to rise would have been avoided. Just as the
three preceding crises had been successfully dealt with by
the Colonial Government's promptitude and vigour, so now
the necessity for further fighting would have been obviated.
The Governor hesitated, he said he would not prejudge
Kreli, notwithstanding the fact that he was advised by the
Secretary for Native Affairs that according to well-known
signs Kreli had committed himself to war. This tem-
porising policy was regarded by Kreli as an indication of
hesitation to support the Fingoes. As soon as the Go-
vernor's back was turned the raiding began in earnest.* On
the 24th of September Colonel Eustace, the Kesident with
Kreli, retired upon the police, and Commandant Griffith
was appointed to relieve Commandant Bowker, who retired
through ill-health from the command of police in the
Transkei. On the same day Mr. Merriman tells Mr.
Molteno that the Governor stiU hopes to settle matters
without serious complications, while Mr. Molteno asks :
* What does his Excellency think with regard to any
movement of troops from this end ? My opinion is that we
should rather err on the safe side than otherwise.'
Mr. Merriman replied that they proposed to warn all
' The Governor acknowledged the vigorous and prompt steps which Mr.
Molteno took in writing to the Imperial Government. — A. 7 — 78, p. 89.
« O. P., A. 7— '78. p. 26.
230 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
burghers along the Eei border and to appoint Messrs. Cowie
and Brabant Field Commandants at once, and that the ques-
tion of moving troops to the frontier would be considered.
Mr. Molteno concurred in these steps, saying that vigorous
action on our part should be taken, so that Kreli might see
the utter hopeless]:iess of resisting our just demands.* He
added that * however necessary it may be to avoid expense as
much as possible, it must be a secondary consideration in a
case of this kind.* On the following day Mr. Merriman
announced that he and the Governor did not think it well to
move the 88th, to which Mr. Molteno replied that in the
event of actual fighting having commenced, the despatch of
a portion of the 88th in the direction of Mazeppa Bay
would have an important effect upon Kreli*s people.
The police were now instructed to resist the Galekas if
they attacked the Fingoes. If the Galeka forces were too
numerous to be arrested then force was to be used. On the
25th of September Commandant Griffith arrived at Ibeka,
and on the 26th the first blow was struck. A large number
of Galekas had engaged the Fingoes, when a patrol under
Mr. Chalmers came upon them, and he did not hesitate to
attack with some eighty police and 1,000 Fingoes. The
action was carried on against a very large number of
Galekas, but the single gun which the police possessed, after
doing good work, broke down, at which the Fingoes became
alarmed and retreated, and the European force was obliged
to do likewise, with a loss of several men.
Almost immediately afterwards the post at Ibeka was
attacked, and an action took place, which was chiefly one of
artillery, and the assailants were driven back. Commandant
Griffith now awaited reinforcements in order to break up
the bands of several thousands of men who were mustered
around Kreli *s kraal for the avowed purpose of plunder and
expelling the Fingoes. When it was found that all efforts
to settle things peacefully were useless, it was at last agreed
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 231
that men were to be called for. There could be no further
question as to Kreli*s position of hostility, and vigorous
action was necessary. The Governor and Mr. Merriman
called for volunteers from the frontier districts, the call was
immediately and admirably responded to, and Conmiandant
Griffith was rapidly reinforced.
Mr. Molteno nevertheless questioned whether, looking to
the large native population, and especially the Gaikas, it
was wise to denude the frontier districts of the volunteers and
burghers, and suggested whether it would not be better
for him to send up men from the west and the districts more
remote from the frontier. A reply, however, came from the
frontier that Mr. Molteno might make himself easy, and
that there was no reason to anticipate trouble on this side of
the Kei. Ministers had said * we can get 500 from Cape
Town and 500 from Port Elizabeth,* but the reply was * no,
we merely want fifty men from each place for the moral
effect, showing that the whole of the country would act in
unison.' Ministers held up their hands in astonishment,
and said that unless some more decisive steps were taken,
SandilU would rise and the war would spread further and
further ; but instead of calling for the men as advised, the
everlasting refrain was, * Keep quiet, keep quiet.'
At last it was agreed that something should be done,
and troops were sent for to be brought up in the Active.
Mazeppa Bay or some spot in that neighbourhood was sug-
gested as the most desirable point for carrying out a success-
ful plan of operations, but instead of being landed there they
were stopped at East London. When Ministers complained
of this, and information was received from East London that
troops could be landed at Mazeppa Bay, they were told to
send up volunteers from Cape Town and land them there.
Mr. Molteno then telegraphed to Mr. Merriman : —
Am not yet in a position to answer your message for steamer
for Mazeppa Bay. What do you propose to do in this respect ?
232 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
Must be folly informed of plans before I can consent to be held
responsible for any new move of this kind. Why was Active
stopped, and troops landed at East London ? Left entirely in the
dark on this point. If man-of-war with all her appliances could
not do anything in this direction, I have no faith in a merchant
steamer.
And again : —
If the expedition of the Active were considered foolhardy by
you all, I have not a moment's hesitation in saying that in my
opinion the idea of sending volunteers to do anything of the kind
is ten times more foolhardy. If the troops had landed and estab-
lished themselves there I was prepared to follow the movement up
with volunteers.
The Minister refused to give the order and the Governor
admitted the soundness of Mr. Molteno*s objection ; ^ but
subsequently when orders were given by the General at
King William's Town for the remainder of the 88th to be
brought up and landed at Mazeppa Bay, they put into East
London, and were landed there. The Governor had himself
overruled the General and the Cabinet,
The question now arose as to what should be the relation
between the Imperial troops and the colonial forces. Mr.
Molteno's views, as will appear subsequently, were most
decided. He held that the Imperial troops were not fitted
for Kaffir fighting, and that the rough and ready ways of
colonial forces, commanded by their own officers, who
thoroughly understood the Kaffirs and their mode of warfare,
were infinitely more eflFective. Moreover, the responsibility
for the defence of the frontier of the Colony devolved upon the
Colonial Government, and he was prepared to undertake it.
Matters were brought to a head by the proposal made by the
Governor that the General should have formal command
of the troops in the field. Mr. Merriman telegraphs : —
Very urgent. Governor and I concur in thinking that General
should have formal command over all forces given him. Griffith,
» J. P., C-2000, p. 62.
SIE BAETLE FRBEE AS DICTATOE 233
with rank of Colonel, will command all troops, Imperial and
colonial, on the other side of Kei. . . . Wire your concurrence at
once, so as to avoid complications. Push action. We issue Gazette
at once.
To this Mr. Molteno replied : —
Am I to distinctly understand that Griffith's action is not in
any way fettered by the position of the General ? . . . I think the
Imperial troops should not be brought in contact with the enemy ;
their presence at King William's Town, Komgha, and neighbourhood
would be most valuable in inspiring confidence and overawing
the Gaikas, letting our forces be to the front and fighting the battle.
In this same telegraphic correspondence Mr. Merriman
says : * The direction of forces Transkei is left entirely to
Grifl&th, who is not the man to let the grass grow mider his
feet/ and again, 'Best assmred that I will take care that
Grifl5th*s action is in no way fettered,' while the Governor
himself writes mider date the 1st of October to Mr.
Molteno : —
The General and Colonel Glyn have acted most cordially with
us, and, I think, done everything we have asked them, and made
the very best disposition of our very limited military means. Sprigg
and others have asked pubHcly * whether it is the principle of
Government that her Majesty's troops are to stay in garrison when
the burghers and volunteers go to the front ' ; but we need not
heed the implied sarcasm, first, because we are acting in compli-
ance with a very careful and well-considered opinion of Griffith
that her Majesty's troops should hold the railway Une, East Lon-
don, King William's Town, and Greytown, and advanced posts at
Komgha and Impetu to cover the line of the Kei; and second,
because for detached service across the river at this time of the
year, when heavy floods often last for days together, the police and
burghers are better adapted than regular infantry who must move
under different conditions from Ught and irregular forces.
From this it is clear that at that time the Governor
concurred in Mr. Molteno's view that it was desirable that
the fighting should be done by the Colonial troops, the Im-
perial troops taking up fixed stations in the Colony. A
234 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
single infantry regiment, the first battalion of the 24th,
without cavalry, artillery, or transport train, represented the
whole regular forces available.^
Mr. Molteno urged that rapid and effective action should
be taken against the enemy, and on the 5th of October he
telegraphs to Mr. Merriman : —
I am somewhat alarmed at the general tenoor of your telegrams
of yesterday, and especially of the one commencing with these
words : * (general proposes to send at once for ordinary reliefs,'
which seems to indicate that we are to be precipitated into a Kaffir
war of the old type instead of quick and sharp action in the dis-
turbed quarter, for which purpose I had hoped by this time suf-
ficient reinforcements would have reached. Does the General
look upon this as an Imperial war, and is the expense to be
defrayed by Imperial funds, and is he prepared to draw upon the
Imperial Exchequer to the required extent ? We cannot afford to
do things in the old way, and it seems to me evident that he con-
templates a long affair, and is bent upon getting together a large
force before striking a blow. I hope I am wrong ; but if not, I
think any such dilatory proceedings would place us in a very awk-
ward position, and would certainly have an injurious effect upon
all natives whether acting for or against us.'
To this Mr. Merriman replied that the Gk)vemor did not
consider this an Imperial war of the old kind. As he was
actually telegraphing. Sir Bartle came into the telegraph office,
and Mr. Merriman reported * the Governor very distinctly
sjrmpathises in your views, and tells me to say that he said
nothing to Lord Carnarvon, nor to Commander-in-Chief indi-
cating a wish for reinforcements, beyond a few artillerymen
from St. Helena.'
Mr. Molteno insisted that Commandant Griffith, the
Colonial officer in charge of the operations, was not to be in
any way fettered by the proposed position of the General : —
Griffith's experience entitled him to the confidence of the
Government ; and the Colony generally is, I have no doubt, of the
same opinion. My own experience teaches me that in a matter of
> Sir B. Frere to Earl Carnarvon, C. P., A. 7—78, p. 36.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 236
this kind inaction and delay are most dangerous, and, above all
things, to be avoided. It saps the order of and wearies the volun-
teers and burghers. Their horses become useless, and, on the
other side, the enemy is emboldened. Strike quickly and sharply
would be my advice at almost any risk. If the Tembus are to be
made use of at all under Elliott, I would hurl them upon the enemy
without a moment's delay, follow them up sharply with the Fingoes,
who would want no commissariat arrangements, then the mounted
police, burghers, and volunteers; and the result would not, I
think, long be doubtful in driving the enemy out of his country ;
and if Moni and the Pondos are to be depended upon — which, I
think, they are, their interests lying in that direction — the Gulekaa
would be done for. ... I firmly trust in your not giving your
countenance to a moment's unnecessary delay or of any idea of
waiting to accumulate a large force, which it would be difficult and
costly to provide for, and might in the end, as I have seen before,
be comparatively useless.
On the 4th Mr. Merriman telegraphed : * We have 1,300
men in the field, 1,000 mounted,' and that * no more troops
were needed.' On this information, Mr. Molteno continued
to urge immediate action, and on the 9th he again tele-
graphed to Mr. Merriman : —
Is there yet no forward movement on Griffith's part ? I must
beg of you to let us know what orders have been given to him.
The golden opportunity of attacking Kreli, if not already lost, is, I
fear, Hkely to be so ; and all our preparations for getting together
an army before doing anything will end in the usual way — ^no
enemy fool enough to fight us on those terms. Pray inform us
more fully what you intend to do, and the results of your daily
councils of war; I do not want details. Must be more fully
informed, for the fears which I entertained and communicated to
you some days ago are by no means diminished, but quite the con-
trary. I wish the General could be got to see the advisability of
confining himself more to movements of Imperial troops, and to any
expenditure he is prepared to bear the cost of from Imperial fimds ;
but we must act in a more rough and ready and economical man-
ner, even if there should be, in the opinion of some, more risk.
The difficulties caused by the Governor's absence from
the seat of Government, together with the division of the
Cabinet which was involved thereby, now began to be felt.
236 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Mr. Molteno was not satisfied with the position of affairs on
the frontier ; a serious hesitation to act seemed to possess
those at the front. On the day on which the last tele-
gram referred to was sent, a Cabinet Comicil was held, and
the result was announced in the following telegram : —
At our Cabinet meeting yesterday we fully discussed the posi-
tion of affairs, and arrived at the conclusion, looking at the point
to which things have arrived, that it was advisable that I should
with as little delay as possible join you. There are many difficult
questions requiring full discussion with the Governor which it is
quite impossible satisfactorily to do by telegraph ; and postal com-
munication is altogether too slow nowadays. Under these circum-
stances, I immediately set to work making the necessary arrange-
ments for my departure, and am now fully prepared to embark in
the Melrose which sails this afternoon at four o'clock. ... I
have no doubt, under Captain Mills's able management, with two
Cabinet Ministers to refer to, everything will go on without a
hitch.
Mr. Molteno left on the 10th of October, and arrived at
King William's Town on the 14th or 15th. On the 17th
Griffith began his advance to sweep Galekaland,^ and we
must now describe the preparations which enabled the ad-
vance to take place.
It was on the 26th of September that the attack had taken
place on Commandant Griffith's position. The news of this
engagement was sent to King WiUiam's Town by telegraph
on the 27th of September, and the Government at once issued
orders to the different Civil Commissioners to push forward
volunteers as fast as possible. The idea was to localise the
disturbance as much as possible in the Transkei. The Civil
Commissioner at Queen's Town was communicated with,
and Queen's Town answered with a readiness which did
them infinite credit. Within a very few hours a force of
fifty-eight men marched from Queen's Town across Fingo-
land to Ibeka, and at the same time fifty of the Frontier
» C. P., A. 7—78, p. 79.
SIB BARTLE FBEBE AS DICTATOE 237
Armed and Mounted Police left Queen's Town to reinforce
Mr. Hook's troops. Arrangements were made with the
Greneral, at the request of the Government, for taking up all
the troops from Cape Town to the frontier, and they, of
course, were very anxious for action ; but it was decided
by the Government that the best course would be for the
military to take up positions lining Galekaland and the Gaika
location, leaving the work to be done by the poUce and volun-
teers. The great object was to get the police and volunteers
to the front as soon as possible. From the 27th of Septem-
ber until the first blow was struck was a very anxious
time indeed. The whole police force in the Transkei was
something Uke 300 men. Out of this some twenty or thirty
had to go to Bljrtheswood with the women and children,
fifty more were left at Toleni, an important post on the Kei,
to guard the communications, and that left only about 180
men to guard Ibeka where the first attack would be made.
It was a very anxious time, these two days before rein-
forcements could reach Commandant Grifl&th ; if the police
had given way, and there had been a general rush of Kaffirs
over Fingoland, it is impossible to say what would have
happened. They stood firm, however, until reinforcements
were able to come up ; and a great debt of gratitude is due
to the police for the stand they made at Ibeka. It was not
long before the Colony answered with an excellent spirit to
the call made. Every town on the frontier gave its quota —
Grahamstown, King WiUiam's Town, Queen's Town, and
Cradock all came forward, and sent up men with supplies
and ammunition to the front ; and about the 2nd of October
Commandant Griffith was secure in his position. The
Kaffirs could not break through into Fingoland, and it was
equally certain they were not Ukely to make a raid into the
Colony, leaving their rear unprotected.
From this date the disturbance was locaUsed. On the
3rd of October, in consideration of certain difficulties which
238 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
the Government anticipated were likely to arise in ordering
the forces about, Lient.-General Sir Arthur Cunynghame was
put in nominal command, but with the distinct understanding
that Commandant Griffith should be perfectly unfettered
in his action in Galekaland. The General did not inter-
fere with Commandant Griffith at all.' Not a single order
was issued, and the colonial officer was perfectly unfettered,
so that whatever credit or discredit there may be in regard
to the Galeka campaign belongs, not to Sir Arthur Cunyng-
hame, but to Commandant Griffith and his forces. It has
been said that this virtually gave Sir Arthur Cunynghame
powers which the Government resisted. It was nothing
of the kind. He was put in nominal control of the police ;
but with the actual and definite control he had nothing
at all to do, and his own despatches bear this out ; while
another proof of this is that the supplies throughout remained
in the hands of the Colonial Government, and it is an un-
doubted military regulation that supply and command and
control must go together.
Affairs progressed in Galekaland, and on the 17th of
October Commandant Griffith was able to make an ad-
vance, troops and supplies having arrived. He had under
him a force of 1,200 mounted men and 400 infantry,
together with native allies — Tembus and Fingoes under
Major Elliott and Mr. Ayliff — numbering altogether about
8,000 men. One or two actions had taken place as the
result of reconnaissances by Griffith around his position, but
it was only on the 17th that he began to advance in three
columns. The success of the movement was unchecked ; the
whole of the country was swept clear by these colunms, and
on the 2nd or 3rd November he reached the Bashee, across
which Kreli had fled with the remnant of his people. Hence
he was pursued into Bomvanaland across the Umtata, and
driven into the interior of Pondoland ; and thus, thoroughly
» See the General's despatch, C. P., A. 7—78, p. 120.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 239
routed and demoralised, the Galeka army was looked upon
as entirely extinguished.^
The success had been exactly what Mr. Molteno had
predicted. It is true that the General had drawn Sir
Bartle Frere's attention to what he called the critical
position of the police force on the edge of Kreli's country,
and that from what he had seen of the civil organisation
he felt bound to tell the Governor that he augured the
most rmfortunate results, and such as only to lead to disaster.*
This is exactly analogous to the predictions made in 1846 by
the Imperial ofl&cers when the colonial commandants ar-
ranged an immediate attack on the Amatolas, and subse-
quently on Kreh. This want of ' organisation ' was exactly
what made the colonial troops so effective in South African
warfare. The men had not been reduced to mere pawns ;
they were real live units, who could ride and shoot perfectly,
and could make use of every advantage offered by the nature
of the country. Subsequently, even the General was obliged
to admit that : —
Commandant Grifi&th has been perfectly successful in entirely
defeating and subduing the chief Ereli and his army, and that in
effecting these measures he had been careful to leave their details
in the hands of Commandant Griffith, to whom the honour and
credit are due of this successful issue.'
The Frontier Armed and Mounted Pohce and Colonial
forces had been employed alone with native allies, the Im-
perial troops being in garrison and in fixed stations at Forts
Cathcart and Cunynghame, East London, with advance posts
at Komgha and Pulleine's Farm and Impetu, while the Kei
mouth had been held by a strong force of volunteers and a
detachment at Toleni to cover the main road across the Kei.*
The Imperial troops were naturally chagrined at seeing the
Colonial troops doing all the fighting, and were very eager
» C. P., A. 7—78, p. 120. « Ibid. p. 64. « Ibid. p. 120.
« Ibid, p. 38.
240 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
to take this work on themselves. The Governor had, how-
ever, up till now agreed with the Ministry in leaving the
conduct of operations to the Colonial troops, giving the
General only a formal authority over them, and General
Cunynghame reports to the Secretary for War that *no
actions otherwise than of a defensive nature have been
required of her Majesty's troops, the political arrangements
of his Excellency the Governor preventing the necessity of
a conflict which otherwise I felt assured would have taken
place.' ^
As soon as the advance had begun in earnest, owing to his
efforts and presence, Mr. Molteno left King William's Town
for Cape Town, where he arrived about the 28th of October.
Thus ended the first critical period in the history of the
war ; Mr. Molteno had at last had his way, and the attack
on the Galekas had met with every success. The Imperial
troops had given the aid of their prestige and presence on
the border to protect the base of operations and to give
confidence in case of any reverse. The operations had been
entirely conducted by Commandant GriflSth, a Colonial
officer, and the General had not issued a single order, but
had merely received and forwarded his reports.
Looking to the fact that the Transkei was a quasi-foreign
territory and Kreli a quasi-foreign enemy, it was impos-
sible for Mr. Molteno to resist the Governor's proposal
to give Sir Arthur Cunynghame this nominal control, but
he did insist that it must be really nominal, and the
arrangement had, as the General himself testified, been abso-
lutely successful. There was no conflict between Imperial
and Colonial commanders. Griffith now returned slowly to
Ibeka and reported that the war was over. The commis-
sariat for the whole of the campaign had been managed by
the Colonial Government, and had been carried out most
successfully; not a man died of want or exposure, indeed
• C. P., A. 7— '78, p. 111.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 241
not a single man died of sickness of any kind throughout
the campaign.
The war was now regarded by the Governor as entirely
over. On the 13th of November the Governor telegraphed
to Lord Carnarvon : ' Kreli's force effectually broken up,
dispersed and cleared from Galekaland, fugitives driven
through Bomvanaland across the Umtata ; Griffith considers
field operations nearly over — is sending home volunteers
and burghers ; the Colony quiet/ ^ General Cunynghame
reported to the same effect on the 27th of November.^ And
finally, Sir Bartle Frere, under date the 4th of December,
1877, writes to Lord Carnarvon of the complete success of
the whole campaign : —
Looking to the results achieved in suoh a short period, I feel
assured that her Majesty's Government will highly estimate the
value of the services of Commandant Griffith and the forces under
his command . . . This is not perhaps a fitting occasion for con-
gratulating the Colonial Oovemment on the stLCcess which has
attended their measures for meeting the KreU crisis, but in men-
tioning to your Lordship for the information of her Majesty's
Government those who have most contributed to the success of
Commandant Griffith's operations, justice requires that I should
not omit to record my sense of the degree in which the services of
the forces in the field were aided and supported by the unflagging
energy and quick intelligence of the Honourable Mr. Merriman, the
Commissioner of Crown Lands, who was charged by Mr. Molteno
and his colleagues in the Ministry with the civil duties which usually
devolve on a Minister for the War Department.'
We must bear both these eulogies in mind, as in the
following month Mr. Molteno's advice, according to Sir Bartle
Frere, was that of a ' lunatic,' and Mr. Merriman was charged
with having ' assumed the position of War Minister.'
By pure accident Mr. Merriman had been present with
the Governor on the frontier when the outbreak took place.
Mr. Brownlee, the Secretary of State for Native Affairs^
> C. P., A. 7—78, p. 82. « Ibid, p. 111.
• I. P., C— 2000, p. 10.
VOL. II. E
242 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
had gone up to use his influence with the Gaikas. Thus
there were two Cabinet Ministers with the Governor, and
Mr. Molteno had given to the triumvirate full power of
acting as they deemed best in Transkeian matters, with the
proviso that no serious step was to be taken without com-
municating with the rest of the Ministry and that he himself
was to be kept fully informed of all that went on.
Sir Bartle Frere communicated this arrangement to
Lord Carnarvon.^ But it had not been adhered to, and as
we have seen, Mr. Molteno was compelled to proceed to the
frontier himself. Frequent complaints were made by him
that he was not advised of what was done, and that serious
steps were taken without consulting him or without giving
sufl&cient time for proper deliberation. The Governor made
use of this state of affairs for enforcing his views on the
members of the Cabinet who were present with him and
were then subjected to his direct influence. In this way he
divided the Cabinet and increased Mr. Molteno's diflficulties
enormously.
The most important proclamation for the deposition of
Kreli had been issued without the sanction of the Cabinet in
Cape Town. Now a more serious difficulty arose which
threatened a Cabinet crisis, and the circumstances of which
serve to bring out Sir Bartle Frere's characteristic of ' taking
his ignorance for superior knowledge.' He had but lately
arrived in South Africa, and had but little time to learn much
of its people or its natives. Yet he had himself dravm atten-
tion in the case of India to the dangers of sending out an
active man for a short time, infinite mischief being the result,
due to want of knowledge of the complicated conditions
which prevail on the spot.
The Governor and the members of the Cabinet on the
frontier represented that Galekaland was thoroughly subdued
and conquered, and they proposed to Mr. Molteno a plan
» C. P., A. 7—78, p. 22.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 243
of settling it immediately with Scotch and German families.
It was projected that 332 of these households shotdd be located
in Galekaland beside the 10,000 Galeka families. The propo-
sition was no sooner made than it was pressed with persistence
both by the Governor and by Mr. Merriman. On the 1st
of November the Governor telegraphs to Mr. Molteno :
' Griffith's reports lead us to believe Galeka territory nearly
cleared ; am anxious to have your assent to sending upward
the Germans to occupy the country in rear and begin
settlements.*
To this Mr. Molteno replied that he must have Mr. Mer-
riman's remarks on the subject before he was in a position to
give any opinion, and he informs Mr. Merriman, who also
pressed the plan upon him, that it was a very serious matter,
requiring the consideration of the Cabinet. Next day a
fresh telegram came from the Governor pressing for imme-
diate assent, and saying that, unless the proposition were
carried out, he might have to send the Imperial troops into
the Transkei, thus making use of a threat of a course which
he knew was entirely against Mr. Molteno's wishes. Mr.
Molteno replied that he would give a decision as soon as he
had received the particulars for which he had asked, and had
been able to consult his colleagues in the Cabinet.
Two days after the Governor again telegraphed : —
Very sorry you still object to plan of sending Germans
Transkei ; consequences may be very serious. I entirely object
to plan of Fingo plantations. I foresee a very serious Fingo
difficulty ere long if proper measures are not soon taken, and I
must decline all responsibility for results .... I wish any advice
you may be so good as to offer me given under the fullest Minis-
terial responsibility. Till I am favoured with your advice it is
impossible for me to say what action it may be necessary for me
to take.
These telegrams show the determined and persistent
manner in which Sir Bartle Frere was forcing his views
upon the Cabinet. The Cabinet met at once, and a minute
R 2
244 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
was drawn up recommending the Governor to return to the
seat of the Government, when the Cabinet would then be
imited and advise him as to the scheme of settlement to be
adopted.^ This minute was telegraphed to Mr. Merriman
and Mr. Brownlee for their concurrence. They replied that
they did not think the Governor could return at present,
thus agreeing with the Governor, under whose influence
they were, rather than with their colleagues. Thereupon
Mr. Molteno had a series of telegraphic conversations, in the
course of which he makes some remarks which show the very
serious nature of the crisis, and illustrate how determined
the Governor was to have his own way, notwithstanding the
very limited character of his knowledge of the natives and
the frontier generally. Sir Bartle Frere had been made
practically dictator of South Africa, and could ill brook
the Cape Ministry interfering with his views of what was
desirable.
Mr. Molteno, in telegraphic conversation with Mr. Mer-
riman, first reviewed the minute above referred to, and
asked whether he concurred. Mr. Merriman replied that a
hesitation to accept his plan for settling Galekaland would be
resented by the Governor, who was
ready to take the full responsibility for all things done by his
advice. And this means that under the name of the High Com-
missioner we can settle the country as we please, and success and
the emergency, with the Governor's minute, will be ample
justification to Parhament.
Mr. Molteno answered that he had not the slightest
intention of giving a rebuff to the Governor : —
I believe the Governor's true friends are those who wisely and
correctly advise him, and it would be a fatal mistake to lead h\m
to suppose that he is likely unaided to bring things to a satisfac-
tory termination. It appears to me to resolve itself into this:
* A defence of Sir B. Frere's refusal to retam to Cape Town has been made
by his biographer, by stating that there was only a weekly post to the frontier,
entirely ignoring the telegraph, by which conversations were carried on daily.
Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. ii. p. 199.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 245
Are the forces of the Colony and the conduct of this war to be
taken out of the hands of those only really responsible people and
a sort of carte blanche given to the Governor to act as he thinks
best, trusting to the result being satisfactory, the Ministers
becoming little more than executive officers ; in fact, the practical
abandonment of responsible government? What responsibility
can the Governor incur ? The Ministers are the people to bear the
responsibility of whatever is done, and the Colony will certainly
not absolve them from that. We must, in my opinion, all act
constitutionally. The Governor may wish to summon Parliament
in the Eastern Province,* or anything else, but his Ministers must
control him, or he must dismiss them and choose others.
Thereupon Mr. Merriman made a suggestion that a tele-
graphic conversation with the Governor might do good. Mr.
Molteno readily acceded to the suggestion, and a long conver-
sation took place, in which Mr. Molteno urged the Governor
to return to Cape Tovm, where the joint advice of the whole
Cabinet would be at his service, in order to properly deal
with the settlement of Galekaland.
The Governor said that he could not leave the frontier
while the state of affairs was so imsettled, and that Mr. Mol-
teno should trust those who were on the spot to do their best,
and so avoid further difficulties and enable the Governor to
return to the seat of the Government. Mr. Molteno replied :
I hardly think, upon consideration, your Excellency will find
we are chargeable with any unnecessary delay down here — it is
only the day before yesterday that we have received the memo-
randum from one of our colleagues on this most important subject.
I will at once state, to save time, what occurs to me on the spur of
the moment in reply to some of the remarks of your Excellency.
In the first place I see no difficulty in dealing with Mapassa's
people temporarily in the manner discussed when I was at King
William's Town, nor do I see any reason why those Galekas who
surrender unconditionally should not be allowed to return to such
portion of the country as they formerly possessed, as may be
decided upon and upon such conditions as, I think, there will be
no objection to your Excellency imposing.
* The remark in regard to the assembling of Parliament referred to Mr.
Merriman's statement that a refusal to agree to the Governor's proposition
would mean the immediate assembling of Parliament in the Eastern Province.
246 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
It is really with the introduction of new elements into the
country that tiie difficulty arises. Mr. Merriman's memorandum
gives no idea of the conditions upon which grants could be made
to Europeans either of occupation or in any other respects. It con-
fines the Europeans to whom land is to be granted to Germans and
possibly Scotch, for which limitation I see no reason. I do not see
any necessity for such a movement to be so closely identified with
nationalities ; would not Colonists be equally available ? ^ If any
such plan be adopted it is estimated that there would be 10,000
Galeka families, and supposing that the 332 European families were
to be located in that country, I consider so small a proportion of
Europeans would be in a very dangerous position, and as nothing
is said as to how the country is to be held from a military point of
view, how are these people to be supported and properly protected ?
I should hesitate to undertake the responsibility of placing them in
such a position. Are these people to be drawn from the Colony,
or is it proposed to introduce any of them from abroad ? If so,
how are the funds to be provided ? At first sight it seems a
scheme for granting away the whole of the land not required for
the Galekas and providing for free passages for those who are to
receive the grants.
Nothing is said as to the kind of government, especially
with regard to Europeans. Is it proposed to annex the territory
to this Colony, and if so in what manner ? The condition would
be very different from either Tembuland or Basutoland. Is
it proposed to assist grantees in any manner with regard to erec-
tion of buildings, purchase of implements, subsistence pending
raising of crops, or is land only to be granted to persons possessing
a certain amount of capital either in stock, money, or otherwise ?
Your Excellency will, I hope, excuse my pointing out very
hurriedly a few of the points which I think would require careful
consideration before taking any steps to carry out a scheme of
this kind, the responsibility for which must devolve upon your
Excellency's advisers, and fully impressed with the weight of such
responsibility, I think ample time should be allowed for discussion
and consideration. I should be glad if your 'Excellency is able to
inform me whether the question of following up the Galekas across
the Bashee and to what extent has received your Excellency*s con-
sideration, and as to what Colonial force you would deem suffi-
cient to hold possession of the Galeka country, at any rate for
the present.
' As in 1869, when the then Government proposed to settle the Northern
border with Bastards, Mr. Molteno objected to colonists being excluded, and
carried his objection in Parliament, so now he showed his sound statesmanlike
views by objecting to these narrow restrictions.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 247
To this the Governor repUed that he would take the
responsibility with the Imperial Government with regard to
the plan and the annexation of Galekaland ^ ; that he could
not send back Mapassa or the other Galekas till the point of
European immigration was settled. He said he would not
be unwilling to extend the settlement to other Colonists, and
finally he appealed to Mr. Molteno to give them the power
to settle matters by allowing them on the spot to do
their best, and thus pave the way for his return to Cape
Town. As to the Fingoes, he had no doubt as to their
loyalty at present, but he saw signs that they might regard
themselves as specially favoured by the Government. Mr.
Molteno answered that he would fully consider all that
had been said, and would do all he could to facilitate the
Governor's speedy return to Cape Town.
Thereupon, after consideration by the Cabinet, and subject
to certain restrictions and modifications in the scheme as
originally suggested, the proposal of the Governor was agreed
to in a minute, while at the same time Mr. Molteno tele-
graphed to Mr. Merriman : —
Referring to our conversation of the 7th instant, subsequent
telegrams from yourself and Brownlee, and conversation with the
Governor on Saturday ; considering the great difficulty of carrying
on discussions by telegraph ; the great necessity which both the
Governor and yourself think exists for immediate action ; the
strong opinion which you both express, and in which Brownlee
seems to concur, that the immediate return of the Governor and
yourself to the seat of Government would probably be attended
with danger and panic ; taking also into consideration the very
important fact that what is proposed to be done meets the full
approval of the Governor as High Commissioner, although regret-
ting the impossibility of being all together, and thus deriving the
benefit of a fuller and more extensive discussion of the very
important question involved before arriving at a decision, we hesi-
tate to address the proposed minute to his Excellency the
Governor, as already telegraphed to you, and trusting that we
shall receive from you full particulars upon the various points of
* Bat he was presuming upon his influence with the Imperial Government,
who refused to permit this annexation until Sir Bartle Frere had left the Gape.
248 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
details which in my conversation with his Excellency I mentioned
your memorandum seemed to be wanting, and that in as far as
possible no further steps will be taken without first affording your
colleagues an opportunity of expressing their opinion upon them
other than those which may be absolutely necessary to enable you
to at once proceed with the settlement of the Galeka country in
the manner proposed, we do not feel justified in dela3ring our
assent generally to the scheme, and request that you will, Mr.
Brownlee concurring, communicate with his Excellency the
Governor to that effect.
The time selected for the introduction of the scheme
was ill chosen — it was not Mr. Molteno's suggestion. The
details as first suggested were impracticable, and the whole
matter was one which should have been dealt with only by
Parliament. The country was quite unfit to be settled in
this way. Kreli's power had been broken, but Galekaland
required guarding, and Mr. Molteno, as we see above, sug-
gested to the Governor the necessity for inmiediate attention
to this point. The subsequent return of the Galekas and the
attack by them on the volunteers inmiediately killed the plan,
and showed how right was Mr. Molteno in his fears as to its
crudity, and also the danger to Europeans had they been
placed in Galekaland as proposed.
We have entered into the subject in order to make
it clear that the Governor was determined to use all his
power as dictator, and was ready to push matters to a
crisis with his Ministers if they did not agree to his
wishes. It served to show Mr. Molteno's forbearance and
his desire to work with the Governor if at all possible.
He pre-eminently feared a political crisis at a moment
when the Colony was involved in war, and on this ground
he went further than he otherwise would have considered
himself justified in doing, in the direction of subordinating
his views to those of the Governor. The incident also
serves to bring out the soundness of Mr. Molteno's informed
opinions when compared with the want of knowledge of
the High Conamissioner.
SIB BARTLB FEERE AS DICTATOR 249
Sir Bartle Frere was now much exercised and occupied
as to the ' organisation ' of the Frontier Armed and Mounted
Police. He was naturally horrified when he found the ap-
parent state of insecurity in which the Colonists on the fron-
tier lived daily. Coming as he did from India, where a highly
organised and numerous army was at the call of the Governors
of the Presidencies and the Governor-General, and where an
army corps could be hurled at short notice on any recalcitrant
prince, it shocked him terribly to find only the 'Police/
badly organised, as he said, and backed by nothing better
than volunteers and burghers, who came forward of their
own accord without compulsion, and who could only hold
the field for a short time.
Aggressive purposes, such as he had in view on Pon-
doland and elsewhere, could not be carried out with such
forces. Yet this was the normal and necessary condition
of the Cape frontier. It was not as dangerous as it
seemed to a new comer. The effective character of opera-
tions carried on by burghers and volunteers was well known
to the natives. Their mode of fighting startled the world
a few years later at Laing's Nek, Ingogo, and Majuba,
where the marvellous results of the extreme mobihty, the
accuracy of fire, tlie readiness to take advantage of the
nature of the ground were exhibited, while the individual
soldier was no mere unit in a crowd, but an intelligent
and effective element of a force which combined the advan-
tages of cavalry in mobility and of infantry for all other
purposes.
The prompt and energetic handling of these forces was
quite sufl&cient to keep the natives in check and to subdue
them should they unwisely attempt to try their strength
with the Government. The recent operations in Galeka-
land itself showed how effective their action could be, while
the subsequent operations which involved months of
campaigning when the Imperial troops took over the
260 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
operations in that country contrasted very unfavourably,
and showed the greater aptitude of Colonial forces in dealing
vnth native risings.
Sir Bartle Frere constantly talks of the necessity for a
standing army in his despatches ; indeed, his model was the
German one. Shortly before this outbreak he said to the
people of East London, in dealing with the question of
defence : —
I think it would only be in time of peril that the English-
man's spirit would be stirred sufficiently, but we should all be
prepared at any time to meet what is to come. I would rather be
always prepared for the worst on the model of our German
friends.
And to Lord Carnarvon he apologised for the necessity of
making use of such irregular forces as volunteers and
burghers : —
It was also necessary to explain why we have been compelled
in our measures of self-defence to rely so largely on the voluntary
efforts of our own people, and on improvised and amateur bodies of
military and police, which however creditable to the spirit of the
people, are attended with inconveniences and dangers incident to
the want of legal authority and organisation.^
While writing later, he says : —
If the native portion of this province is to be protected and
advanced in civilisation, it is absolutely requisite that the European
population should themselves feel secure, and they will not consider
themselves, nor should I consider them, to be so without some
force of professional soldiers for other forces to form and fall back
upon. The regular force may be very small, but it should be
complete in all arms and under regular commajid, not Hable to
be disorganised or misapplied by the interference of amateur
soldiers.*
It will be admitted at once that the security to be
obtained from such a force would be most desirable. It was,
• C. P.. A. 7—78. p. 37. « Ibid. p. 60.
SIR BARTLE FRERE AS DICTATOR 251
however, quite impossible for the Cape Colony, with its
limited resources and its limited population, to maintain a
body of this character. And it was very doubtful whether it
was not due to this so-called ' organisation ' that the Im-
perial forces were so unfitted for South African warfare ; as
in the war of 1846, so now, the complaint of the military
officers always was the disorganisation of the Colonial troops
and the danger of the movements they attempted, but the
strange fact was that these latter were always successful,
while the military movements were frequently very much
the reverse.
We have already pointed out that Mr. Molteno agreed
in and was carrying out the policy of Sir George Grey,
in strengthening the material resources of the country and
thus increasing the white population of the Cape Colony.
At the same time great defensive power was being at-
tained by the new lines of railways, which had an im-
portant strategic bearing upon the defence of the country,
but it was impossible for the Colony to maintain a larger
standing force than the Frontier Armed and Mounted
Police. It is true Sir Bartle Frere directed Mr. Sprigg to
bring in certain measures for creating ' organised ' forces on
the lines indicated by him, but the effort failed, and was only
an ephemeral one — the money might as well have been thrown
into Table Bay. Gradually the corps which were then
formed were disbanded, and in 1895 the sole organised
defensive force of the Cape Colony contained fewer men
than the numbers of the Frontier Armed and Mounted
Police authorised in 1877, notwithstanding the extension
of Cape jurisdiction to far larger masses of natives than were
subject to its jurisdiction in that year.
The counsel was then a counsel of perfection for the Cape
Colony. Its resources were limited. Mr. Molteno knew
this well, and impressed it upon the Governor, who for a
time agreed with him in this. Mr. Molteno's objection to
252 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
excessive expenditure on armaments was the same as that
of Sir Bobert Peel and of Mr. Gobden. He opposed exces-
sive expenditure on preparations for war which consumed
the resources required for the development of the Colony
just as Sir Bobert Peel opposed it, for it consumed the
resources required for the improvement of the temporal
condition of the people. Sir Bobert Peel had shown that it
was impossible to secure a country against all risks. ' If in
time of peace you insist on having all the garrisons up to the
standard of complete efficiency, and if every fortification is to
be kept in a state of perfect repair, then no amount of annual
expenditure can ever be sufficient,' and the country would be
overwhelmed with taxation in the attempt to accompUsh
this. It is inevitable that risks must be run. This language
of Sir Bobert Peel is the language of common sense, and
applies with even greater force to the conditions of a com-
paratively poor and sparsely populated country such as the
Cape Colony, where every penny that could be spared was
needed for the development of the resources of the country.
Considerable blame was laid upon Mr. Molteno for not
having larger defensive forces organised, but Sir Bartle
Frere himself absolves the Ministry from any blame in this
respect. Speaking at King William's Town on the 9th of
September, he said that the question of defence was no party
matter, and that all should unite upon the subject : —
I can only therefore assure you of the warm support you will
find in your western brethren. It is not only the Ministers, who,
as men of sound political judgment, may be expected to take a
more extended view of the interests of the country than anyone
else, but let me assure you that there is no indifference whatever
in the west, in those men who have made the west what it is, to
your interests.
And to Lord Carnarvon himself he points out that the
Ministry had gone even beyond the feeling of the community
on this subject. He says : —
SIB BABTLE f'BBBE AS DIGTATOB 253
The blame of the absence of any adequate legal provision for
defence or for the protection of life and property can hardly be
charged against the present Government, for I find that they last
year brought in a Volunteer Bill, which was quite capable of being
made an excellent measure, but it was successfully opposed and
dropped for the session. A like fate attended the Bill for frontier
defence brought in this year by the Ministry.
It may be hoped that after the experience of this year the
Government will be better supported by the patriotism and intelli-
gence of the country in their efiforts to frame useful measures for
Uie protection of life and property.
I have entered into these particulars not in any spirit of idle
criticism, but in justice to the gentlemen who, in spite of innumer-
able difficulties and with most inadequate means, will, I trust, soon
be able to restore peace to the country.^
» a P., A. 7— '78, p. 87.
364 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXVI
THE GALBKA AND GAIKA WAR. 1877
Panic on escape of Maokinnon — Gaika Outbreak — Necessity for ose of Native
Allies -Imperial Troops used by Goyemor— Raises Forces in opposition to
Ifinisters — ^Refuses to return to Cape Town — Chaos of Goyemment busi-
ness—GeneraPs inactivity — Allows Khiva to escape.
Sir Bartlb Frbrb was now pre-occupied with schemes for
reorganisation of the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police,
and he addressed an elaborate minute to the Ministers
upon its condition. This was no doubt extremely valuable,
but there were far more pressing matters to be dealt with,
and Mr. Molteno reminded him that the question of the occu-
pation of Galekaland was of the first importance. But Sir
Bartle Frere preferred to take his own way, and he tells Lord
Carnarvon that this reorganisation was a work of the most
urgent necessity, and took 'precedence of any permanent
arrangements for stationing the police in the Transkei ' or
for organising an eflfective police force to prevent stock-
stealing in the Colony.^ Galekaland being left unoccupied, it
was only natural that the Galekas should return, and they
reappeared in very large numbers, with most serious results.
In the meantime a panic arose on the frontier owing to
the escape of Mackinnon into the Gaika location. Mapassa
and Mackinnon were two sub-chiefs of the Galeka tribe.
They professed on the outbreak of hostilities to be desirous of
taking the Government side in the quarrel. In order to leave
Commandant Griffith perfectly free they had been allowed
to remove to the western side of the Kei with their cattle and
• C. P., a. 7—78, p. 108.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 255
their arms. Mr. Molteno had on several occasions urged the
Governor to allow them to be replaced in Galekaland, but
the Governor in the first place deferred the matter for his
German settlement plan, and subsequently, in pursuance of the
policy of universal disarmament which he was shortly to
announce, he desired them to be first disarmed. They were
quite inoflfensive and quiet. Captain Brabant, who was
near them at the time, says : —
I never had any difficulty with them— they were perfectly
obedient, and carried out readily all orders I gave. A short time
after this a detachment of the 24th regiment was sent to Impetu.
There had previously been a small detachment under a subaltern,
and they got on very well, but presently a captain was sent down.
He said he had been sent as it was thought that no Colonial
officer was to be trusted by himself, thus showing the sort of spirit
that prevailed between the Imperial and the Colonial forces. The
former looked upon a Colonial officer as absolutely unfitted to have
the smallest charge of any kind. Things went on thus, and then
Colonel Glyn came down to inspect the post. He spoke to him
(Captain Brabant) about the natives remaining armed, and asked
for an opinion on the matter, as he thought it was very dangerous.
He told him he did not think there was any danger, but Colonel
Glyn was not satisfied with what he said, and strongly represented
the facts to the Governor. The result was that while he was away
inspecting the volunteer posts down the river the order came for
these men to be at once disarmed. There was no alternative but
to obey, but he wanted to telegraph to Mr. Brownlee that he
thought the step a very dangerous one. He urged Mr. Brownlee
to use all his influence against the disarmament, pointing out that
it was quite unnecessary, and that he thought it would be very
dangerous.^
The disarmament of Mackinnon was carried out in a
very unfortunate manner. Instead of being done immedi-
ately the necessary force was assembled, some days elapsed
after the matter was known before the order was carried
out. The natives took fright and bolted to the Gaika
location. This took place about the 20th of November, 1877.
Mr. Molteno was not kept informed of what was being
* Speech of Colonel Brabant, sapplement to Argus, 6th Jane, 187S.
256 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
done, for telegraphing on the 21st to Mr. Merriman, he
It was not until receipt last night of your telegram to Mills, in
answer to one from him asking for information, that I was put in
the position that private individuals had been in for many hours
previously. Whatever may happen, pray give directions to some-
one to let us know what really is going on, good or bad. With
every confidence in his Excellency and yourself, I think there is
danger of a too high-handed and xmnecessarily harsh policy being
adopted with the native population generally which we have not
the power of carrying out. However desirable, as you say, it may
be to seize the golden opportimity of licking Gaikas and lingoes
into shape, and acting independently of the natural feeling of
enmity naturally existing between large masses of barbarous
people, I question whether the time has yet arrived for disregard-
ing so important an element. It is all very well for frontier men
to talk in this strain, but Government action is quite a different
thing. Even the instructions issued by you for the disarming of
Mapassa's at present terror-stricken men savours far too much
of tiie conqueror to my idea of things, and recollect how many
advantages have often been lost by unnecessarily driving masses
of men to actual desperation. I wish you would be good enough
to let the Governor see this telegram, for I wish him to know my
views.
Mr. Molteno's anxiety was very great and his position a
most trying one. This telegram was vmtten at 5 a.m. ;
indeed, many telegrams during this crisis were vmtten
during the early hours of the morning. It was summer,
the weather being very hot, and the vmter remembers being
roused before five o'clock, and proceeding with his father
out of doors into the cold morning air under the great oaks
of Claremont House, and there writing down the various
telegrams and instructions in regard to the crisis.
The Gaika location into which Mackinnon had escaped
is a district about fifty miles long by about twenty-five miles
in greatest depth between the Kei and the skirts of the
Amatola Mountains. It had been assigned to the Gaikas
who followed the chiefs Sandilli and Anta. A large popu-
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 257
lation of Guikas, with a little admixture of other tribes, had
settled there, and were generally regarded by the neighbonrs
on all sides with much distrust, as owing to a number of
causes less had been effected in civilising them than in other
districts.
The Governor had but little appreciation of native
character. According to him the natives were to be ruled
justly but firmly, and his idea was to begin by disarming
them, as in the case of Mapassa and Mackinnon, but he
seemed unable to appreciate what this involved. The Gape
Colony had not the resources to carry out a policy of this
nature, while England was weary of E^ffir wars, and had
definitely abandoned the attempt to rule the natives. The
subsequent war which arose on Sir Bartle Frere's attempt,
through Sir Gordon Sprigg, to disarm the natives, showed
that they were ready to fight for their weapons, and no
step was more likely to cause desperate resistance. Was
England prepared to reverse her policy of withdrawing the
troops and allowing the Colonists to defend themselves with
their own resources ?
Lord Carnarvon, as appears from his despatches, had
certainly not given his consent to this course. But Sir
Bartle Frere had forced the hands of his superiors in
India, and he meant to do so here. He found on his
arrival that the native question was the question, the re-
sponsibility of which, in the case of Natal, he could find no
Cape statesman to undertake. To accomplish his scheme of
Confederation he meant to crush the Zulu power, which wali
the constant bugbear when confederation with Natal was
talked of. Although Lord Carnarvon had never wavered in
his instructions as to the withdrawal of the Imperial troops
except in so far as they were necessary for strictly Imperial
purposes. Sir Bartle Frere now told the people of the Eastern
Province as soon as he came among them,
VOL. IL S
258 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
that as to the matter of defence he could not agree that her
Majesty's troops should he removed from the Colony on the
principle that you throw a dog into the water to teach him to
swim. With his present convictions such a policy would be
insane, and he would go further and say that any man living in
this province was as much entitled to the protection of her
Majesty's troops as a dweller in the county of Middlesex. He
looked upon the troops as the backbone of any scheme of Colonial
defence.^
This was remarkable language for a High Commissioner
to use, looking to the constant tenor of all despatches since
the Committee on Colonial Defence had reported on the
necessity for reducing the Colonial garrisons. Lord Carnar-
von had been stronger, as we have seen, than any previous
Secretary of State on this point. The word ' insane ' was a
strong expression to use in connection with Lord Carnarvon's
policy. But we shall find Sir Bartle Frere employing it
again in coimection with the responsible advice tendered
him by Mr. Molteno. He had the bit now in his teeth, and
meant to have his own way. He had declared Kreli's
country forfeited, and had guaranteed its annexation to the
Cape Colony. Lord Carnarvon mildly says : ' Her Majesty's
Government were not prepared for the annexation of this
territory, but rely on your judgment.' It was not, however,
annexed while Sir Bartle Frere was Governor.
It was clear that the policy of subduing and placing our
foot upon the necks of all independent or semi-independent
native chiefs was one which would necessitate the use of
Imperial troops in considerable numbers. But the Colony
had been told that it was not to rely upon Imperial troops
in its native policy,^ and that if any Imperial troops were
employed for Colonial purposes the expenses must be borne
by the Colony. The Colony had definitely informed the
Imperial Government that it was unable to bear such ex-
> Speech at King William's Town, Argus, 11th September, 1877.
* Lord Eimberley to Sir H. Barkly, Noyember 17th, 1870. IJ'., G — 159, p. 66.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 259
penses. Mr. Molteno was therefore not justified in under-
taking to pay for the cost of Imperial troops, even if he were
assnred that Lord Carnarvon wonld agree to their use for
such Colonial purposes. The Colony had to cut its coat
according to its cloth, and Mr. Molteno was under a very
strong sense of responsibility on this point.
To show the working of Sir Bartle Frere's mind upon the
subject, he now addressed a letter to Mr. Merriman on the
Gaika question, which had assumed a serious phase, owing to
the escape of Mackinnon into the location, a fact of which he
does not appear to appreciate the importance, for he says in this
letter : ' As to Mackinnon Umhala having fled to the Gaikas,
instead of going back to his old home in Ereli's country, I
do not know why he should not live among the Gaikas, if
Sandilli will be answerable for him ' ; while to Lord Car-
narvon he writes, as a more or less surprised spectator : —
I had imperfectly realised the extent to which this recognition
of a separate jurisdictaon was carried when it was reported yester-
day morning that Mackinnon Umhala had left the position as-
signed to him by Mr. Brownlee, and had made for the Gaika
location. . . It is carious to note the instant panic which pervaded
the whole of this town when this intelligence was brought in,
grossly exaggerated in a variety of ways — 'The Gaika war-cry
had been sounded on all sides during the night ; Mackinnon was
making for the Amatolas ; the Kaffirs were assembling on all sides
and flocking to march on Eomgha ' — where reinforcements were
applied for by the officer in command to enable him to keep open
the road to King William's Town.*
As to the necessity for Imperial troops, he says to Mr.
Merriman : —
I entirely agree with you as to your estimate of their (the
Gaikas') strength as a mere military question. I feel sure that by
repeating the process followed against Kreli by summoning
burghers and volunteers, and arming Fingoes, you can crash the
Gaikas more completely, and slaughter more of them in a few
weeks than in Kreli's case.
» C. P., A. 7— *78, p. 96.
8 2
960 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
And again : —
I agree with you as to the ease with whioh the Graikas could be
omshed, bat yon oannot do it by the same process or machinery
as in Ereli's country. The Frontier Armed and Mounted Police
are pretty well knocked up, and require rest as well as reorgani-
sation. Ton may get fresh burghers and volunteers in troops, but
you will have to proceed according to strict Colonial law, and to
answer for all you do to Colonial tribunals.
After seeing the telegram to Mr. Merriman of the 21st
of November above referred to, he vnrote to Mr. Molteno
on the 25th : —
Mr. Merriman showed me your telegram to him. I think I
concur in every word of it, and I do most entirely in its general
tendency, as you will have seen if he has sent you my letter to
him which I wrote in answer to one from him on the subject of
the Graika power to harm us. I agree with him that we could
speedily crush them, but I should regard such crushing as a greater
misfortune and disgrace to us than almost anything that could
befall us. They are our fellow-subjects and not our enemies, and
our duty is to govern, protect and improve them, not to slay them.
I think he now quite agrees with me in this view, but you know
the pressure which the terror-stricken frontier people put on
Government for 'strong measures,' as they call them, at such
limes, and how difficult it is for us to hold the balance of justice
even.
But Sir Bcurtle Frere did not appreciate the consequences
of his policy ; he did not realise that depriving the chiefs of
their power, together with the disarmament of their followers,
was regarded by them as a matter of life and death. He looked
upon it merely as a question of governing them firmly and
justly. However, in the same letter he says to Mr. Molteno
that her Majesty's troops, being used to obey orders, are less
likely than burghers or volunteers to bring about a collision.
This was no doubt true, and we can appreciate the desire
to have regular troops ; but it was what the Home Govern-
ment, after their experience of KaflSr and Maori wars, had
deliberately refused.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 261
The question of the use of troops, instead of burghers and
volunteers, was one on which Mr. Molteno could not agree.
The Governor was for dispensing with the power of the chiefs
at once ; their assegais must be beaten into ploughshares,
by force if not by persuasion. Mr. Molteno was for pro-
ceeding cautiously, having regard to the limited means at
the disposal of the Colony, as well as to the dangers of
sudden changes, which are always misunderstood and re-
sented by native tribes.
The Governor desired to use Imperial troops, over whom
he had imhampered control, and who were likewise under
stricter discipline. He did not desire burghers and volun-
teers, whose services were voluntary, and in the disposition of
whom he was bound to consult his constitutional advisers/
and who were unsuited for the aggressive action he contem-
plated. Mr. Molteno was for immediate, sharp, and decisive
action, as soon as the necessity arose for the use of force.
For this purpose the volunteers and burghers were much
superior to Imperial troops, who must necessarily move with
all arms, cavalry, artillery, and infantry, a large commissariat
and other impedimenta. The burghers and volunteers were
not able to keep the field for long, and for this reason also
a protracted campaign was above all things to be avoided.'
This divergence of opinion was soon brought into prominence
by the next episode in the war.
The disastrous results anticipated from the fiight of
Mackinnon into the Gaika location did not take place ; but
the difficulties of the situation were now enormously increased
by the return of the Galekas into Galekaland, as was evi-
denced by an unexpected attack upon a patrol of volunteers,
1 See his despatch to Lord Carnarvon, where he tells Mr. Molteno he wants
volunteers who will consent to be under military control. See p. 295 note, infra.
* Colonial troops cannot keep the field for long. Compare with this the
same difficulty in the American War, where the Colonial troops insisted on
going home, even in presence of the enemy. See Lecky, England in the
Eighteenth Century, voL iv. p. 282.
262 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
which resulted in the action known as the battle of Umzitani.
News of a Tambookie inraid into Fingoland, near Saint
Mark's, in the direction of Queen's Town, was received
almost simultaneously. Mr. Molteno's fears as to Galekaland
had been realised. While the Governor and Mr. Merriman
were talking of a militia to defend the proposed white
settlement, and the reorganisation of the Frontier Armed
Mounted Police, the Galekas had returned. Mr. Molteno at
once reahsed the critical character of the situation.
Sir Bartle Frere's views had been placed before him in
his letter of the 25th of November, but Mr. Molteno felt that
immediate action was necessary. He urged the inmiediate
despatch of Fingoes into Galekaland to hold the country
temporarily, and to prevent the disorganised Galekas rallying
in numbers : —
With every desire to support you in every way, I look upon it
as simply impossible to carry out your suggestions about a militia.
Sanction of Parliament would appear to be indispensable, and it
could not aid you immediately if it were otherwise, and it is
immediate force you want. More volunteers could be had without
denuding frontier districts, but not in sufficient numbers, and with
more difficulty than would attend enrolling and making use of
Fingoes, who could be at once sent into Transkeian territory ; and,
if fighting is to take place, let it be there rather than in the
Colony. I feel convinced that we must sooner or later come to
this. Galekaland must be held by some sort of occupation or
other, and your European scheme, whatever may be said in its
favour as an ultimate result, does not meet the inmiediate
necessities of the case. If Galekaland be not occupied at once
Galekas will return, and, finding nobody to contest, it vnll be
more difficult than ever to deal with them. They are evidently
not yet subjugated.^
Immediately on receiving the news of the brushes with the
Galekas, Mr. Molteno telegraphed to the Governor on the 5th
of December, pointing out the various considerations which
rendered the immediate occupation of Galekaland by the
■ Telegram, Mr. Molteno to Mr. Merriman, December 5th, 1877.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 263
Fingoes imperative. The scheme for European occupation
was one which did not meet the immediate necessities of the
case, owing to the lapse of time in carrying it out ; more-
over, it would necessitate a very costly force to protect the
settlers. If a great Power were to determine upon this
course, it might succeed in time ; but the Colony, with
its limited revenue and small white population, could not
endure the strain. The natives must be used, and especially
the Fingoes, on whose account the war was originally under-
taken. If this were not done, then a war of races was almost
inevitable, a forecast which was only too soon verified. Mr.
Molteno concluded by impressing with all the weight he could
command the strong sense of duty under which he urged
the vital importance of these views. They were embodied
in the following memorandum : —
The recent attack on our patrol by so large a body of Galekas
seems to indicate that our operations against them have not re-
sulted in such a complete subjugation as we had hoped. This,
taken in connection with the state of feelings in the Colony and
among the Gaikas, points to the necessity which exists for not
reducing the forces actually in the field, but rather to the advisa-
bility of iaoreasing them ; and, at the same time, not doing so in
any manner tending to reduce our strength in the frontier districts,
or such parts as the existence of the large masses of the natives
renders the utmost precaution necessary. The Attorney-General
is in favour of making use of the present Burgher Force Act ; but
this process is, I am afraid, too slow, and would, I fear, tend to
keep up excitement, while not really giving us any immediate
accession of strength ; but the question is still under discussion.
Meantime we are very seriously impressed with the dangers and
difficulties likely to arise from delayed actual occupation of such
portion of Galekaland as it is not intended should revert to the
Galekas.
Without re-opening a discussion on the subject of European
occupation in the manner already determined on, its undoubted
weak points, as afifeoting our position at the moment, cannot be
prudently overlooked, and must be provided against. First, much
time is needed for its development, during which a strong force
of some sort is absolutely necessary, for the settlers cannot be
^M LUE. JkSL TTVrfffT O^ 50b J. C 3B2LIE50
which "uvxia jhev :zii2tt Iiat^ pnxBBBSiGiu *"'^ ;)znvi£siiiL nuz^ ilasi
^^»4!r^7 if soc ipsnlj in jyaigaLh-y wait die fruiirfRML I <^ not
<wy :;2ias if » 2rRas Pobpot itusald ieKzamift apon. ssk ik «eric9»
af aesimi, and ae preyrgd sa ind di^ m iii wwiy aagSr ami iKar
die, r 5ear^ inevicaole en& 'iia ;esil^ mr^ht ^oc in ame prove
MCufiusSory ; has die Bssonzees of iifaiB CoIozLy. ami attain apon. te
^MXipimtfrf'siy Kioitfil fUtwjfWMi popnlaaoB. wanliL in my o^bdoBv
k« coo g^neaSw Tbe ^Enui rmpprral yie^ ql inmrfirTg afaaf aai
htM^nq ;he icafes of pstice ev^iIy bttwaox^ nm only wbiat aai
btadr^ hot fiiie diifisraxs neea of black, I respecs, teS daixfci the
fOMbiHty , as any lase as pnseos^ of cscryin^ is oizl
We soas is aoott way or aaas zzufa& izs& af ihe BBSEvedEBBOi^
ma$ Mjujoooinkj to pa ooe nee againas she oskg &g she furpiMe of
cofiopaMiz^hadeasrtbesioa; bcs in no asher w%y da I as preaeBS see
bofr we eaa pnosees oarKHca, or prazuxe their snxe uihiimrta and
cmKiiaiMi. We Imwe as prcacoS laz;^ maaaes of Kn^oes and
other nathrea kysJ to oa, and, on tbe otbiff gde» iai^e maauaa so
tike eontrary ; aod do mast^ what the fieelfng of those at present
loyal to tM may hereafter beeome, sadti considprations eaimol
giride the preaent, bat nmat be foreaeen, aod, by wisa measozesoQ
our party guarded af^atnat in the fotaie. We mnss let those nasma
who are loyal to oa know that we eonsider them 90» treat ^leni
aeeordtniB^ ; and if our doing so arooses the enmity of the dis-
loyal H IS no fault of ours, and we most j^oteet them and aid
Ihem tn those efbrta whieh, nnder oor gnidance, they must put
fofftb in order to maintain the enviable position which they have
been necesaarily placed in. If fighting there nrast be, they must
lake part in the fight, and we mnst lead, direct, and a^ them.
I think It absolutely necessary at the pres^it crisis, and before
ihe Colony is possibly plunged into a dyil war. or a war oi races,
thai I should pat yoor Excellency in possession <A the views enter-
tained by myself and coDeagoes here before it is too late, and I feel
Erfectly sure that your Excellency will give me credit in so doing,
r nothing less than a fulfilment, to the best of my ability, of the
doty I owe to the country which has placed me in the position
I am in, and the most sincere desire, at no matter what cost to
myself, to aid and assist your Excellency in your present arduous
Md difficult position J
Tlie Governor suggested the immediate despatch of the
remaining portion of the 88th regiment, the notion of landing
' a P., A. 24—78, p. 8.
THE OALEEA AND OAIKA WAB 266
at Mazeppa Bay, or the £ei month, was revived, and Mr.
Molteno was requested to make the necessary arrangements
with the commodore. These he immediately carried out;
the Actvue and Florence embarked about 350 men and sailed
eastwards. Mr. Molteno telegraphed to Mr. Merriman on
the 6th of December : —
. . . establishing ourselves on the coast which, now that we
have taken the country, would be sure to follow sooner or later,
is most important, and will enable us to throw in rapidly both men
and supplies to any extent, while not weakening us on the
frontier, and will, I hope, more than compensate for the at present
impracticable militia scheme you appear to have set your heart on
so much. You can, however, temporarily utilise the men you had
in view for this purpose as volunteers or police, for use on the
immediate frontier.
At the same time, Mr. Molteno, in reply to a telegram
from the Governor, urging him to permit Mr. Merriman a
freer hand, wrote : —
As to what your Excellency says about allowing Merriman to
try his plans for Militia District Police (preventive and detective),
it has all along been my desire, taking into consideration the
extraordinary and difficult position in which he has been placed,
to give him the fullest possible latitude and support, stopping
short only of sanctioning engagements, and the initiation of plans,
which not only stretch beyond the exigencies of the moment and
entail permanent, as distinguished from temporary, changes and
burdens upon the Colony, without consent of ParUament, but
which obviously could not be effectively worked in the absence of
legislation.
On the previous day Mr. Molteno had pointed out to the
Governor the difl&culty of arriving at a decision in regard to
constitutional changes, and said that a visit to King William's
Town might be desirable if he could get away. Instead of
sending in the Fingoes and Colonial reinforcements to Com-
mandant Grifl&th in answer to his request, it was decided on
the frontier, without Mr. Molteno's concurrence, to send
Imperial troops and place the Transkei portion of the police
264 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
expected to aid in that respect for a long time to oome, and daring
which time they must have protection, and provision must also
be made for the unsettling effect upon the minds of the Graikas,
secretly if not openly in sympathy with the Galekas. I do not
say that if a great Power should determine upon such a course
of action, and be prepared to find the necessary force, and bear
the, I fear, inevitable cost, the result might not in time prove
satisfactory ; but the resources of this Colony, and strain upon its
comparatively limited European population, would, in my opinion,
be too great. The grand Imperial idea of standing aloof and
holding the scales of justice evenly between, not only white and
black, but the different races of black, I respect, but doubt the
possibility, at any rate at present, of carrying it out.
We must in some way or other make use^of the native element,
not necessarily to pit one race against the other for the purpose of
compassing its destruction ; but in no other way do I at present see
how we can protect ourselves, or promote their true interests and
civilisation. We have at present large masses of Fingoes and
other natives loyal to us, and, on the other side, large masses to
the contrary ; and no matter what the feeling of those at present
loyal to us may hereafter become, such considerations cannot
guide the present, but must be foreseen, and, by wise measures on
our part, guarded against in the future. We must let those natives
who are loyal to us know that we consider them so, treat them
accordingly ; and if our doing so arouses the enmity of the dis-
loyal it is no fault of ours, and we must protect them and aid
them in those efforts which, under our guidance, they must put
forth in order to maintain the enviable position which they have
been necessarily placed in. If fighting there must be, they must
take part in the fight, and we must lead, direct, and aid them.
I think it absolutely necessary at the present crisis, and before
the Colony is possibly plunged into a civil war, or a war of races,
that I should put your Excellency in possession of the views enter-
tained by myself and colleagues here before it is too late, and I feel
perfectly sure that your Excellency will give me credit in so doing,
for nothing less than a fulfilment, to the best of my ability, of the
duty I owe to the country which has placed me in the position
I am in, and the most sincere desire, at no matter what cost to
myself, to aid and assist your Excellency in your present arduous
and difi&cult position.^
The Governor suggested the immediate despatch of the
remaining portion of the 88th regiment, the notion of landing
» C. P., A. 24—78, p. 8.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 265
at Mazeppa Bay, or the £ei mouth, was revived, and Mr.
Molteno was requested to make the necessary arrangements
with the commodore. These he immediately carried out;
the Active and Florence embarked about 350 men and sailed
eastwards. Mr. Molteno telegraphed to Mr. Merriman on
the 6th of December : —
. . . establishing ourselves on the coast which, now that we
have taken the coimtry, would be sure to follow sooner or later,
is most important, and will enable us to throw in rapidly both men
and supplies to any extent, while not weakening us on the
frontier, and will, I hope, more than compensate for the at present
impracticable militia scheme you appear to have set your heart on
so much. You can, however, temporarily utilise the men you had
in view for this purpose as volunteers or police, for use on the
immediate frontier.
At the same time, Mr. Molteno, in reply to a telegram
from the Governor, urging him to permit Mr. Merriman a
freer hand, wrote : —
As to what your Excellency says about allowing Merriman to
try his plans for Mihtia District Police (preventive and detective),
it has all along been my desire, taking into consideration the
extraordinary and difficult position in which he has been placed,
to give him the fullest possible latitude and support, stopping
short only of sanctioning engagements, and the initiation of plans,
which not only stretch beyond the exigencies of the moment and
entail permanent, as distinguished from temporary, changes and
burdens upon the Colony, without consent of Parliament, but
which obviously could not be effectively worked in the absence of
legislation.
On the previous day Mr. Molteno had pointed out to the
Governor the difl&culty of arriving at a decision in regard to
constitutional changes, and said that a visit to King William's
Town might be desirable if he could get away. Instead of
sending in the Fingoes and Colonial reinforcements to Com-
mandant Grifl&th in answer to his request, it was decided on
the frontier, without Mr. Molteno's concurrence, to send
Imperial troops and place the Transkei portion of the police
266 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
under the General. The difl&culties of keeping the control
of the police there against the Governor's wishes has already
been alluded to, owing to his being High Commissioner over
the Transkei.
The Imperial authorities took control of operations on
the 7th of December. On the 14th Colonel Glyn arrived at
Ibeka with a detachment of the 24th, and took command.
A forward move was urged on them by Mr. Merriman, but
it was not until the 26th that the General felt able to move.
At this delay the Governor expressed his disapproval.*
In the meantime, a Galeka chief, Khiva, had on the 22nd of
December, while the troops were hesitating, crossed the Kei,
and passed into the Gaika location. This was most un-
fortunate, and led to an immediate increase of the excite-
ment.^
But how had the Imperial troops come to be used ? Mr.
Merriman had promised Mr. Molteno that he should be
fully consulted, and the terms arranged in writing upon
which the Imperial troops were to be used, if at any time
the suggestion were made ; but, without any intimation,
when Mackinnon was disarmed Mr. Merriman had assented
to the troops supporting the police, and we have already
seen Captain Brabant's account of the evils resulting from
their interference. He now again acted in concert with the
Governor, and ignored Mr. Molteno, who telegraphed to him
on the 13th of December : —
Your telegram of this morning received, which, taken in con-
nection with one on the same subject from his Excellency, places
matters in such a position as to, in my opinion, render it useless
urging any further objection to the arrangements you propose.
But I trust you will not fail to bear in mind the immense
responsibilities we are taking upon ourselves, and the necessity
for our being fully prepared to justify the same. You have aU
along said, ' Only give your full confidence to us who are acting
» C. P., A. 24—78, p. 26.
* Despatch of the 9th Janoarj to Lord Carnanron.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAR 267
on the frontier, and rest assured all will come right/ May your
prophecy be fulfilled. With the scanty information you furnish,
and the little we are able to glean from other sources down here
as to the position of afiieiirs, the feeling of helplessness to efifectually
aid and assist you, even in council, becomes every day more
painful ; nor am I sure that a too ready acquiescence on my part
in all your proposals and arrangements, many of them conceived,
pressed on, and carried out with a rapidity absolutely precluding
anything like full and fair consideration, will in the end bear such
fruit as you anticipate. How does the appointment of a second
in command of the Pohce answer your expectations ? Please show
his Excellency this telegram, as it in efifect replies to his of this
morning.
Mr. Molteno now foresaw, as on the previous occasion
of the operations in Galekaland, that there was a fatal
hesitation and paralysis at the front. In this case, owing to the
Imperial troops being engaged, it was even more apparent.
There was again a desire to mass large forces, and not to
use small ones vigorously ; and that notwithstanding the
fact that the Galekas had been thoroughly beaten only so
recently. All the previous anxiety returned in even greater
force, with the additional apprehension of a Gaika rising if
hostilities were prolonged. The Governor had not appre-
ciated the situation before. Now he appeared to be in a
panic. Mr. Molteno telegraphs to Mr. Merriman on the
14th of December : —
Your telegram received late last night. It is not news or even
facts alone I want, but I will enumerate points upon which
information would be most acceptable. Your general view of the
situation is, I dare say, pretty correct. Speaking of the police you
say the whole force has fallen to pieces. Granted this in a certain
sense, but you have 600 or 700 or more Europeans in that force
no worse than the men you are trying to get together on the
frontier — are they, their horses, arms and guns to be made no use
of whatever? Would 150 under Chalmers, and the remainder
divided into similar numbers and placed under the best officers in
the force, be of no use in acting against the Galekas ? Give up
the idea of massing large numbers at any one point under
Griffith or any other officer — he can safely do all that is necessary
268 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
as to general control at a distance. Are the Fingoes under the
best officers you can get to be made use of ? Where is Major
Elliott? Are his hands to be tightly tied and no use made of
his Tembus? What is domg by Blythe at Kokstadt? (Not
one word of information on this point yet.) Is any attempt
to be made to strengthen our position in Moni's country? or
do you propose to virtually abandon by the Colonial Govern-
ment the further direction of operations, leaving everything to the
management of military officers, and her Majesty's troops,
because it appears to me that if you have not already done
so the step you yesterday so strongly urged is a near approach
to it.
I still think it would be better to continue the policy we com-
menced with as to part to be taken by military and Colonial forces
respectively, and by no means agree in the gloomy view of afifairs
taken by his Excellency, and, I fear, shared in by you ; but if things
have come to this in your minds, let me ask of what use is the
presence any longer on the frontier of the Gk)vemor and yourself ?
Having once handed over to the War Department of her Majesty's
Government, anything beyond giving a general direction as to the
maintenance of public order in the Colony and scope of operations
beyond is out of the question, and this would be as well done, or
perhaps better, after consultation between his Excellency and his
Ministers at the seat of government, free from the disturbing
effects of panic, useless public meetings, &c., on the frontier. I
notice that the Governor and General were at East London. I
am sorry you were not there also, for I am apprehensive of a re-
petition of what occurred before, unless Colonial counsels could
be brought to bear, notwithstanding all the efforts to make the
landing a success.
I hope you will give me the fullest information with regard to
any special orders given to the Commodore. If the troops and
men of the Active are fortunately landed, for Heaven's sake let
some use be made of them, which I feel convinced might be the
case if joined by some of our police and native allies. But ominous
rumours already reach us as to value of mere military demonstra-
tions and the effect likely to be produced thereby on the native
mind. I, however, disregard them and hope for the best. Would
it not be as well if you were to give instructions to provide us
down here with information as to what steps you are taking in
regard to raising additional forces ? We are in this respect worse
off than any frontier Civil Commissioner. It is rumoured that an
•officer has even been selected for recruiting in Cape Town, while
the Government here is left in ignorance.
THE GALBKA AND GAIKA WAB 269
To this Mr. Merriman replied by letter, under date the
15th of December, in which he says : —
There are some matters which I do not like to discuss by tele-
graph for obvious reasons, and any difiference of opinion with the
Governor is one of them. To go back a few days, when this news
came of the action at Hollands Shop, undoubtedly things looked
very serious — the country was already in a panic. The Governor
had himself declared to a deputation ' that things were extremely
critical,' which simply worked matters up to fever heat. As you
see from the comments of the press how thoroughly this dictum
from his lips discredited all my efforts to keep matters quiet. The
press was daily issuing telegrams calculated to bring on a conflict
any moment — Griffith seemed to have given way ; and what force
had we to look to ? What would have been our responsibihty if
we had stopped to settle the exact terms and conditions of the
employment of the troops ? and yet we shall have to look the
whole mihtary question in the face, and the first step towards a
satisfactory settlement will be getting rid of the troops. I am a
more ardent advocate for that than ever. They are no use except
to frighten the enemy at great cost, and so hedged roimd with re-
strictions that, as in our present state, we only employ them as a
dernier ressort. As long as they remain there will be constant
friction, and, in active operations, paralysis. Think matter over
carefully.
But it was his own precipitate action, without consulta-
tion with his colleagues, that had led to their employment.
Mr. Molteno's fears were realised. The Mazeppa Bay
landing was abandoned, the Governor placing his veto on it.^
And on the 15th he telegraphed to Mr. Merriman as
follows : —
The return furnished on the 21st of September last as to
strength of Moimted Police gives total of all ranks 1,116 men,
and horses 884, now reduced by your account to 400, with tired
horses. Are not the remainder of the men available as footmen
in some way or the other ? I told you that from my own experi-
ence horses could not be maintained in efficiency if operations at
all protracted, and that the main body of our forces would have,
as in the case of all former Kaffir wars, to operate on foot, which,
looking to the comparatively restricted area of our present opera-
» C. P., A. 24-78, p. 12.
270 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
tions, would not be attended with so much difficulty. Her
Majesty's troops cannot be mounted except to a very trifling
extent, and yet it is proposed to work with them. If there is no
massing of forces now even 250 Europeans in one spot might, I
should imagine, be more beneficially made use of if divided and
co-operating with native forces. Buying horses for volunteers I
agree with you in not advocating — we must do things less expen-
sively.
It appears to me monstrous, taking the most exaggerated
view of the Galeka power, to believe that such a force of Euro-
peans as we have in the field aided by natives in the numbers we
could command, should not be able to hold their own in that
country, leaving the military to do the very useful work of main-
taining posts in the Colony, and aiding in putting down any dis-
affection which might imfortunately arise with natives within the
Colonial boundary. I never was sanguine enough to believe
what seemed so easy to you when I was on the frontier — viz.
conquering Galekaland, capturing Ereli, resetthng the country,
and finishing the job in the hand-over-hand fashion you imagined ;
but on the other hand I am not now inclined to take a desponding
view of affiairs, and suppose that nothing can be done without a
force numerically so much beyond what we had to begin with. I
am sorry to find that confidence in Griffith has been so much
diminished, but surely some of our police officers and frontier-
men could be entrusted with smaller commands in the manner I
have suggested in the country of an enemy of such a character as
the disorganised Galekas.
What was at first, perhaps, to some extent underestimated,
now appears to me immensely overestimated, but if it should
still be thought necessary to have more men in the field, I
was contemplating, in the event of a landing being effected
on the coast, sending levies from this end of the Colony, which
with a little effort could be raised to a considerable extent,
but I feel it is of but little use going on further in this strain.
I cannot advocate my views by telegram, the post is too tardy,
and without this, all I can say stands a chance of being
brushed aside. I think you will admit that you have had your
own way up to this, and if I saw any feasible plan now coming
forward, I should be disposed to continue in the same course.
Having, however, given all that has been advanced on your side
the fullest consideration, I have arrived at the conclusion that the
time has now fully arrived when the Governor must be advised to
return to the seat of Government with as little delay as possible.
I would go to the Governor myself, but this would not answer
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAB 271
the same purpose for many and weighty reasons whioh I cannot
now go into. You and Brownlee could not come down imtil after
the Governor had reached this, and the whole position of affairs
had been fully considered with him. I wish you would be good
enough to show the Governor this telegram, as I shall not be able
to communicate with him directly before Monday.
A minute was now decided on by the Cabinet in Cape
Town advising the Governor's immediate return to the seat
of Government. It set forth the division of the Cabinet which
precluded the possibility of any consideration by the members
of it collectively as to the advice which they might consider
it needful to tender to the Governor in the present emergency,
* thus virtually preventing the Government of the Colony
being carried on in a constitutional manner.' Admitting
that for a time his Excellency's presence on the frontier had
been advantageous, yet Ministers expressed their opinion
that any further prolongation of his absence from the seat
of Government would tend to lead the Colony into serious
difficulties greatly detrimental to its permanent interests,
and urged his immediate return to Cape Tovm.
Several things happened now which gave Mr. Molteno
just cause for resentment, and enforced the view that the
Government was being carried on in an unconstitutional
manner. The Governor began to act vnth the General
quite independently of the Colonial Government. He
authorised without any consultation or consent — indeed in
opposition to the efforts — of the Colonial Government the
enlisting and enrolment of two military bodies entitled
' Carrington's Horse,' and * Pulleine's Bangers.' ^ At Cape
' Four years afterwards the official acoount of the Governor's action at this
time is supplied by the then Premier's minate of the 81st of January, 1882.
The Imperial Government did not challenge his version, and admitted the right
of the Colony to refuse payment of the cost of these forces: —
* (8) Early in December, 1877, Sir Bartle Frere pressed upon his Ministers the
urgent necessity of providing some police force for the protection of the
frontier districts, then in a great state of alarm and uneasiness, and in conse-
quence they issued a notice calling for men willing to undertake such duties.
On the same day that this notice appeared, without the knowledge and sanction
274 LIFB AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
their hands, and thus unnecessarily endanger their lives and
property.
This was followed immediately by a telegraphic conversa-
tion on the same day. Mr. Merriman in answer says : —
Tou must also recollect that nothing kept the people here from
most mad panic but the movement of the troops. I do not think
they are so much in love with military movements now, and our
management will contrast most favourably in every respect. It
is a fortnight now, and they ought to have been perfectly prepared.
Just contrast what we managed to do in the first fortnight with
all our preparations to get together. I confirm in every respect
my private letter to you about the General.
Mr. Molteno replied : —
You have advanced nothing new now, or which has not been
mentioned in my late telegrams; and the action lately taken is
clearly in opposition to what you have advanced in telegrams and
letter. The civil Government will soon be in confusion, and the
only remedy which I can see is the one proposed this morning.
Nobody down here can understand the state of affairs. Mr.
Southey has just called at the Colonial Office to ask insertion in
the Government Gazette of some notice about volimteers. The
Gk)vemment, in fact, is completely passed by and ignored.
Notices issued to civil commissioners and others without the
slightest reference to the Government. I cannot understand the
proceedings of the General and his officers in this respect, and
shall hope that you have not in any way lent your countenance
to these irregular if not absolutely illegal proceedings. To carry
out such a system effectually, a proclamation of martial law would
seem to be the only course. I must press on you an early reply
on the proposed minute to the Grovemor.
In reply to this Mr. Merriman said : —
Pulleine's Bangers and Garrington's force are raised by
Imperial officers under Imperial regulations ; paid, at any rate for
the present, by Imperial funds. They have not consulted me, and
I do not wish to interfere, as the great question will come, whether
we have to return the money or not, or what part of it.
Mr. Molteno answered : —
Irrespective of the money question, which, for the present at
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAE 275
any rate, I decline to sanction on the part of the Colony, the
proceedings are irregular and illegal, unless with the full consent
of the Colonial Oovemment. Tou cannot stand by and let things
be done in the manner you suppose. Our responsibility we cannot
shift on others or refuse to bear ourselves.
And Mr. Merriman concluded the conversation : —
I shall send an answer to your last telegram as soon as I
can — probably to-night.
Nevertheless Mr. Merriman added to the diflBculty of the
situation by refusing to concur in the proposed Minute. He,
however, suggested that Mr. Molteno should await the
Minute which the Governor had dravm up based on the tele-
grams which had recently passed, and had been shovm to
him. In this he said that the position of affairs had con-
siderably improved, that the action of Mr. Chalmers had
roused Sandilli to a sense of his danger, that upon the whole
the prospect was much more hopeful than it had been.
I have received more than once a very decided expression of
the opinion of the Prime Minister and the members of the Cabinet
who are with him at the capital, that I and the two Ministers that
are here on the frontier should immediately return to Cape Town.
I am fully sensible of the manifold inconveniences which beset a
Cabinet when it is impossible to meet for personal communication,
but I feel sure that if Mr. Molteno, and his colleagues who are
with him, could realise, as we do here, the extreme danger in the
present excited state of the frontier, which follows any want of
prompt and judicious action of the Executive, they would not dream
of withdrawing the only representatives of the Executive whose
action is not both limited locally, and inefficient in the extent of its
powers. I earnestly trust that before the Ministers who are at pre-
sent on the frontier are withdrawn from it, the Cabinet will provide
a sufficient representative of the Executive Government, with power
to draw his intelligence, as we now do, from all parts of the fron-
tier, and to apply such remedy as may be available in the police or
military force at our disposal.
Unless this be done, I must record my deliberate and strong
conviction that there is the greatest possible danger of a civil war,
which has been so long imminent, breaking out at any moment.
As regards myself, I hope that in a short time it may be
possible for me to leave this part of the frontier without paralysing
T 2
276 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
the action of the military force beyond the Eel, but it will be for
some days difficult to speak with any certainty on this point. Ab
regards the Colony, I shall, in accordance with the Constitution,
be glad to meet the Cabinet, whenever and wherever it may
assemble, and if the Cabinet has made previous arrangements for
ensuring the peace of the frontier districts, I do not think there
could be a better place than Cape Town, but this is an important
and essential proviso.
Individually, my powers are restricted to directing any move-
ment of her Majesty's forces, regarding which I have no wish
stronger than that of being favoured with the deliberate advice of
the Cabinet. I think I have shown during the past few months,
when I have been in daily communication with all the Ministers
present, that there is no reserve in my earnest wish to elicit the
counsel and be guided by the advice of my constitutional advisers ;
and I can assure them that nothing is further from my desire than
to depart from the hue of conduct I have laid down for myself in
this matter since I first arrived in the country. If I do not imme-
diately hurry back to the capital, in answer to the expressed
wishes of the Prime Minister and members of the Cabinet there,
it is simply because in the present state of the frontier I do not
see how I and the Ministers now here, being the only symbols of
the General Executive Government of the Colony here present,
eould withdraw ourselves without the most imminent risk of civil
war — a risk which I think can only be effectually averted by the
Ministers indicating some Executive authority to whom Govern-
ment officials and the people of the frontier may apply for advice
and assistance in repressing any threatened disturbance which
requires the interference of police or military.
Having expressed these opinions, I shall anxiously await the
advice of the Cabinet on the subject.^
It will be perceived that the appointment of some officer
vnth large powers is here made a condition of the Governor's
return to Cape Town. On the following day the Governor
actually suggests the appointment of Mr. Griffith : —
From what Merriman has communicated to me of your views
as expressed in telegrams to him, I feel assured you cannot be
aware of the extremely critical position of affairs here. The
excitement in the Colony is perhaps less than last week, but the
danger is greater of colonists, if left to themselves, pressing on a
civil war with the Gaikas, Tembus, &c.
• C. P., A. 21—78, p. 2.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAE 277
I am sending you by post a Minute, whioh I should wish you
carefully to consider before you decide on the course you will
take. You seem by no means aware how entirely, for the moment,
the Frontier Armed and Mounted Police have collapsed, and lost
the confidence of their fellow-citizens. This is not Griffith's fault,
and much may be done to repair matters if he is properly sup-
ported. But to ensure a reasonable hope of keeping the peace
on the frontier, and to enable us to leave and rejoin you at Cape
Town, you must have someone here to whom all can apply for
advice and assistance, and who would have the power to issue
orders to all where the intervention of police force or application
for military aid was necessary. Griffith would, I think, do if he
possessed your confidence, but you may know a better man.
N will not do. He has, by his want of nerve and judgment,
done infinite harm in Alice and its neighbourhood, You may rely
on it that unless there is someone here to unite the disconnected
energies of your Executive, you will invite some great disaster.
You must have a police and judicial power here, able not only to
check stock-stealing, but to bring to justice misguided men who
may try to force on hostihties with the natives — a smaller evil
than the present absence of police protection. If all goes on well,
Griffith might be spared to come back here and reform the Colonial
PoHce in a few weeks, or possibly days.^
To this Mr. Molteno replies on the 20th : —
Your Excellency's telegram received. You may rest assured
that nothing more is required to impress me as to the extremely
critical position of affairs, arising, in my opinion, quite as much
from the excited state of the people, both white and black, within
the Colony as from actual danger from without. The late intelli-
gence as to the Galekas and surrender of Botman indicates, I
think, that they are not prepared to resist any longer, at any rate
for the present.
The immediate effect of this must be a cooling down of the
panic, and strengthening of the hands of Government in the most
strenuous efforts it is able to put forth, to maintain law and order
within the Colony, no matter at what cost. The ordinary civil
power is still, I think, able to do this with the exception of two or,
at most, three of the extreme frontier districts, within which I
admit the possibility or even the probability of a stronger hand
than that of the magistrate may be necessary, and would approve
of the appointment of Mr. Griffith, with special powers, and with
» C. P., A. 21-78, p. 4.
278 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
him would rest the power of calling in the aid of military or extra
Colonial force, if necessary ; which power, with the aid of tele-
graphic communication, and thus obtaining such advice from
superior authority before acting, as time and circumstances would
admit, ought, I think, to be sufficient to give reasonable hope of the
peace being maintained. I shall, of course, accede to your Excel-
lency's request and defer a decision as to the course to be pursued.
Pending receipt of your Excellency's Minute in the meantime,
however, even supposing I entirely coincide with your Excellency
as to the state of our police &c., I cannot delay intimating my
opinion that the military movements, preparations, commissariat
and other arrangements on so gigantic a scale are imcalled for,^
and entirely beyond the exigencies of the case, as things at present
stand, and without questioning the necessity which existed at the
time that all this was decided upon, advise an immediate recon-
sideration and curtailment, and a return, as near as circumstances
will admit, to the state of things which previously existed. It is
not a question with me whether the Imperial or Colonial Treasury
ultimately bears the expenses, but I consider it would be a failure
of duty on my part to acquiesce in burdening either one or the
other with expenditure not fully warranted by urgency of the case,
nor can I delay impressing upon your Excellency the absolute
necessity for a speedy return to the seat of Government. Your
Excellency thinks that I do not fully reahse the critical position
of affairs on the frontier; this I have already alluded to, but
permit me to state my opinion that your Excellency can hardly
be sufficiently aware of the state of chaos into which the general
government of the country is rapidly falling, by a continuance of
the present condition of things, which it would be impossible fully
to explain by telegram.^
Mr. Molteno telegraphed to Mr. Merriman on the 19th,
sa3dng he will defer action on his proposed Minute until he
receives the Governor's Minute, which of course could not
be expected to arrive for some days after this date : —
Referring to what has taken place with regard to the miUtary,
and to our conversation on Monday last, are we to understand
that you have assented to the position that the Governor exercises
his control over the General in matters occurring within the
Colony, or in which its interests are concerned, without reference
to his Ministers ? Whatever turn things may take I cannot help
thinking for many reasons, which will occur to yourself, that
» C. P., A. 21-'78, p. 6.
THE GALEKA AND GAIKA WAR 279
had it been considered essentially necessary by the General and
those acting under his orders to pass by the Colonial Government
rather than to ask its co-operation, the thing might have been
done in a manner less liable to misconstmction, than by appointing
a gentleman who has taken up so prominently hostile a position
towards the Government as Mr. Southey has.
Mr. Merriman answered that the Governor does not act
independently, that the violent conduct of the whites on the
frontier may lead to war, and that the military are terribly
slow ; if Mr. Molteno would agree to Mr. Griffith's appoint-
ment, they might all leave the frontier in a few days.
On the 18th, matters had taken a very favourable turn,
the Galekas were surrendering, and had the military taken
immediate action, the war would have been over. On the
14th Mr. Merriman had urged on the Governor that in his
and Mr. Griffith's view ' a very moderate amount of vigour at
Chichaba would stamp the thing out. . . . The military will
allow the golden opportunity to slip by'; and to Griffith
he telegraphs, * Your views agree with my ovm opinions. I
think if that band of thieves under Khiva at Umyameni
were hunted down it would finish the matter oflf. . . . But
what is wanted now is more action to destroy those pre-
datory bands, and not the plan of a general campaign which
wiil be completed too late.' *
But the General was organising and equipping his great
colmnns. Even the Governor complained of the time he
took in making a move at Ibeka.^ Colonel Glyn was in
command, and Commandant Griffith could not move freely.
Khiva crossed the Kei on the 22nd of December, and escaped
into the Gaika location. The General had been warned of
the importance of not permitting him to cross the Kei, and
had been urged to attack him. He sent out a force which
caught sight of him, but did nothing to arrest his movement.*
» C. P., A. 64—78, p. 72. « C. P., A. 24—78, p. 26.
• I. P., C— 2000, p. 114.
9B0 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
This Ehiva was the leader of the war party, and the Governor
describes the effect of his escape to Lord Gamaryon thus : —
Ebiya's appearance this side of the Eei was a matter of im-
portance, as he was a bold and active yonng chief, the head of the
war party among the Gklekas.^
And again : —
For some time there was an evident abatement of this excite-
ment , but it suddenly burst out afresh on the arrival among
the Qaikas of Ehiva, the young leader of the Galeka war party.
This is at any rate the only ostensible reason assigned to the
sudden change which took place in the Gkuka population, just at
the time we were looking forward to a second clearance of Galeka-
land.'
But was this the only ostensible reason for the change ?
The affairs of the Galekas were now in a very bad way. Sir
Bartle Frere reported to Lord Carnarvon that in the
Transkei there was every indication of an early termination
of hostilities. * The Galekas, where accidentally met in small
parties by our patrols, acknowledged their entire defeat,
and professed their desire to see peace restored. Kreli had
sent his trusted commander-in-chief and valued councillor
Botman and Wapi to our outpost officers to open negotia-
ations for the termination of hostilities, and considerable
numbers of people of inferior degree had come in and sur-
rendered.'* What now fanned afresh the flame ?
> I. P., C-2000, p. 114. « J. P., 0—2079, p. 2.
• January 2nd, I. P., C— 2000, p. 114.
381
CHAPTEE XXVII
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES. 1877-78
Governor ignores Ministers — Announces Disarmament of Natives— Fatal Effects
— Gaikas driven to Desperation- -The Governor refuses Ministers' Advice —
Crisis in Belations— Mr. Molteno goes to Frontier— He vetoes Disarmament
Policy— Martial Law— Governor refuses Attomey-GeneraPs Advice —
Issues Illegal Proclamation — Subsequently withdraws Proclamation —
Appeals for Imperial Troops— In Opposition to Mr. Molteno*s Advice.
When Mackinnon escaped into the Gaika location on the
18th of November there was a panic, owing to the fear that
the Gaikas would rise. They did not, however, do so. What
had occurred since then to alter their determination ? An
occurrence had taken place of which Sir Bartle Frere was
not likely to be the informant to the Secretary of State, and
very probably at the time he did not appreciate the enormous
and vital consequences of his action.
On the 23rd of December, against the wish of the Min-
ister who was with him,* and without any previous con-
sultation with him or with the Cabinet, he met a deputation
of the inhabitants of King William's Town, to whom he
made a most fateful announcement of his policy towards
the natives of South Africa, an announcement which at the
time was regarded as of the most serious import, and which
> Mr. Molteno had in his telegram of 14th of December deprecated * useless
public meetings on the frontier,' and Mr. Merriman writes to Mr. Molteno, * On
my way down to East London on Saturday I wrote you a letter in the train,
but owing to some mistake I could not post it. I am not sorry, as it contained
some very cross remarks on the Governor's interview of the deputation last
week as an explanation of my not being there. The fact is that I thoroughly
dislike and disapprove of these informal Parliaments in which, although
acting from the best motives, his Excellency is apt to be carried away and to
get into arguments and make admissions which tend to throw the Government
more or less into contempt' — Letter of 24th of December, 1877.
282 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
was the prime if not the determining cause of the Gaikas
now rising in despair. The Governor said to the deputa-
tion : —
I hope the members of the Executive Oovemment will forgive
me if I m>ake a departv/re from constitutional usage, and at a time
such as this will excuse my making remarks without previous con-
9vltation with them, and so avail myself of the opportunity of
stating my own views frankly and fully ... As regards the
terms of peace, you may be sure that if my influence can have
any weight you will have a permanent peace made for you. One
of the measures to that end must be the entire disa/rmament of the
natives,
Mr, Irvine, a member of the deputation, whose knowledge
of the natives was unsurpassed, immediately made the
significant remark * The disarming of the natives will test
the loyalty of the Gaikas, and for that result we must be
prepared.' ^
There was no exception made for the native who was
fighting with you, the chief who was supporting you was
to have his influence destroyed — all were to be disarmed.
When this came to be attempted it cost the Colony enormous
loss of life and a debt of between 4,000,000Z. and 5,000,000^.,
and then the attempt was unsuccessful. Its immediate
effect was to drive the Gaikas to desperation, as Mr. Irvine
had predicted.' This speech was made on the 23rd of
December; before a week was over the Gaikas were in
rebellion. Let us see what Sir Bartle Frere himself says
of these unfortunate men, threatened as they were on all
sides by white men. On the 25th of November he had
written to Mr. Molteno : —
> Argus, Jan. Ist, 1S78.
' We may compare this action of Sir Bartle Frere with another instance of
the ignorance, indifiference, and incapacity of British administrators in dealing
with beliefs and types of character wholly unlike their own. The Sepoys'
objections to the use of the greased cartridges seemed to them so childish as to
be incapable of any depth, yet it produced a Mutiny which for a time shook the
English power in India to its very foundation. See Lecky, The Map of Life, p. 97.
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES 288
I feel quite sure that if Mr. Merriman and I had not been here
there would have been a collision on the border of the Gaika loca-
tion, and the whole of the Gaika population and their allies would
have been in arms — not in enmity, but in terror . . . The Gkikas
and all their friends were equally panic-stricken, believing we were
about to commence war at once, and knowing its direful conse-
quences to them, they were, I believe, more frightened at us than
we were at them, which is saying a great deal . . . Beware of
advocates of strong measures, which usually means the weakest
of all measures, a constant resort to pure force and illegal
despotism.
It will be recollected that this letter was in reply to a
telegram sent by Mr. Molteno on learning that it had been
decided to disarm Mapassa and Mackinnon, and urging that
the natives should not be driven to desperation. Again
Sir Bartle Frere asks what can be done legally to stop the
Press from endeavouring to * hound on the exasperated
farmers to acts of violence and retaliation,' and suggesting
for them consequences which
might be more disagreeable to the writers than the civil war and
massacre of the Kaffirs, which it is their object to bring on as the
* strong measures ' which alone can save the country. . . I know
aU these threats and fear the results.
And to Lord Carnarvon he reports : —
Without giving much weight to the assurance of the Gaika
chief, Sandilli, when I went to meet him a few days since with
Mr. Brownlee, or to other expressions of loyalty from similar
quarters, I should have little apprehension on this score were it
not for the reckless expression of apprehension and suspicion by
many who ought to know better, exciting the fears not only of our
countrymen as to what the E[affirs may do them, but also the
apprehension of the E^affirs as to what we intend to do to them.
Too much praise cannot be given to the Government for steadily
discouraging all that could give to this outbreak the character of
a war of races. ^
On the 19th, three days before, he telegraphed to Mr.
Molteno, ' the danger is greater of the Colonists, if left to
themselves, pressing on a civil war with the Gaikas, Tembus,
» C. P., A. 7— '78, p. 88.
384 UEE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
kc.^ Farther, on the 19th of December a detachment of
the 88th was sent to Tylden to keep the whites in check.
Bearing in mind this state of feeling on the frontier,
we may readily understand the immediate effect of a speech
made by the Gbvemor in the heart of the country affected,
while at this critical moment Ehiva arrived to aid with
argument the party who might be inclined to urge war.
The Gaikas were fully informed of the Governor's words,
and the unfortunate tribe was goaded into a fight through des-
peration by a Governor who here, as so often, did not appre-
ciate the effect of his own utterances. The text is still the
game — he takes ' his ignorance for superior knowledge.'
But what of his Ministers, what did they think of this
action on the part of the dictator ? Was not this a return
to the purely personal rule which the grant of responsible
government had been supposed to set aside for ever? A
man had again landed on the shores of Table Bay with no
previous knowledge of South Africa, and through his ignor-
ance was dictating a pohcy which was to lead to immeasur-
able bloodshed and loss of treasure. Sir Bartle Frere had
set aside the advice of his responsible Ministers in his action
with regard to Kreli as soon as the latter showed that he
meant to defy the orders of the Government.
He had not only countermanded the advance of the 88th
to East London and the landing of the troops at Mazeppa
Bay, but now he had taken a far more serious administrative
step. He cancelled the arrangement which had been made
between the Colonial Government and the High Commis-
sioner in Sir Henry Barkly's administration as to the mode of
communication between the Imperial Military Authority and
the Commander of the Forces. The course followed had been
that all communications should pass through the Governor.
By a stroke of his pen, without consulting his Ministers at
all, and, as he admits, without even being informed of the
» 0. P., A. 21—78, p. 4.
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES 286
reasons for the previous arrangements being made, he
cancelled them.* The Ministry proffered advice that he
should return to the seat of the Government, advice given
by his constitutional advisers owing to the business of the
country falling into confusion, and owing to the absolute
necessity of the Cabinet being united for the purpose of
advising him on matters of the most serious import. This
advice he set at defiance.
Sir Bartle Frere suffered from the defect of his qualities —
energetic, active, and masterful, he wished to control every-
thing himself. He acted as Conunander-in-Chief in the field,
though this was xmconstitutional.' He had forced upon the
Ministry, by the threat of a Ministerial crisis, the adoption in
principle of his German and Scotch immigration scheme for
the settlement of Galekaland. He had, without the consent
or advice of the Cabinet, proclaimed Kreli's country forfeited.
He had vetoed Mr. Molteno's suggestion that the Fingoes
should be used in Galekaland on the news of the return of the
Galekas.' He had insisted upon the emploj^nent of Imperial
troops against Mr. Molteno's wishes and advice. He had been
informed by Mr. Molteno that the advice of the Cabinet on
all important matters must be stated, yet he had played off
the Ministers with him against those at a distance, and had
either not consulted them at all or not allowed them time to
deliberate. Now he calmly stated that he was consciously
transgressing the rules of constitutional government in
announcing, not his Minister's policy in regard to the
natives, but his own.
This was too much, and Mr. Molteno discussed with his
colleagues at Cape Town the resignation of the Cabinet. He
« C.P.,A. 7— '78. pp. 30,81.
^ For proof we may refer to his aotion in ooantermanding the orders of the
General for landing troops at Mazeppa Bay, to his censure of the General for
the delay in his movement to Ibeka, and various other details, showing that he
was practically attempting to act as Commander-in-Chief in the field.
» C. P., A. 7— *78, p. 89, para. 26.
286 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
could not, however, bring himself to resign at such a crisis.
He had been entrusted by Parliament with its confidence, and
he would do much to avoid abandoning the post until he
could give an account of his stewardship. It was impossible
to summon ParUament at once. But what weighed with
him most was the fact that the Colony was in a critical
condition ; as he said to Mr. Stockenstrom, * now, when the
ship is in danger, I cannot leave the helm.'
Was the action of Sir Bartle Frere that of a constitu-
tional Governor ? was it not personal rule, and the rule of
a dictator ? It subsequently appeared that he had received
and made use of advice and memoranda from individual
members of the Cabinet while on the frontier, which memo-
randa their colleagues had not seen.
As an instance of this it may be mentioned that of the
papers published by the new Ministry relating to the dismissal,
the first two statements dated the 8th and 26th of December
respectively were not seen by Mr. Molteno till the 13th of
January. This information was withheld at the time, and
it was not announced until it subsequently appeared in a
note by Mr. Lyttleton, the Governor's private secretary.*
The Governor was no doubt aware of Lord Carnarvon's
desire to get rid of the Molteno Ministry, evidenced by
his intrigues with Mr. Paterson, and by his published in-
structions to Sir Henry Barkly to dissolve the Parliament if
it supported Mr. Molteno. He thus felt assured that in any
conflict of views he would be supported by Lord Carnarvon,
who had given him every power to make him dictator of
South Africa. Upon his arrival he was unable to dispense
with Mr. Molteno's services, owing to his large majority in
Parliament, but still more to the fact that the Griqualand
West Annexation Bill was being carried in deference to Lord
Carnarvon's wishes through the Cape Parliament.
But the time had come and he had no hesitation. His
» C.P.,A. 17-'78,p. 85.
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES 287
advice under Bimilar circumstanceB in the case of New Zealand
was the appointment of a dictator. He now put this advice
in practice. He discussed publicly with public deputations
affairs of the greatest moment, and even entered upon the
position of his Ministry. He communicated directly with
Mr. Sprigg, the leading member of the Opposition, who
informed the public that he had placed his views before Sir
Bartle Frere. Under ordinary circumstances Mr. Molteno
would have resigned ; but his strong sense of responsibility
and his true loyalty to the interests of the country made him
inclined to endeavour once more to ascertain whether a
modus Vivendi could not be found.
He saw that a divided Cabinet could no longer go on.
Since the Governor refused to return, he must himself at all
costs go to the frontier. If he were to be responsible for
the measures which were carried out, they must be such
as he could advise. If, on the other hand, Sir Bartle Frere
deliberately determined to disregard his Ministers, this fact
would be known by him definitely, and if the Governor
refused to follow their advice in placing the Colonial forces
under an officer subject to Colonial control he would at once
resign. Mr. Stockenstrom writes at this time — the 30th of
December — to Mr. Molteno : —
I do not like the Governor's style; he seems querulous and
inclined to blame us for the efifect of his own acts. I have therefore
drawn up a short memorandum containing my views, which I should
be glad to receive back after you have had time to peruse it. I
think you should make a personal appeal for men, and go to the
front, where I am sure your advice and presence are much needed.
I am willing to place myself at your disposal to go to the front in
any capacity.
The memorandum was as follows : —
The outbreak of the Gaikas— British subjects resident within
the limits of the Colony — has greatly altered the aspect of affairs ;
and while Ministers were to some extent justified in allowing the
Governor to settle the Galeka difficulty beyond the borders of the
288 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
Colony in a manner of which they did not entirely approve, I do
not think they would he justified in allowing the Governor to
act in the Gaika aSsAr contrary to their advice. The difiSculty
which is presented to Ministers at this end of the Colony is that
they are not kept fully advised as to the actual state of a&irs on
the frontier, and that the most contradictory statements reach
them from sources which they have reason to consider well
informed.
But what did Mr. Molteno think of the Governor's plan
of disarmament, concerning the announcement of which he
had not been in any way consulted ? He was not aware of
what the Governor was about to say to the deputation at
King William's Town on the 23rd ; but on the 27th Mr.
Merriman placed the Gx)vemor's proposal before Mi. Molteno.
It took the form of a proposition that the whole of the
native tribes should be disarmed : —
The most simple and practical measure will be to disarm all
natives, beginning with the Gaikas, except such as have their arms
registered by permission of Government. This can at present only
be done by an arbitrary exercise of power, relying on a ratification
of the act by Parliament. It will be necessary to issue a procla-
mation, giving due notice of our intention, and proclaiming as
illegal the carrying of arms except when enrolled and under
special permit, also the raising of the war cry, and providing that
those transgressing the provisions of such proclamation shall be
treated as Queen's enemies. If you concur, will you be so good
as to get the Attorney-General to telegraph his idea of the form
such proclamation should take in order that, while not concealing
that its issue is only justified by the gravest considerations of
public safety, it might assume as near a legal form as possible.
The matter presses, as if we could by such a proclamation give
due notice of what our intentions are, men would turn up readily,
while in the absence of any such notice they hang back from fear
that they may only be wanted as a repressive police, and no action
be taken. I think such a measure would be better than martial
law, which seems the only alternative.^
This was the Governor's proposal pure and simple, and
if any proposal could be termed ' insane,' this certainly was
> Telegram from Mr. Merriman to Mr. Molteno, 27th of December.
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES 389
so, whether we look to the position of the forces at the dis-
posal of the Government, or of the effect upon the friendly
natives fighting with us. Mr. Molteno replied on the 28th
at 6 A.M. : —
Your telegram of yesterday afternoon on subject of disarming
all natives, beginning with the Gaikas, and issuing proclamation
to that effect received. After discussion with Attorney-General,
have not the least hesitation in stating that the proposition is, from
all points of view, absolutely inadmissible.
The Governor seems to have thought that his proclama-
tion would be sufficient to justify his action. Mr. Molteno,
however, pointed out that, quite apart from other considera-
tions, it was absolutely illegal. Moreover, although there
had been no suggestion from Mi. Molteno that any special
steps were necessary in connection with the demand on the
Gaikas for the surrender of Khiva, the Governor now ex-
pressed the desire that martial law should be applied to the
Gaika location. The moment was a critical one. In all
previous Kaffir wars martial law had been proclaimed. It
was an extraordinary proceeding, and necessitated the pass-
ing subsequently by Parliament of an Act of Indemnity.
There were recognised precedents both in English and
Colonial law. Mr. Molteno assented to the proclamation of
martial law as soon as the Governor, Mr. Merriman, and
Mr. Brownlee should all agree in its advisability. Before
the Attorney-General could telegraph the proper proclama-
tion, the Governor had already forwarded a proclamation of
his own. He was acting as dictator in military matters,
he was acting as dictator in matters political.^ Now he
put himself forward as a dictator in regard to the law.
He began by suggesting that the military officers carry-
ing on operations should be made justices of the peace or
magistrates in order to give them power * to deal with cases
* E,g. in regard to the mode in which the Cabinet Goonoils were to be
conducted in his presence, and not privately.
VOL. n. U
290 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J, C. MOLTENO
arising in their separate commands.' * To this Mr. Molteno
replied that there was no law under which they could be
made magistrates, while the commission proposed would
give them no power to punish offenders. Yet the Governor
pressed his view, to which Mr. Molteno jielAei, while ex-
pressing a fear that a misapprehension as to their powers on
the part of these officers might be productive of evil. This
was a small matter, yet it served to show the extent to
which the Governor was initiating matters with which the
Ministry should alone deal, and how he determined to carry
his view when once formulated.
With regard, however, to the proclamation of martial
law, a very serious question arose. The Governor desired to
apply his Indian experience, gained during the Mutiny, when
civil commissioners accompanied the military columns with a
view to speedy sentence and punishment of rebels. Whatever
the law of India may be, such a mode of proceeding was quite
illegal in the Cape Colony. As soon as the proclamation
drawn up by the Attorney-General had been issued — without
waiting for the opinion or the sanction of the Cabinet on the
matter — the Governor published a notice dated January 1st,
1878, appointing five commissioners to administer martial law.
This act was wholly illegal, and he was immediately
informed by the Cabinet that it was so.* The Governor then
asked what tribunal was suggested for the speedy trial of
rebels and their inmiediate punishment, to which the Attor-
ney-General replied that if it were impossible to delay the trial
of rebels till they could be dealt with by the ordinary courts,
then the only form of trial was drum-head court-martial.
Mr. Molteno informed Mr. Merriman that he was surprised
to find that the Governor had already acted on a suggestion
for the appointment of commissioners without waiting for
the deliberations and the opinion of the Cabinet on the sub-
ject.' The Governor nevertheless, on being informed of the
» C. P., A. 4—78, p. 26. « C. P., A. 4—78, p. 20. • C. P.,^ A. 4—78, p. 18.
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES 291
illegality, persisted in his own view, and entered upon an
argument of considerable length with the Attorney-General,
who informed Mr. Molteno that he must resign if the Go-
vernor persisted in carrying out his own views in opposition
to his deliberate advice.* Well might the Attorney-General
say to Mr. Molteno that he did not like the action of the
Governor, who seemed inclined to blame his Ministers for
acts done against their advice when the consequences were
unpleasant.
The telegrams received from the frontier by Mr. Molteno
were now very conflicting, and reflected the hopes and fears
of the moment, thus making any concerted action on his
part almost impossible ; as he said in his telegrams to
Mr. Merriman and the Governor, he was not kept informed
of their intentions, nor were his proposals acted upon or
even at times discussed. On December 18th Mr. Merriman
had telegraphed that the war was practically over. Then
came the escape of Khiva into the Gaika location and a
return of the old panic. On the 26th Mr. Merriman informed
Mr. Molteno that they have enough men at the front for the
present, and asks for only thirty men from the west, while
* The final result of this matter was that Mr. Upington, the new Attorney-
General, after the dismissal of the Ministry, entirely agreed with his prede-
cessor, with whom he had discussed the whole matter. On leaving office, Mr.
Stockenstrom impressed upon the new Attorney-General the necessity of
preventing the Governor acting upon his appointment of commissioners. This
Mr. Upington carried out, and the whole of the instructions and appoint-
ment of commissioners issued by the Governor were thereupon cancelled, yet
the Governor actually says that the new Attorney-General's views were very
much his own, and that he entirely agreed with him ; that he had impressed
upon the late Ministry that the courts for the trial of rebel prisoners must be
real courts-martial, and he takes credit with Lord Carnarvon for this action of
his in cancelling what was his own illegal proclamation. Indeed, the whole
subject of trial of rebels was raised solely by the Governor, and on January
28th Mr. Stockenstrom reminds the Governor :~
* Holding these views, I wish to place on record that the main object of the
Government in proclaiming martial law was to secure the disarmament of
natives in Stntterheim and Eomgha, that the question as to the trial of rebels,
otherwise than by the regular tribunals, did not originate with Ministers in
Cape Town, and that I have persistently set my face against any such irregular
trial.'— C. P., A. 4— '78, p. 22.
u 2
292 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
the Governor on the same day telegraphed to him * We have
great want of men, especially momited burghers or volun-
teers for patrols and posts.'
How had this want arisen ? The Governor, in his capa-
city as High Commissioner, had insisted upon the employ-
ment of Imperial troops in the Transkei, but as soon as they
were asked to take an active part in the war, the General
said he could not move without cavalry, then without artil-
lery, and then without Fingo levies, so that as a result the
Colonial Government were now asked not only to supply all
their own operations with troops, but to hand over the forces
above enumerated to aid the Imperial troops in taking the
field. Not only was this aid asked for, but it was asked for
to such an extent that the operations proposed could easily
have been carried out by the auxiliaries alone— indeed, could
have been carried out far better, as they would then have
been unhampered by the slow movements of the Imperial
troops.
Sir Arthur Cunynghame had grandiloquently informed
the High Commissioner, in answer to his aggressive proposals
respecting Pondoland in November, that he was ready to
march through Galekaland, and even Pondoland, and the
whole native territory, with the men he had under him,
together with 200 mounted men, with which force he was
prepared to dictate terms to the various native chiefs.* But
> Page 8 of C. P., A. 24— '78. Extract from Sir Arthur Cnnynghame's letter
dated November 18th, 1877, to Sir Bartle Frere: * Give me but a short time, and
I shall be perfectly prepared to march from King William's Town to Maritzburg
across Pondoland, conducting a brigade consisting of foar or six guns horsed,
200 cavalry, 80 of which wiU be formed from Her Majesty's troops, and 120 from
the F. A. M. Police, with two battalions of infantry ; I have a perfect staff to
assist me in this operation. On my way through I shall be quite ready to
dictate to those chiefs any political arrangements that you may consider
desirable. I will also^ provided you consider it advantageous, take up a per-
manent situation between the Eei and the Bashee rivers, and still retain,
should you consider it necessary, the complete command of the Eei river and
Ghdkaland.' This was in answer to a conversation between the Governor and
the General, in which the General says : * I have reflected upon the tenor of
your conversation with me this day. Should two infantry regiments come out,
DISARMAMENT OF NATIVES 29S
this was when Galekaland had not been swept by Comman-
dant Griffith ; now, when he was asked to midertake the
simple operation of keeping out the broken-down forces of the
Galekas, his needs had risen to the demand for large nmnbers
of mounted men and Fingo levies. It was a misfortune that
the Imperial General was not better fitted to cope with the
emergency which had arisen. The difficulties of regular
troops in Kaffir wars are always great, and in this case were
much increased by the incapacity of their temporary com-
mander. It is only necessary to add that he was recalled
before the operations of that war were completed.*
In the war of 1846, when Mr. Molteno had himself served
as a commandant of burghers, he had observed the unfitness
of the Imperial troops for irregular guerilla warfare. He had
also been a witness of the friction and serious disagreements
which had arisen out of the relations of the Imperial troops
with the burghers.^ There was an attempt to make the
latter their hewers of wood and drawers of water for the
Imperial troops, while the inefficiency of the military for
Kaffir warfare was patent to all. This want of harmony
had existed even where Sir Andries Stockenstrom had a
separate command of the burghers entirely independent of
the military, but acting in co-operation with them.
the service which thej naturally will be required to perform will be that of
placing the country under your High Commissionership into a state of
security.* Thus, at this early period, Sir B. Frere was seeking to get out two
regiments for ulterior purposes, and was suggesting the march through Pondo-
land to Natal, a favourite scheme of his, which he revived even after the
Transkei, the Tembu, and the Zulu war ; but a wiser head was then in supreme
control, and Sir G. Wolseley refused him the forces for which he asked with
the intention of parading through the country— like the Irishman with his ooat
tails inviting the insult of his neighbour's foot.
' ' I received information that in consequence of my not having oon-
curred in the military policy of the late Government, it was considered
necessary by the authorities at home that I should be superseded in my
command. So anxious did they appear to be that this should be carried
out, that my successor was directed to embark within a week, and he arrived
in the colony in less than ten days after I had received an intimation of this
intention.* — General Cun/ynghame*s Staiementt p. 205 of J. P. [0 — 2144].
' See ante, vol. i. p. 41.
SM LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Now, when the services of all the volunteers and burghers
were voluntary, men came forward under the express con-
dition that it should be under their own officers,^ and it was
arranged that only those who were specially placed under
the General were to be under military command. Com-
mandants Frost, Brabant, Cowie, and Schermbrucker had
been commissioned by the Governor as conmiandants of
their respective forces free from military control, and had
conducted the operations throughout the war on this system,
being directed generally by Mr. Merriman, who acted as a sort
of War Minister by an arrangement which the Governor —
though he subsequently endeavoured to repudiate it — had
himself approved.^
To return to our narrative, the Governor had asked for
more volunteers and burghers. Mr. Molteno replied on
the 27th, and said the advice of the Cabinet was to put in
force the Burgher Act. The Governor at last, after delaying
and temporising first with Ereli and now again with Sandilli,
became impatient, and desired in accordance with his weU-
known views to call for more Imperial troops. He had
admitted to Mr. Merriman that the volunteers and burghers
could crush the Guikas effectively, but he did not desire
any accession of these forces. Mr. Molteno, replying on the
' We may oompare the refusal of the Ameriean troops to serve ezoept
under officers of their own ohoioe. See Leoky, England in the EHghteentk
OnUury, vol. iv. p. 222.
' On this Important point the words of Sir Bartle Frere are conclusive. He
wrote to General Cnnynghame :— < Your Excellency is aware that since the pre-
sent disturbances came to a head the Honourable the Commissioner of Crown
Lands has, with my full concurrence, and with, I have every reason to believe,
the full consent of the whole Cabinet, taken the principal share of all the
duties which would devolve on a Minister of War and Internal Police, and such
offices exist here.* (C. P., A. 7—78, p. 55). While to Lord Carnarvon he writes,
under date December the 4th, 1877:—* I should not omit to record my sense
of the degree in which the services of the forces in the field were aided and
supported by the unflagging energy and quick intelligence of the Honourable
Bir. Merriman, the Commissioner of Crown Lands, who was chcurged by Mr.
Molteno and his colleagues in the Ministry with the civil duties which usually
devolve on a Minister for the War Department.'—/. P., 0— 2000, p. 10.
DISABMAMENT OF NATIVES 296
31st of December to a telegram in which the Governor
spoke of a certain volunteer corps desiring to be relieved : — *
What do you want me to do in this respect ? It is hardly
necessary for me to repeat that more men can be sent up from
this and Port EUzabeth ; but do not let us be working at cross
purposes. To what extent, and within what portions of the
Colony, do you wish me to act? With two members of the
Cabinet present with the Grovemor, I hesitate to act without their
assent.^
The Governor, however, did not want more Colonial
troops; in fact it was diametrically opposed to his object
that more Colonial troops should come forward and should
crush the rebellion immediately.' The real object he could
not openly avow, because Lord Carnarvon was not prepared
to send more troops for such a purpose as Sir Bartle Frere
had in his mind. He intended to crush the Zulu power, and
for this purpose he wished to mass troops in South Africa,
to be at hand to use, whether the Imperial Government
wished it or not, against Cetywayo.
On the 18th of December, 1877, the war was reported as
nearly over by the Governor and Mr. Merriman, only on the
' This oorps had asked to be relieved or to CLdvanee (C.P., A. 17 — '78, p. 14)*
The following is the wording of the request of its oommandant : —
' I have the honour to inform you that it is now three months since th/B
detachment under my command left Gape Town, and for the last two and a
half months has been stationed at the Springs, whereas detachments who
came up some time after we did went on at once to the front.
* The men under my command are now tired of the monotony and inactivity
and for some time past have expressed a wish either to advance or return
home, and as now there seems no chance of our going on, they request that
they may be allowed to return to Cape Town as soon as possible.
' I have therefore to request that you will be pleased to cause such arrange-
ments to be made, as to have the detachment under my command relieved at
your earliest convenience.'
> Telegram to Mr. Merriman the 30th of December, 1877.
' Page 9 of C.P,, A. 4-78. Writing to the Secretary of State, he tells him that
to Mr. Molteno he had said: ' As most of his forces were volunteers, under no legal
obligation to serve,!, of course, wish for none but those who volunteered to serve
under military control.' While on the 4th of December he again says, ' Had the
occasion required it, these numbers might have been largely increased ' (this
of the volunteers and burghers). LP.^ C — 2000, p. 9.
396 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
26th did the Governor ask for more volunteers and burghers.
The Burgher Act was advised to be put in force on the 27th,
and on the same day Mr. Molteno expressed his readiness
to send more volunteers from the west, while also advocating
the use of Fingoes in larger numbers ^ ; and deprecating the
caU of so small a number as thirty men from the west. Yet
the Governor, without even considering or accepting these
measures, or awaiting their results, telegraphs on Decem-
ber 31st : —
These eastern provinces will be thrown back for years. I can
only myself appeal to her Majesty's Government for more troops.
Do you support my request ? We require at least eight hundred
good burgher cavaby, and at least as many good European burgher
foot soldiers, all well armed and equipped to finish speedily, and to
spare life and expense : cannot you get these from midland and
western districts ? If not all, a few hundreds will be acceptable,
and may avert the desolation of large tracts of country. Let us
know what you can do.'
It would take months to get Imperial troops, even were
there no other objection to their use. Mr. Molteno replied
under date the 2nd of January : —
In answer to your Excellency's telegram of 31st ultimo, we
are making every effort to send up reinforcements of volunteers,
burghers, and levies, pending arrival of which no men at present
serving on the frontier should be reHeved. The drought which has
so long prevailed, and consequent low condition of horses, and
diminishing supply of forage throughout the Colony, restricts us
very much to infantry; but which for the work we have to
do, I am disposed to think, will be effective, and sooner obtained
than troops from England. I cannot, therefore, support yoiu:
Excellency's request to her Majesty's Government for more
toops.*
But it subsequently appeared that the Governor had
taken the bit in his teeth, and had, on the 31st of December, in
spite of his Minister's wishes, asked for Imperial troops.* He
» See telegram, C. P., A. 4— '78, p. 27. « IM, p. 28.
» Ibid. p. 28. * See I. P., C-2000, p. 108.
DISABMAMBNT OF NATIVES 297
mentions the disturbed state of the Zulu border in connection
therewith, while in another despatch of the 2nd of January
he admits that Mr. Molteno is still sceptical as to the
necessity for the employment of Imperial troops ; * in a
despatch of a little later date he states he would have been
ready to await the effect of Mr. Molteno's measures, had it
not been for the threatening aspect of affairs on the Zulu
border.*
Yet Mr. Molteno was correct, for the operations under-
taken by the Colonial troops, together with the forces raised
by him, had crushed the rebellion. On the 24th of January
Sir Bartle Frere himself reports to Lord Carnarvon : — ' The
general result has, however, been greatly to discourage the
rebels, and they appear to have already broken up into small
marauding bands, more intent on escaping than on any com-
bination for large operations.*^ While on the 23rd of January
Colonel Bellairs, D.A.G., commanding the eastern frontier,
reported to the Secretary of State for War : —
It is, of course, possible that a rising may take place elsewhere,
causing an extension of the area of disturbance; but otherwise
the war may be regarded as nearly over, and in that case I think
> See I. P., 0.-2000, p. 116.
^ January 9. C. P., A. 4-'78, p. 30. We have an indication of the objects and
purposes which Sir Bartle Frere had in view in requesting reinforcements
from her Majesty's Government, in the following paragraphs of his despatch:—
' (8) I trust I may have underestimated the amount of support likely to be
rapidly afforded by the midland and western provinces, and that their con-
tingents may come up to the expectations of Messrs. Molteno and Merriman.
* (9) I would be better content to await the result, were it not for the very
threatening aspect of affairs on the Zulu border ; but, believing as I do, that
with a proper police force a single regiment ought to be ample for the garrison
of these provinces, I should he glad to see a nearer prospect of being able to
detail reinforcements for Natal.
'(10) This has induced me to press on your Lordship the necessity for
sending out the two regiments for the relief of her Majesty's ISth and 24th at
once, with powers to retain the relieved corps till matters are quieted.'
A further light is thrown upon Sir B. Frere*s ideas in connection with
these forces by the Oeneral's letter to him of the 13th of November, where he
discusses the use of the two regiments he proposes to ask for, be it noted, long
before this supposed crisis {C,P,, A. 24— '78, p. 8).
« C.P.,A.17~78, p. 35.
298 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
I may safely say, that there is no record of a former Eafiir war
having been condnoted with so few military mistakes, without a
single disaster or advantage gained by the enemy, and with so
little bloodshed and loss of property.^
This testimony to the success of the operations, from a
source generally very hostile to the Ministry, is valuable; yet
on the 2nd of February the Ministry was dismissed, nothing
having occurred to make the state of afiEairs less favourable
in the interval.
On the 26th of January Sir Bartle Frere himself says : —
The enemy, Ghiikas as well as Gralekas, appear thoroughly
crushed and dispirited, and, apparently, all that is needed is actively
to hxmt up the broken bands now scattered about the country ; a
service of police rather than military, for which the large rein-
forcements of volunteers and burghers, which Mr. Molteno expects,
will, he assures me, be sufficient.^
The reinforcements asked for by Sir Bartie Frere were,
in the result, not necessary, and when the 90th regiment
arrived it was not, as a matter of fact, sent to the frontier,
except a small portion who relieved some companies of the
88th, while the remainder went to Natal.*
This, however, is to anticipate matters, and it is time
to return to the state of affairs at the conmiencement of the
outbreak.
The telegrams received from the frontier showed nothing
but great alarm and confusion, while the Governor was
issuing instructions, and carrying out his ideas of the ap-
pointment of commissioners for martial law without await-
ing the advice or consent of his Cabinet. His announcement
as to asking for Imperial aid, combined with his other arbi-
trary acts already enumerated, led Mr. Molteno to decide
on visiting the frontier at all costs, in order that he might
set matters straight, as he had done on his previous visit in
October.
> C. p., A. 16—78. p. 26. « C. P.. A. 2—78, paragraph 29, p. 21.
• C. P., A. 24-78, pp. 26, 27.
DISABMAMENT OF NATIVES 299
He could not find it compatible with his duty any
longer to allow Sir Bartle Frere to be virtual dictator, while
he himself and his colleagues in the Cabinet had the real
responsibility. When the outbreak was confined to much
smaller dimensions, the Ministers had urged that larger
forces should be raised, and that proper steps should be
taken ; but the Governor had then put them off, and now
complained because men did not appear when he pressed an
electric button.
800 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXVin
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL. 1878
Arrival on Frontier— Griffith appointed Gommandant-General — Military Mis-
management— Disastrons Retreat — Relations between Imperial Troops and
Golonial Government — DiiTerenoe between Governor and Ministers —
Ministers insist on control of Golonial Forces — Governor resists — Ck>rre-
epondenoe between Mr. Molteno and Governor — Minutes between Governor
and Mr. Molteno— Governor forces Cabinet CoonciL
Mb. Molteno arrived at East London on the 8th of January,
and was met by a telegram from Mr. Merriman welcoming him
to the frontier, and adding, ' Here you are in the midst of
drought and famine and war,' a very disastrous conjunction.
The Premier was not the man to be deterred by difl&culties ;
if he could only be in a position where he might grapple with
them he would soon overcome them. On the 9th he reached
King William's Town, and he immediately entered upon long
conferences with the Governor as a preliminary to the for-
mulation of the advice of the Cabinet. Until this time the
Ministers present on the frontier had met the Governor
in council, and no formal minutes had passed between
them. Now, however, Mr. Molteno said that it was no
longer possible to act in this manner. The proceedings
must be conducted in the proper constitutional method
and minutes between the Governor and the Prime Minister
must embody the final decisions, whatever informal con-
versations might take place in the first instance.
This was the constitutional practice. Sir Bartle Frere had
on Mr. Molteno's first arrival resented it ; he was entirely
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 301
wrong in so doing,^ but he now resented it still more and deter-
mined that it should not be followed. He called it ' being
placed in quarantine/ but it was the only proper and safe
course. The Sovereign, or Governor in the Sovereign's place,
communicates with the Cabinet through its Prime Minister,
and not with individual members of the Cabinet ; much less
is the Sovereign present at the discussions of the Cabinet.
If Ministers were to act constitutionally at all, and to be
responsible for their advice, this was the only possible pro-
cedure. The informal method on the other hand suited
the Governor admirably, as he was thus able to impress his
views on weaker members of the Cabinet and obtain their
support as against their colleagues, and so divide the Cabinet
and enable his own views to prevail.
There were two main questions to be settled. The
Governor had suggested in his telegram of the 18th De-
cember ^ the appointment of an officer with very large powers
if he were to accede to the advice of his Ministers to return
to the seat of Gt)vemment at Cape Town, and on the 19th
of December' he had mentioned Mr. Griffith as the officer to
be empowered to act in the manner suggested by him. Mr.
Molteno had agreed to this suggestion, which was quite in
accord with his own views. He wished to have a Comman-
dant-General of the Colonial troops, as had been the casein
1846, when Sir A. Stockenstrom commanded the burghers,
under the Governor only, and free from military control,*
and on the 14th of January Mr. Griffith had beep called from
the Transkei to King William's Town to receive this appoint-
ment. On the 15th the Governor agreed to the Minute of the
Ministry as to his appointment as Commandant-General
of Colonial forces.
On the same day Mr. Molteno telegraphed to Captain Mills,
* See Todd, Parliamentary Oovemment in the British Colonies^ seoond
edition, pp. 11, 47.
» C,P., A. 21—78, p. 1. • C. P., A. 21—78, p. 4.
* See Theal, Hist of 8. Africa, p. 269, vol. 1834-64.
S02 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
'Have appointed Griffith Commandant-General of colonial
forces/ and told him that it must appear in the next ' Gazette/
which it did, and it was also officially notified on the 18th
in King William's Town.^ This minute, while under the
control of the Governor, subsequently disappeared. Mr.
Molteno had specially asked the Governor to wait until Mr.
Griffith's notification as Commandant-General had appeared,
before decorating him with the C.M.G. for his services in
clearing Galekaland, and this the Governor did, addressing him
as Commandant-General. Subsequently the Governor asserted
that the minute had not been signed by him, but this was after
the dismissal of Mr. Molteno, while the papers produced
show that he referred to the minute himself.'
Had he not been so appointed he could not have
legally held the appointment of Commandant-General;
yet Mr. Sprigg, the new Premier, admitted that he had no
doubt of Commandant Griffith's legal position, and that
he was continuing to act under the original appoint-
ment. Subsequently Sir Bartle Frere desired his duties to
be defined, and suggested alterations for the organisation
and improvement of his department.' Circumstances had
■ C. P., A. 21—78, p. 4. It mast be remembered that the papers in A. 21— '78
were not produced until the dismissal debate was abeady concluded. Docu-
ment No. in. in these papers runs as follows: —
m. — Oopy of Qovemment Notice of Appointment of Mr. Griffith as Com-
mandant-General of Colonial Forces issued and dated at King William's
Town, 17th January, 1878.
Qovemment NoUce^No. 58, 1878.
Colonial Secretary's Office,
Cape of Gk>od Hope, 17th January, 1878.
His Excellency the Governor, with the advice of the Executive Council, has
been pleased to appoint Charles Duncan Griffith, Esquire, to be Commandant-
General of Colonial Forces, from the 15th instant.
All returns and reports connected with the Forces of the Colony will be
made to him accordingly. J. C. Molteno, Colonial Secretary.
« See p. 18 of C. P., A. 2—78, also p. 17, while at p. 21 he actually caUs him
'* Commandant-General Griffith.' * Admitting, as I do most cordially, the great
merits of Commandant-General Griffith,' p. 21, C. P., A. 2— '78, under date
the 26th of January.
• Seep. 18, C. P., A. 2— '78.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 303
arisen since the appointment which caused Sir Bartle Frere
to go back on his previous views and to speak of the office
of Commandant-General as one unknown to law, and illegal,
because he was not to be subject to the General.^ The
Ministry had taken him at his word and meant to give
Conmiandant Griffith the necessary powers to conmiand the
whole of the Colonial forces, placing him not under the
General, but under the Governor, who would have to instruct
him with the advice of the Cabinet.
A very serious mistake resulting in the temporary loss
of an important position had been made by the military
authorities on the 8th of January, just before Mr. Molteno
arrived upon the frontier, and the incident confirmed him in
his view that it would be in the highest degree unwise to
entrust the command of the colonial forces to the Imperial
General. Had it not been for the action of the Colonial
Government in reoccupjdng this post the consequences might
have been lamentable. The serious nature of the disasters
which were possible where officers were entrusted with the
command of troops in Kaffir warfare, who were unacquainted
with the Kaffir character and mode of fighting, was terribly
exemplified in the frightful disaster at Isandhlwana in the
following year. Mr. Molteno had himself taken part in the
relief of Block Drift, and had witnessed the state of demoralis-
ation into which troops are thrown when they have retired
in face of a barbarous enemy, who are in consequence
elated by their unlooked-for success. Lord Eoberts has
described the demoralised condition of the British troops
whom he found at Candahar after their defeat at Maiwand.^
* See pp. 8-9, C.P*t A. 4 — *78, and elsewhere throughoat his despatches.
> * I confess to being very greatly surprised, not to use a stronger expression,
at the demoralised condition of the greater part of the garrison ; there were
notable exceptions, but the general bearing of the troops reminded me of the
people at Agra in 1857. They seemed to consider themselves hopelessly
defeated, and were utterly despondent ; they never even hoisted the Union
Jack until the relieving force was close at hand. The same excuses could not,
804 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Impetu was a most important point, commanding the
Chichaba valley on the one side and covering the East
London district on the other. It was a position which was
held as a barrier by 150 men of her Majesty's troops. On the
8th of January a large force, consisting of some 500 infantry,
86 mounted men, and 250 Fingoes, marched to Impetu and
relieved the garrison, the post being abandoned to the enemy.
The Kafl&rs were not engaged, and within twenty minutes
the position was occupied by them. The Colonial authorities
had vigorously objected to this. It was a most fatal error.
The whole of the East London district was inmiediately
uncovered to the enemy, who could proceed without the
slightest check, and had it not been for Commandant Bra-
bant and his police it is impossible to say what might have
taken place ; a wave of barbarism might have come down
and swept the Colony.
On Mr. Merriman's representations even the Governor
remonstrated with the General against abandoning Impetu.^
It showed the utter incompetency and want of knowledge
of the native character on the part of the military
authorities. It was a direct encouragement to the Gkukas
to see a force large enough to march anjrwhere through
Kaffirland retire in face of the enemy.^ Mr. Molteno tele-
graphed to Captain Mills : —
Impetu has been abandoned, a proceeding which we as yet do
not understand, but will probably have to reoccupy again imme-
however, be made for them, who were all soldiers by profession, as we had felt
inclined to make for the residents at Agra, a great majority of whom were
women, children, and civilians. The walls which completely sorroanded
Kandahar were so high and thick as to render the city absolutely impregnable
to any army not equipped with a regular siege train. Scaling ladders had been
prepared by the enemy, and there was an idea that an assault would be
attempted; but for British soldiers to have contemplated the possibility of
Kandahar being taken by an Afghan army showed what a miserable state of
depression and demoralisation they were in.' — Forty-one Years in India, SOth
edition, p. 484.
» C. P., A. 24—78, p. 23.
' In its disastrous effects it was like C!olonel Bichardson's retreat from the
Beka mission station in the war of 1846. See supra, vol. i. p. SO.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 806
diately by colonial forces. Promised attack on Ghichaba post-
poned apparently indefinitely. This the only point where Galekas
are supposed to be in any force, and it is so provoking, with so large
a force in immediate neighbourhood, that the military considered
they were not strong enough to attack it.
The colonial forces were now coming forward in large
numbers, and the fear of the military authorities and the
High Commissioner was apparently that the whole war
would be finished before their Imperial reinforcements could
arrive, and that thus the purpose of massing troops on
the Zulu border would be frustrated. Mr. Molteno knew
well enough that the rebellion was a small affair and could
be easily dealt with by prompt and determined action.
Even the Governor had admitted to him and to Mr.
Merriman that the Gaikas could be crushed at once by a
vigorous attack of burghers and volunteers, though later
on Sir Bartle Frere seems to have suffered from a panic
and talked of the danger being as great as in the Indian
Mutiny.
Yet, owing to the dilatory action of the military in the
Transkei, the war now seemed likely to extend in the Colony^
and Mr. Molteno desired that the Colonial Government should
have the control of the operations in the manner settled by
Lord Kimberley in 1870. In the Transkei Sir Bartle Frere
was High Conmiis8ioner,but in the Cape Colony he was bound
not to act without the advice of his Ministers. The Cabinet
held that the war must be conducted by an ofl&cer who was
responsible to the Colonial Government, Imperial forces
co-operating so far as they might be able and willing. It
was not possible for the Colonial Government to conduct
the war with a General in conmiand, an officer over whom
they exercised no control, and who could not be displaced
should they be dissatisfied with him. The General was
responsible to the Home Government and clearly could not
be so to the Colonial Government as well.
VOL. II. X
306 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Mr. Molteno said : —
His Excellency the Governor has most properly drawn atten-
tion to the evils of a dual system of administration, which Ministers
entirely agree with his Excellency in deprecating. They would
observe that, the Government of the country being by the Consti-
tution vested in a Governor and a Eesponsible Ministry, to hand
over the control of the colonial forces and the conduct of military
operations within or adjacent to the Colony to an ofl&cer not
accountable to the Government of the country, and not in any way
controlled by them, would be giving practical effect to dual
government of the worst kind.
Either the Government of the Colony is responsible for the
military operations conducted in the name and at the expense of
the Colony, or it is not. If it is, then the ofl&cer conducting these
operations, be his name what it may, must be under the control of
that Government. If the Government of the Colony is not to be
held responsible, and if the conduct of these operations is to be
made over to the officer of the Imperial Government, it is manifest
that there must be an entire reversal of the policy of the last few
years, for which neither the Minister nor the Colony are prepared.^
This question had been raised by Sir Henry Barkly when
introducing responsible government. He asked 'whether
the defence of the frontiers would still remain an Imperial
duty, with which the Governor and officers commanding her
Majesty's military and naval forces were alone competent to
deal,'^ and was answered by a most decided negative on
the part of the Secretaiy of State. No troops were to be
maintained I permanently in the Colony except for Imperial
purposes.
It would be impossible for her Majesty's Government to make
such a separation as you suggest between the management of the
internal forces of the Colony and the defence of its frontier
against native tribes. Disturbances may easily arise amongst the
natives within the borders of the Colony, which may extend to the
native tribes beyond the frontier, and it is obviously impossible
to divide the task of repressing such disturbances into two parts,
for one of which the Imperial and the other the Colonial Govern-
ment is to be responsible.^
' Paragraphs 11, 12, p. 30 of G. P., A. 2—78.
' See despatch of 28th October, 1870, 1. P., C— 469, p. 64.
■ Despatch of Earl Kimberley to Sir Henry Barkly, 17th of November, 1870.
I. P., 0—469, p. 66.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 307
We may further refer to Lord Granville's despatch
on the withdrawal of the Imperial troops, wherein he
lays down that the force for the defence of the Colony is
to be a local one under orders of a Kesponsible Ministry,
as opposed to the personal control of a Governor over the
Queen's troops in Natal,^ while so recently as the 4th of
January, 1877, Lord Carnarvon had reminded Ministers
that it was for them to provide against native disturbances,
one of those duties which of necessity devolved upon them when
responsible government was established in the Colony.*
Had Sir Bartle Frere been acquainted with the history
of the Colony he was sent to govern he would have known
that this was the settled basis on which responsible govern-
ment was introduced, and further that the responsibility for
the defence and native poUcy of the Colony were in the same
despatch unreservedly placed in the hands of the Colonial
Government.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was apparently taken by surprise
when he first heard from Sir Bartle Frere of his contention
that the Imperial General should command all the troops
and supported him until he had become aware of what
had really been done, when he immediately and per-
emptorily informed him that he must revert to the proper
practice, and that no Imperial troops, or Imperial officers
even, were to be employed in the colonial operations. The
whole of the country contemplated the withdrawal of the
troops as being concomitant with and a consequence of
the introduction of responsible government, and that the
complete control of native policy was to be in colonial
hands. This view was expressed even by Sir Philip Wode-
house, who said : —
If responsible government were established the troops should
be at once withdrawn ; whether for payment or otherwise none of
them should be left at the disposal of a Ministry over which the
» J. P., C— 459. p. 14. « I. P., C— 1776, p. 4.
X 2
308 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
Home Government could not exercise any control, and against
whose wishes the Governor could not oppose his own judgment.^
Yet Sir Bartle Frere, in total ignorance, as usual, of the his-
tory of the question and the final decision of the Imperial
Government, asserted as follows in answer to Mr. Molteno : —
I am the Commander-in-Chief of all the forces by simple virtue
of my office, and the Imperial General is the proper executive
officer for military purposes. The Colonial Government can
only prepare the forces for the field ; they must then be handed
over to the Imperial General, who is my executive officer.
It appears to me clear that the intention of the Constitution
was, and is, that there should be one person — the Governor and
Commander-in-Chief — in chief command of all miUtary forces of
every kind, colonial as well as Imperial, performing all executive
duties through a commander of the forces, whose commission gives
him power to command her Majesty's troops, and who may be
empowered by the Governor and Commander-in-Chief to
oonmiand colonial forces, formally declared to be in the field of his
military operations.
The Governor, it appears to me, is the only person we can
find intended by the Constitution to be the chief military executive,
who can, by simple virtue of his office, command, at the same time,
all forces of all kinds in the Colony.'
He thus denied the power of the Ministry to appoint a Com-
mandant-General who was not under the Commander of the
forces ; but was he correct ? Mr. Molteno's view was that
the Governor acts solely by and with Ministers' advice ; should
an emergency fraught with danger to the country arise, for
which the law makes no provision, Ministers act on their own
responsibility, and vdll be prepared to answer for their acts to
that body whose representatives they are.*
This is sound constitutional doctrine and prevails in England
and all Colonies possessing responsible government. It
was submitted to the Cape Attorney-General, who said : —
My answer to the Governor's first question is that in my
opinion the appointment of a Commandant-General to direct the
> I. P., C— 469, p. 6, despatch of the 16th of July, 1867.
« Paragraphs 12 and 14, pp. 19-20, C. P., A. 2—78.
» C. P., A. 2—78, p. 30.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 309
aotion of volunteers and police engaged in the Colony in the
suppression of rebellion is not illegal.^
Sir Bartle Frere did not wait for this opinion. Even had
he done so it is doubtful, looking to the v^ay in v^hich he
a,cted contrary to the same oflBciars opinion on martial law,
whether he would have paid any attention to it.
When Mr. Molteno arrived on the frontier he found the
position of affairs such as we have described, consequent
upon the so-called relief of Impetu, which gave the Gaikas
confidence and hope, and necessitated immediate measures
being taken against them. He now endeavoured, while
co-operating with the military, to arrange for the forces
who were coming forward under their own oflScers to be
free of military control. As the Governor was High
Commissioner in the Transkei, Mr. Molteno suggested that,
the Imperial troops should occupy that district, and carry on
the operations there, the Colonial Government giving them
all the assistance they required in the way of moimted men
and native allies, while the colonial troops should operate
under their Conmiandant-General in the Colony.*
On the 11th of January Mr. Molteno informed the
Governor by Minute that Commandant Frost and Com-
mandant Schermbrucker would carry out active operations
» C.P., A. 4— 78, p. 14.
' As proving that the course adopted with regard to military control being
separate from colonial was assented to by the Gtovemor we add these Minutes,
to be found in C. P., A. 21—78, p. 7.
* 11th of January, 1878.
' I shall be glad to be informed, for Ck>lonel Bellairs' guidance, whether either
of these corps— the Tarkastad Burghers or Albany Volunteers— are to be
placed under his orders.
* (Signed) H. B. E. Fbbsb.'
* King William's Town : 11th of January, 1878.
'It is not proposed to place either the Tarka Burghers or the Albany
Volunteers under military control.
* The former will be attached to Commandant Frost's force, the latter to
Commandant Brabant's force.
* (Signed) J. C. Molteno.
' To his Excellency the Governor.'
310 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
towards the Kei, while Commandant Brabant would clear
the Kwelega valley, and finally join the other forces at the
Kei mouth.* It may be observed that these oflBcers had
been commissioned by his Excellency, and no one had dared
to suggest that they were under military control. Even the
preceding Attorney-General (Mr. Upington) did not dare
to suggest, when defending the Governor's action, that they
should be placed under military control : ' I do not claim
for her Majesty's officers the actual power to conamand these
gentlemen.'
To this suggestion the Governor did not object, but said :
With reference to the intimation conveyed to me this morning
by Mr. Molteno, that the Cabinet desired an operation on this side
the Eei, to be trusted exclusively to colonial officers and colonial
forces, unfettered by any co-operation or control from her
Majesty's officers and forces, I should be glad to be informed with
as little delay as possible, for the information of the military
authorities, whether it is desired that her Majesty's forces at any
of the stations in the vicinity in the operation referred to should
take any, and what part, in these operations.^
He referred however the proposed plans of operations to his
military adviser, Colonel Bellairs, who evidently did not
relish the idea of the colonial forces showing the way, and
who predicted, as did Sir Arthur Cimjmghame in the case of
Conamandant Griffith's operations in the Transkei, nothing
but disaster.
Thereupon the Governor said he would not take the
responsibility of these actions.
I trust that the moves ordered by the Colonial Government
without any concert with the military authorities may succeed,
but on behalf of myself and all her Majesty's forces I must
decline the responsibihty for the result.^
To this the Ministers replied that they took the responsi-
bility, and would answer to the Colonial Parliament, the
proper authority to whom they were responsible, unless, of
course, the Governor desired to veto these operations.
> C. P., A. 2—78, p. 9. « Ibid. " C. P., A. 2—78, p. 11.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 311
While this was taking place long conversations with
the Governor were proceeding, and on the 12th Sir Bartle
Frere addressed a letter to Mr. Molteno as follows : —
{Private and Confidential.)
I am very anxious there should be no mistake as to the results
of our long and very important conversation yesterday.
Will you be so kind as to run your eye over the note I made,
and let me know whether it accurately represents the conclusions
you expressed to me ?
The memorandum ran as follows : —
(ConfidentiaL)
(1) There is a strong impression in the Colony that the
conduct of military operations has been entrusted too exclusively
to military men, and that the management of affairs has passed
too much from the hands of the Colonial Ministry into those of
oflBcers of her Majesty's service in whose ability to manage them
efficiently and economically the Colony has less confidence that it
has in its Ministers.
(2) That the result of this feeling has been to impede a ready
response to the call for reinforcements.
(3) That Ministers are quite competent themselves to do with
colonial forces all that is now required to restore peace and order
to the Colony.
(4) That to enable them to do this it is desirable that the
operations of her Majesty's forces should be confined to the
Transkei, leaving operations in the Colony entirely to colonial
forces under the direct control of the Ministry.
(5) That the reinforcements of her Majesty's troops asked for
by the Governor in his communications with the Secretary of
State for the Colonies are not needed for any colonial purpose in
this Colony.
(6) That Commandant Griffith should be brought back as soon
as possible to this side the Eei, for duty under the direct control
of the Colonial Government,
The Governor accepted Mr. Molteno's assurance of the
colonists' opinion on the 1st, drd, and 5th propositions, giving at
length his reasons for not agreeing with them in their opinions
and conclusions.
The Governor was ready to accept the 4th and 6th proposi-
tions, with the proviso that the Colonial Government was able to
raise, within a reasonable time, sufficient colonial forces to
suppress the rebeUion, and prevent its spreading, a point on which
the Governor expressed his strongest doubts.
812 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
The Governor also pointed out that her Majesty's troops must
maintain their present positions at King William's Town and on
the Eei road, in order to secure the communications of her
Majesty's forces, Transkei.
The Governor expressed an opinion that no time should be lost
in summoning Parliament for the despatch of business.
Mr. Molteno assented, without binding himself to any precise
time, expressing strongly the opinion of the Cabinet that the
Governor should return as soon as possible to the capital. That
this duty was paramount, and should be attended to in preference
to any cause connected with the conduct of mih'tary operations on
the frontier.
The Governor expressed his strong desire to return to Gape
Town as soon as the rebellion was suppressed and order restored
in the eastern province ; but whilst his presence was considered
desirable by the military authorities he did not think it could be
consistent with his duty to leave the frontier.^
It will be observed from this that Mr. Molteno, who now
heard for the first time of the Governor's request for more
troops, had requested him to countermand it, and had urged
him with all the power he could conomand to return to
Cape Town. But the Governor considered that the military
were his advisers on this point and not the Ministers, and so
long as they desired his presence he did not think it con-
sistent vnth his duty to leave the frontier. He seemed to
think that the advice given him by his Cabinet ought to be
subjected to the criticism and subordinated to the opinions
of the Imperial military authorities.
It was a very extraordinary course to write down the
result of these conversations, and Mr. Molteno at once
took objection. Sir Bartle Frere had pursued a similar
policy with the Ministers present wdth him on the frontier
to the extent of addressing informal memoranda to them of
which their colleagues were unaware. Mr. Molteno, however,
could not consent to continue this mode of communication,
and the following correspondence took place : —
» C. P., A. 2—78, p. 11.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 313
On the 12th of January, 1878, Mr. Molteno wrote to Sir
Bartle Frere : —
{Private and Confidential.)
In reply to your note on the subject of our conversation
yesterday, I cannot help thinking that it will be exceedingly
inconvenient to introduce so entirely new and novel a mode of
procedure as that of reducing to writing, and personally placing
on record, conversations necessarily of so confidential and delicate
a character as those in many cases must be which take place
between the Governor and Prime Minister of the Colony. As to
any action to be taken resulting from such conversations, formal
minutes always follow, and the usual practice has not in the
present instance been departed from.
Several matters were, no doubt, alluded to during our conversa-
tion, but only incidentally ; and the time for placing anything on
record regarding them has not yet arrived.
Let me assure your Excellency that my desire to adhere to a
course which has hitherto been found to work well, and a fear
that any departure therefrom might lead to a lessening of that
freedom and confidence in the exchange of opinion between her
Majesty's representative and myself, which has always happily
prevailed during my tenure of office, alone prevents my acceding
to your Excellency's request.*
To this the Governor replied : —
{Private and Confidential.) 14th of January, 1878.
I only received this morning your note of the 12th, marked
' private and confidential,' returning the note of the results of our
conversation on the 11th, which I had sent to you to ascertain
whether it accurately represented the changes in policy, and in
the mode of carrying on business connected with military opera-
tions, on which you told me the Cabinet had resolved.
The only object I had in sending you the note was to make sure
that I had rightly understood the very important communications
you m£ide to me in a conversation of three or four hours' duration.
I think you will find the practice of noting the results or
conclusions of both parties to long conversations on important
subjects is almost universal between men of business, or official
persons, when the interlocutors are, as in my case, anxious to be
accurate in their conception and recollection of the conclusions
stated by either party.
If you dislike the practice I shall, of course, not trouble you
» C. P., A. 2—78, p. 12.
814 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
again in the same way ; but in that case you will, I trust, aoquit
me of any want of due care or precaution to guard against any
misunderstanding of what either of us may say or mean on
subjects of such importance.
In the present case, as you do not note any inaccuracy, I shall
take it for granted that my recollection of what you conveyed to
me as the conclusions of the Cabinet was accurate.^
Mr. Molteno replied immediately : —
{Private and Confidential.)
I am in receipt of your note of this day's date in reply to mine
of the 12th, marked ' private and confidential.'
I think your Excellency will find that no note is ever made of
what takes place in Cabinet Council, somewhat analogous to the
conversation alluded to, but, of course, no practical difficulty can
now arise from any difference of opinion between us in this respect.
I quite understand and appreciate your Excellency's desire to
take due precaution to guard against any misunderstanding of
what either of us may say or mean on subjects of importance.
But in the present case I wish to guard against the fact of not
noting any inaccuracy in the note which you forwarded to me,
as your Excellency's recollection of what passed between us,
necessarily being taken to imply the reverse. The cursory glance
I took at it produced the effect on my mind that it only very
partially met the case.^
And Sir Bar tie Frere rejoined on the same day : —
{Pri/vate and Confidential,)
I have just received your note of this date. I will not take up
your time by discussing the practice of Cabinet Councils. I will
only say that I know of no other way than that I adopted in
which two men can talk for four hours on very important subjects,
and make sure that they have accurately understood each other's
conclusion.
In this particular case, as you only took * a cursory glance '
at a paper which I gave you, which I told you I regarded as a very
important one, and left with you for as long as you pleased
to keep it, begging you to read it carefully, I am not surprised
that you misapprehended its object.
But if that cursory glance showed you it was either inaccurate
or defective I wish you would point out the inacciuracies and defects.
The subjects are most important, and I do not wish to misunder-
stand what you told me the Cabinet had decided regarding them.
» C. P., A. 2—78, p. 13. « Ibid. p. 13.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 316
That the slackness of colonists to answer the call for reinforce-
ments was due to an impression that the management of afifairs
had been left too much to the military ; that as a remedy you
proposed to exclude the military from all active share in the
operations of the Colony ; that you did not wish her Majesty's
troops to be at once withdrawn from the Colony, but simply to
remain inactive where they are, till relieved by colonial forces ;
that you were well assured that the colonial forces actually
coming up were ample for these purposes ; that you wished me
to countermand any demand I had made to her Majesty's Govern-
ment to send out two regiments in anticipation of the usual reliefs,
and to prepare the Secretary of State for the entire evacuation of
the country by her Majesty's troops ; that for the more vigorous
prosecution of measures to suppress rebellion you would abandon
the plan of united action under one head, which we have hitherto
followed here since the first outbreak ; that the Colonial Cabinet
should undertake the management of all colonial forces entirely
uncontrolled by any reference to military authority ; these were
some of the important conclusions at which in our conversations
on Friday and Saturday I understood you to say the Cabinet had
arrived, and regarding which I was naturally anxious I should be
under no mistake, more especially as I must address the Secretary
of State on the subject by next mail.
As regards the mode of action, indeed, I had practical proof of
the change of system I understood you to say you had determined
on. When you arrived here two important movements — Frost's
and Brabant's — were in contemplation, both under the exclusive
direction of Mr. Merriman, who gave us what information we
possess on the subject. The information, however, we have
regarding both is so vague and defective that useful co-operation
is almost impossible, and does not seem to be desired, as no
apparent attempt is made to supply defects of mounted and native
levies, which must be supplied if die detachments of her Majesty's
troops are to be actively utilised; and Frost's operations are, I
believe, proceeding under defective conditions of co-operation,
which I have warned you I think likely to lead to disaster,
though of course they may succeeed.
I am sorry to trouble you at such length, but the subjects are
far too important to be dealt with cursorily, and I trust you will
give what I have written more than a ' cursory ^ance.'
I am bound not to misunderstand you. I am bound to tell
the Secretary of State any change in contemplation so important
as the evacuation of the Colony by her Majesty's troops, or any
change which has taken place so momentous as the exclusion of
316 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
the colonial forces from military command, and the substitution of
many leaders and generals and plans of operation for one.
And I am bound, when I see danger from such changes, to
warn you of it, though I do not wish to dictate in any way as to
the course your duty to the country requires.*
When these papers were subsequently produced by
the Governor without Mr. Molteno's consent, the latter
again protested against private and confidential conununica-
tions being made public by one party without the consent of
the other. Sir Bartle Frere's views were quite unconstitu-
tional and appear to have arisen from his ignorance of
constitutional government.
On the 12th Mr. Molteno enquired what positions the
General would occupy, so as to free the colonial forces for
active operations.* To this the Governor replied that
the General could not garrison posts, Transkei, till the line of
railway from East London to Kei Road, and all along that road to
Toleni, is held by forces at least equal in number and composition
to the troops which at present hold it.
Mr. Molteno submitted on the 19th a very courteous
memorandum, making certain proposals which for the
present were to be regarded merely as of
a tentative character, subject in all respects to such modifications
and alterations as may be considered by your Excellency and the
General desirable or necessary, the principle not being lost sight of,
in so far as may be found possible, of separating the command
and direction of colonial forces from that of her Majesty's troops ;
the former being under the direction of the Colonial Commandant-
General.'
He informed the Governor that the Colonial Commandant-
General agrees with the Imperial General as to the posi-
tions in the Transkei to be occupied by Imperial troops.
In regard to the requisitions of the General for mounted
men — his requirements being placed at 290 mormted men
— Mr. Molteno proposed to assign to him 300 men of the
» C. P.. A. 2—78, p. 14. « C. p., A. 2—78, p. 15. • Ihid, p. 16.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 317
' F. A. M.' Police, while the lines of commuDication and the
base would be occupied as desired by troops of the character
required by the Greneral, and he added : —
I feel very sensible of the kind and cordial manner in which
Sir Arthur Gunynghame has responded to the enquiries and
suggestions made by me through your Excellency; and it is
hardly necessary for me to add that the only object that the
Colonial Government has in view is that of working cordially and
harmoniously with the military authorities in all respects, and
that there is certainly no desire at the present moment on the
part of the Colonial Government to raise or discuss any question
as to the evacuation of the Colony by her Majesty's troops or any
portion thereof, otherwise than it might possibly be considered
necessary by the General to strengthen positions in Oalekaland.
Should these proposed arrangements be decided upon, certain
alterations will become necessary in the position of mihtary
arrangements within the colonial boundary, including a with-
drawal from military control and placing under the Commandant-
General all colonial forces.
This by no means implies that cordial co-operation is not
expected to exist between those in com/mand of her Majesty's troops
and the Commandant of colonial forces, but would rather be
facilitated than otherwise by such arrangements.^
But the Governor did not accede to this proposal, and
vdthout answering it in his reply went into the position of
the Commandant-General, and asked Mr. Molteno whether
he was to be under the General as well as the Governor.'
To this Mr. Molteno replied on the 22nd of January : —
For the present, subject, of course, to any alterations Parlia-
ment may determine upon, it is proposed that Mr. Griffith as
Commandant-General shall take command of all colonial
forces, police, burghers, and volunteers, and be under the sole
control and direction of the Colonial Government.
The Governor has no special powers over colonial forces as
Commander-in-Chief, but as Governor of the Colony acts in
exactly the same manner with regard to colonial forces as he does
with regard to any other colonial matter.
Mr. Molteno proposes no other arrangements than those set
forth in his memorandum, both with reference to the Colony and
the Transkei.^
» Ibid. p. 16. « Ibid. p. 17. " Ibid. p. 17.
818 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
When Mr. Molteno said * Colonial Government ' it was,
of course, understood that the Governor would direct the
Commandant-General under the advice of the Cabinet, as
shown by the third paragraph of the above memorandum.
This term was the usual one employed between the Imperial
and Cape Government in this connection. In his despatch
Earl Kimberley, writing to Sir H. Barkly, Nov. 18, 1878,
expressly uses this term 'Colonial Government' as the
authority responsible for the conduct of a native war.^ Mr.
Molteno's memorandum embodied absolutely sound con-
stitutional law as defined by the successive Secretaries of
State and as embodied in practice before and since.
To this Sir Bartle Frere replied in a long memorandum
dated January 26th,* in which he stated that the measures
proposed in Mr. Molteno's minute for the suppression of
the rebellion and the summoning of Parliament appeared
to him too violent, impractical, unconstitutional and illegal ;
that the Colonial Government had no military powers without
reference to the Commander-in-Chief or the general oflBcer
commanding in the field ; in fact, that the Colonial Govern-
ment had no military machinery at all and could only act
through the Imperial General. Then he leads up to his
own view that the Governor, as Commander-in-Chief, acts
through the General commanding the Imperial forces.
Were this view correct it would, of course, involve the
proposition that the Colonial Government could conduct no
military operations whatever on its own account, but that
all operations must be conducted through the Imperial
General.* This would set aside the injunctions of Lord
» I. P., 0—459, p. 66. ' C. P., A. 2-78, p. 19.
> Sir Bartle Frere was wrong in assuming that his commission as (Governor
and Commander-in-Chief gave him ipso facto, and by virtue of this title,
command of the Colonial forces in the absence of local statutes conferring this
upon him. Even in regard to her Majesty's troops it is an established rule
that the (Governor of a Colony, though bearing the title of Captain-General or
Commander-in-Chief, is not, without special appointment from her Majesty,
invested with the command of her Majesty's troops in the Colony. He is not
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 319
Kimberley and Lord Carnarvon, which placed upon the
Colonial Government the responsibility for its own defence
entitled to take the immediate direction of any military operations, or, exoept
in cases of urgent necessity, to communicate officially with subordinate military
officers. (See revised regulations for the Colonial Service published in the
Colonial Office List for 1892, pp. 301-315.)
When military operations have been determined upon, and their object and
scope have been definitely decided, the responsibility and all details of their
conduct rests solely with the officer in command of the troops. These regula-
tions, it is expressly stated, hold good though the Governor may be a military
officer senior in rank to the officer commanding the forces.
We have seen that Sir Bartle Frere considered himself indispensable on
the frontier for the actual conduct of military operations, and that he actually
interfered with the details of these military operations, both in regard to the
landing at Mazeppa Bay and the mode of conducting the Transkei and subse-
quent Gaika campaigns. (C. P., A. 24—78, pp. 7, 12, 22, 23, and 26.)
Looking to the practice established in other colonies, in Victoria the
Governor exercises no more authority in military business than he does in the
routine of any other department of local administration. (Todd's Parliamentary
Oovemment in the British Colonies, 2nd edition, p. 377.)
In Canada the Imperial authorities control the Queen's regular army or
navy whilst serving in Canada, whilst the disposition and management of local
forces are regulated by the Governor-General with the advice and consent of his
Privy Council or Cabinet (Todd's Parliamentary Government in the British
Colonies, 2nd edition, p. 377) ; while in 1875 there was established an officer
in whom was placed the military command and discipline of the local forces,
the duties of this officer being analogous to those performed by the Commander-
in-Chief of the British army, being in like manner subordinate to the civil
power, and subject to the direction of the Gk)vemor-General through the Minister
of Militia and Defence.
Sir Bartle Frere was equally at sea in regard to the control of Imperial
troops by the advice of local Ministers. There is absolutely no authority for
such an extraordinary proposition ; indeed, all the authority was in the opposite
direction. On several occasions Sir Gordon Sprigg stated that there was no
distinction between the Imperial and Colonial troops ; both were equally subject
to the Colonial authorities. Can it be possible that a Government of England
could be found that is prepared to make such an arrangement? It is certain
that as soon as a difficulty arose which would call these forces into action the
British people would not allow it to continue. No Government of Great
Britain would dare to announce to her people that her troops were engaged in a
Colonial war in whose management and operations the Government had no
responsibility, had nothing authoritative. Such an arrangement would make
Great Britain and not the Colony the dependency. Sir Bartle Frere and Sir
Gordon Sprigg were deceiving themselves when they cherished the belief that
the Imperial troops stood in precisely the same relation to a Colonial Responsible
Ministry as forces purely Colonial in their action and object. And the Imperial
Government, as a matter of fact, took good care to correct Sir Bartle Frere on
this point, after the conclusion of these operations. (See J. P., C— 2740, p. 103.)
Her Majesty's Government, after discovering what Sir B. Frere had really
S20 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
and for the conduct of native wars, whether within or
without the Colonial boundary, and in express terms in-
dependently of the Imperial General. Sir Bartle further
insisted that the Governor was the only officer who could,
' by simple virtue of his office, command at the same time
all forces of all kinds in the Colony.' '
Here the Governor was misled by his commission as
Commander-in-Chief, which he erroneously supposed gave
him an inherent right to command the Colonial troops irre-
spective of Colonial statutes. This of course was not so.
When the Burgher Act, under which the burghers were
now fighting, was passed there was no responsible govern-
ment in the Colony, and the Conmiander-in-Chief was men-
tioned as the officer in chief command ; but since responsible
government had been introduced the Governor could only
act with the advice of his Ministers, and the Governor's
absolute power as Commander-in-Chief then disappeared.
Sir Bartle Frere then ma^e a statement as to what he
considered Mr. Molteno proposed, but in so doing distorted
Mr. Molteno's proposition. He stated that the Command-
ant-General proposed by Mr. Molteno was to be supreme
over all Colonial forces, entirely independent of all control or
done, went back on Sir M. Hicks Beach's approyal of his action, and on the
condasion of the Transkei war informed Sir B. Frere that the daty of
defending the Colony against native enemies should be provided for by
Oolonial forces. It even approved additional restrictions on the employment
of her Majesty's forces in the Colony which were proposed by Sir O. Wolseley,
* which toent the length that under no circumatances should any officer or
man of her Majesty* e forces in South Africa be permitted to assist the Colonial
Qovemment in organising their measures of self-defence, or in suppressing any
disturbance among the native tribes, without the previously obtained special
sanction of her Majesty^s Oovemment,* This was absolately to negative the
positions advanced by Sir B. Frere, who told Lord Eimberley in complaining
of these regulations that they were the exact reverse of the principle ' which
had been carefolly and repeatedly maintained, that any military opera-
tions which might be necessary should be under the control and direction of
the officer commanding her Majesty's forces in the Colony.'^Letter of Sir
B. Frere to Lord Kimberley in acknowledgment of his despatch of the 14th of
October, 1880, 1. P., C— 2740. pp. 9, 10. 108.
1 See pp. 25-27, and 54 and 66 of J. P., C— 459.
EVENTS LEADING DP TO DISMISSAL 321
subordination to the Governor or any other executive, mili-
tary, or civil oflScer recognised by Parliament or the Constitu-
tion. Mr. Molteno had not proposed that he should be
independent of the Governor. He was to be subordinate to
the Governor, who in any instructions to him must act with
the advice of his Cabinet and not by virtue of his office as
Commander-in-Chief solely.
The Governor went on to say that he would be abdi-
cating the powers and duties entrusted to him by her
Majesty's Commission and delegating them to some one else,
and thereupon he urges Mr. Molteno to take the opinion of
the Attorney-General, should he have failed to convince him
of his argument. It is hardly necessary to add that the
Attorney-General's opinion, when received, was adverse to the
Governor's contentions. He then described how he had
proceeded previous to Mr. Molteno's arrival on the frontier,
with what he calls ' a legal quorum of the Executive Council,'
a term and a body utterly unknown to the Constitution.*
He believed that a dual command would result in difficulties,
but would give his support to any well-considered plans
which Ministers might lay before Parliament for the defence
of the Colony, though he could not see that this object would
be in any way promoted by simply removing her Majesty's
troops into the Transkei and leaving the Colony to be
defended by the police and the colonial forces. Lastly, he
recapitulated the conclusions at which he had arrived : —
1. That the command of all forces in the field legally and by
the Constitution rests with the General Officer commanding her
Majesty's forces, when empowered by the Governor as Com-
mander-in-Chief to assume oonmiand of colonial forces so
employed.
2. That the appointment of a Commandant-General to com-
mand colonial forces in the field independent of the General
Officer commanding her Majesty's forces, empowered as above by
> See Todd, Parliamentary Oovemment in England, 2nd edition, vol. ii.
p. 6.
VOL. II. T
322 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
the Governor and Commander-in-Chief, is at present illegal and
nnoonstitntional.
S. That his acts and the acts of those who obey him will be
illegal, and will not be covered by any Act of Indemnity passed to
absolve from penalties all who act as military taking part in
military operations in the field.
4. That the only legal and constitutional way for Government
to avail themselves of the services of the Commandant-General
is to continue the system followed when Commandant-Greneral
Griffith was commandant of police, viz. that he should act in
the field under the general control of the General conmianding
the forces, and that all colonial forces ready to take the field
should from time to time as they go to the field be formally
placed by the Colonial Government under the General's command
for this purpose.^
He added that the movementsi Ciskei, indicated by
Mr. Molteno as desired by his Cabinet, since they were in
accord with Sir A. Cunynghame's views , would be carried
out. It will be observed that Sir Bartle Frere places the
advice of the General before the advice of his Ministers,
and this he does continually, submitting Ministerial advice
and plans to the military officers, though the Ministry were
being advised by their ovm military adviser, the Command-
ant-General. So far as the Transkei was concerned this
course was, perhaps, legal and constitutional, though even
here there is a doubt, owing to the employment of colonial
troops in aid of the military, but in colonial matters he had
no right to subordinate his Minister's advice, by which alone
he could act, );o the General, an officer entirely unknown to
the Colonial Constitution and irresponsible to the Colonial
Parliament.
It will be convenient to here give the reply of the
Attorney-General to the points raised by the Governor : —
In my opinion the Governor's conmiission as Commander-in-
Chief places under his control all her Majesty's troops stationed in
this Colony, but does not give him any power as Conmiander-in-
Chief over the frontier armed and mounted police, the volunteers,
» Paragraph 84, p. 22, C. P., A. 2— '78.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 328
or burghers. Over these colonial forces he has no greater authority
than is vested in him by the various Acts of Parliament under
which they are embodied ; and the powers so vested in him by
these Acts he cannot now constitutionally exercise except with
the concurrence and under the advice of his Ministers. Conse-
quently the Governor cannot, except with the consent of the
latter, embody the colonial forces with those of her Majesty.
Upon the question whether it is advisable to have two independ-
ent armies under separate commanders, acting without a common
plan at the same time in the same field, I am not asked to give
any opinion ; but I imagine that Mr. Molteno's views in this
respect have been misapprehended. Every person is empowered,
by the law of the Colony, to arrest any person guilty of a serious
crime, and under certain circumstances is even bound to do so.
Should the person he so attempts to arrest resist or flee he can
kill him. There is, I think, no doubt that a body of men, acting
in concert, may lawfully undertake the duty of arresting, and in
case of resistance kill, malefactors. They may, in my opinion,
act under the direction of a leader chosen by themselves, and
therefore they legally act under a police ofl&cer, magistrate, or other
person appointed by Government. My answer to the Governor's
first questions is that, in my opinion, the appointment of a Com-
mandant-General to direct the action of volunteers and police
engaged in the Colony in the suppression of rebellion is not illegal.
In answer to the second and third questions, I consider that
persons who have arrested or killed criminals xmder the circum-
stances before indicated need no act of indemnity or warrant.*
The Governor did not await the arrival of this opinion
before going to the extreme length of dismissing his Ministers
for tendering the advice which the Attorney-General held to
be legal and constitutional, and which her Majesty's Govern-
ment, after the Transkei war was over, informed Sir Bartle
Frere must be the rule for the future — namely, that no
Imperial troops were to be employed in native wars, and
not a single oflBcer or man without the previously obtained
sanction of her Majesty's Government.'
As soon as Mr. Molteno read the Minute of the 26th he
said it admitted of only one reply, which was his resignation.
For this apparently the Governor was not at the moment
» C. P., A. 4—78, p. 14. « I. P., C— 2740, p. 103.
T 2
324 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIK J. C. MOLTBNO
prepared ; he declined to bind himself to a positive opinion as
to the position he had taken up, and wished for information,
stating that he considered Mr. Molteno's Minute and his
memorandum as preliminary discussions. He had not the
Attorney-General's views as to the legality of the position
he had taken up, but he suggested that these matters
should be referred to that official. Mr. Molteno, as we
have shown, was extremely unwilling to resign, while the
war was raging ; a change of Ministry must inevitably cause
a prolongation of the war, with consequent loss and suffering,
and he consented to this course, feeling confident that the
Attorney-General must advise in accordance with his views.
Mr. Molteno drew up the following memorandum in
reply, and he read it to the Governor on the Monday
following, January the 28th : —
Want of time, under present circumstances, prevents my
giving any lengthened reply, even did I consider myself qualified,
from a legal point of view, to do so ; but no time will be lost in
transmitting the memorandum to the Attorney-General, with a
request that he will be so good as to furnish me with such remarks
as he may deem necessary for his Excellency's information and
guidance.
In the meantime, and until better informed, I beg most
respectfully to intimate to your Excellency that I hold the follow-
ing opinions, and consider it my duty to act up to them : —
1. That in all matters and things connected with the Govern-
ment of this Colony, without any exception whatever, your Excel-
lency is constitutionally bound to act only by and with the
advice of your responsible Ministers.
Yoiu: Excellency cannot constitutionally lay claim to any
special powers as Commander-in-Chief over the Government or
people of this Colony. Your commission as Governor includes
every power you possess, and you have no power outside or
beyond it.
Should your Excellency decline to act by and with the advice
of your Ministers, there is only one constitutional course open to
your Excellency. Your Excellency is in error in supposing that
you have any power over the people of this Colony, whether
assembled in arms at the call of its Government for the Colony's
defence or otherwise, than those powers you exercise as G ovemor.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 325
and in the exercise of which you are bound to aot by and with
your Ministers' advice. Your Excellency has been informed that
your Ministers are of opinion that for the successful defence of
the Colony they do not consider it advisable that the colonial
forces should be placed under military command and control, and
that they believe if such were attempted at the present time it
would create great discontent and tend to paralyse their exertions
and usefuLiess.
That being most anxious to secure the co-operation of her
Majesty's troops at the present juncture, it has been your
Ministers' earnest desire to sketch out and place before your
Excellency such a plan as would secure this most desirable object,
without at the same time interfering in the least with that perfect
freedom of action your Excellency possesses over the disposition
and movements of her Majesty's troops, subject only to the usual
information being furnished to the Colonial Government as to
their proposed movements and disposition, and thus giving the
Colonial Government the opportunity of informing your Excel-
lency as to how such movements would tend to promote colonial
interests, to be acted upon or otherwise as, in the exercise of your
Excellency's discretion as above, holding the power over her
Majesty's troops, may seem desirable.
The memorandom of the 26th had been read on that
same day, a Saturday, at a meeting of the Executive Council.
It was too long to telegraph, Sunday intervened, and on
Monday it was despatched to the Attorney-General, Mr.
Stockenstrom, accompanied by the following letter, which
serves to bring out what was the chief point of disagreement
between the Governor and Mr. Molteno : —
I send you the enclosed memorandum, received from the
Governor on Saturday, which you must read in connection
with my two memoranda forwarded a few days ago through
Dr. White. I was a good deal annoyed at receiving it, because,
from the course things had taken the last few days, I had rather
arrived at the conclusion that the Governor had virtually assented
to my proposal, and had given up the idea of drawing up a
memorandum as to legal points raised in his mind, and which he
had intimated he wished submitted to you for the purpose of
ascertaining your legal opinions.
I saw him this morning, and plainly intimated to him that I
held the following opinions, and considered it my duty to act up
S26 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
to them : viz. that in all matters and things connected with the
government of this Colony, without any exception whatever, the
Governor is constitutionally bound to act only by and with the
advice of his Ministers, that he cannot constitutionally lay claim
to any special powers as Commander-in-Chief over the Govern-
ment or people of this Colony, that his commission as Governor
includes every power he possesses, and he has no power outside
or beyond it, that should he decline to act by and with the advice
of his Ministers there is only one constitutional course open
to him, that he had been already informed of the opinion of
Ministers as to colonial forces being placed under mihtary com-
mand and control, and that if he held contrary opinions I did not
see how it was possible for us to continue to hold our positions ;
he, however, declined binding himself to positive opinions, wished
for information, considered my memorandum and his reply as not
formal communications to Ministers, but preliminary discussions,
&o. &o. This will give you an idea of what has passed, and then
no doubt your legal opinion will dispel many erroneous ideas.^
On the 1st of February Mr. Molteno telegraphed to his
colleague at Cape Town, Dr. White : —
Important documents sent to Attorney-General on Monday ;
they ought to reach to-morrow. No doubt time will be necessary
for full remarks on legal questions, but it is important I should
receive by telegram, if possible, some idea as to what his
opinions are.
The letter with the memorandum could only arrive at
the earliest on the 2nd of February. It did not arrive, as
we know, until the 4th.^ The Governor followed up his
memorandum of the 26th by another long minute drawing
attention to a letter from Sir A. Cunynghame, to whom he
had transmitted the several commimications which had
recently passed between the Governor and his Ministers.
It was only natural that the General should take the view
urged by the Governor, as he was to be put in conmaand
of all forces, and was also to be reinforced from home, if
Sir Bartle Frere's views could prevail. In this letter the
* Letter from Mr. Molteno to Mr. Stookenstrom, 28th of January, 1878.
« See p. 14, C. P., A. 4—78.
EVENTS LEADING UP TO DISMISSAL 327
General takes his cue from the attitude now assumed by
the Gk)vemor towards his Ministers, and makes some
remarks of an extremely improper character. He says : —
I am entirely irresponsible for these operations, but as they
appear to me not to possess any authority by law, so I should
imagine that a commission will be sent by order of her
Majesty's Government to inquire into these proceedings, into the
slaughter and distress which they involve, and that those who carry
them out and those who direct them will be called to a rigid
account by order of the Imperial Parhament to-show the authority
by which they aot.^
In this memorandum the Governor stated that he con-
sidered it absolutely necessary that one authority should
command aJl military forces in the eastern districts and the
Transkei; and that the Imperial troops, while serving in
the Colony, were subject to the authority of a Governor and
Conunander-in-Chief, who was bound on all questions affecting
the Colony to hear the advice of his responsible advisers, and
not to act in opposition to such advice without valid reasons
which he was bound to record.^ And as to the Conmiandant-
General, he says it never occurred to him that he was to
be 'independent of the ordinary military authorities,' and
further that the Conmiandant-General has no power to act
as a military oj£cer, and indeed all who obey him were
running the risk of legal penalties for carrying out illegal
orders; while the proceedings which the ConMnissioner of
Crown Lands was carrying out appeared to be illegal.
The fact was that the operations of which he had been
advised on the 11th of January, and which the military
authorities had predicted would be a failure, had been carried
out with complete success, and it was extremely probable
' C. P., A. 2—78, p. 26.
' The Imperial Gk>yeminent made abort work of this theory of Sir B. Frere
as Boon as they became aware of bis contention. See bis reply to despatch of
the 14tb of October, 1880, 1. P., 0— 2740, p. 108
Sfi8 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
that the whole war wonld be over in a very short tune,
SB indeed the Governor confessed when he says :
The enemy, Gaikas as well as Galekas, appear thoroughly
oroshed and dispirited, and apparently all that is needed is actively
to hunt up the broken bands of the enemy now scattered about
the country, a service of police rather than miUtary, for which the
large reinforcements of volunteers and burghers which Mr.
Molteno expects will, he assures me, be sufficient.'
Sir Bartle Frere appeared to be anxious lest the rein-
forcements which he had asked for, and which might soon
now be expected to arrive, should be quite unnecessary.
> c. P.. A. a— 78, p. 21.
329
CHAPTEE XXrX
THE DISMISSAL. 1878
Belations between (Governor and Ministry — Governor suddenly summoiiB
Cabinet Goanoil — Mr. Molteno protests — Gk>yemor asks for more Imperial
troops — Mr. Molteno refuses assent — Violent Crisis — Cabinet Council of
February 2nd^-DiBmissal thereat— Letter of February 6th repeating DIb-
missal— Unconstitutional action of Governor— Ignorance of Constitutional
Law — Questions at issue — Governor ignorant of Colonial History — His
contentions upset by Secretary of State — Mr. Molteno's speech on Dismissal —
Constitutional Principles involved — Disastrous results of Sir Bartle Frere'e
Dictatorship — Todd's account of Dismissal discussed.
When the Governor found on the 26th of January that
Mr. Molteno was not prepared to give way, he was for the
moment taken ahack, and gave no indication of a desire to
press his views on the constitutional question ; but when
it became clear to his mind that the latter was not to be
moved from his position, he seems to have reviewed the
situation. It was impossible to shake Mr. Molteno as to
the inexpediency of Confederation.
This attitude on the part of the Prime Minister presented
an insuperable obstacle to the fulfilment of his mission to
South Africa. Was not this an excellent opportunity of
getting rid of the Ministry, which Lord Carnarvon had
himself attempted, but failed, to dislodge ? He was aware
that Lord Carnarvon would fully support him in any steps
he might take in this direction.
His views as to the management of the natives, as to dis-
armament, and as to colonial defence had proved widely
divergent from those of Mr. Molteno, while, to crown all, the
latter refused the aid of the Imperial troops, whose presence
330 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
in South Africa Sir Bartle Frere desired for his own ulterior
designs on Pondoland and Zululand. With such a trump
card as the use of the Imperial troops, against whose
withdrawal the Eastern Province, and the Colony generally,
had protested so strongly from 1867 to 1871, and with the aid
of Mr. Sprigg, who had exchanged views with the Governor
in December, he could see a prospect of success with the
colonial pubhc in sustaining his action. The weight and
prestige of the office of Governor and High Commissioner
would naturally be thrown into the scale of parties.
When backed, as it would now be, by the prestige connected
with the control of large numbers of Imperial troops, it
was most likely that this combined effect on a colony which
had only received responsible government five years before
would be such as to give him sufficient support in the local
Parliament to endorse his high-handed action. Yet he was
dismissing Ministers, who even in his own view, as he told a
deputation at King William's Town on the 23rd of December,
possessed the confidence of a majority in Parliament.*
While the question as to the powers of the Governor over
the colonial forces was still under the consideration of the
Attorney-General,' the Governor suddenly, at 6 p.m. on the
31st of January, intimated his intention of holding a Cabinet
Council upon the following day. Mr. Molteno had not pre-
viously received, as he should have done in accordance with
invariable custom, any intimation verbally or in writing from
the Governor as to his intention that a meeting of the
Executive Council should take place, and was kept entirely
in the dark as to the business which the Governor intended
to bring forward. In consequence there was no oppor-
tunity of previous consultation with his colleagues on the
spot, or with those at the capital, as a preparation for any
1 *! am still of opinion that Ministers enjoy a substantial majority in
Parliament' (Beport of Sir Bartle Frere's speeoh in ArgiLS, the 1st of
January, 1878). * See vol. ii. p. 322, supra.
THE DISMISSAL 331
business which the Governor might wish to bring forward.*
The meeting was held on the 1st of February. The
Executive Council Minutes and records were all in Cape
Town ; the clerk was in the same place, and Mr. Lyttleton,
the Governor's private secretary, acted for him, to which
facts the imperfect character of the records is probably due.^
The Governor stated that he had summoned the Council
for the purpose of discussing the Minute of the 31st of
January, which had been sent up the afternoon of the pre-
vious day, and of hearing a statement which the General had
to make. He then introduced the General to the Cabinet.
This was an utterly unconstitutional proceeding on the part
of the Governor, and Mr. Molteno protested against it.
The Governor tells Lord Carnarvon' that his object
was to secure 'the attendance of all three Ministers, and
ensuring that they had all seen and understood what I
had entrusted to Mr. Molteno to convey to them.' This was
utterly and entirely unconstitutional. There is no principle
of constitutional government clearer than that the Cabinet
has the right to deliberate in private.^ It was discourteous in
the highest degree to treat the Premier in the way the
Governor had done already : to ask him to discuss the question
involved in his Minute, in his presence, and in that of the
General was without precedent in constitutional government.^
» C. P., A. 2—78, p. 27.
« See C. P., A. 21—78, p. 1. No. 2 was never prodaced.
» C. P., A. 4- -78, p. 10.
* Todd, ParUamentary Oovemment in the Colonies^ 2nd edition, pp. 11
and 42.
* Sir B. Frere*8 attempt to divide the Cabinet, which he carried as lar
as to receive advice from single Ministers without the knowledge of their col-
leagues, was equally unconstitutional. Compare his use of Mr. Brownlee's
memorandum on the use of Imperial troops, and see Taswell-Langmead
(English Constitutional History, p. 667), quoting Mr. Gladstone, who says,
* While each Minister is an adviser of the Crown the Cabinet is an unity, and
none of its members can advise as an individual without, or in opposition,
actual or presumed, to his colleagues ' (Qlecmings of Past Yems, pp. 225, 226,
235, 241-244).
S32 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Mr. Molteno handed in a protest recounting the parti-
culars of the mode in which the Council had been sum-
moned, and stating that he desired to place on record
that this was the first instance since the introduction of
responsible government of the Governor of the Colony
summoning a meeting of the Executive Council without
previously intimating his desire to do so to the Prime
Minister, or at the express request of the latter, or, during
his absence from the Colony, of the Minister acting on his
behalf.^ The Governor replied that it rested with himself
to sununon the Executive Council,^ and asked when Ministers
would be ready to discuss his Minute. Mr. Molteno felt
himself unable to specify any date; he had been unable
to consult his colleagues. He had referred the questions
at issue to the Attorney-General, and a Minute just received
on the afternoon of the previous day would also require
consultation. Moreover, he was entitled to consult his
colleagues in private and not before the Governor. Matters
were at a deadlock, and the Cabinet was adjourned until the
following day.'
Mr. Merriman gave a graphic account of this meeting in
his speech in the Dismissal debate : —
When we received that Minute we felt at once that for the
first time a serious difference had arisen ; I thought everything was
going as merry as a marriage bell till the 26th of January. Then
we saw what a difference of opinion had arisen. On the Monday
morning my hon. friend the member for Beaufort came to me and
said, ' I see no answer to this : there is a difference of opinion
between the Governor and my Ministry. I see no answer but
resignation.' He said, 'I have been thinking the matter over,
and there is a distinct difference of opinion ; we must resign.' He
then went up to the Governor on the Monday to resign. I am
» C. P., A. 2—78. p. 28.
* In this he was totally wrong. It is an axiom of constitutional government
that * the Premier is under no obligations either of duty or courtesy to confer
with the Sovereign upon any matter which is under the consideration of the
Cabinet.' Todd, Parliamentary Oovemment in England^ 2nd edition, vol.
ii. p. 18. * C. P.. A. 2—78, p. 26.
THE DISMISSAL 333
giving the conversation as I heard it from his own lips. When
he came back I said, * Well, what has taken place ? Have we
to pack up our portmanteaux ? * He said, ' No, not at all ; the
Governor would not hear of resignation. This memorandum, his
Excellency said, is merely a basis of discussion ; it is a subject
upon which he wishes to get the Attorney-General's opinion, and
he desires me to send it to the Attorney-General.' This was done
and Mr. Molteno offered no objection. I understand from Mr.
Molteno that the Governor repudiated any sort of idea of wishing
to have any difference with him at all. Well, the resignation was
withdrawn, and for the next few days things went on somewhat
as usual. As for the Governor being in quarantine, I believe my
hon. friend the member for Beaufort saw him quite as much as
any two people could see each other. Long conversations took
place, and how the Governor can say he was in quarantine I am
at a loss to understand. He was no more in quarantine then than
he is now, and I do not suppose that the hon. member for East
London now at the head of Government has the Governor down
at Cabinet Councils sitting there and discussing matters. If that
is so then his Excellency is in quarantine now. This took place,
as I have said, on the Monday. On the Thursday a notice came
to the hon. member for Beaufort summoning a meeting of the
Executive Council for the next day. That was the first intima-
tion of any Executive Council or anything else, and we could not
understand what we were summoned for. Then comes down this
minute of the 31st of January. It arrived late on the evening of
Thursday, and was read through by my hon. friend the member
for Beaufort and sent up to me. I hardly had time to peruse it,
certainly not time to master its contents, before the Executive
Council met the next day. When we arrived at the Executive
Council the Minutes will speak for themselves. Mr. Molteno said,
* What are we here for? What is the business? ' The Governor
replied, ' I want an answer to this Minute ; I want you to discuss
it.' Mr. Molteno said, * The Executive Council is not the place to
discuss the matter.' The fact was the Governor wanted to have
a discussion upon this matter in the Cabinet, and wanted to see
whether we were all agreed. The hon. member for Beaufort was
spokesman, and said that the Executive Council was simply the
place to formulate matters which had been tdready arrived at by
the Cabinet. Then the Governor replied that if he did not get an
answer they must meet every day and discuss it, until an answer
was arrived at — Hke schoolboys. The position, of course, was
not a right one to be taken up : we felt the Governor was speak-
ing a little hotly on the matter, and could hardly mean to be so
334 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
dictatorial as all that, so after a little discussion it was settled
that we should do our best by four o'clock the next day.
It will naturally be asked what had led to this change of
tone and to the violent proceeding on the part of the Governor?
The explanation is to be found in a Minute which had
just been sent to him by Mr. Molteno with reference to
the question of reinforcements. As we have already shown,
the Cape Premier had always objected to any request for
reinforcements of Imperial troops. On every possible
occasion he had stated that they were not necessary, and
that he was prepared to defend the Colony with its own
forces. A despatch was now sent dowTi by the Governor
showing that he had asked for additional troops, notwith-
standing the objection of Mr. Molteno. It had become neces-
sary to provide for their arrival, and the Governor now sent
down Lord Carnarvon's despatch of the 27th of December,
with a request that Mr. Molteno would sign Treasury warrants
for the necessary expenditure.
If the Governor's view were to prevail, that directly the
troops arrived in the Colony they were subject to him
through the General, it followed that he might receive
them and move them to whatever positions he might select
I without consulting his ministers, as he had already frequently
r done with the troops then in South Africa.^ It is clear from
subsequent events that Sir Bartle Frere was desirous, as he
ii said himself to the Secretary of State at the time, of having
these troops in South Africa, owing to the state of the
Transvaal and the Zulu question. But that being his object,
' This he actually did on their arrival. See p. 26 of C. P., A. 24—78. Mr.
Molteno, speaking in Parliament, thus described the action of the Oovemor
in using the Imperial troops. * They were subsequently moved about and
directed by the GK)vernor, without any consultation with the Ministry at all.
^ Our opinion was not even asked for, but we were passed over and ignored in a
most summary way in all these important matters ; under such circumstances
it was utterly impossible for any ministry to carry on the government of the
country. I could not resign at such a time, and it was the Ministry and not
the Governor who were ignored.' Report in Argus^ May 18, 1878.
•
THE DISMISSAL 335
he should have, in the Minute to which we are now referring,
stated to the Colonial Government and to the Imperial Govern-
ment, that this was the sole cause for these reinforcements.^
Mr. Molteno refused to sanction the use of troops not
required, the payment for which would be demanded from
the Colony. The Minute is a most important document, and
we give it in extenso. It was suppressed until called for by
Mr. Molteno, and when all correspondence as to the use of
Imperial troops was subsequently asked for on a motion in
the Colonial Parliament this Minute was not included. Such
was the eflfect on the Colony's interests of having a Premier
nominated by the Governor.^
With reference to the accompanying despatch, No. 456, of the
27th ultimo, in which the Bight Honourable the Secretary of State
transmits to his Excellency the Governor copies of further corre-
spondence with the War Office on the question of sending
additional troops to South Africa —
1. Ministers beg to remark that the receipt of this despatch
gives the first formal intimation they have had as to any request
having been made for additional troops for colonial purposes.
2. They desire to express their profound sense and apprecia-
tion of the motive which induced her Majesty's Government to
despatch an additional regiment and battery to the Gape at a time
when serious difficulties threatened with regard to the native
tribes both within and beyond the colonial boundary.
3. At the same time Ministers have never doubted that the
Colony — aided by the presence, and, if necessary, such active
' Sir B. Frere was a writer of very lenf;thy despatches, and he soon appears
to forget what he had written in them. On the 80th of August, 1880, he writes
concerning these troops : * I am unaware at whose instance they were required
in Natal. ... I can only say that when the troops were allowed, whilst an their
way to Natalt to land at the Gape, and to take a share in terminating the war
there, I, as Governor of the Gape, was specially warned that they were not to be
retained long in the Colony, but that they were required for service in Natal
and the Transvaal ' (J. P., C— 2740, 1881, p. 34). But he had himself asked
for these troops on the pretext of Natal and the Transvaal (see C. P., A. 4—78,
p. 30), and we may note his admission that they were for this purpose, even
though he previously wished to make Mr. Molteno pay for them.
' C. P., A. 24 — '78. This Blue Book contains the correspondence produced
in answer to the resolution of the Cape Parliament, and does not include the
Minute.
336 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
assistance as your Excellency might consider could, consistently
with Imperial interests, be rendered, of her Majesty's troops
actually in the Colony at the time — would be fully equal to the
task, not only of crushing the defiant chief Ereli, but also of
putting down rebellion among the natives within the colonial
boundary.
The response which has been so readily and widely given by
the inhabitants of the Colony to the call of its (rovemment to
rally to the front for the protection of the country, and the marked
success which has attended the operations of the various colonial
forces — aided by the movements of her Majesty's troops — has
quite confirmed them in the opinion they had formed.
4. Under these circumstances Ministers do not consider it
necessary, for the defence of the Colony or for the control of
the native tribes devolving upon its Government, that the rein-
forcements of her Majesty's troops shortly expected should be
retained in this Colony. The mere presence of these reinforce-
ments in the Colony would undoubtedly have a most beneficial
effect indirectly, but this would not, in the opinion of Ministers, be
sufficient warrant for asking for their retention here, should the
necessities of the Empire require them elsewhere.^
Sir Bartle Frere appears subsequently to have forgotten
these documents, for he wrote to the Secretary of State — not
at the time, it will be observed, but on the 15th of February *
— that the Ministry were aware of his intention ; and were
in every moral sense parties to the arrangement, but in no
despatch to the Imperial Government did he quote any
authority of the Cape Cabinet, and, indeed, in that of the
2nd of January he tells Lord Carnarvon that Mr. Molteno
is against the employment of Imperial troops. We have
produced the various telegrams and this Minute to show
that Mr. Molteno never wavered in his opposition to any
request for Imperial troops. This Minute saved the Colony
from paying for these troops.^
> Minute from Mr. Molteno dated January 81, 1878. C. P., A. 6 — 78, p. 2.
• C. P., A. 6—78, p. 1.
* Four years afterwards these events were thus described by the then
Premier in his defence of the Colony's interests, and the description was not
challenged by the Imperial Gk>vemment : * Towards the end of Uie year 1877,
in answer to urgent appeals from Sir Bartle Frere, the Imperial Gk>yermnent
THE DISMISSAL 337
To return to the story : on the 2nd of February the
Governor again called a Cabinet Council. Mr. Molteno,
notwithstanding that he was unable to consult with his
colleagues in Cape Town, had prepared, in deference to the
Governor's urgency, a Minute in answer to that of the
31st. ^ In this he asserted that the Ministers were prepared
to undertake the responsibihty of putting down the
rebellion in the speediest and most effectual manner,
and that they had expressed to his Excellency that in
their opinion this may best be carried out by colonial
forces, led by colonists, and not encumbered by miUtary
impedimenta ; that to place such forces under the military
authorities would seriously impair their usefulness and tend
to prolong the operations over an indefinite period. These
views had been placed before his Excellency as their formal
advice on matters of the deepest moment to the Colony, and
they now learned with surprise that his Excellency had
repeatedly informed them that he could not sanction such
proceedings.
As to the position of the Conunissioner for Crown
Lands and Public Works, by the Constitution the respon-
sibility of Ministers was established, and their duties were
to carry out the laws of the Colony and to administer
the business of the country according to the wishes
of Parliament. 'The Governor acts solely by and with
their advice. Should an emergency fraught with danger
to the country arise, for which the law makes no pro-
vision. Ministers act on their own responsibility, and will
be prepared to answer for their acts to that body whose
representatives they are.' The Minute insisted that the
consented to despatch reinforoements to South Africa. This step was not»
however, taken at the request of the responsible Ministers, who took the
earliest opportunity of disclaiming any responsibility on behalf of it in a formal
Minute, in which, while thanking the Secretary of State, they respectfully
declined the proffered aid.' (C. P., G. 48— '82, p. 7.)
» C. P.. A. 2— '78, p. 80.
VOL. II. Z
388 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
responsibility of the Ministry is collective, the acts of any
one Minister being the acts of the whole Cabinet ; and that
the Commissioner of Crown Lands and Public Works had
not assumed the duties he was now discharging, but they
had been assigned to him by the Colonial Secretary with
the concurrence of his colleagues.*
The Minute proceeds :
His Excellency the Governor has most properly drawn
attention to the evils of a dual ^stem of administration which
Ministers entirely agree with his Excellency in deprecating.
They would observe that the Government of the country, being
by the Constitution vested in a Governor and a responsible
Ministry, to hand over the control of the colonial forces and the
conduct of military operations within or adjacent to the Colony
to an officer not accountable to the Government of the country,
and not in any way controlled by them, would be giving practical
effect to dual government of the worst kind.
? Either the Government of the Colony is responsible for the
military operations conducted in the name and at the expense of
the Colony or it is not. If it is, then the officer conducting these
operations, be his name what it may, must be under the control
of that Government. If the Government of the Colony is not to
be held responsible, and if the conduct of these operations is to be
made over to the officer of the Imperial Government, it is manifest
that there must be an entire reversal of the policy of the last few
years, for which neither the Ministers nor the Colony are prepared.
[ The Colonial Secretary has had the honour of pointing out to
^ his Excellency the position which Ministers consider might be
usefully occupied by her Majesty's troops within and near the
P Colony, but he has at the same time intimated the opinion of
' Ministers that it is not desirable that the conduct of the operations
> His Excellency had agreed to the assumption of this position by Mr.
Merriman, as was seen from his letter to Sir A. Conynghame and his own
memorandum of the 26th of December (C. P., A- 2— '78, p. 7). * I cannot speak
too highly of the energy and ability shown by the Honourable Mr. Merriman for
months past whilst he has been discharging the usual functions of a Minister of
War and Police on this frontier.' To Sir A. Cunynghame he had said : * Tour
Bxcellency is aware that since the present disturbances came to a head, the
Honourable the Conmiissioner of Crown Lands has, with my full cononrrencej
* and with, I have every reason to believe, the full consent of the whole Cabinet,
taken the principal share of all the duties which would devolve on a Minister
of War and Internal Police, and such offices exist here, and that we meet daily
to dispose of the questions which come before us.' (C. P., A. 7 — '78, p. 63.)
THE DISMISSAL 339
undertaken by the colonial forces should be entrusted to his
Excellency General Sir A. Cunynghame, and from this decision
on their part Ministers see no reason for departing.
If the arrangements proposed by Ministers for the disposition
and employment of the Imperial forces are, in the opinion of his
Excellency, unsuitable, and calculated, owing to the difficulties
connected with the command, to prove embarrassing. Ministers
can only express their regret to find that his Excellency deems
those difficulties insurmountable. They desire, in that case, while
expressing their thanks for the services already rendered by her
Majesty's troops, to suggest that the Imperial forces be withdrawn
to the positions occupied by them before the outbreak, leaving
the suppression of the rebellion and the occupation of Galekaland
to the Colonial Government, on whom the main responsibility oi
defence must rest, and who are prepared to xmdertake it.^
This being read, the Govemor asked whether his Minute
of the 26th had been submitted to the Attorney-General.
Mr. Molteno replied that it had, but that a reply had not
yet been received. The Govemor said that even if the
opinion of the Attomey-Gteneral were in the Ministers' favour,
there still remained the question whether, as a matter of
common sense, the system of dual management and conmiand
reconamended by the Ministers could practically be adopted,
and he said he was prepared to accept Mr. Molteno's re-
signation.^ Mr. Molteno, however, replied that this had
been vdthdrawn. The Govemor then said that he would
dismiss his Ministers, but that they should continue in office
until their successors had been appointed. Thereupon
Mr. Molteno asked ' whether his Excellency had any objec-
tion to his Excellency's Minute of the 31st, with the
General's letter enclosed in it, and their Minute in reply
being published.' His Excellency replied, ' Most decidedly ;
the proper time will come for their publication and that
of all the other papers on the subject. They were to
regard it as a Cabinet paper and strictly private, and not
to be published.* *
> C. P., A. 2—78, p. 30. « Supra, vol. ii. pp. 323-324.
« C. P., A. 2-78, p. 29.
z 2
340 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
But though Sir Bartle Frere had thus absolutely dis-
missed his Ministers, he appears to have lost his judgment
in his wrath, on finding himself unable to make them
adopt his views. He took the extraordinary step of sending
down on the 6th of February a letter dismissing Mr. Molteno
from his office, and appointing Mr. Innes to receive his
papers, treating the Premier as if be were some malefactor
who had robbed the public chest. The letter was of por-
tentous size and was sealed with a huge seal, and might
have been a warrant for the execution of the Premier.
This incident is best told in the words in which Mr. Molteno
described it to the Legislative Assembly : —
On the Wednesday morning, without the slightest intimation
from the Governor, and no communication having passed between
us, except one or two Minutes about the assembling of Parliament,
the Civil Commissioner of King William's Town called at my
office, with a letter enclosed in a very portentous-looking envelope,
which was to the following effect : —
' King William's Town : 6th of February, 1878.
*SiR, — I have the honour to inform you that by the
authority vested in me as the Grovemor of this Colony I
remove you from your office of Colonial Secretary, and that
from and after this date you will cease to hold the said
office. I have instructed Mr. J. B. Innes, Civil Commissioner
and Besident Magistrate of £^g William's Town, who will
deliver this letter to you, to receive charge of your records,
documents, or public property of any description appertaining
to your office, and to give a receipt for the same.
' I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,
*H. B. Frebb.
'Executed before me at King William's Town the 6th
day of February, 1878.
*J. B. Innes.'
Now, supposing the difference of opinion had occurred, that
seems to me a very harsh and hasty way of proceeding. It is
true the Attorney-General instanced a case where a certain
THE DISMISSAL 341
Minister was dragged out of ohnrch and made to deliver up the
seals of his offioe, but I do not know what may have occurred to
render such a course necessary, and it cerbainly seems a very
curious thing. In the present case when this communication
came down from the Governor I believe scnne one thought it was
a writ of execution, and the only thing to give full effect to it was
a squadron of Garrington's Light Horse. I think it is right that
the House should know of these things, so that it may be able
to say whether under the circumstances the course pursued by
the Governor was warranted, whether he was justified in thus
summarily ejecting from office a Prime Minister who for five years
had possessed a majority in this House. Individually I do not care
so much about it, but I felt that I represented this Golony of the
Gape of Good Hope. I was at that time its Prime Minister, and
in my opinion no circumstances are detailed in these documents
which warrant so extraordinary a proceeding on the part of his
Excellency. I do not dispute his authority, but I think such
a proceeding in any portion of her Majesty's dominions can
scarcely be maintained.^
The Governor's next step gave a further example of his
complete ignorance of constitutional law, for he now com-
municated with the other Ministers himself. It is a well-
established principle that the Prime Minister is the invari-
able channel of intercourse between the Cabinet and the
Sovereign,^ and that any resignation must pass through
the Premier.^ The Crovni selects the Premier, who selects
' In transmitting to the Imperial 6k)yemment his notes on the DismiAsal
debate at a later period Sir Bartle Frere seems to have felt that his conduot in the
mode of dismissing his Ministers was not correct, and he says, * I feel oertttoi
that it is unnecessary forme to assure any Ministers who have worked with me
that I am incapable of ofifering any intentional slight, much less an insult, to any
gentlemen situated as the late Ministers then were, least of all to a gentleman
who, as in Mr. Molteno's case, had during many years of public service earned
a title to the respect of his fellow colonists ' (I. P., G— 2144-78, p. 110). Mr.
Sprigg, Sir Bartle Frere^s Premier, found a difficulty in defending this action
of Sir Bartle Frere in his speech : * I am not prepared to say on the whole
whether that was the best form to adopt * (Speech on Dismissal debate).
* Todd's Parliamentary Oovemment in England, 2nd edition, vol. il. pp. 1
and 18.
* Ibid. p. 21. When Lord Palmerston was dismissed it was done through
the Premier, Lord Bussell, who advised her Majesty to withdraw from Lord
Palmerston the seals of the Foreign Department. See Henry Beeve,
article ' Cabinet,' EncyclopcBdia Britanmca.
342 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
his colleagues, subject to the approval of the Crown, the
Premier standing between his colleagues and the Sovereign.'
Yet Sir Bartle Frere was apparently ignorant of these
facts. He told Mr. Stockenstrom that ' Mr. Molteno's
dismissal does not necessarily involve yourself ; * ' and again,
* I empowered no one to extend the terms of my letters to
Messrs. Molteno and Merriman so as to include anyone
else.' The Attorney-General took the correct view, and in-
formed the Grovemor that 'his Excellency's dismissal of
Mr. Molteno inyolves my dismissal.'
This was absolutely correct. Any resignation must be
through the Premier, and there is no constitutional doctrine
better established than ' that if he should himself vacate his
ofGice by death, resignation, or dismissal, the Ministry is ipso
facto dissolved.' * Sir Bartle Frere, in his usual imperious
manner, threatened the Attorney-General with grave consti-
tutional consequences.* The Attorney-General concluded
by thanking him for his kindness in suggesting means by which
certain penalties which you believe to be hanging over me may be
averted. I, however, have nothing to hide, or to be ashamed of ;
I have loyally served my Queen and country, and fear no penalties.^
What, then, was the question between the Governor and
his Cabinet ? This subject was subsequently involved pur-
posely in great obscurity. The various documents were
published, some without dates, others out of order and in
various blue books, and it was then and has been now a
matter of extreme difficulty to collate them and to trace a
connected story .^ The facts that we have set out in this
^ Todd*8 ParHamentary ChvemmerU in England, vol. i. pp. 278 and 280.
« 0. P.. A. 24— *78, p. 3.
' Todd, vol. ii. p. 21. See also Henry Beeve, eodem loco: *The First
Minister is therefore in reality the aathor and construotor of the Cabinet;
he holds it together ; and in the event of his retirement, from whatever cause,
the Cabinet is really dissolved. . . . Each member of the Cabinet, in fact,
holds office under the First Lord of the Treasury, and in the event of resigna-
tion it is to him the announcement should be made.*
* 0. P., A. 4—78, p. 6. » 0. P., A. 4—78, p. 6. • See note, p. 374, infra.
THE DISMISSAL 343
chapter show that the question at issue was the contention
on the part of the Governor that the General was the only
military executive officer, and therefore must command all
troops, whether colonial or Imperial ; and, further, that the
Colony was unable to have any military officers apart from
the General.
We have already shown from the documents written at
the time that these were the real points, and there is further
evidence of the same character. Mr. Molteno on the 2nd
of February telegraphed to Captain Mills :
Inform Dr. White and Stockenstrom as follows : Governor
has dismissed his Ministers, but required them to hold office until
successors appointed. We have consented only on consideration
that we carry on as at present. Question at issue with the
Governor, command of all colonial forces by General, which we
will not consent to. Further particulars by post.
Moreover, the Governor wrote to Lord Carnarvon on
the 5th of February,* that Mr. Molteno's desire was to
create ' a new office of Commandant-General, desiring him
to act in the field without reference to the General and
her Majesty's troops,' and again, in the same despatch, he
says, ' I placed before him the legal difficulties of appointing
a Commandant-General with powers of conmaand in the
field independent of any constituted military authority , and
again, * Unless Mr. Griffith acted under military command
his acts, it appeared to me, would have been quite illegal.'
There is not a word here of the subsequent charge of ignoring
the Governor, or placing the Commandant-General above
him. It is certainly true that Sir Bartle Frere did subse-
quently complain that Mr. Merriman wished to constitute
himself a military dictator, but there is no proof whatever
of this in the documents put forward, and we have seen
that the Governor assented to Mr. Merriman acting as a
virtual war minister.*
> C. P., A. 4— 78, p. 8 • Su/pra, p. 888, »i.
344 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, the Secretary of State, in his
reply to this despatch of the 21st of March, is thus entirely
mistaken as to the real issue when he says : —
An important constitutional question is raised as to the power
of the Prime Minister of the Cape Colony to appoint an executive
officer to take conmiand of military operations without yowr oon-
sent as Oovemor and Commander-in-Chief,^ 1 cannot concur
with Mr. Molteno if he holds that a Minister has a right at any
moment to appoint an officer imknown to the Constitution without
the sanction of Parliament, and in opposition to the judgment of
the Covemor, and to assign to him functions which would give
him paramount authority above that of the Oovemor himself in aU
military matters,^
Mr. Molteno had not made any such absurd proposal.
We have shown that Sir Bartle Frere's views on this question
of the use of the Imperial forces and their being placed over
all military operations was at the end of this war absolutely
negatived by the Imperial Government when they really
awoke to what he had done, and on the advice of Sir Garnet
Wolseley he was informed by her Majesty's Government
that the duty of defending the Colony must be provided
for by the colonial forces, and that not a man or officer
was to assist the Colonial Government ' without the pre-
viously obtained sanction of her Majesty's Government' *
By this the whole fabric of Sir Bartle Frere's contention
with Mr. Molteno was cut away, and the latter's views
were permanently ratified and estabUshed. It is important
to observe that four years afterwards the then Premier gave
the following account of Sir Bartle Frere's action in repu-
diating liability on behalf of the colony, and his version was
not challenged by the Imperial Government : —
A serious disagreement arose between Sir Bartle Frere
and his Ministers, which turned chiefly upon two points — the
> Mr. Molteno, it ghoold be remarked, had never made this proposal.
• C. P., A. 4— »78, p. 11.
» P. 13 of letter to Lord Kimberley by Sir Bartle Frere, I. P., C— 2740,
p. 108.
THE DISMISSAL 345
non-employment of the Imperial reinforcements, and the refusal
to submit the colonial forces to Imperial military control and
direction, including supply. The quarrel led to the dismissal of
the Ministers and the adoption of the policy of the Governor in
both these matters by their successors. Under these circum-
stances it can scarcely be said that the Colony was responsible in
the first instance either for the employment of British reinforce-
ments or for the expenditure arising out of the military control of
colonial troops, both of which were stoutly resisted by the
Colonial Ministry and adopted in opposition to their advice as the
result of a kind of coup d*Uat by her Majesty's representative.^
It will be well here to give Mr. Molteno's own account
of the transactions which have been recorded.' Speaking in
the course of the debate raised in Parliament- upon this
question Mr. Molteno said : —
There may be a difference of opinion as to the mode in which
the war was carried on, and as to the success which attended the
first campaign. There is a very great deal to be said on that
question, but I do not consider it exactly pertinent to the present
case, and all I can say is that I am perfectly willing to answer
for my conduct. This I will say, that in the middle of January, or
very soon afterwards, by hook or by crook, in spite of what the
Attorney-General may say about illegal means and all that sort
of thing, a sufficient colonial force was assembled on the frontier
for our defence. I should like to hear that statement combated ;
I was at King William's Town at that time, and all I can say is
that that was the generally expressed opinion. At first there
were some who said, * We have not got enough,' but afterwards,
when reinforcements kept coming forward, they said, ' Now I
think we had better stop ; it is no use bringing up more ; there is
almost one man for every Kaffir.' I say that as a figure of speech.
It showed the feeling, at all events, that there was a sufficient
colonial force on the frontier. I was exceedingly anxious all
along to sustain the colonial credit, and knew that in a matter of
this sort there must not be anything Uke a niggardly policy.
I do not wish to speak boastfully of my undertakings, but it was
well known that I had had personal experience on the frontier and
knew something about matters. I was fully impressed with the
» C. P., G--43, 1882, p. 7.
' Sir Bartle Frere's account will be found in full on p. 10 of C. P., A. 4—78
and p. 51 of C. P., A. 17—78.
346 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTBNO
want of management and system that occurred in the Kaffir war
of 1846, and felt convinced that Imperial troops were of no avail
at all for Kaffir warfare. I said, * If you can put colonial forces in
the field under their own officers, men who imderstand the Kaffirs,
then we do not want the military,' and therefore the plans were
arranged in the first campaign that Commandant Griffith should
command over the Kei and move with the different colonial forces,
and the troops remain on this side in position. I knew that the
Imperial troops were not accustomed to fight in the bush, and
you could not get them to do it. I remember having a conversa-
tion with Sir Garnet Wolseley on this very subject, and he was
of the same opinion as myself. I say that as Prime Minister of
the Colony I had an opportunity of bringing my useful knowledge
to bear, and my object was to impress my opinions upon the
Governor. I gave him the benefit of my experience and told him
he would get sufficient service from the colonial forces, and that
they should not be put under military control.
It is not true that I have set the Governor on one side. The hon.
member for Fort Beaufort says that I ignored the Governor, but if
waiting upon his Excellency and furnishing him with every scrap
of information I could is ignoring the Governor, then I do not
know what the word means. I never got a telegram that was not sent
up to the Oovemor immediately, I did not allow a minute to elapse,
amd I am not conscious of having omitted this in a single instance.
Judge then how astonished I was to find it stated that informa-
tion had to be gathered from newspapers and so on. We may all
gather information from newspapers, but it is not to say it was
because there were no other channels of information open.
Everything, I say, was inmiediately communicated to his Excel-
lency, but his Excellency would not listen to the advice we
tendered. He contended that he had an independent power, and
that he was commander hy right over the colonial forces^ and
could do as he liked, I said, * You have no right to do it except
with the advice of your Ministers,* and it was upon this sole con-
tention we were dismissed. Ministers maintained that they had a
right to advise the Governor which was the best way to dispose of
the colonial forces, and that is why they were dismissed.
You may say that we ignored the Governor, but that is all
beside the question, and I will now proceed to give a plain and un-
varnished tale of what took place, for I have the thing well in hand,
and my memory does not fail me, and matters were not spread over
such a very long time. On the 9th of January I arrived at King
William's Town, I think rather late in the day. I at once waited
upon the Governor, whom I had not seen since October. I neces-
THE DISMISSAL 347
sarily had a great deal to say to him and talk over, and a long
conversation ensued, in which I believe everything connected
with the Colony was discussed. I looked upon that conversation
as a preliminary thing to any formal minutes or to anything being
done, and I was very much taken aback when I received a note
from his Excellency enclosing a memorandum which he asked me
to run my eye over. I at once said it was a very awkward mode
of procedure if a private conversation with the Governor should
be minuted in this way. If the Governor wanted everything that
was said taken down at the time, it should have been done in a
proper way, but I was completely taken by surprise.
I replied to his Excellency that I thought it was exceedingly
inconvenient to introduce so novel a mode of procedure as that of
reducing to writing and permanently placing on record conversations
necessarily of so confidential and delicate a character as those in
many cases must be which take place between the Governor and the
Prime Minister of the Colony. I only regarded this interview as
an exchange of ideas, and I said to his Excellency in my com-
munication, * Several matters were no doubt alluded to during our
conversation, but only incidentally, and the time for placing any-
thing on record regarding them has not yet arrived. Let me
assure your Excellency that my desire to adhere to a course
which has hitherto been found to work well, and a fear that any
departure therefrom may possibly lead to a lessening of that
freedom and confidence in the exchange of opinion between her
Majesty's representative and myself which has always happily
prevailed during my tenure, alone prevents my acceding to your
Excellency's request.' All I can say is that in the whole course
of my previous experience I have never seen such a course
adopted before as reducing conversations of this sort to writing,
and if I were placed in the same position again I should hold
exactly the same views.
What I contended was that in all things connected with the
Government of this Colony, without any exception whatever,
his Excellency is constitutionally bound to act only by and with
the advice of his responsible Ministers. That is the proposition I
lay down, and that does not seem like throwing his Excellency
overboard. I therefore maintained that his Excellency, although
as Commander-in-Chief he has no control over the colonial
forces, as Governor he has that power, but it can only be exercised
with and by the advice of his Ministers, and if it is other-
wise then a rupture must be the result. I told his Excellency
these were my opinions, and I am still prepared to stand by
them. I also consulted with his Excellency about the appoint-
348 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
ment of Mr. Griffith as Commandant-General of the colonial
forces, although I do not find a minute respecting that appoint-
ment laid on the table of the House. I well remember telegraph-
ing to Captain Mills to have the appointment duly gazetted, and
I drew up a minute to that effect which must be among the
documents in the hands of the present Ministry. Two days sub-
sequently, when it was proposed to invest Commandant Griffith
with the order of St. Michael and St. George, I suggested to his
Excellency that the investiture should be delayed until the appoint-
ment was gazetted, and I contend that his Excellency was in
every way party to the appointment and was fully cognisant of
all that was going on.
We have alluded to the position occupied in regard to
Ministerial advice by a Colonial Governor, and it is clear that
so long as the law is complied with and the paramonnt
interests of the Enoipire at large are not involved, the
Governor niust be guided by his Ministers.* The question
whether the colonial troops should act under their own
commanders or under the Imperial General was not of this
character, indeed the Imperial Government after this con-
tention of Sir Bartle Frere's again reiterated that the Colony
must be responsible for its own defence,^ and as a matter of
fact the operations conducted at a later stage during Sir
Bartle Frere's governorship were entirely under colonial
management, and not in any way subordinated to the
Imperial Commander who, with the troops, was withdravni
from the Colony during those operations ; and further, the
power was taken away from Sir Bartle Frere to requisition
the aid of her Majesty's forces without the previously obtained
special sanction of her Majesty's Government. Todd, who
is no enemy of the Eoyal prerogative, says : —
Nor is a Grovemor free to act without or against ministerial
advice, in cases not involving the rights or prerogatives of the
Crown or Imperial interests.*
* Todd, Parliamentary Oovemtnent in the Colonies^ 2nd edition, p. 128.
« I. P„ C-2740, p. 103. * Todd, supra, p. 128.
THE DISMISSAL 349
And again : —
The responsibility of the local administration for all acts of
Oovemment is absolute and unqualified. But it is essentially a
responsibility to the Legislature — and especially to the popular
chamber thereof — whilst the responsibility of the Governor is
solely to the Crown.^
And:—
In the constitutional monarchy of Great Britain, there is no
opportunity or justification for the exercise of personal govern-
ment by prerogative. The Grown must always act through
advisers, approved of Parliament, and their policy must always
be in harmony with the sentiments of the majority in the popular
chamber.^
The Duke of Newcastle wrote in 1862 to the Qt)vemor of
Queensland : —
In granting responsible government to the larger colonies of
Great Britain, the Imperial Government was fully aware that the
power they granted must occasionally be used amiss. But they
have always trusted that the errors of a free Government would
cure themselves; and that the colonists would be led to exert
greater energy and circumspection in legislation and government
when they were made to feel that they would not be rescued from
the consequences of any imprudence merely affecting themselves,
by authoritative intervention of the Crown or of the Governor.*
While Lord Dufferin, in 1875, in writing to Lord Eimberley
in regard to the difficulties which had arisen in connection
with the * Pacific Scandal,' said : —
I have never doubted but that a strict application of the
principles of Parliamentary Government would be sufficient to
resolve every difficulty.
To which Lord Kimberley replied : —
I agree with your Lordship in the satisfaction which you
express that the result arrived at has been reached by a strict
application of constitutionul principles, and by the regular work-
ing of the machinery of a free Parliament.^
' Todd, ParHametUary Oovemment in the Colonies, 2nd edition, p. 50.
' Ibid, p. 626. * Ibid. p. 630.
* Ibid, p. 643. For a still later ease see p. 362, infra. See also Lord
Eimberley's despatch to Sir G. Strahan, (Governor of the Cape, on ministerial
responsibility, supra, vol. ii. p. 50.
350 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
With our experience of the disastrous assertion of rights
the existence of which no one denied, but the application of
which was utterly inexpedient, in the case of the American
Colonies, it is surely a matter of congratulation that this
liberal view of the Imperial relations has now been absolutely
conceded.
But whatever difficulty there may be in reconciling the
position of a Governor with the rights of a Ministry on
occasions of difference which must in the nature of things
arise, it is clear that it must be enormously increased
when there exists the complication of the High Com-
missionership. Still more so when the Governor has a
policy of his own to carry out avowedly opposed to that of
his Ministers, as was the case at the Cape, where Lord
Carnarvon had sent out Sir Bartle Frere to * press' his
policy in South Africa in opposition to the publicly expressed
views and advice of Mr. Molteno's Ministry.
In Canada, shortly after the introduction of responsible
government, difficulties arose, owing to the want of pre-
cedents, in working responsible government ; and although
Sir Charles Bagot in 1842 and Sir Charles Metcalfe in
1844 emphatically declared their acceptance of responsible
government, yet the system was imperfectly understood
and mistakes were made on all sides. These Governors
were succeeded by Lord Cathcart, a military officer,
under whom things did not tend to improve. The British
Government found it necessary to entrust ' the manage-
ment of affairs in Canada to a person who should possess
an intimate knowledge of the principles and practice of
the British Constitution, some experience of the House of
Conmions, and a familiarity with the political questions of
the day.' * Lord Elgin fulfilled these qualifications and was
selected by Earl Grey to be the new Governor-General. He
> Todd, Parliamentary Oovemment in the Colonies, 2nd edition, p. 78.
THE DISMISSAL 361
was eminently saccessful in his reliance on a wider view of
responsible government.^
In the case of the Cape, where responsible government
had been introduced by a man who had similar qualifications
to those of Lord Elgin in his experience of the House of
Commons and his knowledge of the principles and practice
of the British Constitution, complete success had attended
its introduction and subsequent working. And in 1877 affairs
at the Cape were certainly not less complicated than they
had been in Canada at an earlier date. The Transvaal had
been promised representative institutions; a great experi-
ment similar to the confederation of Canada had been
proposed for the consideration of the colonists. But, in place
of selecting a man versed in the principles and practice of
the British constitution, and vnth experience of the House
of Commons, Lord Carnarvon selected a man trained in the
despotic ways of the Indian bureaucracy, — a man who had
already shown his sense of the value of parliamentary
institutions by recommending the destruction of the New
Zealand Parliament and the appointment of a dictator, and
who, in his very first despatch on his arrival at the Cape,
displayed his ignorance of the most elementary principles of
constitutional government by objecting to the practice of the
Cabinet deliberating in private and not in his presence, and
who meant to force a policy opposed to that of his Ministers.
Mr. Gladstone in the course of his Midlothian speeches
truly said of Sir Bartle Frere, that he had never
been in a position of responsibility, nor had ever imbibed from
actual acquaintance with British institutions the spirit by which
British government ought to be regulated and controlled. That
he is a man of benevolence I do not doubt, but I am afraid he is
a gentleman who is apt, in giving scope to his benevolent motives,
to take into his own hands the choice of means in a manner those
who are conversant with free government and with a responsible
government never dreamed of.
> See Colonial Policy of Earl Qny, vol. i. pp. 226-284.
852 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Friction, then, was inevitable between such a Governor
and such a Prime Minister as Mr. Molteno ; unless the Cape
Premier were to be a puppet and to subordinate his views
to those of the Governor, insurmountable difl&culties must
arise. For this state of things we must regard Lord
Carnarvon as ultimately responsible, for his was the choice
of the unsuitable instrument for e£fecting his purpose.
To return, then, to the points at issue between Mr. Molteno
and the Governor. In regard to the question of legaUty, the
Attorney-General declared in favour of Mr. Molteno. The
Governor had only his own views to set against this opinion,
and as a matter of fact the Commandant-General remained
in office during the ministry of Mr. Molteno's successor.
No Imperial interests were involved, the question being
purely one for the Colony, as had been declared by Lord
Kimberley on the introduction of responsible government.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, after Mr. Molteno's dismissal,
again stated that the Colony must be responsible for and
must carry out its own military operations, and this
as a matter of fact was done thereafter. The Governor
no doubt conscientiously believed that he had done what
was best in the interests of the Colony and of his position.
He di£fered from his Ministers as to the proper course to
pursue, but it was his duty to take the advice of his
Ministers. He was wrong in regard to the constitutional
position.
On the 30th of January he had addressed a despatch to
Lord Carnarvon during the controversy which has already
been described with Mr. Molteno, and we have stated that he
resented the proper constitutional course of conducting busi-
ness. In that despatch he says that Mr. Molteno declines
to discuss the measures he [the Governor] proposed in the presence
of his colleagues or of any other members of the Executive Council.
His view of the proper action of responsible government, as
far as I can understand it, is that all matters of policy and all
THE DISMISSAL 353
measures of importance are to be settled by the Cabinet in
separate consultation, without the Governor being present ; that
the Premier is to be the sole means of communication between
the Cabinet and the Governor on such matters, direct communi-
cation between the Governor and any other Cabinet Minister
being only permissible on matters of departmental detail, not
involving any question of policy or principle ; that the meetings
of the Executive Council are simply for the formal registration of
measures decided on by the Cabinet, and sanctioned by the
Governor, at which the attendance of the commander of the
forces is generally unnecessary and inconvenient ; and that any-
thing like discussion of measures at the meetings of the Executive
Council, if not absolutely prohibited, is so likely to be embarrass-
ing that it is as much as possible to be avoided.^
No less than twelve paragraphs of the despatch were
devoted to this point, but Sir Bartle Frere was clearly v^rong.
He had stumbled at this question on his first arrival ; now
it led to his dismissing the Cabinet, but nothing is clearer
than that Ministers have the right to deliberate in private.
Todd says : —
A constitutional ruler is at liberty to share in the initiation as
well as in the maturing of public measures ; provided only that
he does not limit the right of his Ministers to deliberate, in
private, before submitting for his approval their conclusions in
Council.*
And again he points out that under this system —
When formally introduced into a colony, the Executive Council
shall not be assembled, as under the old system, for the purpose
of consultation and discussion with the Governor, but Ministers
shall be at liberty to deliberate on all questions of ministerial
policy in private, after the example of the Cabinet Council in
England.^
» C. P., A. 17—78, p. 62.
* Parliamentary Oovemment in the Colonies, 2nd edition, vol. ii. p. 11.
' lind. p. 47. See also Todd, Parliamentary Oovemment in England, 2nd
edit., vol. ii. pp. 12-14; and also Henry Beeve, article 'Cabinet,' in Encyclopcedia
Britannica : ' The Sovereign never presides at a Cabinet ; and at the meetings
of the Privy Council when the Sovereign does preside the business is purely
formal. It has been laid down by some writers as a principle of the British
Constitution that the Sovereign is never present at a discussion between the
VOL. II. A A
354 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
We see, then, that Sir Bartle Frere's contentions were
wrong from a legal and constitutional point of view. Was his
opinion likely to be more correct, as a practical one, than that
of Mr. Molteno, for it will be observed that he had desired
to justify his action by an appeal to common sense, while
characterising Mr. Molteno's view as that of a lunatic. We
should not attach too much importance to this word, inasmuch
as he had already applied this term to Lord Carnarvon's own
policy. The Governor had only arrived in South Africa in
April 1877, and had only reached the frontier in September.
He had had no previous knowledge of the country or its
inhabitants, whether white or black. Mr. Molteno had been
in the Colony since 1831, and had lived among its inhabi-
tants, whom he thoroughly understood. He had lived in the
Cape Colony through all the great Kaffir wars. He had
personally fought in the great war of 1846. He had been
a member of the Cape Parliament since its establishment
twenty-four years previously. He had administered the
country as Premier since 1872. His sound judgment and
natural powers of observation had been matured by years of
experience. His measures had been xmiformly successful,
both those proposed in Parliament by him before he was
Premier, and those which he initiated as Premier. Their
success had been attested by the preceding High Commis-
sioner, Sir Henry Barkly, by Lord Carnarvon himself, and
by Sir Bartle Frere, who, in the course of his tour, speaking
at a public dinner at King William's Town, declared : —
It is my deliberate opinion — and remember I am not speaking
merely things that will please you — that you have made most
extraordinary progress in all political matters since you have
had the means of exercising your own faculties in your own
Government.^
advisers of the Grown, and this is no doubt an established fact and practice, . .
When George III. mounted the throne the practice of the independent de>
liberations of the Cabinet was well established^ and it has never been departed
fronn?
* See Arg^ report, September 18, 1877, and on the 4th of December Sir
THE DISMISSAL 355
While Sir Bartle Frere himself on the Slst of December
addressed a letter to Mr. Molteno, urging him to accept an
honom: offered to him by Lord Camaxvon/ yet before the end
of January Mr. Molteno had become a * lunatic' It looks as if
someone had lost his judgment.
During the Indian Mutiny the high officers sent out by
the War Department were'not placed in conmiand, owing to
the want of the necessary knowledge of the country and its
conditions,^ while Sir Bartle Frere had himself pointed out
the dangers of a man new to a country being placed in
power ; yet Sir Bartle Frere, who had just arrived in the
country, asserted his own views, not only in regard to
the actual details of the military management, but in regard to
matters of the most serious importance upon which the
Governor could possess views, viz. the control and manage-
ment of the native tribes.
The chances surely were that Mr. Molteno was likely
to be right. At any rate, the rejection of his experience
cost the Colony and the Empire enormous loss in life, in
property, in treasure, and in prestige. Moreover, it is remark-
able how different are the Sir Bartle Frere newly arrived
and Sir Bartle Frere after his colonial experience. Speaking
at the Colonial Institute on the 22nd of February, 1881,
the latter gave his adherence to Mr. Molteno's view of defence :
' I think the example of the Cape Colony has conclusively
shown that the colonists B,re fully able when left to themselves
Bartle wrote to Lord Camaryon, ' congratulating the Ck>lonial Gbvemment on
the Buocess which has attended their measures for meeting the late crisiB.'
I. P., C— 2000, p. 10.
> (PrivaU.) Slat of December, 1877.
My dbar Mb. Molteno, — I received by the mail which arrived yesterday the
inclosed letter from Lord Carnarvon. I need not say what a great pleasure it
will be to me, as I think it will be to most of your best friends in the Colony,
should you authorise me to reply to Lord Carnarvon that you would be gratified
by receiving such a mark of her Majesty's appreciation of your long and arduous
public services.
(Signed) H. B. E. Frbbe.
* See Lord Roberts* Forty -one Years in Indian 30th ed., p. 217.
366 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
unhampered by restrictions from distant commanders, to deal
with any enemy which may arise in South Africa/
For a quarter of a century the Cape Colony, in the hands
of those who knew the natives, had maintained the peace,
and had made great progress in civihsing the surrounding
natives. Sir Bartle Frere as soon as he arrived on the frontier
began to find fault with all previous Governments, whether
Imperial or Colonial, for not having put their feet upon the
necks of the native chiefs, and within a brief space he
announced the policy of disarmament : the most fatal that
has ever been attempted in South Africa.
We may here remind the reader that the ablest General,
and one of the ablest official representatives of the Imperial
Government, sent to South Africa in recent times, Sir
Garnet Wolseley, addressed a despatch to the Home Govern-
ment entering a strong protest against the whole policy of
disarmament.^ Even if colonial experience, such as Mr.
Molteno's, is to count for nothing, it would be unnecessary
to give any further authority to prove the unwisdom of Sir
Bartle Frere's views.
And whose opinion was correct, as shown by subsequent
events ? As to the war itself, the change of Ministry had,
as it was admitted on all sides, led to its prolongation.*
The system adopted of entrusting it to Imperial troops
led to its extension, and to its continuance for many months
after the dismissal. Even Galekaland took months to pacify,
though the colonial troops had cleared. it entirely of Galekas
in less than a month. The cost was enormous compared
with that incurred up to the dismissal. But this was a
small evil compared with what followed upon the inaugura-
tion of Sir Bartle Frere's policy of crushing the native tribes
' Despatch, 10th of March, 1880, 1. P., 0-2569, p. 6.
* What aocordmg to Colonel Bellairs on the 2drd of January and 8ir Bartle
Frere himself on the 24th and 26th of January was a mere affair of police
developed into a serious Kaffir war of the old type, which ended by the exhaustion
of both sides in Jane.
THE DISMISSAL 357
and chiefs. His disarmament policy was put in operation
under his directions, with the result that all native South
Africa was convulsed. The Cape Colony carried on war
on its northern border as well as in Tembuland and in
Basutoland; between 4,000,000Z. and 5,000,000Z. was ex-
pended in fighting, and even then no success was attained
in disarmament, while it lost Basutoland.
The application of the same principles to Zululand led
to the unjust, disastrous, and ill-fated war in that country.
South Africa was deluged in blood. There followed the
Batlapin war, the Griqua war, the Sikukuni war, and finally
the Boer war, while had not Sir Bartle Frere been checked by
Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Imperial authorities, a Pondo
war might have been added to them.* Let us compare this
with a quarter of a century of peace.
Mr. Molteno was too amply justified by subsequent events.
He derived no satisfaction from the sight of his country
plxmged into these disasters by a man who ' took his ignorance
for superior knowledge,' and of whom it may be said that,
the more active he was, the more fatal was his presence in
South Africa.
Sir Bartle Frere was the channel of communication with
the Imperial Government, and naturally represented his
action in his own way. He was permitted to proceed un-
checked by the Imperial Government, or by public opinion,
who little recked of what he was doing until he forced the
hand of the Imperial Government in declaring war with
Cetywayo, when both the Government and the country
were staxtled out of its ignorance by the terrible disaster of
Isandhlwana. Then public censure both on the part of the
Government and the public followed rapidly enough. His
powers of dictatorship of South Africa were taken from him.
He was deprived of his position as High Commissioner in
Natal and the Transvaal.
» I. P., C— 2240, p. 4.
368 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
All these consequences were not yet apparent ; it was
certain, however, that responsible government, which had
only been established in 1872, was by the high-handed pro-
ceedings of Sir Baxtle Frere practically withdrawn and
replaced by his personal rule, with all the terrible disasters
which that entailed.
Confident in his own power and that of the men who
had come forward so patriotically to defend their country,
Mr. Molteno was ready to do his share of the Empire's
defence, leaving the Imperial troops free for their Imperial
duties. Mr. Molteno had incurred great hostility from those
in the Colony who wished to retain the Imperial troops, by
stating that the Colony could do without them. This view
had been urged on the Colony by all Secretaries of State
since the passage in the House of Commons on the 4th
of March, 1862 of the motion : —
That this House (while fully recognising the claims of all
portions of the British Empire to Imperial aid in their protection
against perils arising from the consequences of Imperial policy)
is of opinion that colonies exercising the rights of self-government
ought to imdertake the main responsibility of providing for their
own internal order and security, and ought to assist in their own
external defence.^
And this policy was urged by none more strongly than
by Lord Carnarvon — indeed his whole South African policy
was based on this reduction of Imperial troops. It had
been distinctly settled on the introduction of responsible
government, that the Colonial Government was to control
the Colonial troops. Yet Mr. Molteno, though entitled on
these and on many grounds to the consideration and thanks
of the Imperial Government and its representatives, was not
supported, and the Governor's arbitrary acts were improperly
upheld with terribly disastrous results to South Africa and
* Todd*8 Parliamentary Oovemment in the British Colonies^ 2nd edition,
p. 392.
THE DISMISSAL 359
the Empire. At the close of this war Sir Bartle Frere
was informed that he must not use the Imperial troops
— not even a single man or officer — without her Majesty's
express consent, and any operations must be conducted by
the Colonial troops alone. ^ The whole fabric of Sir Bartle
Frere's contention in dismissing his Ministers was thus
destroyed by the order of her Majesty's Government, which
was of course, as we have previously pointed out, the
reiteration of Lord Kimberley*s dictum on the introduction
of responsible government.
The European situation was at this time such, that every
patriotic Englishman would wish to do nothing to weaken
the Imperial forces in Europe. Plevna had fallen in
December, Bussia was in full career in her campaign against
Turkey. In November Lord Beaconsfield had spoken of
England being prepared for war, and in January war looked
extremely probable. Bussia's occupation of Kizil Arvat in
the preceding year had seriously alarmed those responsible
for the security of India. It was doubly important
that no demand should be made just then on the British
army which could be avoided. This was the moment when
Mr. Molteno refused the aid of British troops, and when
Sir Bartle Frere determined to open his disastrous
campaign in South Africa.
The late Mr. Todd has discussed the dismissal of Mr.
Molteno at page 380 of his * History of Parliamentary
Government in the Colonies,' 2nd edition. It is clear from
a perusal of the circumstances as related by him, that he had
not read the papers connected with the matter, and evidently
an account was supplied to him, the accuracy of which may
be gauged by those conversant with South African affairs,
when it is stated that Mr. Sprigg successfully conducted
military operations against the Basutos, and further that Mr.
» I. P., C— 2740,-p. 103. See also I. P., 0— 2220, p. 273 ; I. P., C— 2454,
p. 50 ; J. P., C— 2569, pp. 6 and 46 ; I. P., C— 2696, p. 83 ; I. P., 0—2740, pp. 7,
9, 10, and 103.
860 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Sprigg resigned owing to ill-health and thereupon a new
Ministry was formed, omitting all statement of the fact that
inamediately upon the departure of Sir Bartle Frere he lost
the confidence of Parhament (see p. 391).
With a view to showing the inaccuracy of facts as related
by Todd, attention may be drawn to his statement on page
380, that Mr. Molteno desired that the Governor himself
should refrain from interference with the Commandant-
General, while this was accompanied by * an intimation to
the Governor that one of the Ministry, the Commissioner of
Crown Lands, had been deputed to act as Commandant-
General in conmiand of all colonial forces whatsoever, under
the sole control and direction of the Colonial Government.'
This is of course quite incorrect, while, further, he says on
page 382 : — * After repeated remonstrances with his Ministers
for their illegal and unwarrantable conduct . . . the Governor
at length, on the 2nd of February, 1878 notified the Premier
(Mr. Molteno), by a letter sent through a principal officer of the
Civil Service, that he could no longer consent to retain them
as his advisers, and that they would remain in office only
until their successors were appointed.' It will be seen that
this also is incorrect in every way. There never were any
repeated remonstrances for illegal or unwarrantable conduct ;
the dismissal took place in Cabinet Council, and the subse-
quent letter was sent dated the 6th of February.
He further adopts the misstatement that one of the
Ministers assumed the position and powers of a minister of
war, irresponsible to the Governor, He also repeats the
allegation that appointments were made by Ministers with-
out the sanction of the Governor, which was completely dis-
posed of by Mr. Stockenstrom, the Attorney-General in Mr.
Molteno's Ministry, during the course of the debate on the
dismissal. Absolutely no proof of such appointments is to
be found in any of the documents preceding the dismissal,
though such a statement was made subsequently by the
Governor in some of his despatches, which Mr. Merriman
described very properly as political pamphlets. The only
appointments which were subsequently complained of were
the gazetting of volunteer officers of subordinate rank, and
THE DISMISSAL 861
these are matters of official routine such as it was quite
competent for the Minister in charge to make without
reference to the Governor.* Had the Governor asked for the
submission of the names it would have been done, as Mr.
Molteno gave him every information he wanted. As Mr.
Stockenstrom showed, the Governor's statement was based
on an erroneous view of the facts. Todd further quotes the
statement from Mr. Sprigg's manifesto to his constituents
on taking office, that the Ministry contended they were
' entitled to direct the movements of the colonial forces, not
by way of advice to the Governor, but upon their own respon-
sibility alone.' This was also not in accord with the truth.
It will be seen that Todd's discussion is thus of no value
on the real question at issue, namely whether the Governor was
right in holding that the General was the only military officer
whom the Colonial Government could employ for military
operations, and therefore that the Governor, by virtue of
his commission solely, could command and move the troops,
both Imperial and Colonial, without consulting his Ministers.
Mr. Molteno never in any way put forward the view that the
Governor should be ignored, or that any action should be
taken without his knowledge or consent. Even Todd admits
(page 391) that *At a later period, however, the Home
Government receded from the position they had assumed
in regard to the colonial defence in South Africa. They
threw upon the local Government the responsibility of
maintaining order in the Colony, and of resisting aggression
by the aid of colonial forces.' The Home Government had
not assumed any such position ; it was Sir Bartle Frere
who had done so, for Lord Kimberley had in 1870 decided
the contrary, and Lord Carnarvon had, so recently as the 4th
of January, 1877, again reminded Ministers of their respon-
sibility for native defence.^ Todd appears to have been
unaware of this, and his want of knowledge destroys the
whole value of his argument.'
* See May, ConsHtuHonal History, vol. i. p. 135 ; also Todd, Parliamentary
Qovemment in England^ 2nd edition, vol. ii. p. 14.
» 7. P., C— 1776, p. 3.
* The responsibility for the conduct of operations on the borders of the
Colony was placed on the Colonial Government by Lords Oamarvon, Kimberley
862 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Todd had an exaggerated idea of the Eoyal prerogative.
On the principle of Omne ignotum pro magnifico in the
middle ages the Popes were regarded with a reverence
which varied directly with the distance. In Borne it was
almost nil, in Germany it was very great ; so apparently was
it with Todd, who was a Canadian. He contends apparently
that the Governor was right in conducting the war as he
thought best. Had he lived to discuss a case which occurred
after his death, but is embodied by the Editor of the work
known by his name (Second Edition), he would have had to
modify his views. Lord Eipon, in opposition to Todd's
view as originally expressed on page 820, is quoted, at page
823, as saying : —
When questions of a constitutional character are involved, it
is especially, I conceive, the right of the Grovemor to fully discuss
with his Ministers the desirability of any particular course that
may be pressed upon him for his adoption. He should frankly
state the objections, if any, which may occur to him ; hut %f^
after full discusstoUf Ministers determine to press upon him the
advice which they have already tendered, the Oovemor should, as a
general rule, and when Imperial interests are not affected, accept
that advice, bearing in mind that the responsibility rests with the
Ministers, who are answerable to the Legislature and, in the last
resort, to the country}
On the receipt of this despatch the Governor waived his
objection, and the appointments were accordingly made.
That is exactly what Mr. Molteno had always contended
and acted upon. It was correct, and now has the official
imprimatur of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. We
have seen the last of prancing pro-consuls as Colonial
Governors.
Mr. Martineau, the biographer of Sir Bartle Frere, is as ill
informed on the subject of the dismissal as was Mr. Todd ;
and OranyiUe (see pp. 25-27, 54, 56 of J. P., C — 159) ; while the snbseqnent
directions to Sir Bartle Frere to abstain from the ose of even one officer or man
of the Imperial troops are to be found at I. P., C— 2220, p. 273 ; I. P., C—
2454, p. 60; I. P., 0—2669. pp. 6 and 46; also I. P., C— 2696, p. 88; J. P..
0— 2740, pp. 7, 9, 10, 103.
* See also Lord Eimberley's clear definition of ministerial responsibility,
wipra, vol. ii. p. 50.
THE DISMISSAL 363
but the climax of error is reached in the pages of the
' Dictionary of National Biography ' by a writer who cannot
have possessed the smallest acquaintance with the facts of the
case. He states, without a shadow of justification, that at
the time of Sir Bartle Frere's landing, ' In the Cape Parlia-
ment party feeling had reached a pitch which was well-nigh
becoming dangerous to the State ; ' and then, after a brief
notice of the outbreak of the war, proceeds as follows : * It
became imperatively necessary that peace with the Kaffirs
should be restored as speedily as possible, and Frere placed
the matter in the hands of Sir Arthur Cunynghame, the
general commanding. Meanwhile the conduct of some of
the leading members of Frere's Cabinet became openly and
unconstitutionally obstructive. The position, complicated
by the alarm of savage war, was intolerable. Frere dismissed
his Cabinet, and Sir Gordon Sprigg, the leader of the
opposition, accepted the seals of office as Premier.' To
enter into refutation of such a distortion of the truth is
superfluous : it has only to be compared with the plain
statement contained in this and the preceding chapters, for
every line of which the reference is given to the original
documents.
864 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTBNO
CHAPTEE XXX
DISMISSAL DEBATE. 1878
South Afrioa under Despotic Bole — Free State alone independent— Sabservient
Ministry in Cape— Untme Statements oiroolated — Denials in Press —
Hostility of Press— Intrigues — Gbvemment Hoose Influences — Governor
misrepresents position to Home Gk)vemment — Confused and misleading
Statement of Case — Dismissal Debate — Mr. Merriman's Besolutions— His
Speech— Bir. Molteno*s Speech — Speaker intervenes — Bir. Stockenstrom's
Speech— Mr. Sprigg's Defence — Papers withheld — Beal Issue not met — Mr.
Merriman's Beply — Party action of Gk>vemor — Fatal results of condoning
Gbvemor's action— South Africa convulsed — Mr. Molteno*8 policy and Sir
Bartle Frere's.
The last barrier which stood between the unfettered dis-
position of South Africa by the Secretary of State and his
pro-consul had now been got rid of. Mr. Molteno, the
chosen and constitutional exponent of the views of the Gape
Colony upon the great subject of Confederation, was dismissed.
But Confederation was no nearer. Indeed, in the light of
subsequent events we are able clearly to see that it was in
reality fatally put back, if not deferred for ever, by the high-
handed policy of Lord Carnarvon and his agents. The
constitution of Natal had been revolutionised and placed
wholly in the hands of the Imperial Government. The
Transvaal had been seized, and representative institutions
which had been promised had not been conferred. The
Cape was now in the hands of the Dictator. For the
moment, therefore, things looked more favourable for the
accomplishment of the Governor's policy. Mr. Molteno
was succeeded as Premier by a man who was naturally
subservient to Sir Bartle Frere, and who became the ready
instrument for executijig all his ideas, wise or unwise.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 366
It is passing strange that Mr. Sprigg, in the beginning
of the war, had supported the Government in suppressing
the rebellion, as every patriotic man should have done.
After a visit to the Governor he now informed the public
that he had fully conveyed to his Excellency his view of
frontier management and of public affairs generally. And
he began to attack the Ministry most violently.^ He
suggested that a change of advisers was the only solution,
in the meantime embarrassing the Government by urging
that the frontier farmers should take the law into their own
hands in connection with the difficulties in which they were
placed.
The Governor had indignantly refused Mr. Molteno's
request to make public the Minutes showing the points in
dispute between the Ministry and himself. No reasons
for the dismissal had been given, and the story could only
be gathered from an extremely complicated set of papers
published much later. The Governor took full advantage
of this fact. The interval between the meeting of Parliament
and the dismissal was used in putting forward a version of
the facts which was not a correct one, through Mr. Sprigg
and also through the inspiration of the portion of the press
which had always exhibited the utmost hostility to Mr.
Molteno's Ministry.*
Mr. Sprigg issued a manifesto,' in which he said that
the Ministry had endeavoured to direct the movements of
the colonial forces, not by way of advice to the Governor,
but upon their own responsibility alone. This, as we have
seen, was not in accordance with the facts. In a subse<^
* See Mr. Sprigg's letter to Argus, the 8th of December, and the forther
letter dated the 6th of December, appearing in Argus the 15th of December:
' I have in the course of what I belieyed to be my duty spoken in the plainest
terms to his Excellency the Gbvemor with respect to the present position of
affairs.'
* See letter of * Constitutionalist ' and article of Cape Times of the 2nd of
March, 1878, and letter of ' Colonist,' dated the 23rd of March, in Cape Argus.
» I. P., C -2079. p. 101.
866 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
quent speech he again said that the Ministry claimed the
right to move troops without consulting the Governor, and
further, that the Ministry had refused to call Parliament
together. These statements were not in accordance with
the facts as contained in the documents, and Sir Gk)rdon
Sprigg himself, in regard to the meeting of Parliament, con-
fessed during the Dismissal debate that he had misstated
the facts. While as to the troops he took credit for retaining
them in the Colony; at the same time relating how Mr.
Molteno on their arrival had told Sir Bartle Frere that they
might be sent to any part of the Empire where their services
were required, as they were unnecessary at the Gape.
Mr. Molteno showed his extreme loyalty and patriotism
in the line of conduct which he pursued at this time. He
refused in any way to hamper the Government who were
dealing with the rebellion. He refused to follow the tactics
of the Governor and Mr. Sprigg in this field of intrigue.
He had a higher sense of the necessity for an unfettered
judgment being formed by the public and by members of
Parliament.
During his term of office there was no parliamentary
whip, and he refused on several occasions to influence votes
by any statement even of intention to make certain matters
questions of confidence in the Ministry, and so to bias the
judgment of members. His views and actions on this
subject were not perhaps sufficiently practical. The public
must be informed, and sometimes members must be got
together to prevent snatch votes against the Government.
But this was his principle ; he was ready to serve the country
on these lines and not on any other. If intrigue became
necessary he was not in the running ; granted straight-
forward, honest argument in the light of day, he had shovm
that under such conditions no man would fight harder or
more successfully; but secret intrigue, self-advertisement,
flattery, and the various subterranean arts of influencing
DISMISSAL DEBATE 367
individuals, all of which were now to be practised by adepts,
he would have none of. He believed entirely in the justice
of his cause, which, as he then thought, had only to be stated
to be admitted by all colonists and to receive their support.
He confined himself to a simple contradiction of these
statements of Mr. Sprigg and Mr. Ayliflf, the Secretary for
Native Aifairs, contained in the following letters : —
To the Editor of the * Cajpe Argus *
23rd February, 1878.
Sib, — I have only this morning read in the * Cape Town Daily
News ' Mr. AylifTs address to his constituents on his assuming
the Secretary of Stateship of Native Affairs, the following
passage, to which I deem it necessary at once to take exception,
lest erroneous impressions may be created by the publication of facts
as to what actually occurred : — ' The rupture that has taken place
between the Governor and his Ministers, and has caused the
extreme remedy of a dismissal, has within it principles of
considerable importance, and in the ignoring of the Governor in
important decisions a principle is involved, which sacrificed, would
have established a precedent dangerous to the good government
of the country in the future. These facts when published will
prove interesting and useful to future governments, and according
to the opinion formed, be a beacon to mark the rook on which the
Governor or the Ministry have caused the wreck.* I am entirely
unaware of any ' ignoring of the Governor in important decisions '
having taken place on the part of his late Ministers.
I am, &o.
J. C. MOLTENO.
To the Editor of the * Standard and Mail *
Kalk Bay, 13th March, 1878.
Sm, — In your issue of yesterday appears the first part of
Mr. Sprigg's (the Colonial Secretary) speech at the dinner given to
him by his constituents at East London on Saturday last.
Although it is with great reluctance I do so, I cannot refrain
from again calling in question statements relative to the late
Ministry made by gentlemen occupjring positions of responsible
Ministers, as I feel it incumbent on me not to allow statements
contrary to fact to go unchallenged for such a length of time as it
seems Hkely will elapse before Parliament meets. The assertions
368 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
of Mr. Sprigg's speech to which I particularly take exception are
as follows : — ' The reason why the Governor and his Ministry
could not agree was because the Governor believed that the
Ministry were acting in an illegal and unconstitutional manner in
claiming to itself the right to direct the movements of the colonial
forces without reference to the Governor.' Then the Governor
desired that Parliament should be summoned so that it should
decide the question, but the Ministry knew that the summoning
of Parliament would be their death warrant. They knew they
could never face Parliament after all their statements and
predictions made during this war, so they refused to call Parlia-
ment together so that the question might be decided and the
measures introduced to enable Government to carry on the war.
They refused that.'
The publication of the Minutes bearing on these questions
would at once prove that these statements as to the matters of
fact are entirely erroneous, and I am entirely at a loss to under-
stand how Mr. Sprigg with these documents at his hand oould
have fallen into such serious error.
I am, &c.
J. G. MOLTENO.
These were the only occasions on which he broke silence
during this trying time.
He had no relations with the press. The * Argus ' had
given him an independent support on many questions, though
differing from him on some. During the preceding year
we have seen that Mr. Solomon had admitted that his
mission of justice and fair dealing towards the natives had
been absolutely accomplished and realised under Mr.
Molteno's administration. Now, however, the great philan-
thropic reputation of Sir Bartle Frere carried him away. He
apparently believed that he could do far better by supporting
Sir Bartle Frere, though in the sequel he was terribly and
wofully disillusionised. In place of continuing to trust one
whom he had known all his life and could rely upon, he
now not only ceased to do so, but before the facts were known,
his organ, the 'Argus,' supported Mr. Sprigg. Mr. Solomon
had had an affection for Mr. Sprigg, evinced by the condition
which he had attached to his becoming a member of Mr.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 369
Molteno's Cabinet in 1872, that Mr. Sprigg should be a
member of that Ministry. The * Argus ' had constantly
spoken highly of Mr. Sprigg, indeed in the last session of
Parliament it had endeavoured to aid him in attaining
a leading position in the Opposition, imtil it was bound to
confess that Mr. Sprigg had made a hopeless failure of his
attacks upon the Ministry. Now, however, no sooner had
he come into office than the * Axgus ' gave him a support
which grew and grew as the time for the meeting of Parlia-
ment drew near.
It will be easily understood how seriously this influenced
the view which would be taken of Mr. Molteno's action when
Parliament met. The hostile press was doing its worst to
attack the fallen Ministry, inspired, as we have seen, by the
Government House party, while the paper to which Mr.
Molteno's supporters, in the absence of any special party
organ, had been accustomed to look for a defence of his
actions, was now in league with the other side. To such an
extreme was this unfair action carried, that when the debate
on the dismissal took place, the 'Argus,' while reporting
verbatim the speech of the Colonial Secretary and the
Attorney-General against Mr. Molteno, refused to give
a verbatim report of the speech which the latter made in his
own defence. As a consequence, this speech has never yet
reached the country in its entirety.
In the speech of Mr. Sprigg, to which we have alluded,
he immediately made it clear that he had adopted Sir Bartle
Frere's directions in all respects, and that Sir Bartle Frere
was making use of him to further the policy for which he
had been sent out. Indeed, it became evident that Mr.
Molteno had been conveniently got rid of so as to move this
stumbling block in the way of Sir Bartle Frere's policy of
confederation. Mr. Sprigg adopted his disarmament pro-
posals in their entirety, and after referring for the initiation of
this policy to the Governor's reply to the deputation at King
VOL. II. B B
370 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
William's Town, when he made that fateful announcement
which led to the Gaika outbreak, said that he fully agreed
with the Governor.
Mr. Sprigg had been the Chairman of a Defence Commis-
sion, which had entered very fully into the whole question of
frontier defence and had issued a report in the previous ses-
sion, in which no allusion was made to disarmament, showing
clearly that, as he stated above, it was Sir Bartle Frere's
policy and his alone. While in regard to Confederation
he announced that he looked forward to a time when we
should inaugurate a great South African Dominion.
In his first manifesto and in a subsequent speech Mr.
Sprigg took credit for retaining the Imperial troops in the
Colony. He boasted that he had kept the Gt)vemor and
the troops in the Colony by accepting office, and he made
the most improper remark that the Governor had promised
him a dissolution if he were defeated in Parliament. He made
a further oflfer of a bribe for support to a Confederation
policy, by saying that he believed that the Imperial Govern-
ment * look to render, as we look to receive, material assist-
ance in the shape of troops if they saw that we were bent on
carrjring out that policy of Confederation on which they have
set their minds.' And he made the extraordinary threat,
which must have been suggested to him by Sir Bartle Frere,
and which curiously enough had been made by Mr. Water-
meyer, who was in the secrets of Lord Carnarvon's policy, that
either the constitution of the Colony would be taken away as not
understood by us in a proper sense, or the Imperial troops would
be withdrawn, and we should be called upon to defend ourselves.
Now he thought that in view of these contingencies we had better
take counsel with the Imperial Government.^
These remarks were most improper on the part of a
Premier of a Colony with responsible government, and they
* Cape Argus, 6th of April, 1878. Report of Mr. Sprigg's speech at
Grahamstown.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 371
serve to show that Sir Bartle Frere had • thoroughly alarmed
his henchman, and had him well under control.
The Governor now returned to Cape Town in deference
to the advice and in compliance with the wishes of his
Ministers. They had found, as the preceding Ministry had
found, that it was impossible to carry on the government of
the country while the Governor remained on the frontier,
and in his address at Port Elizabeth he said : — * I gladly
comply with the wishes of Ministers that we should return
to Cape Town.' This return was of great importance to
the Governor's policy in other respects. Government House
at Bombay had been known as the 'land of promise;'
but now the Governor's stay in the Colony, his stay in
South Africa, the opportunity of forcing Lord Carnarvon's
poUcy on South Africa, were all at stake — for, as Mr. Sprigg
confessed, the Governor had plainly told him that if the
Parliament went against him he would have to leave South
Africa, and this was undoubtedly the fact. When all this was
trembling in the balance, it will readily be understood that
all the arts and all the devices which had led to Government
House at Bombay being so named, would be used with
redoubled energy and with enormous extension of field.
In accepting the position of Governor and High Com-
missioner he had hinted to Lord Carnarvon that at such
a period of change, as he called it, the ofl&cial salary attached
to the office would be too small. We can easily under-
stand that when the Governor stepped out of his usual
neutral sphere as regards parties, and entered upon a life
and death struggle with the party which had been the
predominant one on his arrival, some expense might be
involved.*
The Cape Parliament was small in numbers, comprising
* Sir G. CoUey says of Sir Bartle Frere :— * The thoaghtfol ooortesy of himself
and his family, coupled with the boundless hospitality of Government Honse,
had given him a popularity which will rather handicap his successor.' (9th of
August, 1880, to Lord Kimberley.)— Sir Wm. Butler's Life of Colley, p. 268.
B B 2
372 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTBNO
between sixty and seventy members in the Lower House and
twenty-two in the Upper. The advocates of constitutional
government have always recognised the danger which attaches
to Houses which are numerically very small. Numbers so
small as these easily permitted of every individual being per-
sonally dined, f^ted, and flattered. Naturally the majority
would be impervious to such influence, but there are some
who are placed in difficulties by personal attention and
consideration of this character from a Governor and High
Commissioner. Responsible government had only been in
operation for six years, and the old personal ascendency
which attached to the Governor's position before its intro-
duction was easily revived. The influence attaching to it
was used in the fullest and amplest manner to support the
Governor's view.
But in addition to this, a number of despatches had been
penned by Sir Bartle Frere to the Secretary of State for
the Colonies, giving his own ex parte view of the dismissal.
Statements were made for which no support could be
adduced from any document antecedent to the dismissal.^
One of the most important of them related to a statement
that appointments had been made by Mr. Merriman without
the sanction of the Governor. This charge was completely
disposed of during the debate by Mr. Merriman and Mr.
Stockenstrom, but the incorrect version of the Governor had
' As to the methods which Sir Bartle Frere permitted himself to make use
of, Bishop Oolenso says : — * In fact, if it is desired in England to aroid, if
possible, a long, costly, and bloody war, the best thing to be done would be
to withdraw the present High Commissioner, who will never consent to give op
his plans, and send in his place someone who will look at things from an im-
prejadiced point of view, whose promises can be trusted, instead of its being
necessary to " read between the lines ** before their real meaning can be onder-
Btood, and whose conduct shall be open and straightforward, instead of tortaooB
and sly and slippery.*— Lt/e of Bishop Colenso^ vol. ii. p^ 609. And again :— * I
send you a copy of my reply to Sir Bartle Frere's last letter, and I think yon
will be astonished that he could allow himself to write such a letter. It utterly
destroys all confidence in his good faith as a politician, and in his wisdom as a
statesman. I do not understand his object in writing it. Was it to go to
England mtJwut a reply ? '—I6id. pp. 609-10.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 373
had a long day's run, and this and other statements had
done their work.
When the papers were pubhshed the Minutes of the
Executive Council appeared as they had been drafted by the
Governor without submission to Mr. Molteno, and when
attention was drawn to this during the debate by Mr.
Molteno, the Premier actually suggested that if he would
point out inaccuracies, he would then have it compared with
the rough note of what occurred — as if this could not and
ought not to have been done before any ex parte version
was published. In addition, a long Minute, containing
the Governor's version of the dismissal and points at issue,
was published, but this also was not seen by Mr. Molteno,
although dated the 6th of February. It was evidently
drawn up in the excitement of the moment, and in the
eleventh paragraph of it occurred the famous statement,
on the part of the Governor, that had he taken Mr. Molteno's
advice as to the disposition of the Imperial forces, and the
control of the campaign by the Colonial Government, he
would have been * fitter for a lunatic asylum than the office
I have the honour to hold.'^
It is a sufficient commentary on this to point out that
Mr. Molteno's advice was followed by the Imperial Govern-
ment, which withdrew all Imperial troops from the Colony,
and allowed no Imperial officer to take any part in the
native war which arose out of Sir Bartle Frere's disarma-
ment policy, while the Governor also was requested to and
did remain at Cape Town, and not at the seat of war as he
claimed he should do.
But more than all this, the ex parte statement had gone
to the Secretary of State for the Colonies (then Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach, Lord Carnarvon having resigned in the early
part of the year), and to this we have already referred,
pointing out that the Secretary of State had misapprehended
» C. P., A. 2— 78, p. 38.
374 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
the points at issue between the Governor and his Ministry,
and thought that the military operations were proposed to be
carried on without the Governor's consent. This despatch
was now published, showing that on this incorrect informa-
tion, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach had approved the view of the
Governor that he should not be ignored, which was, of course,
perfectly correct, and had expressed surprise that the
Ministers should have hesitated to subordinate their opinions
to the Governor's, looking to the fact of his being High Com-
missioner. It stated that responsible government as esta-
blished at the Cape had been subject to a limitation not
elsewhere required, and approved generally the Governor's
action so far as the information before him went ; but stated
that Sir Bartle Frere should take the earliest possible oppor-
tunity of affording such full explanations to his Parliament,
as might enable a clear and impartial judgment to be formed
upon the course adopted. Parliament, then, was to this extent
influenced in its decision by the fact that the Secretary of
State had given his approval to the action of the Governor.^
And even now, when the papers were produced, they were
put forward in such an imperfect and disorderly manner, that
it became next to impossible for any individual not possess-
ing the clue to unravel them.^ The correspondence, me-
' Speaking at Bristol on November 9, 1899, Sir M. Hicks-Beach admitted
that he had at this time made mistakes in South Africa. He said * he had
some knowledge of the South African problem. Twenty years ago it was his
fate as Colonial Secretary to have to deal with it, and he feared that there
was no man among those who had borne that responsibility who could truth-
fully say that he had been free from mistakes. He himself pleaded guilty to
serious mistakes.' — Times^ November, 1899.
* The confusion, which certainly looks intentional, in the Blue-books of this
period is referred to as follows by Bishop Colenso :— * I am occupied in digesting
the Blue-books for the use of M.P.'s and other friends here and at home, who
take a living interest in these affairs ; for I will defy anyone to get a true idea
of the case from the confused despatches in the Blue-books (where the affairB
of the Cape Colony, Eastern Frontier, Griqualand East, Griqualand West,
Basutoland, Pondoland, Transvaal, Natal, and Zululand, are all mixed up
"higgledy-piggledy," without any attempt at arrangement), without an enor-
mous amount of labour, which no public man can be expected to undertake.' —
Life of BisJicp Colenso, vol. ii. p. 613.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 376
moranda, and minutes presented by the new Ministry con-
sisted in the first place of two Minutes dated the 8th of
December and the 26th of December, headed * For Ministers.'
It would naturally have been thought that these Minutes
had been placed before the Prime Minister on or about the
dates that they were signed by the Governor. No information
was afforded that they were not so placed before the Prime
Minister. The whole debate was conducted on the
assumption that they were so placed before the Prime
Minister. Yet such was not the case. They were not
shown to Mr. Molteno until the 13th of January.^
The Minutes themselves were submitted to Mr. Merriman
at an earlier date, but the Governor himself informed Mr.
Merriman that they were merely suggestions for a scheme
of defence to be drawn up for the ensuing session of ParUa-
ment, and when Mr. Merriman said that the Minute * is
a Bill of Indictment against present and past Governments/
the Governor replied that it was not so intended. * I wish
simply to lay before Parliament the measures which I think
a good Government ought to take, in order to prevent a
recurrence of the present state of things if possible ; ' and
further, * My object was and is to have something definite
before Parhament assembles.'* But these remarks of the
Governor did not appear in the papers, and the latter
were now put forward as a sort of indictment against the
Ministers, yet when looked at they are seen to be suggestions
of the character which the Governor stated. It is to be
noted that they suggested that there should be responsible
parhamentary Ministers for military affairs and police, as
well as for native affairs, upon which it is only necessary to
remark that this was quite impracticable, and never carried
out subsequently.
» Proof of this will be found at pagcSS of C. P., A.17— 78, where Mr. Lyttleton
states that they were submitted to Mr. Molteno on Sunday, the 13th of January.
' Notes in Sir Bartle Frere*8 handwriting initialed on the copy of Mr.
Merriman's reply to the Minute.
876 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Upon the opening of Parliament which took place on
the 18th of May, 1878, Mr. Molteno immediately objected,
on seeing the dismissal papers, to the printing of the
memorandum of the conversation between himself and the
Governor marked * private and confidential,' which we have
ahready given. He said that he did not see how business
was to be carried on between the Governor and his Ministry
if there were to be no confidential conversation at all. He
did not mind whether these papers were printed or not, but
he should be sorry to give his vote to the establishment of
such a precedent, which he thought would be disastrous in
the extreme. He then detailed the circumstances under
which these were written, and said that he did not think
they were necessary for the decision of the question at issue.
To this Mr Sprigg replied that in his opinion the documents
were necessary for the House to understand the position
between the Governor and his late Ministry.
A discussion took place subsequently upon the publication
of a confidential telegram between Mr. Molteno and Mr.
Merriman, to which Mr. Molteno took exception. The
Qt)vemor desired to publish this telegram, but Mr. Sprigg
himself thought that it was going too far, and said he would
advise the Governor that it should not be sent down to the
House, and he admitted that the minutes of the Executive
Council of the 3rd and 6th of February had not been seen
by Mr. Molteno. Mr. Molteno said that if they had been
submitted to him, they would have appeared in a diflferent
form ; and as to the minute of the 6th of February, from the
way in which it appeared in the Blue-books, the reader would
suppose that it was a conamunication in the ordinary course.
Very shortly after the opening of Parliament, the debate
on the dismissal of the Ministry was raised by three resolu-
tions of Mr. Merriman : —
(1) That in the opinion of this House, the control over the
colonial forces is vested in his Excellency the Governor only.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 377
acting under the advice of his Ministers ; (2) That it was not within
the constitutional functions of his Excellency the Governor to
insist on the control and supply of the colonial forces being placed
under the military authorities, except with the consent of
Ministers ; (3) That the action taken by his Excellency the
Governor in that matter has been attended with results prejudicial
to the Colony, and has delayed the termination of the rebellion.
In a very able speech Mr. Merriman gave a complete
history of the operations which had been carried on with so
much success by Commandant Griffith when he swept the
Transkei in less than a month. He showed the tremendous
delays which had taken place since the military were put in
conamand there, particularly the errors in abandoning Impetu
and permitting Khiva to escape into the Gaika location. He
pointed vnth legitimate pride to the fact that the Colonial
commissariat had been able to supply the troops successfully,
that not a single man had died from want or disease, indeed not
a single man died of sickness of any kind while the campaign
was under the control of the Colonial Government. He
referred to the success of the operations conducted by Com-
mandants Frost and Brabant, pointing out how they had
broken up the Gaikas, in fact if they had been followed up the
whole war would have been over ; and further he showed how
the action of Commandants Griffith, Frost, Eorke and Mr.
Hemming had nipped in the bud the disaffection of Gongo-
beUa and the Tambookies. This was the last of the
operations by the Colonial Government, who had successfully
cleared Galekaland, and broken up the Gaikas and the
Tambookies.
He contrasted the position of the war on the 3rd
of February, when they ceased to hold office, with the
manner in which it had extended under their successors.
On the 3rd of February not a single hostile Kaffir had
come across the East London Bailway line. The Gaika
location was completely cleared, having been crossed in
every direction. Not a single Kaffir had come across the
378 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Gonubie. The Amatolas were carefully guarded, while a
strong force was under orders to go and strengthen the
guard. The Perie bush was also carefully guarded. Imme-
diately on the dismissal the military were placed in supreme
command, with the result of absolute lethargy in the
operations. The risings spread in every direction. Sandilli
escaped into the Amatohis, and months had been occupied
in ineffectual operations carried on at an enormous cost.
The Colonial forces, he showed, were ample to deal with the
whole outbreak. There were altogether no less than 3,000
Europeans and 2,000 natives, which was fully sufficient
to put down any native rising. In the East London
Division under Commandant Brabant we had 516 Europeans
and 463 natives, in the Amatola Division 428 Europeans and
237 natives, in the Queen's Town Division 723 Europeans
and 300 natives, in the Transkei 130 Europeans and 300
natives, and in the Tambookie Division 445 Europeans and
600 natives. In addition to these we had other reinforcements
on their way up. Finally he showed how the Governor had
been fully informed of all these operations carried on by the
Colonial troops ; though he had refused to take the responsi-
bility, he had not said that he would not permit them.
In the debate there was a general avoidance on the part
of the Government of grappling with the real issue. The
late Ministry was blamed for not having taken steps towards
a better defensive organisation. All the eastern members
naturally went against the late Ministers, while many of
them stated that the whole question was an exceedingly
difficult one for them to understand. The new Attorney-
General, Mr. Upington, made a somewhat flippant speech.
He confessed that in regard to Commandants Frost and
Brabant, even he did not claim for her Majesty's officers the
actual power to command these gentlemen, but he blamed the
late Ministry because the Governor had to get from another
quarter information of the intended movements of the forces.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 379
For his disquisition on the position of the Crown and its
prerogatives, he found it necessary to quote such authorities
as Ewald on * The Crown and its Advisers,' as well as Chitty
on the prerogatives of the Crown, the latter book dating back
to 1820. He repeated in a somewhat half-hearted way that
Mr. Merriman signed commissions without the consent of
the Governor.
Mr. Molteno then spoke, and began by pointing out the
position in which he was placed and the difficulty under
which he laboured. He had suddenly been called to the fron-
tier from his office in Cape Town, from which he had been
away forty days, daily expecting to return ; he was suddenly
dismissed at King William's Town, he had been unable to
obtain access to his office, and consequently had no records.
He gave evidence of the fullest sense of responsibility under
which he spoke, and the extreme gravity of the position
in regard to the bearing of the Governor's action upon
responsible government, not only in that Colony, but in
South Africa generally. He said : —
I have often had to address this House on important questions
during my long stay here, and I have had to fight many a battle,
generally speaking attended with success, but there could be no
more important occasion than this. The honour was given to me
of fighting the battle of the privileges of this Colony, and I have
so far succeeded. Others might have acted as effectively, but it
was left to me, and I did it, and the colonists have succeeded in
attaining that, without which representative institutions would be
incomplete and imperfect, namely, responsible government. We
got that, and what am I called upon to do to-day, sir ? I feel
myself in this position. You have fought for those privileges and
brought them down to a successful issue, but now the exigencies
of the case demand that you should still fight and defend them.
You have to witness a violent assault made on those rights and
privileges, and you must stand in the breach and defend them.
Let not colonists think the privileges gained in this manner are to
be easily surrendered, they will not be soon recovered again. A
Colony or a nation that is imwilling to fight to maintain its rights
is not worthy to have them.
This is not a question of to-day or to-morrow, but,, as the
380 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
hon. member for Gape Town said, it is a question whioh affeots
this country for all time. We have families and children
growing up, and we are bound, I say, to hand down to them,
unimpaired, the rights we have fought for and obtained. I
have a large family, as many others have, and I feel bound
to do this. It was said by some at one time that this Colony
was not ripe for a responsible government, but, be that as it
may, we shall be watched very closely now, depend upon it, and
if we are willing so easily to surrender or give up our valuable
privileges it will be a bad thing for us. I hope this Colony, come
what will, will resolve to defend these privileges. But, said the
hon. Attorney-General — and there I agree with him — if you want
to maintain your privileges, go the right way about it, and you
must not take steps which will not bear looking into, and which
the world will say are wrong. I want to show the House the
true position of this present question. I think it is no disrespect to
the gentleman who holds the high position of Gk)vemor in this
Colony to say that a very high-handed poHcy has been adopted in
turning out a set of Ministers in the short space of a fortnight, in
hurling them from office, and treating them as if they were guilty
of some great offence against the country. I say that is a most
serious responsibihty for a Governor to take upon himself, and it
will be considered so before long, if it is not now.
He maintained the debate at the high level of the great
principles involved. There was no personal feeling in the
matter whatever; the disastrous effects of this action on
the future of South Africa were fully apparent to him;
the solution of the difficulties of the government of South
Africa by the working of responsible government would be
* imperilled if not fatally affected.'
No one could have a higher respect for the Governor than I
have, although I cannot agree in this course he has taken. That I
am entitled to say, but I have the highest respect for his Excellency,
and I feel sorry he has taken that course, for I feel sure it cannot
be sustained and will ultimately be defeated. The policy which
has been adopted must have a prejudicial effect upon consti-
tutional government all over the world, and especially in this
continent. Here are we talking about Confederation, and holding
up to independent states the advantages and privileges they are
likely to gain by coming in, but when they hear of this they will
stand aghast and ask ' Is that the effect of responsible government ?
DISMISSAL DEBATE 381
We thought it was a very different thing/ At one fell swoop the
whole thing is carried away, and the Imperial dictate prevails.
I contend that it will do immeasurable injury so far as regards
the question of the future government of this country if this
matter is allowed to pass over lightly.
He contended that whatever the shortcomings of the late
Government might be, whether in the conduct of the war or
otherwise, the praise or blame for their conduct should be
awarded by that House and not by the Governor. He
maintained that that House was the proper tribunal to
criticise them. The Governor had contended that he had
an independent power, and that he was commander by right
over the Colonial forces, and could do as he liked, but speak-
ing as Premier he had replied that he had no right to do it
except with the advice of his Ministers, and * it was upon that
sole contention we were dismissed.'
In regard to the operations carried on by Messrs. Frost
and Brabant he said that had the Governor insisted on
vetoing these operations he would have resigned at once, but
the Governor did not do so. In regard to the charge that he
had ignored the Governor : —
So far from ignoring the Governor, I kept him informed on
every point, and telegrams were sent up as soon as they were
received. I kept a messenger for the express purpose, who was
continually running up and down. When colonial operations
were to take place under Commandants Frost and Brabant, the
plans and instructions were submitted to the Governor, and I had
good reason to believe his Excellency acquiesced in them. I
positively informed the Governor that men would not come
forward if they were to be placed under military control, and I
had telegrams from all parts to that effect. I pointed out in the
strongest possible terms that we could get no service if these men
were to be under the military, and the result would be that the
Colony would be discredited in England. It would be said there,
' Is it not shameful that in a Colony having responsible govern-
ment like the Cape of Good Hope they are not able to defend
themselves?' I admit there may not have been such an excellent
defence organisation as there might have been, but still, a
volunteer is better any day than a pressed man, and we had any
382 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
amount of excellent material coming forward. I represented to
the Governor that he was spoiling the whole thing, and that the
men would not work under military control.
As I have said already, I submitted to the Governor the in-
structions to Frost and Brabant and the plans for their operations.
His Excellency did not positively say he disapproved of them
or otherwise. I said ' Does your Excellency veto them ? ' ' No/
he said, ' but I will not be responsible for them.' I said, ' Your
Excellency, the responsibility rests with your Ministers, but we
advise this — does your Excellency stop it ? * The Governor said
that if the instructions were carried out the Ministers must take the
responsibility, and upon this we at once sent off the instructions to
the commandants. I want to know from the hon. the Secretary
for Native Affairs whether that is ignoring the Governor. He is not
addressing his constituents now, but is here in the presence of
Parliament, and let hun justify that assertion of his. I maintain
that the Ministry thoroughly and completely followed and
recognised the Governor and consulted him in every way. I
knew that it would never do for the colonial forces to be subject to
the military control, and if I had thought that his Excellency
persisted in that course I would have tendered Twy resignation
forthwith.
1 said to Colonel Bellairs that I did not attempt to arrogate
to myself, or to understand, military affoirs. If you are going
to besiege Plevna or carry on military operations in a civilised
country, it is a different thing, but the military have no know-
ledge of Kaffir warfare, which is best left to colonial forces.
At the same time I say, had the Governor forbidden these opera-
tions and insisted on military command, I would have tendered
my resignation at once. Volunteers were coming forward most
gallantly from all parts, and I only wish the Colonial Secretary
and certain others had taken the example from them, and instead
of trying to harass the Government in every possible way had
worked together for the conmion good, and put aside all political
contentions. That is what is done in other countries at a time
when great danger threatens. It does not matter who is in office,
the great thing is to repel the enemy. I say it was a most cruel
thing when volunteers were thus coming forward, when our
operations were being attended with success, and when we were
cutting up the enemy in every direction, and when probably another
fortnight would have put an end to the whole thing, to go and upset
everytning
It was most detrimental to the interests of this Colony that
a change should take place at that particular time, and I can
only regard it as a great misfortune. Then comes the question
DISMISSAL DEBATE 383
who is to pay for all this, and the best of it is, pay for it when it
is of no use, besides your credit taken away in England. They
will say * Look at these fellows at the Cape dragging away
British soldiers when there is other work for them to do ; what a
set they are, and now they refuse to pay ! ' I say I do not like to
see the Colony placed in such a position, and to see ourselves
shown up in the * Times * newspaper and elsewhere. When the
hon. Colonial Secretary talked so much about making an ad
misericordiam appeal, I must say I felt aggrieved ; I say, what we
are Hable for we will pay, and that is all, but to go down on its
knees and make an ad misericordiam appeal to the Home Govern-
ment, I hope this Colony will never do that, whatever Ministry may
be in power. ^
... I say we would have got on very well without the
Imperial troops ; there is plenty of work for them to do in Europe,
that is the place for them, and not trying to hunt Kaffirs in tiie
bush, which it is impossible for them to do successfully. The
colonists can carry on that sort of warfare a good deal better.
After Mr. Molteno had spoken the Speaker (Sir David
Tennant, who had been knighted at the beginning of this
session), to the surprise of everyone intervened, and said
that the last two resolutions were unconstitutional. The
Attorney-General had not objected to them, and it was
strange that at that period of the debate such action should
have been taken by the Speaker. The motions had been on
the paper for several days, and the Speaker should have
interfered much earlier if it were necessary to have them
set right. Thereupon the debate was adjourned, and
Mr. Merriman changed the word * was ' into * is ' in the
second resolution, and added a third resolution which ran as
follows : —
That the assumption of the command of the colonial forces by
Sir A. Cunynghame in January last, contrary to the advice of
Ministers, was not justified or advisable under the existing
circumstances.
> We may easily understand how painful and humiliating was the position
in which the Colony was now placed to Mr. Molteno, who had held its position
so high before the world. As to the Imperial troops, he reiterated the fact thai
they were needed elsewhere, and were unsuited for Kaffir warfare.
384 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
And to this an amendment was moved by Mr. Maasdoip
that the House, having before it all the papers connected with the
late change of Ministry, does not see that the doctrine that the
Governor controls the colonial forces under the advice of his
Ministry has been called in question by the Governor ; but, on
the contrary, is strongly affirmed ; and the House is of opinion
that, under all the circumstances of the case, the removal from
office of the late Ministry was unavoidable.
The late Ministry had been placed in a difficult position
by the action of the Speaker, but Mr. Merriman's substituted
resolution was an unfortunate one. There can be no
question that the incoming Ministry were responsible for
the act of the Governor in dismissing his Ministers, and this
should have been raised in some definite form.
Mr. Stockenstrom the late Attorney-General now made
an important speech. He showed how the Governor had
ignored the Ministry in deposing Ereli, how he had acted
in the Transkei and was entitled to act should he choose so
to do, without the consent of his Ministers, who had advised
that Kreli should be promptly attacked and followed up
before he had time to perfect his plans. He said : —
But the Ministers were told ' Oh, no, you gentlemen of this
Colony carry on matters with a high hand; leave it to the
Governor.' Who was it who said that ? was it the Premier ? No,
it was not the Premier, but someone said so. And someone also
said, 'I will go to Ereli myself, and I will talk to him and
bring him to his bearings ' ; and it was not the Premier who said
that, but he who said so went to talk to Elreli, but wasted time
in doing so, and at the same time the forces of the police were
worn out by awaiting the result until there was not a man fit to
sit in the saddle, nor a horse, owing to the drought, fit to carry
him. He believed that the Police force broke down solely
because it was allowed to waste its strength and freshness before
it was hurled against the enemy, and because the men were
allowed to become weary and disgusted with their inaction before
they were moved forward for active operations.
He then showed how the Governor refused larger forces,
while the Ministers said that unless something more decisive
DISMISSAL DEBATE 886
were done Sandilli would rise, and the rebellion would
spread further and further. And when he advised the
Burgher Act to be put in force the Governor said *No,
I do not agree with the Attorney-General ; if we do that
the civil war will be precipitated and the Gaikas will be
massacred.' After that the Gaikas rose, and still Ministers
were told when they urged decisive action that they were
getting unnecessarily excited, and that matters would be
arranged, and that someone would go up to settle matters
with Sandilli. A Commissioner was sent up, but the
Gaikas broke out, and then messages were sent for the
volunteers, and the Governor became impatient because
the volunteers who had been told not to come did not
immediately appear.
He stated, in regard to the charge that the Ministers had
attempted to deprive the Governor of the control of the
Colonial forces, —
there was nothing except the ex post facto statement of the Governor
to bear out sv>ch a charge. The Governor, writing to him, said
that he was obliged to part with those gentlemen because they
had treated him in that way, and when he saw that statement he
stood aghast, because if they had done that they had taken up a
position which he knew they could not maintain. And when he
saw it stated that they were upheld in their course by the Attorney-
General, he could only say that those who made that statement
were as much in the dark as he hoped was his Excellency the
Governor, when he brought that charge against the two Ministers
who were with him on the frontier. But he (Mr. Stockenstrom)
could find nothing of the kind in the Blue-book, and he failed to
see any evidence whatever in black and white that his late
colleagues, the hon. member for Beaufort West and. the hon.
member for Wodehouse, desired to deprive his Excellency the
Governor of the command of the colonial forces. They knew
very well that those forces must be under the control of the
representative of the Crown, subject to the advice of his consti-
tutional advisers, and he could not himself, as their legal adviser,
for one moment have thought they wished to appoint anyone to
such an office as that of commander of colonial forces without the
approval of his Excellency the Governor.
VOL. II 0 C
a86 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOIiTENO
Hi' clainied that the Governor was boimd to accept the
adrict^ of Ministers, xmlesB each adrice were against the law
or a^rainst the integrity of the P^TTipire, and he challenged the
Attomey-Gbeneral to show that there was any soch adidoe
given by the Ministers.
Then he entirely dispoeed of a very important matter.
^€ have abead^' seen that the Governor in a despatch sub-
sequent to the dismissal said that illegal sppointmentB >ia^
been made.
But hon. members zziight say that when they found they csooid
not oany ont their own way the Ministers ignored the Governor
and did a number of illegal acts which the Governor was bomid
to pai hi^ foot xcpon. Bnt where was tiie proof of that ? Who
were the officers appointed b\' Mimsters against ^le wish of the
Governor ? Was Oommandani Prost or Cksmmandant Brabant one
of them? Tso. that conk) not be, because in one Bhie Book the
Governor said that the instmotions ismed to tiiose gentlemen
ware laid before him.and thatahhongh he ooDBidered it dangercHs
lor those infitrudaons to be canifid oni, yet he wooid not oppose
them, although be wonld not bc^ reoponcdble for them, npon which
the hon. xnombers for Beanfon West and Wodehonse said they
would accepi full respomdbilitx for them. Well, if the ob}ectian
did not apph to Mr. Proi^t or Captain Brabant there was Mr.
Hemming, the m«gi«trate at Qneenfitowri : was his one of the
afi^iointments suuio against the wish of the Governor ? T^ie hon.
gimUemv. no<r at the bead of the Gorermnent shook his head at
that, onestion . hat if it were^oi Mr. Flrnnming, wIk* was it who
was appomted against the W!ish of tht^ Governor ?
If hoi) . gmtiemen c^po»te could ^ow^ Ihat the late Ministry' ap>
pocntoti oni- single officer agMm&t the wifth of the Governor, ^len he
(Mr. Stooknnscrom^ had no oa^< : hut nonld they <^owhim sncdi an
appomtmeni '^ Personalh bt> ^id not. kno«r anything sbont Gongo-
h^lla s a&ui . as bi* was not. nn thi trontip.: at the time. He did
not defcuui hi> laic* nolleagnes ir. thi latf Govemmeni, nor did he
blamt them, henausr bt JoH"^ Tiothin^ abfqit it. hot he kne^ that
Gongohalbi htUi heen crofihed ont. and hi^ had heard nemile hving on
^- TTonxinT Mi> thai i' ii hue. no: hM^r. -dour* tht war wonld have
^ireai'; inti tht Temhi; looadort. Mi H#>iT»miB^. howevp:. was
noi appointed: a< * nuhtar) ofti«>»? As he {\l\ ^^lookcoistram^
nnderstoov. M: Hrnnmm^ wswnt thpn- U- a'tt»<: oeTlait. r.nmmals,
anci ih wejn; noi *> ji nuhtar^ ofHof^i. h^ii rnpn-h as ai ordmar\-
mscifiixaii-
DISMISSAL DEBATE 387
But if not Mr. Hemming, whose appointment was it with
regard to which the late Ministry were accused of ignoring the
Governor? Was it Mr. Griffith? The Governor said he did
not sign the commission for the appointment of Mr. Griffith, but
the Ministers said he did sign one, and he (Mr. Stockenstrom)
could not himself say who was right or who was wrong in those
contradictory statements.^ It was, therefore, quite possible that the
Governor had signed the document and had forgotten it, and it
was just possible that he might not have signed it, as the hon.
member for Beaufort West said he had done, and yet that hon.
member might feel fully convinced that his Excellency did
sign it. There might be a mistake either way, but no one in
this House could think even for a moment that either of the
two gentlemen concerned in the matter would tell a wilful and
deliberate falsehood about it. And even if the Governor did not
sign the appointment it is quite clear that he did call Mr.
Griffith ' Commandant-General.' But whether Mr. Griffith was
legally and formally appointed Commandant-General or not,
he was at the head of the forces in this country which had been
legally raised for the arresting of criminal offenders. And then in
one document the Governor mentions Mr. Griffith as Command-
ant-General, and asks under what instructions he is to act,
without taking any objection upon the ground that he had not
himself signed the appointment. The House, however, had not
sufficient information to enable them to decide who was right and
who was wrong as to that appointment, but it was the unques-
tioned fact that there were certain duties which Mr. Griffith was
competent, as chief of the police, to perform. He (Mr. Stocken-
strom) would give the hon. gentlemen opposite an opportunity of
discussing the question from any point of view, but where could
the appointments objected to be found ?
Certain subordinate volunteer officers' appointments had
been referred to as appearing in a King William's Town
paper. To this Mr. Stockenstrom replied : —
No, it was not to be inferred that those appointments were
not authorised by the Governor, because they did not bear his
signature at the bottom, as the words * by the Governor's authority '
were used. He himself had known many cases where appoint-
ments had been made and not signed by the Governor, and yet
bore the words * by the Governor's authority,' and although the
> The public notice of Commandant Griffith's appointment as Ck>mmandant-
General had not been produced until the debate was finished. It will be found
in note 1, supra. ^ p. 302.
cc 2
388 LIFE AND TIMES OF 8IR J. C. MOLTENO
hon. Attorney-General was gay and sprightly enough now when
he was new to the oflSce, perhaps, when he had been in office
as long as the hon. member for Beaufort West, he oiight
append his signature to many documents of that kind without
laying the documents before the Governor. He himself (Mr.
Stockenstrom) had signed many documents without doing Uiat.
He had signed many appointments for justices of the peace when
his hon. friend the member for Beaufort West was absent without
his Excellency the Governor knowing anything about it ; and yet,
although the Governor knew nothing about the matter, he as
a matter of form had said that he made the appointment by
order of the Governor. It was a mere form. How could the
Governor know whether a person to whom a conmiission of the
peace, for instance, was proposed to be issued was a proper
person ? His Minister was responsible for the appointment, and
the Governor's name was used as a matter of form. If the Prime
Minister were to trouble his Excellency with every such document
before issuing it, he would soon be sent about his business as a
troublesome fellow. Well, that was the great charge against the
late Ministry', and he was very glad they had had an opportunity
of going into it. There was the paper containing the appoint-
ments, and let the hon. members look at it. When the hon.
member for Wodehouse went up to the frontier to give advice to
the Governor, he found himself in a bit of a muddle for want of
clerical assistance. He (Mr. Stockenstrom) believed that hon.
member had not a single clerk to assist him until afterwards,
when he (Mr. Stockenstrom) asked that a clerk should be sent up,
and one went up to assist him. The hon. member had written
about 3,500 telegrams in two months, and if the whole case
against him was that certain advertisements had been issued by
him with an informal heading, that was a mere absurdity.
This absolutely disposed of the complaint that had
been made by the Governor ex post facto as to illegal
appointments. They were clearly matters of official admini-
strative routine which were suitable to be dealt with by that
Minister who was officially in charge of them, and of
such a character as are not usually submitted to the
Crown.*
During the debate Mr. Stigant, who had himself served
• See Todd, Parliamentary Oovcmment in England, 2nd edition, vol. iL
p. 14.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 389
with distinction in the Transkei with the Cape Town ArtiUery,
pointed out that the Governor's statement to the deputation at
King Williajn's Town as to disarmament *had had a very bad
effect on the natives/ while further that the way in which
Confederation had been introduced also produced a bad
effect, tending to lead the natives to the conclusion that
the white men were about to combine to crush them, and
that they must therefore combine for their own defence.
He pointed out in detail the incompetency of the military
authorities. Sir Bartle Frere had said to the Colonial
Secretary that he could observe no want of harmony between
the Imperial troops and the Colonial, but the debate gave
ample evidence of this, as the speeches of Messrs. Frost,
Brabant, and Stigant testify.
Mr. Sprigg, in regard to the Minute which Mr. Molteno
had called for appointing Commandant Griffith, but which
had not been forthcoming, admitted that the Governor had
called him Commandant Griffith, and that he was aware that
the notice of his appointment had been published in the
' Gazette.' * He maintained, however, there was a mistake
in regard to this question, and added ' to this day I have
never informed him that there is any doubt about the
legality of his appointment ... he commands the colonial
troops, and is to a considerable extent independent of the
mihtary authorities.' Mr. Sprigg also, as we have already
shown, admitted that he was wrong in stating in his speech
at East London that Mr. Molteno had refused to summon
Parliament.
Mr. Sprigg read a memorandum from Mr. Brownlee to the
Governor which had never been seen by other Ministers, a
point which Mr. Stockenstrom inmiediately took up, and
showing that the Governor had no right to go to one Minister
behind the back of the Premier, for he thus introduced
an element of disruption into the Constitution. He said,
* See p. 802, note 1, Bupra,
880 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
hon. member for Gape Town said, it is a question which affeots
this country for all time. We have families and children
growing up, and we are bound, I say, to hand down to them,
unimpaired, the rights we have fought for and obtained. I
have a large family, as many others have, and I feel bound
to do this. It was said by some at one time that this Colony
was not ripe for a responsible government, but, be that as it
may, we shall be watched very closely now, depend upon it, and
if we are willing so easily to surrender or give up our valuable
privileges it will be a bad thing for us. I hope this Colony, come
what will, will resolve to defend these privileges. But, said the
hon. Attorney-General — and there I agree with him — if you want
to maintain your privileges, go the right way about it, and you
must not take steps which will not bear looking into, and which
the world will say are wrong. I want to show the House the
true position of this present question. I think it is no disrespect to
the gentleman who holds the high position of (Jovemor in this
Colony to say that a very high-handed policy has been adopted in
turning out a set of Ministers in the short space of a fortnight, in
hurling them from office, and treating them as if they were guilty
of some great offence against the country. I say that is a most
serious responsibility for a Governor to take upon himself, and it
will be considered so before long, if it is not now.
He maintained the debate at the high level of the great
principles involved. There was no personal feeling in the
matter whatever; the disastrous effects of this action on
the future of South Africa were fully apparent to him;
the solution of the difficulties of the government of South
Africa by the working of responsible government would be
* imperilled if not fatally affected.'
No one could have a higher respect for the Governor than I
have, although I cannot agree in this course he has taken. That I
am entitled to say, but I have the highest respect for his Excellency,
and I feel sorry he has taken that course, for I feel sure it cannot
be sustained and will ultimately be defeated. The policy which
has been adopted must have a prejudicial effect upon consti-
tutional government all over the world, and especially in this
continent. Here are we talking about Confederation, and holding
up to independent states the advantages and privileges they are
likely to gain by coming in, but when they hear of this they will
stand aghast and ask ' Is that the effect of responsible government ?
DISMISSAL DEBATE 381
We thought it was a very different thing/ At one fell swoop the
whole thing is carried away, and the Imperial dictate prevails.
I contend that it will do immeasurable injury so far as regards
the question of the future government of this country if this
matter is allowed to pass over lightly.
He contended that whatever the shortcomings of the late
Government might be, whether in the conduct of the war or
otherwise, the praise or blame for their conduct should be
awarded by that House and not by the Governor. He
maintained that that House was the proper tribunal to
criticise them. The Governor had contended that he had
an independent power, and that he was commander by right
over the Colonial forces, and could do as he liked, but speak-
ing as Premier he had replied that he had no right to do it
except with the advice of his Ministers, and * it was upon that
sole contention we were dismissed.'
In regard to the operations carried on by Messrs. Frost
and Brabant he said that had the Governor insisted on
vetoing these operations he would have resigned at once, but
the Governor did not do so. In regard to the charge that he
had ignored the Governor : —
So far from ignoring the Governor, I kept him informed on
every point, and telegrams were sent up as soon as they were
received. I kept a messenger for the express purpose, who was
continually running up and down. When colonial operations
were to take place under Commandants Frost and Brabant, the
plans and instructions were submitted to the Governor, and I had
good reason to believe his Excellency acquiesced in them. I
positively informed the Governor that men would not come
forward if they were to be placed under military control, and I
had telegrams from all parts to that effect. I pointed out in the
strongest possible terms that we could get no service if these men
were to be under the military, and the result would be that the
Colony would be discredited in England. It would be said there,
' Is it not shameful that in a Colony having responsible govern-
ment like the Cape of Good Hope they are not able to defend
themselves ? ' I admit there may not have been such an excellent
defence organisation as there might have been, but still, a
volunteer is better any day than a pressed man, and we had any
382 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
amount of excellent material coming forward. I represented to
the Governor that he was spoiling the whole thing, and that the
men would not work under mihtary control.
As I have said already, 1 submitted to the Governor the in-
structions to Frost and Brabant and the plans for their operations.
His Excellency did not positively say he disapproved of them
or otherwise. I said ' Does your Excellency veto them ? * * No/
he said, * but I will not be responsible for them.* I said, * Your
Excellency, the responsibility rests with your Ministers, but we
advise this — does your Excellency stop it ? ' The Governor said
that if the instructions were carried out the Ministers must take the
responsibihty, and upon this we at once sent off the instructions to
the commandants. I want to know from the hon. the Secretary
for Native Affairs whether that is ignoring the Governor. He is not
addressing his constituents now, but is here in the presence of
Parliament, and let him justify that assertion of his. I maintain
that the Ministry thoroughly and completely followed and
recognised the Governor and consulted him in every way. I
knew that it would never do for the colonial forces to be subject to
the military control, and if I had thought that his Excellency
persisted in that course I would have tendered my resignation
forthwith.
I said to Colonel Bellairs that I did not attempt to arrogate
to myself, or to understand, military affioirs. If you are going
to besiege Plevna or carry on military operations in a civilised
country, it is a different thing, but the military have no know-
ledge of Eaf&r warfare, which is best left to colonial forces.
At the same time I say, had the Governor forbidden these opera-
tions and insisted on military command, I would have tendered
my resignation at once. Volunteers were coming forward most
gallantly from all parts, and I only wish the Colonial Secretary
and certain others had taken the example from them, and instead
of trying to harass the Government in every possible way had
worked together for the common good, and put aside all political
contentions. That is what is done in other countries at a time
when great danger threatens. It does not matter who is in office,
the great thing is to repel the enemy. I say it was a most cruel
thing when volunteers were thus coming forward, when our
operations were being attended with success, and when we were
cutting up the enemy in every direction, and when probably another
fortnight would have put an end to the whole thing, to go and upset
everytning
It was most detrimental to the interests of this Colony that
a change should take place at that particular time, and I can
only regard it as a great misfortune. Then comes the question
DISMISSAL DEBATE 383
who is to pay for all this, and the best of it is, pay for it when it
is of no use, besides your credit taken away in England. They
will say ' Look at these fellows at the Cape dragging away
British soldiers when there is other work for them to do ; what a
set they are, and now they refuse to pay ! ' I say I do not like to
see the Colony placed in such a position, and to see ourselves
shown up in the ' Times ' newspaper and elsewhere. When the
hon. Colonial Secretary talked so much about making an ad
misericordiam appeal, I must say I felt aggrieved ; I say, what we
are hable for we will pay, and that is all, but to go down on its
knees and make an ad misericordiam appeal to the Home Govern-
ment, I hope this Colony will never do that, whatever Ministry may
be in power.*
... I say we would have got on very well without the
Imperial troops ; there is plenty of work for them to do in Europe,
that is the place for them, and not tr3dng to hunt Kaffirs in Uie
bush, which it is impossible for them to do successfully. The
colonists can carry on that sort of warfare a good deal better.
After Mr. Molteno had spoken the Speaker (Sir David
Tennant, who had been knighted at the beginning of this
session), to the surprise of everyone intervened, and said
that the last two resolutions were unconstitutional. The
Attorney-General had not objected to them, and it was
strange that at that period of the debate such action should
have been taken by the Speaker. The motions had been on
the paper for several days, and the Speaker should have
interfered much earlier if it were necessary to have them
set right. Thereupon the debate was adjourned, and
Mr. Merriman changed the word * was ' into * is ' in the
second resolution, and added a third resolution which ran as
follows : —
That the assumption of the command of the colonial forces by
Sir A. Cunynghame in January last, contrary to the advice of
Ministers, was not justified or advisable under the existing
circumstances.
* We may easily understand how painful and humiliating was the position
in which the Colony was now placed to Mr. Molteno, who had held its position
so high before the world. As to the Imperial troops, he reiterated the fact that
they were needed elsewhere, and were unsuited for Eafi&r warfare.
384 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
And to this an amendment was moved by Mr. Maasdoip
that the House, having before it all the papers connected with the
late change of Ministry, does not see that the doctrine that the
Gk)vemor controls the colonial forces under the advice of his
Ministry has been called in question by the Governor ; but, on
the contrary, is strongly affirmed ; and the House is of opinion
that, under all the circumstances of the case, the removal from
office of the late Ministry was unavoidable.
The late Ministry had been placed in a difficult position
by the action of the Speaker, but Mr. Merriman's substituted
resolution was an unfortunate one. There can be no
question that the incoming Ministry were responsible for
the act of the Governor in dismissing his Ministers, and this
should have been raised in some definite form.
Mr. Stockenstrom the late Attorney-General now made
an important speech. He showed how the Governor had
ignored the Ministry in deposing Ereli, how he had acted
in the Transkei and was entitled to act should he choose so
to do, without the consent of his Ministers, who had advised
that Ereli should be promptly attacked and followed up
before he had time to perfect his plans. He said : —
But the Ministers were told ' Oh, no, you gentlemen of this
Colony carry on matters with a high hand ; leave it to the
Governor.' Who was it who said that ? was it the Premier ? No,
it was not the Premier, but someone said so. And someone also
said, 'I will go to Ereli myself, and I will talk to him and
bring him to his bearings ' ; and it was not the Premier who said
that, but he who said so went to talk to Elreli, but wasted time
in doing so, and at the same time the forces of the police were
worn out by awaiting the result until there was not a man fit to
sit in the saddle, nor a horse, owing to the drought, fit to carry
him. He believed that the Pohce force broke down solely
because it was allowed to waste its strength and freshness before
it was hurled against the enemy, and because the men were
allowed to become weary and disgusted with their inaction before
they were moved forward for active operations.
He then showed how the Governor refused larger forces,
while the Ministers said that imless something more decisive
DISMISSAL DEBATE 386
were done Sandilli would rise, and the rebellion would
spread further and further. And when he advised the
Burgher Act to be put in force the Governor said *No,
I do not agree with the Attorney-General ; if we do that
the civil war will be precipitated and the Gaikas will be
massacred.' After that the Gaikas rose, and still Ministers
were told when they urged decisive action that they were
getting unnecessarily excited, and that matters would be
arranged, and that someone would go up to settle matters
with Sandilli. A Commissioner was sent up, but the
Gaikas broke out, and then messages were sent for the
volunteers, and the Governor became impatient because
the volunteers who had been told not to come did not
immediately appear.
He stated, in regard to the charge that the Ministers had
attempted to deprive the Governor of the control of the
Colonial forces, —
there was nothing except the ex post facto statement of the Crovemor
to bear out such a cha/rge. The Governor, writing to him, said
that he was obliged to part with those gentlemen because they
had treated him in that way, and when he saw that statement he
stood aghast, because if they had done that they had taken up a
position which he knew they could not maintain. And when he
saw it stated that they were upheld in their course by the Attorney-
General, he could only say that those who made that statement
were as much in the dark as he hoped was his Excellency the
Governor, when he brought that charge against the two Ministers
who were with him on the frontier. But he (Mr. Stockenstrom)
could find nothing of the kind in the Blue-book, and he failed to
see any evidence whatever in black and white that his late
colleagues, the hon. member for Beaufort West and. the hon.
member for Wodehouse, desired to deprive his Excellency the
Governor of the command of the colonial forces. They knew
very well that those forces must be under the control of the
representative of the Crown, subject to the advice of his consti-
tutional advisers, and he could not himself, as their legal adviser,
for one moment have thought they wished to appoint anyone to
such an office as that of commander of colonial forces without the
approval of his Excellency the Governor.
VOL. II 0 C
386 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
He claimed that the Governor was bound to accept the
advice of Ministers, unless such advice were against the law
or against the integrity of the Empire, and he challenged the
Attorney-General to show that there was any such advice
given by the Ministers.
Then he entirely disposed of a very important matter.
We have already seen that the Governor in a despatch sub-
sequent to the dismissal said that illegal appointments had
been made.
But hon. members might say that when they foimd they could
not carry out their own way the Ministers ignored the Governor
and did a number of illegal acts which the Governor was bound
to put his foot upon. But where was the proof of that ? Who
were the officers appointed by Ministers against the wish of the
Governor ? Was Commandant Frost or Commandant Brabant one
of them ? No, that could not be, because in one Blue Book the
Governor said that the instructions issued to those gentlemen
were laid before him, and that although he considered it dangerous
for those instructions to be carried out, yet he would not oppose
them, although he would not be responsible for them, upon which
the hon. members for Beaufort West and Wodehouse said they
would accept full responsibility for them. Well, if the objection
did not apply to Mr. Frost or Captain Brabant there was Mr.
Hemming, the magistrate at Queenstown ; was his one of the
appointments made against the wish of the Governor ? The hon.
gentleman now at the head of the Gk)vemment shook his head at
that question ; but if it were not Mr. Hemming, who was it who
was appointed against the wish of the Governor ?
If hon. gentlemen opposite could show that the late Ministry ap-
pointed one single officer against the wish of the Governor, then he
(Mr. Stockenstrom) had no case ; but could they show him such an
appointment ? Personally he did not know anything about Gongo-
bella's afifair, as he was not on the frontier at the time. He did
not defend his late colleagues in the late Government, nor did he
blame them, because he knew nothing about it, but he knew that
Gongoballa had been crushed out, and he had heard people living on
the frontier say that if it had not been done the war would have
spread into the Tembu location. Mr. Hemming, however, was
not appointed as a military officer. As he (Mr. Stockenstrom)
understood, Mr. Hemming went there to arrest certain criminals,
and he went not as a mihtary officer, but merely as an ordinary
magistrate.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 387
But if not Mr. Hemming, whose appointment was it with
regard to which the late Ministry were accused of ignoring the
Governor? Was it Mr. Griflfith? The Governor said he did
not sign the commission for the appointment of Mr. Griffith, but
the Ministers said he did sign one, and he (Mr. Stockenstrom)
could not himself say who was right or who was wrong in those
contradictory statements.' It was, therefore, quite possible that the
Governor had signed the document and had forgotten it, and it
was just possible that he might not have signed it, as the hon.
member for Beaufort West said he had done, and yet that hon.
member might feel fully convinced that his Excellency did
sign it. There might be a mistake either way, but no one in
this House could think even for a moment that either of the
two gentlemen concerned in the matter would tell a wilful and
deliberate falsehood about it. And even if the Governor did not
sign the appointment it is quite clear that he did call Mr.
Griffith ' Commandant-General.' But whether Mr. Griffith was
legally and formally appointed' Commandant-General or not,
he was at the head of the forces in this country which had been
legally raised for the arresting of criminal offenders. And then in
one document the Governor mentions Mr. Griffith as Command-
ant-General, and asks imder what instructions he is to act,
without taking any objection upon the ground that he had not
himself signed the appointment. The House, however, had not
sufficient information to enable them to decide who was right and
who was wrong as to that appointment, but it was the unques-
tioned fact that there were certain duties which Mr. Griffith was
competent, as chief of the police, to perform. He (Mr. Stocken-
strom) would give the hon. gentlemen opposite an opportunity of
discussing the question from any point of view, but where could
the appointments objected to be found ?
Certain subordinate volunteer officers' appointments had
been referred to as appearing in a King William's Town
paper. To this Mr. Stockenstrom replied : —
No, it was not to be inferred that those appointments were
not authorised by the Governor, because they did not bear his
signature at the bottom, as the words * by the Governor's authority '
were used. He himself had known many cases where appoint-
ments had been made and not signed by the Governor, and yet
bore the words ' by the Governor's authority,' and although the
> The public notice of Commandant Griffith's appointment as Commandant-
General had not been produced until the debate was finished. It will be found
in note 1, supra. ^ p. 302.
388 LIFE AND TIMES OF 8IR J. C. MOLTENO
hon. Attorney-General was gay and sprightly enough now when
he was new to the office, perhaps, when he had been in office
as long as the hon. member for Beaufort West, he might
append his signature to many documents of that kind without
laying the documents before the Governor. He himself (Mr.
Stockenstrom) had signed many documents without doing tiiat.
He had signed many appointments for justices of the peace when
his hon. friend the member for Beaufort West was absent without
his Excellency the Governor knowing anything about it ; and yet,
although the Governor knew nothing about the matter, he as
a matter of form had said that he made the appointment by
order of the Governor. It was a mere form. How could the
Governor know whether a person to whom a commission of the
peace, for instance, was proposed to be issued was a proper
person ? His Minister was responsible for the appointment, and
the Governor's name was used as a matter of form. If the Prime
Minister were to trouble his Excellency with every such document
before issuing it, he would soon be sent about his business as a
troublesome fellow. Well, that was the great charge against the
late Ministry', and he was very glad they had had an opportunity
of going into it. There was the paper containing the appoint-
ments, and let the hon. members look at it. When the hon.
member for Wodehouse went up to the frontier to give advice to
the Governor, he found himself in a bit of a muddle for want of
clerical assistance. He (Mr. Stockenstrom) believed that hon.
member had not a single clerk to assist him until afterwards,
when he (Mr. Stockenstrom) asked that a clerk should be sent up,
and one went up to assist him. The hon. member had written
about 3,500 telegrams in two months, and if the whole case
against him was that certain advertisements had been issued by
him with an informal heading, that was a mere absurdity.
This absolutely disposed of the complaint that had
been made by the Governor ex post facto as to illegal
appointments. They were clearly matters of official admini-
strative routine which were suitable to be dealt with by that
Minister who was officially in charge of them, and of
such a character as are not usually submitted to the
Crown.*
During the debate Mr. Stigant, who had himself served
• See Todd, Parliamentary Government in England, 2nd edition, vol. ii.
p. 14.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 389
with distinction in the Transkei with the Cape Town Artillery,
pointed out that the Governor's statement to the deputation at
King William's Town as to disarmament 'had had a very bad
effect on the natives/ while further that the way in which
Confederation had been introduced also produced a bad
effect, tending to lead the natives to the conclusion that
the white men were about to combine to crush them, and
that they must therefore combine for their own defence.
He pointed out in detail the incompetency of the military
authorities. Sir Bartle Frere had said to the Colonial
Secretary that he could observe no want of harmony between
the Imperial troops and the Colonial, but the debate gave
ample evidence of this, as the speeches of Messrs. Frost,
Brabant, and Stigant testify.
Mr. Sprigg, in regard to the Minute which Mr. Molteno
had called for appointing Commandant Griffith, but which
had not been forthcoming, admitted that the Governor had
called him Commandant Griffith, and that he was aware that
the notice of his appointment had been published in the
* Gazette.' * He maintained, however, there was a mistake
in regard to this question, and added ' to this day I have
never informed him that there is any doubt about the
legality of his appointment ... he conmiands the colonial
troops, and is to a considerable extent independent of the
military authorities.' Mr. Sprigg also, as we have already
shown, admitted that he was wrong in stating in his speech
at East London that Mr. Molteno had refused to summon
Parliament.
Mr. Sprigg read a memorandum from Mr. Brownlee to the
Governor which had never been seen by other Ministers, a
point which Mr. Stockenstrom immediately took up, and
showing that the Governor had no right to go to one Minister
behind the back of the Premier, for he thus introduced
an element of disruption into the Constitution. He said,
* See p. 302, note 1, supra.
390 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
' It was stated that troops had been ordered on a minute by
Mr. Brownlee, bat this had never been communicated to his
colleagues.* The Governor had no right to ask for troops
without first consulting his Ministers on the subject.
He brought back the debate to its real issue, which had
been throughout set aside : ' the simple question for the
House was this: Was the Governor right in dismissing
his Ministers for tendering their advice to him on so
important a matter as that on which they had differed from
him ? ' The speaker was quite prepared to admit that the
advice so tendered was unpalatable advice, but at the same
time that was not sufficient ground to justify their dismissal.
The Governor might very probably have thought that he
knew better than they did ; if so he was right in rejecting
their advice, and he did not blame his Excellency for that,
but still no sufficient ground had been shown to justify his
Excellency in taking the extreme course which he adopted.
The papers for which Mr. Molteno had asked were with-
held, though he stated that they were of great importance.'
After the debate was finished they were allowed to appear.
Mr. Molteno in his reply pointed out that the real question
at issue had been shelved, and that
a studied attempt was being made to take a division on a ques-
tion which was not really before them. The present Ministry
had not touched the real question, which was this: Was there
* This 80 called Minute appears in C. P., A. 24 — 78, p. 1, where it is oalled a
memorandom. These papers were produced by the Premier in reply to a return
agreed to by the House for * all communications that have passed between the
Gk)yemor and Ministers relative to the employment of troops and expenditure.*
Yet it was quite unconstitutional for Sir Bartle Frere to use or receive such a
memorandum from a Minister behind the back of the Premier. No member of
the Oabmet can advise individually or in opposition to his colleagues (Todd,
PcbrUamentary OovenvmerU in England^ 2nd edition, vol. ii. p. 10), and any
important communication between a subordinate Minister and the Crown
should be * submitted to the Premier, if not beforehand at any rate immediately
after it has taken place * {ibid, p. 18). We may further note that in this
return Mr. Molteno*s Minute of the 31st of January (A. 6 — 78, p. 2), refusing
the Imperial troops, was not included.
* These papers are C. P., A. 21—78 and C. P., A. 64—78.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 391
sufficient cause to justify the Governor in taking the extreme
step which he had taken? But instead of raising this, an
attempt had been made to raise a feeling of hostility to the late
Ministry, not on account of their immediate acts which led to
their dismissal, but by calling attention to their former acts. The
Governor was not free to go into former acts ; that ought to be
left to the House to deal with. The present Premier told the
House that the Governor dismissed the Ministry because they
were not taking proper steps to carry on the war effectually, but
whether they were taking proper steps or not was not the
question. The question was whether they committed any act
which justified the Governor in dismissing them. That was the
question upon which the House ought to divide, but it was quite
clear that hon. gentlemen opposite were not going to vote on that
question. . . . The question which the House ought to decide
was whether the Governor was right in dismissing them, and not
whether the late Ministry were right or wrong as to the way in
which they conducted the war, nor yet whether they had refused
or neglecled to bring forward a proper measure of defence for the
Colony. All that has been said on these matters might be true,
but still the Governor should not have taken upon himself to
decide ; he should have left them to that House to settle. ... It
was, however, quite clear that hon. members opposite were not
going to divide upon the question of the dismissal, but upon the
acts of the late Ministry. ... To sanction this would be to put
the Governor in the place of the Parliament.
What he asked the House was whether there was any-
thing in the conduct of the late Ministry which justified the
Governor in what he had done. To this there had been no
answer in that House.
His own contention and principle of action was that there
was no justification for his dismissal, for there was no immediate
danger in the position of affairs on the frontier when that dismissal
took place, and the Governor himself admitted that the work so
far had been well done.
As to the statement Mr. Sprigg had made that there were
dissensions in the Cabinet, he pointed out that there
was no document on the table to prove that, and none that he
knew of anywhere, except that memorandum which the present
Premier had just brought to the notice of the House, and which he
892 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
(Mr. Molteno) had never heard of till now. No doubt the
Governor had a good opportunity of carrying out his policy when
the Ministers were not all together on the frontier, but when the
Governor acted upon the advice of a single Minister in opposition
to others he himself thought the Governor acted unconstitution-
ally, and when the other Ministers were on the frontier he
(Mr. Molteno) wrote to the Governor that he was not to act on
iheir separate advice on public matters. But, notwithstanding
that, his Excellency kept these two gentlemen on the frontier, and
got from them these memoranda, which were not submitted to
the other members of the Cabinet. A good deal was done there
and sent down for their approval afterwards, and sometimes he
himself had grave doubts about it ; but the position was serious :
the house was on fire, and things were concurred in which, under
other circumstances, might have been strongly objected to.
In regard to the appointment of Commandant Griffith,
he explained that as soon as he arrived on the frontier,
in compliance vdth the Governor's wish that an authority
should be appointed who should have a larger control of
affairs, to enable him to return to Cape Town, it was agreed
that Mr. Griffith should be called from the Transkei. He
arrived on the frontier and accepted the appointment which
it had been agreed between himself and the Governor should
be offered to him. He continued : —
There was a Minute which I am quite sure was furnished to
the Governor, and which was returned to me duly signed, and
upon that I telegraphed to the Under-Colonial Secretary at
Cape Town to gazette the appointment ; but, as it did not appear to
be signed as telegraphed, Captain Mills, being a careful man, to
make sure, said to Dr. White, the Treasurer-General, that he had
better sign it, and Dr. White did so, and in that way it was
gazetted. But it should have been signed by myself, for
neither Dr. White nor any other member of the Cabinet ever
signed Minutes, as I signed them all myself. But when I
had a telegram telling me that it had appeared in the Govern-
ment ' Gazette ' I immediately had it published in King Wil-
liam's Town, and the Governor presented to Mr. Griffith the
decoration which had been sent from England, and the pre-
sentation of which I had suggested to the Governor should
be deferred until after publication, because it would then
have a better effect. And I had already signed the Minute,
DISMISSAL DEBATE 393
although that signature was not appended to it as it appeared in
the ' Gazette/ Then after that the Governor complained of the
inconvenience that might arise from the existence of an in-
dependent power with regard to the colonial forces, and
I myself explained to his Excellency that the dual system,
as it was called, could not have all the effects which the
Governor seemed to think it would have. I pointed out that
the Governor would be the commander of the forces. . . . The
Commandant-General would be over the colonial forces, while the
Imperial forces would be under the Imperial officers, and his
Excellency would be over them all, and there would be no dual
command at all.
On the 20th the Governor asked for the particular
instructions to the Conimandant-General, and then came
the matters on which they differed. Mr. Molteno
said: —
They gave advice to his Excellency which they considered it
their duty to give, and was not the Colonial Government justified
in giving advice as to the control of their own forces ? They had
to pay the expenses of the war, and on that they had a right to a
voice as to their control, but they did not wish to control them
without consulting the Governor ; they never intended to take the
matter out of his hands. Every telegram and document was sent
to him, and he (Mr. Molteno) was surprised that his Excellency
should say that he had no information, except such as he could
gather from the newspapers, for he had all the information which
Ministers themselves possessed. Nor did he (Mr. Molteno) place
the late Commissioner for Public Works to act as * a military
dictator,' as he had been styled. But on his arrival there he
found him in a position in which the Governor had himself placed
him. Then came the conversations with the Governor, and if the
whole account of these conversations were given, as it might be
given if he himself were writing to his constituents, they might
put upon them a very different interpretation to that which some
hon. members were so anxious to put upon them. . . . And when
his Excellency said that there were some things which he had not
been informed about, he (Mr. Molteno) expressed his surprise, and
said that no doubt it was an oversight, for such a thing as that his
colleague, the then Commissioner of Public Works, should act
upon his own authority in important public matters had never
entered his mind ; while the Governor was most fully informed
of all operations.
394 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. G. MOLTENO
But then, when everything was ready, the instmctions
which it was proposed to give to the Gommandant-Greneral
were drawn up and sent to his Excellency, and the Governor
appeared to be opposed to the appointment. He himself asked
the Governor whether he objected to it, as if he did the
Ministers would not act upon it ; but the (jovemor said no, he did
not object, and then he (Mr. Molteno) took the instmctions to
the Commandant-General and told him to go on. The late
Ministers had been accused of ignoring the Governor, but was
that ignoring the Governor? They had informed the Governor
of everything, and if he (Mr. Molteno) found at any time that
sometUng had been omitted he himself immediately informed
his Excellency of it. Well then it was said that they had made
an appointment, or had concurred in it, by which the control of
all colonial forces was vested in Sir A. Gunynghame, and that
they had not revoked it at the very time they were appointing Mr.
Griffith Commandant-General. But they were still discussing
the matter ; if not they would have advised his Excellency to
revoke his former proclamation vesting the control in Sir Arthur
Cunynghame.
As to the way in which Mr. Sprigg had entered office, he
said : —
But let not that gentleman get in over the wall ; let him go in
by the front door, let him go in as the Minister of that House.
But he thought that he co^d safely say that the hon. gentlemen
who now sat on the Treasury benches would not have the con-
fidence of the country for any great length of time, for they
had been put into office in a way which the country very soon
would not like. They had been put in by superiors, fettered in
their action, and in a way which was certainly not a proper
one.
As a matter of fact the new Ministry remained in power
only so long as Sir Bartle Frere acted as Governor and kept
them there. They were defeated in the first session of
Parliament after his departure, and it is an interesting fact
that Mr. Sprigg, though holding office on subsequent occa-
sions, has never been placed in that position by a direct vote
of the Cape Parliament.
Mr. Molteno concluded by saying that he had no love
DISMISSAL DEBATE 395
for office, that it was not a personal question but a principle
for which he was contending.
He had never continued in office for its own sake, but for the
interests of the Colony only. That was his only motive for
remaining in office, and it would have been better for his own
ease and peace of mind if he had resigned long ago. But let hon.
gentlemen look at the question from a broad point of view, and
not principally as one of opposition to a Molteno Ministry. He
had always regarded himself as a servant of that House while in
office, and while supported by a majority he held to his office, and
he beUeved that if the time had come for his dismissal it was for
that House to dismiss him and not the Governor, who gave his
late Ministers no opportunity of defending themselves and no
Minute of his reasons for dismissing them, but only drew up a
Minute on the 6th of February, which before their dismissal they
had never seen. He (Mr. Molteno) appealed. to that House to
consider the question in a proper way, not as a question between
Moltenoites and Spriggites, but only as a question intimately
afifecting the good of the Colony. It was not a mere question of
the change of Ministry which Ihat House had now to decide, but
a grave and serious constitutional question, and he asked hon.
members in recording their votes to record them from no other
point of view.
Mr. Solomon, who generally on great occasions had taken
a conspicuous place, confined himself chiefly to a discussion
of the operations connected with the disarmament of
Mapassa and Mackinnon and the Gongoballa affair. The
information before the House upon these subjects, how-
ever, was imperfect, and he was proved in the course of
the debate to be quite in error in the assumptions he
made in regard to the conduct of the late Ministry. The
constitutional question he hardly touched upon. His action,
however, served to show the extent to which he was ready
to go in attacking the late Ministers, even to the point
of presuming against them wherever his information was
incomplete. Before Sir Bartle Frere left the Cape Mr.
Solomon confessed his error in foUovTing and trusting him.
Mr. Merriman now replied and showed how the House
396 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
was being led away from the real issue. He then drew atten-
tion to the dangers of the action of the Governor in its effect
upon responsible government, and said : —
It seemed to him that the dismissal of the late Government
under the ciroxmistances was the first step towards the introduc-
tion of personal government, because if a Ministry were to be
dismissed for every Httle thing on which they differed from the
Governor, the result would be that they would ultimately find
themselves put under a strict personal government. . . . They
must admit that his Excellency had been almost always entrusted
with the duties of personal government, and he seemed to forget
that under a responsible government the Ministers were really the
individuals who were entrusted with the government of the
country. . . . The Governor said he had parted from his late
Ministers because he said they had differed from him, and that
was the question, and a very important question it was in this
Colony ; for it was not here as in England. There the balance
of things was well maintained, but here the power of the Governor
was very great, and if he threw himself into the scale of one
political party it crushed completely the opposite party. He
feared that House would endorse the position taken up by the
hon. gentleman opposite, but if they did so that hon. gentleman
would himself regret it, not because the Governor had himself
sent him there, but because the Governor, who was only
responsible to England, if he could not get one set of men to
suit his views and submit themselves entirely to his guidance
would change them at his wiU and pleasure, and throw himself on
the side of any political party, and so effect his own purposes
whenever he chose to do so.
The absence of the very material documents for which
he had asked had been pointed out by Mr. Molteno. He
had stated that they had an important bearing upon the
subject, but nevertheless the debate was concluded without
them. The real issue was evaded.
We have already drawn attention to the various forces
brought to bear upon the members in the direction of the
personal influence of the Governor and High Commissioner,
the mystification produced by the imperfect way in which
the papers were produced, by the withholding of some, and
DISMISSAL DEBATE 397
by the utterly wrong impressioiiB so skilfully fostered
between the dismissal and the meeting of Parliament. To
these should be added the statements of Mr. Sprigg as to
the Ministers refusing to summon Parliament, and of their
attempting to ignore the Governor. Finally the approval
of the action of Sir Bartle Frere by the Secretary of State
was now made public and the doctrine of a ' fait accompli '
had its due weight.
All these causes, combined with the natiu'al swing of the
pendulum when a Ministry had been so long in power as had
Mr. Molteno's, tended to induce the members to vote with the
new Ministry. Mr. Sprigg had said in a previous Parliament,
at a time when it appeared to be impossible to replace
Mr. Molteno, that any Government, even a dunamy one,
would conmiand a certain amount of confidence simply
because it had the patronage which a Government always
wields. He had doubtless considered this principle and
acted on it when he took office. At another time he had
declared that he was ready to go back to the Crown Colony
system rather than allow Mr. Molteno to remain in power.
No doubt a strong incentive to the course the members
were taking was that their action would retain Sir Bartle
Frere in the country, for his reputation was great, and it
was believed at that time that he would successfully deal
with South African questions.
The debate resulted in a majority in favour of the Govern-
ment.
Though the deflection of Mr. Molteno's supporters may
be palliated it cannot be excused on these grounds. They
knew Mr. Molteno and had thoroughly relied on him before
Sir Bartle Frere's advent. They should not have been
amenable to the influence of Sir Bartle Frere's personal
ascendency ; they should have done their duty irrespective of
persons and been above the fanfaronade attending Sir
Bartle Frere's name and position. But they acted other-
398 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J: C. MOLTENO
wise, and never did so swift a punishment follow its
cause.^
The ' Peace Preservation Act,' a delightful name of irony
to cover a measure which was so disastrous in the blood-
shed and ruin which it brought about, was now passed at Sir
Bartle Frere's bidding by Mr. Sprigg. Immediately upon its
application in spite of all warnings, the country was plunged
into a war. The Tembus and other native tribes revolted,
and great forces were raised to crush them. The Basutos
pointed out in their picturesque phraseology that if a child
is seen with a knife in its hands the father will not ruth-
lessly tear it away, to the injury of the child; but he would
take finger by finger and open them, and so remove the
dangerous implement. All to no purpose. The Act was
put in force in Basutoland also, the result being that the
colony was plunged into war, and besides its men, its
prestige, and its honour, it lost between 4,000,000Z. and
5,000,0002. of treasure, and even then did not succeed.
It soon appeared that Mr. Molteno was the one man who
stood between South Africa and its ruin, not only in regard
to the Cape Colony, but the whole of South Africa. Had
he been supported by the Cape Parliament Sir Bartle Frere
must have retired, and we should have seen no Zulu war,
no Basuto war and no Boer war. There could have been no
misrepresentation by Sir Bartle Frere of the Boer feeling
against annexation being limited to a few malcontents, or
suggestion of the disastrous results of undoing annexation
which misled Mr. Gladstone, and no reason would have
remained for the refusal of representative institutions to the
Transvaal in accordance with promises so frequently made to
that country and as frequently broken.
A man of real power and sound judgment would not
* Mr. Solomon and Mr Vintcent, to whose defection Mr. Molteno's defeat
was principally due, confessed their error in supporting Sir Bartle Frere a
year or two later on. See p. 434, infra.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 399
have blindly attempted to force the policy of Lord Carnarvon,
but wonld have examined the question on the spot, and
finding a conjunction of circumstances absolutely fatal to
its success at that time, he would have so advised his
superiors at the Colonial Office. But such a man of cool
and calm judgment was not Sir Bartle Frere. He was
playing for high stakes. South Africa must be ' forced ' in
two years, according to Lord Carnarvon, into a Confedera-
tion. The sands of the Natal revolutionary constitution
were running out ; it would last only these two years. A
union of hearts and of sentiment was not the union he could
bring about : it was one of flags and of arbitrary association
which he attempted. It failed, as it was bound to fail.
No time was to be allowed for the growth of the organism.
There was no patience or scientific calm in Sir Bartle
Frere's measure. Terrible evils ensued. The disaster of
Isandhlwana suddenly threw a lurid light on his actions. The
embitterment of the Boer war and its accompanying disasters
for English prestige all arose out of this ill-fated attempt
of Lord Carnarvon, who determined to refuse the advice
of tried experience and local knowledge as represented by Sir
Henry Barkly, the High Commissioner, and Mr. Molteno.
We may recall the warning of Sir Henry Barkly that * if
confederation were forced it would tend to set East against
West, Dutch against English, and natives against
both.' As in India so in Africa this resort to force was
disastrous. To-day South Africa suffers immense evils from
Lord Carnarvon's attempt. Its troubles there have their
root and origin in this ill-fated policy. Sir Bartle Frere
was the one man who might have drawn attention to the
dangers which existed; but 'he took his ignorance for
superior knowledge,' and saw them not.
How are we to judge between these two men, each
doing what he believed to be his duty and carrjdng his views
to their legitimate consequences? On the one hand was
390 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
' It was stated that troops had been ordered on a minnte by
Mr. Brownlee, but this had never been communicated to his
colleagues.* The Governor had no right to ask for troops
without first consulting his Ministers on the subject.
He brought back the debate to its real issue, which had
been throughout set aside : * the simple question for the
House was this: Was the Gk>vemor right in dismissing
his Ministers for tendering their advice to him on so
important a matter as that on which they had differed from
him ? ' The speaker was quite prepared to admit that the
advice so tendered was unpalatable advice, but at the same
time that was not sufficient ground to justify their dismissal.
The Governor might very probably have thought that he
knew better than they did ; if so he was right in rejecting
their advice, and he did not blame his Excellency for that,
but still no sufficient ground had been shown to justify his
Excellency in taking the extreme course which he adopted.
The papers for which Mr. Molteno had asked were with-
held, though he stated that they were of great importance.'
After the debate was finished they were allowed to appear.
Mr. Molteno in his reply pointed out that the real question
at issue had been shelved, and that
a studied attempt was being made to take a division on a ques-
tion which was not really before them. The present Ministry
had not touched the real question, which was this: Was there
* This 80 called Minute appears in C. P., A. 24 — 78, p. 1, where it is called a
memorandom. These papers were produced by the Premier in reply to a return
agreed to by the House for ' all communications that have passed between the
Governor and Ministers relative to the employment of troops and expenditure.'
Yet it was quite unconstitutional for Sir Bartle Frere to use or receive such a
memorandum from a Minister behind the back of the Premier. No member of
the Oabmet can advise individually or in opposition to his colleagues (Todd,
ParUamerUary Oovemment in England^ 2nd edition, vol. ii. p. 10), and any
important communication between a subordinate Minister and the Grown
should be * submitted to the Premier, if not beforehand at any rate immediately
after it has taken place * {ibid, p. 18). We may further note that in this
return Mr. Molteno's Minute of the 31st of January (A. 6 — 78, p. 2), refusing
the Imperial troops, was not included.
« These papers are C. P., A. 21—78 and C. P., A. 64—78.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 391
sufficient cause to justify the Governor in taking the extreme
step which he had taken? But instead of raising this, an
attempt had heen made to raise a feeling of hostility to the late
Ministry, not on account of their immediate acts which led to
their dismissal, hut hy calling attention to their former acts. The
Governor was not free to go into former acts ; that ought to be
left to the House to deal with. The present Premier told the
House that the Governor dismissed the Ministry because they
were not taking proper steps to carry on the war effectually, but
whether they were taking proper steps or not was not the
question. The question was whether they committed any act
which justified the Governor in dismissing them. That was the
question upon which the House ought to divide, but it was quite
clear that hon. gentlemen opposite were not going to vote on that
question. . . . The question which the House ought to decide
was whether the Governor was right in dismissing them, and not
whether the late Ministry were right or wrong as to the way in
which they conducted the war, nor yet whether they had refused
or negleciied to bring forward a proper measure of defence for the
Colony. All that has been said on these matters might be true,
but still the Governor should not have taken upon himself to
decide ; he should have left them to that House to settle. ... It
was, however, quite clear that hon. members opposite were not
going to divide upon the question of the dismissal, but upon the
acts of the late Ministry. ... To sanction this would be to put
the Governor in the place of the Parliament.
What he asked the House was whether there was any-
thing in the conduct of the late Ministry which justified the
Governor in what he had done. To this there had been no
answer in that House.
His own contention and principle of action was that there
was no justification for his dismissal, for there was no immediate
danger in the position of affairs on the frontier when that dismissal
took place, and the Governor himself admitted that the work so
far had been well done.
As to the statement Mr. Sprigg had made that there were
dissensions in the Cabinet, he pointed out that there
was no document on the table to prove that, and none that he
knew of anywhere, except that memorandum which the present
Premier had just brought to the notice of the House, and which he
403 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXXI
PEBSONAL BULB BE-ESTABLISHED
Efleots of Personal Bnle on Cape Golony — Coetly Defence Sohemee — ^Their
Futility— Enormous War Expenditure— Summary of Mr. Molteno's Policy
— SuooesB of his Administration — Irrigation to follow Bailways — Extenaion
of Golonial Boondary— Ultimate Federation of South Afrioa— BesponsiUe
Government an object lesson — Destroyed by pursuit of Imperial Policy —
Lord Blaohf ord*s Views — Machinery of Empire— Impossible without Bespon-
sible Government — Mr. Molteno retires temporarily from public life.
Responsible Government was now replaced by personal
role, through a Ministry selected and held in power by Sir
Bartle Frere and willing to carry out his behests. There
now followed a period of disaster unparalleled in the history
the Cape.
The policy of raising a colonial army was attempted by Sir
Bartle Frere through his Premier. Taxation was enormously
increased to meet the cost. This money might as well
have been thrown into Table Bay. Indeed, far better would
it have been, inasmuch as the existence of the forces thus
created induced Sir Bartle Frere to commence his policy
of destroying the native chiefs and disarming the Fingoes,
Tembus, and Basutos. All the various corps then raised
were eventually disbanded, and the sole force which it was
possible for the Colony to maintain was the Frontier Armed
and Mounted Police, now named Cape Mounted Biflemen,
as it had been maintained during Mr. Molteno's administra-
tion, though its numbers were even reduced from those
authorised in the last year of his administration. The force
comprised in the year 1876-1877 892 men of all ranks, while
in 1896-1897 it stood at 801 men of all ranks.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 393
although that signature was not appended to it as it appeared in
the ' Gazette.' Then after that the Governor complained of the
inconvenience that might arise from the existence of an in-
dependent power with regard to the colonial forces, and
I myself explained to his Excellency that the dual system,
as it was called, could not have all the effects which the
Governor seemed to think it would have. I pointed out that
the Governor would be the commander of the forces. . . . The
Commandant-General would be over the colonial forces, while the
Imperial forces would be under the Imperial officers, and his
Excellency would be over them all, and there would be no dual
command at all.
On the 20th the Governor asked for the particular
instructions to the Commandant-General, and then came
the matters on which they differed. Mr. Molteno
said: —
They gave advice to his Excellency which they considered it
their duty to give, and was not the Colonial Government justified
in giving advice as to the control of their own forces ? They had
to pay the expenses of the war, and on that they had a right to a
voice as to their control, but they did not wish to control them
without consulting the Governor ; they never intended to take the
matter out of his hands. Every telegram and document was sent
to him, and he (Mr. Molteno) was sinrprised that his Excellency
should say that he had no information, except such as he could
gather from the newspapers, for he had all the information which
Ministers themselves possessed. Nor did he (Mr. Molteno) place
the late Commissioner for Public Works to act as * a military
dictator,* as he had been styled. But on his arrival there he
found him in a position in which the Governor had himself placed
him. Then came the conversations with the Governor, and if the
whole account of these conversations were given, as it might be
given if he himself were writing to his constituents, they might
put upon them a very different interpretation to that which some
hon. members were so anxious to put upon them. . . . And when
his Excellency said that there were some things which he had not
been informed about, he (Mr. Molteno) expressed his surprise, and
said that no doubt it was an oversight, for such a thing as that his
colleague, the then Commissioner of Public Works, should act
upon his own authority in important public matters had never
entered his mind ; while the Governor was most fully informed
of all operations.
394 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
But then, when everything was ready, the instructions
which it was proposed to give to the Commandant-General
were drawn up and sent to his Excellency, and the Governor
appeared to be opposed to the appointment. He himself asked
the Governor whether he objected to it, as if he did the
Ministers would not act upon it ; but the Governor said no, he did
not object, and then he (Mr. Molteno) took the instructions to
the Commandant-General and told him to go on. The late
Ministers had been accused of ignoring the Governor, but was
that ignoring the Governor ? They had informed the Governor
of everything, and if he (Mr. Molteno) found at any time that
something had been omitted he himself immediately informed
his Excellency of it. Well then it was said that they had made
an appointment, or had concurred in it, by which the control of
all colonial forces was vested in Sir A. Cunynghame, and that
they had not revoked it at the very time they were appointing Mr.
Griffith Commandant-General. But they were still discussing
the matter ; if not they would have advised his Excellency to
revoke his former proclamation vesting the control in Sir Arthur
Cunynghame.
As to the way in which Mr. Sprigg had entered office, he
said : —
But let not that gentleman get in over the wall ; let him go in
by the front door, let him go in as the Minister of that House.
But he thought that he could safely say that the hon. gentlemen
who now sat on the Treasury benches would not have the con-
fidence of the country for any great length of time, for they
had been put into office in a way which the country very soon
would not like. They had been put in by superiors, fettered in
their action, and in a way which was certainly not a proper
one.
As a matter of fact the new Ministry remained in power
only so long as Sir Bartle Frere acted as Governor and kept
them there. They were defep,ted in the first session of
Parliament after his departure, and it is an interesting fact
that Mr. Sprigg, though holding office on subsequent occa-
sions, has never been placed in that position by a direct vote
of the Cape Parliament.
Mr. Molteno concluded by saying that he had no love
DISMISSAL DEBATE 396
for office, that it was not a personal question but a principle
for which he was contending.
He had never continued in office for its own sake, but for the
interests of the Colony only. That was his only motive for
remaining in office, and it would have been better for his own
ease and peace of mind if he had resigned long ago. But let hon.
gentlemen look at the question from a broad point of view, and
not principally as one of opposition to a Molteno Ministry. He
had always regarded himself as a servant of that House while in
office, and while supported by a majority he held to his office, and
he believed that if the time had come for his dismissal it was for
that House to dismiss him and not the Governor, who gave his
late Ministers no opportunity of defending themselves and no
Minute of his reasons for dismissing them, but only drew up a
Minute on the 6th of February, which before their dismissal they
had never seen. He (Mr. Molteno) appealed. to that House to
consider the question in a proper way, not as a question between
Moltenoites and Spriggites, but only as a question intimately
affecting the good of the Colony. It was not a mere question of
the change of Ministry which that House had now to decide, but
a grave and serious constitutional question, and he asked hon.
members in recording their votes to record them from no other
point of view.
Mr. Solomon, who generally on great occasions had taken
a conspicuous place, confined himself chiefly to a discussion
of the operations connected with the disarmament of
Mapassa and Mackinnon and the Gongoballa affair. The
information before the House upon these subjects, how-
ever, was imperfect, and he was proved in the course of
the debate to be quite in error in the assumptions he
made in regard to the conduct of the late Ministry. The
constitutional question he hardly touched upon. His action,
however, served to show the extent to which he was ready
to go in attacking the late Ministers, even to the point
of presuming against them wherever his information was
incomplete. Before Sir Bartle Frere left the Cape Mr.
Solomon confessed his error in following and trusting him.
Mr. Merriman now replied and showed how the House
396 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
was being led away from the real issue. He then drew atten-
tion to the dangers of the action of the Governor in its effect
upon responsible government, and said : —
It seemed to him that the dismissal of the late Government
under the circumstances was the first step towards the introduc-
tion of personal government, because if a Ministry were to be
dismissed for every Uttle thing on which they differed from the
Governor, the result would be that they would ultimately find
themselves put under a strict personal government. . . . They
must admit that his Excellency had been almost always entrusted
with the duties of personal government, and he seemed to forget
that under a responsible government the Ministers were really the
individuals who were entrusted with the government of the
country. . . . The Governor said he had parted from his late
Ministers because he said they had differed from him, and that
was the question, and a very important question it was in this
Colony ; for it was not here as in England. There the balance
of things was well maintained, but here the power of the Governor
was very great, and if he threw himself into the scale of one
pohtical party it crushed completely the opposite party. He
feared that House would endorse the position taken up by the
hon. gentleman opposite, but if they did so that hon. gentleman
would himself regret it, not because the Governor had himself
sent him there, but because the Governor, who was only
responsible to England, if he could not get one set of men to
suit his views and submit themselves entirely to his guidance
would change them at his will and pleasure, and throw himself on
the side of any pohtical party, and so effect his own purposes
whenever he chose to do so.
The absence of the very material documents for which
he had asked had been pointed out by Mr. Molteno. He
had stated that they had an important bearing upon the
subject, but nevertheless the debate was concluded without
them. The real issue was evaded.
We have already drawn attention to the various forces
brought to bear upon the members in the direction of the
personal influence of the Governor and High Commissioner,
the mystification produced by the imperfect way in which
the papers were produced, by the withholding of some, and
DISMISSAL DEBATE 397
by the utterly wrong impressions so skilfully fostered
between the dismissal and the meeting of Parliament. To
these should be added the statements of Mr. Sprigg as to
the Ministers refusing to summon Parliament, and of their
attempting to ignore the Governor. Finally the approval
of the action of Sir Bartle Frere by the Secretary of State
was now made public and the doctrine of a * fait accompli '
had its due weight.
All these causes, combined with the natural swing of the
pendulum when a Ministry had been so long in power as had
Mr. Molteno's, tended to induce the members to vote with the
new Ministry. Mr. Sprigg had said in a previous Parliament,
at a time when it appeared to be impossible to replace
Mr. Molteno, that any Government, even a dunamy one,
would command a certain amount of confidence simply
because it had the patronage which a Government always
wields. He had doubtless considered this principle and
acted on it when he took office. At another time he had
declared that he was ready to go back to the Crown Colony
system rather than allow Mr. Molteno to remain in power.
No doubt a strong incentive to the course the members
were taking was that their action would retain Sir Bartle
Frere in the country, for his reputation was great, and it
was believed at that time that he would successfully deal
with South Airican questions.
The debate resulted in a majority in favour of the Govern-
ment.
Though the deflection of Mr. Molteno's supporters may
be palliated it cannot be excused on these grounds. They
knew Mr. Molteno and had thoroughly relied on him before
Sir Bartle Frere's advent. They should not have been
amenable to the influence of Sir Bartle Frere's personal
ascendency ; they should have done their duty irrespective of
persons and been above the fanfaronade attending Sir
Bartle Frere's name and position. But they acted other-
398 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J: C. MOLTENO
wise, and never did so swift a punishment follow its
cause. ^
The * Peace Preservation Act/ a delightful name of irony
to cover a measure which was so disastrous in the blood-
shed and ruin which it brought about, was now passed at Sir
Bartle Frere's bidding by Mr. Sprigg. Immediately upon its
application in spite of all warnings, the country was plunged
into a war. The Tembus and other native tribes revolted,
and great forces were raised to crush them. The Basutos
pointed out in their picturesque phraseology that if a child
is seen with a knife in its hands the father will not ruth-
lessly tear it away, to the injury of the child; but he would
take finger by finger and open them, and so remove the
dangerous implement. All to no purpose. The Act was
put in force in Basutoland also, the result being that the
colony was plunged into war, and besides its men, its
prestige, and its honour, it lost between 4,000,0002. and
5,000,000Z. of treasure, and even then did not succeed.
It soon appeared that Mr. Molteno was the one man who
stood between South Africa and its ruin, not only in regard
to the Cape Colony, but the whole of South Africa. Had
he been supported by the Cape Parliament Sir Bartle Frere
must have retired, and we should have seen no Zulu war,
no Basuto war and no Boer war. There could have been no
misrepresentation by Sir Bartle Frere of the Boer feeling
against annexation being limited to a few malcontents, or
suggestion of the disastrous results of undoing annexation
which misled Mr. Gladstone, and no reason would have
remained for the refusal of representative institutions to the
Transvaal in accordance with promises so frequently made to
that country and as frequently broken.
A man of real power and sound judgment would not
> Mr. Solomon and Mr Vintoent, to whose defection Mr. Molteno's defeat
was principally due, confessed their error in supporting Sir Bartle Frere a
year or two later on. See p. 434, infra.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 399
have blindly attempted to force the policy of Lord Carnarvon,
but would have examined the question on the spot, and
finding a conjunction of circumstances absolutely fatal to
its success at that time, he would have so advised his
superiors at the Colonial Office. But such a man of cool
and calm judgment was not Sir Bartle Frere. He was
playing for high stakes. South Africa must be ' forced ' in
two years, according to Lord Carnarvon, into a Confedera-
tion. The sands of the Natal revolutionary constitution
were running out ; it would last only these two years. A
union of hearts and of sentiment was not the union he could
bring about : it was one of flags and of arbitrary association
which he attempted. It failed, as it was bound to fail.
No time was to be allowed for the growth of the organism.
There was no patience or scientific calm in Sir Bartle
Frere's measure. Terrible evils ensued. The disaster of
Isandhlwema suddenly threw a lurid light on his actions. The
embitterment of the Boer war and its accompanjdng disasters
for English prestige all arose out of this ill-fated attempt
of Lord Carnarvon, who determined to refuse the advice
of tried experience and local knowledge as represented by Sir
Henry Barkly, the High Commissioner, and Mr. Molteno.
We may recall the warning of Sir Henry Barkly that * if
confederation were forced it would tend to set East against
West, Dutch against English, and natives against
both.' As in India so in Africa this resort to force was
disastrous. To-day South Airica suffers immense evils from
Lord Carnarvon's attempt. Its troubles there have their
root and origin in this ill-fated policy. Sir Bartle Frere
was the one man who might have drawn attention to the
dangers which existed; but *he took his ignorance for
superior knowledge/ and saw them not.
How are we to judge between these two men, each
doing what he believed to be his duty and carrying his views
to their legitimate consequences? On the one hand was
400 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Mr. Molteno, who built securely and firmly the structure of
colonial national life stone by stone as rapidly as was con-
sistent with good workmanship ; he was one of the individual
Englishmen who was carrpng out the fundamental principles
of representative institutions which England had given to
the Cape ' to lay the foundation of institutions which may
carry the blessings and privileges as well as the wealth and
power of the British nation into South Africa ; and, whilst
appeasing the jealousies of sometimes conflicting races, to
promote the security and prosperity not only of those of
British origin but of all the Queen's subjects, so that they
may combine for the great common object, the peace and
progress of the Colony/ ' He had matriculated in the fight
for responsible government and graduated in its administra-
tion. The other had held high office in India, where despotic
government only was possible. Indeed, we see personified
in this conflict between these two men the fight between the
principles of English constitutional freedom and the spirit
of despotic rule.
Judged by an even higher standard, that of justice and
right and morality, how do they compare ? The following
quotation supplies a principle of discrimination.
What is the test of veracity and heroism of conduot? Does
your hero's achievement go in the pathological or the moral
direction ? Does it tend to spread faith in that cimning, violence,
force which were once primitive and natural conditions of life,
and which will still by natural law work to their own proper
triumphs in so far as these conditions survive, and within such
limits and in such sense as they permit; or, on the contrary,
does it heighten respect for civic law, for pledged word, for the
habit of self -surrender to the public good, and for all those other
ideas and sentiments and usages which have been painfully
gained from the sterile sands of egotism and selfishness, and to
which we are indebted for all the untold boons conferred by the
social union on man ? ^
1 Dake of Newcastle to Sir George Cathcart, p. 215 of Noble's South Africa,
* P. 171 of Morley's Miscellanies, vol. i.
DISMISSAL DEBATE 401
When we look at the disarmament of the natives, the
declaration * Henceforth no chief shall exist in South Africa/
the Zulu war, the Transvaal seizure, are we not in the region
where * only force and never principles are facts, and where
nothing is reality but the violent triumph of arbitrarily
imposed will ' ? ^ When we look at Sir Bartle Frere's uncon-
stitutional actions in refusing the advice of his Ministry,
in dismissing the chosen Ministers of the Parliamentary
majority, are we not in the presence of that dangerous reaction
of despotic rule in India upon free government ? Do we not
see in his whole South African career ' the retrograde passion
for methods of repression, the contempt for human life, the
impatience of orderly and peaceful solution ' ? Do we not
see the feverish haste to build a structure pretentious to the
eye, but without solidity or endurance ? Is this not the
character of Lord Carnarvon's Confederation attempt and
Sir Bartle Frere's direction of it, a union of flags and of
names, but no union of hearts and sentiments ?
1 Speaking at the time of the Znla war and of Sir Bartle Frere's policy
Bishop Golenso says, *Bat do we really belieye in the Living Ood, who
requires of as, if we would receive His blessing, '* to do justly and to lov«
mercy, and to walk humbly with Him *'?•.. Let those who wiU bow down
and worship their domb idols, bmte force, and prond prestige, and crafty
policy.' — Life of Bishop Colensot vol. ii. p. 498.
VOL. II. D B
403 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
CHAPTER XXXI
PERSONAL BULE BE-ESTABLISHED
Effeotfl of Personal Bnle on Gape Golony — Costly Defence Sohemea — ^Their
Fntility — Enormous War Expenditure — Summary of Mr. Molteno's Policy
—Success of his Administration— Irrigation to follow Bailways — Extension
of Colonial Boundary — Ultimate Federation of South Africa — ^BesponmUe
Goyemment an object lesson— Destroyed by pursuit of Imperial Policy-
Lord Blachf ord*s Views — Machinery of Empire— Impossible without Bespon-
sible Government — Mr. Molteno retires temporarily from public life.
Responsible Government was now replaced by personal
rule, through a Ministry selected and held in power by Sir
Bartle Frere and willing to carry out his behests. There
now followed a period of disaster unparalleled in the history
the Cape.
The policy of raising a colonial army was attempted by Sir
Bartle Frere through his Premier. Taxation was enormously
increased to meet the cost. This money might as well
have been thrown into Table Bay. Indeed, far better would
it have been, inasmuch as the existence of the forces thus
created induced Sir Bartle Frere to commence his policy
of destroying the native chiefs and disarming the Fingoes,
Tembus, and Basutos. All the various corps then raised
were eventually disbanded, and the sole force which it was
possible for the Colony to maintain was the Frontier Armed
and Mounted Police, now named Cape Mounted Biflemen,
as it had been maintained during Mr. Molteno's administra-
tion, though its numbers were even reduced from those
authorised in the last year of his administration. The force
comprised in the year 1876-1877 892 men of all ranks, while
in 1896-1897 it stood at 801 men of all ranks.
PBB80NAL RULE RE-ESTABLISHED 403
There was expended on the defence schemes of Mr.
Sprigg's Administration and the forces raised by his
measures taken at Sir Bartle Frere's instance from 1879,
the year of their initiation, to 1886, when they finally
disappear from the colonial accounts, the sum of 520,8562.,
while during the same period there was expended on
the Cape Mounted Bifles and the Volunteers the sum
of 891,3722. This was in addition to the war expendi-
ture during the same period, which, as we have else-
where shown,^ amounted to 4,869,735Z.^ This is the result
in actual figures, apart from other disastrous results, of
the terrible losses arising to the Colony from Sir Bartle
Frere's fatal policy carried out unconstitutionally by his
dismissal of the Colonial Ministry and the maintenance in
power of his nominees. There was a further sum expended
by the Imperial Government 'for the Transkei war' of
349,902Z. as finally adjusted, and it practically admitted
the unconstitutional action of the Governor by paying
this amount.^ We may compare this wasted and ruinous
expenditure with the careful husbanding of the Colony's
finemces by Mr. Molteno, and the difference between the
results to the happiness and well-being of the people of
the Colony of wise and unwise statesmanship will become
apparent. It is a measure, but em inadequate one, of the
cost to the Colony of Sir Bartle Frere's dictatorship and
Mr. Sprigg's subservience.
Mr. Molteno had been severely tried by the emxiety and
the difficulties of the position attendant on the outbreak of
the Galeka war. The strain upon him was enormously in-
creased by Sir Bartle Frere's refusal to return to the capital in
accordance with his advice, while the Governor's interference
* See infra^ p. 447, n.
' Statement of * Colonial Defence Expenditure other than War Expenditure,'
by the Hon. 0. Abercrombie Smith, Auditor and Controller-General of the
Colony, kindly prepared from official returns for the writer.
■ See C. P., G. 43— '82, pp. 8-9, and see su^gra^ vol. ii. p. 836.
o o 2
404 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
with the conduct of the operations led to the extension of
the war to the Colony and the rising of the Tambookies and
Gaikas. He had earned a rest from the toils of office. But
apart from all this Sir Bartle Frere had seized the govern-
ment of the country ; he now had a free hand. Mr. Molteno's
warnings had been unheeded. He had done his best ; he had
thrown himself heart and soul into the work to which
he had set his hand — the acquisition and administration of
responsible government. Enormous success had attended
his efforts.
His career as a public man had comimenced with the
institution of the Cape Parliament itself, and from the very
first he took an active part in its proceedings. In all the
stirring questions that had agitated the country he had
taken a leading part. He had conducted to a successful
issue the great struggle for responsible government, and had
made good his assertion that the affairs of the country would
prosper and advance in a manner which was impossible so
long as they were controlled from afar by persons whose
knowledge of local circumstances was necessarily very
limited. He was fitly chosen by Sir Henry Barkly after the
triumph over the reactionary policy of Sir Philip Wodehouae
to inaugurate the change that gave to the colonists the
right of self-government. The change was not effected
without exciting a vast amount of angry feeling, and the
path of those who had to work out the new order of things
was not of the smoothest. But there was an obligation laid
upon them, that of proving the superiority of the new system
to the old, and this they had done in a manner to which
friends and foes alike gave an unqualified approbation.
His fidelity to those principles which mark the English
colonial system and are the natural corollary to English
institutions was exemplified in the agitation excited by
the Imperial emissary Mr. Froude. To the influences
brought to bear against him — and they were such as would
PEBSONAL BULE RE-ESTABLISHED 406
have shaken a less constant faith — he opposed the blunt
determination of a man bent on asserting a vital and firmly
grasped conviction. Mr. Molteno vindicated the constitu-
tional rights of the Colony, which were infringed by the pro-
ceedings of Lord Carnarvon ; and, convinced of this and of
his own duty in respect thereto, he fulfilled that duty with
a fidelity which should endear his name to every colonist.
Neither the prospect of Imperial favours nor the glamour
of popular excitement, nor the denunciation by a large
portion of the colonial press, nor the threats and insults of
ParUamentary opponents caused one moment's wavering in
his attitude as trustee of the Constitution and the welfare of
the Colony. To that trust he was stubbornly and heroically
faithful when a large portion of the Colony, blinded by
prejudice or party passions, were ready to denounce him as
a traitor. Mr. Molteno triumphed, and his views were con-
firmed by the representatives of the people ; but it remains
for history to do justice to the man who, in the teeth of the
obloquy and passion so sedulously fostered, emd in spite of
many seductive influences, fulfilled his duty to the State as
he imderstood it.
Since his accession to office in 1872 his Cabinet had
been associated with many great improvements. Harbours,
railways, and telegraphs had been pushed forward at a
rate that a few years before would have been thought
marvellous in South Africa. The success attendant upon
the estabhshment of the Cape University had amply justified
his sanguine estimates of its effect. Magistracies had been
established in most of the districts of the Colony. The
resources which the prosperity attendant on the inauguration
of responsible government had placed at his disposal were
carefully husbanded, and over two millions of surplus
revenue was utiUsed in the payment of loans and invested in
the development of the Colony. * Taking the exact figures
from the complete Analysis of the Accounts framed in 1884«
406 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
it appears that on the 1st of Jannary, 1870, the Ordinary
Bevenue and Expenditure Account showed a deficit balance
of nearly 1,055,000/., fully covered by permanent and tern-
porary loans, while on the 31st of December, 1875, this large
deficit had been converted into a surplus of over 1,125,OOOZ.,
showing a gain during the five years of about 2,180,000/.,
or nearly one-third of the whole revenue for the pe'HodJ' *
During 1873 and 1874 two permanent loans raised before
1870 to cover deficits of revenue, and amounting to over
235,000/., were repaid out of revenue, and the purchase of the
existing sjrstem of telegraphs was also paid for out of ordinary
revenue. These latter payments were rendered possible by
the abolition of the old sinking fund in 1874, which set free a
portion of the revenue. ' During the Molteno Administration
the excess of revenue over ordinary expenditure amounted to
about 1,244,000/., all of which may be said to have been
invested in important public works, for which loans were
being raised. On the 30th of June, 1877, the amount spent
on such works exceeded the proceeds of the corresponding
loans by more than 1,350,000/. This does not include the
large amounts spent on pubhc works, harbour works, roads,
bridges, &c., charged as ordinary expenditure.' ^
When we recall the terrible depression of the decade of
1860-1870, and the ever-recurring deficits, we appreciate
the remarkable change in the Colony's condition and pro-
spects, and we must concede our tribute of admiration to
the care and wise foresight exercised by Mr. Molteno in the
use of the resources at his disposal. We must not forget
that at the same time the taxation in existence was lighter
than at any period of the Colony's recent history, before
or since that time. In the Beport on the Cape Blue-book
1 statement of the Aaditor-Oeneral of the Colony.
* Ibid. This statement was most kindly prepared for me from pnblic
records by the Hon. C. Aberorombie Smith, the Auditor and Gontroller-(}enez«l
of the Colony.
PERSONAL BULE BE-ESTABLISHED 407
presented to Parliament in 1877, Sir H- Barkly, in his
concluding remarks, observed that it may be doubted
whether the returns from any of her Majesty's Colonies
exhibited more solid progress than those he comments on.
Had Mr. Molteno's wise and prudent stewardship of the
Colony not been upset by Lord Carnarvon's schemes and
Sir Bartle Frere's dictatorship, there was no reason why he
should not have achieved still greater successes.
We have seen that Mr. Molteno had contemplated a
great extension of his policy of development. Having
provided hsjrbours and railways, it was his intention to
provide by great irrigation works for the want of the
element that is lacking to the successful cultivation of the
soil of the Colony — a good cmd constant supply of water.
He looked with longing eyes to the great river which
formed the northern boundary of the Colony, and which
annually discharged, and does to this day discharge, millions
of cubic yards of water uselessly into the sea in place of
fertilising the land. The gigantic importation of cereals
into South Africa in recent years attests the vnsdom of these
intentions, which, had they been carried out, would have
provided food stuffs for the whole of South Africa in
abundance, and enabled the Cape Colony to support a vast
white population.*
He had not been unmindful of the interests of the
Cape Colony and of South Africa in regsjrd to the out-
lying territories. We have seen how strongly he urged
upon Lord Carnarvon the annexation of the country between
' ' It may not be oat of place here to state that Mr. Molteno daring his
administration devoted mach thought to the question of irrigation, that at the
time he was driven from offioe he had formed his condasions, and that had he
been permitted he would have begun a system of irrigation works in the Colony
on the same thorough and far-reaohing scale that he had previously done in
the matter of railways, and it is not too much to add that his influence upon
the Dutch land-owning class would probably in this direction have effected a
revolution in the economical conditions of South Africa ' (Letter of Hon. J. X.
Merriman).
408 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
the Orange Free State and Cunene River, which owing to
the opposition of Lord Carnarvon, was carried out only in part
in the annexation of Walfiisch Bay, and its neighbourhood.
On the east he was gradually absorbing the native territoriee
as often as pradence and wisdom justified their annexation.
All these tasks were ample to occupy the whole of the
undivided attention and resources of the Cape Colony.
The map facing this page shows what the Colony would
have been had the annexations recommended by Mr. Molteno
been permitted by the Imperial Grovemment.
If we look at the map at the end of the volume, which
shows the present boundary of the Colony, it will be seen
that all the annexations (with the important exception men-
tioned below) reconmiended by Mr. Molteno have been
carried out either while he was in oflBce or subsequently.
These were Griqualand West, the whole of the Transkei,
excepting Pondoland and the coast-line between the Orange
and Cunene rivers and thence inland to include Damara*
land and Great Namaqualand, and as far eastward as was
thought desirable, which limit was, in Sir Bartle Frere's
despatch of November 13, 1877,* placed at the Transvaal
Frontier. This latter despatch embodied the resolutions of
the Cape Parliament passed at Mr. Molteno's instance.
The greater portion of the last-mentioned territory with
its coast-line has since been lost to the Colony, being now in
the possession of Germany. The Colony has further lost
Basutoland since Mr. Molteno's Premiership, while it has
gained Pondoland. The £mal result being that it is much
more limited in its area than it would have been had Mr.
Molteno's farsighted policy been adopted by the Home
G^vemment.^
> L P., 0— 2000, p. 1.
* AU four maps in the two volmnes should be compared with a view to
observing the increase in area of the European settlements in South Africa
since 1881, when Mr. Molteno landed on its shores. While a comparison of the
map of 1872 with that facing this page will show the extension of the area of
the Colony as proposed tinder Mr. Molteno's auspices.
(r^
• *t^
k
J«)'
Mm
"->a*
-^^^^
laerScC
PEBSONAL RULE BE-BSTABLISHED 409
In common with others Mr. Molteno looked forward to
an eventual federation of South Africa, but he felt that it
must be a real xmion of hearts brought about by harmonious
feeling. Eivers had to be bridged, connecting links of rail-
ways had to be constructed to increase the intercourse of
the population of the various colonies and states. All these
more rapid and more convenient means of communica-
tion were to destroy old prejudices and give rise to a better
feeling.
But above all he made it the object of his ambition that
the Cape Colony should be an example of the freedom
afforded to British communities to manage themselves.
Disastrous results had attended the government of South
Africa as a Crown Colony ; he meant to demonstrate that
the unfettered development of responsible government was
a solution for the difficulties in South Africa. But Lord
Carnarvon was not content to permit this good work to go
on. He tore the tender plant up to examine its roots ;
atrophy, if not eventual death, was the result. The excite-
ment attendant on the pressure of the Confederation pro-
posals by Mr. Froude had begun to check his progress.
Eventually a complete reversal of the policy of responsible
government took place when Sir Bartle Frere was sent
to force his views in South Africa.
Lord Blachford, than whom no man was better informed
in regard to the Colonies, drew attention to this reversal of
policy, and pointed out that the first important step taken in
respect to this policy by Lord Beaconsfield's Ministry
was the endeavour by direct appeal to the inhabitants to oall into
existence a popular feeling which should force Confederation on a
Government which was not inclined to it. I do not here express
any opinion on the prudence or necessity of this course. I only
say that, right or wrong, prudent or imprudent, it was a clear
departure from the policy of non-interference which had been
previously pursued, and that the somewhat antagonistic inter-
position of the Imperial Government, or its representative which
410 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
began with this agitation, and ended with the dismissal of Mr.
Molteno, tended to replace on Great Britain the responsibility for
the administration, and therefore for the safety, of the Colony,
which it was the object of previous Secretaries of State to fasten
on the Colonial Government.
Then, as native difficulties began to show themselves, what
was at first a tendency became an active principle of policy ; and
most active in respect to that matter which was most critical, the
matter of military assistance.
As the possibility of native rebellion arose, the former policy,
as I understand it, would have required the Governor to force bis
Ministry into effective action, by making them clearly understand
that they could not rely on receiving fresh assistance, or even
retaining in full what they already had, imless they took such
measures for their own defence as would satisfy her Majesty's
Government that they were doing their best.
Sir Bartle Frere took a directly contrary course. On the first
appearance of danger he invited the Colony to expect help from
Great Britain. * I repeatedly informed Mr. Molteno,' he writes,
' from the very first threatening of troubles on the frontier, that the
commander of the forces had suggested, and that I had supported
his suggestion, that if matters did not quiet down the regimental
relief should be anticipated by a few months, and that we should
have a discretionary power to detain the relieved regiments if
necessary.' ^
Nor was this nearly all. After some months of disturbance,
considering his Ministry rather slack in their preparations, he
addressed them on the 31st of December, 1877, in tiie following
terms : * The Volimteers and burghers have melted away, and
have not been replaced, and I see no effort made by you to replace
them. ... I can only myself appeal to her Majesty's Government
for more troops. Do you support my request ? ' That is to say,
he at once fastened on the Home Government the duty of making
good not only the weakness but the negligence of the Colonies.
The Colonial Government, strange to say, did not close with this
proposal. On the 2nd of January the Minister replied that it
would be quicker and easier to raise a force in the Colony than
to get it from England. * I cannot therefore support your Excel-
lency's request to her Majesty's Government for more troops.'
Yet, even under this discouragement, Sir Bartle Frere, on the
9th of the same month, persevered in requesting the Secretary of
State to send him out two regiments, with the inauspicious
intimation that he might want them for Natal.
» I. P., C— 2100 of 1878. No. 1.
PBESONAL EULE RE-ESTABLISHED 411
Those who have read reoent colonial newspapers will not fail
to see the immense colonial unpopularity which was likely to
attach to this conduct of Mr. Molteno's if ever it became known.
And on his dismissal, which soon followed, his successor, Mr.
Sprigg, did not fail to make the most of it. In his election mani-
festo, addressed to his constituents on taking office, he informed
them of the somewhat whimsical result. He told them that on
the arrival of the reinforcements which the Governor had, in
spite of his then Ministry and with some difficulty, obtained from
the War Office, ' His Excellency asked the Ministry of Mr. Molteno
what they advised him to do with it. Their reply was that
" it might be sent to any part of the Empire where it was wanted,
but that it was quite unnecessary to retain it in the Colony." ' ^
Seeing that the ablest politician in the Colony did not think
an additional force of British troops necessary, and that the best
Government officers show that, if left to themselves, they would
identify themselves with that forbearing policy which allows
temporary difficulties to disperse, it seems to me a fair question
whether the prospects of peace may not have been injured by
these attractive promises of gratuitous help. They have doubt-
less greatly increased the personal influence of the Governor,
and through him perhaps that of the Home Government. But
they can hardly fail to have reproduced that colonial mischief
which we have learned by experience to dread — the mischief of
encouraging discontented settlers or impatient officials to force on
a war of which they will have the advantage and this country the
loss.
And he went on to show that the policy which had been
pursued up to 1872 had 'been not so much arrested as
reversed.* *
It is seldom that the views upon South African questions
of English statesmen of the first rank, thoroughly informed
upon the subjects with which they deal, find any expression,
and we have therefore placed Lord Blachford's view before
our readers. It is interesting from another point of view.
Lord Blachford had been Under-Colonial Secretary during
the period of Mr. Molteno's struggles with Sir Philip Wode-
house, and since his retirement from the Colonial Office had
» I. p., C— 2079 of 1878, p. 102.
' Nineteenth Century, Aogost 1879, p. 277.
412 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. 0. MOLTENO
given evidence in numerous contributions to periodical
literature of his interest in South Africa. We observe that
his estimate of Mr. Molteno was that he was the ablest
politician in the Colony.
Mr. Molteno was doing his part well towards making
possible that division of labour, so to speak, in the Empire,
that greater specialisation of function in the outlying parts
with higher integration of the whole which marks the
advanced development of our Imperial organisation to-day.
The central administration of the mother country would
have been, and is, unable to cope with the enormous mass
of detail involved in the administration of the outlying
dependencies constituting our self-governing colonies,
burthened as the central machine is with the numerous and
vast problems bom of its contact with the great Powers of
Europe. Each portion of the Empire does its own special
work of carrying on its own internal administration. Every
day brings into prominence with the growth of the Empire
the enormous importance of this principle. On a recent
occasion, when the unity of the Empire was so well epitomised
by the presence in England of the Colonial Premiers, the
two most distinguished representatives of the colonies. Sir
Wilfrid Laurier and Mr. Eeid, called attention to the fact
that the application of the unfettered principles of respon-
sible government had secured the admirable results of loyalty
and harmony which were exhibited in their colonies, the
contrast being in the case of Canada particularly remarkable,
for in 1837 a portion of that colony was in open revolt,
while in 1897 Sir Wilfnd Laurier claimed that there v^as no
more loyal portion of the Empire.
The principles of responsible government suffered a
disastrous check in South Africa by Sir Bartle Frere's action
there, but they were of too enduring a nature to long remain
suppressed. It became evident almost immediately that Sir
Bartle Frere's policy was boxmd to be disastrous. As Lord
PERSONAL BULE RE-ESTABLISHED 413
Derby said subsequently, the beginning of all our troubles
in South Africa dated from the dismissal of Mr. Molteno's
Ministry by Sir Bartle Frere.
Owing to the nature of the termination of his connection
with office and the reign of a dictator who brooked no rival,
no adequate expression could be given at the time to the
appreciation which was widely felt of Mr. Molteno's services
to the Colony. But his reward has been that which alone
he sought — the reward which a man who has done his
duty, and done it with all his might, receives from the ful-
filment of all that is best in his nature.
He had fought a long fight for constitutional freedom in
a manner worthy of its best exemplars. His sagacity, his
energy and prudent management had at a comparatively
early age placed him in an independent position. Under
such circumstances many men would have retired to Europe
to enjoy the pleasures of independent ease. He remained
in the country which had treated him well, and he amply
repaid his obligation to it by unselfish devotion and single-
hearted service. He scorned ease, and passed laborious days
and nights not for reward but impelled by a strong sense
of duty. His services were appreciated by the country, and
time will serve to bring into greater prominence the wisdom,
the foresight, and the sagacity with which he conducted the
affairs of the Colony, and the wide and statesmanlike view
he took of its affairs.
Mr. Molteno, after representing Beaufort West for a
quarter of a century, the whole period during which repre-
sentative institutions had now been established at the Cape,
retired from Parliament at the end of the year 1878 to a
rest which was no relief, so rapid was the succession of
disasters which under Sir Bartle Frere's auspices overtook
the Cape Colony and South Africa generally. The warnings
which he uttered of the dangerous course upon which Lord
Carnarvon and Sir Bartle Frere were bent were being most
414 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
amply jnstified. He saw with anguish and dismay the terrible
confusion and loss of life and treasure which now took place.
It would have been strange had he not been moved by them.
After the disaster of Isandhlwana he visited Natal, and there
he renewed his acquaintance with Bishop Colenso, who had to
some extent crossed swords with him over the Langalibalele
agitation. Fortune makes strange bedfellows. Bishop
Colenso was as strenuously opposing Sir Bartle Frere in his
policy towards the unfortunate Zulu king as Mr. Molteno
had opposed it in connection with the Cape Colony.
416
CHAPTEE XXXn
POSITION OP CONPBDEBATION AFTEB DISMISSAL. 1878-1880
Sir Bartle Frere makes Diotatorship more effeotive — Asks for oontrol of Sir
Henry Bolwer and Sir Theophilus Shepstone — Home Government acoedes
to this — Change in tone of Despatches— Sir Henry Bolwer ignored— Zoln
Policy— Sir Bartle forces War on Getywayo — Presses for Beinforoements—
Secretary of State disapproves Zulu Policy — Ultimatum to Zulu King—
Censure of Secretary of State— Sir Gkumet Wolseley supersedes him in South-
east Africa— Sir Bartle Frere returns to Cape— Betums to Disarmament
Policy — Basuto War — Transkei War— Confederation question in Cape Colony
—Session of 1879— Evils resulting from Confederation Policy— Transvaal
Constitution delayed— Promises to Transvaal broken — Impatience of
Secretary of State— Attempts to hasten Confederation in Cape Parliament-
Session of 1880 — Proposals for a Conference— Unfaimess of to Cape —
Debate on— Bejected without discussion — Becall of Sir Bartle Frere —
Government out of touch with people of South Africa— Afrikander Bond —
Sir Bartle Frere misrepresents state of Affairs— Besentment of Transvaal
People — No want of evidence of Feeling — Deputation of Cape members urge
Bestoration of Independence — Sir Bartle forces hand of Mr. Gladstone's
Ministry — He declares civil war result of Independence — Mr. Molteno returns
to public life — Elected for Victoria West — Fall of Sir Bartle Frere's nominee
Ministry— Mr. Molteno {becomes Colonial Secretary again — Condition of
Colony on Sir Bartle Frere's departure — War — Taxation — Stagnation —
Violent Feelings and Besentments — Mr. Molteno resigns and retires finally.
We must now briefly record the events which followed upon
the confirmation by the Secreta>ry of State of Sir Bartle
Frere's action in dismissing the Molteno Ministry. Having
seen his nominees safely through the first session, the latter
now proceeded to make effective thedictatorship with which he
had been clothed by Lord Carnarvon. It will be remembered
that Lord Carnarvon had decided to invest Sir Bartle Frere
* with special powers not possessed by his predecessors in the
office of High Commissioner.* He was to be * her Majesty's
High Commissioner for South Africa generally, instead of
416 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. 0. MOLTENO
being merely High Commissioner for the territories adjacent
to the Eastern Frontier/ * This general authority was, how-
ever, not sufficient for his purposes. Sir T. Shepstone as
Administrator of the Transvaal and Sir Henry Bulwer as
Lieutenant-Governor of Natal were in direct communica-
tion with the Imperial Government, and had an independent
responsibility in reporting to the Home Government direct.
Sir Bartle Frere now induced the Imperial Government to
place both these officers directly under him,* ajid on the 21st
of September, 1878, Sir T. Shepstone was placed under the
High Commissioner ' in the same way as if a confederation or
union had taken place between the Cape and the Transvaal.'
He was directed to correspond not with the Secretary of
State, but with Sir Bartle Frere, who was now to have a
direct supervision over the Province.^ Sir Henry Bulwer
was in the same manner directed to correspond with the
High Commissioner.'*
In the exercise of their independent authority these
officers had reported that there was no cause for anxiety in
the attitude of the Zulus. Sir Theophilus Shepstone on the
31st of July, 1877, advised as Uttle interference as possible
in the Zulu coxmtry.*
A change soon came over his views upon the corre-
spondence being first submitted to Sir Bartle Frere before
being transmitted to the Secretary of State. He now
supported a warlike policy and the increase of the Imperial
kroops aimed at by Sir Bartle Frere. However, Sir Henry
Bulwer refused to be a party to a policy of which he
did not approve. Sir Bartle Frere had dismissed Mr.
> I. P.. C— 2601 of 1880, p. 3.
« Life of Sir Bartle Frere, vol. ii. p. 187. ■ I. P., C— 2220, p. 151.
* I.P..C— 2220,p. 153.
* * I am of opinion that the interest of Her Majesty's Government and of
hmnanity throughout this vast territory will be best served by interfering as
little as possible for the present with events in that country * (Zululand). J. P.,
C-1961, 1878, p. 62.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 417
Molteno. He was not able to dismiss Sir Henry Bulwer,
who maintained his own opinion on the subject, though his
correspondence taking place through the High Commissioner
appeared to have been ignored, and indeed he complains
that his despatches were not transmitted, and if transmitted
home were not published.^ He protested against the mis-
leading character of Sir Bartle Frere's Minute and the
' wrong and unjust ' inferences from it. Just as Mr. Molteno's
action had been misrepresented to the Home Govern-
ment, as well as the state of affairs previous to the
dismissal,^ just as Mr. Molteno had objected to troops being
introduced into the Cape Colony for ulterior purposes, so
» I. p., C-2867 of 1879, p. 107.
< See Sir H. Bulwer's despatch of the 14th of July, 1879, at p. 88 of J. P.,
0—8482, February 1880.
' Snt, — In the Bine Book of correspondence respecting South African affairs
(C — 2818) which has been laid before Parliament, and of which I have just had
the honour to receive a copy, I perceive a despatch from his Excellency Sir
Bartle Frere, covering a number of papers on the subject of native levies and
auxiliaries.
* 2. Among these papers is a Minnte by Sir Bartle Frere dated the 7th of
March.
' 3. The tenour of that Blinute, which I duly received at the time, was, in my
opinion, so likely to mislead, so likely to lead to the inference that there had
been serious neglect on the part of the Natal Qovemment, and such an inf erenoe
would be, as I knew, as everybody here knows, so utterly wrong and unjust,
that I felt obliged to submit my respectful opinion to this effect to his Excellency.
In point of fact I furnished his Excellency with a memorandum (dated the 20th
of March) which contained an answer as complete to the general tenour of his
Excellency's Minute as I felt it necessary to make. I could have dealt, as I can
deal, with that Minute far more fully and exhaustively than I then attempted
to do. But I desired to do no more than was necessary to show that the
inference which his Excellency's Minute contained would be an erroneous and
unjust one ; and I left it to his Excellency so to act as to prevent that erroneous
inference being attached to his Minute.
* 4. It is therefore with great surprise and regret that I perceive in the l^lue
Book the Minute of his Excellency Sir Bartle Frere inserted in the oom-
spondence, whilst my memorandum in reply is altogether omitted.
' 5. It is true that Sir Bartle Frere's despatch is dated the 21st of February,
nor will I stop to inquire how it is that a despatch dated the 21st of February
can cover, as the one in question does, enclosures dated up to the 11th of March
following, because I do not for a moment doubt that the despatch was sent off
before the receipt of my memorandum of the 20th of March. But, as the Blue
Book contains despatches from his ExceUency as late as the 18th of April, there
VOL. IT. B B
418 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
now Sir Henry Bulwer, who was responsible for the peace
and safety of Natal, objected to additional troops being
introduced, which were not required by the circumstances
of that Colony.^
In the Cape peace had prevailed for twenty-five years,
until it was disturbed by Sir Bartle Frere's action. Sir
Henry Bulwer reported that 'for over thirty years the
Colony of Natal grew up side by side with the Zulu people
without a serious breach of the peace, and without, it may
be said, any serious question arising between them.' * The
policy which had maintained this desirable state of things
was now to be reversed. The man on the spot was to be
overridden by the man who had newly arrived, and who had
his ulterior object, the destruction of the Zulu power, as
a preliminary to Confederation, to carry out. Sir Henry
Bulwer says, in describing the arrival of troops and reinforce-
ments : —
Up to that time we in this Colony [Natal] had not so much
as heard a word of war. The idea of a Zulu war had not yet
occurred to anyone. The idea was an imported idea. It was
imported at the time of the arrival of the troops and Headquarter
Staff from the Cape Colony. It was not difficult for it to become
a popular idea ; '
was full time to allow of my memorandnm of the 20th of March being infleried
in the same Blue Book.
' 6. I desire to say as little as possible on the subject of this omission, which
no doubt has arisen from some mistake. Bnt I am sore, Sir, yon will recognise
that when an official docoment is published which contains reflections against
this Government, and reflections which I know to be thoroughly unmerited, I
should be naturally desirous that my reply to that document should be published
at the same time. This unfortunately has not been done, and it is, I am afraid,
too late to rectify in this session of Parliament the omission. In case, however,
you should not have seen it I enclose for your information a copy of the
memorandum of the 20th of March.
* I have, Ao,
'H. Bulwer,
* Lieutenant-Governor.'
' I. P., C— 2220, p. 232. ^ J. P., C—2684, p. 196,
» J. P., C—2684, paragraphs 82 and 83.
CONFBDEEATION AFTBB DISMISSAL 419
while a deputation of the leading men of Durban pro-
ceeded to inquire of Sir Bartle Frere on his arrival the
meaning of the vast forces and military stores which were
being landed there.* And again Sir Henry Bulwer sajrs, with
reference to Sir Bartle Frere's statement that the condition
of affairs was critical : —
In what precise way and to what precise degree it was more
critical than his Excellency had expected I do not know, but it
had certainly become, from the causes which I have named, more
critical than it was before the arrival of the troops, and to what-
ever extent it had become more critical it was so by reason of
these military movements.
He further told Sir Bartle Frere that he believed that
the former's opinion as to the critical state of affairs in
Natal was ill founded.'
Lord Carnarvon had impressed in the strongest manner
upon Sir Henry Bulwer and also upon Sir Bartle Frere that
he desired no trouble with the Zulus, as the annexation of
the Transvaal would be enough to tax the administrative
powers of those engaged in ruling it, and should not be
* As to the unlooked-for result of a war with Cetywayo Bishop Colenso
writes : * I must honestly say that I think the colonists have been harshly and
unjustly judged in England in respect of this war. Speaking of them generally,
I have no hesitation in saying that they never desired the war in the first
instance. They never urged it on, or even dreamt of it, until Sir Bartle Frere
came up here, and wheedled them into following his lead and supporting him
in his undertaking to relieve them from the " standing menace " of the Zulu
power.* — lAft of Bishop Colenso, vol. ii. p. 632.
« I. P., C— 2740, p. 37.
Again, as to Sir Bartle Frere's action Bishop Colenso writes as follows :
* It was very pleasant to see your handwriting again, and to know that you
remember us in all our troubles, which just now are indeed great, through the
wicked policy of Sir Bartle Frere. ... He came up from Cape Town full of
prejudices ; he swallowed all the rubbish told him by worthless traders and
hysterical missionaries. It was useless for Sir H. Bulwer to point out that the
statements of the Zulu king having built military kraals in the disputed
territory, and having killed a large number of Zulu converts, were totally
untrue. Sir B. Frere reasserts these falsehoods and a number of others just as
unfounded. All these would go down with persons in England ignorant of the
real facts.'— Lt/e of Bisliop Colenso, vol. ii. p. 617.
B ■ 2
420 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
increased by ' the forcible acquisition of a large territory,
such as Zululand, with a numerous and warlike population/ ^
And again on the 3rd of January, 1878, he impressed upon
both Sir Henry Bulwer and Sir Bartle Frere not to resist by
force any assertion of fancied rights by Cet3rwayo.*
Now, however, on various pretexts troops were asked for
and reluctantly sent. We have already seen that a regiment
was despatched, owing to the Transkei affairs, for which the
Galeka wax was made the pretext, though Natal and the
Transvaal were the real objective.' On the 18th of March, 1878,
Sir Bartle Frere asks the Secretary of State for armaments and
ammunition. On the 9th of May the despatch is announced of
5,000 men and 2,000 horses to Natal. This was in answer to
a despatch from Sir Bartle Frere of the 9th of April asking for
more troops to garrison the towns of the Transvaal, to overawe
both whites and natives.* Again on the 10th of September Sir
Bartle Frere asks for more troops.*^ On the 14th of September
he asks for two additional regiments and a cavalry regiment.*
On the 12th of October the Secretary of State says that he
thinks the Zulu question ought to yield to tolerant treatment,
that the Imperial troops should be removed from the Cape to
Natal, and no more troops would be sent from home7
On the 21st of November, 1878, the Secretary of State
reluctantly agrees to send the reinforcements for which Sir
Bartle Frere continued to press, but observes that no
circumstances yet reported to him make war seem inevitable,
ajid it is the desire of her Majesty's Government 'not to
furnish means for a campaign of invasion and conquest.**
The Secretary of State adds that he thinks Cetywayo should
not be kept waiting any longer in learning the result of the
Boundary Award. Yet Sir Bartle Frere continues to press
» I. P., C— 1961 of 1878, p. 60. « J. P., C— 2000, p. 7.
» C— 2740 of 1881, p. 34. « J. P.. C— 2144, p. 9 ; 0-2100, p. 108.
» I. P., C— 2220, p. 232. « J. P., 0— 2220, p. 254.
' J. P., C-2220, p. 273. » I. P., 0—2220 of 1879, p. 320.
OONFEDEBATION AFTER DISMISSAL 421
Cetywayo. The boundary questdon had been decided in his
favour. Sir Bartle Frere, after keeping the decision in a
pigeon-hole for many months, finally tells Cetywayo the
result in an ultimatum which announced a decision by the
Boundary Commission on the one hand and practically took
away with the other hand what had been decided in his
favour, for it confirmed the resident Boers in the possession
which they had taken of the disputed territory. This Sir
Bartle Frere justified under the pretext that these were
private rights.* Added to all this were a series of reforms
which Cetywayo was to carry out in the internal government
of his country by a certain fixed date. We had no right to
insist upon this, and upon the receipt of his proposed condi-
tions the Secretary of State asks for further information,
and tells Sir Bartle Frere that we have no right to compel
the King to make internal reforms.'
Sir Bartle Frere did not for a moment contemplate
that Cet]rsvayo would accept his ultimatum; aU his de-
spatches stated that war was inevitable.^ In face of the
instructions both of Lord Carnarvon and of his successor,
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Sir Bartle Frere issued this
ultimatum/ On the 23rd of January, 1879, the day after the
* In regard to the manner in which Sir Bartle Frere dealt with the award,
Bishop Colenso, writing to General Dornf ord, says : * Sir Bartle Frere, while he
adopted the judgment of the Commissioners, as he could not avoid doing,
emptied it of all its meaning for the Zulus by a secret document — at least one
which he says was prematurely published, though prepared and signed a fort-
night before the award was delivered — in which he reserved their private rights
to all those who had settled under the unjust Boer Government upon the
disputed territory; in other words, giving to Cetywayo the empty name of
sovereignty. But with this award, such as it is {ix. with the interpretation
given to it by Sir Bartle Frere, but not intended by Colonel Dumford and the
other Commissioners), Sir Bartle Frere coupled demands, to be complied with
in a very short time, with which he knew the King could not possibly comply
under the circumstances.' — Life of Bishop ColensOj vol. ii. pp. 474-5.
« I. P., C— 2222, p. 116. » I. P., C— 2222, p. 182.
* The Zulu war was purposely pressed on before any reply could be received
from the Secretary of State. * There was the fear on the one hand that the
Secretary of State might interpose, and on the other that Cetywayo might
manage to pay the cattle fines in time.' — Life of Bishop Oolenso, vol. iL p. 461.
422 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
terrible disaster of Isandhlwana, but of course before the news
arrived, the Secretary of State expresses his disapproval of
the demands on the Zulu king, which he tells Sir Bartle
Frere should have been submitted to him first, and he adds
that the reinforcements which had been sent were not for
the purpose of pressing such demands upon the Zulu king.'
The subsequent terrible disasters in this campaign are well
known. The war was an unrighteous one. As in India the
unfortimate Ameer, in defiance of our treaties, had been
forced to receive an ultimatum,^ so now the unfortunate Zulu
king, entirely against his will, was forced into this unholy
war.'
The ultimatum had been sent on the 11th of December,
yet already on the 14th of December Sir Bartle Frere tells
the Imperial Government that war is inevitable, and that
we must annex Zululand,^ showing that his intentions really
were to force Cetywayo to fight and not to come to any
peaceful accommodation. On the 19th of March, 1879, the
Secretary of State censured him for his action in attacking
the Zulu king without reference to the Home Government.
Notwithstanding this clear evidence of the course on which
Sir Bartle Frere was bent, the Secretary of State added that
her Majesty's Government still reposed confidence in him
» J. P., 0—2222, p. 197. * Life of Lord Lawrence, vol. ii. p. 482.
' Bishop Colenso says : * Events have shown that the King was right in his
snspioions of the good fiuth of the English authorities, and that from the first,
and long before they arrived in the Colony, Sir Bartle Frere and Lord Chelms-
ford did mean to invade his country, though Sir H. Bulwer had no such object
in view' (Life of Biehop Colenso, vol. ii. p. 466). *The Attorney-General of
Natal said that " the appointment of Sir Bartle Frere was the result of sending
home CSommissioners in connection with Confederation ; " that the ultimatum
was the joint production of the High Commissioner and himself ; and that the
latter put forward, as the reason for embarking in the Zulu war, the resolution
" to bring the Zulu nation into such a shape as was compatible with the safety
of Natal and the Transvaal." In other words, as the Bishop remarked, the
Zulu war was waged not for the trumpery causes put in the foreground as oaam
IMi by Sir Bartle Frere, but for the purpose of remodelling the Zulu nation
with a view to Confederation.* — Ibid, p. 460.
* I. P., C— 2222 of 1879, p. 211.
CONPEDEEATION APTEE DISMISSAL 423
and expected that his action would be wiser in the future.^
On the 28th of May, 1879, the Secretary of State announced
that Sir Bartle Frere was to be deprived of his High Com-
missionership of South Eastern Africa, and that Sir Garnet
Wolseley had been appointed the supreme civil and military
authority in South Africa.'
Can the Ethiopian change his skin or the leopard his
spots ? Sir Bartle Frere was still to be permitted to exercise
a Umited dictatorship in South Africa. But her Majesty's
Government hoped that he would be wiser for the future.
There is, perhaps, no more fatal instance of an impUcit re-
liance on a great reputation produced by the arts of * advertise-
ment,' though based on some very sterling qualities as well.
What use did he now make of his return to his duties at the
Cape ? With his departure from the Cape peace had returned.
He was now to use his powers more actively in bringing
fresh disasters on the Cape Colony. He directed his nominee
Ministers to put in force the 'Peace Preservation Act' —
delightful name! — to disarm the natives. The Attorney-
General, Mr. Upington, now declared that the blacks were
the natural enemies of the whites, and the Ministry acted
on this principle under Sir Bartle Frere's tutelage.
Beginning with friends, the Fingoes were first disarmed,
and, to our ineffable disgrace, our allies and friends were fallen
upon by their enemies, and being found defenceless were
unable to defend themselves : their women and children were
killed before their eyes by their armed enemies. The Tembus,
under Dalasile and other chiefs, crossed the boundary of
Fingoland and killed many Fingoes, who had only sticks for
defence.*
The second Transkei war now conmienced. Great forces
were called out and enormous expense was incurred. Not
» I. P.. C— 2260 of 1879, p. 108. « I. P., 0—2318 of 1879, pp. 88-4.
' Unpublished letter to the writer of the Bev. S. P. Sihlali, 1st of September,
1898.
424 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
content with this trouble, it was decided, in spite of the
strongest remonstrance on the part of the leading members of
the Cape Parliament and of her Majesty's Government itself,*
that the disarmament Act should be promulgated in Basuto-
land. The entreaties and warnings of the Besident, Com-
mandant Griffith, with an experience of thirty years to back
his opinions, were disregarded, as were the protests of the
Chief, who urged, and urged in vain, that a policy of gradual
deprivation of arms should be pursued.
Let us look for a moment at the condition of Basuto-
land under colonial rule as carried out by Mr. Molteno. Re-
porting to the Secretary of State on the 9th of May, 1876,
the High Commissioner, Sir Henry Barkly, says of the
Basutos : —
Probably no administration of native afEiedrs in any part of the
world has been attended with greater comparative success, and
there can be few more gratifying spectacles than that of a tribe
numbering some 150,000 souls, who a few years ago were the
terror of their neighbours, living peacefully, contentedly, and
prosperously, under the rule of half a dozen magistrates of
European extraction unsupported for some time past by a single
white policeman.^
The policy and personality of the men who had achieved
this success are shown by the following paragraph from
Colonel Griffith's despatch, who was then the head of the
Basuto administration as Governor's Agent : —
Hitherto I have felt myself morally responsible for the peace
and welfare of this territory, and have thrown my whole soul into
my work — not alone, because I was trusted by the Government
which has always shown that it reposed great confidence in me,
but also because my heart has been thoroughly in the work, for
the sake of the people, towards whom I have conceived a real
attachment. I have also (ably supported by my subordinate
officers) made it a point to impress upon the people the justice of
the Government in all things, and led them to believe that it
• J. P., C-2569, p. 49. * J. P., C— 1748, p. 83.
CONPEDEKATION AFTEK DISMISSAL 426
would never perpetrate or tolerate any act of injustice to people
under its rule.^
This was the people and this their condition whom Sir
Bartle Frere determined with his nominee Premier to upset
and to break faith with; for Colonel Griffith had assured
the Basutos in 1876 that there was no intention to disarm
them.'
Is not this another instance of the disastrous results of
the man who ' took his ignorance 'for superior knowledge * ?
Before the disarmament was carried out a meeting was
held between Sir Gordon Sprigg and the Basutos, and the
proceedings are worthy of perusal. Sir Gordon Sprigg com-
pared arms in the hands of the natives to the possession
of a knife by a child. To this the Chief, George Moshesh,
replied : —
If we are British subjects does the Queen possess us as men or
as cattle ? The Colonial Secretary too has made this comparison
about the child and the knife ; that is a very good word. A child
as long as he is smaU, cries for the knife, because he does not
know that it will cut him, but when the father takes it out of his
hand he takes it in a very gentle manner, for fear of cutting him ;
and I have confidence that the Government will not roughly
draw the knife away, or draw another knife from the sheath at his
side and stab the child for clinging to the knife. Would that be
the act of a father ? '
While in regard to Mr. Upington's statement that the blacks
were the natural enemies of the whites Tsekelo Moshesh
remarked : —
Perhaps it is true, as Mr. Upington said in Parliament, we
were the natural enemies of the white men, because we were
black. Is that language that should be used by a gentleman and
a high officer of the Government ? Is it not to demoralise the
hearts of the people to use such language as that ?^
On the 6th of April, 1880, Sir Bartle Frere's proclamation
was issued, disarming the Basutos as from the 21st of May,
» J. P., 0—1748, p. 36. « J. p., 0—1748, p. 36.
» I. P., C— 2482, 1880, p. 604. * Ibid, p. 499.
426 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
1880.' The Cape failed to disarm the Basutos, but the opera-
tions cost between 4,000,0002. and 5,000,0002., yet Sir Bartle
Frere, not content with all these wars, was desirous of
sending an ultimatum to the Pondos. For this purpose he
requested Sir Garnet Wolseley to lend him two regiments.
This the latter refused, of which Sir Bartle Frere bitterly
complained,^ and Sir Garnet Wolseley had already himself
drawn attention to the disastrous consequences likely to
ensue from the attempt to put Sir Bartle Frere's disarma-
ment Act in force in South Africa.
I believe that any general attempt to disarm them [the
natives] would be a most dangerous experiment . . . and would
end in failure. . . It would, in my opinion, be as unwise to reward
this loyalty [of Basutos during the Zulu war] on their part by now
calling upon them to deliver up their firearms as die demand
would be futile. ... In order to do so we should expose ourselves
to the risk of a very serious war, and whether the war broke oat
or not we should most certainly by such action on our part convert
mto enemies a large section of the finest race in South Africa
which is now loyal and contented.
And generally he said : —
I am sure it is at least fraught with danger to the peace of our
colonies; . . . this disarmament policy will urge against us the
native sentiment in every part of South Africa.'
BSs opinion coincided with the views of all responsible
statesmen on the spot that it was madness to make the
attempt of disarming the Basutos.
What had become of Confederation, the great purpose
for which Sir Bartle Frere was retained in South Afirica
not only by Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, but subsequently by
Lord Kimberley ? His nominee IVIinistry of course agreed
with the Governor on this subject, though the Premier had
been a few years previously the strongest opponent of Con-
» J. P., 0-2569, p. 48. « I. p., C— 2740 of 1881. p. 4.
• I. P., 0—2569 of 1880. p. 36.
CONPEDEBATION AFTER DISMISSAL 427
federation.^ An attempt had been made in the first session
of Parliament after their accession to office to obtain the
consent of the Assembly to a conference with the other
colonies and states of South Africa. This had been moved
in the Cape Parliament by Mr. Paterson. The sense of the
House, however, was unpropitious ; a war on our frontier
had just been concluded, with all the dislocations it had
produced, and all the arrangements and changes arising
therefrom still to be consolidated and carried out. Another
war was apparently impending on the borders of Natal and
the Transvaal between the British Government and one of
the most powerful chiefs in South Africa. The people of the
Transvaal, but just added to the Empire, were dissatisfied
and disaffected, and unsupplied with any Gk)vemment in
which they had confidence, or which seemed to answer the
purposes of a Government. No wonder that the House
agreed that the question ought not to be then put.^
In the prorogation speech the question had been placed
before the citizens as one on which they were asked to give
no uncertain sound and as the most important subject which
has ever been submitted to their judgment. In the ensuing
session of ParUament, though urged by Sir Bartle Frere to
bring forward the subject, yet his nominee Ministry had still
to consider the constitutional mode of procedure — ^the Cape
Parliament had to be reckoned with. His Premier advised
Sir Bartle Frere that he saw no chance of its being dealt
with by the Parliament. The state of South Africa after the
Zulu war was such that it was utterly impossible to bring
forward such a question with the slightest hope of success.
The support which Lord Camairon had derived from his
supposed desire to conciliate the Dutch had turned to bitter
resentment owing to the annexation of the Transvaal and
the policy of force which had now become apparent.
* See iwpra, vol. i. chapter xiii.
* Election address of Mr. Solomon, Arq%M^ 7th of January, 1879.
428 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Mr. Froude*s and Lord Carnarvon's statements in this
respect were recalled, and were contrasted with the action
which subsequently followed. Confederation brooded like a
frightful nightmare upon South Africa.* Sir Bartle Frere
was withholding the Imperial assent to the annexation of
Griqualand West. As it was desired that it should take part
in the Conference, where, with its delegates under the Im-
perial Government, and the delegates of Natal and the
Transvaal similarly controlled, there would be a majority to
lay down terms in spite of whatever the Cape delegates
might desire to do. Eepresentative institutions had been
promised to the Transvaal in the annexation proclamation,
and the promise was repeated time after time, but it was
not observed, because it was feared that were they granted
before Confederation had taken place there would not be
the same opportunity of carrying out the union on which
all was now staked.
The difficulties which the representative bodies might
raise were seen to be serious, as in the case of the Gape
and its resistance to Confederation under Mr. Molteno.^ It
is possible that had the Transvaal been met in respect of
a representative assembly at fibrst, with wise and prudent
management, the country might have acquiesced in the
annexation, but after a year's experience of the disastrous
want of government and the absence of any fulfilment of
the promises which had been made on annexation, even
the loyalists complained that the condition of the Transvaal
was now worse than it had been under Boer rule. They
pointed out that the taxation which would be necessary
> The oonstitution of Natal was awaiting Confederation. See despatch
of Lord Kimberley to Sir Bartle Frere, 20th of May, 1880, p. 12 of J. P^
0—2686.
' See despatch of Sir M. Hioks-Beaoh, 20th of November, 1879, p. 878 of
J. P., G— 2482 of 1880 ; also Lord Kimberley to Sir Bartle Frere, 20th of May,
1880, p. 12 of G— 2586 of 1880. The constitution proposed by Sir Bartle
Frere had been adopted by the Secretary of State as * the only admissible
form pending the discussion of Confederation,' p. 379 of C — 2482.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 429
under the system then pursued would be such as the
country would find it impossible to bear. They complained
that public meetings were held in front of loaded cannon —
that the freedom of the press was curtailed.* Sir Bartle
Frere himself approved of the Volksraad not being sum-
moned. In writing to the Secretary of State on the 25th
of June, 1877, he says that the suggestion to entrust the
management of affairs to the Transvaal Volksraad is * wild
and unpractical,' * * Shepstone is quite wise not to summon
the Volksraad.* '
Sir Bartle Frere selected Sir Owen Lanyon as the
successor of Sir T. Shepstone. In writing on the 29th of April,
1878, he asks to be allowed to retain him in South Africa,
his chief reason being 'the unsettled state of the neigh-
bouring province of the Transvaal.'* Finally, he was
appointed to the administratorship of the Transvaal on the
4th of March. It is a matter of history how unsuitable was
this appointment, and how much it contributed to the out-
break, yet Sir Bartle Frere fully approved of Sir Owen
Lanyon's proceedings in regard to the collection of taxes.^
Thus was Confederation keeping the whole of South Africa
in a state of unrest and disquiet. And this was not only so
with the European portion, for the minds of the natives had
been equally unsettled by it.^
> J. P., G— 2144, p. 143 ; enclosed in despatoh of Sir Bartle Frere, 26ih of
June, 1878.
« J. P., C— 1883, p. 27.
* Life of Sir Bartle Frere, voL ii. p. 184.
* L P., C— 2144, p. 61, despatch, 29th of April, 1878.
* * The collection of revenue has been even more lax than the administration
of justice, and I wiU answer for Lanyon providing more than Sargeatmt
estinuUedfor the receipts into the Treasury.*— Life of Sir Bartle Frere, voL ii.
p. 308.
* See Griffith's Report, I. P., 0—1748, pp. 33, 34, 148. Sir Henry Barkly
reported to Lord Carnarvon ' that Nehemiah Moshesh was, as your lordship
is aware, the originator of an attempt to raise an agitation among the chiefs
in the Transkei, on the plea that a confederation among the whites for the
control of native affairs ought to be met by the blacks continuing to protect
themselves.'— I. P., C— 1748, p. 148.
430 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Confederation was farther responsible for the retention
of Sir Bartle Frere in South Africa, thus giving him an
opportunity of intriguing in favour of his Ministry with the
whole power and prestige of an Imperial Governor and
High Conmiissioner, and the lavish hospitaUty of Govern-
ment House. He now directed his Ministers to continue the
disarmament of the natives. Her Majesty's Government
being constantly led to believe by Sir Bartle Frere that
there were no serious difficulties in the way of the Cape
accepting Confederation, addressed a despatch to him.
Upon receiving intelligence that such a despatch was on its
way, he desired his Ministers to mention the subject in the
session of Parliament of 1879. They, however, perceived
that there would not be the slightest chance of its being
received with any approval by the Cape Parliament, and
they advised Sir Bartle Frere that it would be better to
make no mention of Confederation whatever until the
despatch had arrived.^
The despatch from Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, dated the
12th of June, 1879, was now received. It urged upon the Cape
Governor at the earUest possible moment to consider with
his Ministers whether * general proposals for the establish-
ment of a South African Union or Confederation may not
be submitted to the Cape Parliament soon after it has
assembled.' Her Majesty's Government did not intend
that South Africa should continue to rely upon the Imperial
troops for defence, and it stated that her Majesty's forces
would only be stationed permanently as a garrison at
or near Cape Town, for the defence of a naval station of
great importance to the interests of the whole Empire.
To relieve the Cape of the great responsibilities insepar-
able from the chief position in the proposed Union, Sir
Michael Hicks-Beach proposed that the defensive force
of the Union should be paid for by contributions in equal
> I. P.. C-2374 of 1879, p. 142.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 431
parts from the Union and the Imperial Government. But
the force raised by the Union was not to be borne on
the Imperial army estimates.^
No steps were taken in this session of Parliament of
1879.^ In the recess a Minute ' of Ministers in reply to this
despatch of the Secretary of State was sent home by Sir
Bartle Frere, approving in principle the question of Con-
federation. Acting upon this, proposals for a Conference were
mentioned in the opening speech in the ensuing session of
Parliament, and thereupon the Colonial Secretary moved
three resolutions, which ran as follows : —
(1) That in the opinion of this House it is expedient that a
Conference of representatives be assembled to consider the exist-
ing relations of the British Colonies in South Africa to each other,
and to the native territories adjoining, and to ascertain the practi-
cability or otherwise of a legislative and administrative union of
such Colonies.
(2) That such Conference consist of sixteen members, viz:
His Excellency the Governor and High Commissioner of the Cape
Colony as President ; six members representing the Cape Colony ;
three members representing Griqualand West; three members
representing Natal ; three members representing the Transvaal.
(3) That the conclusions arrived at by such Conference be
embodied in a report to be hereafter submitted to the legislatures
of the Colonies respectively concerned, and have no binding effect
whatever on any Colony until the provisions of the report shall
have been confirmed by substantive resolutions passed by the
legislature of that Colony, and approved by her Majesty's Govern-
ment.*
Sir Bartle Frere in his despatch announcing these
resolutions to the Imperial Government, prepared the latter
» I. P., C— 2464, 1879, p. 60.
^ Sir Bartle Frere's explanations wiU be found at p. 291 of J. P., 0—2482 of
1880, and his aoooont of the state of the question was condemned by Mr.
Solomon in the ensuing session as utterly incorrect. He stated that Sir G.
Wolseley's appointment and the settlement of Zululand had prevented the
Ministers bringing the question before the Parliament.
' The Minute of Ministers above referred to will be found at J. P., C— 2666,
p. 102.
* I. P., C— 2666 of 1880, p. 3.
432 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
for the fate which they were Ukely to meet by stating that
adverse influences of various kinds had conspired to lessen
the chance of such resolutions being carried by a con-
siderable majority.'
These resolutions were only proposed to save Sir Bartle
Frere's position in the eyes of the Home Government.
There was not the shghtest chance of their being carried.
Looking at them in detail, the second provides for the
representation of the Colonies in that Conference, in which
the Province of Griqualand West, for whose union with the
Cape an act had been passed in 1878, was now brought
forward as a separate province with a representation equal
to half the representation of the Cape, while to Natal and
the Transvaal were also assigned a representation equal to
half the representation of the Cape !
With the exception of the Cape Colony, all these states
were in the hands of the Imperial Government. Their
delegates would be appointed by the Imperial Government.
The Cape delegates would be the only delegates chosen by
any of the communities to be confederated, they would be
outvoted by nine Imperial delegates, while the High Com-
missioner himself was also an Imperial delegate. It is re-
markable that a Premier of the Cape Colony should have
been found who was ready to sacrifice the interests of his
country in proposing such a Conference. This was one of
the results of the system of nominee premiers introduced by
Sir Bartle Frere.
The Cape in 1875 had absolutely and entirely refused
to confederate, notwithstanding all that Lord Carnarvon's
emissary, Mr. Froude, could do. South Africa was then
at peace. What was its condition now? The frightful
disasters of the Zulu war had shown what were the
responsibilities of the defence of the Union ; the annexation
of the Transvaal had led to a bitter feeling of distrust in the
' J. P., C— 2656 of 1880, p. 3.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 433
rectitude and honesty of the Imperial intentions.* The
natives of South Africa were in a state of ferment. Those
who fought with us and for us were branded as disloyal,
and were deprived of what they considered a badge of
freedom and manhood, a weapon of defence and a very
necessary one, as the sequel showed. Violent feelings and
antagonisms had been roused, and all the difficulties and all
the dangers which had been predicted by Mr. Molteno and
Sir Henry Barkly were being fully and amply realised.
The support of the Dutch had been withdrawn owing to
the change of poUcy evinced in the annexation of the Trans-
vaal ; Sir Bartle Frere and Sir Gordon Sprigg attempted
to regain it by a policy of * hammering the native,' which
policy on Sir Bartle Frere's side was no doubt one in which
he genuinely believed. Upon the opening of the debate it
was at once perceived that there was not the slightest'
chance of the motion being carried. The leading members
who had supported Sir Bartle Frere against Mr. Molteno in
1878 had been woefully undeceived. Mr. Vintcent, who was
conspicuous in support of Sir Bartle Frere*s action then,
now pointed out that
Sir Bartle Frere came out in 1877, and Sir Stafford Northcote
said he came out for the purpose of the confederation, and that he
had special powers entmsted to him. He thought it was placing
his Excellency in a very imfortunate position to send him out to a
colony having responsible government to carry out a special pur-
pose armed with special powers. And it was unfortunate also
> In regard to the annexation of the Transvaal Bishop Golenso writes, and
in this Sir Henry Bolwer, as to its e£feot on Znln relations, agrees with him :
' Do not forget that all this distorbanoe in onr relations with Zoluland, as well
as with Sikukoni, is the direct consequence of that onfortnnate annexation of
the Transvaal, which woold have fallen into our hands like a ripe fruit if we
had not taken possession of the country like a party of filibusters, partly by
trickery, partly by bullying.* — lAJt of Bishop ColenaOy vol. ii. p. 469. Mr.
Froude in his lectures says : ' As long as the Transvaal was independent we
took the side of the natives against the President ; as soon as the Transvaal
was ours we changed our views, we went to war with Cetywayo, and we have
been fighting with Seoocoeni.'
VOL. II. P P
434 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB 3. C. MOLTENO
that he should be sent to a colony where the principle of respon-
sible government had been so recently introdaced, and to enforce
a policy which was not the policy of the Ministry which had the
confidence of the House,
He showed how there was a new Ministry in 1878, and that
the 'Confederation ticket — which had become rather rusted —
was brought out again.' He showed how it fell flat upon the
country. He considered that Confederation was thoroughly
undesirable and impossible, and concluded by drawing atten-
tion to the fact that * very recently the Colony had extended
its territories and its responsibilities, and it required time
for development and consolidation before entering upon
additional responsibility. By the extension of roads and
railways, and the consequent increase of inter-communi-
cation, a feeling in favour of union would grow up steadily,
if slowly, but the union ultimately brought about would
be a voluntary and lasting union, based upon the wishes
of the people generally.'^ Mr. Solomon in like manner,
who had supported Sir Bartle Frere as the great philan-
thropist in 1878, now confessed that
after our experience of the government of Sir Bartle Frere, the
hopes that some of us may have entertained that the influence of
the Queen's representative (little comparatively as that may be in
a responsible government) would be exerted on the side of justice
to the natives, have been rudely dispelled. I cannot but think
that much that has happened in Sir Bartle Frere's management of
aSiedrs has arisen out of his coming here weighted with instruc-
tions, or the instruction, to carry Confederation ; and, with that in
view, he has pursued the course which he thought would lead to
the conciliation of those with whom the issue rested, in utter dis-
regard of those that might be considered more particularly to look
to him for protection and justice.^
He had confessed in 1877 that Mr. Molteno in his native
policy had realised every hope and aspiration for the just
treatment and true welfare of the native which he (Mr.
' I. P., C— 2666, 1880, p. 34. » Ibid, p. 88.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 435
Solomon) had ever entertained, yet he had thrown him over
for Sir Bartle Frere, taking the latter on trust as a great
philanthropist. He was now woefully disappointed. He
showed how, in the papers presented to Parliament, Colonel
Griffith, the administrator of Basutoland, was protesting
against the disarmament policy, pointing out that it was * due
to his unsullied reputation, won by thirty years' service,
that he should sound a warning note.* He drew attention
to the incorrect and improper character of the Governor's
Minute explaining the reasons why Mr. Sprigg had not
brought forward the question of Confederation in the pre-
ceding session.
Mr. J. H. Hofmeyr, who had now become a member of
the House, and had immediately taken a position to which
his ability and knowledge entitled him, explained that he
had been a supporter of Lord Carnarvon's original policy, as
enunciated by Mr. Froude, when he spoke of conciliating the
Dutch colonists, and denounced the injustice done to the
Free State. He showed that the Dutch
did not oppose British rule or British institutions. They objected
to what had been done in this country in the British name. They
drew a distinction between the British people and British officials.
. . . They knew that Lord Carnarvon had the ultimate relief of
the British Empire in view, but he (Mr. Hofmeyr) believed that a
proper consideration for British interests was not incompatible,
nay, was perfectly compatible with, a regard for the interests and
rights of South Africa.
He then believed that, by a generous and just policy, Lord
Carnarvon could have moulded the whole of the public feeling of
South Africa into one of patriotism and loyalty to the British
Crown. Had that been done, a Confederation would have had
great cohesive strength. But the 'generous policy' soon gave
way to one very different. War broke out in the Transvaal, and
Lord Carnarvon's great principles were scattered to the winds.
Seoocoeni became an independent native sovereign, not a subject
of the Transvaal ; and to employ Swazies was a high crime and
misdemeanour against civilisation. A boundary dispute broke out
between the Transvaal and the Zulu king, and Sir Theophilus
Shepstone discovered that the Zulu king was very much in the
436 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
right. Then it was foiind that the Transvaal was too
' inherently weak ' to exist by itself, so it was swallowed up by
England. And as soon as that was done, it was suddenly
ascertained that Secoooeni was a subject of the Transvaal ; that
to employ Swazies in warlike operations was not an evidence
of high barbarism ; and, finally, that the Zulu king had really
little to do with the country he claimed. All this shook the faith
they had entertained, and all the cohesive force was gone. Those
very places where Mr. Froude was received with such enthusiasm
were among the first to condenm Confederation. He need only
mention Stellenbosch, the Paarl, Worcester, and now he found
that at a Boer association, formed in the Fort Beaufort division, a
resolution against Confederation was unanimously passed.^
He showed how the Transvaal had no representativse
institutions. He asked whether they were going to dragoon
the Transvaal into Confederation. The first resolution
which a free legislature would pass would be, * We request
his Excellency Colonel Lanyon to retire from the Trans-
vaal.' He showed how Natal was likewise in the condition
of having no free legislature. Crown nominees being in
the majority in that Parliament. While as to the Act
under which they were asked to confederate, the Soutii
Africa Act, he said that
under the name of permitting the Imperial Government to look
after its interests in South Africa, it allowed constant interference
in their affairs, and they would soon lose their colonial indepen-
dence. It was highly inopportune under present circumstaneas
to bring forward this measure for the Confederation of South
Africa.*
The Colonial Secretary had taken good care at an early
stage in the debate to announce that he would not regard
the question as a party one, as his Ministry would certainly
have been defeated upon it. He now accepted the previous
question, which was agreed to without a division. He was
then whitewashed by a vote of confidence, as it would have
been only expected, had responsible government really been
' J. P., C-2655, 1880, p. 81. « Ibid.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 437
in operation, that he would have resigned upon his policy
being vetoed in this way.
Sir Bartle Frere, as usual, gave his version of the defeat
of these resolutions, which misrepresented the real state
of affairs, and showed a want of appreciation of the whole
position. He attributed it in large measure to the action
of two delegates from the Transvaal. To those who have
read these pages thus far it will be clear that this is no
explanation at all, the cause lay far deeper, and had arisen
long before, from the fiist refusal of the people of the Cape
to enter into a conference.
This finally disposed of the Confederation question in
South Africa. It was dead long before. It was now
decently buried. Immediately the Imperial Government
heard of this result, Sir Bartle Frere, who had been permitted
to remain in South Africa for the purpose of Confederation
and for that alone,^ was immediately recalled. This recall
took place on the 1st of August, 1880.
It is interesting to observe what Lord Blachford had
written to Sir Henry Taylor, in regard to the proposed recall
of Sir Bartle Frere on the 30th of March, 1879, and before
the Disarmament Act had been put in force in Basutoland : —
My notion about the recall is this. I agree with you that if
Frere's presence in South Africa was good for the public, it might
not be wise to sacrifice the Colony to departmental discipline.
But I think he is a mischief, and that his recall is in itself a
good. Nothing I conceive — or rather infer — will make him
carry into effect with reasonable loyalty a policy that is not his
own. And he has the power, so long as he is there, of forcing
the hand of Government to any extent. If he does not choose
to make peace it will not be made. If he chooses to go on
massacring those unlucky savages on the plea that if we do not
Mil them they will kill us, the Government which upholds him
must send as many troops as he asks for. And if another disaster
should occur, and if the Cape natives whom we are trying to
■ Page 85 of J. P., O— 2740 of 1881, despatoh of Earl of Kimberley, 14th of
Oetober, 1880.
438 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
disaxm should rise behind us, and the Boers declare themselves
independent in front of us, we shall have a pretty job on our hands.
The announcement of an intention to disarm even friendly
natives I have heard long ago spoken of by South Africans as
wildly imprudent.^
Mr. Molteno had always drawn attention to the impor-
tant effects of a true representation of South Airica in
its Parliament. The Government of South Airica had
now got out of touch vnth the people. Sir Bartle Frere's
nominees were in power in the Cape Colony. Sir Owen
Lanyon was dragooning the Transvaal. Sir George Colley,
a military man, was ruling Natal under a constitution in
which Government nominees were in the majority. What
was the result ? Nothing more and nothing less than this
— the country population finding themselves unrepresented,
their wants not understood, their vdshes disregarded, ignored
the Legislatures and Government. In 1880 was founded the
Airikander Bond ; great meetings were held and congresses,
and an elaborate organisation established, as it were an
Imperium in imperio arising out of this great fact, that
representation was no longer a real representation in South
Airica.*
Before leaving finally the subject of Sir Bartle Frere's
action, we may draw attention to the character of the
* Letters of Lord Blackford, p. 396.
' One of the resolutions of the Boer meeting of the 10th of December, 1878,
demanding their independence, ran as follows : ' The time of memorials to the
English Government has passed. It is impossible to be saved by that waj.
The officials of her Majesty the Queen have, by their untrue and false repre-
sentations, shut the doors to her Majesty and the Parliament. They are
responsible for that. The people have done what they could again and again
to go to the Queen of England, for they believed that, as surely as the sun
shines, if the Queen of England and the people of England knew that a free
people were oppressed here, they would not allow it. England has been eveiy-
where a protector of liberty, and would protect our liberty if she knew that it
was oppressed ; but the officials of her Majesty in South Africa, who continue
defending the necessity of the annexation, hide truth, and smother oar voice.
We can therefore speak no more to England. Nobody is there who replies to
us.*— ii Narrative of the Boer War, Carter, p. 81.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 439
despatches by which he misled the Imperial Govermnent.
He continually announced that the dissatisfaction of
the Transvaal was confined to a few malcontents who were
coercing the rest of the country. From want of knowledge
of the country, its circumstances and its people, he failed
utterly and entirely to appreciate the deep-seated feeling
of independence, which was the very life-blood of these
people.
We may recall here the description which Mr. Molteno
gave, in his first session of the Cape Parhament, of
the character of the Dutch : they were long-suffering, they
endured evils up to the last moment, but finally they would
take the law into their own hands. And again, when he
warned Sir Philip Wodehouse that if taxes and contributions
were to be wnmg from the people of South Africa by officials
who were out of sympathy with them, and who did not
understand them, they would not endure it, and only
overwhelming force could compel them. Had the advice of
men who thus knew the country been followed, the terrible
mistakes of the Imperial Government would have been
avoided. When we look at the history of South Africa, we
are compelled to admit that it is in spite of the Imperial
Government that it still remains under British influence —
it has been retained for the Empire by the energy, the activity
and enterprise of the individual Englishman.
The results of Sir Bartle Frere's policy and that of his
nominee. Sir Owen Lanyon, were soon to startle the world.
The Boers had bitterly resented the reports which Sir
Bartle Frere had sent home regarding them. In speaking
of these reports they say : —
Such self-deception is remarkable. Of all British officials
who have honoured the Transvaal with a visit, there is certainly
not one who has created a deeper impression of distrust than this
writer ; and there is no English statesman who has increased the
aversion of our countrymen against British rule to such a degree
as Sir Bartle Frere has done. Indeed, we are firmly convinced
440 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
that the difficulties in South Africa would not exist if we had been
left to ourselves. Men like Sir Bartle Frere are the causes of all
the trouble and sorrow.^
Sir Bartle Frere may have hsid some excuse for misre-
presenting the feelings both in the Cape Colony and the
Transvaal in regard to the annexation of the Transvaal
when he first arrived in South Africa. It was inexcusable
that he should continue to do so, looking to the over-
whelming evidence of the disapproval of that armexation
which now came before him. In addition to the various
petitions, to some of which we have already alluded, pray-
ing for the reversal of that annexation, a most important
and representative deputation of members of Parliament
and others in the neighbourhood of Cape Town waited
upon him early in November, 1879. It included names
connected wdth such diverse parties as those of Mr. Saul
Solomon, Mr. Stigant, Mr. Merriman, Mr. Hofmeyr, and
Mr. Van der Byl, all members of the Legislature, together
with many other leading members.
This deputation urged upon him that the state of affairs in
the Transvaal had become intolerable. They pointed out that
although many of them had approved of the annexation when
it had taken place upon the information then available, they
had now come to the conclusion that the people of the Trans-
vaal had been misrepresented from the very beginning. Mr.
Solomon in particular admitted that he had been in error in
this respect, while they further pointed out that the proniises
made at the time of the annexation had not been carried
out. They urged the following resolution : —
That for the peace and good government of South Africa
generally, it is desirable that the Government of the Transvaal
* Letter of Messrs. Ernger and Joabert to Mr. Coartney, to be found in J. P.,
G — 2665, p. 99. A very able and impartial writer says : * Sir Owen Lanyon,
Sir Bartle Frere, Sir Garnet Wolseley, never were popular, and never ooold gain
popularity amongst this people. Had Downing Street known anything about
Boer character, neither of the three gentlemen last named would ever haya
crossed the border.*— -4 Ncvrrative of the Boer War, Carter, p. 48.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 441
should be settled upon some basis that would ensure permanent
tranquillity to that country, and with the view of ascertaining
the real state of the feelings of the inhabitants, a convention should
be sununoned to discuss the question of the present and future
position of the Constitution, and that in the event of the majority
being against the retention of British rule, the independence of the
country should be restored under such guarantees as will ensure its
future good government, and the maintenance of peaceful relations
with its neighbours.^
Sir Bartle Frere, in reporting this to the Home
Government, said that * the proposal contained in the
resolution did not, to my apprehension, seem sufficiently
definite to furnish a basis for discussion of any practical
value/ * But other evidences were not wanting in addition to
the constant reiteration of the desire on the part of the Trans-
vaal people themselves for the cancellation of the annexation.
In the Conference debate in the Cape Parliament which took
place in the ensuing session of 1880, his own Premier had
publicly declared that he did not ' approve of the manner
in which the annexation of the Transvaal was effected.* '
If we look at the views of public men in Natal, which it
may be said were less likely to be biassed by Dutch feeling,
we may quote what Mr. (now Sir John) Akerman, an Eng-
lishman with a thirty-five years' experience of the country
and a residence of several years among the Dutch, said at
this time in the Natal Council, in answer to Lord Carnar-
von's scheme of * an extended South Africa and a confede-
rated South Africa ' : —
But in pursuance of the motto quoted, the annexation of the
Transvaal and the subjugation of Zululand must be performed to
accomplish extension and confederation. After this, we know
what took place step by step. First, the taking of the Transvaal,
for which some pretext must be given. Its finances were
deranged, but it was not stated how many families suffered in
England from penury caused by default in Turkish Bonds, yet
Turkey was not annexed. The Transvaal practised slavery, but
' J. P., 0-^482, 1880, p. 446. * Ibid. p. 444.
» I. P., C— 2666, 1880, p. 27.
442 LIFE AND TIMES OF 8IE J. C. MOLTENO
no one told how the reception by royalty of its President had
condoned this. The Transvaal was in danger of Zulu savages,
and the savages if successful would endanger British possessions.
But did the thought never occur that the Free State adjacent
numbers its sixty thousand of people of the same families as the
Transvaal, who would never have stood by and seen their
relations massacred? Judging from the deeds of the heroic
Piet Uys, one could assert that 8,000 mounted Boers would have
swept the Zulu country. What a marvellous change is wrought
in the meaning of words with an altered prefix ! The wretched
mendicant who, driven by hunger, seizes his neighbour's loaf, is
placed in the dock, and we say he is guilty of peculation. A
bandit who, after entering a castle, removes his disguise and ejects
its inmates, commits, we say, spoliation. But if we take the whole
country from its inhabitants who have moistened its soil with their
blood in conquering and settling it, we pacify our consciences by
declaring it to be annexation. Mr. Trollope, whom we regard as
the Government apologist, declares the taking of the Transvaal
to be the highest-handed act recorded in history. In judicial
procedure no man may take advantage of his own wrong, but in
politics everything seems permitted.^
We have already given expression to Mr. Molteno's
views on this subject, views which he had expressed when
he informed Lord Carnarvon in 1876 that he would have
nothing whatever to do vnth what appeared to be his pro-
posed policy in the Transvaal. From these views he had
never wavered. Looking to this consensus of testimony on
the part of those best qualified to know and to represent the
feelings and vnshes of South Africa, it is remarkable that Sir
Bartle Frere continued to cherish the forlorn hope of effecting
Confederation. His was the fate of the gambler who had
* Even Bishop Golenso, who would naturally be inclined to take the side of
the natives as against the Boers, writes : ' About matters in the Transvaal. My
conviction is very strong that the Boers have been most shamefully treated . . .
that they have acted admirably, restrained by wise leaders, and (again like
Getywayo) have done their utmost to avoid collision and bloodshed, although
any Englishman could have told them that all their forbearance, and their
appeals to English justice and equity, would be thrown away with the men now
in power. As to their treatment of the natives, have the Boers done anything
so horrible as killing hundreds of women and children by dynamite (or gun-
cotton) in the caves at Intombe, and (I /ear, but cannot assert) at Sikukoni's? '
— Life of Bishop Colenso^ vol. ii. p. 633.
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 443
played for high stakes and who was losing : he clung persis-
tently to the last shred of hope in the cast of another
die. The rejection of the Conference resolutions in the Cape
Parliament annihilated that hope, but this hope led Sir Bartle
Frere once again to force the hands of his superiors.
Lord Beaconsfield's Government had been driven from
power by the fatal effects of its policy in India as in South
Africa. The verdict of the General Election was an over-
whelming one in condemnation of the policy pursued in both
continents. The new Ministry took office officially on the 28th
of April, 1880. It was, however, known a day or two before
that Lord Kimberley would receive the seals of the Colonial
Office. Sir Bartle Frere on the 27th of April, Siddressed
a telegram to him, in which he represented that the
Cape Parliament would meet on the 7th of May, and
that his 'Ministers were desirous before preparing the
opening speech to know whether her Majesty's Government
contemplated any alteration in the instructions he had
received with regard to the retention of the Transvaal and
the constitution promised to Natal and the Transvaal,
as bearing on the proposed Conference respecting con-
federation.'
The Cabinet only came into office upon the day fol-
lowing. Lord Kimberley replied that the matters to which
he referred were so important that they required full
and careful consideration, and that he would communicate
the views of her Majesty's Government with * as little delay
as the circumstances would admit.' Sir Bartle Frere was
not to be put off. He saw his opportunity in the ignorance
of the state of affairs on the part of the new Cabinet and the
confusion attaching to the first days of office. He telegraphed
again on the 3rd of May that the report of an intention to give
up the Transvaal had caused great uneasiness, and urging,
' that the result of abandonment would be fatal to Confedera-
tion, and would possibly entail a civil war in the Transvaal.*
444 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
This he represented ' might be prevented by an early assnr-
ance that the annexation was irrevocable.' On the 6th he
telegraphed again that 'an early announcement of policy
respecting the Transvaal would prevent the mischief arising
from agitation.'
Thus was the hand of the Liberal Government forced
by Sir Bartle Frere. On the 12th Lord Kimberley in-
structed him to continue to use his best efforts to secure
Confederation, * that the sovereignty of the Queen over the
Transvaal could not be relinquished,' but that he hoped
that the speedy accomphshment of Confederation would
enable free institutions to be given to that Colony with
promptitude, and also, as already proposed, to Natal.' *
Well might Mr. Gladstone declare, with all that fiery
indignation and righteous wrath which were peculiarly his
own, that he was deceived by all who professed to know the
feelings of the people of the Transvaal, that high and low,
whether ofiEicial by position or officious strangers, all com*
bined to give a false picture of the actual state of feeling,
and that had he known what that feeling was — as it was
subsequently proved to be — he would inmiediately on the
resumption of office in 1880 have handed back the Trans-
vaal to the government of its own people. Sir Garnet
Wolseley's despatch referred to below had been addressed
to his predecessors in office, and he was in all probability
unaware of its contents.
To show how the poison of the suggestion of civil war
should the Transvaal independence be given back worked,
we may observe that in the debates in Parliament this was
put forward as the main reason why the annexation should
not be reversed. The Under-Secretary for the Colonies,
Mr. Grant Duff, said : —
In the Transvaal itself, the anti-British party was getting
weaker, and the pro-British party stronger. If England were to
* Despatch of 20th of May, 1880, J. P., C— 2586, p. 12.
CONFEDEBATION AFTER DISMISSAL 446
retire from the Transvaal what would happen ? Would the men
of English race all leave the country? No, indeed. The first
thing that would happen would be a civil war between the pro-
British and the anti-British party.
While on the 24th of May Lord Kimberley said : —
The effect of our now reversing our policy would be to leave
the province in a state of anarchy, and possibly to cause an
internecine war. For such a risk I could not make myself
responsible.*
Yet the representative of the Imperial Government — the
High Commissioner for South-eastern Africa— -had warned
the Government that the majority of the Dutch were
disaffected, but Sir Bartle Frere had once more interfered
with what was not really his province. Just as Lord
Salisbury had taken his view of the Afghan question rather
than those of the then Governor-General and of a previous
one, Lord Lawrence, so now the Liberal Government, misled
by the reputation of Sir Bartle Frere, neglected Sir Garnet
Wolseley's warning conveyed in his despatch of the 29th
of October.
I am compelled to recognise the continuance of grave discon-
tent. I am informed on all sides that it is the intention of the
Boers to fight for independence. . . . There is no doubt, I think,
that the people are incited to discontent and rebellion by ambi-
tious agitators ; but I am compelled also to allow that the timid
and wavering, who are awed into taking side against us, are com-
paratively a small party, and that the main body of the Dutch
population are disaffected by our rule.'
We have seen in these pages the mischiefs vnrought by
British of&cialism; how it had been resented before the
grant of representative institutions, and the dangerous con-
dition of South Africa in consequence. These dif&culties
continued in a modified form until responsible government
was granted. Lord Carnarvon vnthdrew responsible govern-
ment when he attempted to force his Confederation policy,
> Speech of Lord Kimberley, 24th of May, 1880, in House of Lords.
• Quoted in A Narrative of the Boer War, Carter, p. 79.
446 LC?K A>ro TDCBS OF SLR J. C lIQf.TKTTQ
and when he chose Sr Bartie Wveace tio be <Sctaiior of Sonth
Africa. We have geei tie taRrrihle evils which resulted from
that fiital choice. ' On a platfijrni of txai minions of pounds
had been raised a hecacomb of tsen tjumsand. hmnan. bodies
in anpporc of che policy of Confrdpnaion.' ' Bnc chore wu
more to follow. These woidB weze used before the Bosnfi}
war ^axd the Boi^ war.
There was a strong popular demand for ICr. IColtoio's
fetnm to public lifo. This was evidenced by the rec^t of
varioos requisitions to stand for constituencies as a repre-
a^itative both in the Legislative Coxmcil and in the House
of Assembly. Ifr. Uolteno saw, however, that he could do
no fiervice to the cotmtry while Sir Bartie Froe was per-
mitted to exercise pasonal nzle over it, and he refused these
requisitions andl it became appareot chat the latter's policy
was an absohite and £safitroiZB foihoe, and that he coold
remain btxt little longs in South Africa. Then, in 1880.
he again entged Parfiament^ being returned unopposed for
the eonstitaency of Yictoria West, which had once formed
part of his own constituoocy of Beaufort West. ^ Bartie
Frere bad been recalled afto^ the season of that year,
but he had already lit a fresh, confiagration by the
promtdgatian in Basutoland at the Peace Preserfatk>n Act
in April.' Upon this, the Basoto war followed before the
dose of the same year.
When Parixament met in the sesaon of IS81. the first
session after Sir Bartie Frere's departure, his nominee^ ^Ir.
Sprigg, no longer having the iMippori and patronage of a par-
tisan High CoTrnnisHJonig, was defeated and a new Ministry
was formed,' Mr. Moheno agreed to give the benefit of his
> SfMdi ci Mr. VfcgTiiMii aa tmfoamhim guwjuamt; 1^79.
* The mtTnwV wnii^tjiHi betmn Sir Bte^ Fkm's recsH and the dovn-
f«n ol Xf . ^rigs ^>«s cviimft e«<a to uftumi at s <fistoiic«. Bishop CoLenso
mitem under date the nod at Joi^^ISSt: ** War ba» biokea oas in Bassu>Iaz»a
lo woa^ijauwt ci ti^ po&ej at Sr BmA Ttm mi Mr. Syn^ « . . ^od it is
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 447
experience and knowledge and the weight of his influence to
the new Ministry formed by Mr. Scanlen. He had in the dis-
missal debate stated that he would not again become Premier
had he the opportunity. He was ready, however, to aid
the new Ministry with his counsel and advice, and with his
unrivalled experience. He resumed his old ofiBice of Colonial
Secretary in the new administration. But in what a sad and
terrible condition was the fair country now compared with
its condition when he was unfettered in carrying out his
Colonial policy, a period which lasted until the departure of
Sir Henry Barkly and one session more.
The country was overwhelmed with debt. Its obliga-
tions when Mr. Molteno was dismissed in February, 1878,
amounted to 7,449,000Z. In 1881 the debt had risen to
16,098,000Z. Every penny spent during Mr. Molteno's ad-
ministration (with the exception of the small war expenditure
incurred before the dismissal) was represented by reproduc-
tive works. In the three short years succeeding the debt had
been more than doubled. But what a difference in the cha-
racter of the expenditure. Nearly 5,000,000Z.^ had been spent
on war, taxation had been enormously increased, the customs
dues had been raised to an inordinate rate, a House Duty had
been imposed, an excise had been put in force ; but the re-
sources of the country had not been extended. If we take the
external trade of the Colony as an index of its resources, we
find that imports and exports together amounted in 1866 to
4,530,000Z. ; in the succeeding ten years they had risen, in
impoBsible to say what may be the result of this disturbance. ... It is a most
lamentable result of Mr. Gladstone's miserable folly in keeping Sir Bartle Frere
at the Cape, on the old principle, " It is difficult to swop horses crossing a
stream." What I hope is, that Sir Bartle Frere wiU be recalled, in which
case Mr. Sprigg will fall ; and with a new Governor and Ministry at the Cape
I do believe it would be possible to bring about amicably the confederation or
amalgamation of both Pondoland and Zululand.'— Li/e o/ Bishop ColensOy
vol. ii. p. 551.
^ The exact figure is 4,794,735Z., and 75,000^ as compensation for loyal
Basuto losses. See Appropriation accounts for the years 1877-1885.
446 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTBNO
and when he chose Sir Bartle Prere to be dictator of South
Africa. We have seen the terrible evils which resulted from
that fatal choice. ' On a platform of ten millions of pounds
had been raised a hecatomb of ten thousand human bodies
in support of the policy of Confederation.* ^ But there was
more to follow. These words were used before the Basuto
war and the Boer war.
There was a strong popular demand for Mr. Molteno's
return to public life. This was evidenced by the receipt of
various requisitions to stand for constituencies as a repre-
sentative both in the Legislative Council and in the House
of Assembly. Mr. Molteno saw, however, that he could do
no service to the country while Sir Bartle Frere was per-
mitted to exercise personal rule over it, and he refused these
requisitions until it became apparent that the latter's policy
was an absolute and disastrous failure, and that he could
remain but little longer in South Africa. Then, in 1880,
he again entered Parliament, being returned unopposed for
the constituency of Victoria West, which had once formed
part of his own constituency of Beaufort West. Sir Bartle
Frere had been recalled after the session of that year,
but he hfikd already lit a fresh conflagration by the
promulgation in Basutoland of the Peace Preservation Act
in April.* Upon this, the Basuto war followed before the
close of the same year.
When Parliament met in the session of 1881, the first
session after Sir Bartle Frere's departure, his nominee, Mr.
Sprigg, no longer having the support and patronage of a par-
tisan High Commissioner, was defeated and a new Ministry
was formed.' Mr. Molteno agreed to give the benefit of his
■ Speech of Mr. Ackerman on responsible government, 1S79.
« I. P., C— 2569 of 18S0. p. 43.
' The intimate connection between Sir Bartle Frere's recall and the down-
fall of Mr. Sprigg was evident even to observers at a distance. Bishop Golenso
writes onder date the 22nd of Joly, 1S80: * War has broken out in Basatoland
in consequence of the policy of Sir Bartle Frere and Mr. Sprigg . . . and it is
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 447
experience and knowledge and the weight of his influence to
the new Ministry formed by Mr. Scanlen. He had in the dis-
missal debate stated that he would not again become Premier
had he the opportunity. He was ready, however, to aid
the new Ministry with his counsel and advice, and with his
unrivalled experience. He resumed his old ofl5ce of Colonial
Secretary in the new administration. But in what a sad and
terrible condition was the fair country now compared with
its condition when he was unfettered in carrying out his
Colonial policy, a period which lasted until the departure of
Sir Henry Barkly and one session more.
The country was overwhelmed with debt. Its obliga-
tions when Mr. Molteno was dismissed in February, 1878,
amounted to 7,449,000Z. In 1881 the debt had risen to
16,098,000Z. Every penny spent during Mr. Molteno's ad-
ministration (with the exception of the small war expenditure
incurred before the dismissal) was represented by reproduc-
tive works. In the three short years succeeding the debt had
been more than doubled. But what a difference in the cha-
racter of the expenditure. Nearly 5,000,000Z.* had been spent
on war, taxation had been enormously increased, the customs
dues had been raised to an inordinate rate, a House Duty had
been imposed, an excise had been put in force ; but the re-
sources of the country had not been extended. If we take the
external trade of the Colony as an index of its resources, we
find that imports and exports together amounted in 1866 to
4,530,000Z. ; in the succeeding ten years they had risen, in
impossible to say what may be the result of this disturbance. ... It is a most
lamentable resalt of Mr. Gladstone's miserable folly in keeping Sir Bartle Frere
at the Cape, on the old principle, " It is difficalt to swop horses crossing a
stream.'* What I hope is, that Sir Bartle Frere wiU be recalled, in which
case Mr. Sprigg will fall ; and with a new Governor and Ministry at the Cape
I do believe it would be possible to bring aboat amicably the confederation or
amalgamation of both Pondoland and Zololand.'— Li/e o/ Bishop Colenso,
vol. ii. p. 551.
* The exact figure is 4,794,735Z., and 75,0002. as compensation for loyal
Basato losses. See Appropriation accounts for the years 1877-1885.
446 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
and when he chose Sir Bartle Frere to be dictator of South
Africa. We have seen the terrible evils which resulted from
that fatal choice. ' On a platform of ten millions of pounds
had been raised a hecatomb of ten thousand human bodies
in support of the policy of Confederation.* ' But there was
more to follow. These words were used before the Basuto
war and the Boer war.
There was a strong popular demand for Mr. Molteno's
return to public life. This was evidenced by the receipt of
various requisitions to stand for constituencies as a repre-
sentative both in the Legislative Council and in the House
of Assembly. Mr. Molteno saw, however, that he could do
no service to the country while Sir Bartle Frere was per-
mitted to exercise personal rule over it, and he refused these
requisitions until it became apparent that the latter's poUcy
was an absolute and disastrous failure, and that he could
remain but little longer in South Aifrica. Then, in 1880,
he again entered Parliament, being returned unopposed for
the constituency of Victoria West, which had once formed
part of his own constituency of Beaufort West. Sir Bartle
Frere had been recalled after the session of that year,
but he had already lit a fresh conflagration by the
promulgation in Basutoland of the Peace Preservation Act
in April.* Upon this, the Basuto war followed before the
close of the same year.
When Parliament met in the session of 1881, the first
session after Sir Bartle Frere's departure, his nominee, Mr.
Sprigg, no longer having the support and patronage of a par-
tisan High Commissioner, was defeated and a new Ministry
was formed.' Mr. Molteno agreed to give the benefit of his
' Speech of Mr. Ackerman on responsible government, 1879.
« I. P., C— 2669 of 1880, p. 43.
* The intimate connection between Sir Bartle Frere's reoaU and the down-
fall of Mr. Sprigg was evident even to observers at a distance. Bishop Colenso
writes onder date the 22nd of Jaly, 1880: * War has broken ont in Basutoland
in consequence of the policy of Sir Bartle Frere and Mr. Sprigg . . . and it is
CONFEDERATION AFTER DISMISSAL 447
experience and knowledge and the weight of his influence to
the new Ministry formed by Mr. Scanlen. He had in the dis-
missal debate stated that he would not again become Premier
had he the opportunity. He was ready, however, to aid
the new Ministry with his counsel and advice, and with his
unrivalled experience. He resumed his old ofl5ce of Colonial
Secretary in the new administration. But in what a sad and
terrible condition was the fair country now compared with
its condition when he was unfettered in carrying out his
Colonial policy, a period which lasted until the departure of
Sir Henry Barkly and one session more.
The country was overwhelmed with debt. Its obliga-
tions when Mr. Molteno was dismissed in February, 1878,
amounted to 7,449,000Z. In 1881 the debt had risen to
16,098,000Z. Every penny spent during Mr. Molteno's ad-
ministration (with the exception of the small war expenditure
incurred before the dismissal) was represented by reproduc-
tive works. In the three short years succeeding the debt had
been more than doubled. But what a difference in the cha-
racter of the expenditure. Nearly 5,000,000Z.* had been spent
on war, taxation had been enormously increased, the customs
dues had been raised to an inordinate rate, a House Duty had
been imposed, an excise had been put in force ; but the re-
sources of the country had not been extended. If we take the
external trade of the Colony as an index of its resources, we
find that imports and exports together amounted in 1866 to
4,530,000Z. ; in the succeeding ten years they had risen, in
impoBsible to say what may be the result of this disturbanoe. ... It is a most
lamentable result of Mr. Gladstone's miserable folly in keeping Sir Bartle Frere
at the Cape, on the old principle, " It is difficult to swop horses crossing a
stream.*' What I hope is, that Sir Bartle Frere wiU be recalled, in which
case Mr. Sprigg will fall ; and with a new Governor and Ministry at the Cape
I do believe it would be possible to bring about amicably the confederation or
amalgamation of both Pondoland and Zululand.'~Iri/e o/ Bishop Colenso,
vol. ii. p. 551.
^ The exact figure is 4,794,735L, and 75,000L as compensation for loyal
Basuto losses. See Appropriation accounts for the years 1877-1885.
448 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
1876, to 9,055,000/., or an increase of 100 per cent, as a con-
sequence of the state of peace and prosperity introduced and
maintained under Mr.Molteno's administration. If we take
the next decennial period, 1876-1886, they amount in the
latter year to 10,773,000/., or an increase of only 1,700,000/.
in ten years. Thus the burden of taxation had to be borne
on a total trade which had practically been stationary.
When the new Ministry entered on office a war was raging
in Basutoland. In other parts of the coimtry the feelings
evoked by the war in the Transkei and the disarmament of
the natives were still in existence. The white population were
divided by the events of the annexation of the Transvaal and
its restoration to independence. The fair fabric which Mr.
Molteno had done so much to raise, of material prosperity,
of extension of civilisation to the neighbouring tribes, was now
a battered ruin. The great works which he had projected
and which would have been possible had not this disastrous
period intervened, were now rendered utterly impossible by
the crippled resources of the Colony. Under such a weight
of debt no great irrigation works could be attempted. All
that could now be done was to temporarily repair the damage
and wait patiently for the healing influence of time.
It was impossible to carry out such a great revolution as
was involved in the dismissal of a Ministry, possessing the
confidence of the Parliament, and the substitution of one
maintained in power by the full prestige and patronage of
the Imperial High Commissioner, without profoundly alter-
ing and modifying the position of the political parties in the
Cape Parliament. This revolution, taking place so soon after
the introduction of responsible government, had the most
disastrous political effects in disturbing the natural course
of events, and the gradual evolution of political principles.
It was action of an altogether unexpected character, and
such as the Colony had a right to look to the Imperial
Government to be protected from.
OONFBDEBATION AFTER DISMISSAL 449
The position of a subordinate in a Ministry to one
who had held the Premiership so long, soon became very
irksome, and after seeing the Ministry firmly estabUshed,
Mr. Molteno resigned his ofiGice and retired into private
life. Marks of royal favour had been offered to him on many
occasions, but he had consistently refused them all. Now,
however, that he had retired, he accepted the K.C.M.G., and
this was made the occasion of many complimentary addresses
expressing the sense of his service which prevailed through-
out the Colony. ' The congratulations which the bestowal
of this honour evoked from men of all shades of opinion
throughout the Colony, showed that when the dust of battle
had cleared away colonists were ready generously to re-
member the lifelong services of one of the most representa-
tive men that this coimtry has yet produced.' The simple
words in which the late Lord Bosmead, then Sir Hercules
Eobinson, conveyed the offer, speak even more eloquently of
the position held by Mr. Molteno in the estimation of those
best qualified to judge : —
Gk)vemment House, Gape Town, 12th of August, 1882.
Deab Mb. Molteno, — I have a telegram from Lord Eimberley
this morning begging me to inform you that he will feel much
pleasure in submitting your name to the Queen for the distinction
of E.G.M.O. in the event of your being willing to accept the
honour.
It is very gratifying to me to make this intimation to you, and
I may add ^at I do not think such a mark of the Boyal favour
has ever been more deservedly bestowed.
Yours sincerely,
(Signed) Hebcules Bobinson.
In the universal admission that the High Commissioner-
ship of South Africa is the most di£Gicult post in the Empire,^
* * South Africa was perhaps the most diffioult problem with which they
had now to deal.* Speech of Lord Eimberley, Boyal Colonial Institute, 20th
of April, 1899.
VOL. II. a a
460 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
has at length come a realisation ol the fact that the conditions
of government are more complicated in the case of South
Africa than in any other portion of the Empire, and
are snch as demand the highest qualities of statesmanship.
They must produce statesmen in South Africa capable of
dealing with them if the country is to prosper. We may
therefore expect statesmanship of a high order to be developed
in South African politicians. Mr. Molteno was one of the
statesmen produced by these conditions, and who proved
himself by the universal success of all his measures equal to
cope with them.
^
^
y*»y
<Mm
I^mPIi
1&C*
i51
CHAPTEE XXXIII
CONCLUSION
EBtimate of Mr. Molieno's Character— Testimony of Colleagues— Of High Com-
missioners— Of Sir Oeorge Qrey— Opponents' views— Lord Wolseley's —
Lion of Beaufort — Personal Beminisoenoes- Last Tears.
It remains now to say a few concluding words of general
application to the character of the principal figure of our
story. The history of his work has been the history of the
man. Mr. Molteno's personal character cannot be separated
from his work. ' Whatsoever his hand found to do, he did
it with his might/ is the key-note of his whole life. All
must yield to the great task, to which he, compelled by that
strong sense of duty, devoted his life. His private affairs,
owing to the terrible droughts which devastated the
Colony in the latter years of his administration, were in
need of his personal care, but he could not devote to his
mere private affairs the attention of which the condition of the
Colony was then in utmost need. So when his second wife
was taken from him he still found in the strenuous labour
attending the Langahbalele episode and the Froude agita-
tion his consolation and an object which permitted of no
faltering.
His mind was great and powerful, though perhaps not
of the very first order, his penetration was strong, and no
judgment was ever sounder. Great as was his power in
debate, in coimcil he was greater. There his influence was
supreme, and if his sense of power made him a little exigeant
at times, his generosity won the hearts of his colleagues,
o o 2
452 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
who leaxned to know his worth and repaid it with a devotion
of which any man might be proud.
A very strong feature in his character was prudence ; he
never acted until every circumstance was maturely weighed,
refraining if he saw a doubt, but when once decided, going
through with his purpose whatever obstacles opposed. In
this his character might be said to resemble Washington's.'
When we look at his resistance to Lord Carnarvon's agitation
throughout the Colony, raised by his instrument Mr. Froude,
at the pressure brought to bear on him by Lord Carnarvon
himself, and at the subsequent attempt of Sir Bartle Frere
to force his policy upon him with all the imperiousness of
an Anglo-Indian training, we may well say with Horace : —
Justam et tenaoem propositi vimm
Non oiviam ardor prava jabeniimn.
Non vultas instaniis Tyranni
Mente quaiit solida.'
His advocacy of responsible government and his resistance
to Sir Philip Wodehouse's autocratic rule, exhibit the same
side of his character. It was at this time that he earned the
sobriquet, by which he was known throughout South Africa,
of the Lion of Beaufort, from his fearless, his disinterested
and powerful advocacy of popular government, and his
exposure of wrongs and abuses.
His integrity was absolutely pure, his justice was in-
flexible ; no motives of interest or relationship, or friendship,
or hatred, were able to bias his decision. He knew how to
refuse local demands for public works which were not of
advantage to the whole Colony. His action in inviting his
bitterest opponents on the responsible government question
to seats in his Cabinet when that question was once settled
proved his generosity and large-minded character. If we
are to regard genius «s 'an infinite capacity for work,
' See Jefferson's Life of Washington, ' Book 3, ode 8.
CONCLUSION 463
growing out of an infinite power of love/ ^ then Mr. Molteno
had genius of a high order, as exemplified by his unremit-
ting toil for the good of his country springing from his great
love for it, and his determination to secure for it a freedom
from the evils of misrule of which he was at all times and
in all places a strong and inveterate opponent. He amply
justified the existence of responsible government by his suc-
cessful administration during five years of ' the grandest of
all human undertakings — a wise and happy self -government/ *
We may refer to some observations on his character by
those who were in a position to judge best. The Hon. C.
Abercrombie Smith, at one time a colleague in his Cabinet,
says: — *The confidence which the Colony reposed in Sir
John Molteno was largely due to his caution and sound
common sense. Of details he was very impatient, but when
a difiEiculty arose, he was almost certain to be able to suggest
a broad common-sense principle which, if the inquirer pos*
sessed his confidence, he would not attempt to apply to the
details of the case, but leave for the applicant to work
out for himself. ... In all matters of finance Mr. Molteno
was his own Chancellor of the Exchequer, and notwith-
standing the imperfections in the system of accounts already
alluded to, his budget speeches were eminently clear and
satisfactory.'
Another colleague, the Hon. J. X. Merriman, writes : —
* When I first knew Sir John TVTolteno — then Mr. Molteno
— in 1869, it was in the old era of Cape politics, before the
events to which I shall presently allude had roused passions
and created antagonisms which have not yet worked them*
selves out. The principal questions occupying Parliament
were the agitation for what is known as responsible govern-
ment and for the abolition of State endowment to religion.
In the former Mr. Molteno was the leader of the country
^ Thring, Theory <md Practice of Teachmg, p. 62.
' MoxxmiBen, Eietory of Rome, vol. i. p. 412.
464 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
party, whose entire confidence he possessed, and he con-
tributed perhaps more than anyone else by his practical
exposition of fiscal and other grievances to the ultimate
downfall of the old form of government. In this, as in
everything else, he was severely practical, leaving the philo-
sophical arguments in favour of the reform to others.
During the year 1869-70, the colonial finances were at a
very low ebb, and Mr. Molteno used to the utmost the
advantage which the natural discontent of the taxpayers
gave the advocates of reform, by subjecting the colonial
Budget to the most minute and searching criticism. His
position as a man of large means and entire freedom from
the taint of suspicion of personal aims, gave him the influence
which legitimately belongs to those who have a large stake
in the coimtry whose affairs they aspire to direct. With all
his hberal ideas on the question of self-government, Mr.
Molteno's bent of mind was certainly conservative, slow to
snatch at change for the sake of change, and determined to
weigh carefully every argument before he committed him-
self to any given course.
*I suppose no one before or since has so completely
obtained the confidence of the better class of the colonists
of Dutch descent. As a large landowner, as a Conservative,
and at the same time an ardent believer in the right of self-
government for the community, Mr. Molteno was looked up
to as the natural leader of the coimtry party, whose policy
he guided without pandering to their prejudices. In 1872,
when the full rights of responsible government were con-
ceded, Mr. Molteno became the first Prime Minister of the
Colony, with the cordial assent of all classes of the com-
munity, who recognised in him a thoroughly safe man. He
was favoured by fortune in the matter of finances, which,
owing to the discovery of the diamond fields, entered on
a period of unexampled prosperity. In 1874 Mr. Molteno
introduced a measure of railway construction estimated to
CONCLUSION 456
cost nearly 5,000,0002. sterling and to provide for 900 miles
of construction. It is not too much to say that no one else
could have hoped to get such a measure through a Parlia-
ment largely composed of small landowners in a country
divided by local jealousies, and having just emerged from a
period of financial difficulty and distress which had left it
extremely suspicious of any new scheme which proposed to
add to the burdens of the people. That railways would
eventually have come is certain — that they came when they
did and that the impetus which is due to their influence in
opening up the continent took effect a generation before it
otherwise would have done, is mainly owing to the personality
of Mr. Molteno, who was able to persuade the Cape Parlia-
ment to enter on what at that time was considered a gigantic
scheme of public works.
'It was very characteristic of the man, that having
thought his plans most carefully out, when the time for
action came he never drew back or faltered, but used all his
energy, influence and determination, to carry through in the
face of every obstacle the policy that he had maturely
adopted. ... In order to carry out his railway schemes,
and with a view of raising the large sums necessary at a time
when colonial borrowing was not so much in favour in the
EngUsh money market as it has since become, Mr. Molteno
devoted the most careful attention to the finances of the
Colony. The access of prosperity already alluded to enabled
him to pay off all the floating loans accumulated by his
predecessors. He abolished the antiquated sinking fund,
and by a wise provision devoted the sum accruing and the
surplus of revenue to the construction of public works,
twenty per cent, of the estimated cost of his railway scheme
being thus provided for. In addition to the large railway
scheme, the system of national telegraphs was begun and
actively prosecuted by Mr. Molteno, who was enabled during
his first administration to devote a sum of 180,0002. out of
466 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
revenne to the construction of new lines, which proved an
immense boon to intercourse, and gave an impetus to similar
undertakings all over South Africa. From a material point
of view, Mr. Molteno's administration, 1872-1877, was
eminently successful. A large railway scheme was begun,
telegraphs were extended, and a tentative beginning was
made in a comprehensive irrigation policy. The finances
were well-ordered and prosperous.'
On another occasion ^ the same statesman said : ' Sir
John Molteno was above and before anything else a
Parliamentarian. Sir John Molteno felt that when he
entered Parliament he gave himself up to the service of his
country, and after realising what in those days was con-
sidered a fortune, he scorned delights and lived laborious
days. Sir John Molteno was before everything else a South
African. He was a type of the best kind of South African
people, prudent, cautious, and with a great deal of conmion
sense. He had, more than anyone else, unreservedly the
confidence of the people of this country. He devoted him-
self to pubhc affairs with the same success and prudence
which he showed in his own affairs. ... He belonged to
the same type as Sir Eobert Walpole. He was pre-eminently
a practical man. People used sometimes in a good-
humoured way to condemn the finance of what was called
'Hhe Beaufort Boer," but it was sound finance, and he
always knew how far money would go.
'Another virtue he had as a politician, and it was no
sUght virtue, he knew how to say " no." When people came
to him for little local jobs. Sir John Molteno, if it was to the
interest of the country, had no hesitation in saying no, and
he generally said it in such a way that people went away
satisfied, if not pleased. As a leader of a Cabinet, he gave
his colleagues his confidence, and if any of them made a
mistake — and some of them did make mistakes in those
> Argtis, 11th of June, 1892.
CONCLUSION 467
days — he never cast it up in their teeth. He was supposed
by some to be slow-going. Not at all. No man except Sir
John Molteno could have inaugurated the great railway
scheme in this country. I feel perfectly certain that if
Sir John Molteno had been spared to remain in the govern-
ment of the country he would have carried out a great
irrigation scheme, for his heart was in that work. After
all it was not the material wealth of a country that made a
people, it was the men who were produced in the country.*
Sir Henry Barkly, the High Commissioner under whom
responsible government was introduced, writes^: — *The
principle on which he acted seemed to me indeed always to
confine his attention as far as possible to the development
of the Gape Colony, and not to seek to increase its
responsibiUties in connection with the rest of South Africa
more than he could help. He always preferred leaving
me as High Commissioner to deal with such matters ; and
even in the case of Basutoland and the Transkei, left me
a &ee hand as far as possible. Not that he was disposed
by any means to underestimate his constitutional rights as
Prime Minister, or acquiesce in Imperial interference in the
affairs of the Cape Colony ! On the contrary, he took what
I consider an extreme view in this respect, and I had
occasionally a very di£Gicult part to play between his
scruples, and the expectations of such a Secretary of State
as Lord Carnarvon, that I as Governor could make his
lordship's views known to the colonists.
' You will find a good illustration of this in minutes inter-
changed between us at the time Lord Carnarvon ordered
LangaUbalele to be released from Bobben Island. On my
communicating to Sir John Molteno in writing my idea of
the course to be pursued, he took exception to my offering
any opinion on the subject until Ministers had advised me
what ought to be done ; and on my convincing him by
> In a letter to the author, of the 6th of January, 1894.
458 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIE J. C. MOLTENO
quoting precedents that it was my duty on such an occasion
to try to reconcile the different views of the Imperial and
Colonial Governments, he intimated his reluctance to my
publishing Lord Carnarvon's despatch as directed, except
accompanied with Ministerial comments. After some dis-
cussion, however, he waived his claim to do so, and adopted
my suggestion of legalising the detention of Langalibalele
on the Cape Flats.
'As respects Sir John Molteno's fitness for the per-
formance of the duties of Prime Minister on the occasion
of the first introduction of responsible government, his
straightforward character and unremitting devotion to the
development of the resources of the Cape Colony by
means of railways, telegraphs, harbour improvements and
the Uke, I should like to express my views more fuUy and
deliberately than I can do here, but I may say now that it
has always struck me as a singular piece of good fortune,
not for myself alone but for the future of South Africa,
that I should have such a man ready to my hand when
it became necessary to reorganise the administration and
carry out the new system.'
We have already referred to the co-operation and
sympathy between Sir George Grey and Mr. Molteno.
Sir George Grey constantly consulted him in his great plans
for developing the resources of the Cape Colony and making
its Government unquestionably more powerful than the
surrounding native tribes, using such power for the good of
the native. He carried on this side of Sir George Grey's
poUcy when he became Premier in 1872. He was also in
agreement with his plans for making education go along
with the Boer advance into the interior as evidenced by
the founding of the Grey College at Bloemfontein. Sir
George told the writer how on one of his tours through
the Colony he was received by Mr. Molteno in his dis-
trict of Beaufort, how he rode with him over the vast
CONCLUSION 459
country, and received a description of his plans for its
development.
Sir George Grey said to the writer : — * I found Mr.
Molteno a very active member of the Cape Parliament. I
regarded him as a very able and a very good man. When I
look at you I am carried back to the time when I sat with
Mr. Molteno by the side of a stream in the desert (Earoo) and
we talked of many things, and he and I from that day to
this — he until he died — never changed, never swerved, from
the ideas which we then held. ... Sir John Molteno's was
an interesting life. The early independence and then the
isolation in the desert where the solitude and quiet and
any leisure were devoted to thought and a preparation for
the great part which he was to play. Though alone and
removed from the ordinary environment of civilisation and
society, which might have given aid and stimulation, he
never went back, but always grew in his grand ideas of
freedom, of good government and desire for the welfare of
the country. Then after this solitude he comes forth and
takes his part on the stage of life in the highest position,
and carries out his long-pondered and weU-devised plans ;
they succeed, but he goes too fast for many who never wish
to progress at all, and he is thwarted and eventually has to
succumb to these reactionary forces, and has to see others
spoiling the work he has done so well, and then he too has
to pass away. The best reward is the work which he has
done, and this will be acknowledged more and more as time
goes on.'
It was characteristic of Mr. Molteno in his politics, as in
his personal relationships, that he knew nothing and would
know nothing of the territorial and race ' lines of cleavage '
which are struck to suit the purposes of politicians of our
day. The word * Dutch ' was never heard in politics, and
projects of territorial separation were always stoutly and
successfully resisted. It was in order more completely to
460 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
do away with the very names of East and West that Mr.
Molteno carried his Seven Circles Bill, by which the
members of the Legislative Council were returned for
circles carefully designed so as to break up the distinction
between the Eastern and Western Provinces fostered by the
previous composition of the Legislative Council.'
Mr. Molteno's courtesy in the discharge of his duties in
office was universally acknowledged, and a fitting tribute to
it is paid in the following letter from Sir Charles Mills, who
acted as Under Colonial Secretary throughout his premier-
ship:—
8 Albert Mansions, Victoria Street, S.W. :
19th August, 1882.
My deab Sm Jom? Molteno, — Permit me to tender you my
hearty congratulations and best wishes on the well-merited honour
which her Majesty the Queen has been pleased to confer upon
you.
Few men know better than I do how eminently deserving you
are of this, and indeed of any distinction with which thorough
integrity, sterling honesty, and unremitting zeal in the discharge
of onerous and responsible public duties can be rewarded. None
can more earnestly and sincerely wish you a long and happy life,
to enjoy the honour which you have now received, and, what is
yet more precious, the universal regard and esteem of your fellow-
men.
Permit me to avail myself of this opportunity to express to yoa
my grateful thanks for M the consideration and kindness which
I have received at your hands during the many years I had the
pleasure and privilege to be associated with you in our official
duties. They will never be forgotten.
Again congratulating you most heartily, I am, with kindest
regards and best wishes,
Yours sincerely,
Charles Mills.
So perfect was this courtesy springing from a very
genuine nature, that the leading Dutch paper, in reviewing
his work at his death, devoted its sketch of his character to
an expression of this side of it, and attributed to him the
> Oape Argus, 8rd of September, 18S6.
CONCLUSION 461
best qualities which constitute an English gentleman, and
to showing the importance of this frank and generous
character in the solution of South African problems. There
was no personal bitterness in him. We have shown Mr.
Froude's appreciation of him in his farewell letter, which
is remarkable considering the violence and excitement
occasioned by his attack on Mr. Molteno and the diffi-
culties created by Mr. Fronde's astounding interference in
the afiEairs of the Cape Colony.^ Mr. Molteno's relations
'with Sir Bartle Frere, though the treatment he received
would have embittered most characters, were such that
the last communication which passed between them is a
pleasant one. Sir Bartle Frere telegraphs to Mr. Molteno
on the opening of the great railway to Beaufort : — * Let
me congratulate you on the successful completion of the
great work you inaugurated in commencing the railway
which was opened yesterday as far as this rising provincial
capital.'
We may add to the reminiscences of his contemporaries
the following tribute of one of his principal political opponents.
Sir Gordon Sprigg said : — ' He never had the pleasure of
working with Sir John Molteno officially, but he had the
pleasure of being his colleague in a higher sense, when he
served under the banner of responsible government which
Sir John uplifted. Sir John Molteno was a man of extra-
ordinary energy. He had a great reserve force within him,
a greater even than he himself was conscious of, but which
was apparent when some circumstance occurred to bring it
out. He was not disposed altogether to agree with
Mr. Merriman that he was not an orator. He remembered
seeing him in 1869, when he was attacked by Attorney-
General Griffith, how he twisted in his seat until the other
> We may say with Mr. Froade, who, in speaking of another Empire builder,
writes : * He belonged to the race who make empires, as the orators lose them,
who do things and do not talk aboat them, who build and do not cast down.' —
Fronde's English in the West Indies, p. 84.
462 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
had done speaking, and then how he defended himself when
he got on his feet. He did not think he had listened even
in England to a speaker who was so eminently successful
as Sir John Molteno when on his defence. Sir John
Molteno was a great speaker, and might even be called an
orator.* *
It will have been observed in the course of this narrative
that Lord Wolseley, then Sir Garnet Wolseley, had many
opportunities of meeting Mr. Molteno officially and personally
from 1875 to 1881, and he has kindly put in writing his
impressions derived from his acquaintance with him and
his knowledge of the circumstances of the time : —
War Office : 16th April, 1899.
Drab Mb. Moltbno, — I had hoped that I should have had
access to my journal and papers of the period when I had the
pleasure of meeting your father in Gape Town. But they are still
packed away with masses of furniture &c., &o, in a country house,
and I do not expect I shall be able to get at them for months
to come. In the following remarks I must therefore trust my
memory.
Up to the end of 1881 my brain was ' charged ' with South
African history. Then, however, I had to begin on other subjects,
and a close study of them has necessarily somewhat dinuned my
recollection of the events of 1875-1881. I feel, therefore, diffi-
dent in trusting implicitly to my remembrance of the affairs of
that period. But as regards your father's personality, and how his
character struck me at the time, that is vividly before me still. He
was a strong, honest man of decided opinions, from which he would
not swerve. Public men at the Cape were then new to the working
of responsible government, and, in conmion with others who
viewed the great South African questions &om an Imperial stand-
point, I thought that at times he took a somewhat too exclusively
local view of the big matters he was called upon to deal with.
But at the same time I was well aware of the difficulties of
his political position. The political condition of South Africa
generally at that period, the many large questions which presented
themselves, and the state of parties in the Cape Colony, rendered
the part he had to play a very difficult one. My opinion, formed
' Cape TimeSt Hth of Jane, 1892.
CONCLUSION 468
then and on the spot was, that he played it manfully and with
much force of character.
Your father had to deal with a great 'Pro-Consul' as the
Queen's representative in South Africa. Sir Bartle Erere had
great and far-reaching views as to the future of our Empire, and
upon the importance of our colonies, and he had the courage of
his opinions. This was a factor that in many ways increased the
difficulties which surrounded your father, the first Prime Minister
of the Cape Colony. To men like myself at that time who
studied the position on the spot, it was evident that a conflict of
opinions between them on some matter or other, sooner or later,
would be the inevitable result of the situation. Through all the
difficulties he had to contend with during his period of office as
Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, Mr. Molteno, it seemed to
me, steered an honest course. He showed himself to be a strong
man, who having laid down a certain local policy to be his, would
not swerve from it to please others. Personally I have very
pleasant recollections of him. He was always most kind to me,
a genial, well-informed companion, an excellent man of business,
and a sincere lover of South Africa, and determined to stand by
what he believed to be her most pressing interests.
I wish these hurried remarks were more worthy of the man
they are intended to describe, but I send them to you for what
they are worth.
Believe me to be,
Very truly yours,
(signed) Wolsblbt.
P. A. Molteno, Esq.
Mr. Molteno after his retirement from office in 1883
resided for some time at his beautiful country house of
Claremont. Late in the seventies he had married again.
His wife, who survived him, was the daughter of an Indian
officer. Major Blenkins, C.B. We may here state that his
private life was absolutely pure and simple. He hated all
ostentation and all superfluous display. He was particularly
severe on any estimates of persons passed by those Skround
him based on their wealth or poverty, holding as he did that
the supreme criterion of men was the presence of more or
less virtue in their conduct.
In person he was of commanding presence, there was a
464 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
vigorous personality about him which immediately marked
him out in company as a prominent character. The
vigour and force which emanated from him and impressed
his hearers was evidenced in the sobriquet of the ^ Lion of
Beaufort ' which was applied to him from the time of his
fearless vindication of self-government against Sir Philip
Wodehouse's attacks upon it. In the course of debate the
energetic expression of his views would almost overwhelm
his hearers. He was himself almost unconscious of this, so
spontaneous an expression of feeling was it. On one of
these occasions a quiet-going Dutch member came up to
him afterwards and remonstrated with him in a deprecating
way, * You must not speak so loud, you make me feel quite
frightened.' Sir Henry de Villiers, sometime his colleague,
writes : —
It is much to be regretted that your late father left no good
portrait painted by a first-rate artist. I have never seen a nobler
forehead or countenance than his : in private intercourse he was
the most lovable of men. In debate he was seen at his best
when attacking his opponents, but he could also defend himself
and his policy with vigour and skill. His style of address was
homely but forcible, and there was an energy and animation in
his speech which often rose to true eloquence. Although an
Englishman by birth, he was a South African patriot in the truest
sense of the term. He enjoyed the entire confidence of the
majority of the Dutch population without losing the respect of the
English portion. The natives, also, who were much impressed
by his handsome physical appearance, had faith in his sense of
right and justice. It is fortxmate for South Africa that such a
man was called to the head of afifairs with the introduction of the
new system of government. He belied the assertions which had
been confidently made that the Colony was not ripe for self-
government, and did not possess men fit to be entrusted with the
duties of leadership, and he set an example of integrity and
devotion to duty which cannot fail to inspire future generations
of colonists. It is well that a permanent record of his career
should be preserved.
Mr. Molteno's life was in the highest sense deeply
religious, but the prevailing forms of religion repelled him.
CONCLUSION 465
His religion was above the narrow formularies of any sect.
He often quoted Pope's lines : —
For modes of faith let graceless zealots fight,
His can't be wrong whose life is in the right.
While another favourite principle was * To his own Maker
each man standeth or falleth.* Of his more intimate personal
character one who knew him well writes : —
* There was a deep inner life which was the spring of all
his actions, and which was very jealously guarded from his
fellow-men. He was essentially a true man and was so in-
tensely earnest in his desire to grasp the truth that he was
impatient of anything superfluous in its expression. Anything
like make-belief or acting a part was quite impossible to him.
Accustomed to carry his way almost unconsciously by the
natural force of his will, he was often impatient of unex-
pected contradiction, and gave an impression of severity and
overbearing temper of which he was at the moment quite
unconscious, and for which I have known him express great
regret. This was partly due to his very highly sensitive
organisation, rendering him at times almost unapproachable
and yet at others ready to bear with the utmost freedom
of expression on the part of those about him. In all his
deepest feelings he was reserved even to a fault. There was
a whole world of religion and poetry and tenderness beneath
his stem and at times almost forbidding exterior, of which
even those who were part of his own life caught only rare
glimpses, but they were the secret source of a simply true,
generous, and unselfish life with the noblest aims.
* While he never gave to any man that insight into his
inner life which would give him the right to the name of
friend, yet no one in any class of life who had ever been
connected with him in any way ever failed to speak of him
with a deeper feeling than respect. He had a great power
of attaching himself and bringing himself into a sort of
sympathy with his surroundings. The sea, the mountains,
VOL. II. H H
466 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIR J. C. MOLTENO
»•
the trees around him all seemed something almost hmnan
to him, and for all animals he had the tenderest reverence,
which they seemed to understand. . . . Although a man of
his strong temper and force of will would be Ukely to make
many enemies, his real generosity and disinterestedness made
it impossible for anyone to cherish any really bitter feeling
against him. He carried out fully the principle of ** Forgive
and forget."
' I never remember either in the case of his children or
of anyone else his ever bringing up a past offence against
them. He often dealt with faults or mistakes very severely
at the time ; he never recurred to them again afterwards.
His character never showed out more grandly than at the
time of his great defeat in Parliament, which really closed
his political career. He had been so conscious of the abso-
lute right of his cause that he never had a doubt but that
his friends would see it too and would rally round him
when the battle came. The way in which he bore the trial
was characteristic of all his political Ufe. There was no
petty personal feeling in it, his anxiety was all for the failure
of a good cause, and the strong convictions of the evil con-
sequences which must follow and which now by the country's
own act he was powerless to influence. He was a true
patriot ; he placed his duty to his country, not in name
alone, but in actual fact, highest among his earthly duties,
and he scorned to take advantage of the trust reposed in him
to benefit either himself or any belonging to him in even the
smallest degree.'
After retiring from public life Sir John Molteno paid
a long visit to Europe, residing in London. The terrible
struggle for existence which presented itself to him as
the prevailing characteristic of all London hfe outside the
higher circles was very painful to him. He retained his
interest in all the great questions of the day, which he
followed very closely. He could not long remain away
CONCLUSION 467
from the country which he loved, and where the condition
of the people was on the whole less straitened and less
painful to such an observer. In 1886 he returned to South
Africa. His health had suffered from the strain of the in-
troduction and administration of responsible government
and the final pressure of the Galeka war and its terrible
trials, as well as from the infinite pain of seeing all his
warnings of disaster realised in the Zulu, Transkei, Basuto
and Boer wars, and the ruin of South Africa for many
years ; but it seemed now to have become to a great extent
restored. Nevertheless his time had come; on the 1st of
September, 1886, he died as was his wish to die — no lingering
disease, which would have tried his free spirit infinitely, but
in the plenitude of his mental powers he was taken away
by one sharp sudden severance of the strand of life.
He lived long enough to be above the bitterness of party
feeling. His death was the occasion of a unanimous and
sincere expression of sorrow from the whole of the country
and from all political parties, who felt that they had lost a
great and a good man, indeed, ' the most representative man
that the country had yet produced, whose name vdll ever be
associated vdth the history of the Colony, and whose public
career may always serve as a model for men, possibly
possessed of more superficial brilliance, but who vnU never
outshine him in the sterling qualities of political honesty,
sound judgment, and conmion sense.' ^
■ Cape Argus, drd of September, 1886.
R R 2
INDEX
Adderlet, Sir Charles, i. 58, 74, 150,
297 note, 319 note ; on the method
adopted for the union of the Cana-
dian oolonies, 326; on non-inter-
ference of the Imperial Parliament
in the government of colonies, ii.
55,56
Afghanistan, ii. 187, 445
Afrikander Bond, the, ii. 438
Akerman, Sir John, ii. 92; at the
London Conference, 110, III, 113;
on the annexation of the Transyaal,
441, 442
Albany, Lower, i. 31
Alcohol, supply to natives of, ii. 119
Alexander, town of, i. 123
Algoa Bay, i. 10
Aliwal North, i. 121
Alport A Co., P. J., i. 53
Amatola fastnesses, i. 35, 43 ; attack
on, 45, 46 ; ii. 239, 256, 378
American colonies, the right of self-
government in, i. 56 {see also
Canada)
Angra Pequena, i. 284
Animals, wild, of Cape Colony, i. 19, 22
Annexation as opposed to Confedera-
tion, Mr. Moiteno's policy of, ii. 104
sqq,
Anta (Kaffir chief), ii. 256
* Apprenticeship ' of natives, i. 408,
410, 411 ; ii. 119
Arderne, Mr., i. 185
'Argus,' the, i. 90, 175, 429; ii. 42,
57, 150, 210, 368, 869
Argyle, Duke of, on the proposed an-
nexation of Kaffraria, i. 99 note
Audit Act, i. 283
Australia, right of self-government in,
i. 58, 147-150
Autonomy, its necessity for sncoessful
government in distant colonies, ii.
61, 53; asserted by the colony of
Victoria and other colonies, 53-55 ;
the final stage of administrative
development in South Africa, 106, 107
Ayliff, Mr. James, i. 287
B., i. 127, 208, 209, 256
-r^ — W., i. 100, 118, 124, 128, 179,
208, 209. 244, 256 ; ii. 238, 367
Baoot, Sir Charles, ii. 350
Bank of England, i. 1
Barbadoes, people of, thd ' claim for
self-government, i. 55 ; ii. 68
Barbarossa, Emperor Frederick, i.
3 and note 2
Barkly, ii. 218
Barkly, Sir Henry, i. 149; becomes
Governor of Cape Colony, 158 ; fa-
vours responsible government, 160;
his opening speech in Parliament,
162, 163; 169, 174; addresses a
despatch to Lord Kimberley upon
federation, 185 ; speech ai the pro-
rogation of Parliament, 186, 187;
lays the foundation-stone of the
new Houses of Parliament, 280;
his splendid services to the Cape,
282 ; feeling of Free State sympa-
thisers against him, 316; assures
Lord Carnarvon of the impossibility
of immediate Confederation, 324 ;
decides to publish Lord Carnarvon's
Confederation despatch, 842, 844 ;
his representations to Lord Car-
narvon against forcing a conference,
360 ; approves of Mr. Molteno sum-
moning a special session of Parlia-
ment, 427, 428 ; speech at the open-
ing of Parliament, ii. 3, 4 ; 13 ;
dissents from Lord Carnarvon's
suggestion for the dissolution of
Parliament, 44, 45; 59; his firm
and consistent adhesion to consti-
tutional principles, 69; 79, 110,
470 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
IIG note 1 ; warns Lord Carnarvon
against pressing his Confederation
scheme, 130, 181; 149; farewell
banqnet on his retirement, 152-154 ;
success of his administration, 154,
155 ; 160, 202, 212, 306, 407 ; his
testimony to Sir J. G. Molteno, 457
Barry, Mr. Charles, i. 244, 861, 370,
889, ii. 38
Barry, Mr. T. D., U. 83
Bashee Biver, i. 95, ii. 224, 238
Bastards {aes Griqoas)
Basutoland : war with the Free State,
and assistance given to the Basa-
tos by the Frontier Aimed and
Mounted Police, i. 187 ; 138 ; its pro-
posed annexation to Natal or to the
Cape, 160, 162, 165 ; 288, 291,292 ;
rumoor respecting its proposed an-
nexation to the Free State, ii. 89,
90, 857; revolt, 398; 408; its pros-
perity onder Mr. Molteno's role, 424 ;
proclamation for disarmament, 425,
426 ; war (1880), 446, 448
Bathorst, i. 123
Batlapin Border of the TranBvaal, i.
315
Batlapin war, ii. 857
Beaconsfield, Lord, ii. 160, 448 {see
also Disraeli, Mr.)
Beaufort, Fort, i. 88, 34, 42, 43, 226
Beaufort Grazing Company, i. 18
Beaufort West: i. 18, 15; burghers
called out at the outbreak of the
Kaffir war (1846), 26; municipal
institutions, 51, 52 ; bank started by
Mr. Molteno, 53; represented by
Mr. Molteno in Parliament, 61, 90 ;
railway from Capetown, ii. 88;
address by Mr. Molteno, 151 ; retire-
ment of Mr. Molteno from its repre-
sentation, 418
Bechuanaland Protectorate, the bene-
ficial results of its incorporation
with Cape Colony, ii. 107, 196
Bell, Sir Sydney, i. 201, 212, 227
Bellairs, Colonel, u. 297, 810, 356
7U)te 2, 882
Beresford, Fort, i. 46
Bemadotte, General, Sir J. C. Molteno
said to have been named after him,
i. 1
Blachford, Lord, i. 115, 825 ; on Mr.
Fronde's conduct in South Africa,
416, 417, 419. ii. 47 ; 114, 181 ; his
strictures on Sir Bartle Frere, 171 ;
206, 222, 409, 411 ; on the recall of
Sir Bartle Frere, 437, 438
Blaine, Mr., ii. 93, 124
Blenkins, C.B., Major, u. 463
Block Drift, i. 30, 32 sqq., 43
Bloemfontein : the Grey College, i.
208; Convention (1854), 315 ; speech
by Mr. Froude, 382
BlyUi, Captain, i. 286
Blytheswood, ii. 287
Boer war, ii. 257
Boers : unfairly blamed with regard
to the Basuto war, i, 69 ; their love
of *OnB Land,' 252, 258; circum-
stances which led to their great
trek to the Transvaal and the Free
State, 808 ; resentment against Sir
Bartle Frere, 439, 440 (ses also
Transvaal, and Dutch, the)
Bombay: the Governorship of Sir Bartle
Frere, ii. 161 aqq. ; the * Back Bay '
scheme, 165, 166 ; affairs of the
Bombay Bank, 166-168; loan to
Dhuleep Singh, 169; the census,
170
Bompas, Mr. (of East London), i. 224
Bomvanaland, ii. 238, 241
Botha, Andries (Hottentot l6ader)» i.
88 ; ii. 211
Botman (Kaffir ohief) L 45, ii. 277,
280
Bower, Caroline (see Molteno, Mrs.
John)
Bowker, Commandant, ii. 228
Brabant, Field-Commandant, ii. 230,
255, 294, 304, 310. 377, 878, 381,
886, 389
Brackenbury, Major, i. 450
Brand, Mr. (aft^wards President of
the Orange Free State), i. 86, 91, 92,
304, 454, ii. 71, 79 ; proposes that
territorial difficulties should be
settled by Lord Carnarvon and a
delegate from the Free State, 80;
in favour of Confederation, but
* under a South African banner,'
81 ; 86 ; arrives in England and
settles with Lord Carnarvon the
difficulties between the Imperial
Government and the Free State, 93,
94; at the London Conference, 110,
111, 118 ; relations with Mr. Mol-
teno, 173
Brand, Sir Christoffel (Speaker), i. 256
Bredasdorp, i. 123
Brianza, the, the Moltenos of, i. 2, 3
Bridges over the Orange River, i. 254
British South Africa Company, iL 53
nots
Broome, Napier, i. 450
Brown, Dr. John (author of * Bab and
his Friends '), i. 89
Brownlee, Mr. Charles, i. 38 ; becomes
Secretary for Native Affairs, 193,
INDEX
471
200 ; 230, 289. ii. 91, 241, 2i4. 255,
259, 289, 389, 390
Bulawayo, railway to, i. 239
Balwer, Sir Henrr, i. 425, 426; ap-
pointed by Lord Carnarvon to pre-
side at the proposed Ck>nfederation
(Conference, 438 ; ii. 116 note 2 ;
Governor of Natal, 130; oomes
under the control of Sir Bartle
Frere, 416; protests against the sup-
pression of his despatches, 417 and
note 2; on the preparations for the
Zaln war, 418, 419
Bargers, Mr. T. (President of the S.A.
Republic), letter to Mr. Molteno
from, i. 202 ; 303, 339, ii. 86
Burgher Force Act, i. 64-66; ii. 263,
294, 296, 320, 385
Burgher Law, the {see Burgher Force
Act)
Burns-hill, disaster to colonial force
at, i. 29, 30 ; 33, 45, 46
Bushman's Biver, railway to, i. 215,
231
Butler, Major, i. 450
Byl, Mr. Van der, ii. 440
Cjesarisu of Sir Bartle Frere in South
Africa, ii. 185
Calvinia, i. 139
Campbell, Colonel, in the Kaffir war
(1846), i. 30, 33 sqq,, 43
Canada, the demand for responsible
government in, i. 145 sgq. ; Con-
federation in, 297, 325, 326, ii. 35 ;
resolution on the rights of self-
government passed by the Legis-
lature of, 55
Cauning, Lord, ii. 176
Cape Colony: wine trade, i. 9, 10, 11,
12; wool trade, 11, 15,215; physi-
cal features, 16 sqq. ; Kaffir war
(1846), 31 5^0.; martial law pro-
claimed, 31 ; hostility of colonists
aroused by military officers, 50 ; the
attempt to place the colonial forces
under military officers, 49, 51 ;
British occupation, and the cost of
military defence, 57, 105 note^ 309 ;
the anti-convict settlement agita-
tion, 49, 57, 58, 59, 312, ii. 9 ; claims
representative institutions (1841), i.
58 ; establishment of a constitution,
59 ; impetus to trade by representa-
tive institutions, 75 ; commercial
crisis of 1865, 104 ; revenue and
expenditure (1869), 121 ; excitement
created by the proposals of Gover-
nor Wodehouse for retrenchment,
131 ; Sir Henry Barkly becomes
Governor, 158 ; excitement over the
Constitution Amendment Bill, 173 ;
agitation for the separation of the
eastern and western provinces, 187,
188, 208, 226, 314, 370. 404, 431 ; esta-
blishment of an examining univer-
sity, 205, 213 ; increasing prosperity
of 1871 and 1872, 214, 215 ; raUway
extension, 206, 215, 281, 234-240,
249, 321, ii. 405, 455 ; public libra-
ries, i. 254 ; arms of the colony,
281 910^; proposed annexation of
coast-line islands, 284, 285 ; terri-
tories proposed to be annexed, 286
sqq. ; stages of its development, 298 ;
the native question, 299 sqq,, 300
sqq. {see also Natives^ ; its history
before 1854, 300 ; its importance as
compared with other States, 304 ;
petition against the annexation of
the Transvaal, 203 note 2; the
question of military defence, 250-
253 ; amount of public debt in 1881,
447 ; taxation in 1888. 447, 448
Cape of Good Hope Bank, i. 53
Cape Town : public library, i. 8, 16,
254 ; the firm of Molteno A Co.,
9, 10; social life, 13; laying the
foundation-stone of the new Houses
of Parliament, 280 ; meeting in sup-
port of Mr. Molteno*s Ministry, 455,
456
Cardwell, Mr., i. 95 ; on the proposed
annexation of Kaffraria, 98
Carlyle, i. 328, 330 note 1
Carnarvon, Lord, i. 83, 105 ncte, 116,
120, 253, 256; succeeds Lord Kim-
berley as Secretary of the Colonies,
2o7 ; orders the removal of Langali-
balele and Mahlambulefrom Bobben
Island, 263 ; the fatal consequences
of his interfering with the self-
government of the colony, 282, 283 ;
refuses his assent to the annexation
of Walfisch Bay, 285, U. 207 {see
also Walfisch Bay) ; despatch on
the Cape policy towards natives,
i. 293, 294 ; early connection with
the Colonial Office, 295, 296; his
recall of Sir George Grey, 296;
moves resolutions for confederat-
ing the British Colonies of North
America, 297 ; his approval of the
Cape policy towards natives, 300,
312 ; 315, 316 ; change of his views
between 1859 and 1874, 318; his
early communications with Sir II.
Barkly on Confederation, 323, 324 ;
key-note of his policy, 327; his
instructions to Sir Bartle Frere for
472 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
immediate Confederation, 329 ; de-
putes Mr. Froude to visit South
Africa (1874), 882, 888; his Con.
federation despatch (1875), 884
sqq. ; his real objects with regard
to his Confederation scheme, 340,
ii. 187 ; intrigues for the fall of Mr.
Molteno, i. 341,877, 401, ii. 46, 110,
122, 216, 286 ; unconstitntional
character of his action, i. 344 and
fioie 1 ; the persistency with which
he pursued his object, 347, 348,
441 ; the Jesuitical character of his
despatches, 376, 377, ii. 72 ; letter
to Mr. Molteno, i. 379, 380; ap-
proves of Mr. Froude's conduct as
an agitator, 418, 419, 421; his
limited acquaintance with South
African politics, 430; his second
despatch, 431 8qq.\ his unconsti-
tutional conduct in appealing to the
people of the colony apart from its
Government, 484, ii. 88 noUf 41 ;
appoints Sir Garnet Wolseley Gover-
nor of Natal, i. 449 ; his third de-
spatch, ii. 24, 25 ; reference to his
procedure by Ix)rd Granville, 87,
38 ; suggests a dissolution of the
Cape Parliament, 42, 44; with-
draws his suggestion for the disso-
lution of Parliament, 46; his de-
spatch on the terms of Mr. Molteno*s
motion, 48 ; adopts all Mr. Froude's
statements, 67, 58, 60 ; his attempt
to force Confederation upon the
West Indies, 68, 69; fourth de-
spatch, 70, 71,73; his various de-
spatches compared, 72, 73 ; proposes
a conference in London, 70, 71 ;
fifth despatch, 75-77 ; his covert
designs on the Itepublics, 82 ; settles
the Griqualund question with Mr.
Brand, 93, 94 ; his communications
with Mr. Molteno relative to Gri-
qualand West affairs, 97-102 ;
refuses to sanction the annexation
of Damaraland, 102, 103 ; his first
public suggestion respecting the
annexation of the Transvaal, 104,
105 ; presses Mr. Molteno to attend
the London Conference, 110, 112,
113 ; his speech at the conference,
114-117 ; receives a deputation of
South African merchants, 123-127 ;
warned against pressing his Con-
federation scheme, 130, 131 ; selects
Sir Bartle Frere as Governor and
High Commissioner for South
Africa. 132, 160, 174. 851 ; his pro-
posal for uniting Griqualand West
with Cape Colony, 183 aqq, ; on the
scope of the Permissive Bill, 137
s^^., 144; his misreading of colonial
history, 140; his treatment of Sir
George Grey, 158 ; makes Sir Bartle
Frere Dictator, 18A ; secret instroc-
tions to Sir Bartle Frere, 186, 187 ;
annexes the Transvaal, 199 {see
also Transvaal) ; his duplicity with
respect to annexing the Transvaal,
208-205 ; expresses approval of the
native policy of the Molteno Minis-
try, 218 ; on colonial defence, 807,
358 ; 852, 861 ; resignation, 373 ;
opposed to attacking the Znlus, 419
* Carrington's Horse,' ii. 271, 273, 274
Cathcart, Fort, ii. 239
! Cathcart, Lord, ii. 350
Cathcart, Sir G., i. 259
I Cetywayo, i. 292. ii. 219, 295. 357,
420; Sir Bartle Frere's ultimatum
to hun, 421
Chalmers, Mr., ii. 280, 275
Chelmsford, Lord, ii. 422 note 3
Chicliaba, ii. 279
Childers, Mr., i. 179
Chinese labour, i. 249, 250. ii. 89
Christian, Mr., i. 208
Christie, Dr., i. 61. 142. 3G1
Chnmie Hoek, i. 44, 45
Clough, Mr., i. 244
Cole, Mr., ii. 211
Colenso, Bishop, raises an agitation
against the Natal Government on
the Langalibalele question, i. 260,
261 ; ii. 65, 82 note ; on the annex-
ation of the Transvaal, 204 note 3,
433 note^ 442 noU; on Sir Bartle
Frere, 372 Ttote, 446 note ; on South
African Blue-books, 374 note 2 ; on
the Zulu war, 401 note, 419 notes ;
414 ; on Sir Bartle Frere's Zulu
award, 421 note 1 ; on the Basuto
war, 446 note 3
Colesberg, i. 85
Colley, Sir George, i. 450, ii. 221,
871 note, 488
Colnaghis, the, of Pall Mall, i. 2
Colonial policy, three periods of,
i. 65-58
Colonies, Ministers of, constitutional
relations between the Imperial Go-
vernment and, ii. 50 sqq., 54, 55
Commission on frontier defence, ii. 89,
213, 214
Confederation of the British Colonies
of North America, i. 297 {see aleo
Canada)
Confederation of South Africa: dis-
cussion of the question in the House
INDEX
473
of Commons, i. 184 ; difficulties in
tlie way of Confederation when the
Home Goverment first considered
the question, 297 sqq, ; no new idea,
818, 819; Lord Carnarvon's de-
spatch, 384 sqq, ; debate in the Cape
Parliament on the despatch, 848-
855 ; Mr. Froude's speech at a
public dinner, 861-869; Mr.Froude's
report to Lord Carnarvon, 872, 878,
418 ; the agitation initiated by Mr.
Froude, 886 sqq. ; Lord Carnarvon's
second despatch, 481 sqq, ; answers
to the invitation to join the proposed
conference from Oriqualand West,
Natal, the Free State, and the Trans-
vaal, 448, 452, 454 ; Lord Carnar-
von's third deipatch in which, it was
supposed, the conference proposal
was withdrawn, ii. 24, 25, 29, 40,
41 ; conference summoned in Lon-
don. 42, 43, 70 ; must be founded
by the people of South Africa them-
selves, 67; opposition of the con-
ference party to a conference in
England, 79 ; three sections of the
conference party, 79, 80 ; approved
of by the Transvaal, but ' under a
South African banner,' 81 ; Lord
Carnarvon's allusions to the subject
in his speech to a deputation of
merchants, 125 ; forced Confedera-
tion the real object of the Permissive
Bill, 146; views of the Hon. W.
Forster on the subject, 189, 190;
position of the question after the
annexation of the Transvaal, 219,
220 ; results of attempting to force
Confederation, 899 ; the Zulu w^ar
intended by Sir Bartle Frere aK a
preliminary to Confederation, 418 ;
attempt by Mr. Sprigg's Ministry to
arrange a conference, 427 ; the un-
settled feeling throughout South
Africa caused by the question, 428,
429 ; despatch of Sir Michael Hicks-
Beach on the subject, 480 ; Minute
of Ministers approving the principle,
481 ; resolutions moved in Parlia-
ment (1880) and their rejection, 431,
48;>-487; loss of life in forcing the
Confederation policy, 446
Conference in London : first suggested,
ii. 42, 48, 70 ; opposed by the con-
ference party, 79 ; attitude of Cape
Ministers and of President Brand
regarding it, 80, 81 ; Lord Carnar-
von's main object in holding it, 81 ;
Mr. Molteno declines to attend. 111 ;
its members, 111 ; comments of the
London press upon it, 111, 112;
Lord Carnarvon's speech, 114-117;
statement of President Brand, 118 ;
resolutions passed, 118, 119 ; opi-
nion in South Africa of it, 119, 120
Constitution Amendment Bill, i. 209,
231, 240-249 {see also Besponsible
Oovemment)
Constitution Ordinance for the colony,
i.209
Constitution Ordinance Amendment
Act, i. 186
Convention, Transvaal, first proposed,
ii. 441
Convict settlement, proposed estab-
lishment at the Cape of a, i. 49, 57,
58, 59, 312 ; u. 9
Convicts, increase in number of, i. 107 ;
bill for reducing sentences on, 118
Coolie labour, i. 249, 250
Copeland, Mr., i. 410
Copyright Bill, i. 216
Corruption, political, inseparable from
the government of colonies from a
distant centre, ii. 52, 53
Courtney, Mr., ii. 62, 440 note
Cowie, Field-Commandant, ii. 280,
294
Cradock, i. 35, 226
Crossman, Lieut.-Colonel, ii. 136
Crown lands, leasing of, i. 52, 53;
faulty disposition of, 109 ; free occu-
pation of, 189, 140, 810
Cunene Biver, i. 284, 285 ; ii. 88, 208,
408
Cunynghame, Fort, ii. 289
Cunynghame, Sir A., i. 346, 433, 450 ;
ii. 212, 238, 240, 292 and note,
298 note 1, 317, 822, 827, 363, 888,
394
Currie, Mr. Donald, ii. 120
— Sir Walter, i. 189
Damabaland, Lord Carnarvon's refusal
to sanction its annexation to the
colony, and the consequences, ii.
102, 108 ; 408
Darling, Sir Charles, ii. 67
Darnell, Mr., i. 69
Delagoa Bay, ii. 116 and note S
Dennis, Mr. T., i. 7
Deputation of Cape merchants to Lord
Carnarvon, ii. 128-128
Derby, Lord, his description of the
Colonial Office, i. 811 ; ii. 418
De Smidt, Mr., i. 241
Devenish, Mr., i. 41, 48, 47
De VilUers, Sir J. H., i. 180, 154, 168 ;
Attorney-Oeneral in the first Cabinet
i under the Besponsible Government
474 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
Act, 192 ; 193 ; 199 note ; his fitneis
for his offioe, and his sabseqaent
appointment to the post of Chief
Justice. 200, 301 and noU, 227. 228
and note ; on Mr. Molteno's native
policy, 294 ; on Mr. Molteno's honet
of oltimate federation, 822; his
testimony to Sir J. C. Molteno,
ii.464
De Wet, Mr., i. 209, 358
Diamond Fields, motion for the
annexation of, i. 174, 175 ; 185 ; trade
and traffic of, 215 ; 802, 814 ; procla-
mation of British sovereignty over
them, 815, 321, 452; 871
Dingaan (Kaffir chief), i. 88
Disraeli, Mr., his allusion in a speech
at Guildhall to the anticipated
federation of African colonies and
States, ii. 35 {see also Beaconsfield,
Lord)
Divisional Councils Bill, i. 102
* Donald Currie * line, subsidy to, i.
216
Dufferin, Lord, ii. 349
D'Urban, Sir Benjamin, i. 128, 808
Durham, Lord, his report of 1839
quoted, i. 145, 146 ; 825
Dnmford, Qeneral, ii. 421 note 1
Dutch, the, education of, i. 218 ; their
feeling towards the British Ghovern-
ment on the native question, 308,
810, 311; resentment created by
the annexation of the Transvaal,
427, 488 ; their character, 489 {see
also Boers)
Du Toit, Mr. Andreas, i. 26, 83, 89,
40 ; his account of the march to the
frontier (1846), 41 sqq.
East London, i. 129 ; Mr. Molteno's
official visit to, 224 ; 250, ii. 212,
281, 232, 800, 804, 816
Eastern and Western provinces, agita-
tion for the separation of, i. 187,
188, 208, 226, 314, 870, 404, 431
Ebden, John Bardwell, i. 9, 13 ; starts
the Cape of Good Hope Bank, 53
Education : Bill of 1863, i. 102 ; efforts
of Sir George Grey for its extension,
and his establishment of Grey Col-
lege and Lovedale Institution, 203,
204 ; Act of 1858, 205 ; establish-
ment of an examining university for
the Cape of Good Hope, 205, 218 ;
Act of 1874 for assisting the estab-
lishment of professorships and
lectureships, 205, 254 ; extension of
university advantages, 206 ; in Hol-
Und, 213
Ekstein, Commandant, i. 86
Eland's Post, i. 29
Elgin, Lord, Canadian administra-
tion of, i. 147, ii. 850
Elliott, Major, U. 285, 388, 268
Emigration from Cape Colony, i. 104,
105, 121
Enslin, Mr., i. 48
Enstace. Colonel, i. 172. 178, 180,
U.229
Ewell, Surrey, i. 7
Exeter Hall party, i. 806, 807, 816
Fagnani, i. 4 and note 2
Fairbairn, Mr., i. 92
Fairbridge, Mr. C. A., L 181, 244, 281
note; speech against the action of
Lord Carnarvon, ii. 4 note
Faku, 1.290
Farms, price paid for, i. 109
Federation of South Africa, advocated,
i. 76, 88 ; 66, 173, 184 (see also
Confederation)
Fingoes, the, attacked by the Kaffirs
at Beka station, i. 30 ; 39, 287, 289 ;
Sir Bartle Frere's policy towards
them, 293 ; attacked by the Galekas,
223, 225 sqq, ; 263, 264 ; disarmed,
428
Fingoland, proposed annexation of, 1.
286, 288
Fiscal Divisions Bill, L 127
Fish River, i. 40
Flamma, Galvaneus, i. 4
Forster, Hon. W., on compulsory
federation at the Cape, ii. 189
Fowler, Mr. B. N., proposes a resolu-
tion in the House of Commons for
Confederation in South Africa, i. 184
Francis & Co., Messrs. Edward, i. 10
Franklin, Mr., i. 85, 127
Fredrickson (of Cape Town), i. 13
Free State, the: proposals for its
annexation to the Colony, i. 73, 74,
202,319, 320 ; war with the Basutos,
137, 138 ; proposals for annexation
abandoned, 186, 821 ; its compara-
tive position with Cape Colony, 298;
becomes an independent State, 303,
319 ; area, population, <fto., 303, 304 ;
circumstances which led to its found-
ing, 308 ; violation of its rights by
the proclamation of British sove-
reignty over the diamond fields, 315,
452 ; its attitude with regard to
taking part in a Confederation Con-
ference, 453, 454 ; attitude of Mr.
Molteno's Ministry towards it. ii.
18, 19 ; President Brand proposes
the settlement of territorial difii-
INDEX
475
culties by Lord Carnarvon and a
delegate from the Free State, 80 ;
Mr. Brand's conference with Lord
Carnarvon, 93, 94 ; 146 ; rejects the
Permissive Bill, 147, 202
Frere, Sir Bartle : attempts to place
the colonial forces under military
officers, i. 49, 51; 83; his declaration
relative to native chiefs, 120; his
view of colonial defence, 162 ; 186,
258, 271 ; his policy towards native
tribes, 293 ; ii. 40, 46, 47, 91 ; 98,
116 ; selected by Lord Carnarvon
as Governor and High Commissioner
of South Africa, 132, 160 ; named
by Lord Carnarvon 'pro-consul,*
139 ; his training in India, 140 ; his
salary, powers, c&c, as Goveiiior-
General, 141, 142, 146, 150, 183,
184 ; his despotic rule as Governor
of Bombay, 161-163, 165 sgq. ; con-
trast between him and Sir John
Lawrence, 163, 164; financial ne-
gligence, 165 sqq.; his action re-
specting the Sultan of Zanzibar,
170, 184; disastrous results of his
rule in South Africa, 171, 172 ; his
views after colonial experience, 176
sqq. ; his suggestion for dealing with
difficulties in New Zealand, 181,
182 ; his Csesarism in South Africa,
185; complains of his limited
powers as constitutional Governor,
186, 190, 191, 227 mdnoU; igno-
rance of constitutional government,
191 note ; fails to induce Mr. Mol-
teno to support the Permissive Bill,
194, 198 ; difference with Mr. Mol-
teno on the Transvaal annexation
question, 201 ; visit to the frontier,
223, 226 ; disregards the advice of
the Ministry respecting measures
for the suppression of the outbreak
of the Galekas against the Fingoes,
226, 227, 229 sqq, ; reports to Lord
Carnarvon the success of the cam-
paign against the Galekas, 241 ;
requests the Ministry to consent
to a settlement of Scotch and
Germans in Galekaland, 243 sqq. ;
advocates a standing army for
South Africa, 250 ; urges the em-
ployment of Imperial troops in the
Colony, 259 sqq. ; his unconstitu-
tional proceedings on the frontier,
271 sqq.; attempts to disarm the na-
tives, 282 sqq., 288, 423 sqq. ; refuses
the advice of Ministers, 285 ; illegally
appoints commissioners to admi-
nister martial law, 290, 291 and
note ; his military preparations for
crushing the Zulu power, 295, 297 ;
differences with the Ministry on the
control of colonial forces, 305, 808
sqq.^ 815 sqq, ; correspondence with
Mr. Molteno on the verification and
publication of records of private con-
versations, 311-316 ; his conclusions
as to the command of forces and
the appointment of a Commandant-
General of colom'al troops, 321, 322;
irregular proceedings at a Cabinet
Council, 831, 382; dismisses Mr. Mol-
teno from office, 389, 840 ; unconsti-
tutional conduct in communicating
with Mr. Molteno's colleagues, 841,
842 ; the question at issue between
him and Mr. Molteno's Cabinet,
842, 343; despatch to Lord Car-
narvon on his contention with the
Molteno Ministry, 352, 353 ; exami-
nation of his policy, 354 sqq. ; his
recaU, 357, 487, 446; 860, 861;
returns to Cape Town, 871 ; ex parte
statements relative to the dismissal
of Mr. Molteno, 872, 373; his
Minutes on military defence, 875 ;
his despotic aims, 400, 401 ; obtains
the control of the Administrator of
the Transvaal and of the Lieutenant-
Governor of Natal, 416 ; proceedings
in forcing a war upon Cetywayo,
418-422; deprived of the High
Commissionership of South-Eastera
Africa, 423 ; disarms the Fingoes,
423 ; again urges the subject of Con-
federation upon Parliament, 427
sqq. ; his misleading despatches to
the Imperial Government, 489 ;
forces the hand of the new Imperial
Government, and secures Lord Kim-
berley's approval of the Confedera-
tion policy, 448-445 ; his last com-
munication ¥rith Mr. Molteno, 461
Frontier Armed and Mounted Police,
i. 67, 187, 188, 206, 229, ii. 225 sqq.,
236, 237, 251, 254, 262, 269, 402
Frontier Defence Bill, ii. 215
Frontier Defence Commission, ii. 89,
213, 214
Frost, Commandant, ii. 294, 809, 877,
378, 381, 886, 889
Froude, Mr., i. 258; letter to Mr.
Molteno on the Langalibalele affair,
276-278 ; 299, 815, 816, 817 noU ;
his report quoted, 827 note ; his
superficial methods of workt 328,
329 ; a disciple of Carlyle in regard-
ing despotism as the ideal form of
government, 829, 830; his views
476 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
on slavery, 330 note 1 ; statements
made during his visit to Sooth
Africa in 1874 disclaiming any offi-
cial object of the visit, 881, 332;
letter to Mr. Molteno showing that
the visit of 1^74 had been arranged
with Lord Carnarvon, 882,887-889;
the work embraced in his sixty days'
tonr of * instruction and amusement,'
883 ; appointed by Lord Carnarvon
to represent England in the proposed
conference of colonies and States,
334 ; promises Mr. Molteno personal
honours for supporting Lord Car-
narvon's policy, 340, 841 and note 1 ;
the opinion of the House of Assembly
of him, 346, 352; correspondence
with Mr. Molteno respecting a public
explanation of Lonl Carnarvon's
views, 858-8G0 ; speech at the din-
ner at Port Elizabeth, 361-869 ; his
report to Lord Carnarvon, 872, 378,
413 ; the incorrect character of some
of his statements, 377 ; * stumps '
the country in order to upset the
Cape Ministry, 378; speeches at
Kimberley and Bloemfontein, 381,
382 ; speech at Port Elizabeth, 884,
385; his contradictory utterances,
385 sqq„ 407, 411 ; speech at Wor-
cester, 887, 888 ; the methods he
adopted to win the support of the
Dutch, 888, 890; speech at Natal,
391 ; letter to Mr. Molteno threaten-
ing to leave the Cape out of a Fede-
ration, 392 ; correspondence with
Mr. Molteno, 394-399 ; attacks Mr.
Molteno, 399 sqq,, 407, 408; speech
at Port Elizabeth (1875), 399-402;
speeches at Orahamstown, 404-408 ;
his * English in the West Indies '
quoted, 410 note; his interference
between the Crown and the Cape
Legislature, 412 ; letter to Sir H.
Barkly on Mr. Molteno's attitude,
413; his assumptions as Imperial
emissary, 414, 415; attributes dis-
loyalty to the Colonial Government,
415; his conduct represented by
Lord Blachford, 416, 417; at the
opening of a railway at Uitenhage,
417, 418 ; his conduct approved of
by Lord Carnarvon, 418 ; demands
to see official documents, 418;
criticisms of his conduct by the
London Press, 422 ; advises Sir H.
Barkly to summon a special sitting
of Parliament for displacing the
Premier, 412, 424; his application
to be made acquainted with the
Ministers* Memorandum refused,
446. 447 ; reaction against him, 456,
ii. 4 and note ; criticism of his con-
duct in Mr. Molteno's speech at the
opening of Parliament (1875), 11
sqq. ; 32 ; his final conclusion, 84 ; 43,
45 ; the question of the position he
assumed in the Colony, 59, 61, 62;
allusions to him by Mr. Lowther in
the House of Commons, 61, 62;
criticism of his Report, 62-65 ; his
personal relations with Mr. Molteno
shown in two letters from him, 66.
67, 461 ; later views on the inter-
ference of the Home Government
in South African affairs, 67 and
note ; at the London Conference, 110.
Ill, 115, 120 ; 131, 132, 202, 203
Fuller, Mr. (Cape Emigration Agent),
i. 428, 430 noU 1
Fynn, Mr., i. 288
Gaikas, the, i. 29, 31, 231, ii. 229.
256, 259, 260, 261; rebelUon of,
282 $qq., 328, 877, 385, 404
Galeka war of 1878, L 50, 159, 231;
ii. 356
Galekaland, proposal to settle Scotch
and German families in, ii. 243 $qq,
Galekas, the, i. 287 ; their attack on
the Fingoes, ii. 223, 225 tqq. ; their
return to Galekaland, 254, 261
Gamka Biver, i. 17
Gangalizwe (Kreli's son-in-law), i.
206, 230, 288, 290 ; ii. 87, 91, 225
Gatberg, the, i. 286, 287
Gawler, Colonel, expedition against
KreU of, i. 286
Germany, its influence in South Africa,
i. 285 ; takes Damaraland, ii. 102
Gibson, Major, in the Kafi&rwar (1846).
i. 30
Gifford, Lord, i. 450
Gladstone, Mr., on the oontrol of
native relations in New Zealand, i.
149 ; on Sir Bartle Frere, 174, 175,
ii. 351 ; en England interfering with
the concerns of other States, i. 205,
ii. 898; his indignation at having
been misled respecting affairs in the
Transvaal, 444
Glanville, Mr., i. 198, 200
Glenelg, Lord, his despateh of Sir
Andries Stoekenstrom to make
treaties with native i^iofs, i. 307
Glyn, Colonel, ii. 255, 366, 279
Godlonton, Mr. (of Grahamstown), i.
221, 222, 241, 410
Gongobella, ii. 877
Gonubie, the, ii. 378
INDEX
477
Goodliffe, Mr., i. 361
Goverament of colonies from a dis-
tant centre impracticable, ii. 51-58,
220
Governor, constitutional, functions of
a, ii. 191, 192, 349 ; not free to act
without or against the advice of his
Ministry, 348
Governors of colonies, difficulties
overcome and work accomplished
by, ii. 156-157
Graaf Beinet, i. 38, 85, 41, 226
Grahamstown, i. 10, 15; Parliament
of 1863 held at, 90 ; 129 ; Separa-
tion League of, 187 ; official visit of
Mr. Molteno as Prime Minister,
221-228 ; speeches of Mr. Froude
at, 404-408
Grant-Dufr, Mr., ii. 444
Granville, Lord, i. 155, 159, 179 ; on
Lord Carnarvon's despatches, 376;
his question in the House of Lords
on Mr. Froude's proceedings, ii. 38 ;
307
* Great Eastern * newspaper, i. 90
Grey, Earl, favours representative
institutions at the Gape, i. 59, 115 ;
147. 148, 209 ; his attempt to send
convicts to the Cape, 812, ii. 9;
350
'Grey, Sir George, appointed Governor
of the Cape, i. 60 ; 66 ; fitness for
his post, 67 ; his efforts for develop-
ing the resources of the Colony, 68 ;
censure on his use of the police,
68, 69 ; on the proposals of the
Free State for annexation, 73, 74 ;
recalled, 74, 296, 319, 320 ; 114 ; his
testimony to Mr. Molteno, 197, 198 ;
the wise policy which he inaugu-
rated, his efforts on behalf of edu-
cation, and his establishment of the
Grey College at Bloemfontein, 203,
204; 311; reason of his recall, 320 ;
ii. 158 ; his views of the duties of
a Governor, 175 ; on dealing with
New Zealand difficulties, 182 ; 224 ;
his testimony to Sir J. C. Molteno,
459
Grey College, Bloemfontein, i. 208
Griffith, Colonel, ii. 435
Griffith, Commandant, i. 293, ii. 229
$qq.; the successful issue of his
operations at the head of Colonial
troops against Kreli, 239, 240 ; 254,
277, 279, 801 sqq., 377. 387. 389.
892, 424
Griffith, W. D. (Attorney-General), i.
1P7, 108; attacks Mr. Molteno,
n9 ; 140 ; refuses to draft the Re-
sponsible Government Bill, 169 ;
172, 315
Griffiths, Mr., Government agent in
Basutoland, ii. 90
Griqua war, ii. 857
Griqualand East, i. 286, 288
Griqualand West : i. 162, 165 ; with-
drawal of a Bill for its annexation
to the Cape, 184 ; 298, ii. 217. 218,
219 note; area and population, i.
302 ; government, 302 ; rebellion,
308; question of the boundary of,
315, 316, 338; 363. 418; consents
to attend the Confederation Confer-
ence, 447. 448 ; iL 32, 72, 76, 78, 79 ;
the teiTitorial question to be dis-
cussed by Lord Carnarvon and Mr.
Molteno, 83-87 ; settlement of dis-
putes by Lord Carnarvon and Mr.
Brand, 93 sqq,; its incorporation
with the Colony proposed by Lord
Carnarvon, 96 sqq,, 208 ; its attain-
ment of responsible government by
annexation to Cape Colony, 107;
Lord Carnarvon on its annexation,
108 ; represented at the London
Conference by Mr. Froude, 111,
120 ; 184 sqq. ; 428, 482
Griquas, the, i. 189
Grissold (of Cape Town), i. 13
Groepe. Commandant, i. 38, 89
Hauelburo, Mr., i. 169, 185
Harcourt, Dr., Molteno's schoolmaster,
i. 7
Hare, Colonel, in the Kaffir war (1846),
i. 29, 35, 86, 42 sqq.
Harries, Mr. (leader of the Separation
party), i. 83, 93
• Hell Poort,' i. 17
Hemming, Mr., ii. 877, 886
Hennessy, Mr. Pope, ii. 68, 69
Herbert, Sir Robert, ii. 109, 128;
letter to Mr. Molteno from, 128,
129
Hex River, i. 18
Hicks-Beach, Sir Michael, ii. 807, 344,
352, 373, 374 and note 1, 421, 426 ;
his despatch on Confederation, 430
Hiddingh, Dr., i. 181, 182
Hintza (Kaffir chief), i. 88
flofmeyer, Mr. J. H., LL.D., i. 61,
340, 871, ii. 485, 486, 440
Home, Edgar A Co., Messrs., i. 10
Hook, Mr., ii. 287
House of Commons : introduction of
the South African Bill, ii. 61 ; mo-
tion on the self-defence of colonies,
358
Howe, Hon. Joseph, i. 879 and noU
478 LIFE AND TIMES OP SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Hndson, Donaldson, Dixon A Ck).,
Messrs., i. 11
Haman, Mr., i. 181
Humansdorp, i. 128
Home, Mr., L 237
Button, Henry, L 89
Ibsxa, U. 280. 286, 287, 240, 279
lohaboe, i. 285
Immigration, i. 206, 249, 250
Impeta, ii. 239, 804
Income tax, i. 121, 181
India, disastrous results of Sir Bartle
Frere*s policy in, ii. 188, 189, 198
Indutywa Reserve, i. 286
logogo, ii. 249
Innes, Mr. J. B., ii. 840
Intombe, oaves of, ii. 442 note
* Irreconcilables,* i. 244
Irrigation, Mr. Molteno's scheme of,
ii. 407 noU, 448
Irvine, Mr., ii. 282
Isandhlwana, i. 80, ii. 808, 899, 414,
422
* Ishmaelites,' i. 244
Italians, purity of their descent, i. 2
note
Jacobs, Mr. Simeon, reintroduces the
Besponsible Qovemment Bill into
ParUament, i. 179 ; appointed Attor-
ney-General, 228 ; 246, 411 ; ii. 24,
200
Jardine, Mr. Johnstone, librarian of
Cape Town Library, i. 8
Jarvis, Miss E. M., becomes the se-
cond wife of Mr. Molteno, i. 52'
Jarvis, Mr. Hercules Crosse, i. 52,
ii. 148
Johannesburg, i. 239, 240
Johnstone, Iiieut.-Colonel, i. 87, 88, 47
Jordaan, Commandant, i. 86
Joubert, Commandant, i. 88, 89
Joubert, Mr. (of the Transvaal), i.
454, u. 440 noU
Kaffib wab (1846), i. 26-49 ; 309
Kaffraria, Government grant for the
civilisation of, i. 69; the question
of its annexation to the Colony, 95,
96, 98 sqq. ; Mr. Molteno's official
visit to, 224 sqq, ; its attainment of
responsible government by annex,-
ation to Cape Colony, 107, ii. 197
Kalahari, the, i. 305
Karoo, the Great, i. 18
Kat River, i. 35
Kaye, Sir John, ii. 169
Kei River, i. 40, 47, 95, 206, 286 ; ii.91,
224, 231, 237, 239, 256, 279
Eeiskama River, i. 40
Khiva (Galeka chief), U. 266, 279, 280,
284, 289, 291
Kimberley, speech by Mr. Froude at,
i. 881 ; iL 218
Kimberley, Lord, his letter to Sir
Henry Barkly on Cape govern-
ment, L 159, 160; favours respon-
sible government, 161, 179 ; his
reply to Sir Henry Barkly's de-
spatch on Federation, 185 ; 201, 208,
257; assents to the Cape having
control of the natives, 812; gives
Sir Henry Barkly power io summon
a conference for the consideration
of Confederation, 821, 823 ; on the
relations between the Imperial Go-
vernment and Colonial Ministers,
ii. 50 ; 68, 818, 849, 852, 861, 426,
443 ; gives his approval to the re-
tention of the Transvaal and to
Sir Bartle Frere's Confederation
poUcy, 444, 445; 449 noto
King, Mr. (of the Cape Parliankoit),
u. 86
King William's Town, L 129; Mr.
Molteno's official visit to, 224, 225;
ii. 232. 238, 286, 800
Kirk, Sir John, iL 170
Knatchbull-Hugessen, Mr., i. 184
Knysna, i. 128
Koch, Mr., i. 209
Kok, Adam, i. 286, 288
Komgha, ii 239, 259
Korannas, the, L 189
Kosa country, L 83
Kowie, i. 238
Kreli (Kaffir chief), i. 80, 86 ; Sir A.
Stookenstrom's conference with, 87-
40 ; 47, 50, 206, 280, 287 ; war with
Gangeliswe, 290, iL 91, 225 ; federa-
tion between him and other chiefs,
i. 290, 292 ; iL 87, 211, 212, 224 ;
attacks the Fingoes, 224, 226, 229
sqq, ; 280, 884
Kmger, President, ii. 102, 440 noU^
442
Laino, Mr., i. 358, ii. 82, 65
Laing'sNek,iL249
Land, methods of surveying, i. 87
Land Boundaries Act, i. 84
Land Tax Bill, i. 79, 80
Lands Beacons Act, i. 85, 102
Langalibalele, Act of Parliament for
his detention on Robben Island, i.
259, 260 ; Lord Carnarvon's instroe-
tions for his removal from Robboi
Island, and the subsequent action
INDEX
479
of the Cape Parliament on the sub-
ject, 263 sqq, ; 291, 292, ii. 20, 36
Langalibalele outbreak, u 229, 280,
258, 301, 802 ; ii. 225, 451
Lanyon, Sir Owen, i. 418, ii. 221 ; ap-
pointed Administrator of the Trans-
vaal, 429 ; 486,438,439
Lawrenoe, Lord, extracts from his
letters on Sir Bartle Frere, ii. 162 ;
the contrast between him and Sir
Bartle Frere, 168, 164; 169, 171,
445
Lecky, Mr. (quoted), i. 60, 61 ; on Mr.
Fronde, 328, 329, 831 noU
Legislative Ck>uncil, rejects the Bill
for responsible government, i. 174 ;
passes the Bill for responsible go-
vernment, 182 ; mode of electing,
209, 210 ; how effected by the Consti-
tution Amendment Bill, 240; denies
Mr. Molteno the right to be heard
on his resolution against the action
of Lord Carnarvon, ii. 6, 7, 22
Lewis, Sir George Comewall, 1. 144 ;
(quoted) 375 noUt 418, ii. 86 note ;
on the self-government of colonies,
56
Libraries, public, i. 254
Linde, Conmiandant, i. 86
Lindenburg, Mr., i. 181
Lindsay, Lieut.-Colonel, in the Kaffir
war (1846), i. 80; his conduct in
the affair of flogging a waggon-
driver, 50
Loans for railways, i. 215
Loch, Lord, ii. 101
Lovedale Mission, i. 80, 204, 291, 408
Lowe, Mr., i. 179
Lowther, Mr., ii. 86 ; his allusions to
Mr. Froude in introducing the South
Africa Bill, 61, 62
Loyalty, a corrupted meaning of, ii.
198
Lynar, Mr., i. 256
Lyttlcton, Mr. (Sir Bartle Frere's pri-
vate secretary), ii. 286, 881
Lytton, Sir Edward Bulwer, i. 74, 185
Maasdorp, Mr., ii. 84, 87, 884
Macdonald, Sir John, i. 825
Mackinnon (sub-chief of the Gkklekas),
ii. 254, 255, 256, 257, 259, 288
Macomo (Kaffir chief), i. 45, 259
Mafeking, i. 239
Mahlambule, i. 259
Mails to South Africa, conveyance of,
ii. 120, 121
Maitland, Sir Peregrine, proclaims the
Colony under martial law (1846), i.
81; 46
Majuba, ii. 249
Manuel, Mr., i. 209, 244
Mapassa, u. 247, 254, 257, 288
Marais, Mr., ii. 217
Marquard, Mr., i. 861
Martial law, proclamation to the
Gaikas of, ii. 289, 290
Martineau, Mr., biography of Sir
Bartle Frere by, ii. 863
Master and servant. Act upon the
question of, i. 68, 216
Mazeppa Bay, ii. 230, 231, 265, 269
Meiring, Mr., i. 152
Memorandum of Ministers to Lord
Carnarvon, i. 437-441 ; laid upon
the table of the House, ii. 8
Merivale, on the right of representa-
tive government in the colonies, i.
56 ; 148
Merriman, Mr. (of the Cape Parlia
ment), i. 121; opposes responsible
government, 168 ; 188, 209, 244, 246,
247 ; on the question of compulsory
labour, 410 ; at Uitenhage, 417, 423,
456; becomes Commissioner for
Crown Lands and Public Works, ii.
228 note; 229 sqq. ; 241 $qq., 266 aqq.,
289, 291, 294 and note 2, 804, 842,
848, 860, 372 ; moves resolutions at
the dismissal debate, 876-378, 388 ;
895, 440; his testimony to Mr.
Molteno, 453-456
Metcalfe, Sir Charles, ii. 850
Metcalfe, Lord, i. 146
Middleberg, i. 128
Milan, the Moltenos of, i. 8-5; its
vicissitudes after the sixteenth cen-
tury, 5, 6
Military defence, cost of, 1. 57, 105
note^ 129, ii. Ill note ; responsibility
of the Colonial Government for, i.
161, 162 ; Sir Bartle Frere's views
on, 258 sqq. {see also Troops,
Colonial, and Imperial)
Mills, Captain (Under Colonial Secre-
tary), i. 446, 447, ii. 286, 256, 801,
843, 392 ; his testimony to Sir J. C.
Molteno, 460
Missionary societies, i. 306, 807, 810
Mitoheirs Pass, i. 18
Molapo, i. 292
Molesworth, Sir W., on military ex-
penditure at the Cape, i. 57, 809
Molteno, John, father of Sir J. C.
Molteno, i. 1 ; his death, 6
Molteno, Mrs. John, mother of Sir
J. C. Molteno, i. 1, 6, 7, 8, 13
Molteno, Sir John Charles, K.C.M.G.,
birth and parentage, i. 1 ; descent,
2-5; death of his father, 6; his
480 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
mother, <(, 7; edacation, 7; early
business experience, 7 ; his love of
the sea, 7 ; goes to South Africa, 8 ;
becomes assistant in the Cape
Public Library, 8; commences a
business at Cape Town, 9 ; his
enterprise and energy, 10, 11, 24 ;
abandons business, 12 ; friends and
associates at Cape Town, 18 ; fond-
ness for animals, 14 ; acquires land
in the Beaufort district, 15; mar-
riage, 15 ; his farm at Nelspoort,
18 ; isolation of his life, 22 ; farm-
ing operations, 23, 24; death
of his wife, 28; influence on his
neighbours, 26 ; volunteers as a
burgher at the outbreak of the
Kaffir war (1846), 26, 27 ; appointed
commandant, 27, 38 ; joins Sir
Andries Stockenstrom, 85 ; in the
march to the frontier, 40 »qq»;
resumes farming operations, 51 ;
visits England, 51 ; second mar-
riage, 52; member of municipal
and divisional councils, 52 ; his
efforts to procure the leasing of
Crown lands, 52, 58 ; starts a bank
at Beaufort, 58 ; his opposition to
a penal settlement in the Colony, 61 ;
becomes a member of the first Cape
Parliament, 61 ; introduces an Act
on the question of master and ser-
vant, 68 ; his skill as a debater, 68,
64 ; attitude on the Burgher Act,
64-66 ; his energetic support of Sir
Qeorge Orey, 68 ; on the use of
the Frontier Armed and Mounted
Police, 68, 69 ; defends the Boers,
69; on questions of finance and
expenditure, 70 ; moves a resolution
for establishing responsible govern-
ment, 71, 72, 76 $qq. ; his motion
as to finances, 72, 73 ; on entrusting
the Government with public moneys,
78, 79; his second resolution in
favour of a responsible government,
81, 82 ; attacked with reference to
the boundaries of his land at Nels-
poort, 84 sqq, ; visits Europe, 89 ;
re-elected for Beaufort (1868), 90 ;
sketch of him by * Limner,* 90, 91 ;
leader of the House, 92 ; opposes
the creation of a Supreme Court at
Grahamstown, 98 ; on the annexa-
tion of British Eaffraria, 98 sqq. ;
on the extension of railways, 108,
104 ; his motion for extending the
power of judges in cases of cattle-
stealing, 107 ; on the disposition of
Crown lands, 109 ; on the question
of retrenchment. 111, 112; moves
for responsible government, 117;
opposes Governor Wodehouse's
third constitution, 128, 124 ; letter
to his constituents, 125-127; pro-
poses to discontinue the payment for
Imperial troops, 129; carries his
resolutions against the Governor's
proposals, 180; proposes a com-
promise, 188-185; introduces a
Bill for increasing the Customs
revenue, 135-187; motion on the
Basuto war, 187, 138; on the free
occupation of Crown lands, 140;
receives addresses of thanks for
his conduct in Parliament, 142 ; on
the Governor's fourth attempt to
alter the constitution, 154 ; illness,
158 ; moves for responsible govern-
ment, 168 sqq. ; takes charge of the
Constitution Amendment Bill, 170 ;
travels in Europe, 175 sqq, ; obser-
vations in Egypt, 176-178; forms
the first Cabinet under the Respon-
sible Government Act, 192; the
expansion of his character, and his
grasp of the political needs of the
country, 197-199 ; his early legisla-
tive efforts on behalf of education,
204-206; his first Parliamentary
programme, 206, 207; on differ-
ences between East and West, 212,
218 ; as a financier, 214, 215, 251 ;
makes an official visit to the east,
219 sqq.; his oratorical powers,
282-234 ; his railway scheme, 231,
232, 234-240; on the Constitution
Amendment Bill, 241 aqq.; retali-
ates on Messrs. Sprigg and Herri-
man, 247, 248 ; his Budget (1874),
251 ; his love of South Africa, 252,
258; letter on the Langalibalele
question, 261, 262 ; letter to Sir H.
Barkly, 2G9, 270; letter to Mr.
Froude on the Xjangalibalele affair,
279 ; native policy, 294 ; his hopes
of the ultimate federation of South
African States, 822, 329; his sur-
prise on the arrival of Lord Car-
narvon's Confederation despatch,
386 ; his indignation at the offer of
honours for supporting Lord Car-
narvon's policy, 841 and noU I ; on
the Confederation despatch, 358-
355 ; correspondence with Mr.
Froude relative to a public explana-
tion of Lord Carnarvon's views,
358-860 ; letter to Lord Carnarvon,
380, 381 ; correspondence with Mr.
Froude, 394-399; interview with
INDEX
481
Sir Garnet Wolseley, 399 ; advises
Sir H. Barkly to summon a special
session of Parliament, 423, 424,
427 ; contemplates retirement, 425,
426 ; Memorandum to Lord Car-
narvon, 435-441 ; refuses to allow
Mr. Fronde to be made acquainted
with the contents of the Memoran-
dum, 441 sqq. ; lays the Memoran-
dum and a resolution against the
action of Lord Carnarvon upon the
table of the House, ii. 3, 4 ; modifies
his resolution at the Governor's
request, 6; speech at the opening
of the session on the Confederation
scheme and Mr. Fronde's conduct,
7-23 ; his reply to Lord Carnarvon's
despatch in which Mr. Fronde's
statements were adopted, 60, 61 ;
letters to him from Mr. Froude in
1876, 66, 67 ; deputed by Parlia-
ment to discuss with Lord Carnar-
von the Griqualand West question,
83-87 ; proceeds to England as
plenipotentiary for the Colony, 92 ;
communications between him and
Lord Carnarvon relative to a^Tairs
of Griqualand West^ 95-102 ; de-
clines to discuss with Lord Carnar-
von a proposal for annexing the
Transvaal^ 105 ; letter to Mr. Her-
bert, 129, 130 ; suggests unification
for South Africa, 140; address at
Beaufort, 151; on Sir Henry
Barkly's relations with Ministers,
152 ; points of resemblance between
him and Lord Lawrence, 172, 173 ;
his Minute on the Permissive Bill,
195, 196 ; first differences with Sir
Bartle Frere, 201, 202 ; refuses to
give approval to the annexation of
the Transvaal, 205, 442 ; replies to
attacks on his Ministry, 209, 210 ;
treatment of the question of frontier
defence, 218 sqq. ; his measures for
the suppression of the outbreak of
the Galekas against the Fingoos,
225 sqq. ; proceeds to the frontier,
236; disagreement of his Ministry
with Sir Bartle Frere as to settling
Scotch and German families in
Galekaland, 243 sqq. ; opposes ex-
cessive military expenditure, 252;
urges the occupation of Galekaland
by Fingoes, 262, 263; on the em-
ployment of Imperial troops in
fighting the Kaffirs. 278, 334 ; dis-
cusses with his colleagues the ques-
tion of resignation owing to Sir
Bartle Frere's unconstitutional con-
VOL. IL
duct, 285, 28C ; his conferences with
Sir Bartle Frere at King William's
Town, 300 sqq. ; correspondence
with Sir Bartle Frere on written
records of private conversations,
311-316; differences with the
Governor as to the control of Co-
lonial forces, 308 sqq.^ 337; his
Memorandum on the relations be-
tween the Governor and the Minis-
try, 324, 325 ; attends a Cabinet
Council irregularly sunmioned by
the Governor and protests against
the Governor's proceedings, 331-
334 ; refuses to sanction the unneces-
sary use of Imperial troops, 335, 836 ;
his Minute on the responsibility of
Government, 338 ; dismissed from
office by the Governor, 339, 340;
his account of the transactions
which led to his dismissal, 345-348 ;
hostility incurred through opposing
the employment of Imperial troops,
358; inaccuracies in statements
relating to his dismissal, 359-363 ;
attitude towards the new Ministry,
366 sqqt ; speech in Parliament on
his dismissal, 369, 379-383 ; speech
at the conclusion of the dismissal de-
bate, 390-395 ; his policy contrasted
with Sir Bartle Frere's, 899, 400;
his Parliamentary work reviewed,
404-413; retires from Parliament
(1878), 413 ; visits Bishop Colenso,
414 ; returns to Parliament as mem-
ber for Victoria West (1880), 446 ;
resumes the office of Colonial Secre-
tary, 447; finally retires from public
life, and accepts a K.C.M.G., 449 ;
estimate of his character, 451 sqq. ;
testimony of colleagues, 458-457 ;
testimonies of Sir Henry Barkly and
Sir George Grey, 457-459 ; tribute
of Sir Charles Mills, 460 ; Sir Bartle
Frere's last communication with
him, 461; tributes of Sir Gordon
Sprigg and Lord Wolseley, 461-468;
called the * Lion of Beaufort,* 452,
464 ; some characteristics, 463 s^q. ;
testimony of Sir Henry de Villiers,
464; religious instincts, 464, 465;
residence in London, 466 ; his re-
turn to South Africa, and death,
467
Moltenos, the, of the Brianza, i. 8 ;
prominent members of the family
in Milan, 4, 5, and 6 note
Moni tribe, i. 287, 290, 292, ii. 285
MonseU, Mr., i. 168
Montagu, ii. 88
I I
482 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIK J. C. MOLTENO
Moshesh, George (Basaio chief), ii. |
425 I
Municipal institutions of Beaufort {
West, i. 51. 52
Murray, P. W. (' Limner '), i. 68 and
fiote
Murray, Mr. R. W. (of the * Great
Eastern' newspaper), i. 90, 361, I
370 ;
Murraysberg, i. 123 |
Namaquauind, i. 139 ; railway in, 215 ;
ti. 408 I
Napier, Sir George, favours repre- '
sentative government at the Cape, I
i. 68 !
Natal : question of annexing Basuto- ;
land, i. 160, 166 ; the LangalibaJele
ontbreak, 229; agitation on the '
Jjangalibalele question, 260, 266, ,
301, 302; its comparative rank
with Cape Colony, 298; history
from 1843 to 1856, 300, 301 ; area, |
population, Ac, 801 ; defence |
against Zulu raids, 301, 302 ; con- .
sents to enter the proposed Con- I
federation Conference, 448; the j
appointment of Sir Garnet Wolseley
as Governor of the Colony, 449; I
Sir Garnet Wolscley's policy, 450, I
451. ii. 145; a new constitution :
published, i. 451, ii. 21 ; self- I
government, 106 ; attitude towards '
the Permissive Bill, 147 ; duration !
of the revolutionary constitution, '
197
Native affairs, control of, i. 200, 201, i
206, 289 sqq., 299 sqq., 306 sqq., ii. .
87, 91 j
Native labour, i. 250. 251 ; compul- '
sory, 408,410, 411, ii. 119
Natives, sale of arms to, ii. 113, 115,
116, 118, 119; individual owner- I
ship amongst, 118 ; supply of
alcoholic liquor to, 119 ; attempt to
disarm them, 214, 215, 282, 288,
402, 423-426; their treatment by
the Molteno Ministry, 214, 215 '
Naylor, Mr., i. 15
Neethling, Mr., i. 212
Nelspoort, i. 18, 23 ; boundaries of
Mr. Molteno's land at, 84, 87, 88 |
Newcastle, Duke of, i. 67, 75, 114, •
335, ii. 54, 349 i
New Kloof, i. 17
New Zealand, responsible government
in, i. 149, 150; 300; Sir Bartle I
Fvere's suggestion for dealing !
with difficulties in, ii. 181, 182 >
Nieuwfcld mountains, i. 18 I
No Man's Land, i. 290
Northbrook, Lord, ii. 188
Northcote, Sir Stafford, ii. 433
Orange Free State, see Free State
Orange Biver, i. 139 ; bridges over, 206.
254 ; ii. 88, 208
Orange Biver Sovereignty, abandon-
ment of, i. 73, 303, 309, 311. 319
Orpen, Mr., i. 286, 290, 292
Ostriches, killed by hailstorms, i. 20
Oudshoom, i. 249
Packington, Sir John. i. 148
Palgrave, Mr. (Cape Commissioner to
Damaraland), ii. 102, 207
Palmerston. Lord, dismissal of, ii.
Mi notes
Paper Currency Bill. i. 119
Parliament of the Cape : i. 59 sqq. ;
Burgher Act, 64 sqq.; Pohce Act»
67 ; expense of maintaining re-
presentative institutions, 70; Mr.
Molteno's resolutions in favour of
establishing a responsible govern-
ment, 71, 712. 81 ; held at Grahams-
town (1863), 90; measure for
establisning a Supreme Court at
Grahamstown, 98 ; proposal for the
annexation of Kaffraria. 95. 96. 98
sqq.; the Bepresentation Bill. 100
sqq.; loose methods of passing
Bills. 101, 102 ; relations between
members and the Executive, 106 ;
appointment of a retrenchment
committee (1866), 110; Mr. Mol-
teno moves for responsible govern-
ment, 117; general election (1869).
121 ; Governor Wodehouse proposes
his third constitution, 122; strong
opposition to the Governor*s pro-
posal, 124, 125. 127; struggle
between the House and the Go-
vernor, 131 sqq. ; prorogued, 137 ;
debate on the Governor's * Beform
Bill.' 153 sqq,; opening speech of
Sir Henry Barkly, 162, 163; Mr.
Molteno again moves for responsible
government, 168 sqq. ; debate on
the Constitution Amendment Bill,
170-178; reintroduction of tiie
Besponsible Government Bill, and
its acceptance by the Legislative
Council, 179-182; withdrawal of
Bill for the annexation of Griqua-
land West, 184 ; formation of the
first Cabinet under the BesponBible
Government Act, 192; Bill for
establishing an examining univer-
sity, and other educational mea-
INDEX
483
Eiires, 205, 206, 213; question of
the separation of the East and West,
208, 209 ; Bill for extending the re-
presentation of the Upper House,
210-212; the work of the first
session of the new Government,
216 $qq.; Mr. Molteno*s raQway
scheme, 231, 234-240, 249; the
Constitution Amendment Bill (1874),
231, 240-249 ; Mr. Molteno's Bud-
get (1874), 251; vote for new
Houses of Parliament, 254; Act
for legalising Langalibalele's deten-
tion on Bobben Island, 250, 260;
Bill for giving effect to Lord Car-
narvon's instructions respecting
Langalibalele, 271 sqq. ; laying the
foundation stone of the new
Houses, 280 aqq. ; the Audit Act,
283; the Minute of Ministers on
Lord Carnarvon's Confederation
despatch, 344, 345 ; reception by
the House of the Confederation
despatch, 346, 347 ; debate respect-
ing the despatch, 348-355 ; position
of parties on the eve of the special
session (1875), ii. 1 sqq.; Mr.
Molteno's action on the assembling
of Parliament, 3, 4 ; the great de-
bate on the unconstitutional inter-
ference of Lord Carnarvon and Mr.
Froude, 7-33; reply of Ministers
to Lord Carnarvon's despatch on
Mr. Molteno's motion, 49, 50 ;
reply of Ministers to Lord Car-
narvon's fifth despatch, 77, 78 ; re-
solution for Mr. Molteno to discuss
with Lord Carnarvon in London
the Griqualand West question,
83-87; Act for the annexation of
Tembuland, 87 ; Minute of
Ministers to Lord Carnarvon on
the Permissive Bill, 135, 136;
attacks on Mr. Molteno's Ministry
(1877), 208-211 ; Frontier Defence
Bill, 215 ; Griqualand West Annexa-
tion Bill, 218 ; the Molteno dis-
missal debate, 369, 376-397;
small number of members, 371,
372 ; Peace Preservation Act, 398 ;
resolutions on Confederation, and
debate on the subject, 431, 433-437 ;
Conference debate (1880), 441,443 ;
defeat of Mr. Sprigg's Govei-nment,
446
Paterson, Mr. John, i. 207, 208, 209,
210, 213, 216, 237, 244, 245, 249 ;
nominated by Lord Carnarvon to
represent the Eastern Province in the
proposed Confederation Conference,
334 ; inducements held out to him
for supporting the policy of Lord
Carnarvon, 341 and note 1 ; 340, 353.
367, 370, 417, 430, 444; speech at
the opening of Parliament (1875),
ii. 31, 32 ; 86 ; proceeds to England
as representative of the Eastern Pro-
vince, 93 ; arranges for a deputation
of South African merchants to Lord
Carnarvon, 123 ; 124, 126, 132, 208,
210, 211
Paver, Richard, i. 39, 40 note I
Peace Preservation Act, ii. 398, 423,
446
Pearson, Mr., i. 169, 180, 443
Peddie, Fort, i. 29, 30, 82
Peel, Sir Bobert, on excessive expen-
diture on armaments, ii. 252
Permissive Bill, its drafting by Lord
Carnarvon, ii. 110, 115; 123, 128.
132, 133 ; its scope and general in-
tention, 133 sqq.^ 141 sqq.
Petition from Cape Colony against the
annexation of the Transvaal, ii. 203
note 2
Petitions for the reversal of the an-
nexation of the Transvaal, ii. 440
Piketberg, i. 123
Pine, Mr. (Governor of Natal), i. 293 ;
recalled, 316; attacked by Mr.
Froude, 365
Plum Pudding Island, i. 284
Police, divisional, i. 206
Police Force Act, i. 67
Policy, colonial, three periods of, i.
66-58
Pondoland, ii. 292, 330, 408
Pondos, the, i. 287, 289, 290, ii. 236,
426
* Poorts ' of Cape Colony, i. 10, 17
Port Elizabeth : i. 90 ; commercial
crisis (1865). 104 ; 173, 187, 207 ;
official visit of Mr. Molteno as Pre-
mier, 220, 221 ; railway from, 231 ;
rapid growth, and jealousy of the
Cape, 313, 314; speeches of Mr.
Froude, 384, 386, 399-402 ; opposi-
tion to the Permissive Bill, ii. 148
Porter, Mr. (Attorney-General), i. 72,
77, 106, 121, 127, 130; his opposi-
tion to Gt)vemor Wodehouse's pro-
posals for retrenchment, 131, 132 ;
138, 140, 167, 169; drafts the Re-
sponsible Government Bill (Consti-
tution Amendment Bill), 169,170;
speech on the new Bill, 171, 172 ;
declines to form a Ministry, 189 ;
194, 207 ; on the interest of electors!
in their representatives, 211 ; speech
in support of the University Bill,
484 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
218 ; 218 ; offered the Chief Jostiee-
ship, 328 note ; departs for Europe,
256 ; ii. 218
Press, of South Afriea, on responsible
goyemment, i. 176, 191, 207, 216,
217, 220, 227, 280, 255 ; on Mr.
Froude, 860, 402, 411 ; on the pro-
poBed Confederation Conference,
429; on Lord Camanron's third
despatch, ii. 42, 48 ; on the Permis-
sive Bill, 148 sqq.; its support of
Mr. Sprigg's Ministry, 369: of
London, on Mr. Froude and the
Confederation controversy, i. 422,
iL 86, 87 ; on the London Conference,
ii. Ill, 112 ; on the functions of a
constitutional QoTemor, 191^ 192
Pretoria, railway to, i. 239
Prince (of Cape Town), i. 18
Prince Albert, town of, L 58, 128
Prince Edwaid's Island, resolution on
the powers of autonomous govern-
ment passed by the Legislature of,
ii. 54
Pringle, Commandant, i. 83, 89
Probart, Mr., i. 226
PuUeine's Farm, ii. 239
* Pulleine*s Bangers,' ii. 271, 274
QussMSTOWN, i. 226, ii. 236
Quinn (of Cape Town), i. 18
Bailwat Bills, i. 102, 103, 281, 237
Bailway extension, i. 206, 215, 231,
234.240, 249, 321, u. 405, 455
Bainfall in Cape Colony, i. 19, 20
BawBOD, Mr. (Colonial Secretary), i. 72,
77, 106, 179, 238
Bead, Joseph, i. 39
Beeve, Mr. (editor of the * Edinburgh
Beview »), u. 131
Beitz, Mr. Frank, i. 141, 143, 181
Beport, Mr. Fronde's, i. 327 noU^ 872,
u. 62-65
Bcsponsible government, Mr. Molteno
moves for, i. 117 ; some of its advan-
tages and disadvantages, 120 ; in
Canada, Australia, and New Zealand,
144 sqq. ; favoured by Lord Kimber-
ley, 160, 161; Mr. Molteno again
moves for it, 163 sqq, ; rejected by
the Legislative Council, 174 ; some
of the objections urged against it,
178, 179, 180; reintroduction into
Parliament of the Bill for, 179;
passing of the Bill, 182 ; promulga-
tion of the new Act, 193 ; special
provisions of the Act, 194; the
voting on the Bill, 209 ; results of
the first two sessions under it, 254,
255 ; views of Sir Bartle Frere on
the subject after his colonial experi-
ence, ii. 178 sqq. ; illustration of its
efficiency in colonial administration,
218, 219; its working in Canada,
850
Betief, i. 88
Betrenchment, plans of Sir Philip
Wodehouse for, i. 122, 128
Bevenue of Cape Colony in 1853 and
in 1858, i.75 ; in 1869, 121 ; in 1871,
163 ; in 1872, 214; in 1875, ii. 406 ;
in 1881, 447, 448
Bhodes, Mr. Cecil, i. 248
Bice, Mr. Vincent, i. 53. 142
Bichardson, Lieut.-Colonel, in the
Kaffir war (1846), i. 29, 80, ii. 804
tto^2
Bichardson, Mr. J. M., publisher, i. 8
Bipon, Lord, ii. 862
Boad Act, i. 80
Boads in Cape Colony, L 17 ; manage-
ment of, 215
Boast Beef Island, L 284
Bobben Island, i. 259
Boberts, Lord, Afghan campaigns of,
u. 228, 803
Bobertson, town of, i. 123, 249, ii. 88
Bobinson, Mr. (Premier of Natal), ii.
92 ; at the London Conference, 110,
111
Bobinson, Sir Hercules, ii. 449
Bogers, Sir Frederick, su Blaohford,
Lord
Bome, Empire of, an example of the
failure of governing from a distant
eentre, ii. 51, 52
Borke, Commandant, ii. 377
Bose, Mr. H., i. 61
Bosmead, Lord, see Bobinson, Sir
Hercules
Boss, Mr. Alexander (Mr. Molteno's
overseer), i. 15, 26
Boss-Johnstone, Mr., i. 248, 244 ; his
motion on Chinese and coolie
labour, 249, 250
Boubaix, Mr., i. 181, 182
Boychund, Premchund, ii. 167, 168
Busso-Turkish war, ii. 359
Butherford, Mr., i. 100, 117, 121 ; iL
203 note 1
St. Helena, ii. 234
St. John's Biver, i. 287
St. Vincent, Earl, i. 52
Salaries of officials, i. 132, 152, 253
Salisbury, Lord, ii. 160, 187, 188, 445
Salt Biver, i. 18
Sandilli (Kaffir chief), i. 29, 45, ii.2Sl,
256, 259, 275, 283, 378, 885
INDEX
485
Saner, Mr., i. 244, ii. 79, 85
Scanlen, Mr., i. 169, 182; succeeds Mr.
Sprigg as Premier, ii. 447
Schermbrucker, Ck>mmandant, ii. 294,
809
Sohreiner, Miss Olive, i. 252
Secooeni, ii. 219
Self-government in the Colony, i. 54
sgg. (See also Autonomy)
Separation of the Eastern and Western
Provinces, agitation for, i. 187, 188,
208, 226, 314 ; renewal of the agita-
tion as the effect of Lord Carnar-
von's Confederation despatch, 870,
404, 431
Sheep-farming, i. 15, 25
Shepstone, Sir Theophilus, i. 263, 309 ;
nominated to represent Natal at the
proposed Confederation Conference,
448 ; ii. 74 ; at the London Confer-
ence, 110, 111, 115; his secret
mission to South Africa, 123 and
noU 2, 147, 148, 199, 200. 204 note
2 ; comes under the control of Sir
Bartle Frere, 416 ; succeeded in the
Transvaal by Sir Owen Lanyon,
429
Sikukuni war, ii. 357
Silverbauer, Mr., i. 80
Singh, Dhuleep, ii. 169
Smith, Mr. Abercrombie, i. 128,
169, 173, 181 ; becomes Commis-
sioner for Crown Lands, 192 ; fitness
for his new post, 199 and note\
attacked by Mr. Sprigg, 246 ; ap-
pointed Auditor-General, ii. 88, 89 ;
228 note, 406 note2 ; his testimony
to Sir J. Molteno, 453
Smith, Adam, on colonial rights of
self-government, i. 55
Smith, Sir Harry, abandons the con-
vict settlement scheme, i. 67, 59,
312 ; favours representative govern-
ment, 59
Solomon, Mr. Saul, i. 68, 69, 80, 82,
86, 92, 93, 99 ; his motion of censure
on Sir Philip Wodehouse, 100, 101 ;
103, 117; rebukes the Attorney-
General (Griffith), 119, 120; 121,
153, 172, 180, 183 ; declines office
in the first Ministry under the new
Act, 189 ; 207, 244, 245, 256, 259,
274 ; on the Confederation despatch,
350 note, 351-353; ii. 4; speech
on Lord Carnarvon's scheme and
Mr. Fronde's conduct, 26-30, 65;
86 ; on the successful administration
of Sir H. Barkly, 152, 153 ; efforts
on behalf of natives, 215 ; supports
Mr. Sprigg's Ministry, 368; 395,
398 note ; speech against Sir Bartle
Frere's policy, 434, 435 ; 440
Somerset, i. 35, 41
Somerset, Colonel (of the Cape Mounted
Bifles), i. 28, 29
Soper, Mr. William G., ii. 127
South Africa: the relations of the
British with the Dutch as shown
by Du Toit's narrative (1846), 1. 40
sgg.; its federation advocated, 76,
83; the question of confederation
discussed in the House of Commons,
184 ; evil results of government by
coercion, 212; difficulties in the
way of Confederation, 297 sqq, ; the
early settlements, 305 ; Confedera-
tion no new idea, 318,319 ; Lord Car-
narvon's Confederation despatch,
334 sqq, ; ignorance in England of
South Africa, 375; the recall of
seven Governors between 1837 and
1880, 376; Confederation must be
founded by the people themselves,
not by outsiders, ii. 67; the bene-
ficial results of Mr. Molteno's policy
of annexation, 106 8qq,\ evolution
of administrative development, 106 ;
opposition created by Lord Carnar-
von's Permissive Bill, 141 ; dis-
astrous results of government from
afar, 220 ; the evil results of Lord
Carnarvon's attempt to force Con-
federation, 399
South Africa Bill, ii. 61
Southey, Mr. G., i. 10
Southey, Sir Richard, i. 10, 79, 102,
106, 300, 310, 315, 865, 418, 448; ii.
208, 272, 279
Sprigg, Sir Gordon, i. 121, 130, 190 ;
his action on the Constitution
Amendment Bill, 244, 246, 247;
subsequent political conduct, 248 ;
274 ; moves a resolution approving
of the action of Ministers relative
to the Confederation despatch, 348,
349-351 ; 355, ii. 4 ; on the position
created by Lord Carnarvon and Mr.
Froude, 30, 31 ; 86, 88, 208, 213,
214 ; his leadership of the Oppo-
sition, 216 ; 257, 287, 302, 330, 341
note 1, 859 sqq, ; succeeds Mr. Mol-
teno as Prime Minister, 864, 365;
his misstatement respecting the dis-
missal of the Molteno Ministry, 367;
statement respecting the retention
of Imperial troops, 370 ; 389, 394,
897 ; passes the Peace Preservation
Act, 898; conversation with Basuto
chiefs on disarmament, 425 ; 433 ;
disapproves of the manner in which
486 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIR J. C. MOLTENO
the annexation of the Transvaal '
was effected, 441; defeat of his |
Government, 446 ; hig tribute to Sir
J. C. Molteno, 461
Stamp Act, i. 56
* Standard and Mail,* the, on Mr. Mol-
teno's fitness for the premiership, i.
191
Standing army, advocated for South
Africa by Sir Bartle Frere, ii. 250
Stanley, Lord, i. 58. 128
Stellenbosoh, i. 123, 181
Stewart, Dr., i. 291, 108
Steytler, Mr., i. 135
Stigant, Mr., i. 209, 244, u. 388, 389,
440
Stockenstrom, Mr. (Attorney-General),
ii. 200, 286, 287, 291, 322, 325, 342,
360, 861, 372 ; speech in Parliament
on the dismissal of the Molteno
Ministry, 384-388 ; 389
Stockenstrom, Sir Andries, i. 27 ; ap-
pointed Commandant-General, 31,
'ii2 ; 33, 35 ; his conference with
KreU, 36-40 ; 42, 44. 45, 47. 49, 50 ;
recommends the Responsible Go-
vernment Bill, 179 ; 307, u. 293
Stockenstroom. i. 123
Strahan, Sir G., ii. 50
Sundays Biver, i. 40
Sutton, Captain, in the Kaffir war
(1846), i. 29
Swellendam, 1. 181, 389
Table Bay, storm in, i. 11
Tait, Mr., i. 244
Tambookies, the, i. 48, 159, 287, 288.
u. 224, 229, 262, 377, 404
Taxation, i. 121, 131, 132, 134, 156,
157, ii. 447
Taylor, Sir Henry, ii. 181. 222
Telegraph system, extension of, i. 20G,
216 and noU 1, ii. 405, 455
Tembuland, i. 287 note, 290 ; annexa-
tion of, ii. 87, 100, 101, 102, 357
Tembus, the, ii. 235, 238, 398, 423
Temperature of Cape Colony, i. 21
Tennant, Sir David, ii. 383
Thompson, Mr. (of the Cape Parlia-
ment), i. 153, 171, 180
Thwaites, Mr., i. 142
Tiger-hunting, i. 22
* Times,' the,i. 260; on the Confedera-
tion controversy, 422, ii. 36, 37 ; on
the functions of a constitutional
Governor, 191, 192 ; on Sir Bartle
Frere's appointment, 192. 193
Todd, Mr., inaccuracies in his account
of the dismissal of the Molteno
Ministry, ii. 359-362
Toleni, ii. 237, 239, 316
Torrens, Mr. W. M., i. 184
Transkeian territory, i. 159, 229, 287,
ii. 91 ; annexation to Cape Colony,
196, 197; 212, 230, ,227 sgg., 316,
322 ; second war in, 428 sqq.
Transvaal, the : cause of the rising of
1881, i. 155 ; annexation, 186. 309,
864, ii. 71, 199 sqq., 219, 220 ; letter
from President Burgers to Mr. Mol-
teno, i. 202 ; its comparative position
with Cape Colony, 298; petition
against annexation, 299 ftote 2 ; its
recognition as an independent State,
303,319 ; area, and population, 803 ;
considerations which led to its
founding, 308; question of the
boundary on the Batlapin border,
315 ; question of voluntary rean-
nexation, 320; consents condition-
ally to send a delegate io the pro-
posed Confederation Conference,
454; Lord Carnarvon's allusion in
his fifth despatch, ii. 76 ; conditions
of taking part in a conference, 81 ;
war with border natives, 113, llti;
its annexation first proposed, 104,
105, 122, 123 ; 147 ; not in danger
of annihilation by the Zulus, 200
note ; amount advanced by England
to maintain the government, 220;
representative institutions promised
by Britain, 428 ; condition of things
worse than under Boer rule, 428,
429; Sir T. Shepstone refuses to
summon the Volksraad, 429 ; ap-
pointment of Sir Owen Lanyon to
the administratorship, 429 ; Bishop
Colenso on its annexation, 433 noU ;
resentment against Sir Bartle Frere,
439, 440 ; petitions for the reversal
of annexation, 440 ; deputation to
Sir B. Frere for a convention to
consider the state of affairs, 440,
441 ; views of Sir John Akerman
on the annexation, 441, 442 ; feeling
in the Imperial Parliament on the
question of reversing annexation,
444, 445
Travelling in Cape Colony, i. 13, 17,
305
TroUope, Mr., ii. 442
•Troops, Colonial, their effective work
in South African warfare, ii. 239.
240, 249, 251 ; differences between
the Governor and the Ministry as
to the control of, 308 sqq. ; strength
of, 378
Troops. Imperial, question of their
fitness for fighting the Kaffirs, iL
INDEX
487
232, 251, 273, 293; Sir Bartle
Frere uiges their employment in
the Colony, 258 sqq. ; the question
of their control, 806 sqq,, 334;
their withdrawal from the Colony
by the Imperial Government, 378 ;
for the Zulu war, 420. (See also
Military defence)
Teomo River, ii. 87
Tulbagh. i. 103, 123. 181
Tylden, ii. 284
Tyumie River, i. 80
UiTENRAGE, i. 221, 414, Mr. Froude
at, 417, 418
Umditchwa, i. 289
Umhlonhlo, i. 289
Umtata River, i. 286, ii. 87, 238, 241
TJmyameni, ii. 279
Unizimknlu River, i. 286
Umzitani, battle of, ii. 2(>2
Unification of South Africa, ii. 140
T^niversity of Cape Town, i. 206, 213
Vpington, Mr. (Attorney-General), ii.
291 note, 310, 378, 423, 425
Upper House, scheme for altering the
method of election to, i. 210-212
{See also Legislative Council)
Usury Laws of Capo Colony, i. 10
Uys, Piet, ii. 442
Waal RrvBR, i. 316
Vereker, Captain, i. 38. 47
Victoria, Colony of, resolutions on
Imperial control by Ministers of, ii.
53, 54
Victoria East, i. 123
Victoria, Post, i. 29
Victoria West, i. 53, 109, 139 ; repre-
sented by Mr. Molteno, ii. 446
Vintcent, Hon. Mr. Joseph, i. 193
Vintcent, Mr. Lewis, i. 274 ; issues a
manifesto in support of Mr. Mol-
teno*s Ministry, 455 ; ii. 398 note,
483
Vlei, Salt River, i. 18, 19
Volunteer Bill, ii. 89. 253
Volunteers in Cape Colony, raising of,
for suppressing Kreli's outbreak, ii.
231 ; in the Gaika war, 294, 295 ;
sum expended on, 403
Wakkfield, Mr. Gibbon, i. 115, 146
Wales, Prince of, visit to India of, ii.
159
Walfisoh Bay, proposed annexation
of, i. 284, 285, ii. 88, 100, 101. 102,
116, 207, 408
Walter, Mr. (of the Cape Parliament),
ii. 26, 32
Wapi, ii. 280
War expenditure, ii. 357. 403
Watermeyer, Mr., i. 63, 79, 82, 86, 92,
183, 274; on the Confederation
despatch, 353 ; 364 ; speech at the
opening of Parliament (1875), ii.
23, 24 ; 88, 66, 89, 211, 215
Wellington, town of, i. 108
Wellington Railway, i. 176 ; purchase
of, 206, 231
West Indies, Lord Carnarvon's
attempt to force Confederation
upon, ii. 68, 69
White, Dr., i. 79, 80 ; Treasurer in the
first Ministry under the Responsible
Government Act, 192, 200 ; ii. 825,
326, 343, 392
Wine trade of Cape Colony, i. 9, 10.
11
Witherby, Mr. Richard (of Nicholas
Laue), i. 9, 10
Wodehouse, Sir Philip, succeeds Sir
George Grey as Governor of the
Cape, i. 74 ; opposed to responsible
government, 74, 75 ; 95 ; unfitness
for his post, 97 ; his proposals for
the annexation of Eaffraria, 96, 98
sqq. ; his opposition to responsible
government, 113; four constitutions
proposed during his Governorship,
114 sqq.; proposes his third con-
stitution for a Legislative Chamber
of fifteen persons, 122; his struggle
with Parliament, 124 sqq. ; dis-
solves Parliament, 141 ; his fourth
attempt to alter the constiiutiun,
143, 151, 153 ; resigns, 158 ; ii. 150,
183, 224, 307
Wodehouse Representation Act, i.
186
Wolseley, Lord, i. 269, 316, 329, 349 ;
his duties as Governor of Natal,
363 not^, 370, 371, 449; 391 ; inter-
view with Mr. Molteno, 399 ; 425 ;
his policy in Natal, 460, 451, ii. 74 ;
at the London Conference, 110,
111 ; his opinion of the employment
of Imperial troops in fighting the
Kaffirs, 273 ; 344, 350 ; appointed
the supreme civil and military
authority in South Africa, 428;
opposes the disarmament of natives,
426; warns the Imperial Govern-
ment respecting affairs in the
Transvaal, 444, 445 ; his testimony
to Sir J. Molteno, 462, 463
Wood, Mr. (of the Cape Parliament),
i. 117 '
488 LIFE AND TIMES OF SIB J. C. MOLTENO
Wood, Sir Charles, ii. 166, 170, 171
Wool, trade of Cape Colony in, i. 11,
15 ; rise in value of, 215
Worcester, i. 178, 181. 206, 316 ; Mr.
Froude's speech at, 888
Wright, Mr., i. 288
Wylde, Sir John, i. 69
Zanzibar, Saltan of. Sir Bartle
Frere*B action respecting, ii. 170,
184
Zierfogel, Mr., i. 180, 816. 218, 226
Zondags River, i. 41
Zulu war, ii. 857, 418 iqq,
Znlos, i. 186, 292, 801 ; Sir Bartle
Frere*B policy towards them, 293, ii.
257 ; Sir Bartle Frere's military
preparations for their subjngation,
295, 297, 830, 416 $qq. ; war forced
upon them by Sir B. Frere as a
preliminary to the confederation of
South Africa, 418
PBurrao BT
SrOTTTBW'OODff AXD CO., XXW-STRKET SQUABS
LONDON
«-<<
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Books to Borrow
Open Library
TV News
Understanding 9/11