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HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY

9 «>

r^.

LIFE OF A. P. DOSHE;

<».

!(. |«dlM te ft). |rf«m..

v^»

!if^ 0f

L wB^Ul

OB.

/0ircJSicit m

jctemrs*

EMILY HAZEN HEED.

Snatch from the ashes of your sir09

The emblems of their former fires.

And he who in the strife expires,

Will add to theirs a name of fear

That tyranny will quake to fte^, — ^ Byron,

WM. P. TOMLDTSON, 39 NASSAU STREET.

1868.

us 'X2mHb

■./*•• ' . . . - '

■-■ : ^ ■ • •■•.■-.

w' ■'

SntandaeeoKdiiif toAotcf OoogreMtlnflie yetr one tnooMiid dgtat hnadred

and Blxty-eiglii^ hy

WM. P. T0MLIN80N,

InttMCaodE'iOfiooofflidDiatriotOoart of the United 8tfttee»fi>r theSoathem

SiitEiotofHewYork.

TO THl

XBMOBT OF THE PATBI0T8

8ACBIFICBD

UPON THE ALTAR OF FBEEDOH,

THIS BOOK
18 AFFBCnONATXLT DKDICATBD

BT
THE AUTUOB.

" Gire me the deftth of those

Who for their country die,

And oh I be mine like their repose.

When cold and low they lie I

There loveliest mother earth

Enshrines the faUen brave,

In her sweet lap who gave them birth

They find tiie tranquil grave."

[Mdniffomery,

PREFACE.

'^ Will the cause of Liberty suffer through me, because my
enemies. misinterpret my acts and sayings ?^^ said the dying
Dostie.

That the Cause for which thousands haye fallen may be pro-
moted, some of those noble ^^acts and sayings,'^ haye been
recorded in the following pages, to be preseryed as sacred
mementoes by the friends of Republican Liberty, who will
cherish the patriotic acts and liberal sentiments of one of their
standard-bearers in the cause of XJniyersal Freedom.

That the weapons of truth may pierce the hard hearts of
traitors and conspirators — ^who were " all forgiven " by their
dying victim — some of the events connected with the life of a
patriot and martyr have been narrated.

That the prominent events relating to ^* The Conflict in New

PREFACE. viiL

Orleans^ between Slarery and Freedom — ^between Despotism
and Republicanism, may find a place in the history of the
Great Rebellion, those erents hare been recorded in the work
before the reader.

New Tobx, April 24, 1$68.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER L

BABLT LIFB OF D08TIB, ----- - 18

CHAPTER n.
dostib'b bemoyal to new obleaks, - - - - 17

CHAPTER m.
dostie's depabtube fob the nobth, - - - 20

CHAPTER IV.

NEW OBLEANS BEFOBB OEN. BUTLEB'S ABBIVAL, - - 81

CHAPTER V.
butleb's hilitabt bulb in new obleans, - - 89

CHAPTER VI.

BETUBN OF DOSTIE TO NEW OBLEANS, - - - - 41

CHAPTER Vn.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW OBLEANS, - - - - 45

CHAPTER Vm.

THE CHUBCHB8 OF NEW OBLEANS, - ... 55

Z. COBTXHTS.

CHAPTER EC

DB. DOSns'a ▲CTIYITT IH THB TJSIOS GA.UBB, - - 58

CHAPTER X.

DOBTDB'S FOUTIGAI. YISW8, 61

CHAPTER XL

CHAVeXS OF MILITABT OOMMAHDKBS IK HSW OBLBAN8, 81

CHAPTER Xn.

I/>UI8IAHA COHSTITUTIOHAIi CONYBNTIOK OF 1864, - 101

CHAPTER Xm.

DOSTDB AS AUDITOB OF STATE, 105

CHAPTER XIV.

D08TIS AHD DUSAITT, --...-- HO

CHAPTER XV.

LOI7ISIAKA CAimiDATBS FOB OOKOBBSS IN 1864, - - 125

CHAPTER XVI.

DOSTIB Aim BABXBB, 186

CHAPTER XVn.

OOYBBKOB HAHN, - - - 155

CHAPTER XVm.

FBBSIDEIIT LINCOLN, 161

CHAPTER XrX.

PUBLIC CONFIDBNOB IN ANDBBW JOHNSON, - - - 175

CHAPTER XX.

OBNEBAL BANKS DISPLACED BT GENBBAL CANBT, - 188

CHAPTER XXL

DOSTIB's CONFIDENCB in JOHNSON, - - - - 20S

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXn.

BXBBL LBQISLATUBES, 283

CHAPTER XXm.

SCHOOLS, CHUBCHES AND FBEEDMEN^S BUBEAU, - - 238

CHAPTER XXIV.

DOSTIE NOMINATED ST7BYETOB OF THE POBT, - - 245

CHAPTER XXV.

DOSTIE'S loss of CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON, - - - 248

CHAPTER XXVI.

ICONBOE BE-ELECTED MATOB OF NEW OBLBANS, - - 277

CHAPTER XXVn.

CALL FOB A CONVENTION, - - - - - - 286

CHAPTER XXVHL
iCASSACBE OF JULY 80th, 1866, 802

CHAPTER XXIX.

DB. DOSTIE'S DEATH, 812

CHAPTER XXX.

CONOBESSIONAL INYESTIOATIONS, 831

APPENDIX.

CONOBESSIONAL BEPOBT, 846

LIFE OF A. p. DOSTIE ;

OR,

The Conflict of New Orleans.

-♦-♦■

CHAPTER L

JUlBJjY life of DOSTIE.

Anthony Paul Dostie was bom at Saratoga, New
York," on the 20th of June, 1821. His father was of
French descent; his mother was of German. His an
cestry did not descend like that of the Marquis de
Lafayette from the French nobility, nor from the Grer-
man aristocracy, like that of the Baron de Kalb ; but the
same enthusiastic love of liberty, which animated those
heroes of the first American Revolution, burned in the
soul of Dostie during the conflict between republican
liberty and slavery, which ended in the triumph of
Freedom in the Second American Revolution.

The father of Dostie was a barber by trade. He was
an honest, industrious man, of vigorous, but unculti-

14 UFB OF A. P. DOSTEB.

vated intellect. He was a marked character where he
lived, noted for his independent bearing, and fearless-
ness upon all occasions, and respected for his native
good sense.

His mother is remembered for her goodness of heart,
and industrious habits. These qualities she impressed
upon her numerous family, who are all useful American
citizens and loyal to republican principles.

The childhood of Dostie was not remarkable for
striking events. His education was limited to the ad-
vantages of a common public schooL Said he, in speaking
of those school days, "I was then a lover of the cause
of liberty, and often stole away from my companions,
to study the lives of those who were devoted to the
cause of FreedouL

Generosity of soul, love of liberty, and hatred of
oppression characterized the early history of one who
was subsequently destined to be a conspicuous victim
to the power of oppression.

The intellectual germs implanted in the progressive
mind of Dostie were retarded in their development by
the influences of his surroundings. Like many of our
self-made men, which American history delights to
recognize as the upholders of her republican institu-
tions, Dostie, at a period in his life, when his proud
spirit longed to be free from every engagement but that
of intellectual culture, was restrained by poverty, and
compelled to work for his daily bread, in a barber's
shop.

America proudly boasts that, upon her historical re-
cord, the names of her noblest heroes and martyrs have
not always been taken from the ranks qf high-bom aris-

EABLY LIFE OF DObTlE. 15

tocracy, nor from that chivalric band, whose boast has
ever been " That power And wealth must be the pass-
port to honor."

Pure republicanism exalts her patriots, cherishes them
for their principles, independent of the accidents of birth,
forgetful of their nationality or origin in contemplation
of their humanity.

In his nineteenth year, Dostie was married to a lady
from Cazenovia, New- York, (Miss Eunice Hull), of un-
common beauty and high intellectual attainments. She
was the idol of his heart. Said he, ^^ From the moment
my Love possessed my affections, it became my study
to become the worthy companion of my beautiful and
intellectual wife. I often studied until two o'oclock in
the morning, and recited the lessons I had learned to
the one who sympathized with me in every hope and
sorrow. Six years this sacred relation contuiued, and
then my domestic happiness ended. She died, and with
her were buried my affections ; since then my heart has
been buried beneath the tomb."

About the period of his marriage he went to Amster-
dam, New York, where he gave his attention to den-
tistry. He studied his profession in the office of Dr. J.
C. Duell, who thus speaks of him : — " During the resi-
dence of Dr. Dostie in Amsterdam, he spent all his
leisure time in study, and improved his qualities of mind
and heart to an almost unprecedented degree, becoming
one of the leading men of the town."

In the society of Odd Fellows, of which he was a j
member, he passed the " Chief Executive Chair " at an
early day. Ever faithful hi attendance upon the sick,
as assistance was required, he will be remembered by

16 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

all who knew him, as one foremost m every good work.
In the profession he had chosen, he became a proficient,
and migrated to Chicago to pursue his calling in a
broader field. From thence he went to Marshall, Mich-
igan, where he spent a few years, usefully to himself and
to society. He visited Amsterdam occasionally, and was
always greeted warmly by hosts of friends. His last
visit was during the dark days of the rebellion. Upon
being called upon to address a meeting convened for the
purpose of raising volunteers, he was enthusiastically
greeted, and proved of great assistance in revealing the
true state of affairs in the South.

He was a man of extensive reading ; was possessed of
a remarkable memory, and carefiilly criticised everything
of importance in his reading. His nature was genial.
He was facinating in conversation, and made friends and
admirers wherever he went.

The life of Dr. Dostie in Chicago and Marshall was
quiet and uneventfuL His time was principally divided
between his profession and his studies. Active and in-
dustrious in all his undertakings, he was marked by the
thoughtful among his friends, as one preparing for a
career of useftdnesc

doshe's bbmoyal to nsw Orleans. 17

CHAPTER n.

DOSTEB's^BEMOYAL to new ORLEANS.

^Iiri862, Dr. Dostie removed to New Orleans, where
he was known for years as a popular dentist, and a gen-
tleman of refinement. He was beloved for his upright
and benevolent character ; admired for his energy and
ability, and respected for his love of justice and high
sense of honor.

At this period of his life he was a man of commanding
figure, and nobly marked features. His habitual expres-
sion was sad and thoughtful, and indicative of strong
will, noble impulses and benevolent action. In man-
ners, he was gentlemanly and winning. His irankness
and gentleness combined, endeared him to a large circle
of friends in New Orleans, who dreamed not that the
storms of Rebellion would transform their gentle friend
into " the turbulent agitator."

As the time approached when the friends of Hberty be-
came known as antagonists to the mass of the Southern
people, who were wedded to Slavery and its ofispring
— ^the Rebellion, a few in New Orleans, dared to
express their hatred to treason and oppression. Con-
spicuous among that number was Dr. Dostie, who stood
above a volcano of wrath, and defied the rebellious ele-
ment that threatened the lives and happiness of those

18 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTTE*

who cherished republican principles. Said Dr. Dostie,
at a time in the history of the rebellion when in New
Orleans such words were considered worthy of death
by the popular verdict, " I hate no human being, but
rebellion to republican principles I will never cease
to denounce in bitter terms. Principles rise superior to
men in this conflict between freedom and slavery, and
I would rather see every human being wiped out from
the Southern States, than to behold the triumph of
treason." Such firmness of principles, strength of virtue,
and force of mind, exhibited in the face of rebel ven-
geance at an early period in the Rebellion marked Dostie
a victim to be selected from the revolutionary arena of
Louisiana.

The patriotism and loyalty of Dr. Dostie changed his
ntunerous friends to enemies. His popularity was sacri-
ficed before his honesty of soul, and devotion to his Gov-
ernment. Said a rebel (once a friend of the Dr.'s) ^' Dostie
has elements in his character, that might make him the
most popular of men, but he has not the most remote
idea of policy." Said a friend of Dr. Dostie's, " During
the war I was one day walking with him, when one
of the lady principals of a Seminary in New Orleans
passed us. She cast upon us a look of contempt, so
marked that I said to the Dr., ^' Is that an enemy of
yours?" He replied, "She is a lady of intellect and
refinement, of whom I was once proud to say, ' she is my
friend,' but with a host of old fiiends, she follows trea-
son, and, judging from her manner, I must say ^ she
numbers herself among my enemies.' "

Ex-Mayor Monroe says of him, " Dr. Dostie was my
friend. He was master of the Masonic Lodge for years

u.'

DOSTIE'S SEMOYAL TO NBW OBLKANS. 19

to which I belonged. He was an honest Union man, a
faithful, candid, conscientious friend." He should have
added, and for those virtues I used my power to
murder him. " My friend," said Monroe*, when the stem,
just eye of Shellabarger and an Elliot were fastened
upon him, in December," 1866._ But. in. 1860-61. and
July 30th, 1866, " My victim.'* '

It is in the tempest of revolution that the inexorable
will, boldness and courage of men like Dostie appear to
excite traitors to villainous deeds of murder. His daring
spirit, patriotic fire, and undying love for the Union made
him a conspicuous mark for the venomous darts of those,
who bid defiance to his cherished principles. '•;

"Dostie shall be hanged, or bow his proud head to
treason's yoke," were the words of the conspirators, who
acknowledged Jefferson Davis their leader, and his murr
derous policy, their rule of action*

20 UFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

CHAPTER m.

DOSns's DEPABTUSE FOB THE KOBTH.

On the 21st of August, 1861, refusing to take the oath
of allegiance to the Southern Confederacy, Dostie left
New Orleans and went to Chicago. Said he, " when I
arrived in Chicago I had no means at my conmiand. De-
prived of my home and business, I was sad and gloomy.
As I retired to my room for the night and reflected upon
my ftiture prospects, the darkness of despair seemed to
gather around me. In the midst of this gloom, some-
thing seemed to whisper to me, " This revolution convul-
sing our country is Liberty struggling for justice and
right. The thought of my repinings made me ashamed
of my selfish fears. I trusted in an arm of power ; com
posed myself to sleep, and awoke ready for action."

Surrounded by difficulties, which would have appalled
a common mind, Dostie was cheerftil and hopeful. For
a moment a flash of despair, may have caused him to
utter an expression of woe, but by an effort of his power-
ful will despondency was quickly cast j&om him. He was
seldom heard to complain of any misfortune, but with a
calm philosophical resignation, he could smile at woe ;
defy the powers of despotism, and look with contempt
upon the indignities offered to himself and his friends by
the enemies of his government.

DOSTIE'S DEPABTUBB FOB THS NOBTH. 21

In Chicago, he watched the progress of events connect-
ed with the revolution with intense interest. What
hours he could spare j&om his business, were devoted to
reading and correspondence with Mends in different
parts of the Union in relation to the great conflict agi-
tating' the nation.

In a letter at that time, he said, " I would gladly sacri-
fice my life if by so doing I could render assistance to
the sacred cause of Liberty," — ^little knowing that des-
tiny had reserved his life for just such a sacrifice.

The following letter to Dr. J. C. Duell, expresses the
patriotic love for the Union ever manifested by Dr.
Dostie :

My Very Dear JFHendj — -Your letter, so kind towards
me personally, and so loyal and patriotic to our grievously
wronged coimtry, was received in due course of mail. I
might offer good and valid reasons for not having writ-
ten sooner, but to do so would consume too much space,
and I trust to your kindness to excuse the omission.

" You tell me that you and other friends supposed that
* most probably I was hi the rebel army.' You and my
other fiiends never more misjudged a character than in
thus judgmg of mine. Ascribe to me, if you choose, all
the crimes in the criminal calendar, but never the dark,
atrocious and danming sin of treason. My manhood is
immaculate against it. After my God, I love my coun-
try most — ^her fireedom-breathing inspirations — ^the mem-
ory of her immortal defenders — ^their glorious battles
for the achievement of man's liberty, freedom and equal-
ity. All personal considerations are rendered contempti-
ble in the mere comparison. I have watched the progress
of the great treason with the most painful interest. I

22 UFB OF A. P, DOSTIE.

saw it approaching when it appeared as but a little
cloud, that a fearless patriot of Jackson^s stamp might
have dispelled before it assumed such great proportions.
Such a man could have prevented the fratricidal war by
exposing the deceptive and villainous schemes of dema-
gogues and monsters, who would build up and ag]*andize
themselves on the ruins of liberty, and visiting them
with the traitor's punishment ere they had succeeded in
beguiling the people so far in their treason.

"During the presidential campaign there was little or
no disunionism publicly avowed. All joined in disavow-
ing the criminal intent. Speakers were interrogated, and
great and small either avowed that the election of Lin-
coln would not constitute sufficient cause for dissolving
the Union, or they evaded the question. The mass of the
people were as loyal to the old flag as they were any-
where in the North, until the few powerftil conspirators
sprung their coup d^ etat upon them. Amazement and
^consternation ensued, and the terrific struggle began.
Disunion and Union meetings were nightly held in the
city of New Orleans. The Breckenridge politicians and
their followers attended the disunion meetuigs. The
union meetings were more attended by the moral and
intellectual class of the community, including many who
bad been but little known, or not known at all, as poli-
ticians. The former were addressed by men of no stand-
ing or character, the latter by such men as Randall
Hunt, Christian Roselius, Thomas J. Durant, and Pien^e
Soule. Unionism assumed a bold front, and little fear
was entertained for the State of Louisiana until the licv.
Dr. Palmer sacriligiously preached disunionism from hi*:
pulpit. Then the parricides assumed a courage and con-

DOSns's PEPABTUBE FOB THE NOBTH. 23

fidence fearful in its influence for eviL At their meeting
held in Odd Fellows' Hall, they substituted the bust of
the great traitor, John C. Calhoun for that of Washing-
ton, the pelican flag for the ' ensign of the Republic,'
and instead of the 'Star Spangled Banner' an imitation
of the French ' Marseillaise ' was sung by a young girl
dressed and decorated as the Goddess of Liberty. The
revolutionists themselves wore blue cockades.

" Their speeches were made up of wild invectives and
denunciations against the North and everything north-
em. The union was cursed as a leprous sore. The gath-
erings of the Unionists continued until the ' Convention
election,' when, having done their utmost to wrest the
State from the conspirators, they ceased their meetings
and active opposition. Unlike their adversaries they
were unarmed and powerless. The official result of the
election in the State was never published. That portion
of the press which supported the cause of the Union con-
tended that the result was opposed to secession and in
favor of ' co-operation,' and demanded the publication
of the official vote. But the demand was refused, and
to this day the public does not know what the people's
verdict was. The convention met at Baton Rouge, and
with closed doors passed the infamous act. The event
was announced by telegraph and the firing of cannon,
and was variously received by the people. Some re-
joiced, but thousands cried ' shame !' and foreshadowed
in their faces the gloom that was to envelope them and
that beautifiil country.

" Down to this lamentable 26th of January, I scarcely
knew a man possessing social or commercial standing,
who did not mourn the posture the State had assumed,

24 LIFB OF A. P. DOSTEB.

and feel the most nnliappy forebodings. Soon a reign
of terror was inaugurated ; liberty of speech was pro-
scribed. He was considered a bold and rash man who
still advocated the cause of his country. There were
still many who were thus bold. Men were daily arrested
and imprisoned for expressing the Union sentiments of
our fathers. My assistant, Dr. Metcalf, from Kalamazoo,
Michigan, was incarcerated in a loathsome prison, as
early as last April, for asserting that he believed ^ Lin-
coln would shell Charleston and cut the levees of New
Orleans, if necessary to the enforcement of the laws, and
the maintenance of the integrity of the Union.* As soon
as he was released he fled to the land of liberty. Thou-
sands were driven away by the terrorism. Sojourners
and citizens that had the means, left rather than com-
promise their manhood. Thousands there were who
were anxious to leave, but had not the means to do so.
Language cannot describe the mental and physical dis-
tress that existed in that conmiunity where a few months
before they had been so happy, prosperous and con-
tented. General bankruptcy of the business men, and
destitution of the mechanical and laboring classes fol-
lowed. Clerks, artisans and laborers were forced to join
the rebel army for the support of themselves and their
families, and thousands were kept from starvation by
scanty supplies from the ' Free Market,' that was es-
tablished as early as June last.

"The accounts published in our newspapers of the
trials and persecutions of men and women who still have
a lingering love for the Union are not overwrought pic-
tures. These miseries are more than the pen can de-
scribe. I left last September ; and if such was the condi-

DOSHE'S DEFABTUBE fob the 2fOETH. 25

tion of things then, you may imagine for yourself how
much more aggravated their sufferings must be now.
The great majority of the people in the South, in my
opinion, love the Union, and the dear associations that
cluster around it. They were deceived and cheated by
designing knaves, to whom, for years, they had given
their confidence. ^

" How fortunate was the escape of little Maryland from
their clutches. The people of that- State, protected by
Federal arms, have, in then* State election, spoken in
tones of thunder for the old flag. Look at Missouri!
How near the villains came to its possession ! Yet the
undaxmted heroism of a Lyon, a Fremont, a Halleck,
with the determined valor of its true sons, saved it ; and
now, letters to me from there, assure me there is a gen-
eral joy felt and expressed for their deliverance. Look
everywhere that our arms have reached for indubitable
evidence of the loyalty of the down-trodden people.

At Nashville, Tennessee, on my way from New Or-
leans, I was imprisoned for expressions of loyalty. After
my liberation many of the people grasped my hand in
sympathy, and many of them openly told me that I was
not alone in the entertainment of such sentiments, that
thousands in Jackson's old State still loved and would
yet offer their lives for the old Union. These were and
are still the sentiments of many thousands in the South,
deprived of the liberty of speech and of freemen's rights.
These observations are the result of an intimate ac-
quaintance and knowledge of the people of that section.
Greneral Houston, of Texas, is said to have gone after
the * strange gods.' I do not believe in the truth of
the statement. He is an old man^ the protege of Jack-

26 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

son, and in a speech uttered the undying sentiment, — ' I
"Nvish no epitaph to be written to tell that I survived the
ruin of this glorious Union.' I believe that he could
not prove recreant, and must be, as ever, for the Union.
His position illustrates that of thousands. They may be
crushed to-day, but T\dll rise in turn and crush the real
invaders of their homes and despoilers of their happi-
ness. They were constantly under the threats of im-
prisonment or of the bowie-knife and revolver, to intimi-
date and awe them into silence and submission. Those
who would not submit to the despotism were shot down,
imprisoned, or compelled to flee the country precipi-
tately, leaving property, and in many instances, dear
relations behind them. At the time of my departui-e, I
was said to be the ' last publicly known Unionist in the
city,' the thousands of othei*s were crushed and made to
seemingly yield to the powers that be. Disgraceful and
discreditable as it is, many from the North were among
the most noisy and bitter enemies Unionists had to con-
tend against. Men, who a year or more before were
'Republicans' in the Xorth, were now spies and in-
fcyrmers against citizens of the South, both native and
adopted. My pei-secutors were men who had been but a
little while there. The dearest and nearest friends I had
were natives or long residents of the South. They
urged me to leave because of the personal dangers that
environed me. But to the credit of i^orthem virtue and
patriotic love for the Union, I was proud to witness
that the great body of them left the country, and many
arc now heroically fighting the battles of Liberty. The
fceliniy towards the Northern classes had been most cor-
dially fraternal, until the election of Lincoln, when it

dostie's depabtuse fob the kobtel 27

became divided, but as the elections on the * secession
question' demonstrated, the great majority were still
Union-loving and affectionate towards us. Only two of
the seceded States, South Carolina and Florida, gave
positive Union majorities. The rest, by treachery and
the boldness of the despotism, were declared out of the
Union. If the sentiment of the people there was not
divided, but like that of our revolutionary fathers, united
in a holy cause, mightier armies and navies than we now
eonmiand could not conquer or subdue them. They had
not sufficient aggressions nor wrongs from our benefi-
cient and just government, and were not threatened
with any. They knew at the time of raising the stand-
ard of rebellion, that admitting Lincoln would strive to
encroach on their constitutional rights, Congress and
the Supreme Court judges, were eminently conservative,
and there were no cause for complaint or alarm. Had a
score of men, whom I could name, been hung for trea-
sonable speeches and acts, all the untold affliction which
has since followed would have been obviated, and now
we would be the same happy and great people we were.
Having God and justice with our cause, and having
never designed nor done them wi'ong, we can and will
prevent a broken Union. We will again become a
happy and united people, fulfilling our great destiny of
establishing, not only on this continent but elsewhere,
the liberty, equality and fraternity of mankind. Our
armies and fleets will soon have reached the great ' Cres-
cent City,' a-nd I predict, its people will receive them
with demonstrations of unaffected joy. The advices re-
ceived from there are enough to satisfy any rational
mind, that they are only kept under by power. Even

28 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIB.

now the intelligence has come, that the first and second
brigades, including the Oardes d* Orleans^ were called
out and Gen. Beauregard's letter read to them, request-
ing reinforcements in Tennessee. They sternly refused
to go. Reflect! The Oardes df Orleans consists, in
great part, of Creoles, and yet they dared refuse the call
of the great Creole general, Beauregard. * Straws tell
which way the wind blows.' So does this refusal tell
that the love for this good old Union is not altogether
extinguished in that noble city. The war will scarcely
last months longer. The leading traitors will flee and
hide their heads or be brought to the halter, as they
richly deserve, and this work will be done with the as-
sistance of many of the good people they have oppressed
and trodden to the earth.

"Andrew Johnson — God bless him — is now in Tennes-
see, commencing the glorious work of restoring the
rights of the people and punishing the traitors by the
vigorous arm of justice. Of my own trials and suflTer-
ings, I would rather not speak. Hundreds and thou-
sands have suffered infinitely more. My property, my
business, my happiness and coutentment of life were
wrecked. But I am happy in the consciousness that I
never entertained a thought nor perpetrated an act of
disloyalty to the Union and constitution of my country.
I advocated the cause of the old flag on all proper occa-
sions, and when asked if I would take the oath of alle-
giance to the government of Richmond to save my
property and my liberty, I answered *No, never!'
Rather loss of liberty, life and all, before any portion of
Washington's land should be severed from Union and
liberty. I was then told I must go. I was given by

bostie's depabtubs fob the nobth. 29

that worse than Arnold, General D. E. Twiggs, a pass,
of which the following is a copy :

*CONFEDEEATE STATES OF AmEBICA,

Headquabtebs Depabtment No.
New Orleans, 21st August,

* Dr. A P. Dostie, a citizen of the city of New Orleans,
State of Louisiana, wishes to return to New York under
the Alien Law. Allow him to pass through the Con-
federate States.

*D. E. Twiggs,
Maj. Gen. Conunanding.'

" Two days afterward I departed from what had been
my beautiful and genial home, to come where I could
once more see the old banner wave ' o'er the land of the
free and the home of the brave.' For six months it had
been shut out of my sight. I felt during that time de-
spondent and gloomy, and almost ashamed of being an
American and not with the battling hosts of my country,
helping to raise that sacred ensign upon the parapets
from which it had been so causelessly and ignominiously
torn. I was resolved, if need be, to enlist, but thanks
to the inborn patriotism of the people, I found on arriv-
ing here, there was no lack or need of men. They have
gone forth in plentiful numbers, unfaltering in their de-
termination to conquer back the Union, or die gloriously
fighting for freedom's liope. Wc will not despair, the
sky is brightening, the rainbow of happiness will soon
appear. A little while and it will be visible, welcomed
by the gladdened hearts of a glorious nation.

* May God save the Union, grant it may stand
The pride of our people, the boast of the land ;
Still, still, 'mid the storm, may our banner float free,
Unrent and unriven, o'er earth and o'er sea.

30 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

* May God save the Union, still, still may it stand.
Upheld by the prayers of the patriot band ;
To cement it our fathers ensanguined the sod,
To keep it we kneel to a merciful God.'

" Truly yours, A. P. Dostie,"

NEW OELEANS BEFOBE GEN. BUTLEB's AEBIVAL. 31

CHAPTER IV.

NEW OBLEANS BEFOBE GENEBAL BUTLEB's ABBIVAL.

February 24th, 1862, Genci*al Butler said to President
Lincoln, " We sliall take New Orleans, or you will never
see me again." The object of the expedition, headed
by the bi*ave Butler, was known to but few, yet its
movements were watched by some who anxiously hoped
its object was the taking of New Orleans from the grasp
of treason. Among that number was Dostie.

New Orleans went more gradually into the vortex of
Secession than other Southern cities. It contained more
of the elements of Unionism than any other city.
When General Butler arrived in New Orleans, few re-
mained that had not been dragged into or become will-
ing subjects to the poisonous influence, that made treason
a power so dangerous. None who were suspected of
loyalty to the United States government, could live in
safety under its municipal government, unless they had
been distinguished as aristocrats, slaveocrats, or politic
men, — " men of chivalric positions " — " men of pre-emi-
nent standing," — " solid men of Southern States — ^men
who had ever stood upon the broad platform of Slavery."
These " were tolerated even with ostentation." Some
of these privileged classes, cast a penetrating glance in-
to the future of the Republic, and in that glance saw

82 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

written upon the walls of their cherished institutions,
"Death to Slavery;" saw engraved thereon with the
pen of truth dipped in the blood of thousands, " Union,
Liberty, Equality."

Poor patriots, who had dared to utter sentiments of
loyalty, had been banished by Confederate law. A few
remained who were reserved upon all political subjects
— whose pent up devotions to the Union struggled for
utterance, and who waited with trembling hope the arri-
val of the United States forces.

Pierre Soule, " the silver-tongued " and fluent Union
orator of 1860, had stooped from his loyal eminence, and
in 1862, was in the vile ranks of Secession, and in sym-
pathy with the Mayor, Common Council and other city
officials, noted for their rebellious acts.

Thomas J. Durant was classed among " the persons of
pre-eminent standing who were tolerated even with os-
tentation." His wealth, aristocracy, and above all his
policy, was in harmony with Southern chivalry. A pro-
minent Slaveholder, his known sentiments on the subject
of Slavery were a passport in his favor — even with those
who suspected that he did not coincide with their disu-
nion movements. Durant seldom committed an impoli-
tic act. There was policy in retaining the friendship of
Southern men of influence, wealth and position. His
slave property was in danger. In the midst of the Rebel-
lion he therefore complained for himself and his friends
in a letter, which was sent to President Lincoln, " That
in various ways the relation of master and slave was
disturbed by the presencd of the Federal army, and
that this, in part, was done under an Act of Congress."
Said President Lincoln, in writing of Durant and his

NEW OKLEASS BEFOBE GEN. BUTLEB's ABBIYAL. 33

letter, " The paralizer — ^the dead palsy of the Government
in the whole struggle, is that the Durant class of men
will do nothing for the Government — ^nothing for them-
selves except demanding that the Government shaU not
strike its enemies lest they be struck by accident."

Suddenly the politic Durant recognized the result of
the Revolution, and became a Radical in Negro Suffrage;
pointed to President Lincoln in the back-ground, repre-
sented himself as standing upon the pinnacle of Radical-
ism ; denouncing the slow movements of his superior, in
the great principles of Liberty.

In 1860-61, none perceived that Durant, who had
" rested so calmly beside the throne erected to Slavery,"
would so soon become the champion of radicalism. He
belonged to that class of men who, incapable of contend-
ing with aroused elements, model themselves upon the
epoch in which they live; assume the individuality of
the crisis, personifying the popular idea, whatever it
may be.

Christian Roselius, was classed among " the solid men
of Southern Status." Destiny had given him the expe-
rience of age, that he might dissect the rotten carcass
which the Rebellion sought to vitalize. But he could
not discern the corruption of Slavery, and with bold
eloquence defended its principles. He became the learned
advocate of slave aristocracy, and the relied-upon
avenger of radical abolition. Enveloped in his cloak
of conservatism, he feared no thrusts from treason's
weapons. During the dark days of rebel power in New
Orleans, his voice was heard exclaiming, " O, sirs, a fel-
low feeling makes us wondrous kind."

Conspicuous among the solid men of those times was

84 IJFE OF \. P. DOSnE.

J. Ad. Rozier, whose antagonism to progress and liberty
was more prominently exhibited than his patriotism.
Said he, in one of his denunciatory speeches of radical
measures, ^ President Lincoln has no right constitution-
ally to trample upon the rights of even rebels against
the Qovernment, and turn loose upon them four millions
of slaves.'' Seizing the Constitution in one hand, he
stamped bloody slavery upon it with the other, and
vowed that " by the memories of Washington, Jefferson,
and Madison, conservatism should palsy the heart of ra-
dicalism, if it attempted to subtract one iota &om that
Constitution.'' The history of Rozier is written by the
radical pen of truth, who makes her foot-prints visible,
although she wades through the blood of Revolution,
massacre, and riot. Her record will mark the status of
true Union men who were not stamped with the crimson
stains of Slavery's curse.

These were some of the stars of the first magnitude
that shone forth from the Union firmament in the Cres-
cent City during the dark days of Secession. They were
dark days indeed !

There were clusters of minor luminaries, which it were
endless to delineate. There were some who, fearful of
exposing their true principles, pretended to submit cheer-
fully to tyranny and oppression. Said one of that num-
ber, Michael Hahn, who ranked among the second of the
classes described :

" During the war there were three classes of Union
men in the South. Some left for the North as soon
as they could after the conmiencement of the war,
and before the military lines were drawn. The second
class remained in the South as long as they could, and

NEW ORLEANS LEFOBE GEN. BUTLER'S ABEIVAL. 35

although thehr attachment to the Union was deep, and
strong and heartfelt, and was known to each other, they
nevertheless had the understanding that in all the mere
outward displays, they would pretend an acquiescence in
or approval of the Confederate Government. Some suc-
ceeded in this course of deceiving the rebel jnobs and
Provost marshals as to their real feelings up to the time
when they were happily released from rebel bondage by
the arrival of Federal troop?. Others again, of the same
class, were detected in their movements as sympathizers
with the Union, before the loy^l troops could come to
their aid, and were sent out of the Confederacy, like
Flanders, Hubbard, Tewell, and others, of New Orleans,
or were hanged or made to mysteriously disappear.

"The third class consisted of such as never under any
circumstances, or at any time even pretended to recog-
nize the Confederate Government. I know of but one
man in Louisiana who belonged to this class and who
came up fully and completely to this home standard.
This man was Dr. Anthony P. Dostie. One day he was
seen making his way through an ante-room crowded with
confederates, into the office of the traitor Twiggs, whom
he addressed in this manner ;

"'General: Your superior, JeiFerson Davis, has is-
sued a proclamation which is published in this morning's
papers, notifying all Union men, or alien enemies, as they
are called, to leave the Confederate States for the North
within a time specified. I consider myself as embraced
within that proclamation. I am a Union man. I do not
recognize the Confederacy, and as your superior has or-
dered me to depart from your military lines, I expect I
shall be protected in complying with this order ; and I

36 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

liavo come to demand of you a pass enabling me to go
North."

" Twiggs eyed the man with wonder, and for some time
licsitated about granting the request ; but a penisal of
tlie proclamation of Jeff. Davis, and of the Confederate
law, on which it was based, convinced him that he had
no right to withhold the pass. Armed with the paper
furnished him by Twiggs, the noble Dostie left his home,
his business and his property, and took the cara for the
North. His trip was not one of the most agreeable
character : for on the route on exhibiting his pass to the
militaiy, his status, of course, became known, and he
frequently received insults from mobs, and was even
thrust into prison, notwithstanding his pass from Gen.
Twiggs. When he finally escaped from Dixie and reach-
ed Chicago, he wrote a letter which was published in a
New York paper, giving a truthful account of what he
saw and heard within the rebel lines. In this letter,
speaking of the heroic efforts of the Union men of Ten-
nessee to keep their State within the Union, he exclaims :
* God bless Andrew Johnson.' "

Fear did not, however, prevent Ilahn on the Cth of
May, 1860, at Lafayette Square, New Orleans, fi*om
offering the following resolution :

^^ Resolved^ That we the citizens of New Orleans,
regardless of all the minor differences of opinion that
divide the people of this country politically, are of
one mind and one heart, in support of the Union of
these States, and that as long as the Constitution
of the Republic and the laws enacted by Congress
in accordance therewith can be maintained inviolate,
as we confidently believe they can be, we shall re-
gard with abhorrence all attempts to destroy the pa-

NEW ORLEANS BEFORE GEN. KUTLEr's ARRIVAL. 37

ternal ligaments which bind the sovereign mem\)ers of
this glorious confederation ; and we here solemnly
pledge ourselves, one to the other, and all to our coun-
tiy, to oppose all parties whose claims to public confi-
dence are in any manner identified with disunion senti-
ments or designs, and to regard as enemies to Republican
liberty all who attempt to separate these States from the
Union."

The antagonism between slave aristocracy and liberal
principles, was one of the conspicuous causes of the war.
In 1860-61, the slave power ruled with a rod of oppres-
sion the entire South. Raising her potent hand she ex-
claimed in demoniac tones, "Behold the destiny of
liberty crashed by the power of despotism : She shall
be buried beneath the corner-stone of the ' Confederacy,'
and upon her ruins shall rise an empire devoted to
Slavery." The great mass of Southern aristocrats cried
out in their madness, " Let us fall down and worship our
idol — ^Human Bondage !"

Thuggery— offspring of the "pet institution" — scru-
tinized with a watchful eye all inovations, designated
"reforms." Lucien Adams, chief of the Thugs in
New Orleans, protected with the bowie knife and pistol
the interests of the devotees to the ruling power, and
marked with his murderous eye the man who dared to
whisper "reform." The Police were all Thugs. " Assassi-
nation " was their watchword. Their record is marked
by tyranny, outrage and murder. Monroe, the Mayor of
the city, given up to the woi*st features of slavcocratic
law was the personification of Thuggery. A man of no
moral piinciple or intellectual culture, he was just the
magistrate required to legalize the crimes of a people
given up to intrigue and conspiracy. A lover of faction

38 LIFE OF A. P. BOSTIE.

and anarchy, without the boldness to lead a mob, his
forte was to accomplish by intrigue and cunning what
he could not accomplish by his infamous treason and de-
fiant manner. In his official capacity, he always had an
excuse for crime, a smile for a traitor and a word of en-
couragement for his companions in rebellion. It was a
class of men like Monroe and Adams, that the multitude
followed. They possessed the true spirit of slavery. It
was sufficient for these instigators of riot to indicate a
spot on which to assemble, to create a panic, or infuse a
sudden rage in the breasts of the populace, and prepare
them for murderous action.

BUTLEE's military rule IK NEW ORLEANS. 39

CHAPTER V.

, butler's >IIL1TARY rule in new ORLEANS.

May 1st, 1862, is a memorable day in the histoiy of
New Orleans. On that day, General Butler gladdened
the hearts of a patriot nation, and struck terror into re-
bellion, by seizing the stronghold of Treason — ^the me-
tropolis of the South. When Lincoln said to the noble
FaiTagut, " Go with the fleet to New Orleans, and to the
brave Butler ; take your troops to that rebellious city ;'*
he believed that the nation must be all free — ^that destiny
had decreed the death of the national curse.

" Sweep from the waters of the Mississippi the foul
works of traitor hands,'' was the command of Farragut
to his brave men. Victory was theirs, and the Star-
Spangled Banner floated in the breeze, and the national
ah's from an heroic band mingled with the music of the
waters, in glad praises to freedom and loyalty. Farra-
gut had struck the blow the Government required at his
hands, and added a trophy to our naval laurels. Butler,
as commander of the United States troops, was now to
regulate the disordered elements, which had made New
Orleans a tempestuous sea of revolt and anarchy. The
harmonious action of the army and navy soon calmed
the storms which threatened to destroy the riotous city.
The news of the great Union victoiy over treason's

40 LIFE OP A. P. BOSTIB.

Stronghold, was received with emotions of gratitude and
joy, by men like Dostie and his excited companions who
had fled from their genial homes to escape death and op-
pression.

Men of secession principles like the Rev. Dr. Palmer,
who had sacreligiously preached disunion and slavery
from their pulpits, vowed revenge upon Farragut, Butler,
and the United States Government ; calling loudly upon
the " Confederacy " to demolish the loyal army and na-
vy, demanding the head of the " Beast " who had made
their Monroe tremble before the law of justice — silenced
the insults of rebel women, and made the outward signs
of secession unpopular in New Orleans.

Mayor Monroe at first defied the commands of General
Butler, but speedily brought to fear the iron will and
just demands of his superior, he changed his course and
sought by intrigue and hypocricy, to throw a veil over
his duplicity, but the stem eye of the great criminal
lawyer pierced his every motive. Laying his hand upon
the traitor, he was conveyed to Fort Jackson, where he
remained for months — not to repent of treasonable acts,
but to plot future conspiracies.

The Public Schools, the Churches and the Rebel wo-
men of New Orleans, (all venomous in their treason)
were made harmless for a time, by the firm rule of
the subduer of traitors.

BETUBN OF DOSTIE TO NEW ORLEANS, 41

CHAPTER VI.

RETUBN OP DOSTIE TO NEW ORLEANS.

The Star-Spangled banner waving under the command

of Farragiit and Butler, invited Unionists from all parts

of the country to seek protection under its folds.

Among the number who came, was Dr. Dostie. His

arrival in New Orleans was thus announced in the THce

Delta, of August 20th, 1862 :

" Among the arrivals by the steamer was Dr. Dostie,
an eminent dentist of this city, who was compelled to
leave, last August, on account of his bold expressions
of Union sentiment. Dr. Dostie has been welcomed by
a large circle of friends. He is a fluent and earnest
speaker, and we hope, will be heard by our Union citi-
zens at their meetings."

When Lafayette and the Baron de Kalb stepped upon

Liberty's soil after a tedious voyage of months, they

mutually swore to conquer or die in the contest upon

which they were entering. That noble resolve was

prompted by their true love of liberty. It was the

same spirit which led the patriotic Dostie to exclaim,

" I have come back after one year's absence from my

loved home, to die for the cause of liberty, if by such

sacrifice it shall receive one impetus." From that time

his life was a continued series of patriotic deeds and

self-sacrificing acts. Aug. 21st, 1862, just one year from

42 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

the day he left the government of Jefferson Davis and
the command of Gen, Twiggs, he addressed a Union
meeting in 'New Orleans, under the Government, claim-
ing Abraham Lincoln as its Chief Executive, and Gen-
eral Butler as its military commander.

Tlie Rev. Mr. Duncan — ^President of the Union meet-
ing addressed by Dr. Dostie, Aug. 21st, 1862 — ^was to the
cause of the Union, what Dr. Palmer was to the cause
of Rebellion. Both were men of superior intellect. Both
were in a position to exert an immense influence, either
for good or evil — ^for a Republican Government, or a
Slave Despotism. Dr. Duncan lovmg his Church next
to his God, tore himself from its rebel influence, pro-
claiming amidst persecution and insult, his devotion to
his Government, the Union, and Liberty. An exile
from his Church, his family, and the society once dear
to him, his mental anxiety and protracted labors
were more than his delicate constitution and sensitive
nature could endure. He died — a martyr to the sacred
cause he had so cherished. A short time before his
death he said, " There is no one who can appreciate my
Union sentiments, and the sufferings I have endured
for the beloved cause of liberty so well as my friend
Dostie."

Dr. Dostie was never an oratoi\ Yet he possessed the
elements which constitute tnie oratory. He had ncAer
cultivated those powera, and never acquired that com-
mand of strong and appropriate language, w^hich is an
essential quality of a popular speaker. But he possessed
the fire, spirit, the enchanting wildness, and magnificent
irregularity of the tnie orator's genius, combhied witli
judgment, imagination, sensibility, taste and expression.

EETUEN OF DOSTIETO NEW OELEAKS. 43

Discipline would have made him an effective, gi*aceful
and popular orator. The enemies of Dostie have pro-
nounced liim a fanatical, reckless and thoughtless agi-
tator. Yet his life proves him a deliberate, philoso-
phic and thoughtful man — ever sincere, honest and
truthful.

Said he to a friend, " I have always been in the habit
of spending half my nights in reading, studying the
works of philosophers, our standard poets, and best
writers. It is- one of the great pleasures of my life to
commune in the silent hours of the night with those
noble minds, who have left us their writings to cherish."
His patriotism was based upon philosophical principles
and profound reason — not upon fanaticism. The great
purpose of his life, expressed in his every act, was to
assist in upholding a truly Republican Government.'
Oppression, despotism and treason he dared oppose, even
at the risk of life and property. His defence of hu-
manity and freedom ; his lowly birth, his poverty, and
above all, his out-spoken hatred to the rebellion made
him the object of marked dislike with the solid men of
New Orleans, who like Roselius, Rozier and Barker,
watched with jealous eye their superiors in patriotism,
humanity and reform, and delighted to style them,
" fanatic."

Surrounded by bitter enemies, determined to cnish the
fearless Dostie, we yet find him a power, rising superior
to his enemies. At all the Union meetings, Associations
and Leagues established in the Crescent City, he was a
prominent worker in his beloved cause, braving every
hatred and malice. In the midst of these labors he
often received anonymous notes warning him to pre-

(

44 UFE OF A. P. DOSnE.

pare for death, filled sometimes with scandal of the
lowest order. To these he never paid any attention, so
entirely absorbed was he in the great events by which
he was surrounded.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OP NEW OELEANS. 45

CHAPTER Vn.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW OELEANS.

-' Before General Butler's amval in 'New Orleans, the
virus of treason animated all the Public Schools of
that city. The Board of Education, the Superintendent
and Trustees, with but few exceptions, conspired to
infuse the deadly poison of treason into the minds of
the youth everywhere in their charge.

Wm. O. Rodgers was the Superintendent of the Public
Schools in New Orleans, when the United States Gov-
ernment was treated with contempt by the scholars
under his charge. Two months before General Butler's
arrival in New Orleans, at a public examination in one
of the schools, the black flag was lixmg upon the walls
with the words worked in white, " We ask no quarters
and grant none." A rebel paper in that city thus com-
mented upon 4}hese emblems : — " Strangely appropriate
emblems for our schools — the best in the Confede-
racy." Such were the institutions of learning under
the secession epidemic. Treason had become a power
which defied the United States Government, and the
thousands, who daily assembled at the Public Schools,
were taught to insultingly flaunt the flag of Secession
in the faces of the United States officers, who were in
New Orleans to protect Republican Government. These

46 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

treasonable teachers soon perceived tliat their ship of
rebellion must plunge beneath the waves of the contest
in which they had so proudly embarked, and that the
helm they had attempted to grasp, had passed into the
hands of one fully capable of subduing defiant traitors.
Butler quickly discovered the necessity of purifying the
public schools from the corruption of rebellion.

Rogers fled before the stem justice of Butler into a
confederate retreat. The Board of Education, which had
favored the " black flag " in the schools expired, not to
be revivified whilst loyal men governed Xew Orleans.
Union men, among whom were Dostio, Heath, Hahn,
Heine, Shupert, and Flanders were appointed to revolu-
tionize the public schools. L. B. Carter was made the
loyal superintendent. Dr. Dostie was the animating
soul in that reformation, whose avowed work was to ex-
tirpate treason from those institutions. It was a settled
plan in which all the loyal Board of Education harmon-
ized, "That no symbol of treason should be permitted
in the schools under their superv'ision." In March, 1863,
the Board of Education adopted the following resolu-
tions :

" W?i€r€a^, It is a rule of action in the education of
youth, of universal acceptance that the inculcation of
sound moral principle is no less important than intellec-
tual culture : and,

" WhereaSy The present lamentable state of our
national affairs has lowered the standard of public
morals, and to a certain extent created disregard for
those high obligations which teach us to love our coun-
try and Its beneficent institutions : and,

" WherectSy It is the duty of those to whom is entrust-
ed the education of our youth to counteract the evil
tendencies of the times, and to infuse into the minds

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW 0ELEAN8. 47

of tlieir pupils ideas in relation to public affairs which
will be equally consistent with true patriotism and
sound morality : therefore be it

" Resolved^ That the teachers of the public schools be
instructed, henceforth, to make the singing of patriotic
songs, and the reading of appropriate passages from the
addresses of patriotic men, a part of the busmess of each
day, in the several departments of their respective schools."

A few days after these resolutions were passed by the
Board of Education, an invitation was given to the pub-
lic to assemble at the Madison School (where a few
months previous the " black flag " had been displayed)
to witness the interesting ceremony of presenting a beau-
tiful United States flag to the school. Upon that occasion,
hundreds of childish voices greeted their friends with
the national air, " Star-Spangled Banner," after which,
seven little girls stepped upon a platform and presented
their flag to their school with the following address : —
" We dedicate to the Madison School this " Star-Span-
gled Banner," the emblem of our own dear native land, as
a tribute to patriotism. Long, long may it wave over our
school dedicated to union, science and liberty !"

Dr. Dostie, on behalf of the Directors, addressed the
school as follows *

" Miss Whitby, Principal ; Ladies, Teachers ; and you.
Pupils of Madison School :

" The scene witnessed by the friends of thorough and
correct education to-day is destined to be long remem-
bered. There can be no occasion of deeper interest to
the lovers of the human race, its progress in education
and advancement in true loyal patriotic sentiments, than
now appears in the brilliant and most encouraging spec-
tacle you have, by your noble and indefatigable exertions,

48 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE,

wrouglit for the hopes of the liberty and freedom of our
land.

" Here the youths of our city have gathered for the
culture and proper education of their minds and hearts
in a correct knowledge of the various duties belonging to
good and virtuous members of society.

" As we cast our eyes over this great Republic, be-
queathed us by ' him whom envy dared not hate,' and
behold the causeless and furious civil war now desolatini?
our once peaceful, happy and glorious land, filling, as it
does, the patriot's heart with terrible apprehensions for
the future of this most sacred of gifts — self-government —
to whom are we to look for hope of salvation, but to you
of this rising generation, educated as, we pray the Father
of Nations you may bo, in the just and beneficent princi-
ples of Republicanism, of unity, peace and fraternity.
Then our dear country will not know the Arnolds, Burrs,
Calhouns, or Davises any more.

"Be therefore zealous in the acquisition of useful
knowledge that you may distinguish truth from error,
virtue from vice, and labor assiduously in disseminating
these virtues, these duties, and God will bless and re-
ward you with felicity here and heaven in the hereafter.

" Trace thoughtfully the history of our inmiortal Wash-
ington's school days — remember he could not lie — ^that
he lived and practiced all the pure and exalted virtues,
thereby compelling the high eulogium from mankind of
being ' first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts
of his countrymen.'

"The public schools of our nation should be the avenue
to the education of all the various and manifold duties
devolved upon the citizens of our great Commonwealth.

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF KEW ORLEANS. 49

They should be treasured as the corner-stone of the
Republic — ^they were designed for the education and en-
lightenment of the masses, in their duties to God, their
country, and themselves ; and where they prevail and
are encouraged, treason, rebellion, and their atrocious
attendants are not known.

" Had the youths of the rebellious portions of our coun-
try been the recipients of the blessmgs of this munificent
institution, ' grim-visaged war,' with its concomitants —
famine, pestilence and death, would not now be blighting
our once happy and homogeneous people — ^the land
had not been pierced by the murderous stabs of our
brethren.

" Let us, citizens, be in future the careful and untiring
guardians of this instituijfon, pregnant with such vast
promises of good; then the hydra-headed, execra-
ble monster — ^Treason — ^will not again make parricidal
thrusts at our dearest mother, who for eighty years has
nourished us with the delicious milk of Liberty, Free-
dom and Fraternity.

" Now, in behalf of loyal Louisiana and of the loyal
United States, permit me to introduce little Mary Mur-
ray, and through this pure patriot, her four hundred
associates, in behalf of loyal Americans everywhere, to
thank them for the gift of tliat ' gorgeous ensign of our
Liberty Land.' That beautiful emblem of our glory and
power ! that a Washington triumphantly bore through
the revolutionary struggles ; that a Jackson won a halo
of undying glory upon the Plains of Chalmette ; that a
Taylor so heroically bore aloft at Buena Vista ; that a
Scott reveled within the halls of the Montezumas ; th^t
a Farragut carried by Forts Jackson and St. Phillip in a

60 LIFE OF A. P. I>OSnE.

flame of lightning; that Butler, the indomitable, nn-
furled from the ramparts of our treason-bound empo-
rium; that will victoriously float over Liberty's Do-
minions, when the ^ Stars and Bars' will be buried in
oblivion. "

This was the inauguration ceremony of a brilliant
series of flag presentations, which ended in placing an
American flag over every public school in New Orleans.
The sight of the National emblem waving from the
public institutions infuriated its enemies, who in their
madness declared, "That their children should not be
taught to love the United States Government."

Dr. Dostie, the chairman of that conmiittee which had
drawn up the resolutions requiring the introduction of
national airs and patriotic sentiments in the schools,
says, in his report to the Board of Education, " I have
received communications from the principals of some of
the schools, infonmng me that many of their pupils
have risen in rebellion and refused to sing national
airs as requested by their teachers. I am urged to use
my influence in quelling this insubordination instigated
by rebellious parents. Upon consultation with several
members of the Board of Education, and finding that
their views coincided with mine — ^that it was our duty to
enforce the laws governing the institutions under our
charge — I have informed the disobedient that the re-
quirements were just, and therefore, irrevocable, and that
if they persisted in their rebellion they must be expelled
from the schools. Only three hundred of the eight
thousand in attendance refused, and were expelled or
withdrawn from the schools."

The following testimony relating to the noble labors

PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF NEW OBLEANS. 51

of Dostie in the cause of republican education, is worthy
to be placed among the historical records of those event-
ful times when, in the hands of loyal educators, science,
poetry, music, and flowers, combine to make Unionism
and the United States flag popular in the halls of educa-
tion in "New Orleans. The JHie Deltas through a cor-
respondent says :

" Messbs. Edctobs : I ask the use of your columns to
publish the following well deserved and highly flattering
testimonial to the zeal and efficiency with which that
pre-eminently earnest Union man, Dr. A. P. Dostie, dis-
charged his duties while a member of the Board of Visi-
tors of the First District Schools. The public generally,
in conmion with the School Board, feel keenly the retire-
ment of so earnest a votary of true education. They
indulge'' the hope, though, that the work of regenerating
the public schools from the moral leprosy of treason, so
happily inaugurated by the Doctor during the past year,
may be continued until there shall remain no youthful
mind capable of retaining and receiving so unseemly a
taint. * * 4: 4c *

" nOABD OP VISITOES OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF THE PIBST

DISTBICT.

New Obleans, Sept. 16, 1863.

" At a regular meeting of the Board of Visitors of the
First District Public Schools, held on the 14th inst., on
motion of Mr. J. A. Noble, seconded by Messrs. Hahn
and Graham, the following resolutions were unanimously
adopted :

" Itesolved^ That the thanks of this Board be tendered
to Dr. A. P. Dostie for his constant and well directed
exertions in the cause of education, while a member of
the Board of Visitors during the past year.

" Besolved^ That the labors of Dr. Dostie have, in the

52 UFE OF A. r. DOSTIE.

opinion of this Board, contributed more than those
of any individual towards restoring the public schools to
loyalty and patriotism, and that we regret his retirement
from active co-operation with us in our official laboi-s.

^^ Hesolved, That the Secretary be instructed to for-
ward a copy of these resolutions to Dr. A, P. Dostie.

" A true copy from the minutes.

" F. O. ScHBODER, Secretary."

Dr. Dostie's successful efforts in making treason odious
in the public schools, made the enemies of the Union in
New Orleans rampant in propagating slander against his
personal tinitli and superior excellence. But his patriotic
achievements will bear exposure to the scom of rebellious
spirits, whose tenacious calumnies not only followed him
through his labors in the public schools, but in all the re-
forms wherewith his name was honorably associated.
The extent of indignity to which Dr. Dostie was subject-
ed, may be partially inferred from the following acrostic,
one of the many low exhibitions of malice put forth to
intimidate or prevent his exertions for liberty : —

" All hail to thee. Dr. ! may'st thou always prove true,
Patriotic and proud of the red white and blue ;
Do all that thou canst for the flag that once waved
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave.
Stout hearts fight against it — they'll rally around :
The stars and the stripes they'll haul to the ground ;
In the dust they will trail it, and thee they will hang,
Emancipating thy soul to where e'er it may gang."

In the midst of such enemies, the voice of a friend
reached the ear of Dostie, breathing a spirit in striking
contrast to the foregoing. In the columns of the New
Orleans True Delta^ appeared the following lines, a beau-
tiful acrostical rejoinder to that of his enemies :

PUBLIC SCHOOI^ OF NEW ORLEANS. 53

" Amid the stunted forest trees,
Perennial grows the stately oak,
Defying all the storm-king's power,
Or the fierce lightning's deadly stroke I
So thou, brave man, 'mid traitors' scorn,
Ti-aced the white flame of loyalty !
In danglers ofl, 'mid threats of death.
Ever the ' Friend of Liberty ! '
"New Orleans, Sep. 2, 1864. Una."

An inquiry into the private seminaries and schools of
New Orleans instituted by a Commission appointed by
Major General Banks, Commander of the Department
of the Gulf — of which cpmmission Dr. Dostie was an
active member — reveals the following then existing:
state of things :

" In many of the schools in this city, persons are in-
structing our youth who avow themselves " rebels " or
" rebel sympathizers ! " And many others who show by
their evasive manner of answering these questions, that
iheir whole sympathies are with those now in armed re-
bellion against our Government and shedding the blood
of our countrymen I And further, that these individuals
are permitted to organize schools, teach our children
and tacitly or openly instill the poison of rebellion and
treason into their young minds ! The thing would seem
impossible, but there the record of facts stands, on their
own confession — attesting to the impudent daring of a
deed which is only exceeded in its violation of all that
is right and honorable by the forbearance and magna-
nimity of the Government against which rebels and
rebel sympathizers are waging a suicidal war, and under
whose flag these teachers are or have been quietly pur-
suing their vocation."

54 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

Said Dr. Dostie, in referring to that commission to
visit, examine and report as to the character of the
private schools of New Orleans — "I knew that in that
work I should meet some of my old personal friends,
which the rebellion had made my enemies, and that the
interview would not be a pleasant one. It was with
no spirit of revenge or vindictive feeling that I ap-
proached my former friends, but I will never shrink from
the duty of exposing the work of traitors — ^not if all
my friends become my enemies." Dr. Dostie^s unselfish
acts often gained him the friendship of those who dif-
ferred with him. Many of the most bitter rebels speak
kindly of his benevolent acts. When Mayor Monroe
was imprisoned in Foit Jackson ; his wife, upon several
occasions, requested Dr. Dostie to urge his influence-
with General Butler in her behalf. As she was left in
destitute circumstances, he went several times to the
office of General Butler to ask the favors she required.
He also obtained a position in the public school for the
daughter of Mayor Monroe. When told that he was
rendering assistance to the family of a rebel, he replied,
" Must the wile and daughter suffer for the acts of the
husband and father ? Bring me the proofs of treason
and I will expose the perpetrators. They have assured
me that they cherish Union principles, and I have no
reason to doubt their word. The charge of treason,
said he, 'when it has a just foundation is a fatal one, in
my estimation, to personal character. In regard to that
^ crime of crimes,' I must not act upon suspicion, but
upon evidence."

THE CHUBCHES OF NEW ORLEANS. 55

CHAPTER Vm.

THE CHURCHES OP NEW ORLEANS.

The Churches of New Orleans are a strange part of
the history of the rebellion. With the noble exception
of the Rev. Wm. Duncan, the prominent clergymen of
that city became Judases — betraying their Saviour, their
Government. The names of Palmer, Leacock and Good-
ridge, are written with pens dipped in blood upon the
tombstones of thousands of misguided youths, who lis-
tened to their eloquence in behalf of rebellion and
slavery. The power of a Butler was again felt in New
Orleans, when he laid his hands upon the heads of the
Reverend traitors, and demanded of them obedience to
the laws of the true Church, and the just laws of the
Nation.

Upon the refusal of the clergy to pray for the
President of the United States, their Churches were
ordered to be closed, until loyal ministers could officiate
in their places. The ecclesiastical institutions of the
South were a dangerous power in favor of despotism
and rebellion. It was necessary to strike the Church
from its foundation by the earthquake advance of re-
form. It required men of the force of a Luther or a
Cromwell, to blot out the disgraceful crimes which
stained their statute books. Slavery had enveloped the

60 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

consciences of its ministers, and treason lay like a dark
pall upon their guilty souls. That power in the Churches
of New Orleans, that defied the United States Govern-
ment, was temporarily overthrown by General Butler.
Loyal Christian ministers were invited to fill the pul-
pits of disloyal clergymen — ^men who would not advo-
cate the divinity of slavery, but the charities of Chris-
tianity. Soon convened loyal congregations to listen
to their prayers for the overthrow of Slaveiy and trea-
son, and the preser\''ation of their beloved President
and the Congress of the United States. To men like
Dostie, who watched with jealous eye every evil influ-
ence that opposed civil and religious liberty, the new
turn in Church affairs, was a source of rejoicing. * Every
Sabbath morning he might be seen entering the Epis-
copal Church, formerly occupied by Dr. Goodridge, to
worship with the reverence of a man of faith. His deep
toned voice, which had a peculiar charm to his friends,
upon these solenm occasions could be distinctly heard
repeating that service to which he became deeply at-
tached. Said he, "I always pray in faith for President
Lincoln, for I feel in my inmost soul that the God of
Nations will sustain the noble acts of our Chief Magis-
trate." From that time until his death. Dr. Dostie was
a constant worshipper in Church. His religious views
partook of his general character. They were broad and
liberal, and not confined to any narrow creed. In a con-
versation with a friend, he remarked, " I believe that
Christ died for alL I trust in God — the great Ruler of
Events has placed before us his laws. If wo are guided
by them, they will lead us to happiness here and here-
after. That is my creed and my religion."

THE CHUBCHES OF NEW ORLEANS. 57

"Upon the organization of a loyal congregation in
Christ's Church, Dr. Dostie was chosen one of the war-
dens. Christ's Church I What a throng of associations
gious home of the army and navy of the Gulf Department,
cluster around that name ! Christ's Church was the reli-
There might be seen upon a Sabbath morning, the com-
manding General and his Staff; the officers of every
grade of both the army and the navy; soldiers and
sailor boys. Union citizens and loyal visitors from all
parts of the country assembled in that sacred spot. What
prayers have been offered by clergy and laymen for the
preservation of the Union, and what heartfelt petitions
have aso/cnded to the God of Nations in behalf of Presi-
dent Lincoln and the Congress of the United States I
That emblem of religious liberty — ^the United States
flag — enveloped the altar dedicated to Freedom. That
flag draped in mourning symbols, was wrapped around
the biera of the patriots who fell by the hands of the
enemies of their Government. It enclosed in its folds
the pulseless form of the youthful De Kay, the gallant
Cummings, the brave Dwight, and numbers of hon-
ored dead, who died for the Union and Liberty. How
many weeping parents, wives, brothers and sisters, would
have been comforted, could they have witnessed the
tribute of respect, paid to their departed ones at
Christ's Church, and beheld with what tenderness and
sympathy, that friend of the loyal soldier, Dostie, and
his brother officei*s in the Church looked upon the re-
mains of those who fell in the cause of republican
Liberty.

58 .LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIS.

CHAPTER IX,

DB. DOSnS^S ACTTYITY IN TUS UNION CAUSE.

Dr. Dostie was a man of iron nerve and unceasing ac-
tivity. Possessed of a strong constitution, a powerful
will and an active brain, he could endure more physical-
ly and mentally than most men. It was not an uncom-
mon thing for him to look after the interests of a dozen
schools per day ; work a few hours at his profession, re-
ceive not less than fifty calls ; attend two or three Union
meetings, and then spend half the night in reading and
writing.

Not a Union Church or Sabbath School (white or col-
ored), existed in the city in which he did not take a deep
interest. Not an association or loyal gathering assem-
bled that bore not witness to his exertions in the cause
for which loyal men were battling. In many of these
reforms, Dr. Dostie was the prime mover. Sensitive to
the opinion of his associates ; delighting in the approba-
tion of his friends, and desiring the respect even of his
enemies, no earthly power could induce him to swerve
from what he considered duty. Where he could resist
treason he never wavered. Said he, "It is the duty of
loyal men who love their flag and their Government, to
use every exertion to put down the signs of disloyalty."
Wherever he observed an act or symbol of treason, it

^■^..ui^i^lM^ihZk.:

DE. DOSTIE'S activity IX THE UNION CAUSE. 59

called down upon the offender his rebuke and bitter in-
dignation.

Among the " fanatical acts " of Dr. Dostie that evoked
the thundering anathemas of the rebel multitude was his
noted performance at the Varieties Theater. A few de-
termined Unionists, among whom were Judge Durell, E.
Heath, and L. B. Lynch, headed by Dostie, resolved that
the flag of the Union should float where it had been torn
down by its enemies. The Varieties Theater had become
somewhat notorious for displaying rebel emblems. It
was decided by Dostie and his associates to make a de«
monstration of loyalty in that place to test the Union
sentiment. With a chosen band. Dr. Dostie entered the
Theater and displayed the " Star-Spangled Banner," re-
questing the orchestra to play a national air. Instantly
the United States flag was displayed from all parts of
the house, and the air of the " Star-Spangled Banner "
demanded. This created a great excitement. The mana-
ger of the Theater appeared upon tlie stage and demand-
ed an explanation of the demonstration. Dr. Dostie,
standing by the flag he had unfurled, replied, " New
Orleans is now a Union city. The audience have deter-
*mined to hear the national airs ; none but secession airs
have been heard here during the season, and the present
company intend to hear " Hail Columbia '* before the
performance proceeds." To this the manager replied,
" That he had permission from the military authorities,
and license from the city to conduct the Theater, and
had received strict orders from those authorities to allow
nothing of a political character." "Tis false," arose from
all parts of the house. The audience continued to de-.
mand the playing of the national airs, some, however,

60 LIFE OF A. P. Bosni:.

declaring that the airs would be in opposition to the
orders of Mayor Miller. At this juncture, Major Foster
of the 128th New York Volunteei's, stepped upon the
stage, and commanded silence, saying, " he would take
the responsibility of ordering the orchestra to strike ui>
" Hail Columbia." The order was reluctantly obeyed,
and the old-time air was greeted with many cheera.
General Bowen immediately issued an order of which
the annexed is a copy :

" Office of Peovost Maetial,

Depaet»£ent of the Gulp,

New Oeleans, April 22, 1863.
" Mr. Baker, Manager of Varieties Theater :

" It is reported to me that you have declined to cause
the national airs to be played at your Theater at the re-
quest of the audience, for the reason that you have been
forbidden by the Mayor of the city. No such order can
be recognized or held valid in the presence of the United
States army. You will, therefore, cause the national airs,
" Hail Columbia," " Star-Spangled Banner " and " Yankee
Doodle," to be played before the audience leaves your
Theater this evening.

James Bowen, Brig. Gen., P. M. G."

It was from a few similar episodes in the life of Dostie
that he acquired the name of " fanatic," " agitator," and
" inovator." Yet he reverenced just law, order, and
peace. " My principles were never law-defying, but I
must oppose treason in all its fonns," he replied when
questioned as to his course in opposing the emblems of
secession.

Those acts will bear scrutiny, for they did not often
spring from sudden impulse, but from a settled pui*pose
to attack injustice and disloyalty wherever found, and
success genei-ally attended his movements.

doshe's political views. 61

CHAPTER X.

bostie's political views.

Dostie thus defines his political status : *' I have al-
ways been a Jacksonian Democrat. "When the great
question came befdre the American people whether
Slavery or Freedom should triumph in our nation, the
Democratic party favored Slavery, and I tmsted to the
Republican party to save the country. Abraham Lin-
coln was the choice of that party for President of the
United States. It had analyzed his character ; had found
him a friend of the working classes ; an enemy to every
form of Slavery — an honest man with qualifications
Worthy the ruler of a Republican people." In a politi-
cal speech, he said, " From the moment I decided to sup-
port the noble Lincoln, I have watched with deep inter-
terest his onward movements in the cause of Union,
liberty and humanity. If he continues faithful to the
principles by which he guides the nation, our hopes will
be more than realized."

Dostie was never known to vote for any man who op-
posed the cause of President Lincoln. So strong was
his faith in the great Emancipator, no argument could
convince him that any other was so capable of securing
the liberties of an oppressed race as Abraham Lincoln.
In an address, he says, " I believe Lincoln was chosen by

62 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE«

the Divine Ruler of Governments, for the purpose of
liberating four millions of human beings from the tyranny
of Southern despots."

Among the fii-st to welcome General Butler to New
Orleans, was Michael Hahn. He had combatted seces-
sion ; had publicly announced his devotion to the Union
until it became dangerous to give expression to his sen-
timents. Not willing to suffer martyrdom, he remained
silent, patiently waiting the time when he could boldly
proclaim his true sentiments. He had been a Douglass
Democrat, but when he saw in President Lincoln, the
preserver of the Union, he avowed his determination,
publicly, ^^ to stand by him as long as he stood faithfully
by the Union." It was that avowal that firat attracted
the loyal heart of Dostie towards Hahn. It was the tie
that united them until separated by death. A few days
after publicly proclaiming his determination to stand by
Lincoln, Hahn was elected to Congress from Louisiana.
Among the crowd who assembled upon the levee to wit-
ness the departure for "Washington of the newly elected
congressmen, Flanders and Hahn, was Dr. Dostie. As
the steamer left the landing he exclaimed, " Those men
will stand by our good President and the tnie interests
of Louisiana." Upon the return of Hahn from Wash-
ington, in an address before the people of New Orleans,
he said, " If any man wishes to know my political posi-
tion, I will infonn him that I am ready to stand or fall
upon the same platform with Abraham Lincoln. I have
had opportunities of studying the moral and intellectual
character of our present beloved Magistrate, and in my
opinion a better man could not have been elected Presi-
dent of the United States. The pi*eservation of the

dostie's political views. 63

Union is the great desire of his heart. When I first took
my seat in Congress I thought it my duty to seek an in-
terview with Mr. Lincohi, and state to him that I might
cast votes that would displease him. The President took
me by the hand and said, " Let the perpetuity of the
Union be the prominent object of your official conduct,
and you will not displease mc."

Says Hemdon, (the law partner of Lincoln), " Abra-
ham Lincoln possessed originality of thought in an emi-
nent degree. He was, however, cautious, cool, concen-
trated, with continuity of reflection, was patient and
enduring. These are some of the grounds of his won-
derful success. He was most emphatically a remorseless
analyzer of facts, things anrl principles. When all these
processes had been well and thoroughly gone through,
he could form an opinion and express it, but no. sooner.
The mind of Lincoln was slow, angular and ponderous
rather than quick and finely discriminating." When the
good Lincoln did discern that the Union could no longer
exist with the curse of slavery gnawing at its vitals, he
struck the blow, and true Union loving men, such as
Dostie, Lovejoy and Hahn, gloried in the salvation of
their country.

Dostie, who had ever sympathized with such noble
spirits as Clarkson, Wilberforce, Phillips and Garrison,
could never for a moment stifle the sentiment that
Slavery was the most atrocious of crimes. Li the follow-
ing address, delivered January 2d, 1864, in City Hall —
the same spot where in 1860-61, speeches were made to
secession crowds — after a few introductory remarks by
Hon. Michael Hahn, and before an immense concourse of

64 LIFE OF A« P. DOSTEB.

people, Dr. Dostie thus expressed himself upon the na-
tional situation :
Mr. PresiderUy JLadies and Gentlemen :

" We took our place among the nations of the earth in
1789. We were then a homogeneous, happy people.
Our heroic struggle for independence was fought and
achieved by the people of the colonies, cemented in a
perpetual union. No single State could have thrown
off the shackles of British tyranny. It was only by
the fraternal bonds of union that our brave republican
fathers freed themselves from, monarchical despotism.
Our recognition by the great powers of Europe, was as
one nation and homogeneous people. The immortal
Declaration reads : " United colonies," declaring them-
selves free and independent ; and by the Constitution of
the Confederation, the Continental Congress controlled
and guided us to the haven of freedom and glorious
nationality, and we have grown and prospered with a
rapidity unequalcd by any nation in the history of the
world. The glorious Constitution that has enabled us
thus to flourish, was adopted by the people, and not by
State govenmients. Yes, it was by the people, in their
individual and collective character, we were made one
and perpetual. It was the people who, in their rela^
tion to States, yielded the power to levy taxes and im-
pose duties, to regulate commerce, to make naturaliza-
tion laws, to coin money, to regulate post-offices and
post-roads, to define and punish piracies, to declare war,
to provide an anny and navy, to enter into any treaty,
alliance or confederation, to issue letters of marque and
rcpnsal, to emit bills of credit, to keep troops or ships
of war in times of peace, and to enter into any agree-

dostie's political views. C5

meiit or compact, either with each other or with a
foreign power. They placed all controversy that might
arise between the States or individuals in the hands of
the National Judiciary. After these concessions there
remained no semblance of sovereignty, but simply the
right of independent self-government in local or domes-
tic affairs. Sovereignty the States never achieved. The
people won their independence by their wisdom, their
energies and their valor, after seven long yeai-s of strug-
gle against British power and aggression. The Declara-
tion of Independence sets forth the reasons and purposes
of that revolution that achieved and established the
freedom of our country. Not once does it mention the
States, but it does mention the people in their united
and national character. ' State Sovereignty,' ' State Su-
premacy,' * State Rights,' and the cursed system of
slavery, were ignored and repudiated by the consum-
mate wisdom and goodness of the founders of this na-
tion; and the latter by the enlightened voice of the
world, as the crime of crimes against humanity. "

" Permit me to ask you to listen to the voice of sages,
Christians, patriots, statesmen, philosophers and philan-
thropists of this and other nations, concerning this hell-
begotten wrong and outrage. Washington said it was
his first wish to free America of the curse. Jefferson, the
Apostle of Liberty, said he trembled for his countiy, and
declared it was written in the Book of Fate, that the
people should be free. Patrick Henry detested slavery
with all the earnestness of his nature, and believed the
time was not far distant when the lamentable evil would
be abolished. Madison denied the right of property in
man, and contended that the republican principle was

6G LIFE OF A« P. DOSTIE.

antagonistic to human bondage. Monroe considered
slavery as preying upon the very vitals of the Union.
John Randolph detested the man who defended slavery.
Thomas Randolph deprecated the workings of the evil.
Thomas Jefferson Randolph classes the ' institution '
among the abominations and enormities of savage tribes,
and as tending to decrease free populations. Peyton
Randolph lamented its existence. Edward Randolph, as
member of the Convention that framed the Constitution
of our nation, moved to strike out " servitude," and in-
sert " service," because the former was thought to ex-
press the condition of slaves, and the latter the obliga-
tion of free persons. Henry Clay would never, never,
never, by word or thought, by mind or will, aid in sub-
jecting free territory to the everlasting curse of human
bondage. The great Benton, in view of the peace and
reputation of the white people — ^the peace of the land —
the world's last hope for a free government on the earth,
and because it was a wrong, condemned its extension
and existence. Colonel Mason contended slavery dis-
couraged the arts and manufactures, made labor disre-
putable, prevented immigration of whites, who enrich
and strengthen a country, produced pernicious effects on
manners, made the master a petty tyrant, and invited
calamities to the nation. Governor McDowell says this
people was bom to be free, and their enslavement is in
violation of the law of Deity. Judge Iredell, of North
Carolina, would rejoice when the entire abolition of sla-
very took place. William Pinckney, of Maryland, con-
sidered it dishouoitible and iniquitous. Thomas Marshall,
of Virginia, said it was ruinous to the whites. Boiling
said the time would come when this degraded and op-

dostie's political views. 01

pressed people would free themselves from their thral-
dom. Chandler calls* it a cancer, and said it would
produce commotion and bloody strife. Summers said
the evils could not be enumerated. Preston said the
slaves were men, and entitled to human i-ights. Bimey,
of Kentucky, said the slaveholder had not one atom of
right to his slave, and that all peoples rejoice when they
hear the oppressed are sot free. McLane, of Delaware,
said, I am an enemy of slavery. Luther Martin, of Mary-
land, said slavery is inconsistent with the genius of re-
publicanism. An abolition society was formed in Virginia
in 1791, in which slavery was denounced as not only an
odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one
of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly
repugnant to the principles of the Gospel, and argued
that all men are by nature equally free and independent.
The heroic Marion said it reduced society to two classes
— the rich and the very poor. Oglethorpe, the founder of
Georgia, called it a horrid crime. Franklin called slavery
an atrocious debasement of human nature. Hamilton
said all men were, by nature, entitled to equal privileges.
John Jay called it repugnant to every principle of justice
and equity. William Jay contended the time had ar-
rived when it was necessary to destroy slavery to save
our own liberty. John Quincy Adams — the old man
eloquent — said it perverted human reason and tainted
the very sources of moral principle. "Webster regarded
it as a great moral and political evil, sustained by might
against right^ and in violation of the spirit of religion,
justice and humanity. Noah Webster claimed freedom
as the sacred right of every man. De Witt Clinton
says the despotisms and slavery of the world would long

68 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

since have vanished, if the natural equality of mankind
had been understood and practiced. General Josepli
Warren says personal ft*eedom is the natural right oi'
every man. England, through her Mansfields, calls it
odious ; her Locke, so vile that a gentleman cannot plead
for it ; her Pitt, that it should not be permitted for a
single hour ; her Fox compares it to robbery and murder ;
her Shakspearc said that heaven will one day free us from
this slaveiy ; her Cowpers and Miltons have, in immortal
verse, execrated it; her Doctor Johnson says no man is,
by nature, the property of another; her Doctor Price
says, if you can enslave another, he can enslave you ;
her Blackstone tells us we must transgress unjust human
laws, and obey the natural and divine ; and her Coke,
Hampden, Wilberforce, and many of her other learned
and good men, endorsed this doctrine. Ireland's Burke
said it ought not to be suffered to exist ; her CuiTan de-
manded universal emancipation; her great O'Connell,
speaking to his countrymen, said he would not recognize
them, if they countenanced the horrors of American sla-
very. Father Mathew' said slavery is a sin against God
and man, and called loudly on all true Irishmen to help
to move on the Car of Freedom. Scotland's voice is as
potent in condemnation of this stupendous crime. Her
Beattie said it is opposed to viituc and industry, and
should be viewed with horror; her Miller said ever}^
individual, whatever his country or complexion, is enti-
tled to freedom. France, speaking through her La
Fayette, the friend of Washington and Liberty, tells the
world he would not have di*awn his sword in the cause
of America, if he could have conceived that thereby he
was founding a land of slavery ; his grandson said the

dostie's political views. 69

abolition of slavery commanded his entire sympathy.
Montesquieu said the earth shrank in barrenness from
the contaminating sweat of a slave. Louis X. said the
Christian religion and nature herself cried out against
the state of slavery, and demanded the liberty of all
men. Kousseau said slavery and right contradicted and
excluded each other. Brissot viewed it as a degrada-
tion of human nature. Schiller, Grotius, Goethe, Luther,
Humboldt, and thousands of freedom loving Germans,
have spoken deeply in condemnation of this monster
iniquity. This noble people were the earliest to de-
nounce the sin, and went so far as to declare the slave
justifiable in the murder of his master who refused to
let him go free. The gr-»atest of Alexanders has de-
clared, by a solemn ukase, the universal enfranchisement
of his people,, and sixty millions of human beings are
thereby made freemen, to love God and the ways of
justice and virtue. Cicero tells us all men are bom
free, and that law cannot make wrong right, Socrates
calls slavery a system of outrage and robbery. Plato,
that it is a system of the most complete injustice. The
great Cyrus said that to fight, in order not to be made a
slave, is noble. The churches of the world hold this sin
as an abomination unto the Lord. The true interpreta-
tion of the Bible proclaims liberty throughout all the
land, unto all the inhabitants thereof, and commands
us to let the oppressed go free, to call no man master,
neither to be called masters. Slavery is the black and
loathsome sin that will not be forgiven in this world, nor
the world to come. Thus the intelligent and great men
of all nations denounce this foul system. The world —
our own nation — all the States except atrocious South

70 LIFE OP A. r. DOSTIE.

Carolina and degenerate Georgia, deprecated and shud-
dered at this evil in the land. Through the pernicious
influence of these States the system was recognized as
a State Right, in permitting the importation of human
beings for enslavement for twenty years, when the im-
portation was branded and punished as piracy.

" Soon after the adoption of the Constitution, all the
Northern States abolished and repudiated slavery, as
a violation of human rights. The blighting influence
of this curse caused the great flow of immigration to
settle in the Northern States, hence followed the pre-
ponderance of population, wealth and power, and the
vast advantages in all the avenues of happiness they
now enjoy. Listen to facts to prove ' the earth is made
to shrink in barrenness' from the malign influences of
slavery.

"See the poverty, ignorance and desolation of the
slave lands in contrast to great Freedom's onward and
upward course. In 1790, the population of Virginia was
double that of the State of New York. In 1850, that
of New York was twice as great as that of Virginia.
In 1791, the exports of New York amounted to about
equal those of Virginia. Sixty years after. New York
surpasses Virginia in her exports more than eighty mil-
lions. In 1790, the imports of New York and Virginia
were about equal. Sixty years after New York sur-
passes Virginia more than one hundred million dollars.
In 1860, the products, manufactures, mechanics and arts
in New York amounted to more than one hiUion dollars
more than those of Virginia. In the same year, the
value of real and personal property in Virginia (includ-
ing the negroes) is nearly one billion dollars less than

DOSTIB^S POLITICAL VIEWS.

that of New York. In 1856, the real and personal estate
assessed in the city of New York was worth more than the
whole State of Virginia. The value of the farms, farming
utensils, mechanical and agricnltural products in New
York exceed those in Virginia in the same ratio. In
1850, the hay crop in the free States amounted to more
than four times the value of the cotton, tobacco and
sugar crops of the fifteen slave States. The total value
of the property of the free States is more than three
times that of the slave States. The bushel products, the
pound-measure products, the gallon and the mining pro-
ducts of the Northern States are similarly ahead of the
same products of the South, notwithstanding the super-
ior advantages of the South in soil, climate, rivers, har-
bors, minerals, forests, and 245,000 more square miles
of territory. In 1850 there were only eighteen hundred
adult persons in Massachusetts who could not read and
write. In the same year eighty thousand of the white
adult inhabitants of North Carolina could neither read
or write. The comparative intelligence in these States
is presented to illustrate the ignorance, poverty and
imbecility pervading the land of slavery in contrast with
the land of freedom, where intelligence, wealth, pros-
perity, progress and happiness are everywhere visible,

*' These statistical facts prove that when this nation
commenced its existence, the South had the advantage
of the North. Why has the South degenerated, and
why is she to-day so far behind the North in all that re-
lates to intelligent, civilized nations ? In her commercial
and business relations, why is she so far surpassed by the
Northern States ! Because the Goddess, Freedom, is
working, speaking and running against the Demon, Sla-

72 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

very. This infamous monster is doomed to work out its
own destruction. In aiming its deadly fangs at the na-
tion's vitals, it has inflicted its own death wounds.
Thanks to liberty, to republicanism, and the beneficent
institutions transmitted to us by illustrious sires, it will
thus ignominiously die, and pass from the face of the
earth forever. We can but see that the ' institution ' of
slavery and the principles upon which our goverment is
founded are antagonistic. Its constitution and laws are
in direct violation of the spirit which our noble, self-sa-
crificing forefathers inculcated, which breathed only the
aspiration of liberty and happiness to all men. We, as
a State in this republican government, have departed
from the principles and teachings of the signers of the
Declaration of Independence, in declaring, by our con-
stitution and laws, that all men are not created equal,
and are not entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness. This atrocious crime of slaveiy assails the
life of our State and nation — sows the seeds of discord
and disunion, by destroying the principles of humanity,
justice and good will toward men, by establishing this
infamous curse, which is built upon the narrow grounds
of pecuniary interest and sordid gain, embracing, in its
constitution and code of laws, fraud, rapine, cruelty and
bloodshed. Slavery is inconsistent with our dearest
rights as a Stata The Black Code of this State is a
damning disgrace to our State records, and an outrage
and robbery upon her citizens, and merits the contempt
and detestation of all men. We ask and demand that
this dead weight of human wrong be wiped from the
escutcheon of our State, and that these laws and the ar-
istocratic State constitution be destroyed, to give place

dostie's political views. 73

to a free and truly democratic constitution and laws,
based upon the inherent and fundamental principles of
freedom and justice to all men.

*'To show to you, friends of freedom, how the South
has degenerated and relapsed to Egyptian barbarism, I
will present a synoptical view of the pertinently named
Black Code of Louisiana^ and I am confident you will
acknowledge it only worthy a Slaveocracy, for there
is no other class on God's earth so brutalized and stupid
in depravity and wickedness as to defend the diabolical
rules and principles it inculcates. Well, thus saith the
law that Mr. Davis and his compeers would restore and
establish to Louisiana and the world, if they could com-
mand the power to do so. But, thank God, they will
not be permitted to build a nation upon any such iniqui-
tous * comer-stone.' Any slave killing or attempting to
kill, whether maliciously, or in defence of his family or
self, shall be hung. If a slave strikes his master, or mis-
tress, or their children, or any white overseer, he shall be
hung, or be imprisoned at hard labor for ten years. If a
slave shoot or stab any person with intent to kill, he
shall be hung. If any slave or free person of color shall
attempt to poison any person he shall be hung. Any
slave guilty of encouraging an insurrection shall be hung.
Any slave or free person of color who shall attempt to
bum any building or outhouse shall be hung. Any slave
who shall be guilty for the third offence of striking a
white person shall be hung, unless the blow was given in
defence of his master^ some member of his family, or
person having charge of him, when the slave shall be
excused. Any slave forcibly taking goods or money
from anjr person shall be hung, or as the court shall

74 LIF£ OF A. P. BOSIIEL

odjadgc Any sbiTe who shall break into a place and
attempt to steal, or commit any other crime, shall
be hong. Any person oneDj treating a sUtc shall
not be fined to exceed two hundred dollars. Any
person who shall remoTe any iron diain or collar
fastened to a sbtTC may be imprisoned for six months.
If any person shall, by w<»ds or action, advise any
slave to insorrection, he shall suffer death or imprison-
ment. Whosoever shall attempt to jHrodnce discontent
among the free colored or slave population, shall be im-
prisoned at hard labor, or suffer death. Any person
from the bar, the bench, the stage, the pulpit, or any
other place, who shall be guilty of discourses or signs
tending to produce discontent among the free colored or
slave population, or who shall bring into this State any
paper, pamphlet or book having such tendency, may be
imprisoned twenty-one years, or suffer death. Slaves
accused of capital crimes shall be tried by two Justices
of the Peace and ten owners of slaves. Any crime not
capital shall be tried by a Justice of the Peace and
four owners of slaves. One Justice and nine jurors
shall constitute a quorum for the trial of slaves accused
of capital offences. If a slave is convicted, the said
Justice of the Peace shall sign the sentence. If the
court disagree and do not convict, U shall have the
power to inflict corporal punishment according to its
pleasure. All slaves sentenced to death or perpetual
imprisonment, shall be paid for out of the piMic treasury,
A slave may be forced to testify against his fellow-slave,
but he is not permitted to testify against a white man.
Any slave accused of a capital crime in this parish shall
be tried by the Judge of the First District Court and

DOSTIE'S POLITICAL VIEWS. 76

six slaveholding jurors. No slave can leave the planta-
tion without a written permission ; and any person giv-
ing permission without authority shall be fined fifty
dollars. Any person who shall mutilate a slave and
render him incapable of work, shall be fined fifty dollars,
and pay the master two dollars per day for every day
lost ; and if the slave be forever made unable to work,
then the offender shall pay his value, or suffer one year's
imprisonment. Any person, having been a slave, return-
ing to this State without permission, shall be forced
back to slavery. Any free person of color who may be
ordered to leave the State and does not, may be im-
prisoned at hard labor for five years. Free persons of
color are not allowed to land in the State without a legal
permit. A master of a vessel must give a bond for the
non-landing of free persons of color on board his vesseL
" This is the law of the chivalrous apostles of treason
and rebellion ; the rope, the stocks, the clog, the ball-
chain, the gag, the vice, the "nigger dogs," are the
humanizing aids for their enforcement, and conspicu-
ously portray the religion, humanity and civilization of
the slaveocracy of the barren and ruined land under
their honid and diabolical sway. Thank God, the Moses
of this people has come, and is now bravely leading the
sons of Africa from the land of bondage to the glorious
heritage of freedom and human rights. Yes, the crisis
which involves the question whether this accursed viper
shall be suffered longer to gnaw at our national vitals,
to destroy and overthrow our constitutional liberty and
laws, or whether the cause of the stupendous affliction
now upon this promised land of liberty shall be a'^'Ua*
hilated.

76 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTEB.

" There can be but one voice from the just, the good
and the humane, and that voice is — ^perish slavery, per-
ish its upholders, perish every power and obstacle to the
disenthralment and liberty of the oppressed, whatever
be Ills complexion or his condition. Hope beameth
bright for the triumphant realization of freedom's jubi-
lee. The battles fought, the proclamations firom that
best and greatest man, Abraham Lincoln — ^the man of
liberty, of humanity, the people's man — ^the territory
conquered, brothers reclaimed, those freed, show a fix-
ture brighter and more glorious than the most gen-
erous ever conceived a hope for. How much more
tenaciously should we cling to our dear country, now
that she has been imperiled and made to weep tears of
blood because of the unnumbered dead, the waste and
desolation of her once fruitful fields and happy and con-
tented culturers. Our forefathers were the instruments
that have marked and explored the destiny of this land
'The disciples of Calhoun have striven, and are still striv-
ing to pervert and destroy their lofly aspirations, and
these oligarchs find sympathizers in the cold and wither-
ing aristocracy of the North ; but the people have
spoken in their strength and declared that these craven-
hearted and weak-kneed traitors shall not succeed, but
with their braver friends, fighting for their treason, shall
go down in ignominy together. When treason and re-
bellion shall be crushed, and the great people, including
us, Louisianians, shall realize nature's just law, that
slavery is no longer to blight and curse the civilization,
morality and religion of the nation, when man will be
acknowledged ' for a' that ; ' that color and difference
in complexion may still be ' endowed with power to

dostik's political views. 77

discover, with sense to love, and with imagination to
expand towards their limitless perfection the attributes
of Him whose finger the heavens are the handiwork,"
then the blessings of Liberty, life and the pursuit of
happiness, equality and all the other great human rights
of civil, political and religious self-government will fol-
low, to make glad the philanthropic heart, and bring
happiness, prosperity and fraternity to unborn millions,
who will rise up to revere and treasure our saci'ed be-
queathment. Then that flag, acknowledged by every
people, the emblem of all that is good, great and glo-
rious, will dance over the oblivious graves of the parri-
cides who trailed it in the dust of Fort Sumter ; and
when the names of the Arnolds of this struggle will
only be sounded with execration and contempt. Then
the people will feel and universally exclaim —

" Who would sever Freedom's shrine ?
Who would draw the inviduous line ?
Though by birth one spot be mine,
Dear is all the rest.

Dear to me the South's fair land !
Dear the central mountain band !
Dear New England's rocky strand !
Dear the prairied West !

By our altars, pure and. free !
By the laws deep-rooted tree !
By the Past's dread memory !
By our Washington !

By our common kindred tongue 1
By our hopes, bright, buoyant, young,
By the tie of country strong !
We will still be one !

78 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

Father's, have ye bled in vain ?
Ages, shall ye droop again ?
Maker, shall we rashly stain
Blessings sent by TTiee ?

No ! receive our solemn vow,
While before thy throne we bow,
Ever to maintain, as now,
'Union, Liberty!'''

Said Dr. Dostie, " I always cherished liberty, but I
was led step by step, in the progressive movement of
events, to perceive and acknowledge the truth that the
Republic could no longer exist and withhold the sacred
right of four millions of human beings. Events have
proved the direct antagonism between Slavery and Re-
publicanism, and that the one or the other must perish."
Every event that unfolded the great plan of American
freedom was embraced by him with enthusiastic joy.
The arming of the negroes to fight against slavery and
rebellion, was to him a source of rejoicing. The news
of the fall of Port Hudson was received by the loyal
people of New Orleans with great demonsti*ations of de-
light. The event was celebrated by thousands, both
white and black, who assembled upon Canal Street
around the statue of Henry Clay, to listen to addresses
from the orators chosen for the occasion. Dr. Dostie
being one of the speakers, addressed the audience as fol-
lows:

"On the 4th of July, 1776, our noble sires fought a
great moral battle, and achieved a victory, proclaiming
to the world the great truth, that all men are created
equal, and are from God entitled to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. Under the influence of these in-

dostie's political views, T9

estimable blessings this nation has grown, prospered and
flourished to rank with the first in the woi-ld's history.
! " In 1860, traitors laid the corner-stone of slavery, and
for more than two years stf uggled to erect a * Bastilc '
on the ruins of liberty. But the men of the West, who
had sworn with their swords to cut their way to the
Gulf, met the enemy of man and free institutions at
Viskbburg, the Gibraltar of their power, on the eighty-
seventh anniversary of Freedom's Day, and achieved a
* victory that has broken the back-bone of the monster
rebellion. On the 8th of January, 1815, the iron-nerved
Champion of Freedom — ^the inmiortal author of the
words, ' the Union must and shall be preserved,' met the
lion power of Great Britain on the plains of Chalmette,
and drove the ruthless invader back, and taught him a
lesson that he has never forgotten ; showing to the world
that freemen are mighty and cannot be bound by the
power of despotism.

" Forty-eight years and six months thereafter the un-
daunted and heroic Banks fought a battle and won a
victory vaster in its consequences than followed the bril-
liant achievement of the democratic Jackson. General
Banks conquered the second stronghold of the rebellion,
and now we are rejoicing that commerce will again flow
uninterruptedly upon the bosom of the great Father of
Waters, from its source to the Gulf. Let us, my fellow-
citizens, devoutly thank the Great Disposer of all Good
for these manifold blessings, and let us in all future
prove ourselves freemen indeed, and firmly serve and up-
hold the flag of our fathers and make it what they
designed, the emblem of liberty to all.

" Let us hold in hallowed remembrance the times that

80 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

tried men^s souls, the souls of oar fathers, and solemnly

promise that treason and rebellion shall never eradicate

the laws of justice, fraternity and liberty, that freedom

of speech shall not be suppi*essed, nor rights molested,

but that all may glory in being free and equal sons of

America.

" Sons op Afbica, I am rejoiced to see you here in

such vast numbers. In common with all mankind you

love liberty. History accords you high soldierly qualities.

Against the armies of the old world you have fought*

with a heroism unsurpassed by the bravest. In the

struggle of American independence you are remembered

with kindness and gratitude. In the darkest hour of

that contest of "Liberty or death," you nobly and

promptly came forward to help to turn the tide that

eventuated in liberty and freedom to the land. In the
war of 1812 you fought shoulder to shoulder with the

white man in driving the British invader from our soil,
and in this stupendous struggle to save Liberty, your
daring exploits and desperate valor in South Carolina,
before Port Hudson, and wherever else you have been
let loose against the traitors, you have shown yourselves
worthy sons of freedom ; and, thank God, the precious
boon is near you. Lose no time in coming to it. Urge,
urge your brave brethren to enroll themselves in the
Union army^ that before another year rolls by, half a
million of your people will join the white man in break-
ing down the rebellion and raise upon every foothold of
treason the flag of Union and Liberty — and then one
universal shout will go up to Heaven, proclaiming
« Liberty to all" '

CHANGES OF MHJTABY COMMANBEBS. 81

CHAPTER XL

CHANGES OP ICILITABY COMMANDERS IN NEW OBLEANS.

, In December, 1862, General Butler left New Orleans,
and General Banks assamed command of the Gulf de-
partment. One fact was ever apparent in relation to
New Orleans — " that while President Lincoln lived, and
the United States army and navy held possession of that
stronghold of treason. Unionism was a power, before
which the rebel masses trembled. The boldness and de-
cision evinced by Greneral Butler in his control of that
city during the rebellion, marks him in future history
the hero of the Gulf Department."

In revolutionary times decisive action is necessary to
success. It was bold decision that subdued slavery, se-
cession and rebellion. The decisive action of thousands
of brave men who dared to plunge the moral and physi-
cal weapons of death into the heart of rebellion — saved
our nation in the dark days of revolution. The Emanci-
pation Proclamation and the Constitutional Amendment
wliich forever abolished slavery in the United States,
caused some strange developments in Southern polities.
In New Orleans the agitations caused by those humane
acts divided the political elements into numerous coali-
tions.

There was the bold radical party that denounced

82 UFB OF A« P. POSnS.

eyerything opposed to the refonns of the age. Among
the most prominent of that organization, were Dos-
tie, Waples, Flanders, Hahn, Heath, Graham, Gold-
man, Durell, Lynch, Hire, Howell, Heistend and Du-
rant. Then there was a class composed of men of the
status of Roselius, Rozier, Fellows, Barker, Kennedy,
Burk, men of conservative ideas, who had combatted
the advance of reform, and attempted by every means
in their power to preserve the flickering life of their be-
loved institution. Slavery. A third party consisted of
the strong advocates of the rebellion. Their names were
Legion. They kept themselves not openly defiant, but
ever on the alert, watching with sleepless eye the
movements of the other parties.

The dominant party were the radicals, whose political
creed was based upon three prominent objects of Lin-
coln's Administration, viz. — the preservation of the
Union; the abolition of Slavery, and the crushing of
the great Rebellion.

Conspiracies, however, external and internal caused
dissention in the radical Republican party of Louisiana.

The loyal portion of the State began to agitate the
question of a Free-State Government.

At a Union meeting in New Orleans, March 6th, 1863^
Thomas J. Durant said : " I have something practical
to bring before the people. It is now ten months since
the federal forces came to Louisiana, and no effort has
been made to establish a State Government. The pro-
position I would make is, that this Association, as the
only representative of the views of Union men of New
Orleans, take steps towards the formation of such a
Government. The city contains more than one-half

CHANGES OP MILTTABY COMMANDESS. 83

the voting population of the State, and as loyal citizens
ai*e entitled to a government of their own choice, that
portion of the country in the hands of the rebels con-
taining but a minority of the white population. He sub-
mitted this resolution to the Association :

Resolved^ " That the President of this meeting ap-
pomt a committee of three to prepare a plan for calling
a convention of the people of Louisiana to be submitted
to this meeting on Saturday evening next."

Said he : " If ten loyal men can be found in each
parish to send a representative, they will be sufficient
to save their parishes."

Durant's resolution was unanimously adopted by the
Association. Among those who voted for the resolution
were Dostie, Graham, and Waples. At a meeting of the
Union Association in Lyceum Hall, April 12th, 1863,
Durant read a letter from Hahn, which stated that in a
conversation Hahn had held with President Lincoln upon
the subject of organizing a civil government for Louis*
iana, the President heartily approved of the plan, and
promised to send instructions to the military leaders in
Louisiana to favor the movement. On motion of Dr.
Dostie, the vote was taken, when the resolutions favor-
ing the Convention were passed by 95 to 73.

The following letter from President Lincoln to General
Banks in relation to Louisiana affairs is interesting as
connected with affairs at that time.

Executive Mansion, )

Washington, August 6, 1863. )
"My Dear Gen. Banks : —

>|c j|c >|c :): 9|e >|e

" While I very well know what I would be glad for
Louisiana to do, it is quite a different thing for me to

84 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

ABsame direction of the matter. I would be glad for
her to make a new constitntion, recognizing the eman-
cipation proclamation, and adopting emancipation in
those parts of the State to which the proclamation
does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it would
not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical
system by which the two races could gradually live
themselves out of their old relation to each other, and
both come out better prepared for the new. Education
for young blacks should be included in the plan. After
all, the power or element of ' contract ' may dc sufficient
for this probationary period, and by its simplicity and
flexibility may be the better.

" As an anti-slavery man, I have a motive to desire
emancipation which pro-slavery men do not have ; but
even they have strong enough reason to thus place them-
selves again under the shield of the Union ; and to thus
perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes
through which we are now passing.

" Governor Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant
is now taking a registry, with a view to the election of
a Constitutional Convention in Louisiana. This, to me,
appears proper. If such convention was to ask my views,
I could present little else than what I now say to yon, I
think the thing should be pushed forward, so that, n pos-
sible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of
Conscress.

" ]For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event,
retract the Emancipation Proclamation ; nor, as Execu-
tive, ever return to slavery any person who is free by
the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of
Coniijress.

" If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their
admission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the
respective houses, and not upon the President.

^h ^* ^p ^P 3|C ^* ^*

" Yours, very tnily,
(Signed) Abraham Lincoln.'*

CHANGES OP MILITABY COMHANDEKS. 85

January 9th, 1864, the Union people of New Orleans
assembled to endorse the action of the committe, and to
give sanction to the request of Governor Sheplcy to
order an election for delegates to the Constitutional Con-
vention, with a view to making Louisiana a State, in ac-
cordance with the principles suggested by the proclama-
tion of the President issued on the 8th of December,
1863. The President of that meeting was It. F. Flan-
ders, Esq. Among the Vice-Presidents were Dostie,
Shnpert, Hire, Graham, Heath, Duncan, Howell, Waples,
Shaw and Heistend. Mr. Flanders, in addressing the
meeting said, " he thought the time had arrived for or-
ganizing a State Government in Louisiana. Six: months
before, a plan had been prepared by the Union men of
the city for that purpose and presented to Governor
Shepley. It was by him forwarded to the President,
considered in a Cabinet meeting, approved and returned
to Grovemor Shepley with the approval of the Adminis-
tration endorsed upon it. Now it was necessary to ap-
point a committee to present resolutions to further the
proposed plan." The following were the resolutions
adopted :

^Hesolvedj That the future slavery of persons of African
descent in Louisiana is a moral, legal and physical im-
possibility, and the proposed new constitution m declar-
mff its non-existence within the borders of the State, will
only assert a fact within the knowledge of all her loyal
men.

" Resolved^ That we cordially approve of all the pro-
clamations of the President of the United States in
regard to slavery in the insurrectionary districts, but
more particularly the one recently issued under date of
8th December, 1863 ; that the means pointed out by him
for the rebellious States to return to the Union are, in

80 LIFE OF A. 1\ DOSTIE.

our opinion, eminently jost and wise ; and that the loyal
men of Louisiana are now ready and willino; to adopt
them, and have nearly the required number of registered
loyal citizens, good men and true, to bring back the State
into the great nationality our fathers founded.

" Beaolyed, That the action of the " Free State Com-
mittec, in calling iipon Brigadier-General Shepley,
Military Governor of liOuisiana, soliciting him to order,
in the name of the people, an election for delegates to a
Convention to form a State Constitution, is approved and
ratified, and he is hereby authorized and requested to
take all necessary steps to have such an election at an
early day."

At that meeting Mr. Durant said, " It will be a glori-
ous thing if we can make Louisiana the first State that
declares for freedom among the late rebellious States."

Jan. 11th, the following proclamation by General

Banks was issued :

" Headquabtebs Department of the Gulf, )

New Orleans, Jan. 11, 1864. J

" To the people of Louisiana :

" L In purauance of authority vested in me by the
President of the United States, and upon consultation
with many representative men of different interests,
being fully assured that more than a tenth of the popu-
lation desire the earliest possible restoration of Louisiana
to the Union, I invite the loyal citizens of the State
qualified to vote in public affikii*s, as liereinafler pre-
scnbed, to assemble in the election precincts designated
by law, or at such places as may hereafler be established,
on the 22d day of Febniary, 1864, to cast their votes for
the election or State officers herein named, viz :

"L Governor. IL Lieutenant Governor. III. Se-
cretary of State. IV. Treasurer. V. Attorney General.
VL Superintendent of Public Instruction. VII. Audi-
tor of Public Accounts ; who shall when elected, for the
time being, and until others arc appointed by competent

CHANGES OP MILITAKY COMMANDESS. 87

anthority, constitute the civil Government of the State,
nnder the Constitution and laws of Louisiana, except so
much of the said Constitution and laws as recognize, re-
gulate or relate to slavery, which being inconsistent
with the present condition of public affairs, and plainly
inapplicable to any class of persons now existing within
its limits, must be suspended, and they are therefoi'e and
hereby declared to be inoperative and void. This pro-'
ceeding is not intended to ignore the nght of property
existing prior to the rebellion nor to preclude the claim
for compensation of loyal citizens for losses sustained by
enlistments or other authorized acts of the Government.

" IL The oath of allegiance prescribed by the Presi-
dent's Proclamation, with the condition affixed to the
elective franchise by the Constitution of Louisiana, will
constitute the qualification of votera in this election.
Officers elected by them will be duly installed in their
offices on the Fourth day of March, 1 864.

" IIL The Registration of votens, effected under the
direction of the Military Governor and the several Union
associations, not inconsistent with the Proclamation, or
other orders of the President, arc confirmed and ap-
proved.

" IV. In order that the organic law of the State may
be made to conform to the will of the People, and har-
monize with the spirit of the age, as well as to maintain
and preserve the ancient landmarks of civil and religious
liberty, an election of delegates to a convention for the
revision of the Constitution, will be held on the first
Monday of April, 1864. The basis of representation,
the number of delegates, and the details of election, will
be announced in subsequent ordera.

" V. Arrangements will be made for the early elec-
tion of members of Congress for the State.

" VI. The fundamental law of the State is martial
law. It is competent and just for the Government to
surrender to the people, at the earliest possible moment,
so much of military power as may be consistent with

88 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

the success of military operation ; to prepare the way
by prompt and wise measures, for the full restoration of
tlie State to the Union and its power to the people ; to
restore their ancient and unsurpassed prosperity ; to en-
larc^e the scope of agricultural and commercial industry
and to extend and confmn the dominion of rational
liberty. It is not ^v^thin human power to accomplish
these results without some sacrifice of individual preju-
dices and interests. Pi'oblems of State, too complicate
for the human mind, have been solved by the national
cannon. In great civil convulsions, the agony of strife
enters the souls of the innocent as well as the guilty.
The Government is subject to the law of necessity, and
must consult the condition of things, rather than the
preferences of men, and if so be that its purposes are
just and its measures wise, it has the right to demand
that questions of personal interest and opinion shall be
subordinate to the public good. When the national ex-
istence is at stake, and the liberties of the people in peril,
faction is treason.

" The methods herein proposed submit the whole ques-
tion of government directly to the people — ^first, by the
election of executive officers, faithful to the Union, to be
followed by a loyal representation in both houses of Con-
gi*ess — and then by a convention which will confirm the
action of the people, and recognize the principles of free-
dom in the organic law. This is the wish of the Presi-
dent. The anniversary of Washington's birth is a fit
day for the commencement of so grand a work. The
immortal Father of his Country was never guided by a
more just and benignant spirit than that of his successor
in ofiice, the President of the United States. In the
hour of our trial let us heed his admonitions !

" Louisiana in the opening of her history sealed the
integrity of the Union by conferring upon its govern-
ment the Valley of the Mississippi. In the war for in-
dependence upon the sea, she crowned a glorious strug-
gle against the first maratime power of the world, by a

CHANGES OP MILTTAET COMMANDEBS. 89

victory unsurpassed in the annals of war. Let her
people now announce to the world the coming restora-
tion of the Union, in which the ages that follow us have
a deeper interest than our own, by the organization of a
free government, and her fame will be immortal !

" N. P. Banks, M. G. C."

Who shall be Governor ? was now the question asked
by the loyal people of Louisiana. Said Dostie, in refer-
ing to that subject, " I will never vote for any man to
fill that important office whom I do not know to be loyal
to the Government, a strong opposer of slavery and a
firm advocate of the just policy of President Lincoln."
Durant, Hahn, Flandei-s, Fellows and Howell were
among the most prominent names. February 1st, 1864,
the State Nominating Convention met at Lyceum Hall.
The delegates chosen by the several ward meetings in
the city of New Orleans, and those from the county
parishes within the Union lines, met for the pui*pose of
nominating candidates for the State offices. It was soon
discovered that the clouds were thickening in the politi-
cal horizon, and apprehensions were felt by those assem-
bled that their cherished plans might be broken up.
Soon harmonious action gave place to faction. A dis-
position was shown by several members of the Conven-
tion to spend the time in angry dispute and selfish
intrigue.

A motion was made that Durant be invited to address
the Convention. Amid great confusion the question
was put, and the chair declared it lost. It was then
moved that Dostie be invited to address the Convention.
The motion was put and declared lost. In great confu-
sion the meeting adjourned. It was then proposed to

00 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

re-organize the Convention and proceed with basiness.
Mr. Wm. R. Fish was appointed chairman, and Dr. "Wm.
H. Hire, secretary of the meeting.

The Convention reqaestcd Dostie to address them.
Said he, " Li giving my opinion as to a suitable candi-
date for the office of Governor of Louisiana, I know of
no better Union man — ^no better anti-slavery man — ^no
better fiiend of the Adnunistration than Michael Hahn.
I believe him to be worthy the important trust the
loyal people of Louisiana will plae^e in the hands of their
Governor."

A Committee on resolutions presented the foUowinej to
the Convention :

^^Hesolved^ That we solemnly believe the Union of these
States handed down by our revolutionary ancestors, of
infinitely more value than any falsely-termed State rights
of any sectional institutions, and we deem it our most
sacred duty as patriots to transmit it undivided to pos-
terity.

" jKesolvedy That we as citizens of the United States,
as well as of the State of Louisiana, know that the ob-
servance of the Union depends on maintaining the
supremacy of the Federal Union, and do, on the part of
Louisiana, utterly disclaim any pretension to any rights
not subservient of that supremacy, and hold her pri-
mary allegiance as due to the Government of the United
States. (Cheers.)

^^Mesolved^ That, regarding the institution of slavery
as a great moral, social and political evil, opposed alike
to the rights of one race and the interests of the other,
and inconsistent with the principles of free govern-
ment, we hail and desire its universal and immediate
extinction as a public and private blessing. (Great ap-
plause.)

" Mesolved^ Tliat we desire the principles of this State
to be based upon a surer and broader foundation than

CHANGES OF MILITAllY COAOIANDSBS. 01

the operations of military order, and we will use every
means in our power to hasten the day when they shall
be embodied in a State Constitution that Louisiana is
and shall forever remain a Free State. (Applause.)

^^ Hesolved^ That we heartily approve of the plan
adopted by Greneral Banks to ensure that result as well
as to restore the voice of Louisiana to the councils of the
nation. (Cheers.)

^' Hesolvedy That we will support no man as a candi-
date for office who is unwillmg to subscribe to and
pledge himself to carry out the principles set forth in
the above resolutions."

The resolutions were unanimously adopted.

Michael Hahn was nominated candidate for Governor.
The roll of delegates was called, and he was declared
the choice of the Convention. A committee was ap-
pointed to inform him of his nomination, and request
him to state whether he accepted the resolutions adopted
by the Convention. His address to the Convention was
as follows :

" Free-State men of Louisiana :

" I have only to say to you to-night that the resolu-
tions which I understand have been adopted by you,
were read by me to-day, and I approve heartily from
the bottom of my heart every sentiment in those resolu-
tions. (Applause.) I have but one pledge to give you,
and that is, if elected Governor of Louisiana, so far
as it lies in my humble power, there shall not be a
slave in this State after the 22dday of February. (Great
cheering.)

" I thank you for the distinguished honor you have
conferred upon me, and pledge you a faithful perform-
ance of the duties that wul devolve upon me. I again
thank you, and bid you good-night."

Many of Dr. Dostie's friends desired to see him a can-
didate for some State office. He had declined the nomi-

92 UFB OF A. P. BOSTIE.

nation of Secretary of State, and State Treasurer at the
convention. At a meeting of the Free State Executive
Committee, CoL A. C. Hills said : " The name of Dostic
I am desirous of having on the Free State ticket. It
will add to its strength. We all know his pure record.
I request that he be urged by the committee to accept
some State office." To this request Dr. Dostie replied,
" I regret that I can not comply with your wishes, but I
sincerely believe that I can be more useful to the repub-
lican party by not having my name on the ticket. I am
no office seeker. My mission is to assist in making
Louisiana a Free State ; I must request you to look else-
where for a candidate for office."

The arguments of his numerous fi-icnds, at last pre-
vailed upon the Dr. to accept the nomination of Auditor
of State. He was unanimously nominated by the Free
State executive committee for that office. The integrity,
firmness, honesty and devotion to principle made the
name of Dostie a power in his party. The annexed is
an article from the pen of A C. Hills, editor of the Neio
Orleans Era — one of the Union papers of that city,
and a fearless advocate of freedom. "We are grati-
fied to learn that this unflinchmg champion of the
Union cause has, at the earnest request of his numerous
friends, consented to accept the nomination for one of
the State offices. The State Convention, at its meeting
on the 1st instant, named Judge Atocha for the office
of State Auditor, but that gentleman has since declined
the honor ! and the duty of filling the vacancy devolved
upon the Executive Committee.

There is scarcely a Union man in this city but fully
appreciates and acknowledges the valuable services in

CHANGES OF MILTTABY COMMANDEBS. 93

the cause of freedom and patriotism of Dr. A P. Dos-
tie. He has been repeatedly urged by his friends to
accept oflSce, but has strenuously refused to consent.
Every man who enjoys the confidence of the Doctor is
aware that what he has done for the cause has been at
much personal sacrifice, without a desire to be rewarded
in any other manner than by seeing the glorious princi-
ples for which he is so sincere and efficient an advocate,
triumphantly proclaimed in this the State of his adop-
tion. The acceptance of office is another sacrifice asked
at his hands by the friends of a Free State government.
With this understanding, he has consented to accept the
nomination for Auditor. There was no opposition in the
selection by the Executive Committee.

We all know the thoroughness of Dr. Dostie's charac-
ter. Whatever enterprise he undertakes, receives his
earnest attention. Although reluctant to enter upon the
political arena, he will labor zealously for the success of
the ticket ; his influence is great, and his name is an ele-
ment of strength that must insure the success of the
nominees of the Free State Union Convention."

February lOth, 1864, thousands assembled upon La-
fayette Square for the purpose of ratifying the nomina-
tion of Hahn for Governor, and .the other candidates
for State Offices.

The following resolutions were adopted :

" Whereas^ The State of Louisiana, placed by the act
of traitorous men and the supineness of loyal ones in a
position of hostility to the United States Government,
is now by the success of the national arms and the
clemency of the national executive, afforded an opportu-
nity to resume her place in the Federal Union :

" Whereas^ A proportion of her citizens, more than

94 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

equal to that demanded as requisite by the President's
Proclamation of December 8th, 1863, comprising not
only those who have always remained loyal, but many
others who have returned to their allegiance, are anx-
ious for the renewal of civil government and for that
peace of which civil government is the proper re-
presentative and national unity the only security ; and

"TFAerecw, The barbarous and odious institution of
slavery, founded on injustice, fostered by pride and cu-
pidity, a curse alike to the oppressor and the oppressed,
nas been for more than thirty years a cause of dissension
between the different sections of this country, and has
finally ripened into the bitter fruit of the existing re-
bellion ; therefore, be it

Hesolvedy " That in effecting the reorganization of the
civil government of Louisiana under the Constitution of
the United States, mt©, the Free State Union party of
Louisiana, heartily approve the plan adopted for that
purpose by the Commanding General of this depart-
ment as simple, practicable, and expeditious.

^^ Resolved^ That we fully indorse the Proclamation of
Emancipation and all other acts of the President and of
the Congress of the United States having for their object
the suppression of the rebellion.

" JResolvedy That the mere setting free of slaves by
the hand of the military power, we consider only the
first step in that moral and political revolution which
will not pause until the principle of universal freedom
shall be embodied in the fundamental law of the land,
and that we, the Free State Union party of Louisiana,
recognizing this fact, will use every means in our power
to bring about such a reform in the Constitution of this
State as will insure to every human being within its
borders the indisputable right of personal liberty.

^^JResolved^ That in the Hon. M. Hahn, the candidate
of the Free State party for Governor of Louisiana, wo
recognize a man fully up to the requirements of the
times, identified with the interests of this State, as his

CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMANDERS. 95

home, yet claiming the whole .United States as his coun-
try, conscious of unswerving loyalty and unconditional
patriotism, yet ready to extend the hand of fellowship
to all who even at the eleventh hour are willing to re-
sume their allegiance ; a man of the people, deeply im-
bued with the progressive spirit of the age, and ardently
devoted to the cause of liberty, his election will be a
tiiumph in which every friend of loyalty and freedom
will have reason to rejoice.

" Hesolvedj That we approve and ratify the nomina-
tions of J. Madison Wells, Esq., for Lieutenant Gover-
nor, S. Wrotnowski, Esq. ; for Secretaiy of State, Dr.
Belden, for Treasury, B. L. Lynch, Esq., for Attorney
General, Dr. A. P. Dostie for Auditor, and John Mc-
Nair, for Superintendent of Public Education."

The 22d of February, 1864 — an oniinous day for tyran-
ny ; an auspicious one for liberty — ^will be remembered, as
the day which gave an impulse to the cause of freedom in
Louisiana. It will be revered as the day when a monu-
ment was erected to the great Emancipator — ^the worthy
successor of Washington. The events of that day de-
cided the death of Constitutional Slavery in Louisiana.

March 4th, 1864, was the day chosen by the loyal
people of Louisiana to express their gratitude for the
prospects of enjoying constitutional rights. On that
day — at early dawn, noon and nightfall — salutes of one
hundred guns were fired by batteries of artillery, under
the command- of Brigadier General Arnold. The salute
at sunrise was the opening note of the day's festivities.
At the same moment, all the public bells iiing out a
merry peal in honor of the day. The military turned
out in force. Representatives from almost every battle-
field were there. Men who had served under Scott, Mc-
Clcllcn, Pope, Meade, Grant, Banks, Sheridan and Sher-

06 LIPB OP A, P. DOSTIE.

man — ^men from the army of the Gulf and the army of
the Potomac — ^the heroes of Chattenooga, Vicksburg,
Port Hudson, Lookout Mountain, and Missionary Ridge,
assembled together on Lafayette Square to witness the
inauguration of the State officers of free Louisiana.
The United States navy were there. The brave tars that
gallantly stood by Farragut at Forts Jackson and St.
Phillip's, rejoiced on that day in the remembrance of
their struggles to redeem Louisiana from the power of
treason. Flags of every nation were thrown out in every
direction. Public and private buildings displayed the
national colors. The ships and steamers in the harbor
were decked in holiday attire.

From the circulat stand, on which the solemnities of
the day were held, the immense structure radiated in the
form of a semicircle, seat after seat rising up step after
step, until more than fifteen thousand seats were formed.
At the base of this was the orchestra of five hundred
performers, with the fifty blacksmiths that kept time on
their anvils like so many real Yulcans. In front and on
each side of the stand was another great platform, on
which were seated invited guests, distinguished strangers,
civil and military dignitaries. We are at a loss for
words in which to convey to the reader a just concep-
tion of the magnitude of this structure. Nor can we do
so in any other way than by remarking that a half mil-
lion feet of lumber and a ton of nails entered into its
construction.

From the centre flag-staff, long garlands of arbor-
vita, hemlock, juniper, cedar, pine, and other evergreens
reached to the circumference, forming a leafy canopy.
Around the centre stand were evergreen wreaths enclos-

CHANGES OP MILITARY COMMANDERS. 97

ing the coat of arras of the several States richly em-
blazoned on lieraldic shields. Across the front there
hung like a veil a long line of signal flags, both those
used in the naval service and the mercantile marine.

Around the outer circle fifty cannon stood in battery ;
from these, Avires led to a telegraphic instrument on the
music stand at which Captain Chas. S. Buckley presided.
Not only did Captain Buckley fire the cannon, but by
the same instrument he i*ang all the bells in the city that
were required to keep in unison with the music. From
the centre of the stage a large banner was displayed
with the arms of Louisiana richly emblazoned thereon.

Each of the entrances to the Park was adoi-ned with
festoons of evergreens, and together the national colors
wreathed in fantastic shapes.

An immense semi-circular amphitheater has been raised
for the accommodation of the numerous schools, and the
children began to arrive about 9 o'clock, and by 10 the
vast space devoted to them was completely occupied by
gay faces with smiling looks. In front of the children
was placed a circular platfoim, for the Governor and
those who were to surround him. From the centre of
this platform arose a flag-staff bearing the national flag,
and a ring suspended around the staff at about half-mast,
from which was stretched, in circular form, ropes entirely
covered with evergreens, the other extremity of the
ropes being fastened to the surrounding trees. These
ropes were profusely decorated with numerous flags, of
various descriptions and hues, from the shipping.

ENTRANCE OF THE GOVERNOR AND SUITE.

The Grovemor and officers met at the City Hall, about

98 LIFE OF A. P. SOSTIE.

10 o'clock, and at a quarter before 11 proceeded to the
Square in company with the distinguished military offi-
cers and others.

MUSIC.

HAIL COLUMBIA.

By eight thousand school children.

THE OATH

ADMINISTEBED TO OFFICSBS.

The oath of office was then administered to the Gtov-
emor elect, in the presence of the Judges of the Su-
preme Court, by Hon. Judge DurelL

MUSIC.

STAB SPANGLED BANKEB.

By eight thousand school children.

THE INAUGURAL

ADDBESS OF OOYEBKOB HAHN.

MUSIC.

ANVIL CHOBUS, FBOM " IL TBOVATOBE.''

Which was performed by the full band, accompanied
by 50 time-beaters upon anvils and fifty pieces of ar-
tillery.

ADDRESS.

BT MAJOB 6BNBBAL BANKS.

PRAYER.

BY BEV. ItfB. HOBTON.

" Almighty God, our Creator and our Preserver : We
have too much to thank Thee for and too much to ask
Thee for upon this present delightful occasion. Words
are inadequate to express the gratitude that fills our
hearts as we look upon this scene spread out before the

CHANGES OF MILITARY COMMANDERS. 99

gaze of these masses and before the eye of the God of
the Universe, lighted by the effulgence of His glory.

" O God, we thank Thee that Thy love has abounded
unto this people ; that Thy good providence has been
extended over this great nation. We thank Thee that
Thou hast made our nation great and glorious among
the nations of the earth. We thank Thee for all the
past. We thank Thee even for this record of blood
which Thou hast required of us; because we believe
that from this baptism of blood we shall rise to a higher
and holier position before Thee and among the nations
of the earth.

" O God, we thank Thee for the pleasant auspices of
this present occasion: that Thou hast permitted Thy
most gracious smiles to fall upon us as here we have
created anew the form and empire of the law over this
State, with all its rich and fertile territory, with all its
brave sons and fair daughters, to honor Thy service in
the futura »

" O God, we pray Thee to enable the officers that have
been inaugurated to-day, faithfully to observe the obli-
gations they have taken upon themselves. Aid and di-
rect them in the faithful performance of their respective
duties, and let Thy blessings rest upon them while they
continue faithful to their several trusts.

"O God, we pray Thee now, as in the culminating of
these exercises, we go out from this place to our respec-
tive abodes, that the present may prove only a fit symbol
of that glory and that blessing that shall crown the his-
tory of this returning State.

" O God, we thank Thee for the blessings of the mild
rule which we have received even at the hands of the

100 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

military raler that has been appointed over ns. Wc
thank Thee for the beneficent goyemment of one who
has been appointed over us in a semi-military position,
whose rule has been one of integrity and patriotism.

" We pray that Thy blessing may rest upon these Thy
servants, who have been charged with the performance,
and who have assumed the trusts which a confident
people have reposed in them.

" We pray, further, that under the shadow of the
government which may be organized, free institutions,
public education and religion may prosper and flourish
for all future time, even until the coming of the Eang-
dom of our Lord Jesus Christ, with all its power and
glory in this beautiful land that Thou has given to our
common country.

"May Thy richest blessing rest upon those whose
business it is to train the minds of these children and
upon those little ones whose voices have given us the na-
tional anthems on this occasion.

" May Thy blessings rest upon the Executive of these
United States in the further and future discharge of the
oneix)us duties of his position, and grant that when
another year shall have passed, and we are again called
upon to place one in the highest position of authority
and power in the gifl of a free people that it may be to
witness a complete and final destruction of the rebellion
in every State, and that the whole people of the nation
may feel that as a nation we shall be one and inseperable
through all coming time.

" We ask it in the name of Thy dear Son, to whom,
with the Spirit, we would ascribe all honor and power,
world without end. Amen."

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OP 1864. 101

CHAPTER Xn.

liOUISIANA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OP 1864.

Three things were evident to the reflecting minds of
those who were interested in the political affairs of
Louisiana in 1864. That the revolutionary movement
advanced step by step to the complete restoration of the
rights of suffering humanity ; that it assailed tyranny
and THAT aristocracy which sprang from despotic slaveiy,
and that the social and political emancipation to which
events pointed, would give to all the power to speak and
act, according to the rights which emanate from true
Liberty. It was a revolution in right^a revolution in
ideas — a revolution in facts. The form of slavery was
no longer visible, but it had left its foot-prints upon the
Constitution of the State and the black code lay like
a bloody pall upon it, a disgrace to the Nation and its
Government.

On the 28th of March, 1864, an election was held, and
delegates appointed to a convention to be held for the
revision and amendment of the State constitution. On
the 1st of April the convention met at Liberty Hall.
Much has been said and written against the membei-s of
that convention. There were corrupt men in that As-
sembly. There was a Judas among the twelve Apos-
tles j there was an Arnold among our Revolutionary

102 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

patriots ; a Davis in our National councils, a Johnson
among the Presidents of our Republic, and there were
traitors and conspu*ators in that Convention. Its ob-
jects were to amend the Constitution, and abolish the
name of slavery in Louisiana. Those acts were consum-
mated on the 11th of May, 1864. There are two names
connected with this Convention, which it will be well to
remember, as future events present them in strange
contrast. Judge Howell first agitated the slaveiy ques-
tion in that Convention. Said he : "I have not troubled
this Coi'.vention so far' with any attempts at speech-mak-
ing, or presented any propositions; but I think it is
time to go to work. With a view to that purpose, I
offer the following resolution :

" 1. Reaolvedy That a committee of members be

appointed by the President of this Convention, to whom
shall be referred the subject of immediate and perma-
nent emancipation of slavery within the State of Louis-
iana, with instructions to report as eai'ly as practicable
ordinances and provisions in relation thereto, to be incor-
porated in the Constitution of this State."

When the vote was called for upon the amendments
of the Constitution, Judge Abell said, '^ I consider this
one of tlie most tyrannical things I have ever seen. In
the name of the people of Louisiana I vote, no.'*'^ As
Judge Abell is somewhat conspicuous in the history of
Louisiana, it may be well to trace some of his move-
ments in the Convention of 1864. May 2d, he says in
defence of slaveiy, " It is both a Scriptural and histori-
cal institution, and should not be abolished. It only
slumbers and will be called into life when the people
have their will and are free from military law." On the
same day he opposed the education of colored children.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OP 1864. 103

May 4th, in a lengthy argument he attempted to prove
the right to hold men as property. Said, " the idea of
tearing property to the amount of 900 million dollars
from slave-holders — the honest earnings of the people
of Louisiana was a wrong he would fight on all occa-
sions." Thus he labored in that Convention to cany
his infamous doctrines against freec^om, equality and
education, foreshadowing his future murderous course.
The friends of progressive freedom in- that Convention
looked with the same contempt upon the impotent
assaults of Judge Abell upon the cause of Liberty, as
did the majority of Congress upon the ftitlie arguments
of a Davis or a Saulsbury, who opposed the Constitu-
tional Amendment in the Senate of the United States.

An eventftil and interesting portion of Dr. Dostie's
life is associated with the Louisiana Convention of 1864.
From the firat day of the meeting until its close, he
watched its deliberations with intense interest. In every
important debate, he might be seen at Liberty Hall,
watching its movements with pale and thoughtful coun-
tenance, his intellectual forehead flashing with emotion,
and his penetrating eye lit up with patriotic fire as he
noted the onward march of the principles of Liberty
in the councils of his adopted State.

In the official minutes of the Convention of 1864, we
find this interesting relic.

Mr. Abell rose to a question of privilege, and stated
that he had received a communication of an cxtiuordi-
nary character, and believing it to be a breach of privi-
lege, he wished to lay it before the Convention, and for
that purpose asked that it might be read by the Secre-
tary :

104 LIFS OF A. P. DOSTIE.

[ CoT^identiaL']

"New Orleans, July 15tli, 1864.
" R Abell, Esq.,

^^ Dear Sir: I entertain so strong an aversion to the
incorporation into the * organic law^of the words 'white,'

* black' and * color,' that 1 am induced in this confiden-
tial note, (accompanied by a proposed * rider') to ask
you to consider tne propriety of altering the language
of certain portions of the new constitution, so as to har-
monize with the pnnciple contained in this proposed

* rider.' Many members of the Convention have had
the kindness ^o say to the governor and myself, that
they will do what they can to expunge the obnoxious
words from the militia and educational bills, before the
question of final adoption, as a whole, comes up.

"Very respectfully, yours,

'^A. P. DOSTIE."

This " extraordinary letter" was no doubt a criminal
thing in the eye of Judge Abell, and his wrath, in view
of the philanthrophy of Dostie, was treasured up for fu-
ture action.

DOSTIE AS AUDITOB OP STATE. 105

CHAPTER Xm.

DOSnE AS AUDITOB OF STATE.

The business before Dr. Dostie as Auditor of State
was foreign to his former habits of thought, yet after the
first feeling of reluctance, he entered upon its details with
characteristic energy. No man ever felt the responsibility
of official business more than Dr. Dostie. He always de-
fended his schemes for the public good upon the grounds
of justice and economy, which sometimes brou&^ht down
the denunciations of those selfishly interested, who ac-
cused him of guarding the public more carefully than
his position required.

As Auditor of State he vigilantly watched and ex-
posed abuses, which he considered in any way connected
with his official duties. In his official relations he some-
times contended with the members of the Convention
and Legislature. In those discussions he always main-
tained a respectful firmness, never yielding to concilia-
tory measures, or boisterous threats unless convinced
of error.

Said Dr. Dostie, "In my official capacity I must be
allowed to act according to my convictions of duty."
The following correspondence illustrates the above sen-
timent :

106 LIFE OF A. P. BOSnB.

"New Oeleaxs, Nov. 12, 1864.

" Hon. B. L. Lynch, Attorney General of Louisiana —

" Sir: I respectfully call your attention to the follow-
ing facts and request your legal opinion in the matter at
your earliest convenience: Mr. E. P. Marrioneaux was
elected on the 5 th of September to represent the parish
of Iberville in the House of Representatives, now in
session, but declined to take his seat. On the 31st
October an election was held to fill the vacancy occa-
sioned by such declension, and Mr. P. L. Dufresne was
elected. He took his seat in the House and was sworn
in on the 2d of November.

" The House passed the following resolution :

" JBe it Resolved^ That the said P. L. Dufresne, mem-
ber elect of the parish of Iberville, be, and he is entitled
to the same per diem and mileage allowed other mem-
bers of the House, from the 3d day of October, 1864."

" A warrant, in the usual fqnn, signed by the Speaker
of the House and Chairman of the Finance Committee,
has been drawn on me for payment of Mr. Dufresne in
accordance with the above resolution.

'^ Is the action of the House in accordance with the
constitutional law of the State ? Is it not positively un-
constitutional ? If so, have I the right, and is it not my
duty as Auditor, to refuse to pay, except for the time
since his election ? Would it not be violating my oath
of office to pay money from the State Treasury for ser-
vices never rendered, and as per diem for an officer who
did not 'exist, even though I had the sanction of the
House to that effect.

" Article 32 of the new Constitution says : * The mem-
bers of the General Assembly shall receive from the

DOSTIE AS AUDITOR OP STATE. 107

public treasury a compensation for their services, which
shall be eight doUars per day during their attendance^
going to and returning from the sessions of their respec-
tive Souses, The compensation may be increased or di-
minished by law, but no alteration shall take effect dur-
i7ig the period of service of the members of the House of
Representatives, by whom such alteration shall have
been made.' By this article of the Constitution, it seems
to me plain that he cannot be paid from the 3d to the
31st of October, but only from the 2d of November to
the 12th, inclusive, the time of actual membership.

" This is no donation to him for relief or charity, (the
House unquestionably has the right to make appropria-
tions for such purposes), but for per diem as the resolu-
tion expressly states.

" Hoping I may be honored with your opinion upon
this important question as soon as practicable, I am, very
respectfully yours,

" (Signed) A P. Dostie, Auditor.''

"New OnLEAifs, Nov. 14, 1864.

" Hon. A. P. Dostie, Auditor of Public Accounts State
of Louisiana —

" Sir : Tlic resolution of the House of Representa-
tives relative to the per diem of the Hon. P. L. Dufresne,
is a flagrant violation of the Constitution of the State
of Louisiana, and you are fully justified in refusing
to audit the warrant drawn upon you under that resolu-
tion.

" ' Tbe members of the General Assembly,' says Arti-
cle 32 of the Constitution, ' shall receive from the Public
Treasury a compensation for their services, which shall

108 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

be eight dollars per day, during their attendance, going
to and returning £rom the sessions of their respective
Housesj' and I cannot advise you to audit beyond the
limits fixed by the Constitution.''

** Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
" (Signed) B. L. Lynch,

"Attorney GeneraL"

The following is a letter written by the Auditor to
the Senate, after it had drawn up resolutions of im-
peachment against Dr. Dostie for refusing to audit cer-
tain claims.

Nbw Oblsans, Nov. 20th, 1864.

To the Hon. Legislature of Louisiana :

"Article 32d of the Constitution says: *The mem-
bers of the General Assenbly shall receive from the
Public Treasury, as compensation for their services^^
&o. If it can be shown to the Auditor, whose sworn
duty it is to ' audit, adjust, and settle all claims aeainst
the State, according to the Constitution and laws/ that
the Senator was a member of the General Assembly
from the Sd of October, and has rendered services, then
it will become the Auditor's duty to draw his warrant
upon the Treasurer in payment mr such services from
that date ; but if on investigation of the claim it should
be found that he was not a member, aud had not ren-
dered any services up to the 24th October, i;hen the
Auditor, by making such payment, would be violating
his oath of office, forfeiting his bond to the State, and
rendering himself liable to fine and imprisonment.

" It is not, however, claimed by your resolution that
the honorable gentleman was a member at the time in
question, and as I have shown above, he was not an
officer of the State until the 24th of October, therefore
he is not les^ally entitled to compensation for services
previous to this date.

" Complaint cannot be made, in justice, of the State

DOSTIE AS AUDITOR OP STATE. 109

in adopting such roles, or of the Auditor for protecting
the public treasury from unlawful demands. If the State
did not, through her officers, correct errora of this char-
acter, her losses would sometimes be very severe, and
her ability to maintain her credit materially lessened.

" For these reasons T must respectfully decline to draw
a warrant in pursuance of your resolution. Honorable
Senatoi*s — ^I desire to say in conclusion that this de-
cision is from a conscientious conviction of duty, and not
from any disposition to 0{)pose your honorable body or
clog the wheels of legislation. My history in the public
affairs of the State establishes beyond a doubt my love
and reverence for the new Government of Louisiana,
and that my prayers are fervent and continuous for the
progress, p^spei^ty and permanence of the government
under the Constitution of 1864.

"Let me pray that if you, in your superior wisdom,
dissent from my views of law and duty, that you will,
in your judgment, consider me honest and conscientious,
ana as not intending disregard or discouitesy towards
the dignity of your body.

" I am, very respectftilly, yours,

" A. P. DosTiE, Auditor."

The position taken by the vigilant Auditor of State
was decided correct, and an abuse, having no counte-
nance of legality, was prevented.

110 LIFS OV A. P. DOSnS.

CHAPTER XIV.

BOSTIE AND DXTRAlTr.

The names of Durant and Dostie are intimately asso-
ciated with the political history of Louisiana daring the
rebellion. Both were natives of the State of New York.
Both were self-made men. Dostie in his youth was a
friend of liberty, and ever maintained its broad prin-
ciples, which acted ever as a motive power and guiding
star throughout his eventful life. Durant, in his youth,
embraced the doctrines of slavery, and became an influ-
ential slaveholder. Dostie was by nature impulsive,
large hearted and fearless. Durant was deliberate,
politic and cowardly. Dostie was by nature a democrat
— one of the people. Durant was an aristocrat— holding
liimself above the masses. Dostie drew the hearts of his
fnends to him by a magnetism which emanated from his
honest, earnest souL Durant repelled by his cold and
studied manner. Dostie was a patriot ; Durant a politi-
cian. Ambition was only a secondary consideration with
Dostie. " Let us perish from the earth, if by our death
equal rights and universal justice be promoted thereby,"
were the words of Dostie. " My slave interests must
not be disturbed by the United States Government,"
were the words of Durant. Ay, and more ! Li every
public act, even up to the eventful year of 1864, he ex-

DOSTIE AND DUBANT. Ill

pressed the sentiment, ^' No republican government must
be established in Louisiana, wherein my fame is not con-
spicuous and my ambition is not gratified.''

President Lincoln and his executive acts relating to
Louisiana, and the established Free State government of
1864, were dear to the liberty-loving heart of Dostie,
who regarded a word or an act against his authority in
the light of sacrilege.

The following correspondence may not prove uninter-
esting as connected with the history of New Orleans

in 1864.

"New Tobk, July 26, 1864.

" Hon. Henry Winter Davis, Baltimore, Maryland :

^^^ Dear Sir — ^The friends of freedom in Louisiana,
thwarted in their efforts by the acts of the Executive at
Washington, had placed their hopes on the bill guaran-
teeing us a republican form of government, which you
reported to the House of Representatives, and which ob-
tained such emphatic approval there and in the co-ordi-
nate branch of Congress. We had watched its progress
with anxiety, for we perceived it would give us relief
from the incapacity, and, as too many had cause to be-
lieve, from the infidelity to freedom which had been the
essential characteristics of Executive administration in
our State. It is with the deepest mortification, there-
fore, we find a measure afibrding protection to loyal men
by the only constitutional power known to the Govern-
ment, defeated in its operation by the will of the Execu-
tive, seeking to perpetuate in Louisiana all that incapa-
city and selfishness can render odious to the citizens.

" The executive is * unprepared to declare that the free
State constitutions already adopted and installed in Ar-

112 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnE.

kansas and Louisiana shall be set aside and held for
naught, etc'

^^ As to the assertion that a Free State constitution has
been adopted in Louisiana, the Executive has fallen into
a grave error. No I¥ee State constitution had on the
eighth day of JuLy — nor as yet — been adopted or instated
in the fra^gment of JOouisiana held by t?ie military forces
of the United States.

" On the 24th of December, 1863, the Executive, in a
letter addressed to the Major General commanding the
Department of the Gulf, constituted that officer the
' master.'

" Mr. Hahn was installed as Grovemor in New Orleans

on the fourth of March, 1864, and on the fifteenth of that

month there was addressed to him the following letter:

" ' Exscunvs Mansion, )
" * Washington, March 16, 1864. J
^^ ^ His Excellency, Michael Hahn, Oovemor of Louisiana :
" ' Until further orders you are hereby invested with
the powers exercised hitherto by the Miutary Governor
of Louisiana.

" ' Tours, truly, Abraham Lincoln.'

" The missive is worthy of remark. It is signed by
the incumbent of the Executive office, but not as Presi-
dent. It is not countersigned by the Secretary of State ;
and it bears not the seal of the Government. It is un-
officiaL Yet in effect it appoints an officer — ^Military
Governor of a State — ^unknown to the Constitution and
laws of the United States.

" The so-called Constitutional Convention now sitting
in New Orleans was elected under the same usurped
authority, and evinces the same aversion as the Governor
to that principle, wliich in Louisiana can alone ' establish

J>OSTI£ AND DUBANT. 113

justice and ensure domestic tranquility ' — equality of all
men before the law — ^the failure to recognize which is,
indeed, a defect in your bill, not pointed out by the Ex-
ecutive. The work of this Convention all the friends of
freedom in Louisiana hope and trust, will be rejected by
the Congress, as emanating from an usurpation of power
by the Executive, no matter what may be its provisions.
*' The journalists, politicians and public men of our
country hold two sets of opinions, one for their private
use, which they believe in, the other for public displays,
80 that what appears to be public opinion cannot be
trusted as the opinion of the public. If this do not
cease, the cause of liberty is in danger. Our leading men
look too much to the law and the people :

" * Full well they laugh, with counterfeited glee,
At all his jokes, for many a joke has he.'

but in secret they deplore the calamity of a choice they
dare not repudiate, from the unfounded fear that opposi-
tion would secure the success of an anti-national candi-
date. No nation will vote its own destruction, though
the catastrophe may be accomplished by voting for in-
competent men.

" There cannot be a difference of opinion as to the
conduct of the Executive in stifling your bill, and thus
prolonging arbiti'ary govenunent over the loyal inhabi-
tants of Louisiana, and defeating the will of the nation ;
and it is sincerely to be hoped that the Executive may
yet be made to understand that the representatives of the
people are the only power competent to organize civil
government in the insurrectionary districts.

" I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

'* Thomas J. Dubant."

114 LIFB OF A. P. DOSTIE.

"New Orleans, Dec. 29, 1864.
** Hon. Henry L. Dawes, Chairman Committee on Elec-
tions, Hoase of Representatives, Washington, D. C:

" Dear Sir : I see by the newspapers that the Congres-
sional delegation from Louisiana has been met by a pro-
test from thirty-one citizens of Louisiana under the
leadership of Thomas J. Durant.

" The friendly spirit you manifested towards the Union
men of Louisiana in your successful efforts for the ad-
mission of her Representatives to Congress in February,
1863, and the important official position you occupy with
reference to questions of this kind, lead me to address
you hurriedly some remarks with the view of enlighten-
ing you on the political antecedents of Durant.

'^ The insidious efforts of this man to thwart and de-
feat the restoration of Louisiana to the Union, make it
highly proper, if not necessary, that some notice should
be taken of his movements. He appears to have the re-
putation abroad of being identified with the Free State
movement here and to have caused many citizens of
other States, including members of Congress, to believe
him to be the Magnus Apollo of our cause.

" During the reign of the Confederacy in this city he
was one of* its most obedient adherents. He conformed
to the requirements for membei*s of the bar and entered
as one of the earliest and most active practitioners in the
* Confederate States District Court.' In doing this he
showed much more readiness than after the arrival of the
Union fleet when he refused to practice his profession for
some six months on account of having to take the oath.

" Here is a specimen of Durant's practice in the so-
called ' Confederate States District Court,' which may be

DOSTIE AND DURANT. 115

seen in his own hand writing in the United States Court

of this place :

*' John L Manning, &c., ts. Romanta Tillotson. —
In the Confederate States District Court for the District
of Louisiana.

"And now into this honorable Court, by counsel,
comes Romanta Tillotson, the defendant, and pleads a
peremptory exception to the jurisdiction of the Court,
and for cause of exception he shows that this suit is
brought by and on behalf of persons who are all citizens
of the State of South Carolina, and that the defendant
is a citizen of the State of Louisiana, and that this Court
has no power or jurisdiction by the Constitution and laws
of the Confederate States to entertain the cause.
* " Wherefore, respondent prays that this exception may
be maintained, and that the plaintiff's petition may be
dismissed.

(" Signed) Dubant & Hobnob,

" for Defendant.
(" Signed) Singleton & Slack,

" Attorneys.

" XT. S. CiBcurr Coubt, Sixth Cibcuit and
Eastebn Distbict of Louisiana,

Clerk's Office.

** I certify the foregoing to be a true copy of the ori-
ginal on file in this office.

" F. B. ViNOT,

" Deputy Clerk.
" New Obleans, Dec. 27, a. d. 1864."

" When the hearts of the Union people of New Or-
leans were gladdened by the arrival of the Union forces,
who among the citizens went out with rejoicing and wel-
come upon his lips ? Was it Thomas J. Durant ? no !
He was invited to attend the first Union meeting, in
Polar Star HalL He did so. When the formation of
a Union Association was proposed, he resisted it. Said

116 UFB OF A. P. DOSnE.

*^ It was now no time for such an organization, that our
sons and brothers were upon the battle-field. That the
result of Corinth was not yet known ; that it behooved
the people of Kew Orleans to await results ; that Butler
was enticing the negroes to the Custom-house and shield-
ing them from the authority of their masters, and that
it was best to know first whether our rights to our
property were to be respected or violated. When the
Assembly proceeded to organize the First Union Asso-
ciation, Durant withdrew.

'^ This man sets himself up as a sort of model upon the
slavery question; in fact, his "I am holier than thou"
sort of professions upon everything concerning the col-
ored people — ^his refusal to give credit to the Free State
movement for what it has done for their cause, make
it necessary that I should analyze his antecedents strictly
upon this question, I should not do so but for his un-
fairness and unjustness. Far be it from me to question
any man's past, who is patriotically working for our
country's future.

" That Durant has been no stranger to the system of

slavery, the following document which may be seen at

the Conveyance Office of this city will show.

"Ninth May, 1851 — Sale of Slaves of Widow
Peteb Cenas to Thomas J. Dueant. By act passed
before W. Christy, Notary Public, dated the 28th day
of October, 1845, Pauline Maiia St. Jean, widow of the
late Peter Censas, late of this city, deceased, has sold
unto Thomas J. Durant, also of this city, the following
named slaves, to wit: Rosanna, a negress aged about
twenty-nine years, and her three children, to wit : Eliza-
beth, aged about seven years, Tyler, aged about three
vears, and Sally, an infant, aged about six months-aU
black.

DOSTIB AND DUBANT. 117

" That sale was made for the sum of eight hundred
doUai-s, ($800), for^ which said purchaser has furnished
his note bearing eight per cent, interest from its* date
until final payment, drawn in favor of said vender, dated
28th October, 1845. New Orleans, 9th May, 1851.

" Bernard Marigny, Kegistcr."

" Among the first notable propositions made by him as
a Union man was to restore Louisiana to the Union by
a Convention. He made several speeches in favor of
immediate restoration by that method, and after most
earnest and persevering efforts he succeeded in carrying
one of the Union Associations in his favor. Those who
opposed him believed in his inews but deemed them pre-
mature. This was in February, 1863. He continued
agitating the question in the district or local clubs.
He became Attorney General under the military authority
of Gov. Shepley, and conmienced a registiy system for
voters of the city and countiy parishes. He had regis-
ters appointed in all the parishes within the lines. He
got up a plan of a Convention upon the white basis, to
consist of one hundred and fifty members apportioned
among the parishas almost identically as was adopted in
the calling of the Convention of 1864. It was under-
stood that Durant vfas the active promoter of the scheme
of a convention, but that Governor Shepley always
found cause for delay. Excepting his penchant for
delay, he left everything in Durant's hands ; and with
this Durant was well pleased. But a certain letter was
•received from President Lincoln, who, not pleased with
Shepley's delays, placed everything in the hands of Ma-
jor General Banks.

" Here was the beginning of Durant's hostility to the
plan which has been substantially followed in the re-

118 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

storation of Louisiana. Before that time there was,
accoi4ing to his own speeches^ territory enough and
populcUion enough fvXLy to warrant such a proceeding.
Taking the thing out of Shepley's hands was taking it
out of Durant^s hands. Although all the propositions
and plans of Durant have been substantially, nay almost
identically followed, his opinions have undergone a radi-
cal change. What caused that change to come *o'er
the spirit of his dreams T Disappointment and ambi-
tion. He could not rule as ^ master,' therefore he has
striven to ruin,

" In his letter to H. Winter Davis he says :
" * No free State Constitution had, on the 8th day
of July, been adopted or installed in the fragment
of Louisiana held by the military forces of the United
States.' On the 11th May the Convention, represent-
ing fully two-thirds of the entire population of the
State, passed the Ordinance of Emancipation. Eighty-
five members of the Convention were present and voted
upon the great question. Of this number seventy-two
voted in favor of the Ordinance, declaring slavery for-
ever abolished and prohibited throughout the State, and
inhibiting in their fiat the Legislature from making laws
recognizing the right of property in man, and proclaim^
ing that all children, from the ages of six and eighteen
years, shall be educated by maintenance of free public
schools; also, that all able bodied men in the State
shall be armed and disciplined for its defence, and that
llio black man may receive the full rights of citizenship.
Are not these jewels of liberty ? With these invalua-
ble jewels the Constitution was adopted in the hearts
of the people. The form or ceremony of ratificatioi«

DOSTIE AND DUItAXT. 119

had not been gone through 'tis true ; but Mr. Durant,
from his knowledge of the loyalty of his fellow-citizens,
could scarcely help knowing it would be ratified by an
immense majority, and if he was imbued with that
patriotism and love of liberty his eloquent speeches in
his saner and more generous moments portray, he would
feel to thank those who stood by the helm of the ship
when he was in the hold endeavoring to scuttle and
sink her.

"Durant participated in the election for State officers in
February, 1864 ; he was chairman of a committee which
conducted the campaign for one set of candidates ; lie
made numerous publications and speeches, and his part-
ner, Chas. W. Homer, who now ' certifies' the protest, went
before the people on Durant's ticket as a candidate for
Attorney General! The Durant ticket obtained only
about one-sixth of the entire vote cast. Finding the
weakness of his party, and abandoning all hope of being
returned to the Constitutional Convention, he suddenly
came to the conclusion that he would not be a candi-
date, ' because the whole movement was irregular !'
His partner was, however, again a candidate, and again
unsuccessful. If Durant or his partner had been elected,
it is fair to assume that we would have had none of their
pigmy eflTorts to retard the great Free State movement
in Louisiana. And if the President, in compliance with
his wishes had directed General Butler to respect Slave
property, Durant would not have sought in his published
letter to H. Winter Davis to have ridiculed our glorious
Lincoln.

" I have written more in a spirit of sorrow than in
Ad^r. My aim has been nothing to extenuate nor ouglit

120 UFE OF A. P. DOSTEB.

to set down in malice ; bat I have considered it my duty
as a good citizen to unmask the conduct of one who has
immodestly and unjustly sought to thrust himself be-
fore the country as the only consistent Union and Free
State man of Louisiana, and thus sought to injure tlio
glorious cause of loyalty and restoration, imder our new
Constitution.
With high regard, I am, yery respectfully yours,

A. P. DOSTIE.

January 2d, 1865, Thomas J. Durant wrote to the
editor of the " Anti-Slavery Standard:'' "The citizens
elected to fill the State offices in Louisiana have no con-
fidence in the civil administration, and pronounce it
powerless to punish ofiTenders.

" Not long since, one Michael Gleason, a white man, was
tried before a Court and Jury in this city, on an indict-
ment for the murder of a negro boy, by wantonly and
without the slightest provocation throwing him into the
Mississippi river, from a steamboat lying at the levee,
and thus causing his death by drowning. Four eye-
witnesses, all of African descent, testified to the horrid
crime ; there was no countervailing evidence on the part
of the accused, but he was at once acquitted by the
Jury. Mr. Attorney-General B. L. Lynch, who was
elected on the 22d of February, 1864, at the same time
with Mr. Hahn, the Governor, had, imder the same
military order from the Major-General conunanding the
Department of the Gulf, prosecuted this case with an
honorable zeal for the cause of public justice.

" In subsequently commenting on this deplorable result,
Mr. Lynch said : " I spared no pains, I resorted to every
legitimate means . in my power to succeed in bringing

DOSTIE AND DITEANT. 121

upon the head of the murderer the punishment richly
due to his appallbg cnme. I failed ! and why did I
fail ? ' It was, in my opinion, on account of the color
of the poor murdered youth ! It was on account of the
complexion of the four truthful witnesses, whom the
Jury affected not to believe. It is enough to chill the
blood to reflect on the horrid verdict of the twelve men,
who swore they would 'true deliverance make,' and
who, in effect, decided last Monday, in the First District
Court of New Orleans, that colored people are outside
the protection of the laws, for the maintenance of which
they are gallantly baring their bosoms to the bullets
and the bayonets of the enemy, on the battle-fields of
the rebellion.'

" This official exposition of the condition to which,
under this abnormal State government, the citizens of
African descent are reduced, ought to arrest the atten-
tion of the friends of freedom throughout the nation.
If the man of color is thus to be left to the despotism of
rulers who have no sympathy with him, what a snare
and a delusion is the pretended gift of liberty ?"

The following communications prove that injustice to
the colored man was not the fault of the State Ofiicials
of Louisiana in 1864.

" Ofiice of Superintendent, Negro Labor, Depart- )
ment of the Gulf, New Orleans, June 17, 1864. J

" Chables Leaumont, Recorder 2d & 3d District :

" Sir : For the purpose of ascertaining the exact legal
status of the colored population of this city, particularly
those who previous to the amval of the United States
army were slaves, I have the honor to respectfully solicit
a reply to the following questions :

122 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTTE.

"L Do you consider the laws of the State in relation
to slavery in operation at the present time ?

" n. Can negroes receive equal justice with white
persons without reference to their social condition pre-
vious to the war in the court under your jurisdiction ?
" I have the honor to be,

" Very respectfully your obdt. serv't,
(" Signed) Geo. H. Hanks,

" Colonel and Superintendent of Negro Labor.''

The Recorder evaded the responsibility of a legal
opinion in reply, and sent the following note to Attorney
General Lynch :

" Recorder's Office, Second District, )
New Orleans, June 17th, 1864. J

" To B. L. Lynch, Esq., Attorney General :

" Sir : The accompanying communication addressed
to me by Colonel Hanks was this day received, and is
respectfully referred to you for answer.

" 1 Ours Respectfully,
(" Signed) Chas. Leaumont,

" Recorder 2d and 3d Districts."

The following extract is from the official opinion of
Attorney General B. L. Lynch, rendered on the 18th of
June, 1864, in reply to the communication of Colonel
Hanks :

"On the 22d of September^ 1862, a proclamation was
issued by the President of the United States, setting
forth, that 'on the 1st day of January, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three,
all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated
part of a State, the people whereof should then be in
rebellion against the United States, should then, thence-
forth and forever be free*'

"Furthermore the President announced that, on the
1st day of January, 1863, he would, by proclamation,

DOSTIE AND DUBANT. 123

decdgnate the States and parts of States, if any, in which
the people therein, respectively, should then be in rebel-
lion against the United States.

^" The President, on the first day of January, 1863, did
accordingly issue his proclamation, declaring the State
of Louisiana to be one of the States then in rebellion,
and proclaimed that all persons held as slaves within
that State, with the exception of those in certain Parishes,
were and should be thenceforth free.

" The Parishes exempted from the operation of the
Emancipation Proclamation were the following : St.
Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles,
St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terrebonne, La-
fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, which ex-
cepted Parishes were left in the condition as though the
proclamation had not been issued.

" On the 11th of January, 1864, Major General Banks
issued a proclamation, abolishing slavery in the above
named thirteen Parishes, exempted in the President's
Proclamation. This proclamation was not disapproved,
and perhaps was suggested "by President Lincoln.

"The present State Government was re-organized
under the constitution and laws of Louisiana, exc^t so
much of tJie said co7istitiUion and laios as recognize^ re-
gvlate^ or relate to slavery^ which being inconsistent with
the present condition of picblic affairs^ and plainly inap-
plicable to any class of persons existing within its limits,
was suspended and declared to be inoperative and void.

" Whether the President and his subordinate, General
Banks, in their action were warranted by the constitu-
tion of the United States upon military necessity, need
not be enquired into here. I believe they were consti-
tutionally empowered to issue and enforce the proclama-
tions aforesaid. Be that, however, as it may, you and I,
and loyal citizens of Louisiana have sworn to support
those proclamations, and abide by them so long as they
are not declared to be imconstitutional by the Supreme
Court of the nation.

124 UFE OF A. P. DOSTEE.

" I am, therefore, of opinion that all negroes and per-
sons of color in the State of Louisiana are free dejure ;
that all negroes and colored persons in Louisiana, within
the Federal lines are free de jure et defacto. I think
they have a legal right to testify as witnesses in Courts
of Justice, for and against white persons, as well as
each other ; that they may sue and oe sued in all cases ;
that they are entitled to trial by Jury, to the writ of
Habeas Corpus ; in short, that they stand on the same
footing before the law as 'white aliens residing in the
country." i

Although through politic motives on the part of Du-

rant, there was no conflict between Durant and Dostie

ill many of the acts favoring the great movements of

the cause of freedom in Louisiana, when the Free State

government was attacked by Durant, the antagonism

between the two men became most strongly marked.

CAl^DIDATES FOR CONGBESS. 125

CHAPTER XV.

LOUISIAKA CANDIDATES FOB CONGRESS IN 1864.

August 13th, 1864, the friends of a free Constitution
met in "New Orleans to ratify the nomination of Abra-
ham Lincohi and Andrew Johnson, and to express their
approbation of the new Constitution which was to be
submitted to the people of the State on the 5th of Sep-
tember.

A series of political meetings were proposed, for the
purpose of obtaining a united 'support for the Free State
condidates for Congress. On the 29th of August the
delegates of the nominating Convention met at Liberty
Hall, and proceeded to make choice of candidates for
Congress which resulted as follows : First District, M.
F. Bonzano ; Second District, Col. A. P. Field ; Third Dis-
trict, W. D. Mann. Judge Abell announced himself
an independent candidate for Congress, in opposition to
Mr. Bonzano. Said Dr. Dostie, in refening to the two
last named candidates, at a republican meeting : ^' Gen-
tlemen, you have now before you two candidates for
Congress, both members of the late Convention, one in
favor of* slavery, the other the friend of liberty — ^which
will you send to our National Councils to work for the
people of Louisiana ? Abell, the advocate of oppression,

126 UFE OF A. p. DOSTIS.

or Benzano, the lover of fireedonL" " Bonzano !" was the
cry of the people.

In an address before a Union meeting, Dr. Dostie
gives the following reasons for announcing himself an
independent candidate for Congress against A. P. Field :

" For the first time in my life I appear before you
under circumstances of embarrassment. For the first
time do I stand before you voluntarily as an aspirant for
ofiice.

'' You all know that I hold an office which I did rot
seek. I refused the office of Secretary of State, and
twice was the Auditorship ofiTered me before I consented
to accept it. Before the war I followed a profession
which yielded me every desirable comfort, and I never
was an office seeker.

" But now I do ask your suflTrages for the high and
important position of a Representative to Congress.
Not that I have the vanity to suppose myself more
competent for that position than any other, but the
Convention last night nominated Col. A. P. Field, whom
you all know as the champion of the Masonic Hall
clique — and as a foremost defender of Copperheadism —
the friend of the Voorhees and the Vallandigham school.
You know how I interrogated him a few nights ago,
and how he evaded declaring himself for the new Con-
stitution. How did he go to Congress ? You all know
how it was. And how, after Congress sent him home, they
kindly gave him fifteen hundred dollars for his visit. I do
not want a gentleman of such principles — allied to Cop-
perheadism — to represent redeemed and disenthralled
Louisiana in the Congress of my country. I am his
equal in all the virtues of manhood — ^I am his superior

CANDIDATES FOB CONGBESS. 127

in the advocacy of the God-given principle of liberty to
all men. I do not wish Louisiana disgraced by sending
a man of his Copperhead sentiments. Where have you
ever heard his voice raised either in debate or on the
streets in defence of the pnnciples of liberty ? He has
vilified Butler and others to whom you owe so much.
It. is for these reasons that I have voluntarily acquiesced
in the solicitations of my friends, and become a candi-
date for Congress."

CoL T. B. Thorpe, the same evening spoke in de-
fence of the new Constitution and of the necessity of
having good and loyal men to represent the State in
the Legislature and in the Congress of the United
States, concluding his eloquent defense of the Constitu-
tion as follows :

"Fellow-citizens, my name has been mentioned in con-
nection with Congress. From causes to which I will
not allude, a gentleman has been nominated in my place
whom I have never heard of as practically sympathizing
in this Free State movement, a gentleman, who, if his
own language delivered on a recent occasion at the
Jackson Railroad depot is to be believed, holds the Free
State party, the Constitution, and the military repre-
sentatives of the Federal Government in utter contempt.
I respect Col. Field as a gentleman distinguished in the
law, and I admired the boldness and power with which
he assaulted the Free State party — ^with which he
poured forth his utter condemnation upon our most
cherished political principles. I was surprised, however,
at his bitterness against the Federal Government, dis-
played in his sweeping denunciations of Federal officers
and soldiers. Let the gentlemen who took the respon-

128 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

sibility of the nomination bear the consequences, for ii
has either demoralized the party, or it will work a re-
generation.

" But the Free State party of Louisiana, our Constitu-
tion, and our attachment to the Union, do not depend
upon single individuals ; and while I step aside in the
great contest, another name appears, bright with every
association of loyalty ; a name so identified with every
step in the regeneration of Louisiana that it will shine
brightly in history for yeare and yeare to come. I mean
the chivalrous, zealous martyr-patriot, A. P. Dostie.
He has been announced as the Union standard bearer
in this Congressional contest, as he will come out by
your free and independent suffrage, the orator of the
field. He has not to come before you at the last mo-
ment to attest his love for free institutions ; he has not
to get up endorsements to prove that his heart and soul
are with us. When the rebel rule was in its height in
this city, Dr. Dostie, in the impetuosity of his nature,
could not control his hatred of the tyrants who had
ruined his country, and his open defiance of the men
who were guilty, led to his banishment from your midst.
What Dr. Dostie has done for the cause of freedom
since his return from exile, you know as well as I ; for
a more indefatigable, a more thorough, a more gen-
uine apostle of freedom never enlisted in the great
cause.

" Send Dr. Dostie to Con2:ress — his earnestness in the
national capitol will have a beneficial effect upon all
who come in contact with him ; his indefatigable indus-
try will surprise the sleepy guardians of the national
honor, his unflinching determination to cany through

CANDIDATES FOB CONGBESS. 129

his cherished principles, will give strength to those who
are despondent, and comfort those who like himself are
in earnest. He has qualities that are eminently needed
to carry on a reform, to assert and maintain our civil
rights, to defend our new Constitution, and to get Con-
gress to receive our delegation, and once more admit
our State in full fellowship in the glorious constellation
of stars. Elect Dr. Dostie to Congress, and in your
devotion to him show the people of the North that the
Free State men of Louisiana have no compromise with
Copperheadism, no matter in what form it makes its
appearance, that we want no candidates who make death-
bed repentances, or become suddenly converted just
before the meeting of a nominating Convention ; that
we will have nothing but tried men who have served in
the field, fought our battles, and helped to win our vic-
tories, none in this Congressional election but men like
Dr. Dostie."

The following from the pen of General Banks is ex-
pressive of the state of affairs during that Congressional
contest :

" The events of the day show that a more general
interest will be manifested in the coming election than
has been anticipated. The Times, hitherto studiously
silent upon the mtification of the Constitution, although
unsparing in its censure of the Convention that framed
it, now urges its readers to its support. * We might,' it
says, *with reason, advance many objections to this
Constitution, but we could, with still more reason and
justice, advance many arguments for its adoption.
Therefore^ we shall vote for it, and urge upon all who,

130 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

perhaps, would desire to do better, to do the best they
can, and give in their adhesion and support.

" If the efforts for reconstruction of government in
Louisiana are successful and recognized, peace is pos-
sible and proximativa

^^The THbune^ a journal ostensibly devoted to the
interests of the colored race, but apparently controlled
by white men who seem to have failed in the struggle
for leadership in the work of reconstruction, says, that
of three alternatives presented to the people of Louisiana,
all of which are elaborately argued, the true course is
to vote against the Constitution. Its authors are un-
principled tricksters, it says, and their work must neces-
sarily be detrimental to the public weaL The IHbune
exhibits as much force in the expression, as the Times
does in the suppression of its real sentiments, and puts
the strongest point upon its avowed hostility.

^^ The canvass in the parish of Orleans is animated,
and reminds one of the contests of 1860. Opposition
more resolute and capable is the only aliment required
to give to the political arena the interest once inspired
by * the contests of .the fierce democracy. '

^^ We are informed that between nine and ten thou-
sand legal votes are registered to the parish of Orleans
alone. The vote of the State is likely to exceed that of
the gubernatorial election some five thousand, probably
presenting an aggregate vote of fifteen to seventeen
thousand. This is certainly a sanguine, perhaps an over
estimate.

" In the First Congressional District the contest will
be animated, and the vote large. Abell and Bonzano
are the candidates — ^the first opposing the Constitution

CANDIDATES POB CONGBESS. 131

and emancipation, and the latter (Bonzano) advocating
the Constitution with emancipation and compensation
for loyal slaveholders. Bonzano is the author of the
article of emancipation as it stands in the Constitution
to be voted upon, and Mr. Abell was its most persistent
and able opponent.

" In the Second District, Dr. Dostie, independent, op-
poses Mr. Field, a supporter of the Constitution, but
of strong Democratic proclivities. Mr. Field is known
to the country as the unsuccessful claimant of a seat
in the House of ReprcHentatives last winter. He failed
in being recognized, on account of the fact that no
opportunity was given for a general participation in the
election, and the small vote given for the various can-
didates claiming membership to the House of Represen-
tatives. He is a strong man on the stump, and will
make his mark in the councils of the nation if elected.
But the faithful doubt him, and he has for an opponent
Dr. Dostie, State Auditor. Dr. Dostie is regarded by
his opponents as the RobespieiTC of the revolution with-
out the passion for bloodshed with which his ancient
Republican prototype has been charged, his defenders
say falsely charged. Whatever is true of Robespierre
of the French Revolution, his successor of the great
American Rebellion is governed by a spirit of the
purest benevolence. He is earnest, but not malevolent,
* he roars you as gentle as a sucking dove ;' even in his
anger. In former times when the cij;y was decimated
by pestilence, the Doctor was one of the leading men
of the Masonic Order who dared death in every form,
and carried to every stricken fellow-man, comfort and
consolation, if not relief — the Garibaldi of the hospitals.

182 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

Between these contestants the straggle will be animated,
not virulent. * Let the winners pass !'

"It will not be strange if Louisiana becomes the
pivot upon which the revolution will turn; at any
rate, it already attracts a large share of public atten-
tion.

"The manifesto of recent date upon our state
afiairs has excited more discussion than any political
paper for some years.

" We are informed upon very good authority, that the
President has written a letter expressing his approval of
the drafl of the Constitution to be submitted to the
people, and an earnest desire for its ratification by them.
It is therefore an affair of moment in the minds of other
people than our own."

From among the many cards sent to the city papers,
expressing a desire to see Dostie, the friend of education,
in Congress, we select the following, as expressive of the
feelings of many of the loyal teachers in New Orleans
in 1864:

" Although the political issues involved in the present
Congressional canvass are of paramount importance, yet
it may not be out of place to consider such other issues
as are collateral to the main question : educational mat-
ters of vital importance will be placed in the hands of
the next Congressional Representative. Louisiana has
not yet availed herself of that bountiful donation of
land offered by Congress to establish Agricultural Col-
leges. There are, also, we believe, vacant cadetships due
to this State, both at West Point and at the naval
schools and * civil service.' Secretaries will without
doubt be appointed during the present session. Three
such prizes held out to our High School pupils would be
glorious incentives to activity. Therefore, if other

CANDIDATES FOB CONGBESS. 133

things are equal, it becomes the duty of all who love
the youth of our schools and hope to see them enjoy the
advantages procured for those of other cities, to vote for
Dr. Dostie, the tried friend of schools and children. To
him, more than to any other man, is due the loyal stand-
ing of our public schools. He is everywhere beloved
by the young people of New Orleans.

« Teacher.*'

The Delta of September 8th, in referring to the result
of the Congressional contest, says :

" Dr. Dostie is justly regarded as one of the leading
spirits in the cause of the people. A more devoted or
disinterested champion of liberty has not appeared upon
the political stage during the present century.

" The majority of the delegates to the Parish Conven-
tion, being satisfied with Colonel Field, presented his
name as a candidate for that office. All the primary
elections, so far as we can learn, were fairly conducted.
The delegates were presumed to know the wishes of their
constituents, and the Free State party was, in a measure,
in honor bound to ratify their action. The moment the
nomination was made known, every friend and supporter
of the party and its principles became tacitly pledged to
support the nominee.

" In such a light must be viewed the result of the re-
cent election. To this must be ascribed the defeat (by a
small majority) of Dr. Dostie, who is one of the most
popular men in the Congressional District — one against
whom not a breath of suspicion could be cast— a true
patriot, an indefatigable worker in the Union cause, a
tried friend and an honest man. Had Dr. Dostie con-
sented to run in time to have had his name presented to
the Convention, the result might have been different.
With the party nomination, he would have kept pace
with the vote in favor of the Cpnstitution. As it was
he received comparatively a large vote.''

The election of September 8th, resulted in sending

134 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

Mr. F. Bonzano, and A. P. Field to Washington. The
action of Congress in not admitting them to participate
in the councils of the nation are recorded in the official
documents of the National Legislature.

Dr. Dostie's only disappointment at his defeat in
the Congressional contest, arose from an ardent desire
to labor in Congress for the interests of Louisiana. He
had watched with the discernment of a true reformer the
developments in his adopted State ; had gloried in the
downfall of despotism and the elevation of the oppressed
laboring classes, and studied diligently the advantages
to which her wealth, strength and resources entitled her
as a free State in the Union. He desired to be in a posi-
tion where he could labor for the interests of the eman-
cipated masses, made free by the acts of President Lin-
coln.

His public documents, private letters and sayings, all
prove that his standard was elevated to the dignity of
pure and true statesmanship. Judging from his re-
cord, his comprehensive and just views of the measures
necessary to cany out republican laws, we can not doubt
but that he might have maintained a high position
among the radical members of the 39 th Congress.

November 29th, 1864, the Union men of New Orleans,
assembled on Lafayette Square to ratify the election of
Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. Addresses
were delivered by Governor Hahn, General Hamilton,
Judge Heistend, and Dr. Dostie. The annexed resolu-
tions were adopted :

" Mesolved^ 1st. That in the recent re-election of Abra-
ham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, we
behold one of the sublimest spectacles ever presented to

CANDIDATES FOB C0K6BSSS. 135

the gladdened eyes of the lovers of liberty and Repub-
lican institutions. The doubtful are convinced, the hope-
ful assured, and the confident are elated ; that, notwith-
standing the outside pressure of a gigantic civil war, and
a Actions and fierce opposition A*om within, the great
experiment of a constitutional Government, based on
universal suffrage, has not failed. Clear above the din
of battle and the clamor of Action was heard the low,
but articulate voice of the peopla Was it not the voice
of God?

" 2d. That we also rejoice in the election of Andrew
Johnson to the next highest office in the Republic. It
is fitting that he, a Southern man, alone ^ faithful found
among the Pithless,' should preside over that august
body, before which he raised — ^but raised in vain — ^his
voice in thunder tones of remonstrance against the
suicidal act of secession.

^Zd. That peace, and not war, is the primal and
healthful condition of nations. That we ardently desire
peace on the basis of the integrity of the Union, and if
the knot of our complications can be imtied by the pen
of diplomacy, while the sword is upraised to cut it. If
possible let diplomacy arrest the impending blow/'

136 LIFE OF A. P. BOSnS.

CHAPTER XVL
dosub and babkeb.

To his friends, in whom he reposed confidence, Dostie
was all gentleness and good humor. His winning sim-
plicity and kindness of manner, made him very popular
with his numerous friends, but with Jacksonian temper
he sometimes poured out his fury upon the heads of his
enemies he believed capable of injustice, fi*aud and op-
pression. There has been, since the existence of slavery,
a class of men in the South who have spent their lives
jealously watching all who did not spring from Southern
chivalry or Southern slave aristocracy. Their greatest
pleasure has been to watch an opportunity to scandalize
those they chose to brand as " political agitators, inova-
tors, new comers, &c., always adding those who spring
from the lower classes." Pre-eminently among this class in
New Orleans stands the name of Jacob Barker, Esq.,
whose idol was money ; a man in society without money,
in his eye, had no rights in common with the wealthy
aristocrat. Dostie who was bom in poverty, and had
been deprived of his honest earnings by rebels and aris-
tocrats, had but little sympathy with the Barker class.

The following correspondence simply illustrates one of
the many contests between the monied Goliah's of New

DOSTIE AND BABKEB. 137

Orleans and " the son of a barber," who often smote the
monied Philistines " with a sling, and with a stone."

"New Orleans, July 7, 1864.
"Major Gen. Banks :

" Sir — ^In compliance with your request for informa-
tion relative to the receipt and disposition of gold in
this city, I take pleasure in communicating all that I
have been able to learn.

" The receipts of gold from New York from the 1st
May to the 17th June were, according to published
statements, as follows :

May 30 $169,964

June 6 256,240

June 8 124,432

May 3 $23,000

May 15 67,065

May 15 92,300

May 18 98,075

May 21 47,075

May 23 210,200

$537,715

I June 13 105,339

June 14 47,250

From Interior .... 9,000

$701,955
537,715

Total $1,239,670

" That this large amount of gold was not sent here
for any honest purpose, or to satisfy the demands of
commerce, seems very apparent.

"The large shipments received just previous to the
publication of the bogus proclamation indicates quite
strongly that the holders had a knowledge of its in-
tended issue, and that it was a part of the conspiracy to
sell that gold at an enormous rate in this market.

" The fact that the proclamation was telegraphed from
New York to Cairo, and other points, after its falsity
was known, favors this supposition.

138 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIB.

"Of that received duiing June, the consignees na-
turally divide themselves into the following classes :

" First — ^persons claiming and receiving protection as
subjects of a foreign Power.

" Many of these persons before the outbreak of the
war, were considered citizens, and are believed to have
voted, and accepted other privileges of citizenship.

"They are not known to have any attachment to
the Union, nor is it believed they would forego an op-
portunity of profit because it might work injury to the
Republic.

"The second class of consignees is composed of
banks :

June 6 — Citizens' Bank $50,000

« 22— " " 60,000

" 8— " " 124,432

" 4— National Bank 10,000

« 22—- " " 16,000

" 13— Bank of America 13,000

" 21— " " 17,000

" 21 — ^Bank of Commerce 10,000

" At the beginning of the war the officers of these
State banks were among the first to bestow substantial
aid upon the rebel cause.

" Although corporations, having no souls, may not be
guilty of treason, yet it is most certain that the indi-
viduals owning stock were, in secession, regarded as
genuine rebels, and it is believed that they have ex-
hibited no evidence of substantial repentance.

"Third — ^Persons having no feeling either for or
against the Government, save as it may help their specu^
lations.

" "These are among the worst parasites preying upon

DOSTIE AND BABKBC 139

the country. The friends of neither combatants, they
are ready to prey upon both parties.

" The fourth class is that of avowed rebel sympa-
thizers, some of whom have taken the oath.

" These men are among us, but have neither part nor
lot with us. They have not even the decency to hide or
disguise their treason.

^^ I am persuaded that the great bulk of gold in this
market, is in the hands of unscrupulous persons, caring
■for nothing but the money they make.

" I have not thought it within the compass of your
inquiry to make any allusion to the measures necessary
to be taken in this behalf

" It is suggested that Order No. — having discouraged
the speculation in gold within this Department, there is
evidence of a combination to make breadstuff's the staple
of this unholy object. It is believed that a systematic
arrangement is now being made to enhance the price of
articles of subsistence.

" I remain, very respectfully yours,

A. P. DOSTIE."

" To the Editor of the Mw Orleans Times, July 28th
^^The editor of the THce Delta having declined to make
the correction, the editor of the Times will be pleased
to inform the public that the statement of A. P. Dostie,
published in the THce Delta of yesterday's date, is false,
so far as it represents the Bank of Commerce or its
officers, as among the first to bestow substantial aid
upon the rebel cause.

" Neither the said Bank nor its officers subscribed a
dollar at that time, nor at any other time, to« the Con-
federate loans in this city or elsewhere ; nor has that

140 LIFE OP A. P. BOSTIE.

Bank or the proprietor thereof ever contributed funds in
the formation of military companies or otherwise in aid
of the rebellion, which the proprietor does now and has
always condemned as uncalled for and ruinous to the
whole nation, and particularly ruinous as it has subjected
this community to the insult of being thus criticised by
such a man.

" If A. P. Dostie has the merit of loyalty beyond what
he considers likely to administer to his acknowledged
appetite for gain, it must have arisen from recent and*
sudden conviction.

" Mr. Barker's loyalty was tested before the birtji of A.

P. Dostie.

Jacob Baskbb."

"New Orleans, July 80, 1864.
" To the Editor of the True Delta :

Sib — ^The New Orleans JH^mea of this morning con-
tains a letter over the signature of Jacob Barker, vio-
lently abusive of myself, because in my letter to Major-
General Banks, of July 7th, published in your paper of
Thursday, I made the following observations : * At the
beginning of the war the officers of these State banks
were among the first to bestow substantial aid upon the
rebel cause. Although corporations, having no souls,
may not be guilty of treason, yet it is most certain that
the individuals owning stock were in secession regarded
as genuine rebels, and it is believed that they have
exhibited no evidence of substantial repentance.'

" That publication is my supposed cause of offence to
Jacob Barker. In that communication, as will be seen,
I did not fiame Jacob Barker, either directly or by neces-
sary implication; but since he has seen fit to suppose

DOSTIE AND BABKEB. 141

himself one of the class of individuals referred to as
having * no souls,' of having been regarded while seces-
sion was rampant in arms in this city as a passable rebel,
and as having since exhibited no evidence of substantial
repentance, I am willing to avow and admit that he is,
of all men in this city, one whom I should have placed
in just that categoiy. In that conmiunication, for which
I am thus personally and scurrillously assailed by Jacob
Barker, I made no attacks on the private character of
any stockholder or officer of any of the banks therein
named ; but I made allusion to them as a class of persons
derelict in the performance of the duties they owed as
citizens of the United States.

" I by no means regret that Jacob Barker has seen fit
to make that publication the occasion of calling public
attention to the manner in which he has performed his
duty to the Government of the United States, under
whose protection he has become bloated with the inso-
lence of wealth, while that Government has been en-
gaged in a life and death struggle with this hell-bom
rebellion. All good citizens in these 'times that try
men's souls,' owe it to their country, in this her great
struggle for national existence, to give active aid, by
bearing arms, if fit for service, or by loan of their money
if they have amassed wealth under the protection and
advantages which that just and good Government has
afibrded them. 'Indifierence or neutrality is a crime,
and faction is treason.'

" Jacob Barker, by reason of nis immense wealth, and
the power of his position, owes it to his country, in these
times of her national peril, to give more positive and
substantial proofs of loyalty than merely to ^condemn

142 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

the rebellion as uncalled for and ruinon8.V Although too
old, being a nona^enariany to bear arms in person in her
behalf, yet he owed it to his country to labor actively
and boldly with his pen and voice to propagate and
uphold sentiments of unconditional and zealous loyalty.
He owed it to his country to sustain her credit by invest-
ing a reasonable share of his immense wealth in her bonds,
for .without the * sinews of war' how can the loyal
soldiers be armed; fed and clothed, and this diabolical
rebellion be trodden under foot ? And without the will-
ing aid of loyal capitalists how can the Government
effect its necessary loans to carry on wars ?

"He asserts that his loyalty was tested * before the
birth of A, P. Dostie.* That maybe so, and that loyalty
might even then have been foimd, as in later times, to
bave consisted in selfish devotion to Mammon. Admit-
ting that Jacob Barker's loyalty was * tested ' before my
birth, and not foimd wanting at that remote period, I
desire to know what Hest it has stood during the last
eventful four years ?

" It may not be known to many in this commimity —
but it is a fact that should be made public — that Jacob
Barker, the banker and millionaire, gave, among others,
such striking proofs of active, unconditional loyalty to
his country as these : When General Butler ordered the
citizens of this city to renew their allegiance to the
Government of the United States within a certain time
specified, this same Jacob Barker made his appearance
before the Provost-Marshal at the City Hall, just ten
minutes before the expiration of the time limited, and
reluctantly took the oath, and at that same time received
for two members of his family * registered enemies' papers.'

DOSTIE AND BABKEB. 143

**To encourage or permit those of his own family to
register themselves as enemies to their country, and to
harbor them in his house, may perhaps be proof to some
persons that his * condemnation of rebellion ' had always
been terribly severe. When the Commanding General
required a certain class of citizens to bind themselves
with the * iron-clad' oath he complied, but when and
how? At the last moment, and very reluctantly. There
was published in this city, for a short time, last year, a

* loyal traitor' sheet called the National Advocate^ with
Jacob Barker's name as ostensible and responsible
editor and proprietor. That infamous sheet, during the
period of its short and villainous existence, was com-
monly filled with all kinds of rebel dispatches via the

* grape-vine ' line, terrific bulletins of Federal defeats,
croakings and lamentations over the evils and burden
of this * cruel and unnecessary war,' all sorts of extracts
firom rebel-sympathizing papers, and with every kind of
matter calculated to give aid and comfort to other loyal
traitors in this city, until the nuisance became so intole-
rable that the publication of the National Advocate^
edited and owned by Jacob Barker, was suppressed by
Major-General Banks, oiit of complaisance, I suppose, to

* such a man's ' mode of * condemning the rebellion.'

** What public offences, or what kind of moral delin-
quency J. B. means to impute by styling me * such a
man,' I am utterly at a loss to know. He hints that I
have an * acknowledged appetite for gain.' Acknow-
ledged by whom, pray? Even my worst enemies,
among whom I am proud to include every man who
does not love my country, will not accuse me of a sordid,
money^oving spirit. What little money my labor has

144 LIPB OP A, P. DOSTIE.

earned beyond supplying the wants of a frugal living,
I have cheerfully given during this war to advance the
glorious cause of our country. I wish Jacob Barker
had done likewise in proportion to his resources. Then
he would have lived for some useful purpose. I am will-
ing to leave it to the public to judge whether my cha-
racter for honesty will bear comparison with that of
' such a man ' who issued and caused to be circulated
in this city, thousands of dollars of notes purporting to
be bills of the * Bank of Conmierce,' payable * six months
after the ratification of peace between the United States
and the Confederate States of America.' I think that
I perform my duties to my fellow-citizens and my coun-
try, qiitc as conscientiously as * such a man,' who has
devoted his whole power of thought to the sordid pur-
suit of acquiring and hoarding wealth, and who has not
shown patriotism enough to give a single dollar to pro-
mote the cause of the Union, and of the benignant
Government under whose favor and protection he has
grown rich.

" I notice that J. B. gives as his * particular ' reason
for * condemning the rebellion' as ' parlicaiarly ruinous,'
is that it has subjected * this community ' to the insult
of being thus criticised by * such a man.' What a lofty
minded patriot ! What a worthy millionaire I What a
far discerning intellect, and what pure and noble im-
pulses move the soul of this great and venerable banker
and speculator, as shown in his statement of his ^ par-
ticular reason ' for * condemning the rebellion !'

" No natural love of country, no profound perception
of the intrinsic meanness and wickedness of treason and
rebellion against our noble government, could furnish

DOSTIE AND BABKEB. 145

the mind of J. B. such a * particular' good reason for
* condemning the rebellion,' as the insult to this com-
munity of being criticised by * such a man.' Wonderful
logic ! Admirable consistency ! Who compose the com-
munity which he asserts I have insulted ? My commu-
nication to General Banks, which has provoked this
irascible, superanuated old Copperhead to publish that
scurrilous attack upon my character and motives, had
reference to no other * community ' or classes of men
than^ 1st. persons claiming protection as subjects of
foreign powers, some of whom were formerly considered
citizens, and who arc not suspected of any attachment
to the Union ; 2nd. the Banks among whom I placed
J. B.'s Bank ; 3d., those proverbial for having no pa-
triotism ; parasites, only coming to make money <Jut of
either party, and 4th., avowed rebel sympathizers.

" These classes compose the entire * conununity ' re-
ferred to in my letter on the gold question, and they
alone arc the ' community ' to whom my publication
was an insult, if insult it was to any. If that ' conmiu-
nity ' to which it would seem J. B. claims to belong,
feel insulted by my criticisms upon their want of pa-
triotism, they, and J. B. in particular, can seek any
tedress which they deem their * wounded honor' de-
mands.

" In the statement made by Mr. Barker of his paltry
motives for condemning the rebellion, he discovers to
public view a poverty of soul in striking contrast with
the plethora of his money bags. Between the money
and the man, the former has outweighed the latter and
given him the position he now holds in society, ^ MenCy
menCy tekdy upharmC His record i^s a citizen of a great

146 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

republic is unworthy of his sires, and of the sublime
lessons of Union and liberty transmitted by them to
him. But let him come and labor side by side with the
friends of the Union, and that immortal ordinance which
forever abolishes slavery i^m Louisiana, and then I will
call him honest, and believe him respectable. ^ Princi-
ples demand support'

A. P. DoSTIE.''

" To the Editor of the New Orleans Times.— ThQ
True Delta having found room in that interesting sheet
for a score more of falsehoods from the pen of one A. P.
Dostie, the public will be pleased to excuse Mr. Barker
for noticing a few of them.

^^ This man says, ^ I did not name Jacob Barker.' That
I am the sole proprietor and manager of the Bank of
Commerce is as wt^ll known in this city as is my name ;
therefore to say, ' I did not name Jacob Barker' is a
contemptible subterfuge, worthy of its author.

"It is false *that Mr. Barker reluctantly took the oath
before the Provost Marshal at the City Hall, just ten
minutes before the expiration of the time limited.'

"Mr. Barker took the oath in court at the Custom
House long before — ^not at the City Hall, and not just
ten minutes before the expiration of the time limited;
nor did he receive for two members of his frmily, nor
for any other number, * registered enemies' papers.' The
allegation is therefore false, and Dostie is indebted for it
to the DeUa — ^a vile sheet which Mr. Barker's pen
silenced long since.

"A. P. Dostie's proMc mind rendered it unnecessary
for him to borrow falsehood from others.

DOSTIE AND BASKEB. 147

'^ As to the iron-clad oath, he considered it harmless, as
it could not increase the duty of a loyal citizen, yet he
took it reluctantly, not liking to swear to support a pro-
clamation he had not seen. The first law lesson he
received was from General Alexander Hamilton, which
was, never to form an opinion on a paper he had not
read.

" The occasion on which Mr. Barker took that oath was
preceding the first election, which required one-tenth of
the population to vote to make the election valid, which
General Banks considered important should be cast, and
therefore requested Mr. Barker's co-operation, which was
yielded with great earnestness, and which could not be
done without taking that oath.

" This man, A. P. Dostie, not satisfied with denounc-
ing Mr. Barker and his bank, assails the fair fame of the
National Advocate. The dimensions of that paper
having been taken by the community, and particularly
by Mr. Barker's lady friends, he has not anything to say
on that subject frirther than that he feels more vain of
the fame it left behind than of the history of aiiy other
part of his life.

" The public will be pleased not to expect me to waste
any more ink powder on this man, who should remember
that ' our trees grow tar and our birds carry feathers.'

Jacob Babkeb.
"New Orleans, July 31, 1864."

"New Orleans, August 1, 1864.

" To the Editor of the True Delta:

"Sir — * Mr. Barker,' having exhausted another charge
of ^ink powder' in throwing empty bomb-shells at me

148 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

through the THnies of yesterday morning, permit me
to trespass once more upon your columns.

'^ Jacob Barker asserts that my statements concerning
him arc false. Then, why does he not prove them so ?
He simply asserts them so without bringing forward any
facts to substantiate his assertions.

" I am prepared to prove that on the 23d day of Sep-
tember, 1862, a few minutes before 8 p. m., at the City
Hall, 'this man' appeared before the Provost-Marshal
and took the oath^ and at the same time received from
that officer ' registered enemies' papers ' for two mem-
bers of his own family, remarking by way of apology,
as he did so, ' that he could not control the members oi
his family in that respect.'

'^ Does the astute J. B. imagine that he has outlived
the history of his earlier business career ? Can he pos-
sibly drive himself into the belief that people have lost
all recollection of the celebrated * Washington and War-
ren Bank ? ' or what was worse, the ' Marble Manufac-
turing Bank ? ' Does not the ghost of his pitiable tool
Malapart haunt his terror-stricken conscience, and warn
him against the further misdeeds of the banker, broker
and hredker ? Or has he forgotten the time when he
* left his country (New York) for his country's good ? '

" If he had not intimated that he would not waste any
more ' ink powder ' on * such a man,' I should be tempted
to inquire how he invested the large amount of ' Confede-
rate money ' he bought up in 1862? I think that tran<
saction was one of the modes of his 'condenming the
rebellion.'

'^ ' This man ' takes occasion to inform the public that
^ our trees grow tar and our birds carry feathers,' inti-

DOSTIE AND BABKER* 149

mating that if I persist in giving utterance to the truth
asraiust him, he will have me receive a coat of tar and
feathers. If he expects to intimidate me by such puerile
threats as that, he entirely wastes his ' ink powder.'

" If the chief object through ' Mr. Barker's ' life of
which he feels 'vain' is the ^ fair fame'* of his defunct
traitor sheet the National Advocate^ he has very little
now in his old age to look back upon with vanity or
pride.

"The lady admii'ers of that paper, of whom he speaks,
are well known in this community, and a season spent on
Ship Island would be very beneficial to their moral
healths

A. P. DOSTIE."

" To the Edit(yr of the Times:

" Mr. Barker feels constrained to depart from his de-
termination not further to expose the deliberate lies of
one A. P. Dostie.

" In the True Delta pf Tuesday he demands proof.
Here it is :

* Department op the Gulp, Provost Court, )
New Orleans, La., July, 19, 1862. J
* Jacob Barker has taken the oath required by General
Order No. 41 for a citizen of XJ. S. A.

' Witness : Major Joseph M. Bell,

Provost Judge.
* C. W. WooDBFRY, Dep. Clerk,'

^^ The man Dostie avers that he has proofs that his
vile falsehoods are true. If true they are matters of
record, open to liis inspection. Why not then give
them to the public, in place of calling upon Mr. Barker
to prove a negative.

150 UFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

^'This traducer alludes to Mr. Barker^s connection
with the Bank of Washington and Warren, in the State
of New York. That bank failed, after which Mr. Barker
paid all its debts — a portion after his residence here,
from his new earnings.

^^ Among the numerous falsehoods of the man Dostie,
he asserts that Mr. Barker was connected with the
Marble Manufacturing Bank, in New York, and its in-
famous proprietor, ^Malapar.' Mr. Barker never had
any connection with either, or an account with that
institution.

^^ There was a vile conspiracy in 1826 among certain
Wall street gamblers and political aspirants to injure
the fair fame of Mr. Barker, who hurled defiance at them
in open court, and fought the battle successfidly before
he had read law.

^^ His Satanic Majesty has got them nearly all— only
two or three have thus far escaped his vigilance. He
will soon have the rest, with some additions firom New
Orleans, without the dishonor of meeting in single com-
bat a man without position in society.

Jacob Barker.*'

" New Orleans, August 3, 1864.
" To the Editor of the True Delta :

^^'One' Jacob Barker having commenced and con-
tinued a most unwarrantable and scurrillous attack upon
me through the columns of the New Orleans TimeSy I
have been compelled, in self-defence, to reply to him
through the columns of your valuable paper ; and as he
has again resorted to reply in similar language, though
informmg the public that he should not, I also am under
the necessity of again requesting you to insert the fol-

DOSTIE AND BABKER. 151

lowing, which I trust will, for the future, silence the
barker and render his bite harmless :

" He will soon have the rest, with some addition from
New Orleans, without the dishonor of meeting in sin-
gle combat a man without position in society. — Jacob
Marker.

"And pray, Jacob Barker, what position have you
always held in society ?

" Hast thou not all thy life been an associate of stock
gamblers, cheats and swindlers, and the chief of ^ wild
cat ' banking houses ? Hast thou not followed to the
letter the advice of the Quaker mother to her son, ^make
money, honestly if thee can, but my son make money !'

" Thou knowest, Jacob, that thou hast made money ;
but, Jacob, hast thou made it honestly ? Let us see !

" Does Jacob Barker remember a certain book pub-'
lished in 1846, by Crook & Co., of Boston, entitled
* The life and Times of Martin Van Buren ?' If he does,
he will recollect the following extracts :

" Page 88. — ^Warren Bank, a moneyed corporation, of
two years standing, which the notorious stock jobber,
Jacob Barker, has bought from the speculatora who got
it up. Barker could issue its bills at his Exchange
Bank, New Tork, to mechanics and traders, who could
find it no easy task to go North to Sandy Hill to get
them cashed. With brokers and bankers he expected to
hold his own.

" Jacob Barker being the sole, or almost sole, proprie^
tor of the real ' wild cat bank.'

"Page 42. — ^In a card issued through the Eoening
Post^ February, 1825, Barker said that $200,000 of the
stock had been received from the debtors of the bank.
Why was this done, when it was well known that the
stock was worthless ? Who beside Barker had $200,000

152 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

to pay in ? Was it in this way that the securities for
double its circulation went ? If so, what could be a
baser cheat ? Stock was no payment of debts due the
bank till its obligations to the public were met, and
after that only its cash value in the market.

Page 169. — Copy of a letter from Benj. F. Butler to
Lorenzo Hoyt, Esq., Albany :

" New York, Oct. 1, 1826.
Dear Sir : — ^Mr. Henry has gone home with an inten-
tion of preparing himself in the case of the Bank of
Plattsburgh agamst Levi Piatt, Wells and others, (the
account case). I wish you would therefore * * * *
I have but a moment and few details of the trial (Jacob
Barker and others for a conspiracy to defraud). Must
refer you to the papers. They bring down the details
to yesterday at 1 o'clock. Li tne afternoon and evening
we had a fine time of it, and when the court adjourned
last night the case was left remarkably well for us.
* * * Mr. Barker has done wonders. Truly yours,

" B. F. Butler.

"In another letter from Benj. F. Butler to Jesse
Hoyt, dated Sandy Hill, November 16, 1819, and pub-
lished on pages 161 and 162, are the following extracts :

" You are right in supposing that the late catastrophe
(for I consider it the end of that drama) in the Ex-
change Bank, is a very common misfortune; to me
especially it is a great one. I had cheerfully suffered
the depreciation of our paper^ that Mr. B. (Barker)
might in the meantime bend all his efforts to the Ex-
change Bank, and in the resumption of payment then,
hoped for the most auspicious result. The matter
is past mending, and no doubt it is all for the best. We
continue, paying daily in a small way, more to relieve
the suffering community than for any other purpose.
The credit of the paper is very bad in this* country.

^' Some of them, 1 hear, have the kindness and con-

DOSTIE AND BABKEB. 153

descension to compassionate and pity me, while others
consider me fuU as had as Jacob Marker^ which in these
days is considered a pretty severe specimen of invective
and reproach. * So be it !'

"What does Jacob Barker think of these proofs?
More extracts of a similar nature from this and other
books of aiddlang syne can be produced at any moment,
but, for the present, I forbear.

" And now let me review * this man's ' oath, which he
refers to and publishes in the Times of yesterday :

" Depabtment of the 6ui-f, Pbovost Coubt. )
New Obleans, La., July 19, 1862. \
" Jacob Barker has taken the oath required by Gen-
eral Order No. 41 for a citizen of XJ. S. A.

" Witness : Major Joseph M. Bell,

Provost Judge.
" C. W. WooDBUBY, Deputy Clerk.

"He says: *He demands proof. Here it is.' Tes,
* here it is,' Jacob, and just the proof I wished for. Gen-
eral Order No. 41 says :

" All acts, doings^ deeds, instruments, records or cer-
tificates, certified or attested by, and transactions done,
performed or made by any of the persons above de-
scribed, from and after the fifteenth of June instant^ who
shall not have taken and subscribed such oath, are void
and of no effect.

" This oath, Jacob Barker, you took on the 19th day
of July, one month and four days beyond the time
specified, thus making it ^ void and of no effect'

"General Order No. 76 then came to the relief of
Jacob Barker and ^ such men.' Ten minutes before the
time expired rendering this oath null and void, you ap-
peared before the Provost Marshal at the City Hall,

154 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

raised your right hand and swore allegiance to the
United States — to save your property from, confiscation,
I suppose. This was the oath I referred to, Jacob :

'^ There was a vile conspiracy in 1826 among certain
Wall street gamblers ana pohtical aspirants to injure
the fair fame of Mr. Barker, who hurled defiance at them
in open court, and fought the battle successfully before
he had read law.

*^ His Satanic Majesty has got them nearly all — only
two or three have thus far escaped his vigilance. Efe
will soon have the rest, with some additions from New
Orleans, without the dishonor of meeting^ in single com-
bat a man without position in society. — Jacob Marker.

^^ Who can Jacob Barker be referring to, except his
venerable self?

^' Oh, Jacob, Jacob, thy hairs are gray with the whiten-
ing frosts of nearly a hundred winters, yet thou le-
tainest thy wickedness in spite of thy advanced age,
and appear to think that his Satanic Modesty ceases to
exist except in the person of thy august sel£ Oh, fie,
Jacob Barker.

" A. P. DOSTIE."

Said a friend to Dr. Dostie, in referring to the above
correspondence. " You have not reverenced old age in
your attacks upon Mr. Barker." In reply, he said.
^^Mr. Barker is not too aged to strengthen treason and
despotism. I shall never retain a vindictive feeling
against any man — ^but a principle that aims to crush
republican Liberty, I shall oppose."

GOYEBNOB HAHN. 155

CHAPTER XVn.

GOVERNOR HAHN.

On the 20th of January, 1865, Governor Hahn issued
the following proclamation :

" Whereas^ Our sister States of Missouri and Tennes-
see, assembled in Conventions representing the loyal
people of their respective Commonwealths, have each
passed Edicts of Emancipation, declaring the freedom
of all slaves within their borders, and forever prohibit-
ing slavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime,
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted ; and

" WhereaSy Said Edicts of Emancipation by our lato
slave-holding sisters, are acts of great historic signifi-
cance, worthy all praise and commemoration, as indicat-
ing the progress of ideas, the courage, fidelity and
humanity of the people, and the early establishment of
the National Government upon the permanent basis of
freedom and justice :

"Therefore, I, Michael Hahn, Governor of the
State of Louisiana, in the name of our free State and
loyal people,, do hereby extend to Missouri and Ten-
nessee*, and to the noble representatives in their respec-
tive Conventions, thanks and congratulations.

" And further, I do recommend that Tuesday next,
the 24tli day of January, shall be observed and respected
by our people as a holiday for recreation and festivity in
honor of the memorable Emancipation Acts of the now
Free States of Missoun and Tennessee ; which acts, with
those of Louisiana and Maryland, are forerunners of the

156 LIFE OF A. P. Deems.

time when ^ Liberty shall be proclaimed throughout the
land to all the inhabitants thereof.'

" Given under my hand and seal of the State, this
20th day of January, A. D. 1865, and the Independence
of the United States the eighty-ninth.

" By the Governor :

^^MicHASL Hahn.
" S. Wbotnowski, Secretary of State."

The 24th day of January, 1865, was observed in New
Orleans, as a day of festivity in honor of the noble
action of the citizens of the States of Missouri and Ten-
nessee, who were determined to erect the standard of
Liberty and Progress. All the State Courts were ad-
journed ; Judge Durell dismissed the United States Court
in the following manner : .

^' Mr. Clesk : — Whereas, his Excellency Michael
Hahn, Governor of the State of Louisiana, has set this
day apart as a holliday in honor of the rapid progress
now making in the cause of civil liberty on this conti-
nent, you will therefore enter upon the records of the
XJnitea States Courts this most worthy cause for the
adjournment of the same. Mr. Marsnal, adjourn the
Circuit Court ; Mr, Marshal, adjourn the District Court.

Early in the morning the leading thoroughfares, were
thronged with people, black and white, thousands of them
arrayed in " red, white and blue." The public buildings
were decorated with Stars and Stripes. The City Hall,
the Headquarters of the Governor and Mayor were cov-
ered with the National emblems. The office of the
State Auditor, A. P. Dostie, located at No. 17, St.
Charles street, was decorated with National banners.
In the evening a transparency was added to the other
decorations, upon one side of which was a portrait of

GOVERNOR HAHK. 15 7

Major Greneral N. P. Banks, and upon the other, the

motto.

"New Glories are before us."

Over the Public Schools both (white and black) the
Stars and Stripes were hoisted. At noon a national
salute was fired, and all the bells in the city rang a
joyful peal. Thousands of the emancipated assembled
upon Lafayette Square, where a battallion of the 11th
Heavy Artillery, U. S. colored troops, and a Company
of the 11th U. S. infantry, (colored) had assembled to
listen to speeches and music. The National airs were
popular on that day. The evening was spent by thou-
sands in listening to speeches from Governor Hahn,
Rev. Thomas Conway, Dr. Dostie, Judge Durell — ^and
others.

January 9th, Governor Hahn was elected to the United
States Senate. We annex his farewell Message :

" State op Louisiana, Executive Department, )

New Orleans, February 27, 1865. )
^o the Senate and House of Representatives of the

State of Louisiana :

" Gentlemen, — ^I hereby resign the office of Governor,
to take effect on the 3d of March proximo, so that my
occupancy of the office may terminate with that date,
and enable my succcsser to be inaugurated, if con-
venient to your honorable bodies, on the 4th of March.

'^ The one year of administration which I have had as
your Governor, is a period to which I shall ever advert
with pride and pleasure. Called to the office by a flat-
tering vote of the people, I entered upon its duties with
diffidence, and a full sense of its responsibilities. I
leave it without self-reproach, and with pride at having
performed a part however humble in the triumphs and
glories which have marked the history of Louisiana the
past year. At its commencement half the State — ^the

158 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

poition excepted by proclamation — ^lield slaves. By a
vote approaching unanimity, every slave lias been since
set free ; and slavery will never more have an existence
in fact or a sanction in law in the State of Louisiana.
Justice to a hitherto enslaved race has not ended here.
The most extensive, as well as impartial and equal pro-
visions have been made for their education ; while our
Constitution, keeping pace with the spirit of the age,
has provided for their complete equalitv before the law,
including the extension to them of the highest privi-
lege of citizenship. I have no hesitation in saying^that
its terms will iustify the adoption of universal sumrage
whenever it shall be deemea wise and timely; and if
the most devoted enthusiast shall complain that the
doors have not been thrown open at once to all, he
must admit, as we can claim, tnat our State has pro-
gressed further than three-fourths of the Northern States.
We trust to vie in every noble and patriotic work with
the best and foremost of our sister States. Our State
has furnished, and is furnishing, in proportion to the
able-bodied men in the State, a quota to the Union
armies equal to that of any other State. Even in the
parishes within the rebel military lines we are assured of
the existence of a union feeling.

^' I apeak of these things as encouraging signs of the
times. In Louisiana, which now, as at the outset of the
rebellion, can claim to be fully as loyal as Missouri, Ma-
ryland or Kentucky, her inhabitants have passed the
Kubicon of their trials. The power of secessionism is
waning; its influence is now scarcely felt among our
people.

" Our progress in civil reor&^anization has been equally
auspicious. A constitution has been accepted by the
people, which has swept away not only the last vestige
of human bondage, but all the concomitant blemishes
upon civilization which stood upon our statute books and
were a part of our institutions. The Black Code, so
long the reproach and regret of the humane and en-
lightened of the world, exists no more. The odious

GOVEKNOB HAHX. 159

basis of representation, which ^ave to wealth and capital
a leverage against the mechanical and industrial classes,
and favored, as it was designed to, the establishment of
an oligarchy among American freemen, is removed at
once, without the necessity of a long and wearisome ag-
itation, as would otherwise have been necessary for the
attainment of the simple justice of equal representation.
One voter is now equal to another, and entitled to the
same privileges and proportional representation. Older
governments and communities have had to battle for
years without success for this plain, practical and essen-
tial republican measure. Our Constitution favors Indus-
tiy, secures the reward of labor, guarantees impartial
education, invites immigration, and will be the basis of
a prosperity hitherto untold in our annals.

" I leave your chief executive office in the hands of
my constitutional successor, Lieutenant-Governor Wells.
He has already received marks of the confidence of his
fellow-citizens of this State, and is known to you for all
his patriotic antecedents. I have full confidence that
his administration of the government will have the sup-
port of our fellow-citizens, without distmction of party.

" For myself, I shall never forget the many and flat-
tering marks of kindness which I have received from my
fellow-citizens of Louisiana. That confidence which they
hav« unwaveringly awarded me it will be my endeavor
to merit and justify. Whether it be to serve her in the
public or private station, her honor and her glory it will
be my constant aim to promote, with all the humble
ability I can command.

"I respectfully recommend the Legislature to take
such measures as may be necessary to provide, in a
fitting manner, for the inauguration of Lieut. Governor
Wells into the office of Governor.

Michael Hahn.

When Governor Hahn resigned his position, few
doubted the firm loyalty of his successor. True Union-

160 LIFE OF A. F. D08TIE.

ists believed he would defend their interests as his prede-
cessor had done. His official acts had been in harmony
with the measures of President Lincoln whose confidence
he seemed to have gained. The following characteristic
letter is expressive of that confidence :

ExscunvE Mansion, )
Washington, March 13, 1864. )
Hon. Michael Hahn :

Mr Dear Sir: I congratulate you on having fixed
your name in history as the first Free State Governor of
Louisiana. Now, you are about to have a Convention,
which, amon^ other things, will probably define the
elective fi-ancnise. I barely suggest, for your private
consideration, whether some of the colored people may
not be let in ; as, for instance, the very intelligent, and
especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.
They would probably help, in some trying time to come,
to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of freedom.
But this is only a suggestion, not for the public, but to
you alone.

Truly yours. A* Lincoln.

P&SSIDSNT LINCOLN. 161

GHAPTER XVm.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

On the night of the 15th of April, 1865, the loyal
masses of New Orleans congregrated in Lafayette
Square to express their gratitude on the downfall of the
rebellion. Richmond had been captured, and Lee and
Johnston had surrendered their armies to the United
States forces under Grant. At that immense gathering,
numbering thousands, the annexed resolutions were
adopted :

1. jResolvedy That the loyal citizens of New Orleans
have learned, with the liveliest emotions of delight, that
Richmond has been captured, and that the rebel armies
under Lee and Johnston have surrendered to the forces
of the United States, commanded by Generals Grant
and Sherman.

2. JResolved^ That next to that God who rules the
destinies of nations, our thanks are due io the Army and
Navy of our country, who have, through a protracted
conflict of unexampled magnitude and fierceness, finally
overthrown its enemies, and enabled us to anticipate the
Aot far distant day when the National flag will once
more float in triumph over every square foot of the Na-
tional domain.

3. Resolved^ That in the struggle thus determined we
hail the realization of those ideas which furnished the
main issue in the conflict — the issue between slavery and
freedom — and that we pledge ourselves to sustain the

162 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIS.

holy cause of freedom and equal rights as the clahn of
justice and the basis of future security.

4. Hesolved, That the people of the United States,
and the fneAds of liberty throughout the civilized world,
owe to our patriotic Chief Magistrate, Abraham Lincoln,
obligations of lasting gratitude for the patriotic courage
and wisdom he has displayed under circumstances of un-
exampled difficulty, in vindicating Republican institu-
tions from the aspersions of their enemies, for the invalu-
able services he has rendered the cause of human liberty,
and for the successiul manner in which he has brought
the Ship of State through the rocks and shoals of re-
bellion to the haven of peace.

In connection with that memorable event, destined to
live on history's page as the jubilee hour after four years
of gloom, it is fitting to present the speech of the Presi-
dent, made to a vast concourse of people at the Execu-
tive Department in Washington on the evening of the
13th April, 1865 — ^the last public address of the martyred
Lincoln :

" We meet this evening, not in sorrow, but in gladness
of the heart. The evacuation of Petei-sburg and Rich-
mond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army,
gives hopes of righteous and speedy peace, whose joyous
expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this,
however. He from whom all bounties flow must not be
forgotten.

"A call for a National Thanksgiving is being prepared
and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose
harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked.
Their honors must not be paralyzed but with the others.
I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of
transmitting much of the good news to you ; but no
part of the honor for the plan or execution is mine. To

PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 163

General Grant, his skillful officers and brave men, all
belongs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in
reach to take an active part.

"By these recent successes — the re-inauguration of Na-
tional authority — reconstruction, which has had a large
share of thought from the first, is pressed more closely
upon our attention. It is fraught witli great difiiculty,
unlike the case of war between independent nations.
There is no authorized organ for us to treat with, no one
man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other
man. We must simply begin with and mould from the
discordant and disorganized elements. Nor is it a small
additional embarrassment that we loyal people differ
among ourselves as to the mode, manner, and measure of
reconstruction.

" As a general rule I abstain from reading reports of
attacks upon myself, not to be provoked by that to which
I cannot properly offer an answer. In spite of this pre-
caution, however, it comes to my knowledge that I am
much censured for some supposed agency in setting up
and seeking to sustain the new Government of Lou-
isiana.

" In this I have done just so much and no more than
the public know. In the annual message of December,
1863, and the accompanying proclamation, I presented a
plan of reconstruction, as the phrase goes, which I prom-
ised, if adopted by any State, would be acceptable and
sustained by the Executive.

" I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan
which might possibly be acceptable, and I also distinctly
protested that the Executive claimed no right to say

164 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

when or whether members should be admitted to seats
in Congress from such States.

" This plan was in advance submitted to the Cabinet
and approved by every member ot it. One of them
suggested that I should then and in that conjunction
apply the emancipation proclamation to the — '- ^ ex-
cept parts, of Virginia and Louisiana that should drop
the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people,
and that I should omit the protest against my own
power in regard to the admission of members of Con-
gress

" But even he approved every part and parcel of the
plan which has since been employed or touched by the
action of Louisiana.

'^ The new Constitution of Louisiana, declaring eman-
cipation for the whole State, practical^ applies the
proclamation to the part previously exempted. It does
not adopt the apprenticeship for freed people, and is
silent — as it could not be otherwise — ^about the admission
of members to Congress so that it is applied to Louisi-
ana.

" Every member of the Cabinet fully approved the
plan. The message went to Congress. I received many
commendations of the plan, written 'and verbal, and not
a single objection to it from any professed emancipation-
ist came to my knowledge until after the news was re-
ceived at Washington that the people of Louisiana had
begun a move in accordance with it.

" I had corresponded with different persons supposed
to be interested in seeking the reconstruction of the
State Government of Louisiana. When this message of
1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Or-

PBESIDENT LINCOLN. 166

leans, General Banks wrote me that he was confident
that the people, with the aid of his military co-
operation, would construct substantially on th^t plan. I
wrote him and some of them to try it. They tried it
and the result is known.

" Such has been my only agency in the Louisiana move-
ment. My promise is made, as I have previously stated ;
but as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall
treat this as a bad promise, and break it whenever I
shall be convinced that keeping it is adverse to the public
interest ; but I have not yet been so convinced. I have
been shown letters on this subject, supposed to be able
ones, in which the writer expresses a regret that my
mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the ques-
tion whether seceded States, so called, are in the Union
or out of it.

" It would have added astonishment to his regret,
were he to learn that since I have found professed Union
men endeavoring to answer that question, I have pur-
posely forbom any public expression upon it. It ap-
pears to me that the question has not been and is not
yet, a practically national one ; and the discussion of it,
while it remains practically unnational, could have no
effect, other than the mischievous one of dividing our
friends.

" As yet, whatever may become the question is a bad
base of dispute, and good for nothing at all. We all
agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their
proper practical relation with the Union, and that the
sole object of the Government, civil and military, in
regard to those States is to again get them into their
proper relation.

166 IJFB OF A. P. DOSTIB.

" I believe that it is not only possible, but in fact
easier to do this without declaring or even considering
whether these States have ever been out of the Union,
or whether finding themselves safely at home, it would
be utterly immaterial whether they had been abroad
or not.

"Let's join in doing acts necessary to restore the
proper practical relation between these States and the
Union to each other forever ; after mnocently indulging
his own opinion whether, in doing acts, he brought the
States from without into the Union, or only gave them
proper assistance, they never having been out of it.

" The amount of constancy, so to speak, on which the
Louisiana Government rests, would be more satisfactory
to all if it contained 50,000 or 60,000, or even 20,000,
instead of 12,000, as it does. It is also satisfactory to
some that the elective franchise is not given to the colored
man.

"I would myself prefer it were now conferred on
every intelligent one and on those who serve our cause
as soldiers ; still the question is not whether the Louis-
iana Government as it stands is quite all that is desira-
ble. The question is: Will it be wise to take it as it is,
itself to improve or to reject and disperse ?

" Can Louisiana be brought into her proper practical
relation with the Union by sustaining or discarding the
new Government? Some 12,000 votes in the hereto-
fore slave State of Louisiana have sworn allegiance to
the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power
of the State, held elections, organized a State Govern-
ment, adopted a Free State Constitution, giving the
benefit of the public schools equally to the black and

PBESIDENT LINCOLN. 167

white, and empowering the Legislature to confer the
elective franchise upon the colored men.

"The Legislature has already voted to ratify the
Constitutional amendment recently passed by Congress,
abolishing slavery throughout the Union, perpetuated
freedom in the State, conmiitted to the very things, and
nearly all the things the nation wants, and they ask the
nation's recognition and assistance to make this com-
mittal.

"We have rejected and spumed them; we do our
utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We, in fact,
say to the white man, * you are worthless and worse ;
we will never help you, nor be helped by you.' To the
blacks we say, * This cup of liberty, which these your
old masters held to your lips, we will dash from you,
and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled
and scattered contents in some vague and indefinite
when, where and how.'

" K this course of discouraging and paralyzing both
the white and black has any tendency to bring Louisiana
to her proper fractional relations with the Union, I have
so far been unable to perceive it ; if, on the contrary, we
recognize and sustain the new Government of Louisiana
no converse of all this is made true. We encourage the
hearts and nerve the arms of 12,000 to. adhere to their
work, and argue for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and
govern it, and repair it to complete success.

" The colored man, too, in seeing all united for time, is
inspired with vigilance and energy, and domg to the
same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise,
will he not attain it sooner by saving the already ad-
vanced steps toward it than by moving backwards over

168 UFE OF A. F. DOSnX.

them ? Concede what the netv Gk>veniment of Louisiana
is only to what it should be as the egg to the fowl, and
we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than
by smashing it.

" Again, if we reject Louisiana ; we also reject our
vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the Na-
tional Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has
been argued that no more than three-fourths of those
States which have not attempted secession are nececsary
to ratify an amendment.

^* I do not commit myself against this further than to
say that such inference would be questionable, and
sure to be persistently questioned, which the ratification
by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned
and unquestionable.

*^ I repeat the question; can Louisiana be brought
into her proper political relation with the Union by dis-
carding her new State Government ? That which has
been said of Louisiana will apply to the other States,
and yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and
such important sudden changes in the same State, and
withal so new and unprecedented to the whole case, that
no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed

as to the details of collaterals.

"Each exclusive and inflexible plan would surely be-
come a new entanglement. Important, principles may
and must be inflexible. I am considering, and shall not
fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper/'

The news of the surrender of Lee and his army made
the peace loving masses of New Orleans shout for joy
as they united their voices in praise of their Leader,
the army and navy. The Star Spangled banner floated

PBSSIDENT LINCOLN. 169

from the public buildings of the city, and from many of
the private residences. The leading Union men assem-
bled upon Lafayette Square — ^which was almost envel-
oped with the emblems of Liberty and alive with the
glad strains of the National airs — to speak in accents of
praise and affection of Abraham Lincoln, who had car-
ried the Nation safely through the dark waters of
the rebellion, and landed it on the peaceful shores of
Liberty.

At the close of the meeting Dostie stepped upon the
platform and exclaimed, — "Let the air ring with cheers
for Liberty — our glorious Lincoln — the Army and
Navy.'' The enthusiastic crowd responded, and a shout
of gladness arose from that vast multitude in honor of
victory. Alas ! at that moment the nation's martyr was
silent in death ! On the morning of the 20th of April,
calmness had succeeded enthusiastic joy. New Orleans
was quiet and peaceful, when suddenly the cry was
heard in the streets, " President Lincoln is assassi-
nated ! " " 'Tis false ! It is a false report of our ene-
mies ! " was heard from every quarter. The morning
papers, however, announced the telegraphic dispatch
with their columns clad in the emblems of mourning.
Joy was turned into woe.

Gloom hung over the city like a sombre pall. The
public mind seemed filled with universal sorrow. All
joined in condemning the tenible crime which had clad
in mourning the Nation. Public business was sus-
pended. The flags, at half mast, were hung with black.
The Public Schools were closed, and 4;heir flasjs hung
with the emblems of mourning. The military and navy
headquarters, City Hall, Custom House, the principal

170 LIFE OP A, P. DOSTIE.

hotels, churches, public buildings and private residences
threw out the National emblems hung with the tokens of
sorrow. Ships of all nations lowered their flags, which
were draped in tokens of mourning for the Nation's
loss. The bells all over the city — tremulous with sad-
ness, tolled their funeral chimes. Lincoln had been
snatched from the Nation's embrace, in the hour of uni-
versal joy. He had fallen gazing at the Star of peace,
that appeared in the horizon as the clouds of the rebel-
lion rolled away.

The great national bereavement fell with crushing
weight upon the hearts of those in New Orleans who
had cherished the noble acts of their liberty-loving
leader. Said Judge Howell at a meeting organized to
take some action for expressing in a public manner the
feeling of the community : " Let us turn our hearts to
the Almighty; may He in His wisdom look upon us and
be with us in this great calamity." Said Mr. Waples :
" This sad news is so shocking to humanity, that I feel
that words can avail nothing. Let us endeavor to be
calm \mder this terrible calamit)-." Said Judge Durell,
upon being called upon to grant the motion of adjourn-
ment of the United States District Court : " This sorrow
is so great and opens a future so vast, affecting not
only ourselves, but those who come after us — affecting
the whole framework of our Government, that I do not
find this a fit occasion to speak of it." Said Dr. Dostie :
" I can never cease to mourn the great and good Lincoln.
Who in the nation can fill his place ? My heart is full
of woe when I attempt to look into the future."

Through the influence of Dr. Dostie and his co-laborers
in the School Board, the Public Schools were closed for

PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 171

one week, in token of respect to the memory of Presi-
dent Lincoln. The following published notice from the
loyal Superintendent of the Public Schools, appeared in
the city papers :

Office of Supebintendbnt of Public Schools, )

New Obleans, April 21, 1865. )
The Public Schools of New Orleans were reopened
almost immediately after the revival of the national au-
thority — ^in the midst of civil war — ^under the auspices
of the good President whose melancholy dej^arture our
country now laments. That this cherished mstitution,
therefore, may render grateful tribute to the memory of
the illustrious dead, and that there maybe due utterance
to the unfeigned sorrow of all connected therewith over
the parricidal act, by which a stricken people, yet in
** the valley of the shadow of death," has been deprived
of its faithM Mend and guide, the flags of the respect-
ive schools will be appropriately displayed, and such
other expressions of mourning observed as may be
practicable, for thirty days from the morning of Satur-
day, the 22d inst.

John B. Cabteb,
Superintendent of Public Schools.

Upon the announcement of the death of President
Lincoln, the officers of the Army and Navy of the Gulf
Department assembled at the City Hall to make arrange-
ments to attend Christ's Church, on the following Sab-
bath, to pay tribute to the memory of President Lin-
coln.

The following is a brief account of that solemn scene,
taken from the columns of the New Orleans Daily
Picayune :

According to previous arrangement, the officers of the
Army and Navy stationed in this Department attended
Christ Church on Sunday morning, in full uniform.

172 UFB OF A. P. DOSnS.

Gathering at the City Hall at half-past ten, they pro-
ceeded in a body to the Church, headed by General
Banks and Admiral Thatcher. The display as they en-
tered the sacred edifice and passed up the broad aisle to
their seats, filling the entire central part of the building,
was touching and imposing — ^the organ meanwhile giving
forth a soft and solemn dirge.

The Church is superbly draped in mourning. The
altar table is covered with black cloth, and behind it is
a high screen, formed of heavy folds of black drapery,
bordered at the top with white lace festoons. The desk
and pulpit are fully shroaded in black, and the chancel
raifs are very tastefully hung with the same, and fringed
with white. The marble font, which, on the previous
Sunday (Easter), we saw so beautiful in its sumptuous
array of spring flowers, is now hung with emblems of
mourning. The columns are wreathed with festoons of
black and white crape and lace, and the porch is literally
canopied with flags. Over the main entrance to the
Church there is a handsome display of appropriate
mourning.

The services of the day were arranged to suit the
solemn occasion. Of course, the Collect, Epistle and
Gospel for Sunday after Easter, were read. But in say-
ing the Morning Prayer, Rev. Mr. Chubbuck and his
assistant Presbyter made some variations from the usual
order. The first lesson was that touching portion of the
first chapter of II Samuel, in which David lamented the
death of Saul and Jonathan : " The beauty of Israel is
slain upon his high places ; how are the mighty fallen !
Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Aske-
lon ! How are the mighty fallen in the midst of the

PRESIDENT LINCOLN. 173

battle, and the weapons of war perished ! " etc. The
second lesson was that immortal argument of St. Paul
to the Corinthians (1st Cor. XV) in support of the doc-
trine of the resurrection from the dead.

The Psalms selected, instead of those for the day,
were the 31st, "In Thee, Lord, have I put my trust," and
the 13th, " Out of the deep have I called unto Thee."
The Prayers " For a sick person,'' and " For a person
in affliction," the first being specially used with reference
to the Secretary of State, and the last to the people of
the United States and the family of the late President,
were said in the proper place. The introductory senten-
ces before the Exhortation, were those with which the
burial service commences : " I am the resurrection and
the life," etc.

The music was very touchingly performed by a well-
selected choir. Previous to the commencement of
Morning Prayer, that beautiful air of Paesiello, " Come
ye disconsolate," was beautifully sung. Instead of the
" Venite," the anthem from the 39th and 90th Psalms,
from the burial service, " Lord, let me know my end,"
was sung to a plain chant with great expression. The
canticle, " O all ye works of the Lord !" The Song of the
Three Holy Children, which they sang as they walked in
the midst of the fire, was chanted in the place of the
"Te Deum," and the " Benedictus," instead of the
"Jubilate." The introit was from the 86th Psalm,
"Bow down thine ear, O Lord, and hear me," to which
was finely adapted the beautiftil music of the prayer in
" Moise." The hymn was the 160th, " When gathering
clouds around I view."

IH UFE OP A. P. .DOSTTB.

An address from the Rev. S. C. Thrall was then de-
livered, appreciated as expressed by the following letter:

New Obleans, April 27, 1865.
To the Officers of the Army andNiavy in Jfew Orleans :

Your Committee believing that the Address delivered
at Christ Church, by the Rev. S. C. Thrall, D. D., on
Sunday, the 2dd instant, in memorial of the tragic death
of your late Commander-in-Chief, the President of the
United States, contains a truthful analysis of his char-
acter, and pays a just tribute to the admirable traits of
his head and heart ; and that you would desu'e to pre-
serve a record in some permanent form, of the action
you took in honor of his memory ; and in order that
your brother officers, who were unable to participate in
the solemnities of the occasion, may in some measure
enjoy the same pleasure in reading that you did in hear-
ing the Address, have, at the suggestion of the present,
and also of the former Commanding General of the De-
partment of the Gulf, obtained a copy for publication as
here printed.

The notice of the service taken from the IHcayuney
and the correspondence between your Committee and
the Rev, Dr. Thrall, published with the Address, ex-
plains their action, and the deep interest manifested by
the Rector, Wardens, Vestry, and Members of Christ
Church, in an event that has drowned a nation and the
whole world in tears— clad your country in the habili-
ments of sorrow, and your hearts in mourning.

E. !B. Brown, Brig.-Gen. vols.

E. G. Bbckwith, CoL TJ. S, Army.

6. P. Emmons, Capt, U. S. Navy.

CONFIDENCE IN ANDREW JOHNSON. 175

CHAPTER XTX.

PUBLIC CONFIDENCE IN ANDBEW JOHNSON.

" Who in the nation can fill the place of Abraham Lin-
coln?" was the great question of loyal people after
the first shock of bereavement, feeling that no one, in
truth, could fittingly succeed to a place consecrated by
the Great Emancipator to loyalty and liberty.

Andrew Johnson was made President of the United
States by the power of Conspiracy and Assassination.
The people Bubmitted to that decree and with sad, anx-
ious hearts, the loyal masses endeavored to support his
administration. Many with faith and hope looked to
him as a guide and protector — ^as the Chief Executive
of a Republic whose duty it waste make treason odious,
and to frown upon rebellion and tyranny. The record
of Andrew Johnson's official acts under the administra-
tion of Lincoln were those of a patriot. His record
during the rebellion under the eye of the Just President
was such as to draw the hearts of the loyal people
strongly to him, who doubted not that his fiiture course
would harmonize with the beneficent policy of his Prede-
cessor. With confidence in the administration of An-
drew Johnson, the loyal masses of New Orleans met in
Lafayette Square, August 17th, 1865, to give expression
to their trust in the Chief Magistrate.

176 LIFE OP A, P. DOSTIE.

Dostie was one of the prime movers in organi^g that
meeting. He wrote to many of the prominent Union
men of the city, urging them to speak in &vor of John-
son upon the occasion. The meeting was called to order
by A. C. Hills, Esq., who nominated Judge Durell for
President of the meeting. Among the. vice-presidents
chosen were Dr. A. P. Dostie, B. R. Plumley, E. Heath,
J. Graham, M. F. Bonzano, Wm. H. Hire, Rev. J. W.
Horton, Alfred Shaw, H. C. Wamoth, Judge Heis-
tend. Dr. K Goldman, Ex-Gov. Hahn, John Henderson,
and S. S. Fish. The following were some of the reso-
lutions adopted at that meeting :

^* JResolvedy That the unity of this country is indis-
pensable to the perpetuation of a truly republican gov-
ernment; that t!he freedom for which our forefatners
fought can only be secured to us by a steadfast adher-
ence to the great principles of liberty, equality and
fraternity ;

*'^ JResolved^ That to those who have promptly, hon-
estly and in good faith, availed themselves ot the Pro-
clamation of Amnesty of President Lincoln, and who
have by their countenance and support, aided the mili-
tary authorities of the United States in their efforts to
re-establish republican institutions in the insurrectionary
States are entitled to the sympathy and regard of all
good citizens, and to a full restitution of all political
rights at as early a day as may be practicable.

" Heaolvedy That in our opinion, no man who has ever
held any office of trust or emolument— civil, naval or
military — ^under the rebel authorities, should be per-
mitted to hold office under the United States Govern-
ment.

" Hesolvedy That in re-establishing civil Government
in the Southern States, our only safety consists in mak-
ing all loyal men equal before the law ; and that any
government established that does not realize this prin-

CONPIDENCE IK ANDREW JOHNSON. 177

ciple, is neither just nor equitable, and consequently not
a republican Government.

^^ Hesolvedy That while the loyal men of Louisiana
were appalled at the brutal assassination, and sincerely
mourn the loss of the wise, humane and noble President,
Abraham Lincoln, they hereby express their confidence
in the patriotism, ability and discretion of Andrew
Johnson, President of the United States. That his long
public career, unblemished by any stain of disloyalty,
great in noble and successful devotion to the people's
interests, especially- marked by his earnest opposition to
treason, has given him the right to our wannest admira-
tion and heartiest support ; that we pledge to him our
constant aid in the work of re-establisning good Govern-
ment and loyalty in the Southern States.

" Resolved^ That J. Madison Wells, acting Governor
of the State, who received the united vote of the Free
State Party, has proved false to the high trust reposed
in him, in appointing to office men who signed the ordi-
nance of secession, and registered enemies to the United
States Government ; that his course as Governor has
been reactionary, calculated to work injury to the
Union cause, and that he is no longer entitled to our
confidence.'*

Judge Durell addressed the meeting as follows :
^^ JFellonh Citizens — ^I thank you for the great honor
this evening conferred on me. No greater occasion than
this has offered itself during the past four years of bat-
tle than that which has called us together. When our
great Republic has assei*ted its majesty and its power,
beating down all the armies marshaled against it, and
standing now in the morning of a new administration,
called without respect to local divisions, but as equal
lovers of our great country; called upon under such
circumstances to come together and pledge our mutual
faith — our mutual strength to the assertion of the unity

178 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

of our conntry. This meeting is called to pledge to onr
nation at home and to the nations abroad our fixed dc
terminate will — fixed in the present as in the past — fixed
in the fiiture as in the present, to support the liberties
and Gk)Yemment which our fore&thers handed down
to us.

^Gentlemen, I will perform the duties of this evening
with pleasure. [Applause.]

Mr. Hills then read the following letters :

" New Oblbans, May 17, 1865.
" Hon. A. P. Dostie :

"2>6ar Sit — ^I regret that prior engagements, which
cannot be cancelled, will prevent me from complying
with your kind invitation to address the meeting to be
held this evening, by the friends of President Johnson,
and of ^loyalty to national freedom and national Union.'
It would afford me great pleasure to mingle with, and
address the citizens whose names are signed to the call ;
for among them I recognize many who, during the reign
of treason in this city, faithfully and wisely, though
unostentatiously, adhered to the Union cause. Some
participated with myself in the grand * Union Rally,'
on the same 'spot, on the 8th of May, 1860, when seces-
sionism first reared its head in this city. The spirit of
rebellion having been overcome by the courage and self-
sacrificing efibrts of the Union armies, it is right that
the loyal people should meet and take counsel as to the
principles to guide them in the future.

" The secessionists of Louisiana, the leaders who in-
fluenced and deluded the masses, the men who paraded
our streets with blue cockades, and sneeringly denounced
us as base ^ submissionists,' who compelled Unionists

CONFIDENCE IN ANDKEW JOHNSON. 179

like yourself to leave their homes, and who by firaud
wedded the administration of our State Government to
the cause of treason, and thus sought to rob us of our
proud nationality — ^have a terrible responsibility resting
upon them. Many are now returning. Some have pro-
fited by their folly and their crime, and ask us to forget
and forgive the past. Let our conduct towards them
be marked by a calm forbearance, worthy of our
triumph.

^ The language of Andrew Johnson, addressed to the
people of Tennessee, on the adoption of the Free State
Constitution is equally and happily applicable to the
condition of Louisiana.

^ ^ The foundations of society, under the change in the
Constitution, are in harmony with the principles of firee
government and the National Union ; and if the people
are true to themselves, true to the State, and loyal to
the Federal Gk>venmient, they will rapidly overcome the
calamities of the war, and raise the State to a power
and grandeur not heretofore even anticipated. Many of
its vast resources lie undiscovered, and it requires intel-
ligent enterprise and firee labor alone, to develop them,
and clothe the State with a richness and beauty, sur-
passed by none of her sisters.'

"Respectfully yours,

Michael Hahn.''

" New Oeleans, May 16, 1865.
"Dr. A.P. Dostie:

^ Dear Sir^ — ^Your compliment to me is very grati-
fying. I have the highest respect for President Johnson.
The American people will soon know how to appreciate
his elevated qualities as a patriot and statesman.

180 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

" I would willingly take part in the demonstration to-
morrow evening in the mode you suggest, but prefer on
this occasion to take part as a spectator and listener.
May all success attend you.

" Respectfully, J. S. WnrrAKEU."

"New Oeleans, May 16, 1865.

" A. P. Dostie, Esq., Chairman, etc. :

" I aided the nomination of Andrew Johnson, and am

to-day an ardent supporter of him. I shall be glad to

do all that lies in my power at the meeting to-moiTow

night.

" Very respectfully yours,

J. P. Sullivan."

New Obleaxs, May 16, 1865.
Dr. A, P, Dostie^ Committee of Invivation^ etc, :

Sis : I have the honor to acknowledge and thank you
for an invitation to address the meeting to-morrow night,
in Lafayette Square, in support of our honored President,
Andrew Johnson, and his Administration. I shall re-
joice to add my little aid to the cause of Free Stateism
and Johnsonian principles on that occasion.

Very truly yours,

RuFTJS Waples.

New Orleans, May 15, 1865.
Son, A, P, Dostie^ Chavnnan^ etc, :

Dear Sir : Your note of this date, inviting me to be
present and address a meeting of the friends of the Uni-
ted States Government who desire to sustain President
Johnson, to be held on the 17th inst., on Lafayette
Square, has just come to hand.

I had intended to be present as a citizen to hear what

CONFIDENCE IN ANDREW JOHNSON. 181

might be said on the occasion, and had not thought of

taking any part in the meeting. I prefer not to speak,

yet, if desired, will do so.

Very respectfully,

L. A. Sheldon.

Many other letters were read from prominent Union
men in New Orleans expressive of confidence in Andrew
Johnson. Addresses were delivered on that occasion by
CoL Thorpe, Judge Wamoth, Rev. Dr. Peme, Judge
Heistend, and Dr. Dostie.

In the narration of these events, it will be necessary
to go back to the 6th of March, 1865, when J. M.
Wells was inaugurated Governor of Louisiana. At that
time he was supposed to be in sympathy with loyal men
and an enemy to the rebellion. In his first official acts
he proved his opposition to the Unionists, who had elect-
ed him to office. Among his first recommendations was
that of Dr. Kennedy to the office of Mayor of New Or-
leans. Dr. Kennedy was a strong advocate of the re-
bellion, a man who fevored oppression, who believed in
elevating the aristocracy and degrading the laboring
classes. One of his first acts as Mayor was the issuing
an order decreasing the wages of the city laborers, who
were akeady suffering on account of their scant means
of support. A call was made to the friends of the suf-
ferers to assemble on Lafayette Square, for the purpose
of denouncing the proceedings of the Mayor. At the
hour appointed for the meeting thousands were seen
going in the direction of the Public Square. La&yette
Square in New Orleans is considered as the property of
the public. On the night of the laboring class rights
meeting the anti-republican Mayor Kennedy ordered its

182 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

^ates locked. The meeting was held in the street, in
front of the City HalL Tlie annexed resolutions were
read and unanimously adopted :

WhereaSj The present improvised and irregular Gk)v-
emment has attempted to overrule the Constitution of
the State by repealing the labor ordinance, thus re-
moving one of the supports and guarantees due to labor.

Hesolvedj That this assembly disapproves and con-
demns this usurpation of power on the part of said city
authorities.

Mesolvedf That said proceedings are without any
justification or excuse, and utterly in violation of the
fundamental law.

Hesolved^ That the administration of Acting Mayor
Kennedy is a failure, and we call upon that incompetent
functionary to resign.

JResolvedy That we recommend like proceeding to
Glendy Burke, Dr. Edward Ames, of the Bureau of
Streets and Landings, and all others concerned in the
movement against the interests of labor.

HesolvedyTHhskt the city Government is now in the
hands of Copperheads and notorious sympathizers with
the accursed rebellion, which, thank God, our brave
brothers have so well nigh crushed and destroyed ; and
that to the loyal citizen they are intolerable, and should
be removed ; that loyal and trusty citizens may be called
to fill their places.

Among the speakers at that meeting was the Hon.
John Henderson, a prominent opponent of slavery in the
Louisiana Convention of 1864, From the New Orleans
TVue Delta we extract the following in relation to the
meeting :

" Mr. Henderson, in a very energetic speech, denounced
the conduct and policy of Hugh Kennedy, the Mayor,
and depicted him as an enemy to the free State of Louisi-
ana, and inquired who appointed him. Mr. Henderson

CONPIDENCE IN AKDBEW JOHNSON. 183

argned that the Gk>vemment, by sending Greneral Banks
to this State, had virtually recognized us as a free State,
but Governor Wells in his appoinements had shown
himself unfaithful to the trust confided to him by the
people, who believed him to be a good Union man when
he came in the guise of a refugee. Mr. Henderson
called on the people to seek proper redress."

Dr. Dostie was urged to address the assembly. He
said he wouTd only take a retrospective view of affairs.
His remarks condenmed the conduct of Governor Wells,
and the proceedings of the Mayor as outrageous. He
advocated law and order, but called on the people to
seek redress.

He said the appointment of Mayor Kennedy was due
to Governor Wells, whom he characterized as the John
Tyler of the Free State party, who had sold out and
turned over the party and its principles into the hands
of the Copperheads. He said it was Governor Wells
who had attempted to remove the Terrebonne officials,
and appointed such men as Yerret and McColium, sign-
ers of the in&mous ordinance of secession. He proposed
that the assembly, when it should adjourn, should pro-
ceed to the residence of Major-General Banks, and pay
their respects as laboring men to the man who had risen
from humble origin (having been a laboring man) to the
high position he now enjoyed as a soldier and statesman,
in command of the most important military Department,
that of the Gulf

There were men who had held human beings in bond-
age, who at the commencement of the slaveholder's re- '
bcllion gladly gave up their slaves and entered heart and
soul into the great movement destined to revolutionize

184 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

the Slave States. Such took no backward steps, and
laid no impediments in the way of liberty. A policy
based upon hypocrisy has ever been used by the des-
potic slaveholder to commit crimes of the darkest hue.
It was that policy that led Governor Wells to conceal
his true motives, until he coxild grasp the reins of power.
Then, unmasked, he stepped upon the political arena to
strike the blows of a despot. At first he timidly vascil-
lated before the just policy of Lincoln, and trod lightly-
and stealthily upon the platform, which he feared might
be resting upon a volcano of wrath. But over the grave
of Lincoln he planted himself upon the rock which An-
drew Johnson erected for despots and became his willing
accomplice.

In September, 1864, Greneral Banks was ordered
North, and did not return until April, 1865, to resume
conmiand of the Gulf Department. Upon his return
the few weeks permitted him to act in favor of loyalty
were spent in bold decisive action. The following was
one of his first orders : —

"DEPAKraCENT OP THE GULP,

New Orleans, May 5th, 1865.
" Special Orders, 27b. 119.]

[EXTRACr.]

♦ ♦♦*♦♦♦

"5. CoL Samuel M. Quincy, 73d U. S. Colored In-
fantry, is relieved from his present duties, and is hereby
assigned to the duty of Acting Mayor of the city of
New Orleans.

" Upon the receipt of this order, he will proceed to
the City Hail, and assume the duties of that office. The

C02^IDENCE IN ANDREW JOHNSON. 186

present Acting Mayor is directed to surrender to him all

the papers connected with that office.

%♦ ♦ * ♦ « ♦

" By command of Major General Banks.

"J. C. Stone,
Capt. and Asst. Adjt. Gen.

Finding General Banks an impediment to his plans,
Governor Wells hastened to Washington to unbosom
his favorite theories to his friend Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States.

At this crisis of political affairs in Louisiana, the
friends of liberty looked to President Johnson as their
future deliverer from rebel intrigue.

In a paper edited by colored men in New Orleans, at
that time, we find the following article, expressive of
that confidence :

"The removal of Hugh Kennedy fi'om the office of
Mayor and the appointment of Colonel S. M. Quincy to
that place, has been the event of the week of most
interest to our people. The appointment of Dr. Ken-
nedy to the Mayoralty by the late General Hurlbut,
through our departed Governor Wells, was the begin-
ning of a new rule of Copperheads and rebels, out of
which, if it were possible, slavery would be re-established,
and all the old wrongs of the slavocracy would be again
fastened upon us. Slavery never had a stronger advo-
cate than Dr. Kennedy, nor a more practical supporter
than Gov. Wells, who, owning three hundred of us in
bondage, could not be expected to repent in a day, as
indeed he did not; for instead of emancipating his
slaves he had them brought near New Orleans, where
he helped to support them, while he made political cap-
ital with the Radicals out of this professed humanity.

186 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnX.

" Governor "Wells was loud in his professions of radi-
cal politics, which secured for him the nomination and
election for Lieutenant Governor. How much he must
be wedded to the spirit, if not to the fact of the * old
evil,' may be known by his removal of Union Free State
men, and his appointment of rebel sympathizers and
registered enemies to their places, at the very time when
our new President, the brave and loyal Andy Johnson,
the liberator of our race in Tennessee, was speaking
every day to delegations against just such men and such
policy as our Governor was advancing.

"We cannot help being thankful to God, who all
through this revolution for our freedom has sent us
deliverance at the right time, that on this occasion the
strong hand of our friend. Major General Banks, was
present to protect us from the new rule of rebels and
copperheads. Defeated here. Governor Wells and Dr.
Kennedy, with a few of their friends have gone to
Washington, to lay the last hope and the last prayer
of the returning rebels, and the anxious Copperheads of
Louisiana, at the feet of the heroic President Johnson,
who, all his life, has been fighting to overthrow just
such men as now ask him to restore them to power.

" May they have a good time in learning from our
noble President that the scepter has departed from their
hands, because they held it for evil, and henceforth there
is for them only repentance and quiet submission to the
true people whom the God of Freedom has appointed
to rule."

Soon after the arrival of Governor Wells in Washing-
ton, the annexed order was sent to the excited city of
Tew Orleans, from near the Executive Mansion :

CX)XFIDEXCE IN ANDBEW JOHNSON. 18?

Washington, D. C, Mav 21, 1865.
To J. S. WaUon^ Treasurer^ City of New Orleans:

Sib : I hereby notify you as Treasurer of the city of
New Orleans, not to pay at the peril of your securities
any warrant drawn upon you for pay of individuals, ma-
terial for public uses or other purposes whatsoever that
may have been made or authonzed by Col. S. M. Quincy,
a colonel of a colored regiment of united States volun-
teer troops, or any other person acting or pretending to
act under the appointment of Major-General Banks,
Commanding General Department of the Gulf, as said
General Banks acted contrary to law, and his proceed-
ings are disapproved by the President of the United
States, in suspending the civil authorities of the city of
New Orleans and overthrowing the laws and ordinances
instituted for its good government.

I have the honor to be, sir.

Your obedient servant,

(Signed) J. Madison Wells,

Governor.

To a greater length could testimony be extended,
but enough has been written to show that never was re-
posed confidence more betrayed than the nation's trust
in the successor of Abraham Lincoln.

188 UFB OF A. P. DOSTIE.

CHAPTER XX.

GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED BY 6ENESAL CANBY.

June 4th, 1865, General Banks was removed from the
Golf Department and General Canby resiuned command
of the same. The acts of a Nero never created a greater
consternation among his subjects than did the following
order in the loyal ranks of New Orleans, who saW in it
only the hand of Governor Wells and his advisers,
Hugh Kennedy and Glendy Burke :

Headquabtebs Department of the Gulf, )
New Orleans, La., June 8, 1865. J
Special OrderSyNb. 152.

[Extract.]
♦ ♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦♦

17. Mr. Hugh Kennedy is appointed Acting Mayor of
the city of New Orleans.

Col. Samuel M. Quincy, 73d U. S. Colored Infantry,
is relieved from duty as Acting Mayor, and will rejoin
his regiment. He will turn over to Mr. G. Burke, who
is authorized to act until the arrival of the Acting Mayor,
the duties of the office in which he is now acting.

By order of Major-General E.^R. S. Canby,

C. H. Cyee,
Capt. and Asst.-Adj.-Gen.

In league with the Chief Magistrate, with an armed
police force at his command, and with the Nero qualifi-
cations of Glendy Burke to lead in municipal a&us

GENEBAL BANKS DISPLACED. 189

until the arrival of "Lord" Hugh Kennedy, Governor
Wells was prepared to instigate the hidden policy of the
ruler who swayed his iron scepter over the poor oppressed
people from the throne he had erected to the cause of the
rebellion in the Capital of our Republic.

Loyalty in New Orleans was made odious; liberty
was disgraced, and Union leaders and reformers were
marked for rebel vengeance. Oppression and indignity
was the fate of all who dared to resist the unjust decree
of despots and tyrants.

To the proud spirit, patriotic heart, and iron will of
Dostie this despotism was keen agony. Said a friend :
" I went to Dostie's office to consult with him upon the
strange state of affairs in the city. I found him in an
agitated state of mind. I suggested ' that had Hahn
remained Governor, things might have been diflferently
conducted, and reflected upon Hahn's statesmanship in
resigning his office. In his decided manner he remarked,
' Governor Hahn is no prophet ; when he resigned his
office as Governor, he could not foresee the murder of
Lincoln. He acted, as he thought, in favor of the inter-
ests of his State, expecting to labor in the United States
Senate for Louisiana. President Johnson is no traitor,
but he listens to the advice of corrupt men who throng
the Executive Mansion. The acts and sayings of John-
son have been my study too long to doubt his honesty.
When ho appreciates the condition of Union men in
Louisiana our rights will be protected.' "

The finger of destiny plainly pointed to Dostie as the
victim to be sacrificed to traitor hate and tyranny. His
public acts and progressive movements made him a con-
spicuous mark for those who viewed with contempt his

190 LIFX OF A« P. DOSTIB.

labors for liberty and exertions to protect the down
trodden and the laboring classes. A true reformer, he bore
a name worthy to be placed by the side of a Wilberforcc,
Lovejoy, Cobden or a Bright. His noble standard of
radical Unionism upon which not a blot had been dis-
covered was in direct antagonism to the prejudices of the
aristocrats and rebels by whom he was surrounded.
Jealous of the growing popularity and influence of
Dostie, his enemies had cherished their wrath to pour it
upon the head of their victim. " Tlie proud spirit of
Dostie shall be crushed," slEiid a coalition who had con-
spired to plot his distraction. Governor Wells was the
leader of that faction which had determined upon the
downfall and death of the patriotic Dostie. The first
blow was struck on the 13th of June, 1865. It was the
seizure of the Auditor's office. As one of the many
high-handed acts of despotism connected with the
establishment of the iron rule of the Slave power and
thuggery in New Orleans during the administration of
Johnson, we present the following account of the seizure
of the Auditor's office from the True Delta of June 14 :

" Few of our citizens are now unaware that the office
of Dr. A, P. Dostie, State Auditor, was yesterday
entered by a body of the city police, and the Auditor
forcibly and sunmiarily expelled. We give below a plain,
simple statement of the facts in the case, without com-
ment of any kind :

"Between 11 and 12 o'clock, several policemen, headed
by the Acting Chief of Police, Mr. John Burke, and
accompanied by Mr. Julian Neville, entered the Audi-
tor's office. Approaching Dr. Dostie, Mr. Neville pre-
sented a paper, after glancing over which the Auditor

GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 191

said, *I shall probably be prepared to comply with this
to-morrow morning.'

"Upon the Doctor refusing positively to vacate immedi-
ately, Mr. Neville turned to Lieut. Burke, and said: 'I
now turn this over to your hands,' and left the place.
Mr. Burke then informed Dr. Dostie that he was 'in
charge of the office ; ' to which the latter replied that
*' this is a State office, and I am a State officer, and it will
require force to dispossess me.' Mr. Burke replied:
' My orders are to take possession, and I shall certainly
do so.' Dr. Dostie asked if he had written orders. Mr.
Burke said he had. Dr. Dostie asked, to see them, and
they were shown him. He then asked for a copy, but
Mr. Burke replied : * I have no orders to let a copy bo
taken.'

"For a moment Dr. Dostie went to his private room,
and returning, instructed Mr. Knise — one of his clerks,
to take charge of his private papers. He then again
protested against the proceedings, and said he would bo
expelled only by force. In a loud tone of voice he then
exclaimed, turning toward the latter gentleman, who
was in the office on business : ' If I must go, I wish first
to say a few words in presence of Mr. Kruse and Mr.
Blake, '

"Here he was interrupted by Mr. Burke, who ad-
dressed one of his subordinates, as follows: 'Bhome,
put the Doctor out ! ' The policeman advanced and
seized Dr. Dostie by the shoulders, with the remark : ' I
can handle you like a book.' The Doctor, seeing further
resistance useless, thereupon left the office.

" The police remained in possesion of the office, re-
taining the private letters and papers of the Auditor

192 LITB OP A. P. DOSTIS.

and bis clerks, and even some of Dr. Dostie^s wearing
appareL Lieutenant Burke went in search of Mr. Ne-
ville, to whom he gave the keys, with the exception of
that belonging to the safe, which he retains, and which
he will refuse to give up. The Doctor locked the safe
while the officers were in the outer office.

" Dr. Dostie received no notification of his expulsion
prior to the arrival of the police. The following is the
authority upon which Lieutenant Burke acted :

"Mayobalty op New Osleans, )

June 13, 1865. )
^^ Lieut. J. Burke^ First District Police:

" Sir — ^You will proceed immediately to the office of
Auditor of Public Accounts, now in the possession of
Mr. A P. Dostie ; and declared vacant by His Excel-
lency, Governor W ells.

"You will take possession of the office and the
records, and deliver the same at once to Julian Neville,
Esq., appointed by the Governor, Auditor jwo tempore.

" You will see that Mr. Neville, is placed in secure
possession of the office.

" If physical force is needed, you will use it, and you
will commit to prison any individual or party who inter-
feres in any degree, in the execution of this order.

" (Signed.) G. Bueke,

Acting Mayor.

"After executing the above. Lieutenant Burke made

the following report :

" Opfice of the Chief of Police, )
New Orleans, June 13, 1865. j
" Son. Glendy BurJce^ Acting Mayor :

" Sir — ^I have the honor to report that in obedience to
your order of this date I proceeded, in company with
Julian Neville, Esq., to the office of the Auditor of Pub-
lic Accounts.

"Mr. Dostie positively refused to vacate the office,

6EKXBAL BAISTKB DISPLACED. 193

wberenpon I called a policeman to eject him in as gentle
a manner as the circumstances of the case admitted o£

" I securely closed the doors, delivered the keys to
Mr. Neville, and {>laced a guard of policemen on the
office, with instructions that none but Mr. Neville or his
deputies should have access thereto.

" Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Signed) J. Bubke,

Lieut, and Acting Chief of Police.

" The following is the order of the Gk)vemor referred
to by Mayor Burke :

[by the govebnor.]

State of Louisiana,

Executive DEPABncEirr, )
"New Orleans, June 13, 1865. J

WTiereaSy The General Assembly of the State of Lou-
isiana, at its last session, did adopt a joint resolution in
the words following to wit :

[No. 38.]

Joint ItesohUion^ Requesting the Grovemor of the
State to see that all laws are enforced in the case of all
persons holding civil offices imder the State who are
required to furnish bonds for the performance of their
official duties.

Wh£re€L8y Persons are holding and exercising the du-
ties of civil offices in the State who have not furnished
bonds as required by law.

Resolved by the JSencUe and Hones of B^presentatwea^
in GenercU Assembly Convened, That the Governor of
the State be and is hereby requested to take immediate
measures to compel all such persons to furnish bonds
according to law, and in de&ult thereof to remove such
persons from office.

Resolved further. That where bonds have been given,
subject to the approval of the Gk>vemor of the State, he
be and is hereby requested to investigate the solvency
of all such bonds, and if he sbaU deem the bond or

194 LIFE OF JL P. DOSnS.

bonds insufficient, to require new bonds to be furnished
satisfactory to him.

(Signed) Sucbon- Beldsn,

Speaker of the House of Representatives.
(Signed) Louis Gastinbl,

Ex-Officio Lieutenant Governor and President of the
Senate.
Approved March 29, 1865.

(Signed) J. Madison* Wells,

Governor of the State of Louisiana.
A true copy :

S. Wbotnowski,
Secretary of State.

And Whereas^ Acting in pursuance of the special
authority conferred on me therein, as well as by my
constitutional obligations to see the laws enforced, I
deem it my doty to address the said A P. Dostie, Audi-
tor of Public Accounts, by letter, requiring him to
furnish a new and sufficient bond, as will appear by
copy herewith, viz :

State of Louisiana, Executive Depabthent, )

New Orleans, April 15, 1865. J
A. P. Dostie^ •^^•9 Auditor of Public Accounts :

"Under authority of joint resolution of the General
Assembly, (copv of which is herewith annexed,) and
regarding your bond on file in the Secretary of State's
office as insufficient, not one of the sureties being as-
sessed for real estate, you are hereby notified that you
are required to furnish a new bond, * with not less than
five good and sufficient securities,' satisfactory to me,
within thirty days from the date hereof.

J. Madison Wells,
Governor of Louisiana.
And^ wherects^ The said A P. Dostie has failed to fur-
nish the required official bond within the time prescribed
by law, and the consequence is that the State is without
adequate security for protection against any illegal acts
that may be committed by him :

GEKSSAL BANKS DISPLACED. 195

Andj tD?tere(xs^ The second section of the act of 1855,
entitled ^'An act to regulate the office of Auditor of
Public Accounts, provides " that, should he J^the Audi-
tor] fail to give such bond and security within the time
required, the office shall be considered vacant, and the
Governor shall immediately order a new election ;''

Now, therefore, in view of the foregoing premises, I,
J. Madison Wells, Governor of the State of Louisiana,
do hereby declare the office of Auditor of Public Ac-
counts to be vacant, and by virtue of the 26th section of
the act of 1855, before quoted, I do hereby appoint
Julian Neville, Auditor of Public Accounts, to fulfill all
the duties and enjoy the emoluments of said office,
as provided by law, until after an election shall have
been held throughout the State to fill the vacancy, and
the Auditor so e^ted be duly conmiissioned and quali-
fied according to law.

Given under my hand at the city of New Orleans,
this 13th day of June, A. D., 1866, and of the year of
the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.

J. Madison Wells,

Governor of Louisiana.

The following letter from Dostie gives the true ex-
planation of the non-renewal of bond, showing the fisdsity
of the charge :

New Orleans, June 13, 1865.

" To the Public — I was to-day waited upon by Julian
Neville, Esq., accompanied by the Acting Chief of Po-
lice, Mr. Burke, and two other police officers. The
former presented to me an order, issued by Acting Gov-
ernor Wells, requiring me to turn over the archives of
my office to him as Auditor />ro tern. Refusing to obey
the illegal mandate, I was seized hold of by Acting
Chief Burke and one of the policemen, and taken from
the room by force. Returning subsequently, I found the

106 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

office closed and in charge of the police. The ground
alleged by the Acting Governor was the non-renewal of
my bond, which was sometime ago demanded of me on
the ground that my securities were not assessed for real
estate.

" After the demand was made, Acting Gk)vemor Wells,
unexpectedly to me, left the State, and did not return
again within the thirty days allowed me. Otherwise I
should have responded to him, as advised by legal coun-
sel, arguing that the demand was illegal, good and sol-
vent security only being required by law ; or I would,
if insisted upon, have complied with the demand, illegal
as it was, either of which I was fully prepared to do.
My bonds had not been objected to on any other ground.
The securities were perhaps not assessed for real estate
within the Parish of Orleans, but they were fully compe-
tent and possessed of ample means to secure the $10,000,
or several times that sum, if necessary. I was elected
by the people, and had within thirty days after being
notified of my election duly given bonds, which were
approved according to law. No man can say the securi-
ties were not good, solvent and sufficient, or that they
are less so now than they were then.

" Be that as it may, I was yesterday violently ejected
without other calling of my attention to the subject, or
preliminary warning or notice than the appearance of the
policemen with the order alluded to.

" The proclamation with the reasons assigned, was pub-
lished at a subsequent hour in the Picayune, and was
only seen or known by myself or the public after thehe
violent proceedings had taken place.

" When securities to bonds are required to be freeholders

GBNERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 197

the bond expressly so states. Such is the case with the
Treasurer's bond. But there is no such requirement of
law in the case of the Auditor. The joint resolution
passed by the late Legislature required the Governor to
investigate the "solvency of bonds." He never objected
to my bondSy nor called my attention to it for any want
of " solvency " which would have given a color of law
to his original demand, but only for the securities not
^ being assessed for real estate,' which is no legal ground
whatever.

" I am a civil officer, a co-ordinate member of the Execu-
tive D^artment of the State, and Acting Governor
Wells is also a civil officer. There was a way of testing
my right to the office by law, through the agency of
courts of justice. Every respectable lawyer knows the
means and the way. If civil law is to reign in our
State, instead of usurpation, that means should have been
pursued to test the question. The use of the City Police
to obtain violent possession of the office was not a legal
means, but an outrage against the law.

" Mr Julian Neville was a candidate against me for the
office of State Auditor. I was elected by a majority, I
think, of nearly three to one. He was not a candidate on
either of the tickets upon which Acting Gk)vemor Wells
ran, but against them ; and it is saying nothing in dis-
paragement of Mr. ISTeville, to characterize his appoint-
ment as a pure John Tylerism on the part of the Acting
Executive.

" I make no vauntings of what I shall do, as time has
not been affi^rded me for legal consultation or advice un-
der the circumstances. But I make this early statement
of facts to a public who know me well, and will judge

198 UFB OF A. P. DOSTIE.

between me, a poor man, possessed of no means
but my legal rights as a citizen and an officer, on
the one hand, and the great defaulter of Rapides, whose
name has stood on the Auditor's reports of the State for
more than twenty years for $12,678.67, with accumulated
interests, now amounting to $28,209.95 on the other.
He has lately declared himself, on several occasions, to
be worth his hundreds of thousands. With his great
Red river operations on the cotton market, and the
means realized by his grand tax-sale proceedings, he may
succeed in crushing me, so far as success in this usurpa-
tion against me is concerned. But while my voice or
my life do not fail me I shall not cease to vindicate my
manhood or my rights as a citizen and a freeman.

A. P. DOSTIE,

State Auditor.

It was the illegal despotic manner in which Dr. Dos-
tie was removed from his office that made the hand of
the tyrant visible, marking him the despot, aside from a
desire to show his power. Governor Wells, in this un-
just act, was influenced by personal animosity, and
stooped from his high position to low acts of revenge.
Dostie had pointed out his traitorous course, and exposed
his dishonesty to the world. Not with a spirit of vin-
dictiveness but with his characteristic fearlessness and
contempt for treason and dishonesty. Governor Wells
had betrayed the Union party, and had been proved a
defaulter. The following letter was probably one of the
causes of the removal of the Auditor of State by the
Governor :

general banks displaced. 199

Axtditob's Office, State of Louisiana, )
New Orleans, May 18, 1865. j

Hon. Cha8. Leaumont^ Judge of the Mfth District

Court^ New Orleans.

^^ Dear Sir: I beg leave to call your attention to sec-
tion 1st, pa^e 181, of the Revised Statutes of the State,
which provide that the Judges of the District Courts
shall require the District Attoraeys to proceed by rule
for the removal from office after ten days notice of any
person holding office who shall at any time have been a
defaulter to the State.

"His Excellency, J. Madison Wells, acting Governor
of Louisiana, became a defaulter to the State in 1840, in
the sum of $12,680 — as will be seen by the reports of the
Auditor of Public Accounts for succeeding years, a proof
of which dedication will be furnished on the day of trial
of the rule. Article 35 of the present Constitution, the
same as Article 28 of Constitution of 1852 and Arti-
cle 80 of the Constitution of 1845, says as follows: ' No
person who at any time may have been a collector of
taxes, whether State, parish, or municipal, or who may
have been otherwise entrusted with public money, shall
be eligible to the General Assembly, or to any office of

grofit or trust under the State Government, until he shall
ave obtained a discharge for the amount of such collec-
tions, and for all public moneys with which he may have
been entrusted.'

" Your immediate attention to this important question
is earnestly solicited.

" Very respectftilly, yours
(Signed.) " A P. Dostie, Auditor.''

The personal indignities offered to the Auditor of
State through the scurrilous remarks of the city press in
sympathy with the Governor and his friends ; the criti-
cisms upon his wardrobe and private letters, which were
dragged through the streets of New Orleans by the
tools of the Chivalry of that city — ^the half column de-

200 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTIE.

voted to remarks upon his razor and toothbrush — ^the al-
lusion made to his once having been a barber and a den-
tist, with the suggestion that he had better return to
"his plebiaii accomplishments^' would have been some-
what annoying to a mind less philosophical than that of
Dostie's.

Firmly defending his rights, until overpowered by his
enemies, he yielded to despotic power, and hopefully
looked to future events for the triumph of justice.

On the 17th of June a mass-meeting was called, and
the citizens of New Orleans assembled on Lafayette
Square for the purpose of honoring Governor Wells, and
upholding his administration. The following letter
from one of the vice-Presidents of that meeting is in har-
mony with the principles there expressed :

New Osleaks, June 18, 1865.

Hon. A. P. JFteldy CJiaiiinan :

" Sir — ^I have the pleasure to acknowledge the receipt
of your note, appointing me one of the Vice-Presidents at
the Mass Meeting to-morrow evening, to receive our
Governor. Reluctant as I am to appear amidst the hur-
ly-burly of politics, I thank you for this honor and jiccept
it. The man and the occasion demand an expression of
opinion from the Conservatives of this beautiful State :

*' Where grows the orange, and pom^n^nate, and &ireat of fruit*
And the song of the nightingale never is mute,"

" We have beheld the pitiful spectacle of the successor
of Chief Justice Marshall soiling his ermine by making
electioneering speeches — ^prostituting his almost sacred
office as a political huckster-^pandering to the most de-
praved appetites to effect his unholy ambition ; placing

GENERAL BANKS DISPLACED. 201

the ignorant horde on a level with the intelligent. You,
sir, as a former Secretary of State of Illinois, know what
the poor African suffered, until very recently, there.
That, so far from granting him the privileges of a voter ^
he was sold to the highest bidder. In New York, it re-
quires double taxes and twice the time of residence, to
enable the colored man to vote; yet these radicals would
fain make voters of millions of men who could not read
their ballot ! But such are the debris of civil war. Ad-
dison truthfully puts into the mouth of Cato, and we are
but repeating the history of all Republics :

«« When file kettle of Mditton boOi,
Tbe loam ariaes to tlie top."

** Very respectfully, yours, Arc,

" S. F. Glenn."

The following we quote from the address of Governor
Wells, delivered on that occasion :

" Not being myself a candidate for re-election to Gub-
ernatorial honors, I hope I shall be acquitted of any at-
tempt to favor party politics for political purposes. In
regard to National affairs I have but little to say. The
war that has but recently so happily ended, has left
us almost without resources and without government,
and in our attempt to resume our relations with the
General Government, we will have many obstacles to
meet. A party unscrupulous and exacting will insist
upon our utter humiliation as a means by which we niay
learn to love our country better, and as the ultimatum
for our return to the folds of the Union, but happily for
us this party has lost much of its prestige.

" It must be perceptible to every one, who is at all
consistent with the political history of this country, that

202 IJFX OF A« P. DOSTTB.

the Radical Abolition party is broken np, disorganized,
and demoralized, despite their apparent success during
the present war.

"Their official corruption, unequaled by any party
which has ever preceded or may ever succeed it, has
rendered them obnoxious to the American people.

" The heavy taxation which must necessarily follow to
pay the enormous debt of this war, and which must con-
tinue for the next half century, fixes an odium upon the
party which will outlive the party itself Then to whom
are we to look for the healing of the National wounds?
Is it not to those who have taken National Conservative
grounds, and who have ever, during this war, advocated
conservative principles — ^those principles advocated in
past years by the old Whig party, and more recently, by
the Conservatives of the Republican party, and of the
Democracy, and under whose benign teachings we have
grown and prospered as a nation ?

" Our President, Andrew Johnson, has ever been a
Conservative Democrat. In his hands is placed the des-
tiny of this Nation, and from him we have nothing to
fear, but everything to hope. I speak for his Adminis-
tration one of the brightest pages in our history : and
under his Administration, fellow-citizens, looking to him
for protection, and taking his policy as our gtdde, must
we organize our State Government.

"Every effort will be made by the Radical Abolition
party to prevent the return of power to the Conservatives
of the South, and all the elements of opposition will com-
bine to prevent their success, and one of their most for-
midable anxiliaries, as they suppose, is to extend the ben-
efit of suffrage to that numerous class of persons recently

GENEBAL BANKS DISPLACED. 203

put in possession of their freedom. This has been too
clearly fore-shadowed by the political adventurers who
have come among us to have escaped your attention.

" This, then, will be a question for your future action,
and if, after having taken this continent from the red
man, and holding it for more than a century, you have
become so charitable as to give it to the black man, I
can only submit, and bow to the will of the people."

The following letter from the pen of J. Ad. Rozier,
was read at the meeting :

New Obleans, June 16, 1865.
"Hon. A. P. Field, Chairman of Committee of Arrange-
ments for the Reception of Governor Wells :

" I embrace this occasion to say that I regard with no
little concern, the strides made by Governor Wells in
the right direction of maintaining the true principles of
government. I take it he means to follow in the foot-
steps of President Johnson, with regard to the reorgan-
ization of civil government in the State of North Caro-
lina. Louisiana is as much entitled to self-government,
subordinate to the Constitution of the United States, as
North Carolina.

" Governor Wells is giving us unmistakable evidence of
his intention to purify the ballot-box, to rid himself and
the country of so many obscure and fifteenth-rate men
who have swarmed in the public offices ; to allow the
good and the honest to be heard in the public councils ;
to purify the political atmosphere; to make the judiciary
independent, in all cases, and not to reverse the decision
of a duly constituted Judge in the Grovemor*s Office,
at the same time kicking the Judge out of office to the
great scandal of the people. In a word, he is endeavor-

204 LIFE OF iu P. Dosns.

ing to restore the people of Louisiana, as his friends as-
sure us, to their civil rights.

" If this be his programme, or that of any other man, I
say, God speed him ! The countiy needs repose. Con-
servatism will be the balm to all political wounds. Let
us eschew all intemperate men ; let us detest the sangui-
nary.

" Radicals instil venom in the body politic ; they always
have and always will. They quote Christianity, but act
like heathens.

" It is very evident that the masses of the Southern
people are fast returning to their allegiance in a bona fide
manner — ^they have gone to work to repair their fortunes,
they recognize a great change as a fixed fact — ^like the
rest of their countrymen, their characteristic trait is law^
abiding, promises will be held sacredly obligatory. The
arts of peace will be cultivated by them.

" Now, at the glorious close of this bloody civil war, let
us imitate the Romans, who, in similiar circumstances,
went into mourning for the precious lives lost. Let con-
fiscations, and other pains and penalties, be blotted out
of the statute book — let the era of good feeling return
and be pei*petual — let us not be Christians in name, but
also in our hearts and our acts, toward our erring breth-
ren. Very respectfully,

" J. Ad. Rozier."

The following resolutions were then read and adopted.

1, Resolved^ That we welcome among^ us again our
distinguished fellow-citizen, J. Madison Wells, Governor
of the State, and extend to him our thanks, cordial and
heartfelt, for the interest he has manifested in the welfare
of the people of the State, as exhibited by his recent
huiTied journey to the National capital, and by his

GEKEBAL BANKS DISPLACED. 205

action since his return, in removing from places of trust
and power corrupt and venal officials, in the correction
of abuses, in purifying the ballot — the only palladium of
our liberties as a people — and in preparing the way by
which the people of Louisiana can safely and harmoni-
ously take part in the restoration of civil government,
and return to their proper place in the councils of the
nation. We pledge mm our countenance and support in
all his endeavors to restore to Louisiana a loyal and con-
stitutional State Government.

2. Resolved^ That in the policy of Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, as exhibited in his ad-
ministration, and especially in those great acts of his,
the proclamation of amnesty and for the restoration of
civil government in Virginia and North Carolina, and in
his pledged support of a similar policy in Louisiana, we
hail a return to peace and prosperity, and that good
feeling which should ever exist among citizens of a com-
mon country, and to him we pledge our hearty and ac-
tive support.

It had been reported that Dr. Dostie would attempt to
speak from the platform erected upon Lafayette Square
on the night of June 17th. An armed police force was
ordered to be stationed around the stage and in different
parts of the Square.

Dostie was called upon to address the assembly,
whereupon several poUcemen sprang from the side of
Governor Wells and seizing a number of peaceable citi-
zens, conducted them to jail, and as there were two hun-
dred policemen (faithful to the powers that ruled) within
calling distance, resistance was useless.

The following statement is from the pen of Wm. Baker,
appointed Street Conmdssioner of New Orleans under
the administration of General Sheridan, Military Com-
mander of the Gulf Department :

206 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

" To the Editor of the True Delta:

.^' The condact of the police at the meeting on La&yette
Square on Saturday evening is a matter of general com-
ment. It would seem from their numbers that the
meeting was held for their special benefit, for nearly all
the police in the city were there. They behaved them-
selves in a scandalous manner. Had the meeting been
held in the capital of Austria or under any other des-
potic, government their conduct could not have been
worse. I saw several citizens dragged off and ordered
to be locked up for expressing their opinion to tjieir
neighbors and acquaintances. In some cases one or two
policemen were set to watch quiet and peaceable citi-
zens with orders to arrest and lock them up if they
dared to speak. Had they been known to be thieves or
pickpockets they could not have been treated worse.

" It may be pretended that they were disorderly or
making a disturbance. It is not true. Of the ^we or
six whom I saw arrested not one was making any dis-
turbance. One policeman went up and pointed out a
prominent citizen whom I saw standing a few feet from
mc, and told a policeman to arrest him if he opened his
mouth. And this without any kind of an excuse.

" If the police force is to be used to suppress public
sentiment, as they were a short time ago used for politi-
cal purposes at the ballot-box, the quicker we have a
military government, pure and simple, the better. Were
the men at the head of our affairs elevated to power to
crush out the liberties of the people, prevent the free
expression of opinion, and once more enslave both black
and white? Are we to have the old thug rule — ^the
brass knuckle, knife, pistol and slung-shot ?

GSKSBAL BANKS DISPLACBD. 207

^^ The talk which I heard in the Square on Saturday
evening about establishing law and order is a cheat.
The very men who we are told are going to do these
most desirable things, give the lie to their flattering,
fawning sycophants. Within the last two weeks we
have had several instances. The forcible ejectment of
the Auditor from his office, in violation of all law — the
breaking open a safe — ^the expulsion of a man from his
property and place of business, he having paid a license
(and a large one at that) for the privilege, is an outrage,
in violation of law, and if such acts can be committed
by mere brute force, without hindrance, no man is safe.''

^'It is time that this community ask itself what man-
ner of men we have among us ? And now, forsooth,
men must go to public meetings and hold their tongues,
by order of a set of hired bravos and ruffians, called
policemen. Is it for this our * erring brethren should be
invited to participate in the management of our affiurs ? "

" Wm. Bakeb."

On the evening of the great demonstration in honor
of Governor Wells, Dr. Dostie walked to Lafayette
Square with his friend, Alfred Shaw, Esq., stood in front
of the platform, and listened attentively to the remarks
of the Governor of Louisiana. He heard his party de-
famed by that gentleman ; saw liberty disgraced by the
police organizations ; the policy of Abraham Lincoln,
and the Free State Government of his beloved Louisiana
pointed at with derision and scorn, yet viewed it all
with the heroic firmness and hopeful calnmess of a true
philosopher. He believed that the progress of corrupt
men would be impeded by the action of that man who

208 LIFE OF A. r. DOSTIE.

as Gk>yemor of Tennessee had declared that '^ Treason
shoold be made odious.'*

On that night Dostie was sarrounded by enemies, who
had decreed that he should perish politically ; that he
should never succeed in business ; that he should finally
be the victim of conspiracy.

Surrounded by gloom and poverty; struggling with a
power destined to crush him, he was yet comparatively
a happy man, such was his philosophy. A friend who
called upon him a few days after his expulsion from his
Auditor's office, was surprised to find him in excellent
spirits. Upon denouncing Governor Wells, Dr. Dostie
replied: " I don't think of Wells as my personal enemy.
I could take him by the hand to-day if he would reform
in his principles. I care not for my own sufferings.
What are they compared with many others ? "

Taking the Life of Governor Brownlow from the table,
he said, " I have just been reading of Brownlow's suffer-
ings, caused by rebel rule. I look into the future, bright
with hopes. Events point to victory, peace and unity.
Man may decree, but there is a Ruler of events whose
divine laws conflict with injustice and oppression. That
Infinite power rules the nations of the earth." Such
was the heroic, unselfish philosophy of Dr. Dostie.

DOSTIB's COXFIDBNCB IK JOHNSON. 209

CHAPTER XXL

DOSTIE's confidence in JOHNSON,

The eighty-ninth anniversary of pur Independence was
an event in which thousands of emancipated human
beings desired to participate with heartfelt gratitude.
The committee appointed by the constituted authorities
of the city of New Orleans resolved to celebrate the
day. That committee was principally composed of citi-
zens who had been in league with the rebellion and
slavery. The Republican party was almost entirely ex-
cluded from acting with that committee in making ar-
rangements to celebrate our day of Independence. The
speaker chosen to deliver an oration upon the occasion
was an ex-colonel of the Confederate army, who had
never avowed his conversion to the principles of republi-
can liberty.

Dostie and his radical brethren decided to draw up
another programme, in which they invited the true
Mends of loyalty and independence to participate in the
great national jubilee of Freedom which the 4th of July.^
1 865, was to the Emancipated of the South. The annexed
is the announcement of that celebration;

CELEBRATION OF THE FOUBTH OF JULY.

At a meeting of the National Republican Association,
held on Friday evening, June dOth, it was unanimously

210 UFE OF A. P. I>08TIB.

resolved that the following committee be appointed and
announced to provide for a celebration of the coming
4 th of July, at such place as shall be hereafter an-
nounced :

General Committee, — Dr. A. P. Dostie, Ruftis Waples,
James Graham, Judge £). Hiestand, Ed. Heath, Kev.
Dr. J. P. Newman, W. R Peame, Dr. W. H. Hb-c,
Judge H. C. Warmoth, Jos. T. Tatum, Jno. Purcell,
Tho. M. Conway, S. Wrotnowski, B. R. Plumley, DanL
Christie, N. W. Travis, Geo. S. Dennison.

All Civic and Benevolent Associations, officers and
men of the Army and Navy, teachers and pupils of the
Public Schools, and the public generally, are cordially
invited to participate in this celebration.

Seats will be provided for ladies.

A. P. DosTiE, President.

Jos. T. Tatum, Secretary.

The Custom House was chosen by the Republican
Conmiittee, as an appropriate place in which to cele-
brate the joyful Anniversary of American Independence.
The Custom House of New Orleans is a historical place.
It was ill that building that the United States troops
under General Butler shielded slaves from their cruel
masters !

On the 4th of July, 1865, those same slaves made the
walls of the old Custom House ring with shouts of free-
dom. General Banks was the orator of the day. In his
able address, he argued that " those who had been in rebel-
lion could not safely be permitted to assume the politi-
cal rights they had abdicated; that the emancipated
were entitled to enfranchisement, and for the public
good should enjoy their rights ; and that the policy of
President Lincoln embraced that event."

The loyal people of the South — surrounded by a dan-
gerous foe, naturally looked to the successor of Presi-

DOSTIE's confidence in JOHNSON. 211

dent Lincoln for protection. They reposed all confi-
dence in his Executive power, and looked upon the
anarchy and disorder around them as a natural result of
the great Revolution, not suspecting the workings of his
hidden policy. With dismay they witnessed the high-
handed acts of disloyal men in high positions, but, with
faith and hope, waited with patience for the President to
form his policy, believing that his firm loyalty and his
avowed aversion of traitors when Governor of Tennes-
see, would be embodied in his executive plans for a just
reconstruction which they vainly hoped would bring peace
and unity out of chaos. Never did a people trust to
human power with more perfect confidence than did the
loyal masses of the South trust Andrew Johnson, never
were a people more cruelly deceived.

Had the policy of the President been boldly an-
nounced, sufferings, oppressions, and mental agonies might
have been avoided ! Loyal men might have escaped the
clutches of tyrants and murderers. Conspiracy, rebel-
lion and treason are best conceived in secrecy. The
policy of Andrew Johnson in his restoration measures
and movevents was a combination of the above ele-
ments, and for a time he moved on in his plans, so
secretly that the 'most scrutinizing did not discover the
lurking venom of " My Policy," Said General Butler in
a speech delivered in New York, " I am glad to say to
you what I know to be the sentiment of the President
who has succeeded Abraham Lincoln by the dispensa-
tion of Providence to the highest place on earth — ^I
know that Andrew Johnson feels as you and I do upon
the subject of the rebellion. He has had a nearer view
of it than we have, and is able to deal with it as we

212 UFE OF A. P. DOSTIB.

would have it dealt with." Said General Bisinks, in
New Orleans, July 4th, 1865, "Give to President John-
son your firm and united support, I know he is worthy
your confidence." Said Senator Wade in Ohio, " There
is not a man in the Nation I would sooner trust than
President Johnson." The loyal multitude throughout
the land, white and black, turned from the grave of
their beloved Lincoln to support his successor in the
great work of restoration, upon the basis of freedom
and loyalty. Union men of pre-eminent standing and
patriotic record who had studied and admired the acts
and sajrings of Governor Johnson, of Tennessee, were
the last to discover the true policy of President Johnson.
Dr. Dostie was the last prominent Unionist of New
Orleans to avow his belief that Andrew Johnson was the
" Judas of the Republican Party." He continued his
prayer " God bless Andrew Johnson," after his depart-
ure from Nashville, Tennessee, until that point in national
af&irs when no true loyal man could longer conceal from
his mental vision the fact, that the President of the
United States sustained traitors, in their tyranny over
the loyal citizens of the South. In proportion as power
was snatched from loyal men, by the t)pposers of the
United States Government, it passed into the hands of
the rebel element, to be used as an instrument to destroy
republican principles. Those who had crouched by the
ruins of slavery, silently lying beneath the black pall of
treason, throughout the Administration of President
Lincoln, formed a coalition with the working rebels who
had fought the battles of secession, and suddenly ap-
peared under the political leaders of the Rebellion, to
plot afresh, the destruction of the Republic. The Union

DOSTEE's CONFmSNCS IN JOHNSON. 213

Liberty loving men of the South, who had been the
standard bearers of their Cause in the conflict between
Slavery and Liberty, between republican principles and
aristocratic despotism, were the recipients of all indigni-
ties. The true character and plans of Andrew Johnson,
were known and read to his kindred spirits, the ancient
slaveocracy of the South. Men whose political life was
conceived in the Black Code and similar documents,
were appointed judges of the Courts, Sheriffs of the
Parishes, and permitted to fill all the important offices,
throughout the rebel States.

The provisional Grovemors of the Seceded States
were, most of them, in harmony with the hidden policy,
the working of which soon became visible. No justice
could be obtained in the courts by loyal men. If Grov-
emors were appealed to for justice the persecuted were ad-
vised to look to the President for redress. An appeal to
the Chief Executive from a persecuted loyalist was quick-
ly referred to the civil authorities of the reconstructed
States. Loyal men were restricted in business, and made
to feel in every way that their noble principles were no
passport to success, that the government under which
they lived was no longer a protection to their persons
lives or property. Unionism and loyalty were at a dis-
count; rebellion and treason were more popular in 1865
-66 than in 1860-61.

The cause of the war was the conflict between the an-
tagonistic elements of liberty and slavery. It ended
when four millions of slaves were liberated. The next
question was what are the rights of the emancipated ?
The true friends of the freedman from one end of the
land to the other exclaimed, ^ let them have the rights

214 UFE OF A. P. DOSnSU

of citizens; let them claim the rights of sufirage:*'
Philanthropists who had spent their lives in advocat-
ing freedom from tyranny, were the first to interest
themselves in the physical, moral, intellectnal, and po-
litical rights of the freedmen. Dostie formed one, and
that too a conspicuous link in the chain which binds
together the friends of equal rights in this age of reform.
Said he, " Freedom in the United States entitles white
and black men alike to the rights of a citizen, and to the
constitutional privileges of all Americans.'' His views
upon negro suffrage made him as obnoxious to the slave-
ocracy in Louisiana in 1806 as his views of secession
had made him in 1860 to the disloyal His views npon
that subject were in harmony with those of Lincoln,
Chase, Stevens, and Lovejoy. The following letter to
Governor Hahn he often quoted, as indicating his own
views, sometimes adding, ^Hhey are not quite as radical

as mine.''

Washington, D, C, March 14, 1864.

" My dear Governor — ^I have just been reading with
great satisfaction a brief notice of your inaugural and
the address you made on the occasion. I am very glad
that you propose to make clean work of slavery.

" Will you allow me to suggest one thing more ? We
can not go to the bottom where the granite is, in order
to build without giving the elective franchise to the ne-
gro. I am satisfied that if we stop short of that, it will
be found that our house is built upon the sand, and when
the floods come, and the winds blow, and the rains de-
scend, it will fall, and great will be the fall thereof The
sense of justice which has been awakened in the nation
by the rebellion will not rest satisfied to have forgiven

DOSTIE^S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 215

rebels who have fought to overthrow the government,
and drive away loyal black soldiers who have fought to
sustain it. It is not necessary at first that all should
vote. Tou can allow those who can read and write to
vote ; or you can allow black soldiers to vote. The
privilege of voting given to the latter class, to wit : the
soldiers, would commend itself, I think, to the whole na-
tion. Tou may think that this is owing to my over-
weening anxiety for the blacks, but it is not that alone,
nor chiefly. I am satisfied that Providence will not let
us settle this question until we settle it on the founda-
tion of equal and exact justice to all, in accordance with ^
the principles of the Declaration of Independence and
of the Constitution, which know nothing of black or
white, rich or poor, but regard ihe rights of men, as
such, as sacred.

" I was much gratified the other day in a conversation
with the President to find that his views on this subject
accord with my own. He does not feel that he can re-
quire this, as a delegation requested him to do. Still he
desires it to be done by the action of the people them-
selves.

''If Louisiana takes the lead I think all the other
States will follow, and then we shall have settled this
question on deep and broad foundations, against which
the gates of hell cannot prevail The number of those
who are at first admitted to the privilege of the elective
franchise does not to me seem essential, for if you let
any portion of the colored people vote the rest will follow
in time.

"I had a conversation with Governor Johnson, of
Tennessee, on this subject. He feels right, personally.

216 LXFB OF A. r. DOSIIB.

bat is a little timid as to the public sentiment. I do
hope you will see your way clear to take the lead in this
matter. You will thus not only do a good thing for
your country, but immortalize your name, for I am satis-
fied the nation will grow to this, if it has not already
reached it.

"Excuse me for having intruded my views upon your
attention. The brief but pleasant acquaintance I had
with you has encouraged me to do it.

Very truly yours,

" Owen Lovbjoy."

" Governor Michael ELa.hn, New Orleans*"

In September, 1865, Dr. Dostie determined to go to
Washington and consult with President Lincoln,believing
he had been misinformed as to the true state of political
af&irs in Louisiana. His radical friends were anxious
that their interests should be represented at the Execu-
tive Mansion. Like Lovejoy, Major Steame, and hun-
dreds of others, Mr. Johnson succeeded in deceiving
Dostie, in conversation with him, as to his real antagon-
ism to the vital interests of all Southern loyalists.
Strengthened in his confidence in the integrity and hon-
esty of the President, whose policy at that time was to
conciliate radicals, conservatives, copperheads, rebels
and traitors, Dostie writes from Washington: "I am
convinced in my interview with the President that his
loyal sentiments will never allow him to seriously con-
flict with the policy of the martyred Lincoln. He has
been misled, but will, I am confident, retrace his steps.
I think we may safely trust the Administration." After
spending several weeks with his aged mother (whom he
visited for the last time), his brothers and sisters, he re-

DOSTIE*S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 217

turned to New Orleans, hopeful of the future, and confi-
dent of the success of the cause he cherished. Soon
after his arrival Dr. Dostie delivered the following ad-
dress, which was denounced by the Press of New Or-
leans as an " incendiary speech," the author of it being
styled " an insulting advocate of Negro Suffrage."

"Fellow-Citizens — ^The friends of the Union and
Liberty, in reviewing the events that have convulsed
our Republic for tha past four years, rejoice in the glo-
rious fact that the most gigantic rebellion upon record
has been crushed — ^that the " Confederate States of
America" are but an idea of the past. To-day the flag
of the United States waves over this vast country, pro-
claiming the blessings of freedom to every man of what-
soever race or color. Emblazoned upon its ample folds
is the motto — ^No North, no South, no East, no West —
the United States of America, one and indivisible. The
leading traitors of the nation — ^the Davises and Brecken-
ridges — with many of lesser stamp, now languish in
prisons, awaiting trial and condemnation, or are ftigi-
tives from the justice of a people they have clothed in
the habiliments of mourning, and who have doomed
them to infamy, as the murderers of their fathers, sons
and brothers. To-day, fellow-citizens, the nation is
sovereign. The Constitution, Laws and Government
command treason to be silent that Justice and Liberty
may reconstruct the Republic upon a basis that shall
forever exclude slavery, and establish imiversal Justice.
"The friends of emancipation and of equal rights
look triumphantly upon the overthrow of that infamous
system which was enveloping, with its anaconda folds,
our repubUcan structure, and undermining by its subtle

218 UFB OF ▲• P. DOSnX.

poison the noblest of governments, that it might build
upon its ruins an oligarchial despotism. We are now a
nation of freemen. We claim that the people are the
legitimate source of power. They command the ene-
mies of liberty to cease their infernal work.

"The rebellion, which has baptized our country in
blood, and caused hundreds of thousands to seal with
their lives their devotion to liberty, has resulted in the
liberation of four millions of human beings. It was a war
of principles— of principles that, when once fairly in-
augurated, must result in a full development of the re-
publican elements which lie at the foundation of our
Government.

" The progressive spirit of the age sternly demanded
that the despotism, which the aristocracy of the South
arrogated over the poor man, should cease. That the
oppressed should have full privilege to enjoy the inesti-
mable blessings of "life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness." But that the lingering aristocrats of the
land seek to withhold these from the masses, we have
ample evidence. What mean these late convulsive
movements of the enemies of Democratic Republican
liberty throughout the South? Why have they com-
bined with the Copperheads of the North to overthrow
the great work the friends of republican institutions
have accomplished in four years ?

" Do we not discover in their attempts the machina-
tions of a relentless, hydra-headed aristocracy repudiat-
ing still the immortal truths " that all men are equally
free and independent ; ' that * Government is instituted
for the benefit, protection and security of the people ;
that no free Government, or the blessings of liberty, can

DOSTIE^S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 219

be preserved to any people, but by a firm adherence to
justice, moderation and virtue T

^^ Why do the Legislatures of the rebellious States so
persistently refuse to recognize the fact that slavery has
ceased to exist in our country ? Alas ! are not the men
who compose these bodies, and who have met to make
laws, the very men who have for the last four years been
imbruing their guilty hands in the blood of our he-
roes ? Have not they murdered these noble men that
slavery might become the comer stone of their pur-
posed despotism ? Can we trust these men to give to
freemen their rights? Patriots and statesmen, distin-
guished for their love of the "Union and all who truly
love their country, exclaim against the outrage of hav-
ing such rulers.

""We are told by the Democratic party that this is
President Johnson's policy. I do not believe that Presi-
dent Johnson intends to place traitors in power. I have
had the honor of several interviews with him, and I
was impressed by the conviction that he is a true patriot,
an honest man and able statesman. I do not believe
it will ever be Andrew Johnson's policy to place politi-
cal power in the hands of men who have labored to
destroy the most beneficent of Governments. His past
acts and words have ever been in direct antasconism to
this suicidal policy. At Nashville, as Governor of Ten-
nessee, he says : ' I, Andrew Johnson, hereby proclaim
liberty, full, broad and unconditional liberty — to every
man in Tennessee. Rebellion shall no more pollute our
State. Loyal men, whether black or white, shall govern
the State.' Again as President of the United States he
says : ' In adjusting and putting the Government on its

220 LIFE OF Ai Ft. DOSTIB.

legs again, I think the progress of the work must be
put into the hands of its friends. If a State is to be
nursed until it gets strength, it must be nuifsed by its
friends, not smothered by its enemies.'

"The great problem of reconstruction before the
American people is now being solved by a Republican
Congress, with which the President is in accord. There
is no worthy basis for the Government of States but
that basis which contains the elements of justice and
equal rights. The corner stone of all republican govern-
ments must be the self-evident truths, that * all men are
created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator
with inalienable rights ; that among these are life, lib-
erty, and the pursuit of happiness.' Shall the eleven
rebellious States, which have declared these immortal
declarations to be contrary to their policy of govern-
ment, be allowed to send their representatives to Con-
gress until they abandon their political heresies, as they
have the field? Does not the dignity of the nation
demand this ? Does not Freedom itself demand that
none shall be sent to our National Legislature to repre-
sent the vital interests of these States, but those who
have been steadfast, devoted upholders of the Union,
when the life of the nation was assailed ? If this policy
is not adopted and enforced we shall have treason again
in our Congressional halls, and a new set of Davises,
Breckenridges and Slidells will seek to seize the reins of
Government and renew their war upon loyal men and
upon the Union,

"Heaven grant our Republic may never again be
summoned to meet rebellion, begun by Senators, Legis-
lators and Governors — ^that Liberty and Civilization

DOSTIE's CONPIDENCE in JOHNSON. 221

shall be draped in mourning by traitors; men, who,
having taken a solemn oath to maintain the Govern-
ment, betray it, and thrust their swords of treason into
the vitals of the nation ! In the name of God, let our
Congressional and our Legislative halls be purified from
the taint of treason ! We cannot trust men to make
laws for our State and for the nation, who by their
traitorous acts, have disfmnchised themselves— have for-
feited their right to vote or to hold office under the
National or State Governments. Let them remain dis-
fr9.nchised until the evidence of their repentance is per-
fect. If this policy is not pursued, the peace and unity
of this countiy will be constantly imperilled.

"President Johnson has agrain and ascain declared
that none but loyal men had a right to rule the country.
While Governor of Tennessee he said : * But in calling a
Convention to restore the State, who shall restore and
establish it ? Shall the man who gave his means and
influence to destroy the Government ? Is ho to partici-
pate in the great work of reorganization ? Shall he who
brought this misery upon the State be pennitted to con-
trol its destinies ?' Again he says ; * Why all this blood
and carnage ? It was that treason might be put do^vn
and traitors punished; therefore I say, that traitors
should take a bach seat in the work of restoration. If
there should be but five thousand men loyal to the Con-
stitution, loyal to justice, these true and faithful men
shall control the work of reorganization and reforma-
tion absolutelv.'

" These are words worthy a Democratic Republican
President, and we have reason to believe that our truly
Republican Congress will sustain these noble sentiments.

222 LIFS OF ▲• p. DOSTIB.

Then will treason be made odious, and genuine loyalty
and unimpeachable integrity be rewarded. Our Ke-
public will no longer be in danger of being buried
beneath the powers of despotisuL Treason will no
longer threaten the peace, harmony and unity of the
nation. Anarchy, convulsion and conflict will be among
the things of the past.

"CmzENs: — In this work of reconstruction, let us
earnestly labor with the patriots cf our country to
establish the principles of universal justice and impartial
freedom. That in the reorganization, equity shall pre-
vaiL That there shall be no repudiation of just debts,
and no recognition of the debts of rebels ; no slavery —
nothing but justice.

^ Should men who made the rebellion be permitted to
possess the power they seek, and succeed with the Cop-
perheads of the North in their conspiracies, we may,
indeed, fear for the precious boon of Liberty. "We want
no rebel party in disguise. We must not imperil our
glorious heritage by a misjudged magnanimity towards
even the remains of an insolent aristocracy. This class
arc still contumacious rebels, and, as such, are not wor-
thy of confidence. They must suffer the ignominy due
their crimes, and receive their just punishment that
worketh repentance.

" Long years these traitors have plotted the destruc-
tion of our Government — of the Constitution— of Lib-
erty. Let us hope and pray that in this great work of
the reconstruction of States this Union may be based
upon the National recognition of all men's inalienable
rights, and that nothing may be endangered by precipi-
tancy. As Mr. Colfax has said, ^ Let the work make

DOSTIE^S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 223

haste slowly/ and we can then hope that the foundation
of our Government, when reconstructed on the basis of
indisputable loyalty and freedom, will be as ' eternal as
the stars.'

" Freedom is the watchword of this age of progress.
The decree has gone forth that Liberty shall rule su-
preme in this Republic and throughout the world. The
words of our martyred Lincoln were prophetic : ' This
nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom,
and government of the people by the people and for the
people, and shall not perish from the earth.'

" In my opinion, before this work of restoration can
be fully consummated, this Government must recognize
and secure the equal political, as well as religious, civil,
and moral rights of men.

" My Friends, On the question of universal suffrage
I feel as did Gadsden, of South Carolina, in reference to
the Stamp Act of 1705, when he exclaimed : * We stand
upon the broad, common ground of those natural rights
which we feel and know as men.' The two elements
now at work in our land are striving, the one to perpetu-
ate Freedom, the other to destroy the power which jus-
tice seeks to give man. Whence arises this bitter
antagonism to the free, unconditional and equal rights
of the oppressed? Are these rights not denounced
most fiercely by the infamous instigators of the rebel-
lion — ^the aristocratic conspirators of this country, who
have declared, by words and by war, that power was
more potent than right — ^and oppression than equity?
The four millions of human beings made free during the
past four years are not recognized as freedmen by their
former masters. Their rights are not respected by them.

224 LIFE OF ▲• F. DOSnS.

The tenible events of the past four years have not
opened their eyes to sight in this matter. They will not
look iipon truths which are in accordance with the laws
of God and republican principles. Who were the loyal
and steadfast friends of the best of Governments in her
hour of peril? Who came forward by hundreds of
thoiisands at the call of Abraham Lincoln, and fought
^viih a courage unsurpassed by the bravest soldiers,
helping the nation in the darkest hour of danger to tum
the tide of battle, and win the precious victory that
made safe the Republic ? O friends ! let us be just, and
labor to extend to this portion of our fellow'citizens
those lights the God of Nature has bequeathed in com*
mon — the right of self-government— of representation —
of the ballot — ^for until these rights are given we cannot
become fully a nation of freemen. Refuse the just de-
mands of a brave and loyal people, and internecine war,
discord, sectional and national strife will re-appear, in
some form, with their blighting effects upon the country.
It is said by the enemies of negro suffrage that this
people are uneducated in the science of government, and
therefore unfit for the right of sufirage. Have they not
already proved to the world their capacity to appreciate
all the truths necessary to be understood by the loyal
citizens of the United States, in order to maintain the
rights of freemen ? Do we not find them as anxious for
the acquisition of knowledge as the white race ? Con-
template some of the developments of freedom to this
race. Go into the schools of the freedmen in this State,
established by this munificent Government, where up-
wards of twenty thousand colored people are being edu-
cated. See with what avidity they apply themselves to

DOSTIE's confidence in JOHNSON. 225

the various branches of knowledge. Examine them in
the progress of their various studies. Then, casting
aside all prejudice of color, tell us if they have not capa-
city to underetand and appreciate the principles which
lie at the foundation of a truly Republican government.

The loyal heart of the nation is fully aroused to the
importance of educating the race morally, intellectually,
civilly, and politically. The great defender of human
liberty, Abraham Lincoln, says in a letter to Governor
Hahn, " I congratulate you on having fixed your name in
history as the first Free State Governor of Louisiana. Now,
as you are about to have a Convention, which, among
other things, will possibly define the elective franchise, I
barely suggest to you whether some of the colored peo-
ple may not be let in, as, for instance, the intelligent, and
especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks.
They would probably help in some trying time to keep
the jewel of liberty in the family of Freedom."

President Johnson said on this question of negro suf-
frage, " Were I in Tennessee, I would introduce negro
suffrage, gradually, first to those who had served in the
army, those who could read and write, and perhaps a
qualification to others."

The voices of patriots all over the land are proclaiming
that freedom and the right of suffrage are inseparable.
It has become a historical fact that stands out boldly
upon American records that the black men of this coun-
try have vindicated this Government, and " cemented its
foundation stones with their blood." Shall we then re-
fuse them support to maintain the laws ? Can we say,
in justice, they shall not become citizens ? The voice of
liberty in thunder tones which shakes despotisms and

226 LIFB OF ▲• P. I>08IIE.

make oppressors tremble, says, '^Freedom means univer-
sal rights, universal jostice.^' That voice has been always
speaking, not only in our own country, but through the
patriots, statesmen, poets, «nd philanthropists of other
nations. England has proclaimed universal liberty and
human rights, through her Wilberforce, her Locke, her
Pitt, her Shakspeare, and her Milton. Ireland, through
her O'Connell, her Father Mathew, and her Curran,
speaks loudly for the precious boon of liberty. Germany
— freedom-loving Germany — sends forth her sweetest
notes of freedom through her Schiller, Luther, and Hum-
boldt. France breathed the pure, immortal flame of lib-
erty fi^m the fires which burst from the noble heart of
Lafayette, whose pulse throbbed with that of our own
Washington, as they struggled together for human rights.
Italy boasts of her Garibaldi — ^thousands of voices chant
the strains of liberty at the mention of that name associ-
ated forever with freedonL

In our own beloved land, the combined voices of
millions may be heard speaking for universal freedom,
universal justice. Through our martyred Lincoln, our
living Johnson, our Banks, our Butler, and hundreds of
others we speak. Louisiana has her Dorant, her Hahn,
and many others who are raising their voices in &vor of
humanity and universal suffrage.

Can the sneers and scoffs of the enemies of freedom —
the hiss of Copperheads, or the combined powers of any
despotism silence this voice? Never? Ideas do not
travel backwards. This voice of Freedom is now awake-
ning those who have been fighting in the ranks of treason
and rebellion. The Stephenses, Bells and Reagans of
the ^' so-called Confederacy" — ^have recently had the

DOSTIE's confidence in JOHNSON. 227

penetration to discover " the truth," that freedom poin-
ted to the right of suffrage. Who knows but we may-
live to see the rebels who have gone to Brazil, in the
hopes of finding slavery, return with the conviction that
equal rights, republicanism and democi*acy are better
than slaveiy and oppression.

God has given human beings reason and energy, and
man has no right to chain that reason and energy by
oppressive laws, or in any way prevent the exercise of
those rights, which in equity belong to all. Kossuth, in
reviewing the rights of man, exclaims, " Liberty is Lib-
erty, as God is God."

The adoption of the constitutional amendment has ex-
tirpated slavery from our country. God grant that all
things pertaining to its unjust laws, or to its spirit may
also be extirpated. The rebel Legislature have recently
made laws in direct opposition to the Constitutional
amendment, which reads : *' Neither slavery nor involun-
tary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof
the party has been duly convicted, shall exist within the
United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."

These Legislatures also, true to their slaveocratic in-
stincts, ignore by their acts the self-evident truth that
man has an inherent right to enjoy civil, religious and
political liberty.

There is not on earth a Republic but this that legis-
lates the rights of man away. No nation but this dis-
franchises freedmen because of their color or race. In
slaveholding Brazil they do not go so far as do the ene-
mies of negro suffrage in this country. In Brazil, freed-
men, regardless of color, are equal before the law, and
eligible to any office. In the British West Indies, the

228 LIFB OF A. P. DOSnE.

blacks were sent to the Republican Chamber of Depu-
ties, as representatives. And yet, in what nation, we
ask, have they fought for liberty as they have in our
Revolutionary war, in the war of 1812, and in our recent
great struggle for freedom?

In regard to political rights, we do not as a nation
stand on the same broad basis as did our revolutionaiy
fathers. Washington, Jefferson, Hancock, and Hamilton,
went to the polls and deposited tlieir ballots where the
negroes did theirs. These revolutionary patriots advo-
cated the cause of eqiial rights, and maintained the rights
of all freedmen to the ballot box. The black man voted
under Wasliington's, Adams, ' Madison's, and Jackson's
administrations.

In five of the New England States they have been
voting ever since the revolutionary war. In Pennsyl-
vania they continued to vote until 1838. In Maryland
and Virginia they voted until 1832. In New Jersey
until 1839; and in North Carolinia and Tennessee until
1835.

Negroes, after fighting in New Orleans under Jackson,
helped to elect the hero to Congress.

" The black people of this country have been ardently
and universally loyal, and ever ready to fight agamst
the anti-democratic and anti-republican principles which
despots have sought to establish in this Republic. They
are Americans by birth, and love freedom with an un-
dying love which they instinctively know is destined for
all Americans.

" At New Orleans, Mobile, and other cities, how did
they spend the fourth of July, 1865? Was not Ameri-
can freedom honored by them ? Was not the memory

DOSTIE*S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 229

of Abraham Lincoln glorified by this grateful people ?
On that day the black men of this nation proved them-
selves -worthy to assist in carrying out the principles in-
culcated by the Declaration of Independence. They
proved on that day the right to demand the same free-
dom the white man claims.

*' The negro wants no protection but just and equitable
laws. He only asks, in the spirit of 1776, to be en-
franchised from the thraldom of oppression. He knows
as well as we do that distinctions growing out of color or
race are incompatible with justice. This is an age of
progress not only for the white man, but for the black
man.

"The black man is becoming intelligent, and looks
upon the enemies of liberty just as the intelligent white
man looks upon slaveiy, serfdom, vagrant acts, oppres-
sions and wrongs, as all just men do. He knows that
the nation imperatively demands equal rights and jus-
tice, and he believes, with ns, that this demand will be
satisfied. He exclaims with the friends of equal rights,
* Let there be freedom for all, education for all, labor for
all ! ' Justice demands this, and nothing else will be
satisfactory.

" We want no more Opelousas ordinance, which pro-
hibits freedmen from coming to town without special
permission : which prohibits them liberty on the streets
after ten o'clock at night ; which declares that freemen
shall not reside within the limits of the town, unless,
they be in the regular service of some white person or
former master ; which refuses freemen the right to hold
public meetings, to preach, or to carry arms ; which re-
fuses them the liberty to barter, or to sell goods, without

230 UFB OF A. F. D08TIE.

the speciAl pennission of their employers, under the pen*
alty of imprisonments, fines or hard labor on the public
roads. Neither must these persistent slaveocrats be per-
mitted to put into operation those infamous laws enacted
in the rebel Democratic Legislature of 1865, which force
freedmen to contract away their labor and submit them-
selves to slavery imder new names.

^^ We want no negro vagrant laws, no more jail fees,
highest bidder, rendition of poor and indigent persons of
color ! no more reminders of the block, the ball chain,
the ^ nigger dogs ' the fugitive slave laws and the slave
gangs of the past.

^^ Let this people alone to enjoy the same protection
we are entitled to claim. Let this people with the aid
of justice and liberty, work out their own destiny. If
they will not work, let them starve; but give them
an equal chance with us in the struggle of Ufa

^' When the slave oligarchy ruled in the plenitude of its
power, the rights of the laboring classes were trampled
under foot. Free labor was reduced to the level of slave
labor. This shall be no more. The fiat has gone forth that
labor shall not be subjected to a domineering, unscrupu-
lous aristocracy. A new era has dawned upon this coun-
try. Labor in the future will be respectable and digni-
fied, and command the best portion of the fruit it pro-
duces.

" The Union party of Louisiana has labored earnestly
and faithfully to wipe out the disgraceful laws of this
State, that she might become one of the brilliant lights
of the nation. Abraham Lincoln was the prime mover
in this work of refoiination. His sympathies were ever
with Republican movements. His voice, which can never

)

BOSTIE^S CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 231

be lost to this nation, was heard on the eve of his depar-
ture from earth, declaring his sympathy with the Consti-
tution of 1864, which ignored the Black Code of this
State, abolished slavery and the laws which governed it
froin her statute books.

"My Fbiends, The Republican party of Louisiana —
counting white men only — ^are in a minority in this State.
A Rebel Democratic party, composed of domineering
aristocrats, who one year ago were fighting against re-
publican liberty, and who to-day are seeking to crush
loyal men, both white and black, by a renewed tyranny)
continue their Satanic oppressions and wrongs, while they
attempt to draw the veil of hypocrisy over their damnable
conspiracies.

" The National Republican party, to which all loyal men
in the South belong, seeks to establish liberty and justice
throughout the land. For the past four years it has
been working for freedom and equal rights, against slave-
ry and oppression ; against that slaveocratic power which
hates with Undying hate, free schools, a free press, free
speech, and all that pertains to that freedom a just God
designs for this mighty Republic.

** We are called upon to battle with these rebellious
tyrants. In that work, my fnends, we must be united*
Our beloved Louisiana is in imminent danger from the
deadly foes of freedom. Let us who love the Union and
liberty, forget past differences, and combine to fight the
oppressors who threaten to crush out the loyal element
of this State. Shall we not with our President say:
^ Let us be united. I know there are but two parties
now — one for the country and the other against it ; and
I am for my country.' While we embrace this noble

282 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIK

sentiment, let us inscribe upon our Republican banner
the motto: Union, Justice, Confidence, Freedom, En-
franchisement.

"Freedom, must triumph in our State. Louisiana
must become the land of human rights — ^the land where
every one can enjoy his own labor, his own soil — ^where
all can claim the right to educate their children, and
have all the rights of human beings respected by their
neighbor, and maintain the rights of self-government,
of the ballot, and all other rights which impartial justice
claims for the citizens of a magnanimous Bepublic.
Then we can vaunt our freedom ; then will the foreigner
no longer reproach America with slavery; then can
we say, in truth, our land is the * asylum of the op-
pressed and the home of the free.' Men of every nation
shall cherish it as the land of human rights — the land
where liberty means to enjoy manhood, free and un-
trammeled, with all the inestimable rights of freedom,
in its broadest and fullest meaning. Then may the
citizen proudly boast — ' I am an A^iebican."

BEBEL LEGISLATUBIIS. 233

CHAPTER XXII.

BBBEL LEGISLATURES.

The Governors and Legislatures of the rebellious
States, in unison with " my policy " moved on in their
work of politically restoring the rebellious elements to
power, and of crushing loyalty.

Louisiana seemed to take the lead in this ignominious
work. In that State it was considered an honor to have
approved the Ordinance of Secession. None who had
fought for the Government of the United States were
considered worthy of official position under the recon-
struction laws of Johnson.

The Legislature of Louisiana was composed almost
entirely of meij who had fought against the government,
and, approved of the rebellion and slavery. The consti-
tution of 1864 was ignoi-ed by that assembly. The work
of the Convention and Legislature of 1864, which
abolished Slavery in Louisiana, and looked to the inter-
ests of the freedmen and the laboring classes, were to the
Legislatm*e of Louisiana of 1866 what the Emancipa-
tion Proclamation had been to the Confederate Govern-
ment, and was treated with the same contempt, as all
other acts which opposed Slavery, and oppression.

In a letter to Senator Howe, of Wisconsin, April
12th, 1866, Governor Hahn writes, "The present Legis-

284 UFE OF A. P. DOSTUS.

latare evidently intend to revive the old slavery regula-
tions. A careful analysis of the acts they have passed
would convince any man of their true intent, which is to
keep up a sort of slavery in spite of the new Constitutional
Amendment. I assure you what, Mr. T. W. Conway,
lately Assistant Conmiissioner of the bureau of Freed-
men in Louisiana, called the ordinance relative to the
police for colored persons, * Slavery, in substance,' is
true of the acts of that Legislature. But you will not
be surprised at their unjust provisions when you are
informed of their authorship— Duncan F. Kenner is
their worthy parent. He was elected a delegate to the
Montgomery Convention by the Louisiana Convention
which adopted the infamous ordinance of Secession. He
helped to frame the Confederate Constitution, and was
elected to the Confederate Congress. He remained a
member of that rebel body until General Grant extin-
guished the Codfederacy, when he availed himself of an
early opportunity to visit Washington and seek a pardon.
And with his pardon he hurried to Louisiana, dismissed
the officers of the Freedmens' Bureau from the further
preservation of his property, and immediately procures
an election to the State Senate, and then becomes the
author and advocate of the new Slave laws. With such
material in the Southern Legislatures, what' good can be
expected ? If ' Reconstruction ' is to be entrusted to
such intelligent and influential rebels, "what can we
hope to achieve for the good of the country ? As to
the disloyal character of the Legislature, I will let the
published declarations of others speak.

Hon. R. C. Richardson, of New Orleans, writing to
Ex-Governor George S. Boutwell, says :

REBEL LEGISLATURES. 235

** A prominent member of the Legislature, and an old
secession leader, stated to me in conversation a short
time before the election, that he was a stronger seces-
sionist than he ever was, and that he hated the United
States Government from the bottom of his heart, and
if he ever got a chance he would strike a death-blow at
it. I state from memory nearly his own language.

^^ Now, sir, I am prepared to assert that at least nine-
tenths of his colleagues entertain the same sentiments,
leaving out one solitary Union man elected from one of
the country paiishes.

"All their proceedings, so far, sustain this conclu-
sion."

Hon. H. C. Warmoth, of New Orleans, in his argu-
ment addressed to Senator George H. Williams, of the
Reconstruction Committee, after speaking of other rebeb
influences in Louisiana, adds :

" And finally the Legislature comes with new enact-
ments, in order to more effectually, it possible, destroy
the friends of equal suffrage and equal rights. And
thus without opposition or question re-enslave the col-
ored people."

But why should I accumulate the opinions of citizens,
however trustworthy and honorable, when a sunple
statement of/ctcts cannot but bring you to a similar
opinion ?

The Legislature elected its officers on account of dis-
tinguished services to the confederacy, and the criterion
of success was persistent devotion and bitterness in the
rebel cause.

It refused to have the American flag about its halls
until some colored ladies formally tendered it one as a

236 UFB OF A« P. DOSTIE.

present, which offer, however, was indignantly ignorc<l.
It refused action on a resolution offered by Mr. Wil-
liam Brown, of Iberville, as follows :

" Whereas^ In the opinion of this body, the Govern-
ment of the United States is the best Government on
the face of the earth, and, whereas, the flag of the^ said
Government is worthy of all respect ; therefore be it

^^ Resolved^ That the Sargeant-at-arms of the Senate be
directed to procure a large United States' flag, to
have the same properly and tastefully an*anged over the
President of the Senate's chair."

Shortly after its assembling the Senate expelled Mr.
Wm, Brown, the author of the foregoing resolution, and
some other Union Senators, who held over in their term
from the previous Legislature, on the pretext that they
were elected by a small vote of Union men before the
rebels had given up the Confederacy.

The present Constitution of Louisiana, framed while
most of the members of this Legislature were in the
rebellion, contains this provision :

^* The Legislature shall provide for the education of all
children of the State between the ages of six and eisfh-
teen years, by maintenance of free public schools, by
taxation or othei-wise."

The former Constitution, made in the interests of
slavery, used the word " white " before the word " chil-
dren." The members of the Legislature have sworn to
cany out the constitutional mandate as it now stands.
They assert in their preamble that " sufficient provision
is made by the Constitution and laws of the State, &c."
They have made no provision for or sign of willingness
to open colored schools, and no existing colored school
is recognized, fostered or encouraged by their action*

l^EBEL LEGISLATUBES. 237

But, you may ask how can these evils be remedied ?
How can justice be secured to the Union men without
dealing harshly with the rebels ? My answer is ready.

Give EVERY COLOBED CmZEN THE BIGHT OF SUFFRAGE.

This will settle all difficulties connected with reconstruc-
tion. It is not only just and proper to extend this inesti-
mable right to oui*^ colored citizens, but it is a debt we owe
them. Let the nation be as scrupulous in discharging
its moral obligations growing out of the war, as it is to
pay its financial obligations. Let us be true to those
who have been true to us. In granting this right we
obtain security for the future. By doing this act of jus-
tice, by paying this debt, we close the rebellion. There
is no other question seriously dividing the people which
is not settled, with the discharge of this duty.

Respectfully yours, Michael Hahn.

288 UFS OF A. F. DOSTIE.

CHAPTER XXm.

BCHOOLS, CHXJBCHES AND FBEEDMAN's BUBEAI7.

By order of mnnicipal authority, in harmony with the
new reconstruction laws, the Puhlic Schools of New
Orleans were placed in charge of those who had fled
into the "Confederacy" upon the arrival of General
Butler in that city in 1862. The Loyal School Board
was superseded, with one or two nohle exceptions, hy a
disloyal Board of Education. Wm. O. Rogers was ap-
pointed to the position he had held in the schools — ^when
the black flag was considered an honorable emblem oi
the "Confederate Schools." His subtle influence was
used to gradually displace Union teachers. The United
States flags, placed over the Public School buildings
through the influence of Dostie and his co-laborers, were
torn down, the flag stafl" used for kindlmg wood and the
flags destroyed. The names of Beauregard, Lee, Sidney
and A. Johnson were reverenced. The names of Lincoln,
Grant, Butler and Banks were treated with contempt by
the Superintendent and scholars of the reconstructed
Schools.

In one of the rebel sheets of New Orleans we find
the policy of the public schools referred to in the fol-
lowing article. "Unless for cause," in that article
means volumes of injustice. It pointed to the expul-

FBEEDMANS' BUBEAU. 239

sion from those schools of more than one hundred teachers
for their known Union sentiments :

"The policy here, as elsewhere, in relation to our
public schools, has been to make no changes of teachers,
miless for cause. When, however, such men as A. P.
Dostie were potential in the management of the public
schools in New Orleans, while the war was progressing
and less attention was bestowed on education, than on
military science, oaths thick as leaves of Yallambrosa
were administered to all who proposed to become in-
structors of the youth of this city, and woe be to him
or her who could not swallow the gilded pill, and sol
emnly swear to swallow an entire nigger at the same
instant."

Glendy Burke was President of the reconstructed
School Board. His first proposition in that relation
was to " dismiss all the Union teachers from the schools,"
claiming as his reason for such action, "Their mis-
management and incapacity." Engraved in letters of
gold, stands the name of Dr. Goldman in that School
Board. This distinguished friend of Union teachers,
and liberal education, indignantly repelled the charges
of Glendy Burke, and exerted his influence to retain
the teachers who had faithfully labored in the cause of
the Union.

The churches under the new reconstruction laws were
ordered to be given up to their old pastors and congre-
gations.

Palmer, Leacock and Goodridge returned to honor
the memory of the " lost cause " and give aid to " my
policy " under the garb of Christianity. The following
from a leading paper of New Orleans — vindicates the

240 LirE OP A, r. dostib.

spirit with which rebel divines ind orators were received
by the reconstructed :

DISTINGUISHED ARBIYALS.

" It is our pleasant task to notice the return, after
an absence of three years or more, of two of the truest,
ablest and most distinguished citizens of "New Orleans,
the Hon. Pierre Soule and the Rev. Dr. Leacock. The
former has always been one of the chief ornaments of the
Louisiana Bar, the latter the model of the Southern
Divine — ^pure, simple, charitable and sincere. Many a
sunny memory will be recalled by the sight of those
noble men on oui* streets and at our firesides."

"The other dav the Carondelet Street Methodist
Church, for a long time past presided over by the Rev.
J. P. Newman, was restored to the old members of the
congregation."

" The Rev. Mr. Newman, who waited on the President
the other day to see if he could not get permission to
retain possession of a certain church edifice in New
Orleans, which he had occupied since the time of General
Butler, is said to be quite disgusted at the President's
refusal to acquiesce in his request, and to have already
written to his friends here that " the war is a dead
failure."

The Rev. J. P. Newman was the Luther of the
churches in New Orleans during the rebellion. He pro-
bably received more censures for his labors in the cause
of Christianity — the Union and liberty than did the
great refoimer.

The Rev. J. W. Horton was another beloved pastor of
the Union Church of New Orleans, against whom the
vengeance and denunciations of a rebellious community

FBEBDMAKS^ BUBEAU. 241

were directed. He was pastor of the church from which
his lamented brother the Rey. Wm. Duncan was excluded
before the arrival of General Butler in 1862.

After Dr. Dostie's return from Washington, he was
prostrated for weeks by sickness. Upon his recovery
(as was his usual custom), he started to attend church
on Sabbath morning to listen to a sermon from the Rev.
J. P. Newman. As he was entering Carondelet Street
churchy a friend asked the Dr. *^ If he knew the churches
had been given up to their old pastors ?" He replied,
'^ If that is true, I do not desire to listen to the enemies of
my Government and shall spend the day in jail with my
loyal friend Mr. Bennie."

His friend had been sent to jail by Governor Wells for
the crime of "embezzlement.'* That crime consisted in
Mr. Bennie's refusal to pay acting Auditor Neville, after
Dr. Dostie's unlawful removal from office, his returns
as Sheriff of Terrebonne Parish.

The Freedmans' Bureau was another impediment in
the way of "My Policy" and the new reconstruction
laws of President Johnson. The friends of President
Lincoln were those first removed from office in Louisiana
by his successor. The folowing letter proves the esti-
mation in which the labors of the Rev. T. W. Conway
were held by the martyred President :

Executive Mansion, )
Washington, March 1, 1866, J

Mr. Thomas W. Contoaj/y General Superintendent

JFi'eedmeny Department of the GvHf:

Sib: Your statement to Major-General Hurlburt of
the condition of the freedmen of your department, and
of your success in the work of their moral and civil
elevation, has reached me, and gives me much pleasure.

242 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

That we shall be entirely successful in our efforts, I
firmly believe.

The blessing of God and the efforts of good and faith-
ful men will bring us an earlier and happier consumma-
tion than the most sanguine friends of the freedmen
could reasonably expect.

Tours,

A. Lincoln,

The following article from " the reconstructed Press of
New Orleans " indicates the vindictive spirit manifested
towards the laborers in the cause of freedom :

" We are told by the telegraph that Major-General
Thomas has tendered the superintendence of the schools
for freedmen in Tennessee and Kentucky to the Rev.
Thomas W. Conway. We do not believe it. General
Thomas would hardly appoint an officer that President
Johnson had dismissed in disgrace for stirring up the
fireedmen to acts of sedition.

"While we have the utmost respect for the clergy, we
hope to be spared the curse of such preachers as this Reve-
rend who is now in Washington defaming the people of
Texas and Louisiana.

" We are all the more incredulous of this item, because
Mr. Conway has been an habitual deceiver of journalists
for a long while. One-half the frightful stories of in-
humanity to the negro originate in his jaundiced mind.
His relations exceed those of * Uncle Tom's Cabin.' "

Ex-Confederate General Humphries, of Mississippi,
one of the reconstructed Governors under " My Policy,'*
thus writes of the Freedmens' Bureau :

" To the guardian care of the Freedmens' Bureau has
been intrusted the emancipated slaves. The civil law
and the white man outside of the Bureau has been de-

FBEEDMAKS' BUBEAU. 243

prived of all jurisdiction over them. Look around you
and see the result. Idleness and vagrancy has been the
rule.

" Four years of cruel war, conducted on principles of
vandalism, disgraceful to the civilization of the age, were
scarcely more blighting and destructive to the homes of
the white man, impoverishing and degrading to the
negro, than has resulted in the last six or eight months
from the administration of this black incubus.

"How long this hideous curse, permitted of Heaven,
is to be allowed to rule and ruin our unhappy people, I
regret it is not in my power to give any assurance, fur-
ther than can be gathered from the public and private
declarations of President Johnson."

The following correspondence explains one of the acts
of reconstruction under "My Policy : "

New Orleans, April 10, 1866.
Sis JEhcceUency^ JPresident Andrew Johnson :

Sib: It is made my duty, as President of the Senate
of this State, to transmit to you by telegraph a copy oi
a joint resolution relative to the collection of taxes by
the freedmen's bureau, for the purposes of education.

The resolution reads as follows :

** WhereaSy we are informed that the superinten-
dent of the freedmen's bureau for the State of Louisiana
is proceeding to enforce the collection of a tax levied by
military order in the State of Louisiana, to refund
moneys expended, or to provide funds to be expended
by the Federal authorities in the education of freedmen
in this State :

" JBe it resolved by the Senate^ the Souse of Hepre-
sentatives of the General Assembly concurrinffy That
General Howard, general superintendent of the freed-
men's bureau for the United States, or, in his default
the President of the United States, be respectfully re^

244 LIFE OF A* P. DOSTUS.

quested to suspend the ftirtber collection of said taxes,
and to procure or make a revocation of the order upon
which they rest ; and that the president of the Senate
and the Speaker of the House of Representatives be
requested immediately to communicate this resolution
by telegraph to Washington."

I remam, very respectfully, your most obedient
servant, Albert Voobhiss.

Wae Depabtmbnt, April 12, 1866.
To Albert VoorhieSy JBsq* :

Tour telegram was referred to the Secretary of War,
who reports that all orders and proceedings for the col-
lection of taxes by the freedmen's bureau for the purpose
of education, have been suspended.

Andrew Johnson.

President Johnson's favorite theory, " The Conflict •£
Races,'' met the approbation of his reconstructed friends.
" The negro will one day have his misery, and destruc-
tion entailed upon his race by the radicals of the day,"
was the cry of the rebel Press. Such language was no
check to men of blood, who hated with undying ven-
geance radical and just measures.

POSTIE NOMINA'raiD SURVEYOR. 245

CHAPTER XXIV.

DOSTIB NOMINATRD FOR SURYETOR OF THE PORT.

The friends of Dr. Dostie were anxious that he should
be appointed Surveyor of the Port at 'New Orleans.
Through the influence of Members of Congress and
others the name of Dostie was sent by the President to
the Senate to be confirmed. This unwelcome news soon
reached his rebel enemies in New Orleans, and the Presi-
dent was besieged with the numerous pleadings of his
rebel fiiends to withdraw from the Senate the name of
the "Radical fanatic," Dostie. The whole city of New
Orleans was thrown into excitement over this supposed
victory of radicalism. **What I" said his enemies, " shall
this man who has been so conspicuous in the Yankee
reign, as a Union man, as a man who has advocated
negro rights, be allowed by our President to occupy a
position which none but those who defend our eavse
should fill ?"

The press denounced his appointment, and his pat-
riotic radical record was soon pictured to the Presi-
dent. The representation to the Chief Executive that
Dostie would be an " impediment to his cherished plans
of reconstruction," had the desired effect ; the name of
Dostie was withdrawn from the United States Senate,

246 LIFE OF A« P. DOSTIE.

and a man was appointed as surveyor of the port of
New Orleans who would agree with " My policy."

Said Dr. Dostie, when his name was sent to the Senate,
'^ I have not been wrong in placing confidence in the
President. He knows me to be a loyal man, and yet he
proposes to place me where I may exert an influence
against disloyal men." Said one who had lost all confi-
dence in Andrew Johnson, " You will never be allowed
to retain any position long under the administration of
President Johnson. You are an honest radical; your
enemies are the friends of the President." Said Dr.
Dostie, after his name was withdrawn, " I am not yet
willing to give up my confidence in Andrew Johnson.
My enemies have misrepresented me to him. PersonaUy
considered I do not so much regret the withdrawal of my
name (although I had every assurance that I should have
been confirmed by a loyal Senate,) but I knew it would
be a victory of the radical party in Louisiana, who are
losing all confidence in the President. The appointment
by him of a radical Union man would have secured
faith in him. I believe he will yet appoint a loyal man
to the position, and should he, I shall not murmur."
The President's appointee was a man of known rebel
proclivities.

The following letter was written by Dr. Dostie to
President Johnson at that time :

New Orleans, Feb. 1, 1866.
^^ Andrew Johnson^ JPresident of tJie United States :

" Sir : — I feel deeply obligated to you for having con-
ferred upon me the appointment of Register of the Land
Office for the State of Louisiana, and afterwards you
saw proper, without any solicitation on my part, to ap-

DOSnE NOMINATED SUBYETOB. 247

point me Surveyor of the Port of New Orleans, which
appointment (after you had sent it to the Senate) was
withdrawn by you. Your reasons for withdrawing the
appointment are unknown to me, and may be of such a
character as to make it desirable (on your part) that I
should vacate the position to which you first assigned
me. I therefore tender my resignation, to date from the
5th of February, as I had determined upon when I
learned of my appomtment to the Surveyorship.

" I will cheerfully give way to abler and better men
than myself, who seek to serve the country and the
cause of the Union. I can assure your Excellency that
no one could feel keener than myself any blow that
might be aimed against those men who have at all times
and under the most trying circumstances stood up for an
tmdivided country, and those great principles you have
advocated and defended.

"I remain, respectfully yours,

"Anthont p. Doshe."

248 LIFE OF ▲• P. DOSTIB.

CHAPTER XXV,

DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON.

President Johnson's vetoes of the " Freedman's Bureau
Bill," and " The Civil Rights Bill," converted Dr. Dostie
from his error in reposing confidence in a traitor to the
cause of liberty. Dostie became a radical in his opinions
of Andrew Johnson of the class of Wade, Butler and
Sumner, and with thousands of others he stood by Sena-
tor Wade, when that noble statesman rose in the Senate
chamber and said in reply to Senator Lane of Kansas,
(who defended the President in his vetoes of the Civil
Rights and Freedman's Bureau Bill,) " Who is your
President that every man must bow to his opinion, if
you please? Why, sir, we all know him — ^he is no
stranger to this body. We have measured him, sir. We
know his height, his length, his breadth, and his capaci-
ty — all about him, and you set him up as a paragon, and
declare here, upon the floor of this Senate, that you are
going to wear his collar. Is that the idea — that you are
going to be his apologist and defender on whatever he
may propose ? Three millions of people, sir, exposed to
outrages and insults and murder from these woree than
human savages, their former masters ; murdered, as we
are told, every day ; their lives taken away ; their hu-
manity trampled under foot ; and when Congress, under

DOSTIE'S LOSS OP CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 249

the Constitution of the United States, is endeavoring to
tender them some little protection, how are we met here ?
Every attempt of your Moses has been to trample them
down, making them worse, and throwing every obstruc-
tion in the way of everything proposed by Congress."

Said Dostie, " Next to President Lincoln I trusted
President Johnson. When I was compelled to see in
him a traitor to liberty and loyalty my indignation knew
no bounds." In the following address delivered before
the Republican Association of New Orleans, May 9th,
1866, he thus expresses a measure of that indignation :

" FELLOw-CrriZENg — ^The conflict between Freedom
and Despotism now agitating the nation is rapidly de-
veloping those great principles which form the basis of
republican government. In the antagonism raging there
are two parties in the field — ^the Republican party, which
maintains that liberty, equality and justice are the pre-
rogatives of all men, and should be the foundation of
government ; the other, the " Democratic " party, which
disgraces that name by denouncing human equality and
the rights of man.

^' In this battle of ideas no middle ground can be
taken by friends of freedom, of democracy, of republi-
canism. The events of the past four years have clearly
developed to the American people the fact that the ele-
ments in our country at war with republican institutions
can no longer with impunity be permitted to endanger
the life of the nation.

" Patriots and heroes have written, with pens dipped
in the blood of thousands, upon the comer-stone of the
Republic : Liberty — ^Progress — ^Democracy.

" No human power can thrust this Republic of Liberty

250 UFS OF ▲• p. D08TIS.

into the depths from which it has been lifted. The
plague spot has been removed from the nation, and that
marij be he * President, rebel, or conservative,' who dares
to conspire against the progress of freedom, equal and
exact justice, must eventually incur the just indignation
of an outraged people, and be crushed by those ^ eternal
forces ' which have decreed that this shall be a land of
free, republican institutions.

^^ Connected with the events of the past five years are
two names that will ever stand out boldly upon the re-
cords of the Second American Revolution. These are,
Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. The one, the
great leader of the Republican party, the leader of that
party which, during the past four years, won so many
^victories for humanity.' Abraham Lincoln was the
champion of liberty, the embodiment of the principles
and policy of the Republican party. He was ever the
friend of patriots, of men loyal to our country, and
steadily maintained the principles which honored repub-
licanism and protected loyalty. With mercy he blended
justice. Abraham Lincoln was never known to com-
promise with traitors. None dared approach the man
who, by every act of his life, had proved himself invul-
nerable to Ae flattery of the enemies of his country, and
who never granted favors which would injure the cause
of republican liberty. The friends of emancipation, of
the Union — ^men of republican ideas, of true democratic
principles — were the men with whom he sympathized
and whom he selected to fill places of trust in this Gov-
ernment. Abraham Lincoln never dreamed of a policy
that could place traitors in power to crush loyal men
who had sufiered for the cause of liberty and the Union.

DOSTIB's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 251

This name, which was made immortal because it stood
at the head of that party, whose policy has ever been to
extirpate slavery from the land and restore the country
according to the laws of right and justice, will ever ap-
pear in bright contrast with that of Andrew Johnson.

^^ A mourning nation turned from the grave of a mar-
tyred President to repose confidence in one they believed
to be a true patriot, in one whose past acts and noble
sayings had marked him as a Mend to loyalty, an enemy
to treason. The oppressed looked up to Andrew John-
son with confidence, as he told them ' Tie would be their
MbseSy and take them through the dark waters which
surrounded them? Loyal men who had suffered by
fighting for their country in her peril, for which they
were persecuted by traitors, trusted the * Moses ' of the
wronged, and confidently believed that his policy would
be to protect the friends of the Government against the
tyranny of those who had sought to destroy it. Had
Andrew Johnson not said, when Governor of Tennessee,
^ Rebellion shall no more pollute our Stata Loyal men,
whether black or white, shall govern the State ?' Had
Andrew Johnson not said from his exalted position of
President, ^ Treason must be made odious, and traitors
must be punished and impoverished. Their great plan-
tations must be seized and divided into small &rms and
sold to honest and industrious men ?'

" Traitors were appointed to fill places of trust, but
none were willing to believe that the patriotic Andrew
Johnson had adopted a policy that would place men in
power who had labored for years to destroy the most be-
neficent form of government. Were not his past acts
and words in direct antagonism to this suicidal policy ?

252 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

Had not he said that ^ in the work of restoration, that
work should be put into the hands of friends, not
smothered by its enemies V That * if there were but
five thousand men loyal to. freedom, loyal to justice,
these true and faithful men should control the work of
re-organization and reformation absolutely ?' Such was
the confidence reposed in Andrew Johnson by the loyal
Union men of the South that they suffered in silence the
persecutions of traitors, believing that when their patri-
otic President had experimented sufficiently in his re-
storation policy, he certainly would discover that such a
policy sustained traitors and crushed loyal men. They
waited hopefully and patiently, believing that when their
loyal President should discern the true character of his
appointees, they would receive their just reward — ^that
traitors would be punished according to his solemn
promises.

" Alas ! that Andrew Johnson should have stultified
his history, abandoned his party, and fallen from that
position where a confiding liberty-loving people had
placed him, expecting him to carry out the great princi-
ples the lamented Lincoln had pointed out as necessary
to save the Republic. Alas ! that the Chief Executive
should descend from that exalted position so recently
occupied by the Great Martyr of Liberty, to denounce
the principles of that party, of that Congress who are
struggling to maintain the immortal cause for which the
leader of Republicanism — the noble Lincoln — had died.

" Liberty bowed her head and wept, methinks, on the
night of February 22d, 1866, when the Chief Magistrate
of the nation mingled with the traitors of the land to
insult a Republican Congress, to strike at the vitals of

doshe's loss of confidence in johnson. 253

Liberty, to treat with contempt the memory of Wash-
ington and Lincoln. It was not strange that the nation
stood aghast and loyal hearts were filled with shame and
humiliation, while traitors shouted and fired guns in
honor of their avowed leader.

" President Johnson declares that he is but carrying
out the policy of Abraham Lincoln. If he had recon-
structed and restored States according to his promises,
he would have earned out Mr. Lincoln's policy. Has
this been his course ? Has he adhered to the principles
for which he was elected to restore the States? Has not
Andrew Johnson said * The leaders of the rebellion have
decided eternal separation between you and them.
These leaders must be conquered and a new set of men
brought forward, who are to vitalize and develope the
Union feeling in the South?' This was the policy of
Abrahapi Lincoln ; this was the promulgated policy of
Andrew Johnson, as an avowed Republican. This is not
his present policy. His policy is to arm the rebels, to
veto Liberty Bills designed to give protection to the
loyal against traitors, to denounce patriots as traitors
and fraternize with the red-handed monsters of the land.

" Listen to what Governor Brownlow says of Andrew
Johnson's policy : ' When I put the President in nomi-
nation at Baltimore for the Vice Presidency, I felt that
he had so thoroughly committed himself to the Union
cause, and had been so badly treated by tha rebels, it
was impossible for him ever to get around to them
again ; but I give him up as lost to the Union party,
and as the man who is to head the rebels and Demo-
crats. Every rebel in this country, every McClellan
man, and every ex-guerrilla chief are loud and enthusi-

254 LIFE OP A. P. DOSTEEB.

astic in praise of the President. The men who bat a
few months since were cnrsing him for an abolitionist
and traitor and wishing him executed, are now for exe-
cuting all who dare oppose his policy^ or even doubt its
success.' In the eleven rebellious States, can any one
point out the ' new set of men V No. The leaders of
the rebellion, through the influence and power of An-
drew Johnson, to-day hold the offices and places through-
out these States, and openly declare that Andrew John-
son, whom the loyal millions trusted, is the friend and
supporter of the leaders of the rebellion, while they
know that the loyal Union people are unprotected and
subject to the tyranny of the instigators of the rebel-
lion. Andrew Johnson is shamefully guilty of dis-
placing men who have lavishly spilt their blood and
expended their treasure to secure an undivided country,
and given those places to men distinguished for their
treason. The policy of Abraham Lincoln was in bright
contrast with this policy. During Lincoln's life, were
men known to have been partisans of secession, ap-
pointed to govern the States? Were its instigators
allowed to hold offices or positions of honor or trust ?
Did traitors dream of asking such favors from the just
and honest Lincoln ? They knew that the great object
of that noble life was to put down treason and restore
the Union. In contrast to Johnson's proceedings, Lin-
coln acted according to his convictions of right and
justice. His acts were in harmony with his words.
Andrew Johnson declared that influential and wealthy
traitors ought to suffer ' the penalties and terrors of the
law,' and now seeks to conciliate them, honors them by
placing them in Government employ, and giving them

DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 255

positions of power, where their influence in favor of
treason is unlimited. Is this ' arresting, convicting and
punishing ' men who have been guilty of the greatest
of crimes — ^treason ? Is this making treason odious ?

" Andrew Johnson has recently declared, in praise of
his restoration policy, that Louisiana and South Carolina,
are now more loyal than they have been for the past
twenty five years. The men who have been crushed by
the despotic tyranny of President's Johnson's recon-
structed rebelsj because they have fought for the Union
and republican principles, place a different construction
upon loyalty. The men who have fought treason and
slavery for the last twenty-five years, and who have been
commissioned by high authority to investigate these im-
portant matters, do not talk thus of the loyalty of
Louisiana and South Carolina. The true, loyal Union
men of these eleven rebellious States know that rebel-
lion is only conquered by the bayonet, that military
power alone keeps it in check. Why is the press of
these States, if they are so loyal, constantly filling the
public mind with the same ideas that were popular dur-
ing the rebellion.

*' Hearken to what Horace Maynard says : ' With the
same traitor editors as before and during the war, pai"-
doned it may be, but manifestly unchanged in temper
and purpose, there is displayed the same sectional feel-
ing and hatred of the Federal Government, though not
the same stomach for fight. Under a thin disguise of
of flattery of the President they assail his friends who
have stood by him all through the dark years of the
conflict, and vilify those whom they call radicals, mean-
ing all Union men who oppose their infamous course and

256 UFE OP A. p. DOSnB.

who are now unwilling they should be restored to power
over loyal men. Their diurmal venom affords the strong-
est argument against the admission to their seats of
your Congressional representation. The ideas and princi-
ples of the rebellion are constantly instilled into the pop-
ular mind.' This is known to be true by all loyal men in
the South. The unrepentant rebels still resist the laws
of the Nation, despise the sacred oaths they have taken,
and only took them for the purpose of gaining power
through the mysterious magnanimity of Andrew John-
son, praise the institution of slavery and despotism, and
generally embrace the sentunents of men like T. Tancey,
of Mississippi, who says : ^ As for recognizing the right
of freedmen to their children, I can say that not one
Southern man or woman in the whole South recognizes
the negro as a freedman, but as other stolen property
forced by the bayonets of the damnai>le United States
Goverrvment?

" Such are the * loyal men ' in power in these recon-
structed States. Such are the men now guarding
the vital interests of eleven States of this Republic
of Liberty. Does that flag which is the pride of the
Nation, in the folds of which may be read * Liberty,
Justice and Equality,' wave triumphantly over these
States ? Although Andrew Johnson has proclaimed the
^ insurrection at an end,' war has not ended^ peace has
not come. The Union men of the South yet look upon
Federal bayonets as their only hope of salvation, and
must so do, until a truly Republican Congress can secure
peace to the country by reconstructing the rebellious
States upon a loyal basis, until those who are traitors
are made ' to take a back seat,' and ar^ shorn of all

DOSTIS'S LOSS OF CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 257

power to renew their assault upon the life of the Nation.
Traitors through the magnanimity of Andrew Johnson,
have received positions due only to good and patri-
otic men. Men who had made themselves worthy of
favors from the Chief Executive by their adherence to
the Government when in peril, demanded, in the name
of right and justice, that the sacred interests of this
Government be guarded by its sworn and tried friends,
and not placed in the power of the leaders of the rebel-
lion, who still plot the destruction of the Republic.
Honors bestowed upon traitors will prove that

♦* Mercy but murders, pardoning those that kill."
Have these pardoned rebels, who to-day, through the
influcQce of the President, govern the eleven rebellious
States, shown any evidence of repentance for the crimes
they have committed against their country? Do they
regard their sacred oaths ? Do they not daily declare,
while surrounded by Federal bayonets, that they will
yet conquer that power which has compelled their sub-
mission to the just laws of this Nation^ while they ac-
knowledge themselves beaten in the field? that, with
the help of their President and the Copperheads of the
North, they will triumph politically in the Government
of this country ; that it will be a more decided victory
of their principles than they could have obtained by de-
feating the Republican army upon the battle-field ? Is
this yielding up the infamous principles for which they
commenced and fought a bloody war, that they might
become a Confederacy of Traitors, the comer-stone of
which was to be slavery ? Is this embracing the great
truths which give to this Nation * Liberty — ^full, broad
and unconditional Liberty ?' Ought not traitors to be

258 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

made to feel that by committing the crime of treason
against this Government they forfeit their right as citi-
zens, and that justice demands that they be arrested
and punished? If they had repented of their infamous
crimes, would they not honor and respect their con-
querors? Have they done this ? No. The fact is no-
torious that all the influential wealthy leaders of rebel-
lion to-day bid defiance to the Government and laws of
the country they have deluged with blood and filled
with woe and desolation. The prenciples of these leaders
have always moved them to oppose republicanism, hu-
man equality and liberty, and to guide the masses under
their control to anarchy and rebellion.

" These are the men who to-day, under the policy and
administration of Andrew Johnson, occupy the first
positions in the States so lately in armed hostility to
the United States Government. These men, who led the
armies of the rebellion against the Republican hosts,
who fought to maintain the Government and establish
liberty throughout the land, now lead the armies forth
to fight the political battles against their conquerors.

" And whom do they claim as their leader in this con-
flict between republicanism and despotism, between free
institutions and slavery? Who, say the copperhead
presses of the North and the rebel presses of the South,
shall be their leaders. They evidently believe that their
leader is secured to them, that the man who so long
suflered on the 'gridiron' because men of republican
principles were suffering by the persecutions of traitors;
copperheads and rebels, the ' Moses ' of the oppressed,
the Govenior of Tennessee, who declared that loyal men,
whether black or white, should rule the State, who said

DOSTIE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 259

that treajson must be made odious, that the wealthy,
influential leaders of the rebellion must be arrested, con-
victed and punished, is now the accepted leader of those
who love oppression and hate free, democratic, republi-
can institutions. The leader of red-handed traitors, who
have fought to undermine the foundations of this Gov-
ernment, the leader of men whose names stand in the
same category of crime with Aaron Burr, of whom
Andrew Johnson said, in the days when he denounced
traitors : * Were J President of the United States^ I
would do as Thomas Jefferson did^ in 1806, with Aaron
Burr — ^I would have them arrested, and if convicted,
within the meaning and scope of the Constitution, by the
JStemcU God^ Iwoxdd execute them.'* Andrew Johnson
is President of the United States, and who has he ar-
rested? Who has been executed? — ^Wirz. The men
who founded and instigated conspiracies to overthrow
the Government, men who fired upon our flag, took our
-forts and custom-houses, our arsenals, our mints, our
lands, and fought against our liberty, made desolate our
homes and murdered our sons and brothers — these are
the men who cry, from every portion of the land, upon
Andrew Johnson to lead them against that party who
has ever stood up boldly for the eternal principles of
justice and the rights of humanity, who crushed thd
infamous rebellion and stayed the revengeful arm of
those who struck at the vitals of the Nation, that party
which wielded a power that all the Copperheads, rebels
and demons in Christendom cannot crush, be their
leader Andrew Johnson, Robert E. Lee or Jcflerson
Davis.

" Notwithstanding the defection of the President, this

260 UFS OF ▲• p. DOSTIE.

great Republic is not to be hurled from the majestic
heights to which it has been lifted within the past five
years ; it is not again to be thrown back into the depths
of slavery, oppression and degradation from which it has
just emerged. The spirit of the age proclaims the march
of Freedom to be onward, and no human power can
silence the voice of Liberty, as she proclaims to the na-
tions of the earth her right to rule this Republic. Men
may plot to conspire and destroy liberty and republi-
canism, and build upon their ruins slavery and despotism,
but there is a God of Justice who rules the destinies of
this Nation, and who, in the events of the last four
years, has proved to the American people that from
His Eternal Throne He has decreed that this shall be a
Republic where the rights of humanity shall be sacred
against oppression and tyranny. Human rights have
become wonderfully developed by the revolution which
has been sweeping over the land. Millions of the en-
slaved have been, by the Great Emancipator, proclaimed
freemen, and are becoming enlightened on the important
events of the age, and appreciate the humane principles
ol republicanism, to which they owe their liberation
from the thraldom of tyranny, notwithstanding Presi-
dent Johnson's recent order to discontinue 'the collec-
tion of taxes by the Freedmen's Bureau for purposes of
education.'

" We hear a great cry raised about taxation without
representation. Andrew Johnson, in his anxiety to ad-
mit the les^ders^ of the re1;^llion in Congress, exclaims
that it is unjjist to compel States to pay taxes without
representation, and declares that it is unjust to bar the
Congressional doors against the Representatives now

DOSns'S LOSS OF CONFIDENCB IN JOHNdOK. 261

sent from the rebellious States, and says : ' Admit into
the councils of the Nation those who are unmistakably
loyaL' Does not President Johnson know that ninc-
tenths of the men sent from the rebellious States are no-
torious for their treasonable efforts to destroy the Gov-
ernment, and that their constituents daily curse it as
^ the damnable United States Gk>yemment ; ' that these
unprincipled rebels are now laboring with their wealth
and unlimited influence to tax four millions of free men,
without representation ; that they deny them the rights
of the ballot, while their loyalty is unquestionable.
Andrew Johnson says ^ the Revolution was fought that
there should be no taxation without representation.' For
what, we would ask, has this Second Revolution been
fought, if not to establish equal rights in this Nation ?
Should the Republican Congress be denounced by the
Chief Executive because it would maintain the principles
for which this great civil war has been fought, because
it frowns upon traitors and makes those guilty under-
stand that they have forfeited the right to participate in
the legislation of the Nation ? President Johnson and
Congress do not differ in this matter if President John-
son abides by his words. No true Union man desires to
see a loyal man thrust out of Congress, or to see a State
unrepresented in the National Legislature, when it can
be proven that that State has a trusty republican gov-
ernment and is established upon a loyal basis — ^a State
that will send men to represent her in Congress whose
hands have not been imbrued in the blood of patriots.
President Johnson declares he stands by the Constitu-
tion and Government to resist encroachments. Alas!
that he had not been as anxious to guard them from the

262 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIB.

pollnting^ touch of traitors as he is to denounce their
noblest friends. President Johnson is opposed to any
further amendments of the Constitution ^ at this time.'
He desires that this important work be postponed until
the restoration of the Southern States, that thej may
have their influence in determining what these amend-
ments shall be. What kind of amendments are we to
expect from traitors whose souls are steeped in the prin-
ciples of rebellion and slavery, the sworn friends of
Jefferson Davis, Robert K Lee and other leaders of
traitors ? This being, according to his recent acts, * the
white man^s govemmerUj^ universal suffrage is not in
harmony with his ideas of American Government. ^It
would bring on a war of the races.' That war com-
menced when slavery was first established, and will con-
tinue until human equality is acknowledged and re-
spected in every State in the Republic of Liberty. That
is a seli^vident truth, plainly read by every thoughtful
lover of right and justice in this country.

^'Abraham Lincoln, true to justice and liberty, taught
the duty and necessity of equal rights. His words were :
* Universal suffrage before unives^al amnesty.' Abraham
Lincoln understood Southern loyalty, and knew that the
rebellious States could not be reconstructed upon a loyal
basis until the principal element of loyalty in those States
had the right of the ballot and all other rights x>f Ameri-
can citizens, which all men are entitled to. The with-
holding these rights, the rights which the founders of
this Government acknowledged, has already deluged
the land in blood, and points to another civil war unless
the just demands of humanity are complied with. Lib-
erty has written upon the flag of the nation, ^ Equal

bostie's loss of gonfidsnce xn.johnsok. 263

Rights — ^the Destiny of Republicanism,' and this Nation
will never have attained to the glory destined for her
until the rights of all men are respected by the Govern-
ment. How, we would ask, can President Johnson claim
to be carrying out the policy of the Martyr of Liberty,
when he is doing everything in his power to crush the
loyal men in the South, both white and black, by ap-
pointing the most powerful leaders of the rebellion to
prominent official positions, who still cherish disloyalty
in their hearts ?

" Lincoln was never known to announce a great prin-
ciple and act contrary to it. That great and good man
said : * An attempt to guarantee and protect a revived
State Govemmenty constructed in whole or in preponde-
rating part Jrom the VERY element against whose hos-
tility and violence it is to beprotected^ is simply absurd,'*
Can Andrew Johnson, with these words before him, look
at the work that his policy has wrought and believe that
it is the lamented Lincoln's policy carried out ? Andrew
Johnson [knows that every political act of that great
and just man had a tendency to crush treason and exalt
loyalty and liberty ; that he never dreamed of traitors
governing the four millions of enfranchised human
beings. Andrew Johnson calls upon the people to tell
him what principle he has violated, from what sentiment
he has swerved? — asks them, if any one quotes his pre-
decessor as going in opposition to anything he has done,
what principle adopted by him has he departed from ?
There may have been silence in that crowd when these
questions were asked, but the loyal people aver that he
has violated his solemn engagement to be the Moses '
and lead the oppressed to * Liberty — ^fuU, broad and un-

264 LIFE OF A« P. D08TIE.

conditional liberty ; '' that he has discriminated against
the loyal and in favor of the disloyal ; he has been guilty
of acts and language calculated to precipitate another
horrid rebellion; that he has attempted to usurp the
legislative powers of Congress ; that he has said he ^ did
not consider those who opposed his policy as belonging
to the Union party ; ' that he has been guilty, in the
following, of shameless interference in the sacred rights
of the ballot : ^ In reference to the elections in Connecti-
cut or elsewhere I am for the candidate who is for the
general policy and the specific measures promulgated in
my annual message, veto message, speech of 22d Febru-
ary, and the veto message sent in to-day. There can be
no mistake in this. I presume it is known, or can be
ascertained, what candidates favor or oppose my policy
or measures as promulgated to the country.'

" ' Andrew Johnson.'

"These averments and the President's own letter
answers the question the President puts. By them it is
shown that he has not been true to his own professions,
nor have the acts been in keeping with those of his
predecessor.

"In connection with the subject of reconstruction, the
name of Abraham Lincoln will be lovingly enshrined in
the hearts of patriots for his immortal acts, while that
of Andrew Johnson will be associated with their woes
and their oppressions; he will be remembered as the
prime mover in the infamous plans of staying the pro-
gress of the noble work commenced by his predecessor.

"A Republican Congress is now acting in harmony
with the great work commenced by Abraham Lincoln.
That Congress seeks to ^establish justice, insure do-

DOSns'S LOSS OF CONFIDSKCE IN JOHNSON. 265

mestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, and
insure the blessings of liberty' to the Nation. The
contest between the Chief Executive and that legisla-
tive body is not for the restoration of the Union — ^thc
Union is indivisible. Congress opposes the admission of
rebels to legislate upon the vital questions now before
this Nation. It opposes those who arc enemies to the
Government. The President is laboring to force men
who have been the leaders of rebellion into Congress to
frame the laws of the country.- The civil and political
organization of the rebellious States is constitutionally
within the control of Congress. It is the duty, under
the Constitution, for the Commander-in-Chief of the
Army and Navy to suppress insurrection and rebellion,
under the direction of Congress, Through Congress
armies and navies are raised and sustained, and the duty
of the President, as Commander-in-Chief, is to execute
the laws of that body in carrying out the will of the
people. Congress has the right to determine the con-
ditions of peace or war, and it is the unmistakable and
the sworn duty of the President to heed and enforce its
solemn behests. The Constitution declares that *' it shall
be the duty of the President,' as Commander-in-Chief,
' to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrec-
tions and repel invasions.' But Congress shall *' provide
for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and
for governing such part of them as may be employed in
the service of the United States,' to provide for the
common defence and general welfare of the United
States, to declare war, grant letters of marque and make
reprisal, and make rules for the capture on land and
water, to raise and support armies, to make rules for the

260 LIFE OP A, P. DOSHE.

government of land and naval forces, and to provide
for callins: out the militia.

"War has not ended. The act of Congress of July
22d, 1861, and the act of four days later, reducing the
army to twenty-five thousand men within one year after
the existing rebellion and insurrection, cannot be carried
out, because of the continuance of rebellion. The men
who participated in the rebellion arc still armed insur-
gents. If not armed with the bayonet, they have in-
augurated a warfare against freedom and the just laws
of this Government, and hold themselves in readiness to
strike at the life of the Republic when they shall have
obtained the power.

" Under the present policy of reconstruction the rebel
States have not chosen their representatives according
to law. The proclamation of May 29th, 1865, was
utterly disregarded. Men excepted by it voted at the
elections, and men thus excepted were elected to the
most important offices. Men were elected to aid in the
important work of reconstruction who had sworn an
oath against the United States Government, who had
fought against it, and had given no subsequent acknowl-
edgement by returning to their allegiance, that they were
not still its bitter enemies. Are such men fit to repre-
sent the vital interests of the States of this Republic
within the National or State Governments ? Such are
not the set of men Congress desires should vitalize and
develop the Union feeling in the South,

"It is a false assertion that a Republican Congress
desire to humiliate the South. It is treason and hydra-
headed slavery, with their correlatives, aristocracy, des-
potism, anarchy and rebellion — that Republican loyalty

DOSTEE's loss of confidence in JOHNSON. 267

has determined shall perish firom this Nation, and with
the help of a just God, wdll crush out from this country,
destined to be the land of human rights.

" Justice, ever in harmony with freedom, demands that
national crimes be punished and equitable laws estab-
lished, and that the dignity, rights and privileges of
loyal citizens be respected. An outraged people demand
that * as the Government has put down traitors in arms,
traitors should be put down in law, in public judgment,
and in the morals of the world.' Loyal people believe
in no policy that honors, exalts, makes governors, legis-
lators, senators and presidents of men who have sent our
brothers and sons to Andersonville and Libby prisons,
and made the land to flow with the blood of patriots ;
men who to-day are singing praises to the traitors — Jef-
ferson Davis, Lee, and Stonewall Jackson, and have
erected monuments to rebels, while they curse the mem-
ory of our fallen heroes and martyred patriots. We be-
lieve the mass of the people in the insurrectionary States,
freed from the vUe influences of those men who led them
into treason and rebellion, would be easily brought back
to allegiance and become good citizens ; but the leading
men, those described in the Proclamation of Amnesty,
are * the conscious, influential traitors,' who wield their
power in opposition to republican institutions and draw
the masses which they control into the vortex of treason,
anarchy and political crimes. Is it strange that the
loyalty of the nation demands that the infamous crime
of treason ' should suffer its penalty,' that ' it should be
made odious,' when we behold the war that it has caused,
and the men who yet avow they will accomplish the de-
struction of free institutions ? Are not these unrepen-

203 LIPB OP A. P. DOSTIE.

tant traitors guilty l»efore the law ? Should they not be
disfranchised, that they may no longer continue their in-
fernal work of ruin and death ? Should not men in
sympathy with Jefferson Davis and his co-fiends, men
who live to plot, conspire and to undermine a govern-
ment based upon justice, liberty and republicanism, be
excluded from our legislatures ? yea, be prohibited from
the rights of loyal citizens until they have become such.
These traitors, who avow that had they it in their power
they would inaugurate a war to-day that would extirpate
pure democracy from the land, trample upon the rights
of humanity, and crush liberty with the iron heel of de-
spotism. It has been fully demonstrated to thoughtful,
candid, reasoning loyal men who have investigated the
true state of affairs in the rebellious States, that it would
be unsafe to permit the withdrawal of the military forces
from those States. That loyal people, white and black,
are hopeless of maintaining their rights without military
power ; that without it they would have no protection
for life, liberty or property.

" In view of these facts, should not loyal men demand
that the basis of pacification be justice and human rights ?
Should they not exact justice, and determine never to
recognize any government as a republican government,
but one based upon the principles which insure * Liberty
— ^full, broad and unconditional Liberty ?' Then, and
not till then, can we expect * peace to come, and come to
stay.'

"The Republican party for the last four years has
been fighting for the * general liberty and security of the
people.' That party, in Congress and out of Congress,
are still battling for what alone will secure the general

DOSTIE's loss op CONPIDENCE in JOHNSON. 269

liberty and security of the nation — justice and equal
rights before the law. On the other hand, there is a
powerful faction who are opposed to the principles of the
Republican party, have been fighting against emancipa-
tion, the draft, confiscation, the enrollment and arming
of the blacks, the proclamation of martial law, and the
arrest and punishment of traitors. The men who op-
posed the war because they believed it would result in
the destruction of their cherished plans against true de-
mocratic principles, are those who cheer loudest for the
reconstimction policy of Andrew Johnson and applaud
his shameless betrayal of the Republican party, and are
loud in praise of his denouncement of those who in the
National Congress firmly maintain republican principles
and resist all attempts to force into their councils traitors
who have been connected with the rebellion. What
class of men support Andrew Johnson's policy in his
vetoes of the Freedmen's Bureau and Civil Rights Bills,
and demand the full representation of the rebellious
States in Congress, when he denounces as traitoi*s that
body whose every act has been to carry out the policy
of Abraham Lincoln to ' secure the rights and liberties
of the people T Where do we find the voice of the dis-
ciples of Calhoun and the Vallandighams ? Why did
the rebels and copperheads, North and South, shout long
and loud for the Chief Executive of the Republic when
he stepped from his exalted position to mingle with a
copperhead mob to condemn the leaders of the Republi-
can paily for their integrity and loyalty ? Are not these
admirers of the President's last acts those who said, a
little while since, that ' successful coercion would be as
great a crime as successful secession ;' that ' if any at^

270 UPB OP A. p. DOSTIE,

tempt was made to put secession down blood would flow
in the streets of New York ;' that ' coercion was uncon-
stitutional, illegal ?' Are not these the men who opposed
the measures for the suppression of the rebellion, opposed
the suspension of the habeas corpus^ opposed emancipa-
tion, conscription, loans, legal tender, money and taxa-
tion ? Such are the men who opposed the policy of Abra-
ham Lincoln, but who to-day embrace the doctrines of
the betrayer of the Republican party.

" Andrew Johnson is now the upholder of that party
who said of the Martyr of Liberty, * that the fate of
Charles I, should be his doom," that he ought to be put
down by the bullet, and found their Booth to carry out
their hell-bom desire. These admiring friends of Andrew
Johnson threatened to hang the military commission
that condemned to death the assassins of Abraham Lin-
coln. These same friends proposed to divide this Union
into four quarters. Northern, Western, Pacific and
Southern; but now do not object to Union, provided
that the country can be ruled by the policy of Andrew
Johnson, Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davis, General Hum-
phries, and other ' loyal ' Southerners — ^provided our
Congress can be made up of the leaders of the great se-
cession movement. Are not these men * Southern patri-
ots,' ' honorable men,' ' Christian warriors,' ' chivalrous
gentlemen,' the men who have a right, acquired by their
devotion to ' Southern institutions,' and their adherence
to the ' white man's government,' to bid defiance to a
Republican Congress and a loyal people. Have not
these men acquired a right to denounce that party vAiich.
has determined, with the help of Eternal Justice, to es-
tablish equal rights and equitable laws in this Republic.

Dosns's LOSS OF coHvmEKCs nr johhsov. 271

" My friends — ^we, who are in sympathy with the Na-
tional Republican party, are called npon to meet the
issues that are presented in this contest between hnman
liberty and- despotic oppression. The great , questions
before the nation are of Tital importance to us all, in-
Tolying as they do the moral and political ruin of the
country, or the triumph of the principles upon which
human rights are based. In the progress of crents we
can but mark a series of antas^onisms which most im-
press all thoughtful men who are interested in the wel-
fiire of our country with the fact that in this terrible
conflict, free gOYemment and the rights of humanity
must be establidied and respected in this Repablic and
the Union maintained in its integrity, or the false and
dangerous doctrines which the enemies of our National
GoTemment have rindicated before, during and since
the rebellion, will triumph and OTerthrow the demo-
cratic, republican institutions now the glory of the
American Nation. In this case, will not the loyal ele-
ment. North and South, sustain a truly RepubUcan Can-
gresa, whicli,as a body,is deroted to liberty and loyalty,
whidi is tUu^^ing to rindieate the immutable princi-
ples c^ the Det^bknuon of Indc^peodeoee and the Con-
stitution, and *to continue the GoTemmeot in loyal
hands, and ncne other;' which has determimA that none
^bai meD loyal to the CotMttHatiott^ \ojal to fnct^Mn^
loyal to jostic*-,* shall fortkipaie in the National Co<m-
cik, to frame laws f^r the eoontry or eootrol tbe work
' of reorganization^ This body of earnest patriots is
goTemed by the fimdameirtal prioetpie that ^th? exer^
eise €4^ yAhwad Y^^^ sfaould be er/ofoed to the loyaJL*
One of the noUe mm of that body, fkstalor Wiisoa,

272 IJFE OP A, p. DOSTIE.

forcibly .says : * A loyal people, wiih the clear instincts
of intelligent patriotism, saw amid all the excitements
of the present that this was not a straggle for the resto-
ration of the rebel Slates into the Union ; bdt a straggle
for the admission of i-ebels into the Union; a straggle for
the admission of rebels into the legislative branches of
the Government of the United States ; not a straggle to
put rebels under the laws, but to enable rebels to frame
the laws of the country. Politicians might deceive
themselves, but the people, who had given two and a
half millions of men, the blood of 600,000 heroes, and
$3,000,000,000, comprehend the issues. The Republican
or great Union party of the country, embracing in its
ranks more of moral and intellectual worth than was
ever organized in any political party on the globe, pro-
claims as its living faith the creed of the equal rights of
man, and the brotherhood of all humanity embodied in
the New Testament and in the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. The best interests of the regenerated Nation,
the rights of man, the elevation of an emancipated race
alike demand that the leaders of that great Union party
that restored a broken Union and gave liberty to four
millions of men, shall continue to administer the Gov-
ernment and preserve and frame the laws for the
nation.'

" The great Liberty party will sustain this Congress
in its efforts to establish in the rebellious States republi-
can governments based upon the fundamental principles
laid down in the Declaration of Independence. Until
these governments are established the rights of loyal
citizens will not be protected — Liberty, peace and per-
manent Union cannot be secured to the Nation — the

DOSns's IX)SS OF CONFIDENCE IN JOHNSON. 273

natural, civil and political rights of man will not be
achieved. The two great elements of republican gov-
ernment are justice and equality. These two elements
are wanting in the present governments of the rebel-
lious States. They only contain those elements which,
in the words of Abraham Lincoln, ' make the States half
slave — ^half free,' and are, therefore, established upon a
basis which cannot permanently endm-e. They do not
secure freedom to all, do not protect the rights of four
millions of human beings, who claim and arc entitled to
the just right.s of citizens. They do not, in the language
of Andrew Johnson, * secure exact justice to all men,
special privilege to none,' do not provide for the com-
mon defence, promote the general welfare, establish jus-
tice and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and
our posterity. These governments, I repeat, are wanting
in the great principles upon which must be based repub-
lican government. These ftmdamental doctrines the
Fathers sought to establish — ^Liberty to all, and Equal
Rights to alL No State constitution can be republican
in form which disfranchises the loyal citizens of the
United States. Millions of human beings, within the
past four years, have been emancipated from the bondage
of slavery, and are now citizens of the United States,
loyal patriotic defenders of their country and the firm
friends of republican State governments, which will re-
cognize their moral, civil and political rights. These
governments will never be established through the influ-
ence of traitors, rebels, or any class of men whose lives
have been spent in political opposition to republican
institutions, and who continue to fight against destiny
and the forces which are moving the nations of the

274 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIX.

world to exteDcL equal rights to all men ; the men whom
treason has made ^ odiotLs^ the men in command of the
rebel goverments, who 'grant protection to the rich
traitor, while the poor Union man stands out in the cold,
often unable to get a receipt or a voucher for his losses.'
These men might legislate forever and they would never
establish just laws for all, would never advocate mea-
sures by which the rights of all would be secured, would
never recognize the great principles of republican gov-
ernment, which comprehend universal liberty, imiversal
justice and universal suffrage, without which this nation
will never attain to that grandeur and power which the
voice of liberty proclaims the destiny of a united Re-
public. During the administration of Abraham Lincoln
an attempt was made to establish governments in Lou-
isiana, Tennessee and Arkansas, based upon republican
principles. These were in harmony with the policy of
that Martyr of Liberty, and met the approbation of
him who ever desired to promote liberty and popularize
progressive principles. It is true an important political
element was wanting in these forms of government,
which President Lincoln himself more than once hinted
at as necessary to enter into truly republican govern-
ments. They did not embrace the political rights of all
loyal citizens. Alas ! Lincoln did not live to carry out
that policy which promised universal suffrage ; did not
live to carry out his pledge that Hhe freedom of the en-
franchised should be maintained,' and that he should
be not only a ' soldier in war, but a citizen in peace.' In
the Constitution of Louisiana of 1864, provisions were
made for the Legislature of the State to extend the
right of suffrage to the enfranchised, to educate them.

DOSTIE's loss op confidence in JOHNSON. 275

to draw upon them for defence. Of this Constitution,
it was said by the immortal and lamented Lincoln, that
he had read it through twice, and 'thought it the best
Constitution yet adopted by any State.' Had not the
enemies of progress and liberty controlled this State in
opposition to the policy of the champion of liberty and
loyalty, Louisiana would have stood upon the broad
platform of constitutional liberty, when she would have .
exclaimed through the people, ' I have bent the tyrant's
rod, I have broken the yoke of slavery, and to-day she
stands redeemed.' But, alas ! who, under the policy of
Andrew Johnson, the author of these noble words, have
been the participants in the work of reorganization?
Has it been those * loyal to freedom, loyal to justice,'
men true and faithful to the rights of humanity ? What
has been the course of action of the Governor of Lou-
isiana, of the State Government, of the Government of
New Orleans, the metropolis of tlie South. History,
true to justice, will not fail to point out the true story
and give its moral to the future. It will solve this pro-
blem of reconstruction and seal the doom of the enemies
of human rights. Antagonistic systems of government
cannot exist. There is no harmony between liberty and
slaveiy. Their friends will never be in sympathy, can
never work together in the vitally important work of
reconstruction. Uncompromising and eternal war has
been declared between slavery and freedom. Peace will
never come until this antagonism ceases, and pure repub-
lican, democi-atio principles triumph over the arrogant
slave powers.

" AndrcAv Johnson says the people will ' give evidence
to the nations of the earth and to its own citizens that

276 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

it has the power to restore internal peace.' Yes, the
American people will give this evidence, against all
Andrew Johnson's diabolical machinations to inaugurate
another horrid rebellion. Let Andrew Johnson beware
of ti-eachery in himself, lest he call down the vengeance
of betrayed millions.

"My countrymen — the loyal element, regardless of
race or color, must master and control the destinies
of Louisiana, or the enemies of Liberty, the sworn
vindictive enemies of the Great Republic, will again
raise the banner of treason and trail in the dust
that glorious flag which has inscribed upon its folds,
* Union, Confidence, Justice, Freedom, Enfi*anchisement —
the salvation . a^ul perpetuity of the NaJtion? Lovers of
liberty and human rights — I call upon you in the name
of our venerated fathers, in the name of the love you
bear for the rising generation, to meet with brave hearts
and iron resolves the vital issues now before you. Li
our struggle to achieve and maintain republican insti-
tutions, we are sustained by the glorious Congress who
are laboring ' to make treason odious,' and enact gov-
ernments that will ^ hisure freedom to the free,"* When
this glorious desideratum is achieved, this geeat Na-
tion will justly claim that Unity and Liberty destined
for a land of Fbeedom."

HONBOB BE-SLECTBD MJLYOB. 277

CHAPTER XXVL

JCONBOE BE-ELECTED MAYOB OF NEW OBLEANS.

The reconstructed of ISTew Orleans preferred men to
govern the city dyed a few shades deeper in the blood of
the friends of the XJj^ted States Government than those
already holding the municipal offices. Looking back
upon the days of thuggery with evident pleasure, the
returned rebels nominated John T. Monroe for Mayor,
and Lucien Adams for one of the Recorders of the city.

The following was a reason given by one of the re-
turned Confederates for the nomination of Monroe :

" He is a staunch member of the National Democratic
party, an earnest supporter of the reconstruction policy
of President Johnson, and an advocate of peace, har-
mony and good will."

The following is from the pen of an ex-confederate
officer who was upon the ticket of municipal officers to
be elected in New Orleans on the Monday to which he
refers :

" We must stand by Andrew Johnson in his contest
with radicalism, already fierce, and destined to become
fiercer and more ferocious. We ought to preserve the
organization of the National Democratic party in all its
completeness and integrity. We cannot afibrd to lose
the present occasion of demonstrating to the President

278 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

that in his fight with radicalism he has all onr sym-
pathies.

^ It cannot be objected that in a merely municipal elec-
tion this is a matter of minor importance, and that our
Federal relations have nothing to do with it.

^^The chief commercial city of the South will have an
opportunity next Monday of decidmg by what majority
she allies herself with the only party that can save the
country from ruin."

The Democratic nominees for the city offices were
elected on the 12th of March, 1866. The New Orleans
Press and the friends of the Administration were jubi-
lant over the election. Rozier, Rozelius, Fellows, and
others who were in sympathy with President Johnson^s
*^ reconstructed," considered it a joyful victory over the
radical Republican party. Loyal men were overwhelmed
with reproaches and threats by the dominant party if
they dared resist the encroachments of thuggery by
word or act. The state of affairs caused a general indig-
nation in the hearts of the loyal masses, who trembled
with fear as they saw the workings of " My Policy,"
but were powerless to defend justice against the en-
croachments of the organizations by which they were
surrounded. The unanimous voice of the truly loyal in
New Orleans was " deliver us from our enemies and the
corrupt men in official positions." Even the mild and
gentle Canby, who was always disinclined to interfere
with civil law, sustained by Executive authority, was
startled from his repose upon the announcement of the
election of Mod roe.

The following orders were issued by the commanding
General:

monboe be-elected mayor. 279

Heabquabtebs Depabtment op Louisiana, )
New Oeleans, La., March 19, 1866. )
Special Orders^ No. 63.

[Extract.]

2. It appearing that John T. Monroe, who received,
respectively, at the late municipal election a majority of
the votes lor the office of Mayor, may come within the
class of exceptions mentioned in the President's procla-
mation of amnesty, not having received a special par-
don, will be suspended from the exercise of any of the
functions of his office until his case can be investigated
and the pleasure of the President be made known.

By order of Major-General E. R. S. Canby.

Wickham Hoffman,
Official. Assistant Adjutaut-General.

Nathaniel Bubbank,

1st Lieut., Acting Asst.-Adjt.-Gen.

Headquabteks, Depabtment op Louisiana. )
New Obleans, La., March 19, 1866. )
Special Orders^ No, 63.1

[Extract.]

3. J. Add. Rozier, Esq., is appointed Mayor of
the city of New Orleans, pro tempore^ and will act in
that capacity until the municipal government of the city
is organized, as provided for by the fifteenth section of
the city charter, in the case of the sickness or temporary
absence of the Mayor.

By order of Maj.-Gen. E. R. S. Canby.

Wickham Hoffman,

Official : Assistant Adjutant-GeneraL

Nathaniel Bubbank,

1st Lieut., Act. Asst. Adj.-Gen.

Can it be supposed by a reflecting mind that, had Ar-
nold applied to Washington for pardon, he would have
been reinstated as General of the United States forces ?
or that, had Monroe sought pardon from Lincoln, he
would have been reinstated Mayor of New Orleans ?

280* UFB OF A. F. DOSTIE.

Andrew Johnson's favorite policy drew to his sove-
reign feet the chief traitors of the land, who went
through with the farce of sueing for pardon, for tho
known purpose of strengthening despotism. Such sup-
pliants were raised to the highest positions in the State
and municipal governments of the rebellious States.
Mark the contrast between the treatment of Doctor
Dostie, the patriot of New Orleans, and that of Monroe,
the traitor of New Orleans, at the hands of the Execu-
tive!

To Washington went Monroe, to get permission from
the Pi*esident to control the metropolis of the South,
according to his old thuggery principles, in defiance of
loyalty, justice, law and order. Upon his return to New
Orleans, after an interview with the President, the fol-
lowing notice appeared in the New Orleans papers :

"Mayor John T. Monroe anived home last eve-
ning. While in Washington, Mayor Monroe had seve-
ral interviews with President Johnson, and obtained
from him a special pardon, affixed to which is the Presi-
dent's own signature, which in most cases is only stamped
upon pardons issued by the Chief Executive.

"Mayor Monroe, who was received very kindly by
Mr. Johnson, upon asking for his pardon remarked to
the President that he had supposed he was already par-
doned under the proclamation of President Lincoln.
Mr. Johnson replied that to all intents and purposes he
was included in that proclamation, but that for the sake
of satisfying all parties, and to place the Mayor beyond
the probability of any future annoyance, he thought it
best to grant him a special pardon.

" At half-past eleven o'clock Mayor Monroe repaired

MONROE BE-ELECTED MAYOR. 281

to the City Hall, and once more assumed the duties of
Chief Executive of the city."

By the supporters of the President the flattering re-
ception of Monroe at the Executive Mansion was hailed
as a propitious omen for their plans.

The Mayor, fully established in . office, proceeded to
act in harmony with the plan of reconstruction. All
policemen known to be tinctured with loyal blood were
discharged, to give place to applicants conspicuous in
murdering Union men in I860 and during the rebellion.

Secret organizations were formed, composed of officers
of the confederate army, whose avowed object was to
protect the rights of their companions, but whose secret
pui-pose was demonstrated to be the destruction of the
loyal element of Louisiana. As early as May 27th
Hays' Brigade was organized to prepare for future work.
Similar organizations, prepared for future emergencies
all proclaiming their rule of action to be in unison with
the principles of their former master, Jefferson Davis,
and their ruler, Andrew Johnson.

The rumors of conspiracy, armed organizations, and
secret societies aroused many of the timid and watchful
to the danger of the situation ; whispers of revenge
uttered by the avowed enemies of " Yankees," " inno-
vators," " negro worshippers," and the freedmen fell
upon the ears of the alarmed loyalists of New Orleans.
To whom should they appeal ? Not to the Chief Execu-
tive. His deci*ees had gone forth *'to sustain the civil
authorities." The civil authoiities were the conspirators.
To the military alone the defenceless looked for protec-
tion.

In the midst of danger the courageous Dostie knew

282 LIFB OP A, P. DOSTIE.

no fear. He faced his enemies with the same daring
spirit with which he had petitioned General Twiggs for
a pass in 1861, and passed his enemies, who sought every
opportunity to insult him upon the street with stoical
firmness.

Said he : ^' I am reminded daily that my enemies seek
my life and attempt' to destroy my reputation. I am
pointed at as a fanatic, an immoral man; am accused of
every crime but that of disloyalty to my Government,
and in the eyes of my enemies that is my greatest crime.
But I have faith in my God, faith in my Government,
and am in possession of a clear conscience. My ene-
mies may be numberless, but my philosophy points me
to a happy future."

Surrounded by a despotism which proscribed Union
men in their business, deprived them of their political
rights ; endangered their lives, liberty and property,
loyal men naturally sought relief from a tyranny that
was depriving them of every blessing due to humanity.
The basis of the Constitution of 1864 was liberty, jus-
tice and equality. That basis was in harmony with the
acts of a radical Congress. To that the loyal people of
Louisiana appealed. At the mention of the Convention
of 1864, delirium and fury seized the "reconstructed."

According to the following resolutions adopted by the

Convention of Nov. 1864, it was proposed to re-assemble

that Convention in 1866.

^' Hesolved, That when tins Convention adjourns, it
shall be at the call of the President, whose duty it shall
be to re-convoke it for any cause, or, in case the consti-
tution should not be ratified, for the purpose of taking
such measures as may be necessary for the formation of
a civil govei-nment for the State of Louisiana. He shall

MONBOE RE-ELECTED MAYOB. 283

also, in that case, call upon the proper officers of the
State to cause elections to be held, to fill any vacancies
that may exist in the Convention, in parishes where the
same may be practicable.

" Hesoloedy That in case of the ratification of the con-
stitution, it shall be in the power of the Legislature of
the State at its first session, to reconvoke the Convention
in like manner, in case it should be deemed expedient or
necessary for the purpose of making amendments or ad-
ditions to the constitution, that may, in the opinion of
the Legislature require a reassembling of the Conven-
tion, or in case of the occun^ence of any emergency re-
quiring its action."

At this important crisis. Judge Abell of the Conven-
tion of 1864, hastens to give the following advice.

"New Orleans, June 27, 1866.

*'^ Editors of the Picayune — ^If you believe with me
that the attempt to reconvene the Convention of 1864 is
unlawful and calculated to disturb the peace and good
order of the State, you will publish the following, that
the people may know how stands the matter. I am bold
to say I look upon the whole matter as a conspiracy
against the constitution and people of the State.

" I am clearly of the mind that the Convention of
1864 has filled its mission and is a lifeless body, and that
it cannot and will not be reassembled by constitutional
or legal authority. But if without constitutional or
legal authority, it should do so, I will then, as I now
do, protest in the name of the people and State of Lou-
isiana, against touching the constitution of 1864 without
the consent of the people, expressed at the ballot-box or
by the Legislature.

" I am not an apologist of that instrument ; it was
conceived in usurpation, and brought forth in corrup-

284 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIJE.

tion ; but like unto all human institutions, it has some
good points, and will answer all the purposes of a State
government until the people shall, by deliberation and
experience, adopt a constitution to accord with their
wishes and interest under the changed state of political
and social order.

" Yours, respectfully, E. Abell,"

The concentrated wrath of the leading rebel organ in
New Orleans, in view of the daring of loyal citizens,
finds vent in the followins: words :

"The Jacobins of 1864 are at work. They are in
league with a Jacobin Congress and seek to overturn
our Democratic Government.'' In 1866, the press of
New Orleans, with but two exceptions, (the Tribune,
edited by colored men, and the Advocate edited by the
Rev. J. P. Newman) was identified with the enemies of
liberty and loyalty.

Outside of the men and measures connected with
" our cause " and " my policy," nothing relating to poli-
tical or philanthropic movements escaped the vile attacks
of the press. The Freedman's Bureau, the Civil Rights
Bill, Republican ideas, the officers of the United States
army and navy. Congress, Philanthropists and Reformers,
who opposed slavery and rebellion all over the land
were subject to their low scandal. Some of their vile
epithets were, " The Rump Congress," " The Rump Con-
vention of 1864," " The fool, Abe Lincoln." " The Beast,
Butler," " The crazy fanatic Sumner," " The nigger wor-
shipper Dostie," etc.

The 4th of July, 1866, was celebrated in the following
manner in New Orleans, by the '* Reconstructed Party "

MONBOE KE-SLBCTED IL/LYOB. 285

of that city. From the New Orleans JPress^ July 5th,
we quote the following :

*^ The ninetieth anniversary of the Declaration of In-
dependence was celebrated in this city on Wednesday.

^^ There was not a large attendance at the Fair
Grounds on the morning of the Fourth.

^^ About noon, at the central stand, the few hundred
people in attendance were called to order, and Mayor
Monroe was introduced as the presiding officer.

^'In presenting to the audience Mr. L K« Marks,
President of the Firemen's Charitable Association, as
the reader of the Declaration of Independence. Mayor
Monroe took occasion to say that he differed from one
expression of opinion in that document to the effect that
" all men were created equaL" The nigger could not be
considered the equal of the white man ; and as the writer
of the Declaration, Mr. Jefferson, was a slaveholder, it
stood to reason that he never could have meant to in*
elude the nigger in that assertion."

286 LIFS OF ▲• F. DOSnK

CHAPTER XXVIL

CALL FOB A CONTENTIOTSr.

On the 7th of July, Jndge Howell issued the following
proclamation :

Wltereas, By the wise, just and patriotic policy de-
veloped by the Congress now in session, it is essential
that the organic law of the State of Louisiana should be
revised and amended so as to form a civil government in
this State in harmony with the General Government,
establish impartial justice, insure domestic tranquility,
secure the blessings of liberty to all citizens alike, and
restore the State to a proper and permanent position in
the great Union of States, with ample guarantees against
any future disturbance of that Union.

And whereas^ It is provided by resolutions adopted on
the 25th day of July, 1864, by the Convention, for the
revision and amendment of the Constitution of Louis^
iana, that when said Convention adjourns, it shall be at
the call of the President, whose duty it shall be to re-
convoke the Convention for any cause ; and that he shall
also, in that case, call upon the proper officers of the
State to cause elections to be held to fill any vacancies
that may exist in the Convention, in Parishes where the
same may be pi-acticable.

And whereas^ at a meeting held in New Orleans, on
the 26th of June, 1866, the members of said Convention
recognized the existence of the contingency provided
for in said resolutions, expressed their belief that the
wishes and interests of the loyal people of this State

CALL FOE A CONVENTION. 287

demand the reassembling of the said Convention, and
requested and duly authorized the undersigned to act as
President pro tern for the pui-pose of reconvoking said
Convention, and in conjunction with his Excellency the
Governor of the State, to issue the requisite proclama-
tions reconvoking said Convention, and ordering the
necessary elections as soon as possibla

And whereas further, it is important that the proposed
amendments to the Constitution of the United States
should be acted upon in this State within the shortest
delay practicable.

Now, therefore, 1 Ritpus K, Howell, President pro
tern of the Convention, as aforesaid, by virtue of the
power and authority thus conferred on me, and in pur-
suance of the aforesaid resolutions of adjournment, do
issue this, my Proclamation, reconvoking the said " Con-
vention for the Revision and Amendment of the Consti-
tution of Louisiana," and I do hereby notify and request
all the Delegates to said Convention to assemble in the
Hall of the House of Representatives, Mechanics' Insti-
tute Building, in the City of New Orleans, on the Fifth
Monday, (thirtieth day of July, 1866, at the hour of 12
M., and I do further call upon his Excellency the Gover-
nor of this State to issue the necessary writs of election
to elect Delegates to the said Convention in Paiishes
not now represented therein.

Done and signed at the City of New Orleans, this
seventh day of July A. D. 1866, and of the Independ-
ence of the United States the ninety-first.

R. K. Howell,

President pro tern.

Attest : John E. Nellis, Secretary.

On the same day that the above proclamation was
issued, the National democratic Committee, of New
Orleans, met at St. Charles Hotel, and adopted the fol-
lowing resolutions :

288 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

1. Resolved^ That we highly approve of the recon-
Btmction policy of President Johusoa

2. jResolvedy That the political principles of the Radi-
cals in Congress are unconstitutional and revolutionary.

3. Hesolved^ That we cordially approve of the pro-

Sosed call of a National Union Convention at Pnila-
elphia.

July 27th, 1866, QovemorWells issued a proclamation
commanding an election to be held by the qualified
voters for delegates to the Convention for the revision
and amendment of the Constitution of Louisiana.

Governor Well's action in the tragedy of July dOth,
is another proof of his vascillating, criminal course. One
day a professed Unionist, the next an enemy to his Gor-
emmcnt and loyal subjects ; one day crushing loyal
men, another day elevating them ; one month exerting his
power to abolish the Constitution of 1864, the next
changing his plans, and issuing a proclamation reassem-
bling the Convention of 1864. Did Governor Wells
foresee danger? Was he the deepest plotter in the
great Conspiracy ? General Sheridan in his letter to the
the Honorable Secretary of War, E. M. Stanton, thus
delineates the character of Governor Wells :

" I say now unequivocally that Governor Wells is a
political trickster and a dishonest man. I have seen him
myself, when I first came to this command, turn out all
the Union men who had supported the Government, and
put in their stead rebel soldiers, some of whom had not
yet doffed their grey uniforms. I have seen him again
during the July riot of 1866, skulk away where I could
not find him to give him a guard, instead of coming out
as a manly representative of the State and joining those
who were preserving the peace. I have watched him

GALL FOB A CONVENTION. 289

since, and his conduct has been as sinnous as the mark
left in the dust by the movement of a snake.

" I say again that he is dishonest."

The New Orleans Times thus conmients upon Gov-
ernor Wells' proclamation — ^the Secretary of State, etc. :

** It is quite confidently stated that the Secretary of
State will refuse to affix his signature and the seal of the
State to the proclamation of the Governor ordering elec-
tions to be held to fill vacancies in the so-called Conven-
tion of 1864. The Secretary will be fully justified in
refusing to connect himself with so lawless and revolu-
tionary a proceeding — so flagrantly criminal an act.

^^ Meantime official notification has been sent to the
President at Washington, informing him of the conspi-
racy of the Governor and others to overthrow the gov-
ernment and institutions of the State by a lawless and
revolutionary act. J. Add. Rozier, Esq., is also present
at the Federal Government, to represent to the Presi-
dent the proposed wrong and indignity to our State.
We have little doubt that the President will take such
action as will arrest these reckless conspirators and agi-
tators and protect the people from their evil designs.
There is a peculiar appropriateness in the selection of
Mr. Rozier for this mission,"

The following notice appeared in one of the city
papers on the morning of July 27th :

"Fbiends of Fbedom Rally ! — Universal Suffrage/
A grand mass meeting of citizens who are in favor of
universal suffrage, of the reconstruction policy of Con-
gress, and of amending the Constitution of this State to
give equal rights to all without distinction of race or
color, will be held on Friday night, July 27, 1866, at 8

200 UFE OF A. P. DOSTIB.

o'clock, at the Mechanics' Institute. Distinguished
speakers will address the meeting. Union men, come in
your might and power.'*

Said the late Adjutant-General of the State of Louisi-
ana, John L. Swift, who descended from his radical plat-
form of 1864 to bow at the footstool of the Chief Ex-
ecutive of the nation in 1865 :

^' Revolution in Louisiana had a brave and determined
leader in Dr. A. P. Dostie. He was a man of unques-
tionable courage. He was honest and fearless. He
possessed many admirable qualities, and he was a revo-
lutionist by nature. Li works and acts he was a fan-
atic." Alas! that some of that honest and fearless
^^ fanaticism " could not have been imparted to his
fiiend John L. Swifl, who apparently sympathized in all
his fanatical acts in 1864.

"Fanatic I " was the cry when Sumner was struck
down by Brooks in the United States Senate. The same
cry was heard when Lovejoy was murdered by the ene-
mies of free speech. When Lincoln fell by the hand of
an assassin, the dark pall of woe hung over the nation.
There was silence in the ranks of the enemies of the Re-
public, but secret joy that another "fanatic" in the
cause of universal liberty had become a victim to the
national conspiracy.

For a time that conspiracy was paralyzed before the
Nation's woe, but, under "My Policy," was revivified.
" The Conflict of Races " was incorporated into the re-
construction measures of Andrew Johnson. Negro suf-
frage and its advocates in 1866 were to the returned
rebels what freedom and Abraham Lincoln were to slave-
holders in 1860. Conspiracy and murder are the off-

CALL FOB A CONVEIHION, 291

springs of slavery. In 1860 Jefferson Davis defended
the spirit of slavery. In 1866 Andrew Johnson defended
the same demoniac spirit, and warmed the dying viper
into life that it might strike its fangs into the vitals of
the Republic.

The following invitation was sent to Dr. Dostie on the
morning of the 26th of July :

"New Orleans, La., July 25, 1866.
To Dr. A. P. Dostie :

Sir: The friends of universal suffrage will hold a
meeting in this city at the Mechanics' Institute on Fri-
day evening, the 27th inst., at 7 o'clock p. m., for the
purpose of endorsing the policy of the present Congress
relative to the Southern States and the call for the re-
assembling of the Constitutional Convention of Louisi-
ana. You are respectfully invited to be present and ad-
dress the meeting.

By the Committee.

On the night of the 27th of July a meeting of loyal
citizens was held in Mechanics Institute for the purpose
of endorsing Congress and to discuss the call for the
reassembling of the Convention of 1864. It is to be
regretted that Dr. Dostie's speech at Mechanic's Insti-
tute was not fully reported as his enemies have taken
advantage of that fact, and misrepresent his words upon
that occasion. We annex the following report of the

meeting :

"New Orleans, July 28th, 1866.

"By far the most enthusiastic meeting which had as-
sembled in New Orleans for many years, met last night
at the Mechanics' Institute, or State House. The meet-
ing was composed of ^ citizens who are in favor of uni-

292 LEPB OF ▲• P. DOSTEBL

versal suffitige, of the reconstmction policy of Congress,
and of amending the Constitution of this State to give
equal rights to all, without distinction of race or color."

^^Long before the time announced for opening the
meeting, the large hall of the House of Representatives
was crowded to its utmost capacity, and a large and
anxious crowd assembled in the street, in front of the
State House, where a stand was erected and a separate
meeting subsequently organized. The inside meetmg
was called to order by Judge Heist and, United States
Commissioner, who nominated ex-Governor Hahn as
chairman. Vice-Presidents composed of prominent Union
men from all the districts and parishes in the State, were
elected."

The following resolutions were read and adopted :

Hesolvedy That the 75,000 citizens of Louisiana quali-
fied to vote, but disfranchised on account of color,
20,000 of whom risked their lives in her behalf in the
war against the Rebellion may claim from her as a ri^ht
that participation in the Government which citizenship
confei*s.

Beaolvedy That we endorse the proposed reassembling
of the Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, seeing in
that movement a reasonable hope of the establishment
in the State, of justice for all her citizens, irrespective
of color, and also of the enforcement of that patriotic
declaration of President Johnson, "That treason is a
crime, and must be made odious, and that traitors must
take a back seat in the work of reconstruction."

Resolved^ That we commend the course pursued by
Judge Howell and Governor Wells, who, regardless of
threats, personal violence and unmoved by the ridicule,
censure and attempt at intimidation of tne rebel press
of the city, rise to the bights of the occasion in the
performance of acts of duty.

CALL FOB A CONYENTIOK. 203

Itesolvedy That the thanks of the loyal men of Lou-
isiana are dne to Congress, for the firm stand taken by
that Honorable Body, in the matter of reconstruction.

JResolvedy That the military and naval authorities of
the Nation are entitled to our gratitude for the security
afforded us.

JResolvedy That we approve the call issued by the
friends of the Republican Pa;rty to assemble in Philadel-
phia on the 1st Monday in September next, and we re-
commend, that on the 8th of August next, a Convention
assemble in this city to select delegates to represent this
State in the Philadelphia Convention.

Hesolvedy That imtil the doctrine of the political
equality of citizens irrespective of color is recognized
in this State there will be no permanent peace.

Gov. Hahn, on taking the chair, spoke as follows :

" JFeUow- Citizens : Although it is not my province to
address you on this occasion, I cannot resist the temptation
to express to you my appreciation of the honor which I
feel in being called to preside over this meeting. The
days of the slave oligarchy, of Confedei'ate Provost-
Marshals, when colored men could not come together to
deliberate over public affairs, has, thank God, ceased to
exist. [Applause.] As President Lincoln and the
Union army were unable to restore the Union until the
colored men came to their aid, so* the Union men of this
State feel that they cannot maintain the principles of the
union of the States without the aid of the patriotic col-
ored men. [Applause.] I remember the day when the
teacher of a colored school in this city was ruthlessly ar-
rested and died in prison on a charge of being an aboli-
tionist, and every time I pass that old church where he
used to teach, I feel that there are men still living who
have the spirit that animated him. [Applause.] The

294 LIFB OF A. P. DOSnS.

cause which we are here to-night inaugurating in Lou-
isiana is a great and holy cause, and the rebels are trem-
bling in their shoes in consequence. They are realizing
the fact that this is a country to be ruled by loyal men,
both white and black. There was a time when the term
^ Abolitionist ' was considered a shame, but I stand be-
fore you to-night, raised and educated as I have been in
the South, and tell you that I glory in being an Aboli-
tionist and a RadicaL [Applausa] When I went to
Washington last fall, my Union Mends in Louisiana did
not come up to the mark of uniyersal suf&«ge; but when
I came back a few months later, the outrage which had
been heaped upon them by the rebel Government here
had brought them to the mark, and now no man can
justly claim to be a Union man unless he favors univer-
sal suffrage.

" I would rather every office in the State was in the
hands of colored men than in the hands of unrepentant
rebels. [Applause.] It is to you that the loyal men of
the South must look, and when you separate to-night,
make up your minds from this day forward you are as
good as any white man in the State." [Great cheering.]

Hon. Rufus Waples next addressed the meeting, re-
viewing the policy of Congress and the President, as
follows : " Congress recognizes the right for the people,
in their primitive capacity, in those States destroyed by
the rebels, to make their own organic law, and submit it
to Congress, and leave it to Congress to decide whether
it be consistent with the organic law of the republic.

" The President says all these States have a right to
send their Senators and Representatives to Congress as
before. If this were true, they might have sent them

CALL FOB A CONVENTION. 295

during the war as well as now. The rebels claim in
effect that there has been no war. But let them look
around at the desolation they have caused, and they will
see their mistake. All loyal men indorse the policy of
Congress. It ill becomes the chivalrous men of the
South, as they call themselves, to talk of the injustice
administered to them by the Government which they
tried to destroy. If they do not like the Government, let
them go to Brazil or Mexico. They say they were over-
powered. Have they just found out that in this coun-
try the prime principle is that the majority shall rule.
Are they any better than the loyal black man who
fought for his country ? I say take the whole masses of
the colored people in Louisiana, and they are better edu-
cated than the rebels are — ^not in Latin and Greek — ^but
in politics, and that is the necessary education required
by a voter. You have learned two important lessons —
to hate slavery and to abhor treason. Moral voters are
more needed by the Government now than intellectual
voters. Congress and the convention of 1864 both favor
universal suffrage. We have now no constitution in this
State, and you are in your primitive capacity. Then
you have already acquired the right of suffrage — you
have not got to acquu-e it. But you are hindered in ex-
ercising it, and the object of the convention is to remove
these hindrances in conjunction with your friends at the
North." The speaker concluded by paying tribute to the
efforts made by Sumner, Phillips, and others at the
North in the cause of universal suffrage, and assuring
his audience that their efforts would not be in vain, and
that the great object before them would soon be accom-
plished*

296 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

The outside meeting was called to order by Mr.
Judd, who nominated Jridge Hawkins as chairman.

Hon. John Henderson was introduced, and spoke at
considerable length. He said :

" The convention will meet. He, as a member, wanted
no arms. He had the arms of the State and the arms of
the military authorities. The convention and the con-
stitution had been supported by two Presidents, and by
the army and navy.

Judge Heistand spoke as follows :

" FeUon)- Citizens : The decree of God has gone forth
that there shall be universal freedom and universal suf-
frage throughout the, South. The men who got up this
war effected emancipation, and by the course which they
are now pursuing they will be forced to yield universal
suffrage.

He spoke of the convention, and said, in substance,
that if the Executive of the State needed anything to
enforce the law, that power was here. The great power
of American citizenship was in obeying the laws.

" He asked whether there was any justice in allowing
25,000 to have all the political power and do all the vo-
ting for 60,000 men in the State ? Congress is abused
for not admitting the Representatives from the South by
the mass of those who have but recently returned from
fighting against the very Government in which they
claim a representation. They have the modesty to say :
* We'll do all the voting — you'll do all the working.'

" The Rev. Mr. Horton held up an advertisement of an
Accident Insurance Company, with Gen. Johnston at its
head, and hence he thought they were all safe here. He
alluded to the scene in Boston when Anthony Bums, a

CALL FOB A CONVENTION. 297

fugitive slave was marched down State street, surrounded
by a cordon of bayonets, to be carried back into sla verj'^,
and regarded the present scene as a contrast. Wc are
here to-night as preliminary to reconvoking the conven-
tion of 1864 and 1866.

" Dr. Dostie closed the outside meeting by an eloquent
speech, which was applauded to the echo, and the vast
crowd, at his request, commenced fonning with those
from the inside meeting, for the torch-light procession,
which was one of the grandest and most enthusiastic dis-
plays of the kind which has ever taken place in this city.
At least 5,000 loyal disfranchised citizens formed in com-
pact columns, and with bright torches, to the sound of
loyal music, marched down Canal street, making the air
resound with cheer upon cheer, for universal suffrage,
Congress, and the convention which is about to assemble
to give them suffrage.

" The steady march and stalwart forms of those com-
posing the procession afforded unmistakable evidence
that they had battled for the Union, and were deter-
mined, if necessary, to fight again for the right of suf-
frage, without which their* freedom is but an empty
sound."

Said William Lloyd Garrison at a public reception
given him in England :

" One of the most gratifying incidents of my life was
to have been invited by the United States government,
together with my dear friend and coadjutor, George
Thompson, to accompany General Anderson to Fort
Sumter, to see the star spangled banner once more un-
furled on its walls.

"We went into Charleston, meeting with a very cor-

298 LIFS OF A. P. DOSnE

dial reception at the hands of the freed men, who ex-
temporised a procession of a mile or a mile and a half
long, and composed of old and young, and with a band
of music they marched us through all the principal
streets of that city, singing * John Brown^s body lies
mouldering in the grave, but his soul is marching on.'
[cheers] — and giving cheers for Abraham Lincoln and a
good many other persons. I began the Anti-Slavery
cause in the North in the midst of brick-bats and rotten-
eggs : I finished the struggle on the soil of Carolina, in
Charleston, almost literally buried beneath the wreaths
and flowers which were heaped upon me.**

The same liberty-loving spirit which led Garrison to
rejoice in the freedom of humanity in Charleston, ac-
tuated Dostie and his friends, on the night of the 27th
of July — when he marched at the head of thousands of
free colored men, and assembled around the Statue of
Henry Clay on Canal street. New Orleans — ^to sing
praises to the memory of John Brown, and to exult over
their future prospect of political rights.

Previous to the meeting of July 30th, Mayor Monroe
wrote to the Commanding General the following letter :

" Mayoralty of New Obleans, )
City Hall, July 25, 1866. )

" Brevet Major-Gen. Baird, Commanding, etc.

" General : — ^A body of men, claiming to be mem-
bers of the Convention of 1864, and whose avowed
object is to subvert the Municipal and State Govern-
ments, will, I learn, assemble in this city on Monday
next.

" The laws and ordinances of the city, which my oath
of office makes obligatory upon me to see faithfully exe-
cuted, declare all assemblies calculated to disturb the

GAIJL FOB A GOXYSlSnOX. 299

public peace and tranquility unlawful, and, as such, to
be dispersed by the Mayor, and the participants held
responsible for violating the sama

^ It is my intention to disperse this unlawful assem-
blage if found within the corporate limits of the city
by arresting the members thereof and holding them ac-
countable to existing municipal law, provided they meet
without the sanction of the military authorities.

" I will esteem it a fevor. General, if^ at your earliest
convenience, you will inform me whether flie projected
meeting has your approbation, so that I may act accord-
ingly.

** I am, Greneral, very respectfully,

" John T. Monboe, Mayor.''

To that letter General Beard replied as follows :

" HSADQUABTEBS DsPABTlCENT OF LoUISIAXA, )

New Obleaks, La., July 26, 1866. \
** Hon. JoHK T. MoNBOE, Mayor of the City of New
Orleans.

^Sib: I have received your communication of the
25th instant, informing me that a body of men, claiming
to be members of the Convention of 1864, are to assemr
ble on Monday next.

♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦

" YoQ believe it to be your duty, and it is your inten-
tion, to disperse this assembly, if found within the cor-
porate limits of the city, by arresting the members
thereof and holding them accountable to the existing
municipal laws, provided they meet without the sanc-
tion of the military authorities.

** As to your conception of the duty imposed by your
oath of office, I regret to differ ^m you entirely. I can-
not understand how the Mayor of the city can under-
take to decide so important and delicate a question as
the legal authority upon which a Convention, claiming
to represent the people of an entire State, bases its
action.

800 LIFB OF A. P. D08TIB.

" This doubtless will, in due time, be properly decided
upon by the legal branches of the United States Gov-
ernment.

♦ « « « ♦ 4t

^^ If ihese persons assemble as you say is intendecl,
it will be, I presume, in virtue of the universally con-
ceded right of all loyal citizens of the TInited States to
meet peaceably and discuss freely questions concemiDg
their civil governments — a right which is not restricted
by the fact that the movement proposed might terminate
in a change of the existing institutions.

♦ « ♦ « * * •

^'Lawless violence must be suppressed, and in this
connection the recent order of the Lieutenant General,
designed for the protection of citizens of the United
States, deserves careful consideration. It imposes high
obligations for military interference, to protect those
who, having violated no ordinance of the State, are en-
gaged in peaceful avocations.

" I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

" A. Baisd, Brevet Major General,

Commanding Department of Louisiana.

July 28th the following letter was sent to the Secre-
tary of War :

Hbadquabters Depaetment op LoinsiANA, }
New Orleans, La., July 28, 1866. )

To the Hon. E. M, Stanton^ Secretary of War^ Washing^
ton^ D. C\ :

A Convention has been called, with the sanction of
Governor Wells, to meet here on Monday. The Lieu-
tenant Governor and city authorities think it unlawful,
and propose to break it up by arresting the delegates.
I have given no orders on the subject, but have warned
the parties that I should not countenance or permit such

CALL FOB A CONVENTION. 801

action without instmctions to that effect from the Presi-
dent.
Please instmet me by telegraph.

A. Baird,
Brevet Major-General Com.

Judge Abell had denounced the meeting of the Con-
vention of 1864 as unlawful, and in his charge to the
jury, had pronounced its members criminals before the
law.

On the morning of July 30th the following appeared

in the city papers of New Orleans :

Washington, July 28, 1866.
Albert Vborhies, Zdeut,- Governor Louiaiana :

Sib : The military will be expected to sustain, and not
obstruct or interfere with the proceedings of the Courts.
A dispatch on the subject of the Convention was sent to
Governor Wells this mominir.

^ Andbew JoBmoK.

Mark the contrast !

The last public act of Abraham Lincoln sustained the
loyal people (black and white) of Louisiana. The one
act more inJ^unous than any other in the administration
of Andrew Johnson was that act in which he sought to
crush the friends of his predecessor in Loaiiianii«

802 LIFS OF A. P. D08TIX.

CHAPTER XXVllL

. ICASSACBE OF JULY SOTH, 1866.

At 12 o'clock of the night of July 29th the police
were withdrawn from their beats and assembled at their
respective station-houses ; and, besides the weapons usu-
ally used by policemen, each was given a large-sized
navy revolver. Thus armed, they were held at the sta-
tion-houses to await orders. In addition to these mea-
sures others had been taken by Harry T. Hays, Sheriff
of the Parish of Orleans, ex-Greneral of the rebel army,
pardoned by the President to enable him to assume that
office. He reorganized a portion of his old brigade as
deputy sheriffs, and they were ordered to be in readi-
ness on that occasion. They were doubly armed with
revolvers, and prepared to act with all the efficiency of
military discipline.

On the morning of July 30th, as the members of the
Convention and their friends started to go to Mechanics'
Institute, they discovered an unusual excitement, which
deterred many from going. Crowds of citizens upon
the streets appeared disturbed and restless. They were
seen to whisper from time to time, to look at each
other and, with looks of scorn and contempt, seemed to
bid defiance to the members of the Convention and

THE MASSACBE. 303

their friends. Says Judge Howell, President of the
Convention : " A few minutes past 12 o'clock the meet-
ing was called to order. Prayer was offered by the
Rev. J. W. Horton. The roll was called amid perfect
silence; only twenty-five answered to their names. A
motion to adjourn for an hour was adopted for the pur-
pose of procuring the attendance of many of the mem-
bers of the Convention known to be in the city. It
was expected that several days might be occupied in
obtaining a quorum. I did not expect the military to
protect the Convention. I could not realize the proba-
bility of disturbance. Those comprising the Conven-
tion had a right to meet as they did, and could not be
properly disturbed in that right, unless they abused it
by a violation of law and public order. Surely, twenty-
five men meeting in the capitol building could do very
little towards overturning the government of the State
of Louisiana. It is wonderful how much terror they
created among the recent destroyers of the State and
National governments. The members of the Conven-
tion had learned that a Grand Jury in Secession on
that day might under the charge of Judge (Abell)
indict them as an unlawfiil assembly, and that Sheriff
(Hays), might arrest them, and it was understood
among them that, although there was no law against
such assemblies, they wauld quietly submit to any at-
tempted arrest, however imwarranted by law, give bail,
and proceed in their efforts to obtain a quorum.''

With the United States flag floating over Mechanics'
Institute, surrounded by the United States army
and navy, that Convention was left to the mercies of
an armed mob. Lincoln rested in his tomb. Butler was

804 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

powerless to save. Sheridon was not in the midst of
the danger. Beard had not studied the plottings of
the great Conspu-acy. Justice slumbered, and Treason
triumphed over the liberties of Loubiana.

The State officials of Louisiana, the municipal officers
of New Orleans^ with the armed policemen and fire
companies under control, (all reconstructed under the
policy of Andrew Johnson), knew that the victims of
treason were defenceless in Mechanics' Institute, when
thousands rushed upon the Convention assembled in its
walls to crush the friends of liberty and equal rights.

When the attack was made by the mob, many of the
members of the Convention and their friends had gone
into the city, as a recess had been given. Judge Howell,
Governor Hahn, Dr. Dostie, Alfred Shaw, Esq., Dr. Hire
and the Rev. J. W. Horton,were quietly conversing with
their friends when the shouts of the crowd outside the
building, pursued by the mob, were heard in the streets.
Negroes, followed by the excited mob, sought refuge
inside Mechanics' Institute. A rush was made for the
door of the Convention room. Alfred Shaw, ex-Sherilf
of Orleans, was requested to inform the police, who were
in pursuit of the crowd, " that inside the Hall no re-
sistance would be made to any loyal officers claiming
the right to make arrests." Mr. Shaw was met by
that police with shouts of " Kill him ! " " Kill him ! "
" Shoot the Scoundrel ! " Wounded and exhausted, he
was hurried to jail and thrown into a cell.

The terrible massacre outside the building progressed ;
hundi-eds of the defenceless were wounded, others bru-
tally murdered. The Sergeant of Arms had barri-
caded the doors of the Convention Chamber, but soon

THS ICASSACRS. 305

policemen and citizens made a rush at them and broke
them in. A volley of shots were poured in upon the
defenceless inmates by their enemies.

The Rev. J. W. Horton attempted to hold up a
United States flag in token of non-resistance. When
it was recognized, policemen exclaimed, "Not one of
you shall escape here alive!" and the noble Horton
was shot, saying : " We offer no resistance ; we sun*en-
der ! " Then followed scenes of blood and carnage
which can never be revealed. The assembly i^oom was
filled with the wounded and dying, whose cries and
groans mingled with the oaths and demoniac laughter of
their murderers. Shouts of Jefferson ibavis and An-
drew Johnson fell upon the ears of the dying victims of
"My Policy." Numbers who came to Mechanics' In-
stitute with those who loved liberty and delighted in the
policy of Abraham Lincoln, died on that terrible day by
the bloody hordes of the supporters of Andrew John-
son, who had declared that " The civil authorities must
be sustained."

They were sustained, and loyal hearts ceased to beat.
Thousands of the reconstructed, under the policy of
their leader, rent the polluted air of New Orleans on
that day with shouts of victory over loyalty. Said an
eye-witness of that terrible scene :

" The Convention had been broken up an hour ago-^
if that were the object of Mr. John T. Monroe and his
rebel soldier policemen. The negro procession had been
scattered, its leaders killed, and dozens of innocent
negroes struck by the same hapless fate, if tfuU were
their object. But still the authorities and citizens con-
tinued the riot.

806 UFB OF A. P. DOSTEB.

** An innocent negro carrying a roll of cotton samples
under his arm, quietly passed the St. Charles Hotel.
Four hackmen pounced upon him, began beating the
frightened non-resistant, and collected a crowd. A po-
liceman rushed up, and without a word of inquiry, dis-
charged every barrel of his revolver at the prostrate
negro, who kept crying : * Arrest mCj I^ve done nothing ;
arrest me^ hat for GocTs sake don^tkiUme in cold blood.*
To the amazement of the crowd every shot missed him.
** But," exclaimed a reputable citizen — let the expression
be set down forever to his honor with those who know
him — " if I'd a pistol, I'd have killed the miscreant po-
liceman."

" Carts were constantly passing, laden with the bodies
of murdered negroes. In one I counted six ; many had
two and three. All were greeted with laughter ; occasionr
ally 09ie evoked a cheer. Now and then a carriage
passed with some wounded white man, and not unfire-
quently the crowds would make a rush upon him to see
if he were one of the obnoxious Radicals.

" One fell thus near the noted millinery-shop of Mad-
ame Sophie, a few doors below Blelock's bookstore. A
gentleman — so far as clothes go and general demeanor —
stepped out from the sidewalk and devoted a minute or
two to vigorously kicking the dead body. A bystander
made some expressions of horror and disgust, when a
policeman turned sharp on him with * Are you one of
them, «ay ? ' He protested that he was not. * He lies,'
exclaimed another; ^h^sa yankee soldier ! '* The luck-
less person protested that he was not; the policeman
fiercely questioned him, and at last allowed him to escape
on the express ground that he ' guessed he wasnH a Fede-

THE MASSACBE. 307

rcU soldier after aU? This occurred in sight and hearing
of at least one late General of our army^ who stood on
an acfjacent upper verandah^

Said another eye-witness of that revolting scene :

" I was standing on the comer of a street near Me-
chanics* Institute, when great cheers came up from the
Institute, and a dense mob crowded along Common
Street toward the St. Charles HoteL As they ap-
proached, we could make out four policemen with
cocked revolvers, and in their midst, with hat knocked
off, with coat nearly torn from his shoulders, with blood
clotted over his head and about his neck, with citizens
rushing at him, striking at him, shouting, ' kill him ! '
partly limping and partly jerked along by the infuriated
policemen, came Michael Hahn, ex-Member of the United
States House of Representatives, ex-Governor of Louisi-
ana, and United States Senator, elect from the Legisla-
ture of Louisiana — ^the man to whom Abraham Lincoln
confidently wi'ote that * negro suffrage might yet, in
some hour of peril, help to keep the jewel of Liberty in
the family of Freedom ! ' In ten minutes he was lying
bleeding and feverish in a cell of the city jail !

" My companion and myself * moved on.' In less than
a square, a regiment in blue — ^thank God for the color
at last ! — came up Canal Street on the double quick,
and obliquing from side to side, left no rioters behind
the artillery.

" A Union ex-Major General walked down, an hour
later, to demand of Mayor Monroe, in the name of
common decency and humanity, the release from the
stifling jail where these wounded men still lay, of Gov-
ernor Hahn, Sheiiff Shaw, Dr. Dostie, and the rest. He

808 LIFE OF A. P. BOSTIE.

was met by the smiling Mayor with the inqniry * if the
thing hadrCt been pretty toeU done?^ While he was
getting his question fitly answered, in walked Cavalry
Kautz.

"'Is this Mr. Monroe ? '

«' Yes, Sir.'

" * I am directed, Sir, to relieve you of any duties as
Mayor of the city, and assume command as military
governor. Yourself and other officials will await my
orders.' "

Night drew her sable curtain over a scene of woe.
The first act of the terrible tragedy of July 30th had
been performed. A stroke of *'My Policy" had been
struck. The reconstructed had made use of a powerful
argument in favor of the " Conflict of Races." The jails,
police stations and hospitals of New Orleans bore evi-
dence of that "conflict." The dead, the dying, those
who mourned over their murdered fathers, brothers, hus-
bands and friends, were all evidence of that " conflict."
The agony of despair revealed by those who sought in
vain to find the mangled remains of their loved ones,
who had left their homes in the morning with hopeful
hearts to be murdered by the enemies of liberty, knew
that their sorrow was caused by the " Conflict of Races!"
They required no arguments to be convinced of the
simple logic of " My Policy " and the triumph of the
demon spirit of Slavery over Liberty.

Mayor Monroe and his colaborers, with their thuggery
principles, had carried out their programme, upheld by the
Chief Executive, who had declared that the " Civil au-
thority must be sustained." Mechanics' Institute, in the
capital of Louisiana, was a slaughter house, where the

THE HASSACBE. 809

city police and the reconstructed had waded in the
blood of their victims. Said one who had looked into
Mechanics' Institute after the massacre: "The floor of
the Convention room was covered with the blood, limbs,
hair and brains of human beings, at which policemen
and citizens laughed with fiendish pleasure. The hall and
stairway dripped with human gore. The sidewalk was
covered with blood and tattered garments."

At police stations and in the streets, citizens and
policemen looked upon their dying victims ; Jieard their
cries for water, and pleadings for mercy without render-
ing them any assistance. " Let the wretches die," they
exclaimed with a fiendish laugh, and the innocent vic-
tims of despotism perished with their pleadiiig eyes
fixed in vain upon their relentless murderers.

At the jails, and at the gates of hospitals many lay
in the agonies of death. When policemen and citizens
were asked if nothing could be done to relieve in some
measure their sufferings, the reply was, " We know
our own business. The wretches ought to suffer." "For
what?" was asked. A terrible oath was the only
reply.

The Rev. J. W. Horton, who had opened the Conven-
tion with prayer, was shot, stabbed, and beaten by
policemen until deprived of reason. He was then drag-
ged to jail and thrown into a cell by order of the city
ofiicials, who in order to keep the peace of the city and
" sustain the civil authorities, ordered the arrest of the
rioters." Therefore, the dying Horton, among whose last
conscious acts, was an appeal to the God of Nations to
protect a Convention which had met to uphold the
cause of justice, was thrown by his assassinators as a

310 LIFE OF A. P. DOSnS.

rioter into jail. ^^ That was an act of justice?'^ "The
rioters must be arrested," said the Press of New Orleans
the morning after the massacre. " The peace of the city
must be preserved. The city authorities must be sus-
tained.''

In another cell lay the Rev. Mr. Jackson, who had
been beaten with clubs, stabbed, and left to die by his
enemies. His groans were heard by a friend of suffer-
ing humanity, in time to save him from bleeding to
death from his terrible wounds.

In another cell, John Henderson, a member of the
Convention of 1864 and 1866, who had so nobly opposed
Judge Abell in his attacks upon Constitutional liberty,
lay mortally wounded, arrested as one of the rioters."

In a distant part of the city lay the lifeless body of a
German Federal officer. Captain Loup in the morning
said to his wife, " There is no Government I cherish as
this Republic."

That noble German was sacrificed for his love of
the American Republic. " So much for your uniform,"
was the cry of his rebel murderers, as they dealt their
death blows. The lifeless body of Captain Loup was
carried home in a cart followed by a mob. It was
thrown upon the floor before his loving wife. She lay
unconscious of her woe, beside the lifeless form of her
beloved husband, with her children clinging to their
widowed mother. The mob tore from her person — ^her
watch and rings — tokens of affection given her by her
husband. Captain Loup did not live to be arrested by
the " reconstructed."

Revenge, no doubt, was sweet to Judge Abell, Mayor
Monroe, and other officials, acting under new "recon-

THE HASSACBE. 311

struction measures.'' These traitors reposed that night
in the calm conviction, "that the civil authorities
had been sustained," and the " conflict of races " com-
menced with so little loss to " our cause."

812 UPS OF A. r. DOSTIE.

CHAPTER XXIX.

BR. DOSTIE's death.

On the momiBg of the 30th of July, 1866, Dr. Dostie
vent to the Mechanics' Institute, conscious that his ene-
mies desired his destruction. With no faith in Andrew
Johnson, the unrepentant rebels, the City authorities,
or the authorized bands of policemen ; upon the military
alone he relied.

Said he, "my enemies may assassinate me as they
have often threatened, but the Convention has nothing
to fear in presence of the United States army." Dr.
Dostie was closely watched by the conspirators. He
had been so surrounded by the snares of his enemies,
that whatever movement he made, whichever direction
he took seemed a step towards death. "Dostie is
marked !" " Dostie will never make another speech !"
" Dostie shall never come out of the Mechanics' Insti-
tute alive !" with many similar expressions were proof
that his destruction was the aim of the conspirators.
He was an impediment to the plans of rebels in K'ew
Orleans. "We now have Dostie and his Conven-
tion friends where we want them," said Lucien Adams
and his band of policemen, as they saw their syste-
matic organizations ready for action. An alarm was
given by bells — such as had been ordered by Monroe

DB. DOSTIE's BSATH. 313

when Greneral Butler approached the city in 1862 — and
five hundred armed policemen, and companies of fire-
men armed and equipped for murderous action, com-
bined with a mob of citizens, rushed from different parts
of the city to Mechanics' Institute, to commence their
massacre upon its defenceless victims. Upon hearing
confusion in the street, a gentleman said to Dr. Dostie,
'^A policeman has fired upon a negro, he is begging
for mercy.** He replied, " we cannot prevent it, we are
defenceless."

When the mob rushed to the Convention room, Dr.
Dostie forgetful of sel^ exclaimed to the excited crowd
within, " Be quiet and seat yourselves upon the floor,
we shall soon be protected by the military. The United
States flag waves over us."

When the mob commenced firing upon the members
of the Convention and its friends, he said, ^ What do
you want? Have you an order of arrest? We sur-
render." "They will kill us. We had better try and
save ourselves," said a friend. Dr. Dostie replied, " I am
wounded ; we will beg for protection."

He went to the door where he met the infuriated mob
and asked them to spare his life. He was knocked down
by a brick-bat and shot— dragged down stairs by the
hair of his head and thrown upon the pavement. Citi-
zens and policemen gathered around the seemingly life-
less body of their victim and thrust it with their sworda.
Urged on by the mob, news-boys pierced his head with
peiJmives. Hie chivalry shot and stabbed him, and
shouted for Jefierson Davis and Andrew Johnson. Said
an eye witness to this scene, General Alfred L. Lee, ao
officer of Cavalry under Banks and Sheridan :

814 LIFB OF A. P. DOSTIE.

^' There was a noble man who represented the Radical
sentiment of the city — ^Dr. Dostie. He was not a mem-
ber of the Convention, but he was in the hall ; he was
struck with a brick and knocked down. Policemen were
standing near, but instead of arresting the assaulter they
stepped up to Dr. Dostie and deliberately fired into the
body of the defenseless man. A citizen standing by,
drew his sword from his cane and thrust it into his body.
Still the doctor was not dead, and was di*agged by the
police through the crowd and placed in a common dirt
cart. I saw this myself One policeman sat on his body
and one sat near his head. The poor man attempted to
raise his head, and I saw the policeman lift his revolver
and strike him on the face."

Said another eye witness, an Ex-Major General in the
United States army :

^' I saw four policemen bear out the seemingly lifeless
body of Dr. Dostie, (an earnest, sincere patriot, a pre-
eminent Free Mason, and a gentleman against whose
character no true charge was ever brought) his head
hung down till it almost dragged upon the pavement,
blood was streaming from his wounds, and marking the
path by which he was borne. Around his inanimate
form the mob rushed and blasphemed. At last a cart
was reached and the body thrown in ; before it was
reached several blows had been rained upon the bleeding
body. The news flew among the rioters that Dostie
was killed, the tidings were received with cheers and ex-
pressions of positive delight. * Yes,' said the recon-
structed all over the city : ' Dostie has fought our cause
for years, and now we have our revenge.' "

Another rioter had been arrested and must be taken

BB. dostlb's death. 315

to the police station. Nearly two miles from the Me-
chanics' Institute, opposite Jackson's Square, in which
the monument stands, erected to the memory of Jackson,
upon which in 1862, General Butler caused to be engra-
ven the words, " The Union must and shall be preserved,"
the mangled bleeding body of the patriot Dostie was
taken, and in sight of that monument erected to the
memory of one he had cherished, he was thrown upon
the stone pavement in front of the police station by the
enemies of his Government — ^to perish. For hours he lay
on that pavement suffering the agonies of death. Six
rebel physicians passed him only to mock at the agonies
of the dying martyr. A friend of suffering humanity
desired to raise his head at the request of Dr. Dostie,
but was not permitted to do so by the policeman who
guarded his " prisoner." Governor Hahn upon hearing
where Dr. Dostie had been conveyed, requested his sister
to go to his friend and take him to some place of safety.
She hastened to the police station in her carriage, and
found the Dr. in a dying condition. Said he, "I am
dying, tell my friends to bury me by my beloved wife,
my only love." The Dr. was interrupted by the wretch
who was guarding him, " Dr. Dostie is under arrest and
cannot be removed without an order from the city
authorities," said the chivalric policeman. The order
was obtained, and the Dr. was removed to the Hotel
Dieu, where he was tenderly and thoughtfully cared for
by friends. " Never would Dostie have lived to have
been carried to Hotel Dieu had we known that he was
in the hands of his friends," said his enemies. Destiny
had not decreed that the last moments of the noble
Dostie should be spent in listening to cheers for Jeffer-

316 LIFE OF A. P. BOSTIS.

son Davis and Andrew Johnson. On the night of July
30th, the dying patriot was surrounded by friends who
prayed earnestly that he might be spared to labor for
his beloved cause. His noble heart, patriotic life and
unselfish course, had endeared him to his numerous
friends, who vainly hoped that his assassinators might
be cheated of their victim, and the reformer be spared
for future usefulness.

Said the unselfish Dostie on that night, ^' I am grateful
for the kindness of my friends, but there is danger in
your remaining with me. Place yourselves under mili-
tary protection. I cannot recover; my enemies have
murdered me ; I forgive them all. I should be glad to
see the end of the great conflict between fi'eedom and
slavery !" Upon the suggestion of a friend that his
mind might act with greater power in another world
than in this, and that he might be conscious of the pass-
ing events of this world, he smilingly replied, "What a
consoling thought, and in a better world I shall meet the
spirit of my beloved vnfe, who for years has been wait-
ing for me to meet her in Heaven. To night, I trust in
her SaviourJ"

A wounded policeman was taken to Hotel Dieu, who
occupied a room near that of Dr. Dostie's. The Dr. upon
hearing his expressions of pain, inquired who was suffer-
ing ? "A policeman, perhaps, one of your murderers,"
was the reply. " Go," said he, " and see if the agonies
of that man can in any way be relieved. If I forgive
my murderers, should not my friends do the same." Six
days Dr. Dostie lived after he had been mortally wounded,
to prove to the world that he who had been proclaimed
a " fanatic," could die a Christian, a patriot, and a philo-

DB. doshe's death. 317

gopher. Weak from the loss of blood, suffering at times
the most intense agony from his numerous wounds, he
yet insisted upon seeing his friends, who came in crowds
to receive a parting word from one who had ever greeted
them with kindness. Said he, '^ I am d3ring, and I do not
wish my friends to feel that I do not appreciate their
kindness in coming to see me." Never speaking of his
own sufferings, his constant anxiety was for his wounded
friends. Daily, as the sister of Governor Hahn adminis-
tered to his dying wants, did he question her about her
brother, Mr. Shaw, and others of the wounded, saying,
" Do not deceive me, I want to know if they are in
danger.''

An allusion to the massacre, and the sufferings of his
white and colored friends, was exceedingly painful to
him. Said he, "Justice will avenge the sufferings of
the colored race." Some colored friends called to en-
quire after the Dr. " Let them come to me," said he.
" I want them to know thsftrl sympathize with them in
their afflictions." " I shall die for their cause, and they
will remember me kindly." During a week of intense
suffering, not an impatient word was uttered, not a mur-
mur escaped his lips. Said the dying Christian, "I
await my death with perfect resignation. I know that
I may die any hour as my friend and physician Dr.
Avery has informed me, that my death may be very
sudden from the nature of my wounds. The change of
worlds will not be unpleasant to me. My trust is in
the Rock of Ages."

On the morning of Dr. Dostie's death, he requested a
fiiend to write several letters, that he desired to dic-
tate. Said he, "write to General Butler, that in my

818 UFS OF A. P. B08TIE.

opinion, had be been in "New Orleans on the 30tli of
July, that massacre would not have occurred.

Write to General Banks, that my dying request to him
was not to forget the cause of the colored man and
liberty in Louisiana. Write to my mother, brothers and
sisters, that I remember them in my dying hour with
affection."

On Sabbath morning he seemed to have recovered
strength. Many of his friends had hopes of his recovery,
and thinking quiet was what he required, he was left to
the care of one or two friends and the Sisters of Hotel
"Diexu While conversing pleasantly with a friend, he
suddenly exclaimed : " I am dying. I die for the cause
of Liberty. Let the good work go on." With his fine
eyes irradiated, he lifted an arm heavenward and with
a placid smile, suddenly expired.

Such was the death of the liberty-loving Dostie. Said
he, " I loved liberty when a child." " I die for the cause
of Liberty. Let the good work go on," were his last
words. At the tidings of his death, sadness fell upon
the hearts of his friends, but strange to relate, the ve-
nom of his enemies was re-enkindled at the announce-
ment of the death of their victim — ^that venom was
thrown into the columns of every rebel newspaper in
New Orleans, to be quoted by the press in sympathy
with the rebellion througout the country.

The most scurrilous articles were set afloat when Dr.
Dostie lay upon his dying bed, utterly powerless to
defend the truth. Some of those articles were read in
his presence. Said he, " Do my enemies persist in fol-
lowing me to the grave with their scandal ? When will
the enemies of liberty leam to be just and write the

DR. dostxb's death. 319

truth ?" To the grave they followed their victim with
falsehood and calumny. His friends proposed that his
faneral should take place at Mechanics' Institute, and
the military be invited to protect the funeral procession.

**If there is any demonstration over the body of Dostic
it shall be torn into a thousand pieces, and his friends
shall meet his fate," wei-e the words of the infuriated
murderers of July 30th.

Consternation and fear filled the hearts of his mourn-
ing friends, who would gladly have followed the re-
mains of their friend to his last resting place. Many
said, "Let us remain at home that the body of our
friend may repose in peace."

The following is from the pen of Henry C. Dibble,
Esq., who followed the remains of the lamented Dostie
to the grave, published in the Advocate^ edited by the
Rev. J. P. Newman :

" On the evening of the 6th day of August, a few of
the friends of Dr. Dostie followed his it^mains to the
tomb. The occasion was one of unusual solenmity, and
when glancing around upon the faces of those dozen or
more friends of the murdered man, you could not but
be impressed with the depth of feeling expressed — a co-
mingling of poignant sorrow and just indignation.

" The burial ceremonies were performed by the Rev.
Mr. McDonald of the M. E. Church. His remarks were
few yet touching; calm, but very forcible. No one
present felt like speaking. Wlien the heart is oppressed
by grief the lips refuse to give utterance thereto. The
sorrow. we felt was not of the nature which we experi-
ence when lamenting the removal of a friend by the
natural visitation of Death — ^when we can attach no

820 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

blame upon man. Bat while our tears fell upon the
bier of our friend, we could not but dwell upon the
atrocious crime, which had snatched him from our side ;
end then a choking indignation demanded justice.

" He was a popular man in every sense of the term.
Earnest in his labors, fervent in his attachments, true to
his word, and generous towards all, he gathered about
him a host of friends, and at the same time, as all men
of positive character must, gained not a few enemies.

" As a public speaker, the Dr. was forcible and intensely
earnest, his native talent and earnestness in denounc-
ing wrong ; his honesty of purpose and consistency of
action enabled him to carry conA'iction when others
would have failed. In politics he seemed to agree with
a distinguished humorist of the day. " If you are right,
you cannot be too radical." However, he was not the
agitator which his enemies would represent him to have
been. Bold as a lion and loving truth for truth's sake,
he denounced error and the advocates of wrong in terms
of bitterness. Much had been said about his speeches
a few nights before his murder ; his words stung his
enemies because they were pointed with the steel of
truth. But he did not speak in the terms which the
papers of this city represent. They willfully misstate
his language, and for this are jointly responsible with
those who committed the crim^efor his murder.

"Socially, Dr. Dostie was genial and obliging. In
appearance, he was a handsome man ; of medium height,
straight as an arrow, and well formed, with a dark
piercing eye which seemed to flash at times with en-
thusiasm.

" He was stricken down in the prime of life, not be-

DR. doshe's death. 321

cause his murderers bore him personal malice, but be-
cause he held and advocated political opinions conflict-
ing with their own. He died a martyr in the cause of
human rights."

The following is the announcement of the death of
Dr. Dostie in the Tribune^ a paper edited by colored
men in New Orleans :

"Dr. A. P. Dostie died of wounds received at the
Mechanic's Institute, Monday, July 30th, 1866, by the
rebel spirits who ruled in that dark hour of the reign of
terror. He died for a principle, and that principle is
the right of suffrage to the colored men, and the right
of Union men to govern the State. He died on Sunday
at half past five o'clock p. m. Calmly and nobly did
he bear his fearful wounds ; and nobly said, ' if those
principles could be sustained he would die content.'
They shall succeed ! "

The following is taken from the New Orleans Times^
edited by Wm. C. King, who has immortalized his name
by his unceasing labors in the cause of Andrew John-
son's reconstructed:

" Dr. Dostie, wounded at the riot of Monday last, ex-
pired yesterday near half past five o'clock.

"Death came upon him sudden as a thunder-stroke ;
came to him when not a sinscle friend but the attendini;
Sister of Charity was at his bed-side. Before 7 o'clock
the Hotel Dieu swarmed with them."

Common humanity, suggests the propriety of treating
death with a respect due to civilization. But that spirit
which has ever reveled in the blood of the victims of
despotic slavery, fearfiil of the exposui'e of conspiracy
and crime, assailed one in his grave, whose spirit had

322 UFB OF A. P. DOSTTB.

passed beyond the limits of the cruel vengeance of his
enemies. The name sacred to Liberty was held up,
while yet the blood of Dostie stained the streets of New
Orleans, by the vindictive press of that city as one linked
with " fanaticism, revenge and riot." Before the grave
could receive the mangled remains of the murdered
victims, the conspirators had prepared their scurrilous
articles for the press, hoping thereby to shield their
crimes from an enraged nation, who saw the spirit of
Free Institutions outraged in the massacre of July dOth,
and in the reconstruction measures of Andrew Johnson,
the revival of the Spirit of Slavery.

We quote the following article from the New Orleans
Times on the riot of July 30th :

'^The incendiary teachings of a pestilent gang of
demagogues have produced their natural fruits — ^tumult
and bloodshed. Fearful indeed is the responsibility
which rests on the heads of those who have been con-
cerned in the great crime of attempting to overturn all
civil authority among us, and of superseding it by a
wicked usurpation.

" A band of poor, deluded negroes, m^ged on by un-
principled white men, have, unfortunately for themselves,
been the principal sufferers. Armed with pistols, clubs
and razors, they collected in great numbers in the neigh-
borhood of Mechanics' Institute, for the avowed pur-
pose of defending the revolutionary Jacobins who had
raised the banner of negro suffrage, and the result of
their folly is son'owfuUy apparent.

"The riot was commenced in every instance by
negroes, spurred on by white men, and it is highly
creditable to the police of the city that they succeeded

DE. dostie's death. 323

in qnelling it without any military aid. Many of them
were wounded, but it is not likely that the results will
prove fatal in more than two cases.

" And so the Convention of 1864, which commenced
in usurpation, has ended in riot and bloodshed. As Mr.
Roselius declared yesterday : " Every participant in the
treasonable scheme should be arrested and sent to jail.'
This, it must be remembered, is not the opinion of a
political adventurer, but of a gi*avc jurist, an original
Union man, a sober, quiet citizen of the highest respect-
ability."

On the 2d day of August, Judge E. Abell, true to his
mission in the reconstruction measures of the Chief
Executive, charges the jury as follows :

^' Gentlemen, if you are satisfied that a riot has
taken place iu the city of New Orleans, then I charge
you that it is the duty of all peace officers of the State
to assist in suppressing the riot, using no more force and
violence than is necessary ; and it is the duty of every
citizen to aid the officers of the law, using the like cau-
tion, and if it becomes necessary to slay one or more of
the rioters in order to put it down, it is not murder but
excusable homicida If more force and violence was
used than was reasonably necessary upon the circum-
stances of the case, then the party using the excess will
be guilty of murder, manslaughter or assault and bat-
tery, according to the circumstances of the case, and the
nature, fierceness and magnitude of the riot to be sup-
pressed."

The following is an announcement in the New Orleans
Times of the progress of the foul conspiracy :

" Sheriff Hays last evening began the re-arrest of the

324 LIPE OF A. P. BOSTIB.

members of the ex-Convention and participants in the
riot, whose release from custody by General Baird has
already been noticed. Judge R. K. Howell, ' President
pro tern,' and O. H. Poynot, were released by Judge
Abell upon bonds of $1500 each. G. H. Flagg was still
in the Parish Prison at 9 o'clock last night, unable to
procure the necessary amount of bonds ; also several
others in the same predicament. We suppose those who
are now at large will be taken to day, and be held to
answer for then* revolutionary proceediugs."

The editor of the New Orleans Times attempts in the
following to quote the words of the dying Dostie as
evidence of an insurrectionary spuit :

"The conspirators, whose recent attempt to over-
throw the State Government and usurp the reins of
power was defeated in so disastrous and lamentable a
manner, have incautiously uttered expressions on several
occasions which confirm a fact of which those who in-
vestigated their movements were previously convinced,
viz : that a portion of the preconcerted plot was to
cause the shedding of blood — a collision between whites
and blacks. Dr. Dostie has given additional proof of
this fact in a recent declaration at the Hotel Dieu.

" On Tuesday Colonel De Witt Clinton, of General
Baird's staff, and Recorder Ahem visited Dr. Dostie to
take his dying declaration. The Picayune recounts the
following incident of the visit :

" * He inquired in regard to John Henderson, Jr., and
was told that he was dead. He paused for a moment,
and remarked : ' Well, it is a strange coincidence. We
were bom upon the same day, and embarked in the same

DB. dostie's death. 825

glorious cause. I had reason to be apprehensive, to fear
a bloody attack, but not he. Strange ! ' "

We turn from the enemies of loyalty and liberty and
welcome the vindicators of truth, patriotism and justice.
In the following letter of Mr. Dibble he denies the false
assertions of the New Orleans Times:

" New Orleans, August 4, 1866.
''EdUor Times:

"Sib: Your accustomed falsification of 'truth, in the
evening edition, cannot pass over unnoticed. You say,
speaking of the members of the Convention and other
loyal citizens who were shot down by the police : * Wo
know not a single one of them who is not forced to
admit, when cornered by direct question, that ho was
conducted safely from the building," etc. Now, sir, Dr.
Dostie states, in his dying dedaration^ that he was shot
down, cut, beaten, and left lying in the street by the
police. The Rev. Mr. Horton was shot and beaten by
the same persons. Mr. Fish, whose statement will be
found in the Advocate, which I send you, was shot by
policemen, to whom he surrendered himself. And fni^
ther, sir, I have heard as many as twenty persons say
that they saw policemen shoot negroes who were un-
armed and making no resistance.

"You should beware, sir, how you falsify facts, for th^
investigations now going on will prove to the worUI
what we in New Orleans know, that you have no f^w|>^l
for truth, and lack the ability to hide your fals^^hoodii,

"Let me eomm^ul to your perusal the A(tp(H*^P.

Yours, etc.,

At the Dwtal Coav^e&tion in Boston 6fi iK# H t49^

B26 UFS OF A. p. DOSTIE.

tember, Governor Bullock was present and made a
speech in which he said :

" I have, for the last two or three days, in reading the
account of the most deplorable occurrence in a remote
city of this Union, had my attention directed to the fact
so striking, so sad, and so educational to us, that an
eminent member of your profession. Dr. Dostie, of New
Orleans, fell by the hands of a populace angry with him
because he was exercising the rights of an American
citizen. I trust and believe that the same spirit of de-
votion and loyalty to freedom and the Government of
the country which animated his heart, animates the
hearts of all the members of his profession." [Applause.]

Said Rufus Wopples in an address before the Execu-
tive Committee of the Republicans of Louisiana on the
8th of August, 1866:

" The cause of colored suffrage is not new in Louisiana.
After the redemption of New Orleans Irom rebel rule,
the cause awoke from its slumber. I will not recount
the history of its progress. To-day we behold it cut
down, but not destroyed. It has been stricken down by
the hand of organized assassination, some of its noblest
advocates have given their lives for the cause. Let it
be remembered, ' The blood of the martyrs is the seed
of the Churcli.'

" Truth crushed to earth will rise again.
The eternal years of God are hers.
While error wounded writhes in pain.
And dies among her worshippers."

" ' I am willing to die,' said the brave and magnani-
mous Dostie to me on the day of his death, ' if my death
shall promote the cause of Liberty.' He felt that it

DB. dostib's death. 327

would yet live ; and he, with that spirit of unselfish
devotion for which he was remarkable, seemed perfectly
reconciled to his fate. I answered, ' I hope you are, in
other respects, willing to die.' He said, 'That is all
right — ^I have made my peace — ^that is all right.'

" I said to him, ' Dr. Dostie, I remarked yesterday to
some friends that you are the man, who, ii;i case of yel-
low fever, small-pox or cholera epidemic, would work
night and day, and risk your life for a friend — and I
believe you would do it for an enemy.' He promptly
plied, ' I would do it for the rebels.' I trust that

" The sunset of life gave him mystical lore
And coming events cast their shadows bfefore ;"

that he saw the God of Justice vindicating his preroga-
tives, and the cause which he loved, succeeding in the
future.

" I saw Rev. Dr. Horton die. I was with him an hour
before his death, and witnessed his last agony. He died
a martyr for that Christian religion which teaches the
great doctrine of human brotherhood. The eloquence
of his prayer to the King of Nations had scarcely ceased
to echo from the walls of the people's Representative
Chamber ; his touching allusion to the assassination of
the beloved and lamented Lincoln had scarcely ceased
its thrill in loyal hearts, when this brave and true soldier
of the cross was summoned to join the noble army of
martyrs. If not a sparrow falleth to the ground unno-
ticed, the fall of this noble man will not be in vain. His
blessed Master fell a victim to the mob because he
preached unwelcome truth, but the cause of human
brotherhood still lives, and we advocate it to-day."

828 LIFS OF A. P. DOSTIE.

In a letter of General Banks he thus writes of Dr.
Dostie :

" I knew him well. No country ever gave birth to a
more unselfish man, a truer patriot, or a more devoted
friend of liberty. He and his associates were dangerous
men to the enemies of this country. The unseen hand
that smote him was that which applied the torch to the
city of New York, and by which Lincoln fell. His death
will be avenged, and in this, as in all trials of good men,
the blood of the martyrs will be the sustenance of the
church."

General Butler in an address delivered in New York,
thus vindicates his friend and the cause of justice :

'' I now remember a man who came to me in New
Orleans and took me by the hand and with tears in his
eyes said, ' I thank God that you have come ; I bless
God that your flag waves over me again — the symbol of
justice and protection of my country,' and yet I have
seen that man murdered in cold blood. That murdered
man was Dostie, the best and purest Union man that
ever trod the soil of Louisiana, for he periled his life,
when he had no hope, in defense of the flag. I speak
with feeling, for he was one of my best and staimchest
advisers and aided me by all means in his power. As
long as I had a command, my flag sheltered him and
every other man within my territory. And that that
man should be murdered with that flag flying over him
— not to him an emblem of power and protection — and
we be told that these men are our brothers. [Ap-
plause.] The rattlesnake may be a brother of the cop-
perhead, but not mine — not mine ! And what was his
offense ! He went to ti convention to discuss their rights

Ds. dostie's deatil 329

as we are assembled here to-night, a right guaranteed by
the Constitation of the United States, and under the
protection of the flag.

" The whole North was aroused by the Kew Orleans
massacre, following up, as it did, the Memphis riot.
President Jc^mson telegraphs to General ^eridan, put-
ting wha.t lawyers call leading questions to draw out a
£ivorable answer. He don^t send on to General Sheri-
daa, saying, 'eome tell ns all about this riot.^ The Presi-
dent's dispatdi asked for as kindly a report as possible
of the a&dr.

^ When the President, asks General Sheridan if the
cxril power is snfi<»ent to take care of ll^ese men he an-
swers : ^ I should say emphatically they are not^ This
is after the President had issued his proclamation of the
16th of August that peace reigned and civil authority is
sufficient protection for all citizens. I am sorry to see
that in fiice of the &cts that Horton the clergyman,
I>ostie ^kke pure patriot, Loup and others are dead, and
wounded m«n are coming Nort^ with the testimony of
all these unavenged, with Northern people unprotected
so that they are obliged to leave New Orletms, that the
President has issued his proclamation that peace has ob-
tained throu^out all the land, and the civil courto are
aiagple to protect life and liberty. And in Ihe lace of
General ^eridan's empbafic disavowal of the ability of
lite civil authorities to protect the citiaens, the President
cm the 18th of August turns over every Union man in
ihe Boath. to the mercies of the thugs, stuiiiStTif and
murderers of Lincoln and I>ostie.^

At the Boathem Loyalists^ Convention which met at
ladepeudaaioe Hall, Philadal|dua,in September, i^fK;, the

830 IJFS OF A« P. DOSTIB.

following resolutions offered by Colonel Moss of Mis-
souri, were read and adopted :

" TFAercflw, ' The lamented A. P. Dostie, of New
Orleans, one of the true patriots who signed the call of
this Convention, has been foully murdered since said call
was issued; we recognize the spirit of this faithful
Unionist as a delegate in this Convention, whose voice
shall ever be remembered, and whose wrongs shall never
be forgotten until the principles he maintained shall per-
ish from the earth. Be it further

" Besolved^ That this Convention wear the usual badge
of mourning in memory of the brave friends of liberty
who perished at New Orleans on the 30th day of July
last, and that a copy of these resolutions, as a tender of
sympathy, be forwarded to the families of those who
perished."

cxBSGmsaeuxMAL, larrBRiamass, Z9l

«u

Jlas&xeoir f . ^Ebsrwi. jfidftiitw?}' ^^sr^ju^wl ^' "tt«f feiiie ill

i&LAi s^soaryu. mt li m e- .«fM$i^. ««»fA>etfiliA idw^ ^tue iu.v«ifW^

832 UFB OF A. P. DOSTIE.

made for the cause of these removals, I should respect-
fully state as follows :

" The Crimmal Court over which Judge AbiBll presided
is the only Criminal Court of the city of New Orleans :
for a period of at least nine months previous to July dOth,
he had been educating a large portion of the conamunity
to the perpetration of this outrage, by almost promising
them no prosecution in his court against the onenders^in
case such an event occurred. The records of this court
will show that he fulfilled his pui'pose, as not one of the

fuilty ones has been prosecuted. In reference to An-
rew S. Herron, I considered it his duty to indict these
men before the Criminal Court.

" This he failed to do, but went so far as to attempt
to Impose on the good sense of the whole nation, by m-
dieting the victims of the riot instead of the rioters, in
other words, making the innocent guilty, and the guUty
innocent.

" He was therefore an abetter of and coadjutor with
Judge Abell in bringing on the massacre of July 30th.
Mayor Monroe controlled the element engaged in this
riot, and when backed by an Attorney-General who
would not prosecute the guilty, and a Judge who ad-
vised the Grand Jury to find the innocent guilty, and
let the murderers go free, felt secure in engaging his
police force in the riot and massacre. With these three
men exercising a large influence on the worst elements of
this city, giving to these elements an immunity for riot
and bloodshed, the General-in-Chief will see how inse-
cure I felt in letting them occupy their positions in the
troubles which might occur in registration and voting in
the reorganization.

" I am. General, very respectfully,
" Your obedient servant,

" P. H. Sheridan.
"Major-General, United States Army."

In the place of Andrew S. Herron, B. L. Lynch
was appointed Attorney-General of the State of Louisi-

C0N6BESSI0NAL INVESTIGATIONS. 333

ana, a man identified with the Union cause in that State.
In the place of John T. Monroe, Edward Heath was
appointed as Mayor of New Orleans, whose sympathies
every New Orleans loyalist knew to he in harmony with
a radical Congress, and opposed to a policy that had
permitted the policemen of New Orleans to murder
hundreds of defenceless citizens.

. In the place of Judge E. Abell, Oeneral Sheridan
appointed under the new reconstruction laws of a radi-
cal Congress, Major Howe, of the Federal Army, a
man of anti-slavery and loyal principles, who could ap-
preciate love of justice and order.

Hon. B. Flanders was appointed under the Congres-
sional reconstruction acts in place of J. Madison Wells.

The following correspondence will explain Governor
"Wells exit from that high position which he had main-
tained with such undignified contortions under the eye
of the Chief Executive. Upon the removal of Gover-
nor Wells, for being an impediment in the way of the
reconstruction laws of Congress — ^he writes to his suc-
cessor as follows:

"State op Louisiana,
Executive Department,
New Obleans, June 7, 1867.

" Hon. B. F. Flanders :

" I refuse to recognize the authority of General Sheri-
dan to remove me from ofl5ce, and I therefore decline to
vacate the same. If put out by force, I cannot resist ;
but I protest against the act of violence as an aggrava-
tion of his unwari'antable proceeding in removmg me
from ofiice. Respectfully,

J. Madison Wells,

Governor of Louisiana.

834 UFB OF A. P. DOSTIS.

The following letter from General Sheridan proved an
effective missive :

^'Headquartebs Fifth Miutary District, )
New Orleans, La., June 7, 1867. f

"Mr. J. Madison Wells, Ex-Governor of Louisiana,
New Orleans, La. :

" Sir — Governor Flanders has just informed me that
he made an official demand on yon for the records of the
office which you have heretofore held as governor of
Louisiana, and that you have declined to turn them over
to him, disputing the right to remove by office from me,
which right you have acknowledged and urged on me
up to the time of your own removal. I therefore send
Brevet Brigadier General James W. Forsyth, of my
staf^ to notify you that he is sent by me to eject vou
from the governor's room forcibly, unless you consider
this notification as equivalent to objection.

" P. H. Sheridan,
Major General, U. S. Army,
Commanding Fifth Military District.''

Upon the removal of General Sheridan, for these no-
ble acts, by Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, General Mower, the Commanding General of
the Gulf Department, appointed in the place of Harry
Hays, Ex-Colonel of the Confederate Army, Dr. George
W. Avery, as sheriff of New Orleans. Dr. Avery was
a Surgeon m the United States Army, under General
Butler, and during the massacre of July 30th, went to
the police station, jails and hospitals, to attend the
wounded and dying — was the friend and physician of
the dying Dostie and Horton.

On the 4th of July, 1867, Mechanics' Institute was
crowded with white and colored citizens, who had met
to celebrate the day consecrated to American Lidepen-

CONGBESSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 335

dence. On that day the Radical Congress of the Re-
public was gratefully remembered by the vast assembly
within Mechanics' Institute. On that interesting occa-
sion ; after the reading of the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, by H. C. Dibble, Esq., the Rev. J. B. Smith, an
intelligent colored man from Boston, Mass., spoke as
follows :

"Fellow Citizens: — It becomes my pleasant duty
to read to you, as next in order, another very com-
mendable document — a fit appendage of the one to
which you have just listened with so much interest and
pleasure; an instrument second in importance to no
other ever promulgated by any Government. It imparts
to the Fourth of July a character for honesty, eartnest-
ness, and sincerity that it never enjoyed before, and
makes it something more than a mere gala day for
pompous declaimers and arrogant rhetoricians. To the
five millions of colored people in this country the de-
claration of independence has a significance that it never
possessed before.

" We will ever hold in grateful remembrance the noble
President who issued it ; we honor the Congress who
had the justice to ratify it, and the people who have the
will and the determination to observe and maintain it.
I refer to the emancipation proclamation of President
Lincoln."

After the reading of the emancipation proclamation,
an address was delivered by J. R. G. Pilkin, from
which we quote the following :

"One year ago to-day I stood as now within these
walls and assisted in a commemoration welcome to every
American citizen. The same declaration that you have

336 LIFB OF A. P. DOSTIX.

heard this morning, was then as reverently read, and
with glad pulses we at* last retired to our homes. But
the month that dawned with such wholesome cheer
closed with a sunset of fearful crimson ; our July is
henceforth the solemn memory of both a benediction
and a scar. Friends who sat upon this platform and
upon these seats before me, communed then for the last
time with us in this annual assemblage. They are to-
day in their graves, dear to us by the fidelity of their
lives, and still dearer by the brutality of their sacrifice.
Yet the shot and stab of the assassin insured no lasting
triumph except for those that fell — the valor of the one
and the infamy of the other are historic.

" But these martyrs were not. all who last year crossed
yonder threshold for the last time. There were like-
wise hundreds of men from whose wrists the gyves had
been smitten off — ^men, who sat here with hearts to
aspire for and hands to defend our sacred liberties, and
yet with brains to wonder that their skin was a bar to
an equal enjoyment of them. To-day I see many of
their faces again, but they have entered this hall new
and different men — no longer freedmenbut freemen, equal
with us in all things — a stem, loyal impulse in their
souls, and a citizen's ballot within their hands.

"Few local events ever so aroused the American
people as the wanton massacre of July 30, 1866, and
wrought so material a result. It became the cardinal
text in the campaign last autumn of a score of the States
of this Union — ^the angry admonition of each loyal con-
stituency to its representative — the accepted symptom
of a murderous rebel tempter, which that representative
should resent through his measure of reconstruction,

COK6BXSSIONAL INTXSTI6ATI0NS. 887

and I am by no means extravagant when I say that onr
national Congress caught the dying whisper of our
Dostie, ' Let the good work go on,' and dipping its pen
in the mingled blood of black men and white shed upon
this spot, inscribed his solenm caution upon its legisla-
tive page, and beneath it the bold and glorioos decree
of enfranchisement !

"We have gathered here as honest democrats, to
grasp like tme brethren the hands of all that are not
recreant to a freeman's £sdth, and to thank God that we
all may now render our first public acknowledgment
that four miUions of new freemen share with ns hence-
forth in the title to our national Declaration o( IndepeO'
denoe.''

On the 30th of July, 1867, a funeral ceremottj In
memory of the ricdms of July SOtb, 1866, wa« obn^rred
at Mechanics' Institate The oration on thai oeet^ti^n
was delivaed by Rafiu Waples, Esq., from wbidi w#
quote:

"This IS the first annl refi a ry fnoeral of th^ yaifiMif^
massacred here on the 80tb of July, If^^^th^^i^jftmimh
rable as tliie cahninariBg point of tW hwUim pK4ky ^4
him who had sworn to eoforee tbe law^^

" Within tliis hall, one year ^o ibf# 4My^ mi fm m^
sembly of rhmtuf^ f&ufMoMj eonr^m^ imA ym^m^Ay
indiiiedy gadicrBd U^geHhat Hffr a lawfi*!^ f«si#Mi^ fM4
pnisewoitliT popoiieu fhiiiikfvfy ^Imy w<^<^ mfr*mfiAM
and attad»d by amed ^mimim ^4 law^ m4^ im4 Uh
erty ; saddealy Ihtsf wertff tm^. Ilk ^^^i^lhm ^ f¥*^

report ci fineanoM^ Ifa; fc«^y Mir^At^ ^ iim t4*^A^^vm^

338 LIFE OF A. P. DOSTIE.

the wounded and dying. The floor ran blood. The
prayers and expostulations of the innocent snflerers
were drowned amid the oaths and execrations of the
assailants. In vain was raised the flag of truce ; the
minister of peace who bore it was ruthlessly shot down
with the white emblem in his hand. In vain was ex-
hibited the banner of the country ; it only excited its
enemies to deeper hate. The stunned, bleeding and ap-
parently lifeless bodies of respectable and virtuous citi-
zens kicked and spat upon by traitors — ^the bodie of the
wounded thrown roughly into carts with the dying and
dead, and hauled off to hospitals and graves ; the sur-
vivors of the carnage ruthlessly conveyed amid the jeers
and mocking, the hisses and curses of crowds, to a filthy
dungeon with the intent that they should be massacred
at night according to the progranmie of the plotters.
You remember it all ; you will forget it never.

" Here fell the brave young Victor Lacroix, cut from
head to foot, butchered and mutilated in the most shock-
ing and barbarous manner. He had served with honor
and distinction upon the field fighting for liberty and
law, but his bright career of glory was thus suddenly
arrested, and

" * Now lies he there,
Marred, as you see, by traitors.'

" Here fell Jean Baptiste, Henry Berquier, as faithful
a citizen, as loyal a heart, as the country could boast,
victimized by enemies of the Government just because
he was faithful and loyal. He, too, had proved upon
the field his devotion to the flag — that flag which, in
the hands of a recreant Executive, had failed to pi*o-
tect him.

COISGXMSBIOSAL TSTrEBTlGlTlOlSB. 339

^ Captain Loap, who had also iaithfiiUy serred in the
national aimy and had passed through the fiery ordeal
nnscathed, fisll a yictim to a dastardly stab in the
back. He was a good officer, possessing the confidence
of his superiors, and ever fiEuthful to the canse of
freedom.

^Telesphore Angnste and Daley Dnyal, who had
served three years in the 1st National Gnards, and who
had been honorably discharged, were here, in this hall,
shot down like dogs, and then carted away and bnried
before their relatives and fiiends had had the poor satis-
faction of looking npon their mangled remains.

"Peace to the ashes of the brave soldiers ! The living
will keep green the memory of Angnste and Duval,
Berquier, Loup, and Victor Lacroix. Let their names
be embalmed in the pulsating blood of your living
hearts; let their deeds be written in letters of gold
upon the scroll of fame ! Rest, noble champions of lib-
erty ! Yes

" On fame's eternal camping ground
Your martial tents are spread,
And glory guards with solemn round
The bivouac of the dead."

" More than a hundred victims of the massacre lin-
gered in the Marine Hospital, wounded in almost every
conceivable way, and the hearse was there a daily
visitor. There the Rev. Dr. Horton died, going
down with the sun in the stillness of a beautiful
Sabbath evening. He was a gentleman of education
and irreproachable character, a preacher of the gospel of
])oace to his fellow-men. Like his blessed Master he fell
tlic victim of a mob. He had, by invitation, invoked

340 LIFB OF ▲. P. DOSTIE.

the blessing of Heaven upon the efforts of those who
had convened here to promote the good of society. He
had bravely stepped forward when the armed policemen
rushed into the door of this hall, and with his country's
flag and a white handkerchief attached as the emblem
of peace, he sought to prevent the effusion of blood.
His latest act showed him to be a hero in his mission —
the holy mission of love and human brotherhood. He
was shot down with the national banner and the flag
of truce in his hands, with words of peace upon his
lips ! He died heroically in the van, a brave soldier of
the cross.

'^ Around his dying bed sat his disconsolate wife and
a few weeping friends. Looking upon his last agony no
eye could restrain its tears. He had suffered a week
fl*om several wounds, most of the time being unconscious.
Once, in a lucid interval, he said to his wife, ^ I was not
wrong, I cannot think I was wrong in consenting tc>
open the convention with prayer.'

" His last hour was almost without a struggle ; he
gradually sank to rest as a child closes its eyes in
slumber.

" So fades the summer's cloud away ;
So sinks the gale when storms are o'er ;
So gently shuts the eye of day ;
So dies a wave along the shore."

" In another apartment of the Marine Hospital, John
Henderson lay, chaflng with mortal wounds. He had
been long known in New Orleans as a lawyer well versed
in the knowledge of his profession. His enemies were
the enen^ies of his country, and they had not only cut
him down because he loved it, but they then derided

OOKGXMBaOlSikL. OrTBSHGAIIOSSL 341

him, eTen in tlie public prints^ for haTing €mce soflfered
£rom such mental mabidy as had affected some of the
ablest jniists^ sciotists, and philoeo|diers whom the world
has known.

^ After snflEeiing excmGiating pain for sereral wff^ks,
John Henderson died, and his name was inscribed by the
angel of liberty on the scroll of the martyrs.

""Dr. A. P. Dostie died at the Hotel Dien on the
same Sabbath erening, and abont the same hour that
saw Rev. Mr. Horton ank to rest. Prominent as a
Unionist all throagh the war; active in every effort to
call back the tide of lawlessness that was invading the
land, he was long an object of malignant hate to the
foes of liberty. 1^ Spartan energy and perseverance, his
Koman firmness and bravery, made him a shining mark for
these assassins. They knew him by his manly voice
and fiery eye ; they felt him by the electric shock which
earnest men always convey to those about them. When,
with bold step he walked oat of this hall at the firont
door, and looked his assailants in the eye, had they been
of the tme chivalry, they would have admired his cour-
age. When, all unarmed, he asked them to spare his
life, had they been of the true chivalry, they would have
stayed their hands. But the cry was, ^ Kill bun ! kill
him !' with oaths and imprecations which cannot be here
repeated. They added indignities to death. They trod
upon what they supposed to be his lifeless body, and
continued to add other wounds and bruises to those
which were alreiady mortal Let us turn from the pain-
ful scene.

" On the day he died, when the lower half of his body
was paralyzed, and when his last hour stole on apace,

842 LIFB OF A. P. BOSTIB.

his reason was yet dear, and his mental energy remarka-
ble. Nobler sentiments never escaped dying lips than
those nttered by Dr. Dostia ^ I want no one to avenge
my death,' he said to the kind Sister of Charity who
ministered to his wants.

"With patriotism worthy of the dying Sidney, he
said a short time before he breathed his last, * I am will-
ing to die, if my death will promote the cause of liberty.'

" Some of you here were among the few who attended
the burial of Dostie, at a time when even the solemn
rites of sepulchre were in danger of outrage ; when the
public prints were endeavoring to excite further perse-
cution ; when a public funeral of any one of the martyrs
would have been in danger of demoniac assault. The
time and place of Dostie's intennent was not generally
known, and among his hosts of friends, not many were
present at the burial A few words were spoken ; a fer-
vent prayer was offered, and his mortal part was laid
away in the narrow house, to rest till the last mom
shall beam upon the world.

" Others died and were buried. I cannot enumerate
alL Some of them have friends to visit their graves,
dressing them with flowers in the spring, and watching
them with paternal solicitude through all the year. Some
are at rest whose sepulchres are known only to him who
looks down and watches their dust till he shall bid it rise
in the newness of immortal life. Scarcely less than a
hundred killed, and four hundred wounded, was the
result of the massacre. So far as possible the names of
all the victims should be collected for inscription upon
the proposed monument to the patriot martyrs."

CONGBBSSIONAL INVESTIGATIONS. 843

" But are they dead ? What, they whose souls had

power
To scattei* life around them as a shower ?
Who did their deathless selves dispense so well
That freedom grew immortal where they fell ?
Ah, no. As soon would mingle wave with flame,
Or hate with love as death with hero's name."

In faith, the American people look to Justice to vindi-
cate, to establish, to make certain forever the republican
principles upon which is erected a national structure,
above which floats the American flag, upon which is en-
graven a charter of rights to mankind, in lettera of living
light, so that prejudice shall not misinterpret them ; wil-
fuUness shall not misunderstand them, nor perversity
whether of King or President shall dare to interfere
to prevent their fullest fruition. " To this, republicans
stand pledged by the teachings of our patriot sires now
echoing through our countiy ; by the hallowed blood of
our sons slain upon the battle field or starved in prisons ;
by the sacred memories of the bleeding corpse of the as-
sassinated Lincoln ; by the dying prayer of the murdered
sainted Horton, the victim sacrificed on the altar of equal
rights ; by the sole legacy of the pure patriot Dostie,
massacred to establish wrong and sin, bequeathing to his
mourning country in his last dying words — 'Let the
good work go on !' "

Yes, unnumbered, glorious heroes of the battle ! yes,
thousands of suflering patriots murdered in prisons, now
beatified, seeing your lives were not spent in vain ! yes,
martyred President! yes, sainted teacher! yes, noble-
minded patriot ! the good work by you begun, for which
you laid down your lives, shall go on until every foot-

344 LIFS OF A. P. DOSTTE.

print of wrong or oppression by man to hb fellow man
shall be blotted out forever!

" They slumber, and the stranger's tread
May spurn our country's noble dead ;
Yet, on the land they loved so well.
Still shall their burning spirit dwelL
Their deeds shall hallow minstrels' themes,
Their image rise on warriors' dreams.
Their names be inspiration's breath,
Kindling high hopes and scorn of death.
Till bui*s:s immortal from the tomb
The flame that shall avenge their doom."

APPENDIX.

*< We haye passed the Red Sea of slaughter ; our garments are yet
wet with the crimson spray. We have crossed the fearful wilderness
of war, and have left onr four hundred thousand heroes to sleep
beside the dead enemies of the Republic. Before ns is the land of
promise, the land of peace, filled with possibilities of greatness and
glory too vast for the grasp of the imagination. Let us as Repre-
sentatives of the people, whose servants we are, bear in advance the
sacred Ark of Republican liberty, with its tables of the Law
inscribed with the ' irreversible guarantees' of Liberty. Let us here
build a monument on which shall be written not only the curses of
the law against treason, disloyalty, and oppression, but also an ever-
lasting covenant of peace and blessing with loyalty, liberty, and
obedience, and all the people will say. Amen." — Hon, J, A, Oarfidd
of Ohio, in the Houie of Representatives, 1866

CONGRESSIONAL REPORT.

APPENDIX.

February 11th, 1867, Mr. Eliot from the select Com-
mittee on the New Orleans Riots, made the following

REPORT:

" Mr. Eliot and Mr, Shellabarger, being a majority of the
select committee appointed to investigate matters con-
nected with the New Orleans massacre of July 30th,
1866, and to report such legislative action as the con-
dition of afiairs in the State of Louisiana required,
submit the report of the Committee as follows :
"On the 6th day of December, 1866, the House of

Representatives passed the following resolution :

" jResolvedj That a Committee of three members be
appointed by the Speaker, whose duty it shall be to pro-
ceed to New Orleans, in the State of Louisiana, to make
an investigation into all matters connected with the re-
cent bloody riots in that city, which took place the last
of July and 1st of August, 1866, and particularly to in-
quire mto the origin, progress, and termination of the
riotous proceedings, the names of the parties engaged in
it, the acts of atrocity perpetrated, the number of killed
and wounded, the amount and character of the property
destroyed, and whether and to what extent those acts
were participated in by members of the organization
claiming to be the government of Louisiana, and report
the facts to the House; and * * * to report such

848 CONGBBSSIONAL BEPOBT.

appropriate legislatiye action as may be required in view
of the condition of affitirs in the State of Looisiana.

'^ On the 10th of December the Committee was appoint-
ed. They entered upon their duties on the following day,
and proceeded to examine witnesses, citizens of Louisiana
then residing for the time at Washington, and continued
their labors here until the 15th of December. On the
22d of December the examination of witnesses was re-
sumed at New Orleans, and was closed in that city on
the dd of January, 1867; it was resumed at Washing-
ton on the 15tb of January, and finally closed on the 2d
of February. The whole number of witnesses examined
is 197 ; of which 159 were before the Committee at New
Orleans. Of these forty-seven, were examined at the re-
quest of the citizens of that c^ty.

^' There has been no occasion during our national his-
tory when a riot has occurred so destitute of justifiable
cause, resulting in a massacre so inhuman and fiend-like,
as that which took place at New Orleans on the SOth of
July last.

" The character and position of the gentlemen — ^mem-
bers of the Convention which had originally assembled
in 1864 — who were the subjects of the attack in common
with the unoffending negroes, whose political condition,
claims, and rights it was their ultimate purpose to con-
sider and determine, give to the events of July signifi-
cance and national importance.

'^ The massacre was begun and finished in mid-day ;
and such proofs of preparation were disclosed that we
are constrained to say that an intention, existing some-
where, to disperse and to slaughter the members of the
Convention, and those persons, white and black, who

APPENDIX. 349

were present and were friendly to its purposes, was mer-
cilessly carried into full effect. What parties had formed
that intention, and what other persons knowingly or un-
^ttingly co-operated with or aided them, the Committee
has endeavored to ascertain.

"The direct cause of the riots which resulted in the
massacre of several members of the Convention and in
the slaughter of many citizens of Louisiana was the re-
assembling of that Convention pursuant to a call made
by honorable R. K. Howell, acting as president pro tem-
pore. The Convention of 1864 had been held on the
first Monday of April in that year, in pursuance of a
proclamation issued by Major General N. P. Banks,
while in command of the department of the Gulf. That
portion of the proclamation which related to the Con-
vention is as follows :

" In order that the organic law of the State may be
made to conform to the will of the people, and harmon-
ize with the spirit of the age, as well as to maintain and
preserve the ancient landmarks of civil and religious
liberty, an election of delegates to a Convention for the
revision of the constitution will be held on the first Mon-
day of April, 1864. The basis of representation, the
number of delegates, and the details of election will be
announced in future orders."

It is in evidence before the Committee, and we find
the fact to be, that the only action contemplated at the
meeting of July dOth was the ascertainment officially of
existing vacancies ; and if a quorum of members should
appear, it was proposed to postpone all further action
until such vacancies should be filled and the writs of
election for the choice of members from unrepresented
districts should be complied with, and the whole State

850 CONGRESSIONAL BSPOBT.

represented. These elections were ordered to be held
on the third day of September. The whole State being
represented, it was then intended to consider certain
articles in amendment of the Constitution, and have
them submitted to the whole people for their action. li*
approved by the people, the Constitution, thus amended,
was to be submitted to Congress.

It was imderstood that two subjects of vital interest
would call for discussion and decision, both of them af-
fecting the elective franchise— -one in limitation of the
right, applying to certain classes of rebels who had
waged war against the Government, and one enlarging
the right, so as to enfranchise citizens who had been
during the rebellion at all times loyal to the Union, but
who had been disqualified as voters by reason of their
African descent. It was the apprehension that amend-
ments of the State Constitution in these respects would
be reconmiended by the Convention, and finally ratified
by the people, which created popular excitement. Obvi-
ously no such amendments could be proposed for discus-
sion in Convention until a quorum of its members should
assemble, and the proof before the Committe is ample
that no intention existed to take any action even then
until after the election had been held, and delegates
chosen from unrepresented districts. This time could
not arrive until after the third of September ; but it was
deemed safer by the parties who were opposed to the
agitation or discussion of either of these questions to
interrupt at once the proposed Convention. * * *

THB BIOT.

The riot and massacre of citizens, members of the
Convention and others, white and colored, occnred at

APPENDIX. 351

and near the hall of the Mechanics' Institute, on Dryades
Street, commencing on Canal Street, at or near the cor-
ner of Burgxmdy Street, between eleven and twelve
o'clock on the morning of July 30th,

The Committee examined seventy-four persons as to
the facts of violence and bloodshed upon that day. It
is in evidence that men who were in the hall, terrified by
the merciless attacks of the armed police, sought safety
by jumping from the windows, a distance of twenty
feet, to the ground, and as they jumped were shot by
police or citizens. Some, disfigured by wounds, fought
their way down stairs to the street, to be shot or beaten
to death on the pavement. Colored persons, at distant
points in the city, peaceably pursuing their lawful busi-
ness, were attacked by the police, shot, and cruelly
beaten. Men of character and position, some of whom
were members and some spectators of the Convention,
escaped fi-om the hall covered with wounds and blood,
and were preserved almost by miracle from death.
Scores of colored citizens bear frightful scars more
numerous than many soldiers of a dozen well-fought
fields can show — ^proofs of fearful danger and strange
escape; men were shot while waving handkerchiefs in
token of surrender and submission; white men and
black, with arms uplifted praying for life, were an-
swered by shot and blow fi*om knife and club ; the
bodies of some were " pounded to a jelly ; " a colored
man was dragged from under a street-crossing, and
killed at a blow ; men concealed in outhouses and among
piles of lumber were eagerly sought for and slaughtered
or maimed without remorse; the dead bodies upon the
street were violated by shot, kick, and stab ; the face

352 CONGBESSIONAL BEPOBT.

of a man **just breathing his lasf was gashed by a
knife or razor in the hands of a woman ; '' an old, gray-
haired man,'' peaceably walking the street at a distance
from the Institute, was shot through the head ; negroes
were taken out of their houses and shot ; a policeman
riding in a buggy deliberately fired his revolver from
the carriage into a crowd of colored men ; a colored man
two miles away from the Convention hall was taken
from his shop by the police, at about four o'clock on the
afternoon of the riot, and shot and woxmded in side, hip
and back ; one man was wounded by fourteen blows,
shots, aud stabs ; the body of another received seven
pistol balls. After the slaughter had measureably
ceased, carts, wagons and drays, driven through the
streets, gathered the dead, the dying and the woimdcd
in '^promiscuous loads," a policeman, in some cases,
riding in the wagon, seated upon the living men be-
neath him. The wounded men, taken at first to the
station-house or " lock-up," were all afterwards carried
to the hospital While at the station-houses, until
friends found them with medical aid, they were left to
suffer. When at the hospital, they were attended to
with care and skill. But this was done at no cost to
the city or to the State. Without asking permission,
so far as the Committee learned, those wounded men
were carried to the hospital under the care of the Freed-
men's Bureau, and shelter, surgical treatment, and food
were furnished at the cost of the United States.

There was evidence before the Committee that for
several hours, the police and mob, in mutual and bloody
emulation, continued the butchery in the hall and on
the street, until nearly two hundred people were killed

APPENDIX. 363

and wounded. The number was probably much larger
than this ; but of that number the names and residences
are known. Some were injured whose friends conveyed
them at once quietly away. There is evidence tending
to show that some who were killed were privately
carried away and buried. One witness testified: "I
saw a dray taking five or six of those who were
wounded away. I heard a drayman say, " Where will
I take them to?' And a policeman said, 'Throw them in
the river.'" Several witnesses testify that the killed
and wounded exceed two hundred. One witness says
that he saw from forty to fifty killed. Another states
that he saw from twenty to thirty carriage loads of
killed and wounded. How many were killed will never
be known. But we cannot doubt there were many more
than are set down in the official list in evidence.

THE EIOT NOT AN ACCIDENT, BUT PBE-ABBANGED.

This riotous attack upon the Convention, with its
terrible results of massacre and murder, was not an
accident. It was the determined purpose of the May or
of the city of New Orleans to break up this Convention
by armed force.

We state one fact in this connection, significant both
as bearing upon the question of preparation and as indi-
cating the true and prevailing feeling of the people of
New Orleans. Six months have passed since the Conven-
tion assembled, when the massacre was perpetrated, and
more than two hundred men were slain and wounded.
This was done by city officials and New Orleans citi-
zens. But not one of those men has been punished,
arrested or complained of. These officers of the law

354 COK6BSS8IOKAL BEPOBT.

living in the city, and known to that community, acting
under the eye of superiors, clothed with the uniform of
ofSce, and some of them known, as the proof shows, to
the chief officer of police, have not only escaped punish-
ment, but have been continued in their office.

The gentlemen who composed the Convention have
not, however, been permitted to escape. Prosecutions
in the criminal court under an old law, passed in 1805,
were at once ccmmienced, and are now pending against
them for a breach of the peace. These facts tend
strongly to prove that the criminal actors in the tragedy
of the day were the agents of more criminal employes,
and demonstrate the general sympathy of the people in
behalf of the men who did the wrong against those who
suffered it. * * * ' *

But the evidence establishing the fact of determina-
tion to suppress the Convention, and preparation for
attack upon the members and those friends, whoever
they might be, that should attend its meetings, is de-
rived from many witnesses.

Before the day arrived there was general denunciation
of the Convention in different circles and in casual
meetings on the streets ; wishes were expressed and ex-
pectations declared that it should be dispersed ; anony-
mous letters of warning and threatening violence were
sent to several of the members and* their friends ; a
funeral notice, announcing in advance the death of the
Convention, was posted in the streets on Sunday ; de-
clarations were made that the " niggers and half niggers
should be wiped out ; " members of one of the fire com-
panies absent from the city on Sunday declared that
they must return and be on hand the next day. They

APPENDIX. 855

said, " Hay's brigade will all be there, and will clean
out those damned Yankees." One man remarked, "I
have spotted Dostie myself." (6375.) It was freely
said, " We are going to hang Hahn and Dostie ; " that
" No man should come out of the Convention alive ; "
that " We will show you what will happen to-day ; "
that " You will see fun to-day ; " that " It is no sin to
kill a nigger."

" Fire engines were brought out, one of which had
pistols in the box. Fire companies gathered near the
Institute at the same time from different parts of the
city. In the early morning a man was ascertaining the
names of those who were willing to aid in suppressing
the meeting:. A school was dismissed because there was
to be a riot; badges of different kinds were worn by
* citizens' in the street ; men were seen buying pistols and
cartridges ; citizens encouraged the riot in different ways ;
there were crowds of citizens at different parts of the
street; they cheered and shouted for Jeff. Davie, and
for Mr. Johnson. When the wounded .men were brought
nto the ' lock-up,' members of the city council cheered
the policemen ' in their bloody work,' and finally, no one
of the rioters, either policemen or citizens, has been com-
plained of or punished.

"On Sunday night the police were withdrawn from
their stations, that they might rest until Monday morn-
ing, when they were ordered to report at their different
headquarters. Early on Monday the whole police force,
numbering between four and five hundred, were massed
at different stations ; they were ordered to come*- armed,
and arms were furnished to those who were without
hem ; the greater part of the police was kept at the

356 00N6BESSI0NAL BEPOBT.

Station-houses until the time arrived when their work
should begin. Soon after noon an unusual ' alarm ' was
given — such as had been used when federal armies wei*c
investing the city — ^and then the combined police, headed
by officers and firemen, with their companions, rushed
with one will from different parts of the city toward
the Institute, and the work of butchery commenced. In
these acts of violence, police and fireman and citizen
acted in concert. Different ^ badges ' were worn on the
streets ; many policemen had their hat bands reversed
so that their ' numbers ' could not be distinguished. No
effort was made by the mayor or chief of police to con-
trol or check these men, but the slaughter was permitted
until the end was gained. Facts of this description
were put in proof with other circumstances, demonstrat-
ing, as we judge, that the slaughter of these men was
determined on by the chief executive officer of the city,
and was prepared for by him on the night before the
meeting was held.'* ♦ ♦ ♦

THE MEETINGS ON PBIDAY EVENING THE BIOTS NOT

CAUSED BY THEM.

^'It is charged as a prominent and direct cause ojf
these riots that incendiary and turbulent meetings were
held on Friday evening, July 27.

"On Saturday morning, July 28, Lieutenant Governor
Voorhies and Attorney General Herron sent the follow-
ing telegram to the President :

" New Obleans, July 28, 1866.

" President Johnson, Washingtoii^ D. C. :

"Radical mass meeting composed mainly of large
number of negroes last night, ending in a riot ; the com-

APPENDIX. 867

mittee of arrangements of said meeting assembling to-
night. Violent and incendiary speeches made ; negroes
caUed to arm themselves. You bitterly denounced.
Speakers Field, Dostie, Hawkins, Henderson, Heistand,
and others. Governor Wells arrived last night, but
sides with the Convention movement. The whole mat-
ter before the grand jury ; but impossible to execute
civil process without certainty of not. Contemplated
to have the members of the Convention arrested under
process from the criminal court of this district. Is the
military to interfere to prevent process of court ?

"Albert Voobhies,

Lieutenant Governor of Louisiana.
*' Andrew S. Hereon,

Attorney General of Louisiana."

"The committee inquired carefully into the alleged
facts upon which this telegram was founded. There
were three meetings upon this evening. One was held
within the hall of the Listitute, one outside the hall at
the same time, and one at the City Hall, in the street,
after the close of the former meetings.

"The meetings at the Institute were held upon pub-
lic notice to consider the questions which would ulti-
mately come before the Convention. They were called
by parties friendly to the objects of the Convention, and
the speakers were well known as identified with the
Union or radical party in Louisiana.

" The following is substantially the testimony as to
the character of these meetings :

" John Heistand : ' On the Friday night previous to
the Convention there were public meetings in the city of
New Orleans. Nothing was said or done at either
place which, in my estimation, would authorize a magis-
trate to bind the party over to keep the peace. I

858 CON6BES8IONAL REPORT.

know of no disturbance during that night.' An-
swer 8."

Rufus Waples : " In the Hall on Friday night every-
thing was well-behaved ; no disturbence whatever, and
no unusual excitement." Answers 285 and 292.

S. S. Fish: "I never heard of any armed aid (to the
Convention,) but had heard it spoken of that caution
should be used, not to have armed men there; and I
know too that Dr. Dostie, who nearly always carried a
revolver with him, that he took it from his person,
and left it with a barber in this city, by whom he was
accustomed to be shaved." Answer 442. " I heard the
speaking inside, and nearly all outside the hall on the
27th of July. I heard no request for any one to come
armed as has been asserted. I was present when the
meeting was dissolved, and afterwards went with the
procession in front of the City Hall, and was there when
Dr. Dostie made the speech that is said to be inflam-
matory. The meeting was orderly so far as any thing
I saw. Nothing was said by Dr. Dostie as to the em-
ployment of force.

Charles S. Souvinet : " All the time I was up stairs
(Friday night) the meeting was orderly. I heard sev-
eral speeches. As well as I can remember the purport
of those speeches, were that the Convention would be
supported when it should meet. It was composed, the
speakers said, of loyal men, and they would extend
the right of suffrage to the loyal men, the colored peo-
ple." Answer 634.

Judge Howell testifies : " On Saturday evening pre-
ceding the meeting of the Convention, several gentle-
men came into my house and told me that the general

APPENDIX. 359

effect of the meeting of Friday evening was favorable to
quiet,'* Answer 675.

** Charies W. Gibbons called on Dr. Dostie and warned
him on Monday morning (July 30) that * I had heard one
policeman say to another, in a little grocery on the
comer of Custom-house street, on Sunday night, that
*By G — d, we are going to hang Dostie and Hahn.'
Dr. Dostie made the remark to me, * I am going unarmed ;
I know they want to take my life, but I think it a good
cause to die in ; if they want to take my life they can do
so.' Said I, *you can do as you please. I thought it
my duty to call and tell you, as, in your remarks at the
meeting on Friday night, you told the people to come
out and attend the Convention.' He said on that night,
* Go home — go quietly — go orderly — ^behave yourselves,
and if there is anybody, white or black, that disturbs
you, protect yourselves.' " Answer 1 789.

" Mr. Richard L. Shelley, an intelligent witness, makes
this conclusive statement :

" I went out to the meeting held in front of the Me-
chanics' Institute, and after Rev. Mr. Horton had deliver-
ed his speech, standing on the platform, within a few
feet of Dr. Dostie, I listened attentively to the speech
he made. There was nothing whatever in the remarks
of Dr. Dostie which could be said to excite or invite in
any way acts of hostility upon the part of the colored
people against any of the white citizens of New Orleans.
After the meeting had adjourned at the Mechanics' Insti-
tute a procession was formed with torch-lights and a
band of music, and proceeded down Canal street to St.
Charles, and then into Camp street and up to the City
HalL On the route to the City Hall some of the men
comprising the procession were attacked by some white
persons and maltreated. On arriving at the City Hall a

360 CONGBXSSIONAL BEPOBT.

short speech was delivered by Dr. Dostie. Among other
things, he told them he felt very much pleased with the
quiet and orderly manner in which they had conducted
tnemselves, and regretted to learn that the procession
had been attacked by a body of evil-disposed men. He
recommended them to return quietly to their homes, and
that if they were assailed and their lives put in jeopardy,
he recommended that they should defend themselves to
the extent of their ability.

^^ 6793. Except at that time, was there anything in
Dr. Dostie^s speech calculated to excite animosity or hos-
tile action?

" No, sir, there was not.

^' 6794. At the meeting outside of the Mechanics' In-
stitute, did Dr. Dostie say to the men to whom he was
speaking that they all ought to fight for their votes;
that they ought to come armed to the Convention, and
that no cowards were wanted ; that the stones of the
streets were crying out for the blood of rebels, or any
expressions equivalent to these, or anything like them ?

*^I can swear that he made no such remarks.

^'In a public speech delivered at St. Louis, on the 8th
of September, by President Johnson, the following
charge was made :

^^ The time has come when it seems to me that all
ought to be prepared for peace — ^the rebellion being sup-
pressed, and the shedding of blood being stopped, the
sacrifice of life being suspended and stayed, it seems that
the time has arrived when we should have peace ; when
the bleeding arteries should be tied up. [A voice : ' New
Orleans ; go on.']

" Perhaps if you had a word or two on the subject of
New Orleans, you might understand more about it than
you do. [Laughter and cheers.] And if you will go
back [cries for Seward] — ^if you will go bacK and ascer-
tain the cause of the riot at New Orleans, perhaps you
would not be so prompt in calling out New Orleans. If
you will take up the riot at New Orleans and trace it

APPENDIX. S61

back to its source, or to its immediate cause, you will
find out who was responsible for the blood that was shed
there.

" If you will take up the riot at New Orleans and
ti-ace it back to the radical Congress [great cheering and
cries of 'bully,'] you will find that the riot at New
Orleans was substantially planned — if you will take up
the proceedings in their caucuses you will understand
that they there knew [cheers] that a Convention was to
be called which was extinct, by its powers having ex-
pired ; that it was said, and the intention was, that a new
government was to be organized ; and in the organiza-
tion of that governmSnt the intention was to enfranchise
one portion of the population, called the colored popula-
tion, who had just been emancipated, and at the same
time disfranchise white men. [Great cheering.] When
you begin to talk about New Orleans [conftision] you
ought to understand what you are talking about.

" When you read the speeches that were made, or take
up the facts, (on Friday and Saturday before that Con-
vention sat,J you will there find that speeches were made
incendiary m their character, exciting that portion of
the population, the black population, to arm themselves
and prepare for the shedding of blood. [A voice, 'That's
so,' and cheers.] You will also find that that Conven-
tion did assemble in violation of law, and the intention
of that Convention was to supersede the recognized au-
thorities in the State government of Louisiana, which
had been recognized by the government of the United
States, and every man engaged in that rebellion — ^in that
Convention, with the intention of supei*seding and up-
turning the civil government which had been recognized
by the government of the United States — ^I say that he
was a traitor to the Constitution of the United States,
[cheers,] and hence you will find that another rebellion
was commenced, having its origin in the radical Con-
gress. These men were to go there, a government was
to be organized, and the one in existence in Louisiana

862 CONGRESSIONAL BEPOirT.

was to be superseded, set aside, and overthrown. Ton
talk to me about Kew Orleans ! And then the question
was to come up, when they had established their govern-
ment — a question of political power — ^which of the two
governments was to oe recognized; a new government,
inaugurated under this defunct Convention, set up in
violation of law, and without the consent of the people.
And then, when they had established thek government,
and extended universal or impartial franchise, as they
called it, to this colored population, then this radical Con-
gress was to determine that a government established on
neero votes was to be the government of Louisiana.
['Voices, * Never,' and cheers, and ' Hurrah for Andy.']

"So much for the New Orleans riot; and there was
the cause and the origin of the blood that was shed, and
every drop of blood that was shed upon their skirts, and
they are responsible for it. [Cheers.] I could trace this
thing a little closer, but I will not do it here to-night.
But when you talk about New Orleans, and talk about
the causes and consequences that resulted irom proceed-
ings of that kind, perhaps, as I have been introduced
here, and you have provoked questions of this, kind,
though it don't provoke me, I will tell you* a few whole-
some things that has been done by this radical Congiess.
[Cheers."]

Such charge from any other source would not have
been considered. But the high position and public char-
acter of President Johnson have made it right to examine
the grounds on which it rests.

Before the 30th of July, Judge Howell, president
pro tern, of the Convention, had been at Washington.
While here he had conversation with several members of
Congress in regard to the proposed meeting of the Con-
vention. During his visit here there was a caucus held
of the republican members of Congress. The testimony
of Judge Howell disclosed all the encouragement he re-

APPENDIX. 363

ceived from Congress, and full proof has been given that
at the caacus referred to no action concerning the Con-
vention was taken or proposed.

When President Johnson felt it to be his duty to
make the charge above stated, the official report of Bre-
vet Major General Baird to the Secretary of War had
been laid before him, and the testimony taken before the
military commission over which Brevet Major General
Mower presided had been closed, and the report of the
commission had been made. Congress was not in session
at the time of the massacre. Its members were at their
respective homes, and the committee fail to discover any
grounds upon which so grave a charge should be made.
It was an unwarranted and unjust expression of hostile
feeling, without pretext or foundation in fact."

ACTION OP THE PEESIDENT.

But it becomes important, in this connection, to bring
into one view certain other facts.

At and before the time when Lieutenant Governor
Voorhies and Attorney General Herron sent the tele-
graphic despatches of July 27 and July 28 to the Presi-
dent, one or more persons were at Washington who had
been commissioned by parties in Louisiana to communi-
cate with the President to obtain from him aid in sup-
pressing the obnoxious Convention. J. Adolphus Rozier
testifies : ' I left here on the Wednesday or Thursday
previous to the riots. I arrived at Washington, I think,
on Friday. I went to Washington at the request of
membere of the legislature here, also at the request of
certain citizens, to see the President of the United States
relative to the Convention of 1864.* (Answer 330C.)
He further states that he saw the President and con-

864 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT.

ferred with his friends in New Orleans by telegraph ;
(answer 3342 ;) that his object in going was to see how
the Convention should be prevented ; (answer 3343 ;)
that his idea was to represent to him (the President)
* exactly the state of things here — what this Convention
of 1864 was ; that its effects had been injurious to the
interests of the State and the general government ; that
the men who wished to reassemble this Convention were
a revolutionary body : and I endeavored to impress upon
the President my views that the civil authorities consti-
tuted the only legal body to take charge of this af&ir, and,
after proper indictment, to arrest the members of this
illegal Convention, and that, after their arrest, in accord-
ance with the usual forms of civil law, our Supreme
Court would decide whether that Convention was a
legal body or not.*

The President was apprised when these telegrams
were received, of the exact state of things at New Or-
leans. He knew that Hon. R. K. Howell, president
pro tem. of the Convention, had issued a proclamation
for the reassembling of the Convention. He knew that
Governor Wells, the acknowledged chief executive of
the State of Louisiana, had issued writs of election to
fill the vacancies in the Convention, and that certificates
of election were to be forwarded to the office of the
Secretary of State. He knew that these writs of elec-
tion could not be complied with until aft;er the 30th of
July, when the first meeting was to take place, and that
some time must elapse before the Convention could be
full and the whole State represented. He knew that
Governor Wells was at New Orleans, and that he con-
curred and was co-operating with Judge Howell in

APPENDIX. 365

assembling the Convention. He knew that it was con-
templated to arrest the members of the Convention
npon criminal process; and being asked, 'Is the mili-
tary to interfere to prevent the process of conrt?' the
President replied by telegraphic note, not addressed to
the governor of the State, but to the lieutenant gover-
nor, as follows :

"ExBCunvB Mansion,
Washington, D. C, July 28, 1866.

"To Albert Voorhies, Lieutenant Grovemor of Louisi-
ana, New Orleans, Louisiana :
" The military will be expected to sustain and not to
obstruct or interfere with the proceedings of the Court.
A dispatch on the subject of the Convention, was sent
to Governor Wells this morning.

" Andbbw Johnson."

The effect of this dispatch was to assure Lieutenant
Governor Voorhies and those acting with him, that they
would have the support of the President in their pro-
posed action.

The President knew the condition of affairs in Louisi-
ana, in July last, he knew that "rebels'* and "thugs,"
and disloyal men had controlled the election of Mayor
Monroe, and that such men composed, chiefly, bis police
force ; he knew that Mayor Monroe, then an unpardoned
rebel, had been after his election suspended from dis-
charging the duties of his office by military order ; he
knew that he himself had subsequently pardoned him;
he must have known the rebel antecedents of Albert
Voorhies and A S. Herron ; he knew that riot and \
bloodshed were apprehended; he knew what military
orders were in force ; and yet without the knowledge of
the Secretary of War, or of the general of our armies

866 CONGRESSIONAL REPORT.

upon whose immediate responsibility those military or-
ders had l>een issued, he gave directions by telegraph
which, enforced, as it was intended they should be,
would have compelled our soldiers to aid the rebels
against the men in New Orleans who had remained
loyal during the war, and sought to aid and to support,
by official sanction, the persons who designed to sup-
press by arrest on criminal process and under color of
law the meeting of the Convention ; and that although
this Convention was called with the sanction of the
governor and by one of the judges of the Supreme Court
of Louisiana claiming to act as president of the Con-
vention.

The effect of the action of ^e President was to
encourage the heart, to strengthen the hand, and to hold
up the arms of those men who intended to prevent the
Convention from assembling.

In their disclosed intention to arrest, by police or
sheriff, the members of the Convention, they were as-
sured of his support and aid. And it was believed with
good reason, that whatever steps the Mayor should take,
in his office and under color of law, to suppress the meet-
ing of the Convention, would have the sanction of the
President.

If the telegram of General Baird to the Secretary
of War, of July 28th, had been communicated to the
President, we know from the telegraphic message which
he sent on that day to Governor Voorhies, that such
directions would have been given as would in fact have
required General Baird to sustain by military force what
was called the civil authorities — ^that is to say, the
Mayor and his police.

APPENDIX. 867

I^ then, the armed police had engaged in the work
of slaughter which destroyed the Convention, the sol-
diers of the army of the United States would have been
charged with the responsibility of the act.

GENERAL BAIBD'S BSSPATCH.

The fact that the telegram from General Baird had
not been communicated to the President has been the
subject of comment, and we give in this connection the
statement made by the Secretary of War in relation to
that matter. Mr. Stanton says :

That on the forenoon of Sunday, the 29th of July
last, I received at my residence in this city a telegram
from General Baird, commanding at New Orleans, a
copy of which is hereto attached. This telegram was
the first information communicated to me that a Con-
vention was to be held at New Orleans, or that there
was any difference or controversy on the subject of a
Convention or assemblage to be held there. From the
telegram of General Baird it appeared that the Conven-
tion was to meet with the sanction of the Governor of
Louisiana, that its legality was questioned by persons
who proposed to break it up by arresting the members,
and that General Baird had warned the city authorities
that he would not permit this to be done without instruc-
tions from the President, and he applied to me for in-
structions. There was no intimation in the telegram
that force or violence was threatened by those opposed
to the Convention, or that it was apprehended by Gene-
ral Baird. Upon consideration, it appeared to me that
his warning to the city authorities was all that the case
then required, for I saw no reason to instruct him to
withdraw protection from a Convention sanctioned by

368 CONGRESSIONAL BEPOBT.

the Governor, and in the event of any attempt at arrest,
General Baird's interference wonld bring np the case
with all the facts for snch instructions as might be
proper, and in the meantime, tmder his general au-
thority, he would take measures to maintain the peace
within his command. On Tuesday, the dlst of July,
the morning papers contained telegraphic despatches in
respect to the occurrences at New Orleans, and on the
same day I was informed of the communication that had
passed between the President and Governor Wells,
Lieutenant Governor Yoorhies, and Attorney Greneral
IIoiTon."

Mr. Stanton had heard nothing of the Convention ;
had no knowledge of Mr. Rozier's presence in Washing-
ton or interviews with the President ; had not been in-
formed of the President's telegraphic correspondence,
and saw no reason why General Baird should have new
instructions, or why conference with the President was
required.

THE BIGHT OP THE CONVENTION TO ASSEMBLE.

Had the citizens who were members of the Convention
of 1864 a legal right peaceably to assemble on the 30th
July, 1866? Judge Abell, of the first district court of
"New Orleans, denies their right, and in his charge to the
Grand Jury on July 3d, 1866, he says: "I charge you
that the Constitution makes no provision for the
continuance of the Convention of 1864; that any effort
on the part of that defunct body to assemble for the
purpose of altering or amending the Constitution is
subversive of good order and dangerous to the peace of
the State, and that any overt act tending to subvert the

APPENDIX. 869

Constitution by any officers of the State, renders them
liable to the Criminal Code of the State. It is my duty
and your duty to oppose factional usurpation and stand
by the reconstruction policy adopted by the President of
the United States, which proposed at once to unite the
country and make it great and prosperous."

CONDITION OP AFPAIBS IN LOUISIANA.

What is the condition of affairs in Louisiana, and
what legislative action should be had? It has been
made the duty of the Committee to report to the House
upon both these questions.

'^ The present Constitution of Louisiana was held to be
ratified by the suffrages of the people on the 5th day of
September, 1864, and has hitherto been accepted, wil-
lingly or otherwise, as the organic law of the State. It
was the result of military action deemed at the time
essential to the proper civil government of the State.
The justice or expediency or legality of that action have
not been subjects of inquiry by the Committee. Pos-
sibly, if the general surrender of rebel armies and the
entire annihilation of rebel organizations, civil and mili-
tary, had not occuiTed as it did, or having occurred, if
civil rule could have been retained in loyal hands, and
vanquished traitoi*s at least not pardoned and paid for
treason, the strength of loyalty would have been in-
creased, and the body of the people, disloyal theretofore
by reason of public pressure, or moral duress, or mili-
tary force, would have returned to their allegiance and
sustained with heart the Government they had fought
against, but which had at all times treated them with
parental kindness. And when the surrender was fresh,

370 COKORESSIONAL REPOBT.

and the defeated leaders had yielded np the sword and
political traitors were fleeing from the land or seeking
quiet away from public life, such did appear to be the
well-founded hope of loyal men and the promise of the
near future. But it began to be soon apparent that trea-
son, defeated and disarmed, was to have one chance
more to retrieve its fortunes. Tinder the provisions of
an act of Congress entitled to be and designed as an
act to suppress rebellion, but conferring, in one of its
sections, power upon the President, before conviction
had, or charge or complaint made, to grant amnesty and
pardon, the people of Louisiana found that pardons were
granted and properties restored to rebels who had held
high office, military and civil, and that a policy was
being pursued which discountenanced punishment and
looked to speedy restoration to political favor and
offices of trust of the men who had been active in field
and in council in support of the rebellion.

There were at this time large bodies of men return-
ing to their homes in Louisiana, who were, when the
Constitution of 1864 was ratified, in the armies of the
rebel government. There were at home large numbers
of men who had in different ways supported the re-
bellion. Among both of these classes were many men
who would have been found and would have remained
loyal if it had not appeared to them that the Chief
Executive Magistrate was disposed to pardon and to
honor by office and political favor their military and
civil leaders. And the effect of this policy became ap-
parent in the language and deportment of the people.
At first willing to yield and to return to true allegi-
ance, they became assuming, bold and defiant. Under

APPENDIX. 371

the Constitution of 1864 these men claimed to be i-e-
stored to political rights and to vote at the polls ; and
so it came to pass that substantially all governmental au-
thority, most of the offices in the State, and all legisla-
tive and municipal power have been confen*ed upon
' returned rebels ' and are now controlled by them.
This is eminently true in the city of New Orleans, where
known and distinguished rebels, and only such as they,
occupy the chief places of trust and power. The Mayor,
confessedly a bold and bad man, who was also mayor
during the rebellion and marked for violent and bitter
hatred of the government of the Union and of men who
loved the government, both white and black, of southern
or of northern birth, is now Mayor of the city by the
choice of the people of New Orleans. The High Sheriff,
General Hays, was an active officer in the rebellion. He
was in service at the time of the surrender in April,
1865, and has filled his present office since the early
part of 1866. All the appointees of the Mayor, the
whole constabulary and police force, with almost no
exception, are composed of men who have rendered
efficient service against the United States Government.
There have been more than ninety witnesses examined,
who speak of the condition of affairs in Louisiana, and
of the sentiment toward and treatment of Union men,
known to be such in the community where they live.
Of these forty-seven were called at the request of the
conmaittee of citizens, who desired to vindicate the
character of their city and to establish the loyalty of
the State. On the part of these witnesses there was a
general expression of satisfaction with the policy of the
President. It was stated by most of them that the fact

372 COKQBBSSIONAL SEPOBT.

of being a Union man was no hindrance to success in
business. Mr. Jacob Barker said that ^ men of every
party and .description patronize my bank. I do not
think there is any difference.' The opinion was given
by most of these witnesses that it would be safe and
judicious to withdraw the military forces and the Freed-
men's Bureau and to admit Representatives to seats in
Congress.

We have examined with care and weighed the proo&
on either side. We have come to clear conclusions, which
we believe to be accurate and just.

THX LEGISULTTVB BEHSDT BBQXTIBBD.

In view of the fistcts proved we are constrained to say
that the time has fully arrived when Congress should
intervene and should so legislate as to secure to the
people of Louisiana a republican form of government.
The condition of things existing there cannot continue
consistently with the safety, security, or peace of loyal
men.

Since the surrender of the rebel armies rebellion has
assumed another form, and now controls the government
through the same agencies that led those armies in time
of war.

During the rebellion there were large numbers of
men who remained steadfast to the government. In the
midst of treason they were found loyal. While armed
traitors were in the field contending with loyal armies
and struggling to destroy the nation, these men, at per-
sonal peril, and despite of obloquy which construed
loyalty to the Union to be treason to the State, con-
tinued firm in their allegiance.

APPENDIX. 873

These men are now made to feel the vengeance of
unrepentant although it may be, pardoned rebels, and
in person, property, and life are exposed to continual
attack. Nothing but the pressure of military power at
this moment measurably protects them from injury. It
does not protect them from insult, from social ostracism,
or the supercilious arrogance of men accustomed to own
the labor they employed.

If the government ought to protect its constant
friends against men who were its constant enemies, the
obligation is disclosed to adopt and enforce such legisla-
tive action as the facts existing in Louisiana require.

When men are driven from their homes and their
lives threatened and their property destroyed; when, in
business, they are proscribed ; when recent rebels hold all
places of trust, and, having power, use it to oppress and
punish loyal men because they are and have been loyal ;
when the whole body of colored men, who have never
flinched from duty as radical loyalists when the days
were gloomiest and the dangers greatest in the time
of war, are persecuted by system, hunted like wild
beasts, and slaughtered without mercy and with entire
impunity from punishment; there is no room left for
doubt that some legislative remedy should be applied.

These are matters of fact and not of opinion ; and, in
our judgment, but one course is open, and that should
pursued without hesitation or delay.

According to the judgment of all who have feit the
pressure of rebel rule, and have stood firmly and fear-
lessly for the Union when treason was nearest to suc-
cess ; whose judgment, given upon oath, is based upon
facts within personal experience; who give opinions

374 CONOBX88IONAL SXFOBT.

resting on knowledge, and speak of what they have seen
and know ; the present civil government of Louisiana,
existing without sanction of national law, should be
superseded by act of Congress, and a provisional gov-
ernment, established and maintained by military power
tmtil the time has come when Louisiana is controlled by
loyal men, and may be restored to her former ^ practical
relations to the Union ' without endangering its security
and peace.

The war was conducted on the part of the Govern-
ment to prevent her from permanently disuniting the
States of the Union. Now, the end of war is peace,
and the peace to be established must be secured in view
of the requirements of the Constitution itself

Until a loyal State of Louisiana exists in full po-
litical accord with the United States, and the demand
of the Constitution is complied with that a government
republican in form shall be guaranteed to the State, the
objects of the war will not have been attained.

To accomplish that end the condition of affairs in
Louisiana requires the temporary establishment of a pro-
visional government.

By the loyal people of Louisiana such constitution
must be ordained and such civil government formed as
will assure to the Republic a loyal and free State, worthy
of a place within the Union.

Li the mean time the safety of all Union men withm
the State demands that such government be formed for
their protection, for the well-being of the Nation, and
the permanent peace of the Republic

Thomas D. Eliot.
Sam'l Shxllababgeb."

The exposure of the powerfiil and the protection of the weak;
these are not only inTalnable liberties, bat commanding duties.

At last the ooontry sees that Andrew Johnson, who came to
supreme power by a bloody accident, has become the successor of
Jefferson Dayis in the spirit by which he is governed, and in the
mischief he is inflicting on lus country.

Pardon me if I read a brief lesson :

'^Tlia dogmas of the past are tnaitoanste to the atormy pg esi mt The
oecarion is piled high with diUkealtf and we must rise with the ooession.
As our esse is new, so we must think anew, and set snew. We must disen
thraU ouzselTes, and then we shall save our ooontry."

These are the words of Abraham lincoln. Let us heed the
lesson. — Charla Sumner, Smote Chamber, Jaimutry 18M» 1867.

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