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FROM-THE LIBRARYBF
TRINITYCOLLEGE TORD^ITO

FROM THE LIBRARY
OF THE LATE

COLONEL HENRY T. BRiCK

DONATED NOVEMBER. 1933

THE

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

THOMAS SLINGSBY BUNCOMBE,

VOLUME II.

THE

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

THOMAS SLEOBY BUNCOMBE,

LATE M.P. FOR FINSBUEY.

EDITED BY HIS SON

THOMAS H. BUNCOMBE.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

LONDON:

HURST AND BLACKETT, PUBLISHERS,

13, GEEAT MAELBOEOUGH STEEET.
1868.

The rigM of Translation it reierved.

LONDON :

kA VII I.. EDWAHDS AND CO., PHINTBK8, CUANDOg STREET,
COVBNT OA&DKN.

CONTENTS

THE SECOND VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON.

Birth of the Prince — His education — Expelled from Rome — Joins
in the Italian revolution of 1831 — Escapes to France — Visits
England — Retires to Switzerland — Writings and studies — Fails
to raise an insurrection at Strasburg — Sent to America — Re-
turns to England — Becomes intimate with Mr. Buncombe —
Moves in the higher circles of English society — Letters of
Count Walewski and Count Morny — The Prince at Eglinton
Castle and at Bulwer's Cottage, near Fulham — The Boulogne
Expedition — The Prince imprisoned in the fortress of Ham —
Literary pursuits — Extinction of pauperism — Mr. Buncombe
opens a communication with the captive — Letter from him — A
confidential agent sent to Ham — Conditions of mutual assistance
between the Buke of B. and the Prince — The prisoner escapes
from the fortress — Secresy — Louis Philippe and the Baroness
Feucheres — Bonapartists in Paris — Wheels within wheels —
Flight of the King — The Prince's visit to Paris — Elected a
member of the National Assembly, and President of the French
Republic pp. 1 — 24

VI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER II.

A FRIEND OF THE DRAMA.

Mr. E. Lytton Bulwer, Chairman of Committee for inquiring into
the laws affecting dramatic performances — Letter of Lord
Brougham to William IV. — Mr. Ewart and the managers of the
Liverpool theatres — Letter from Mr. Bulwer — Mr. Duncombe's
letter to the Right Hon. Spring Rice — His reply — Opinion of
Sir James Scarlett respecting Captain Polhill's case — The
Member for Finsbury writes to the Lord Chamberlain — Lord
Charles Fitzroy and Mr. Bunn — Mr. Duncombe's resolution in
favour of the Players carried in the House of Commons — The
restrictions enforced — Mr. Duncombe addresses Lord Uxbridge
— Restrictions abandoned — Presentation piece of plate — Letters
from Lords Normanby and Mahon — Diminution of theatrical
attraction — Lord Donegal's letters to Mr. Duncombe — He gives
up the omnibus-box — Regret of his co-renters . pp. 25 — 43

CHAPTER III.

THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK^ HEIR.

• Fails in an attempt to re-enter his Duchy — In Paris — Failure
of William IV. and the Duke of Cambridge in the French courts
of law — The Duke in England — Consults Mr. Duncombe —
Slanderous attacks — One of the Duke's calumniators sent to
Newgate — The Duke's Bill of Complaint in the Court of Chan-
cery— His appeal to the House of Lords — Mr. Duncombe's mis-

. sion to the King of Hanover — Letters of Baron de Falcke and

CONTENTS. Vll

the Duke of Brunswick — His Petition to the House of Commons
— Letter to Mr. Buncombe — The Duke's will — His valuables.

pp. 44—76

CHAPTER IV.

THE PRESIDENT AND HIS FRIEND.

Secret missions to France — Report to Mr. Duncombe on affairs of
D. B. and L. N. — Letter from Count Orsi — The President's
addresses — Duke of Brunswick crosses the Channel in a bal-
loon— Letter of Lord Palmerston — Frightful struggle in Paris —
The Duke regrets leaving England — His valuables — Position of
the President — the Duke's horses — the Parisians after the coup
d'etat — Difficulty of seeing the Prince — The secretary returns
home — State of Europe — The President and the Jesuits — The
Duke's references to Mr. Duncombe — Letter of Count Orsi on
the violence of the English press — Sensation produced in
England by the coup d'etat — Mr. Duncombe's opinion — Lord
John Russell's dismissal of Lord Palmerston — Rumoured cause
of his unpopularity at Court — Negotiations — The Duke writes
to the Journal des Debuts pp. 77 — 99

CHAPTER V.

A TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE.

Mr. Duncombe's improved health — Proposed as the head of a
popular party — Again returned for Finsbury — Lord John
Russell's Government overthrown — Mr. Duncombe ou bribery
and controverted elections — The Carlton Club — Our policy in
the East condemned — The Peace Conference — Mr. Duncombe's
interview with Lord Clarendon — The Russian war — Marriage
of his brother-in-law — Rents Chateau Beaugaillard, near
Tours — Lord Palmerston's letter announcing a conditional
pardon for the Newport convicts — Mr. Duncombe's correspond-
ence with Lord Palmerston on behalf of the Preston cotton
spinners — His correspondence with the Duke of Newcastle on

Vlll CONTENTS.

the campaign in the Crimea — Lord Clarendon on the Passport
system — Letter of Sir John Tyrrell, Bart., M.P., on the Peace
Society — Meetings in Hyde Park — Friendly letter of Lord
Palmerston, and Mr. Duncombe's judicious reply — " Honest
Tom Buncombe" — The letter-carriers — Letter from Sir Row-
land Hill — Deputations of working men >4 . . pp.100 — 128

CHAPTER VI.

POLAND AND HUNGARY.

Literary Association of the Friends of Poland and Lord Dudley
Coutts Stuart — Insurrection in Hungary — Letter of Lord
Dudley Coutts Stuart — Arrival of Kossuth — His patriotic ora-
tions— Seizure of warlike stores — Mr. Duncombe defends the
patriot in the House of Commons — Letter of Louis Kossuth —
Walter Savage Landor and the Times — Colonel Tiirr — Mr.
Duncombe's correspondence with Lord Palmerston relating to
him — TheForeign Office refuses him a passport — Lord Clarendon
to Colonel Tiirr — Mr. Duncombe obtains his passport, and the
Colonel joins Garibaldi — Letter from Mr. Edwin James — Mar-
riage of General Tiirr — Baron Prochazka's revelations in Hun-
gary— Decline of the public interest in Kossuth — Issue of
spurious Hungarian notes stopped by Government — Kossuth
on English affairs — The stolen note — Hungarian testimonials to
Mr. Duncombe — Coronation of Francis Joseph as King of
Hungary pp. 128 — 161

CHAPTER VII.

FRANCE AFTER THE COUP D*ETAT.

CONTENTS. ix

scheme — Preparations for the Crimean War — The Duke's
health — The camp at Helfaut — Iron barracks — Mr. Buncombe's
secretary in great request — Ideas on climate — Letter of the
Duke — Marshal Vaillant — Disaster at the Camp — Probable
destination of the Camp du Nord — Conduct of the Emperor and
the Prince Consort — An impromptu engineer — The Poles con-
sidered under a new aspect — Reinforcements for the French
army in the Crimea — The greatest men in Europe — What is
Mr. Duncombe's secretary to become ? — Charges against the
Emperor pp. 162—190

CHAPTER VIII.

LIBERAL LEGISLATION.

The Albert Park — Letter of Lord Robert Grosvenor — Mr. Dun-
combe and Mr. Roebuck — Correspondence of Lord Brougham
and Mr. Duncombe — Unconditional pardon of Frost, Williams,
and Jones — Contested Election for Finsbury — Mr. Duncombe
at the head of the poll — Cost of a seat in Parliament — Educa-
tion— Untaught talent — Thorogood imprisoned for non-payment
of Church-rates — Mr. Duncombe effects his liberation —
Catholics and Dissenters — Letters of Mr. Chisholm Anstey —
Cardinal Wiseman and the establishment hi England of a papal
hierarchy — Mr. Duncombe's moderation — His advocacy of the
Jews — The Jews' Bill — Report of a Select Committee of the
House of Commons — Another triumphant return — Reform —
Sunday trading — Letters of Lord Chelmsford . pp. 191 — 219

CHAPTER IX.

ITALY AND MAZZINI.

The Italian Liberals — Mazzini and u La. Giovine Italia" — The
Sanfedists and the Roman Government — Revolutionary move-
ment— Mazzini and the Republic of Rome — Mazzini in London
— His letters to Mr. Duncombe — The Member for Finsbury a
member of the society of : the " Friends of Italy" — Atrocities

X CONTENTS.

committed by the Roman and Neapolitan Governments —
Petition to the House of Commons — Communications from
Mazzini — Kossuth on Cavour — Letters from Sir John Romilly
and Baron Poerio — Kossuth in Italy — Treaty of Villafranca —
Notes by Kossuth — Garibaldi's conquest of Naples — Mr. Edwin
James at the seat of war — Absence of Mazzini — Evacuation of
Venice by the Austrians — Republication by Mazzini of his
Writings — Italian unity yet imperfect . . . .pp. 220 — 250

CHAPTER X.

SPECULATION.

Spirit of enterprise very general in England — Influences Mr.
Duncombe — Secret information from Portugal — Joint-stock
Wine Company in Paris — Railway from Madrid to Lisbon —
Letter to General Bacon — Letters of Count d' Or say, and from
Messrs. Da Costa and Madden on the scheme — General Bacon's
report — Iron roads in England — The railway king — Suit com-
menced against him — Condemned to refund — Charge by him
brought against Members of Parliament of having accepted
bribes — Mr. Buncombe's speech — Railway for Ceylon — Letters
from Sir William Molesworth and the Right Honourable H.
Labouchere — Rival speculation — Scheme abandoned.

pp. 251—270

CHAPTER XI.

MILITARY ABUSES.

Case of Lieut.-Col. Bradley — Mr. Brougham'a account of it in a
letter to Mr. Duncombe — Place, the tailor — Want of interest at
the Horse Guards — Career of another soldier of fortune —
Lieut-Col. Lothian Dickson — Commissioner at the Cape of Good
Hope — Snubbed by Lord Grey, and deprived of his appoint-
ment— Appointed Lieut. -Col. of the Tower Hamlets Militia —
Dismissed at the complaint of Lord Wilton — He appeals to
Mr. Duncombe — Court of Enquiry — Case of Dickson v. Wilton

CONTENTS. XI

Letters of Right Honourable S. H. Walpole and T. S. Dun-
combe — Verdict and damages — Correspondence between the
Earl of Derby and Mr. Duncombe — Lord Combennere — Mr.
Duncombe presents a petition to the House of Commons — Court
of Enquiry on Lord Wilton — Lieut. -Col. Dickson withdraws
his charges — Terms of settlement — Mr. Duncombe declines
further interference — Lieut. -Col. Dickson publishes the charges
sfgainst Lord Wilton . pp. 271 — 291

CHAPTER XII.

THE EMPEROR AND THE DUKE.

Brief communication from Paris — Hostility among the Republicans
created by the Emperor's restoration of the Pope — Attempt at
Assassination — Captain Felix Orsini — The French Colonels —
Complaints of M. Persigny to the English Government — " Con-
spiracy to Murder Bill" — Mr. Duncombe defends the Emperor
in the House of Commons — An indignant Radical — The Duke
of Brunswick's unrivalled bracelet — "L. N. Paris Notes" —
The Jersey Revolutionists and ISHomme — Catalogue of the
Brunswick diamonds — The Duke sends for his Will —Mr. Dun-
combe returns it — The Duke's valet absconds with diamonds —
Bursting of the bubble — Imperial disappointments, pp. 292 — 310

CHAPTER XIII.

AUTHORSHIP.

Xll CONTENTS.

combe's imaginary dialogue between Mr. Cobden and the Em-
peror— Writes " The Jews of England, their History and
Wrongs" — Letter of Dr. Adler, Chief Rabbi, and reply —
" Wilt thou forget" — Experience in literary composition — " Le
Bon Pays" — "Ma Chaumiere"— " Le d&ire du Vin"— " A
Madame B " pp. 311—334

CHAPTER XIV. *

THE POPULAR MEMBER.

Expediency of abolishing the Tower of London — Make-believe
legislation — Sir John Trelawney on church rates — Letters of
the Right Hon. W. H. Gladstone — Chancellor of the Exchequer
— Mr. Duncombe and the Jews' Bill — Letters of Sir F. H.
Goldsmid, Bart., and Baron Lionel Rothschild — Rise of the
great capitalist — Objections of the House of Lords — Letters of
Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Derby — Mr. Duncombe's popularity
with the Jews — Medical reform — Speech of the member for
Finsbury — Letters of Dr. Mattock and Mr. Lawrence — Pro-
posed letter of Liberal members of the House of Commons to
Lord Palmerston — Abolition of toll-gates — Mr. Forster on the
turnpike question — Correspondence of Lord Palmerston and
Mr. Duncombe, respecting the consul at Savannah — Mr. Dun-
combe's fatal illness pp. 335 — 354

APPENDIX.

Baron Capelle's Notes upon the State of France since 1830, with
Mr. Duncombe's Commentary pp. 355 — 356

Letter of the Due d'Ossuna to Count de Courcy on Mr. Duncombe's

projected Railway, pp. 357 — 359

Letter of Ferhad Pacha pp. 359 — 362

Letters of General Tiirr to T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P., June 19th,
28th, July 9th, 21st, August 13th, October 2nd, and Novem-
ber 4th, 1857 pp. 362—370

THE

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

THOMAS SLINGSBT BUNCOMBE,

CHAPTER I.

PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLfcON.

Birth of the Prince — -His education — Expelled from Rome — Joins
in the Italian revolution of 1831 — Escapes to France — Visits
England — Retires to Switzerland-1— Writings and studies — Pails
to raise an insurrection at Strasburg — Sent to America — Re-
turns to England — Becomes intimate with Mr. Buncombe —
Moves in the higher circles of English Society — Letters of
Count Walewski and Count Morny — The Prince at Eglinton
Castle and at Bulwer's Cottage, near Fulham — The Boulogne
Expedition — The Prince imprisoned in the fortress of Ham —
Literary pursuits — Extinction of pauperism — Mr. Buncombe
opens a communication with the captive — Letter from him — A
confidential agent sent to Ham — Conditions of mutual assistance
between the Buke of B. and the Prince — The prisoner escapes
from the fortress — Secresy — Louis Philippe and the Baroness
Feucheres — Bonapartists in Paris — Wheels within wheels —
Flight of the King — The Prince's visits to Paris — Elected a
member of the National Assembly, and President of the French
Republic.

Louis BONAPARTE, King of Holland, brother of
Napoleon I., had three sons by Queen Hortense,
daughter of Josephine by her first marriage. One
died in infancy in 1807 ; another survived till March,

VOL. II. B

2 REVOLUTION IN ITALY.

1831 ; the third was born in the Tuileries on the
20th of April, 1S03, and was christened Charles Louis
Napoleon. After the restoration of the Bourbons
Hortense, bearing the travelling name of the Duchess
de St. Leu, with her son, retired in succession to
Bavaria, Switzerland, and Rome ; and as though
to prepare the youth with republican pretensions,
Prince Louis was placed under the scholastic super-
intendence of M. Lebas, son of Robespierre's devoted
adherent, who shot himself rather than survive his
friend.

When Charles X. was expelled by the Parisians, the
expatriated family assembled at Rome, under the con-
viction that their turn was coming. Prince Louis so
conspicuously prepared himself for eventualities, that
the authorities had him forcibly carried out of the
Papal dominions. The Prince and his elder brother
then joined those Italians who were organizing a
general insurrection. Farini does not allow the
Bonapartes any prominent share in the Italian revo-
lution. He states that they were volunteers with-
out military rank. He calls it a stage revolution,
and accuses the Provisional Government of en-
deavouring to propitiate the King of France by con-
fining the two Princes at Forli, where the elder
succumbed to an attack of measles, after a few
days' illness. The Italian historian describes the
movement somewhat contemptuously, as neither
displaying energy nor gallantry, generalship nor
patriotism — in short, was so tame an affair that
it appeared a public merry-making rather than a
political revolution. Nevertheless the new Pontiff,
Gregory XVI., was dethroned in Rome, and his

STRASBURG. 3

temporal dominion declared to be at an end for
ever.*

With his mother Prince Louis contrived to reach
the French capital; but Louis Philippe would not
allow him to remain in France. They then proceeded
to England, remaining only a few months.

Whether Mr. Duncombe made the acquaintance of
the Prince at this first visit, as he was then well ac-
quainted with Counts Mornayand Walewski, we are not
certain ; but as he was well known in the fashionable
world, wherever the son of the Duchess de St. Leu
presented himself, they were pretty sure to meet. In
August, 1S31, both mother and son proceeded to
Areneuberg, in the canton of Thurgovia, where the
Prince apparently devoted himself to military studies.
In 1833, he wrote a book about artillery practice, and
accepted a captaincy in a Bernese regiment. He
had friends and correspondents in France — De Per-
signy, Lafayette, Carrell, Odillon Barrot, Vaudrez,
and was eager to turn them to account. He made an
attempt on the 28th of October, 1836, to create an
insurrection at Strasburg. With only a couple of
officers and a few privates he raised the cry of " Vive
1'Empereur !" But the nation was not ready for such
an appeal — assuredly the garrison were not — for he
was taken prisoner, and after a brief detention shipped
to America. There, however, he did not long remain.
The exile declined to remain on the other
side of the Atlantic. The serious illness of the
Duchess de St. Leu afforded him a good pretext for
returning to Europe ; and he once more sought the

* "The Roman State from 1815 to 1850." Translated from
the Italian by the Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. I. chap. iv.

B 2

4 NAPOLEONIC IDEAS.

convenient retirement of Switzerland. This he was
presently forced to leave in consequence of the un-
easiness of Louis Philippe, whose Government had
already become unpopular.

He was again amongst his friends in London,
sunning himself in the bright glances of the Countess
of Blessington, or enjoying the pleasant fellowship of
Mr. Buncombe. He was still of opinion that the
French people were impatient for his advent ; there-
fore, went to Switzerland that he might be near
enough to the frontier to take immediate advantage
of events. The remonstrance of the French Govern-
ment had induced the cantons to require his with-
drawal.

The Prince remained in England nearly two years. It
is at this period that he is reported to have given him-
self up to dissipation. All that can be said with
truth is that, like other young men of rank, he was
curious to see the different phases of English fashion-
able life, and enjoyed the diversions of English gen-
tlemen of good position. Mr. Duncombe met him at
the race course, as well as in the club-room, but quite
as frequently at the houses of his friends, Lady Bles-
sington, Lady Holland, and others. The two ladies
were rank Bonapartists, and were sure to encourage
Napoleonic ideas.

It was the former Moore caught in a dreadful state
of distress, with a handkerchief before her eyes ; and
when he inquired the cause of her grief she replied,
"It is the anniversary of my poor Napoleon's death."
Lady Holland did not regret the dead emperor quite
so piteously ; nevertheless, his nephew was sure of a
cordial reception. Many similar establishments were

COUNT WALEWSKI. »

open to the Prince ; and though he still studied hard
he found plenty of amusement.

He was the guest of Lord Combermere,* of the Hon.
Colonel Dawson Darner, and of Lord Alvanley. To
them he was always social and communicative, smoking
and conversing deep into the small hours. He made
no secret then of his aspirations and intentions, but was
regarded as a dreamer of dreams. He engaged in some
secret conferences with one or two individuals whose ap-
pearance some of his English friends thought betrayed
a strong intimacy with Leicester-square. Their names
were obscure at this period, however famous they
became a few years later. One or two were on con-
fidential terms with Mr. Duncombe, to whom they
had applied when they wanted any little social service
rendered to any of their friends ; as in the following : —

Ce Mardi matin, Oct. 21, 1828.

Vous me pardonnerez, cher Monsieur Duncombe, si je
prends la liberte de vous importuner, mais j'ose compter sur
votre complaisance en le cas ci-dessous mentionne.

Lord Alvanley et plusieurs autres membres avaient promis
au Comte Lobolewski, premier secretaire de I'Ambassade de
Russie a Londres, un de mes amis intimes, de le faire
recevoir membre honoraire du Club de St. James, a la
premiere reunion. II y a aujourd'hui un comite, et aucun
de ces messieurs n'est en ville ; je prends done la liberte de
prier de vouloir bien vous charger de le faire admettre
aujourd'hui. Vous voudrez bien me pardonnez cette de-
mande, et agreez d'avance tous mes remerciments.

Tout a vous, LE CTE. A. WALEWSKI.

* See an interesting account of the Prince in Lady Comber-
mere's " Memoirs" of her husband, vol. ii. p. 267.

6 COUNT MORNT.

Ce Mercredi, AoAt 24, 1830.

C'est aujourd'hui plus que jamais que je cherirais la
liberte si elle pouvait m'etre rendue, mon cher ami ; mais
malheurcusement je ne suis pas maitre de moi pour Jcudi,
et un engagement anterieur me prive dialler figurer parmi
ceux qui savent vous apprecier et qui vous rendent justice.
Croyez done a tous mes regrets et d mon bien sincere
attachement.. MORNY.

He was invited to the grand fete at Eglinton
Castle, intended to revive the institutions of chivalry.
Everything was provided to insure the success of the
experiment. There were valiant knights in full
armour, riding magnificent steeds ; and beautiful
ladies in the brightest mediaeval array, to do duty as
the Queen of Beauty and her attendants ; there was
even a professional fool or jester, in a suit of motley ;
in short Lord Eglinton provided everything that
money could procure — except fine weather ; and the
remorseless rain cooled the gallantry of the heroes,
deluged the finery of their fair spectators, and ex-
tinguished the jests of the fool. In an interval of
leisure from the programme, while under shelter, the
Prince crossed swords with an English knight. It
has been said that they amused themselves with such
ardour that they were obliged to be separated.

One of the parties that Prince Louis Napoleon
joined while in London assembled at a pretty villa on
the Thames, near Fulham, then owned by Mr. Edward
Lytton Bulwer, M.P. There were present the editors of
the Examiner and the Literary Gazette, Count D'Orsay,
Messrs. Disraeli, and George Bankes, M.P., with
several ladies, literary and artistic. It was a dejeuner,
and a very pleasant one, as have been all the reunions
arranged by the same talented and amiable host. The

BOULOGNE. 7

Prince was taciturn, as usual, and amused himself with
a row on the river.

It has been stated that before he quitted
London for the Boulogne expedition he contrived
to have interviews with Lord Palmerston and
Lord Melbourne. The Duke of Wellington, in re-
lating this on dit, in his own honourable way adds — " If
I can answer for anything where I can know nothing,
I should say that those ministers had never heard of
his intentions."* Of course they never had. Had
either entertained any suspicion of the project he
were sure not to have admitted him to an audience.
It is most likely a Paris report, manufactured after
the event. No member of the Government was likely
to have been in the Prince's confidence. He professed
republicanism ; and if he had any Englishman of
good position in his confidence, that person would
inevitably have been selected from such politicians.

It was on the 6th of August, 1840, that Prince Louis,
attended by between forty and fifty companions,
landed from a steamer at Boulogne. They proceeded
to the barracks, but the soldiers not responding to
his appeal, and the National Guard having been called
out, they presently retreated to their place of landing.
A collision, however, took place before they could
reach the steamer ; they were fired at ; some fell
mortally wounded, and the rest were arrested.

Lenity was thought to be thrown away on so de-
termined an offender ; so the Prince was at once tried
by his peers, found guilty of conspiracy, and sentenced
to perpetual imprisonment. He was then consigned
to the fortress of Ham, to the lodgings formerly
* " Correspondence of Mr. Raikes," 144.

8 HAM:

occupied by Prince Polignac and his colleagues.
Here he amused his leisure with literary pursuits.
Among these employments was the drawing out an
elaborate scheme for the extinction of pauperism, by
cultivating the waste lands in France. The projector
touched upon agriculture and industry, taxation, and
the advance of the funds ; and then went into figures
to prove that a proper use of two-thirds of the nine
millions and a hundred and ninety thousand acres of
uncultivated lands in France might provide employ-
ment for twenty-five millions of French workmen in
different agricultural colonies, each of whom should,
at the end of twenty-three years, realize a profit of
thirteen millions eight hundred and ninety-one thou-
sand eight hundred francs.

The second prisoner of Ham, with whom Mr.
Duncombe had held communication, was not less
interesting to him than the former one ; and he often
compared notes respecting him with the Prince's
cordial friends at Gore House. It was not easy to
let the captive know that he had still warm hearts on
which he could rely; but this was accomplished in
time. A note was received in the prison, and thus

answered : —

Ham, 14th August, 1841.

My life is passed here in a very monotonous manner,
for the rigours of the authorities are unchanged ; neverthe-
less I cannot say that I am dull, because I have created for
myself occupations which interest me. For instance, I am
writing ' Reflections upon the History of England ;' and
also I have planted a small garden in the corner of the
yard in which I am located. But all this fills up the time
without filling the heart, and sometimes we find it very
void of sentiment.

ITS PRISONER. »

I am very much pleased at what you tell me of the
good opinion which I have left behind me in England ; but
I do not share in your hope as to the possibility of soon
being in that country again ; and indeed, notwithstanding
all the pleasure I should have in again finding myself there,
I do not complain in the least of the position to which I
have brought myself, and to which I am completely
resigned.

" Louis NAPOLEON BONAPARTE."*

Another letter from the illustrious prisoner had
previously been addressed to Lady Blessington ; and
notwithstanding that both betrayed an extremely
philosophic spirit, his friends knew him well enough
to be satisfied that if an escape were practicable, he
would listen to it with eagerness. Written commu-
nications on such a subject could not be thought of;
but a safe medium must be devised before any steps
for his liberation could be taken.

The first point to be gained was to get the French
Government to relax the severity of the prisoner's
confinement; and with this object, the latter ad-
dressed to them a moving representation of the hard-
ships he was made to suffer. He reminded them
that the ministers of Charles X., when confined in the
same dilapidated chambers, were not so rigorously
dealt with, and that his claims by birth to considera-
tion were higher than theirs had been. Though
Louis Philippe bore him no affection, he responded to
the appeal by removing some of the restrictions. The
Prince's valet was permitted to leave the fortress for
the neighbouring town. Confidential and secret com-
munication with the prisoner was now deemed possi-

* " Portraits Politiques," par M. de Gueronni&re.

10 CONDITIONS OF RELEASE

ble, and the object was to seek out some person with
whom the Prince might communicate through his own
servant without having recourse to writing. Mr.
Duncombe soon supplied and prepared a trustworthy
agent.

He had too great a regard for him and the name
he bore to remain indifferent to his fate. He had
liberated one illustrious prisoner from those gloomy
walls ; but it required very different measures to suc-
ceed in the present instance. Louis Philippe knew
the value of the proverb, " Safe bind, safe find," and
possibly suspected that the House of Commons if ap-
pealed to on the subject would very likely return a
coroner's-inquest verdict of " Served him right."

Mr. Duncombe set to work in another way. In
the first place, he secured the co-operation of the

wealthy Duke of B , who wanted a Bonaparte to

assist him to maintain important claims ; and then
having obtained the sanction of the prisoner to the
conditions on which his freedom might be obtained,
sent his own secretary to Ham, with instructions
to negotiate the following treaty : —

k Ham, 1845.

Nous C. F. A. G., D. of Bk., nous Prince Napoleon
Louis Bonaparte, convenons et arretons ce qui suit :

ART. I. — Nous promettons et jurous sur notre honneur
et sur le St. Evangile de nous aider Tun et 1'autre, nous
C. D. of Bk. a rentrer en possession du Duche de Bk., et
a faire s'il se peut de tout I'Allernagne une seule nation unie,
et a lui donner une constitution adaptee a ses moeurs, &
ses besoins, et au progres de 1'epoque ; et nous P. N. L. Buo-
naparte a faire rentrer la France dans le plein excrcice de
la souverainete nationale dont elle a etc approuvee en 1830,

BETWEEN D. B. AND P. L. N. 11

et a la mettre a meme de se prononcer librement sur la
forme de gouvernement que lui convient de se donner.

ART. II. — Celui d'entre nous qui le premier arriverait au
pouvoir supreme, sous quelque titre que ce soit, s' engage a
fournir a Fautre, en armes et en argent, les secours que lui
sont necessaires pour atteindre le but qu'il se propose ; et de
plus, a autoriser et faciliter Fenrolement volontaire d'un
nombre d'hommes suffisant pour ^execution de ce projet.

ART. III. — Tant que durera Fexile qui pese sur nous,
nous engageons a nous aider reciproquement en toute occa-
sion, a fin de rentrer en possession des droits politiques qui
nous ont ete ravis ; et en supposant que Fun de nous pent
rentrer dans sa patrie, Fautre s'engage a soutenir la cause
de son allie par tous les moyens possibles.

ART. IV. — Nous engageons en outre a ne jamais pro-
mettre, faire, et signer aucune renonciation, abdication en
detriment de nos droits politiques ou civiles; mais, au con-
traire, a nous consulter et a nous soutenir en frere dans
toutes les circonstances de notre vie.

ART. V. — Si par la suite et lorsque jouissant de notre
pleine liberte, nous jugerons convenable d'apporter au pre-
sent Traite des modifications, dictees soit par notre position
respective, soit par Finteret commun, nous nous enga-
geons a les faire d'un commun accord, et a reviser les dispo-
sitions de cette convention dans tout ce qu'elle contienne
de defective par suite des circonstances sous lesquelles elle
a ete faite. Approuve, &c. &c.,

In the presence of G. T. SMITH,
and COUNT ORSI.

By this time, years of imprisonment had rolled
silently on, and the Prince remained a captive. His
dying father at Florence had implored permission to
embrace his son, but was denied ; the philosopher of
the dungeon would not give Louis Philippe the re-
quired guarantee, and he was kept in durance. It was
then that Charles Thelin, the valet, and Dr. Conneau,

12 THE PRINCE'S ESCAPE.

the physician, were apprized of a plan for effecting the
Prince's escape, while the Prince was made aware of
what was in contemplation, and the conditions on
which he might be a free man. The strictest confi-
dence was insisted on : it is but justice to say, that so
completely was this respected, that in the different
narratives that were published, not a word was al-
lowed to suggest that the captive had assistance of
any kind outside his prison walls, or that any one,
foreigner or native, had held any secret communica-
tion with him during his captivity.

The Prince made his way out of the fortress in the
dress of a workman carrying a plank, while Dr.
Conneau procured a figure to rest on the sofa in the
position of an invalid.

So well were the governor and the jailors deceived,
that the prisoner, provided with a Belgian passport, was
in the railway, proceeding across the frontier from
Valenciennes, before his escape was discovered ; and on
May 29, 1846, was safe in London, writing a letter
to Count St. Aulaire, the ambassador from Louis
Philippe, giving him the first information of the ad-
venture. He wrote also to Sir Kobert Peel and Lord
Aberdeen much to the same effect ; and then went into
society to receive the congratulations of his friends,
the warmest coming from him who is believed to
have planned and carried out his rescue.

Mr. Duncombe was delighted with the success of
the plot, and particularly with the concealment of his
complicity in it. Up to the present time the name
of none of the real parties to the escape has been suf-
fered to transpire.

Louis Philippe has incurred no small amount of

LOUIS PHILIPPE. 13

odium from his acquisitiveness ; to enrich, himself and
his sons seemed the one object of his life. The
trickery displayed in the affair of the Spanish mar-
riages lost him many friends in England ; but the
most fatal blow to his reputation was his alleged in-
timacy with the Baroness Feucheres (nee Shaw), an
Englishwoman, who was mistress of the Duke of
Bourbon when the latter was found hanging. A will
was produced that gave the bulk of the property of
the deceased to the Due d'Aumale; and ugly rumours
were circulated as to the manner in which the old duke
met his death. The antecedents of the baroness were
rather equivocal ; and it was stated that she had been
induced to hasten the end of the testator when aware
that he intended altering his will. We are not satis-
fied with the assertions that have been put forward
as to the duke's inability to hang himself; neverthe-
less the case excited strong suspicions of foul play.

The Prince remained in England, enjoying the
English life he loved so well, under the auspices of his
zealous friend, yet far from being an unobservant
spectator of more interesting proceedings going on on
the other side of the Channel, of which he had con-
stant information from his adherents. Louis Philippe
had imprisoned his physician and his valet : but there
was in Paris one whom he never thought of molesting,
because he was never suspected, who was a more busy
and a more secret conspirator, and had the means of
getting at state secrets by a key that could open the best-
secured bureau in the palace of the " citizen king."

There were other earnest adherents equally active
in preparing society for an adaptation of Napoleonic
ideas. Of these, the principal held a conspicuous

14 WHEELS WITHIN WHEELS.

place in the gay world of Paris, was an adept on the
turf, and seemed to think of nothing beyond the en-
joyment of the present moment in his favourite
pursuit. He was reputed to be a near connexion of
the Prince ; but M. de Morny was considered to be
so absorbed in horse-flesh as to have less time than
inclination for politics. The French Government
does not appear to have suspected him.

In another circle there existed a Pole, who was
quite as decided and quite as active a Bonapartist. M.
Walewski also contrived to keep in the background,
but added another wheel to the complicated ma-
chinery that was being secretly put together. In due
time there were wheels within wheels acting in un-
suspected localities : everywhere they were going on
without noise, without display, in the faubourgs, in
the garrisons, in the theatres, in the churches — always
concealed from observation, always in concert.

All the while the King, on the brink of a precipice,
seemed blinded by his own egotism and avarice. He
would not believe that he was an object of general
detestation and ridicule. Attempts at assassination
followed each other in rapid succession, and carica-
tures were becoming more and more daring ; yet in
the face of these signs he had the supreme folly to
cause the remains of the Emperor Napoleon to be
brought from St. Helena to Paris, stirring up the
Bonapartist feeling throughout the country, that
common -sense ought to have told him must be an-
tagonistic to Bourbon rule.

In addition to this suicidal policy, he chose to dis-
play his intense greediness and craft at the expense of
his only trustworthy ally, while permitting one of his

A WHIRLPOOL. 15

sons to publish a braggadocio letter, suggestive of
invasion and conquest. The indignation in England
was only exceeded by the general disgust ; and with
the patriotic feeling thus excited, there was often a
trace of Napoleonic ideas.

Mr. Duncombe's friendship for the Prince caused
him to watch the course of public opinion in both
countries with more than ordinary interest. That a
crisis was impending he must have known, as he was
in confidential communication with the Prince and
with many of his most attached friends. He must have
been aware also that the wheels within wheels, whirl-
ing on secretly in Paris, were accumulating a motive
power that was ready to act with irresistible force on
French society ; and seems to have had some trouble
in restraining the impatience of his friends to make
the mechanism seen as well as felt. In the latter
years of his diary the entry "Burnt Letters" fre-
quently repeated, accounts for the paucity of docu-
mentary evidence of his close intimacy with the
Prince at this period ; nevertheless some papers have
been preserved that will be found sufficiently confirma-
tory of the fact.

The decisive emeute that put the Orleans family to
flight, was regarded by Prince Louis Napoleon's
anxious friends in England as a golden opportunity.
He was ready to proceed to the scene of action
and aid his active adherents by his presence. But
Paris was at that time a whirlpool where straws
were coming to the surface — only to be sucked down.
A knot of revolutionists had made themselves masters
of the situation, and caution was necessary in dealing
with their imperial prejudices and an excited popula-

16 A REVOLUTIONARY FEVER.

tion that might be induced to repeat " the reign of
terror." It was essential to his success — as a Republic
had been proclaimed — that the Prince should lay aside
his rank, disavow his motives, conceal his intentions,
and assume the position of a patriotic citizen. He
hastened to Paris, and was presently in the whirlpool,
struggling manfully to make his way to the surface.

On the 24th of February, 1848, "the king of the
barricades" was dethroned by the same power that had
elevated him at the expense of his kinsman, and on
the 28th M. Louis Bonaparte was merely "one
Frenchman the more" in the capital, and at once re-
cognised the Provisional Government — "faisait acte
de bon citoyen." Here, however, he shortly ascer-
tained, through his agents, that his appearance was
premature. The revolutionary fever was at its height,
and there was danger in remaining in such an atmo-
sphere. Having ascertained this, and communicated
personally with the most influential of his secret
agents,* the good citizen judiciously swam out of the
whirlpool and left the floating straws to their fate.

He returnad to his friends in London, receiving
good counsel from one, if not more, enjoying himself
at Gore House, at the clubs, everywhere. Society
began to recognise him as a rising star, and to ac-
knowledge in him the only dissolution of rapidly in-
creasing European complications caused by the action
of the Revolutionary Government in Paris. These
imbeciles were evidently of the same opinion, for
whilst permitting the banished Bonapartes to return
to France, they excepted him by name* Of this blun-

* Temblaire.

THE REPUBLIC. 17

der he was not slow in taking advantage. As an un-
justly persecuted man, he addressed the National
Assembly in a letter dated 23rd May, 1848, com-
plaining and disclaiming with equal effect. The
document was of course published, and produced as
much excitement among his enemies as among his
friends. The latter now more boldly came forward to
ridicule the democracy and suggest the revival of the
empire. A proclamation extensively circulated in
June, thus concluded : —

" Let us place at our head the only man who is
worthy of us — let us place there Louis NAPOLEON.
Vive I'Umpereur !"

It was posted generally in the department of the
Ardennes, no one knew by whom ; other appeals were
made equally conspicuous in other places ; no one
could trace their origin. The Republican Govern-
ment could discover no trace of foreign interference
and foreign inspiration, and the chief instruments in
their overthrow were never suspected. Disturbances
in the capital followed each other in rapid succession,
and the name of the banished man became a rallying
cry in every direction. The Prince, again impatient,
was for heading a conflict, as a decree of the Execu-
tive Committee on the 1 2th of June declared that the
law against him should be enforced. Prudent coun-
sels again prevailed, and he retired once more, ad-
dressing the President of the Republic by letter, in
which he intimated that if the people chose to impose
duties on him, he intended to fulfil them. It was
published, and the hint it contained at once acted
upon : several departments simultaneously electing
him to a seat in the National Assembly, notwith-

VOL. II. C

18 WAITING EVENTS.

standing the assurance expressed in the document
that he would rather remain in exile than disturb the
peace of France.

The opposition of the imbeciles became so intensi-
fied at this decisive proof of their decline, especially as
Paris was one of the places for which the Prince had
been returned, that again he listened to his trusty
counsellors. It was obvious that the Republican
Government were unintentionally playing into his
hands ; and the longer they continued to oppose his
election, the more popular he was sure to become. The
Prince wrote from London, June 15th, with much
self-denial surrendering, for the tranquillity of France,
the advantages he had acquired, and professing a
desire to be permitted to return as the humblest of
her citizens. This was answered by Corsica electing
him almost unanimously. The game was seen to be
his own if he would only wait ; therefore there
was no difficulty in persuading him to write to
the President, again announcing his resignation, and
again expressing sentiments of moderation. As the
new elections were to take place on the 1 7th of Sep-
tember, it was evident that nothing would be lost,
and much might be gained, by permitting the decline
of Government influence for two or three months.
On the eve of the election he made public his desire
to take his seat among the representatives of the
people. The result was that the Department of the
Seine gave him 110,752 votes ; and though four other
departments returned him by large majorities, he
preferred the first, as he should represent his native
city.

The republicans in power were furious, but the

PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 19

republic was already showing signs of collapse. On
the 26th of the month, le Ion citoyen was not only in
Paris, but in the Chamber of the Assembly, where he
read a speech from the tribune of so conciliatory a
character, that, notwithstanding an effort made to
prevent his aspiring to the Presidency, the opinion of
the Chamber was evidently in his favour. A still more
violent repressive attempt was made on the 25th of
October, with a like result. It could scarcely be con-
cealed from themselves that the Government were
playing a losing game.

On the 24th of November, 1848, Prince Louis
Napoleon issued an .address from Paris to the people
of France. There are certainly some points in it that
challenge inquiry, particularly where he assures his
compatriots that he is not an ambitious man, and that
at the end of four years he would make it a point of
honour to leave to his successor the consolidation of a
republic with liberty untouched. But at this highly
critical period there was a Bunkum in the old world
as well as in the new — it might be said that there
were a good many Bunkums — but the Bunkum
Magnum was assuredly the good city of Paris. The
language of virtuous profession had almost been ex-
hausted since the expulsion of Charles X. ; and the
new candidate for the presidency was obliged to frame
his sentiments to the popular form. Materials for the
pavement of a certain place remarkable for the warmth
of its temperature, were not more conspicuous in this
declaration than in the oratorical extravagances of
Lamartine, or the ruder appeals of Cavaignac.

The attractions of the new applicant for the suf-
frages of a great nation were put forward prominently ;

c 2

20 PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON

his name was announced as a symbol of order and
security, as he stated in his opening sentence. A
slight reference to the growth of that name would
have shown that its development as a political power
was owing to the exercise of physical force, which
trampled out the republic, and on its ruins laid the
foundation of the empire. It is quite true that the
name Napoleon was a symbol of order and security,
but it was that order and that security which the
Emperor established — not the First Consul. If the
French people chose to accept the symbol, they were
bound to put up with the consequences.

On the 10th of December the Presidential election
was to take place, and the good citizen at once ex-
pressed his views and intentions, in the same concili-
atory spirit that had been so prominent in his
preceding manifestoes.

More than five millions and a half of Frenchmen
voted in his favour. His competitors were completely
distanced in the race — Cavaignac coining in second
with little more than a quarter of that number of
votes. The others were comparatively nowhere —
Ledru Rollin obtaining only 371,431 votes, Easpail
looming in the distance with the insignificant number
of 36,964 ; while the late President, the most fortu-
nate of French litterateurs, was just visible with
17,914 of his greatly diminished admirers. Finally,
the republican general, Changarnier, tailed off with a
poor 4687 votes.

The 20th of December, 1848, was a great day in
modern French history — a memorable day in the
annals of the National Assembly. M. Marrast, the
president, in the name of the French people pro-

PRESIDENT. 2 L

claimed Citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte,
by an absolute majority of suffrages, President of the
French Eepublic. The latter was then seated, dressed
with a kind of compromise between democratic sim-
plicity and imperial display. He wore a fashionable
suit of black, a diamond star, and the grand cordon
of the Legion of Honour. Like his friend in the
House of Commons and on the hustings, his personal
appearance left no doubt as to the value he set upon
the social pretensions to which he was born. He
then mounted the tribune, and M. Marrast read to
him the oath, to remain faithful to the democratic re-
public. " Je le jure /" he exclaimed, holding up his
right hand ; then made another conciliatory profession
of faith, and retired amid unanimous cries of " Vive
la Republique f"

In his next address, after taking the oath as Presi-
dent of the Eepublic, there were necessarily more
professions. Between the citizen representative and
their now acknowledged head there could not be any
difference of opinion — he would strengthen democratic
institutions. He paid a compliment to Cavaignaists,
conciliated the Red republicans, and satisfied the '
moderates and the religious with his concluding sen-
tence : " With the aid of Grod, we will at least do
good, if we cannot achieve great things." Of course
it was all Bunkum. Every Frenchman acquainted
with the history of the century must have regarded
such professions as symbolical.

In the account of an eye-witness* of the sanguinary
struggle against the military force of the executive

* Captain Chamier: a "Review of the French Revolution of
1848." Two vols.

22 SUPPOSED SECRET AGREEMENT.

under Changarnier, nearly contemporary with the
first appearance of Prince Louis Napoleon in this
very sensational drama as a member of the National
Assembly, justice is done to the moderation and good
sense the Prince displayed in that crisis of terrible in-
terest; but the writer considers that there was a mystery
in the supply of money and munitions of war to the
republicans. Could it be shown that the Prince fur-
nished the funds, there would then be some difficulty
in proving whence he got them. If it be suggested
that another agreement like that entered into at
Ham had been established for the purpose of placing
the* liberated prisoner in a position to assist his
liberator, it must then be accepted that both, who
equally detested democracy, encouraged the blouses
only to insure their destruction. There is no evidence
of such an agreement ; and as the ouvriers had had a
long time to prepare their movement, they could have
collected the necessary supplies.

It is impossible to read a trustworthy report of
that half-farce half-tragedy, the French revolution of
1848, without coming to the conclusion that the more
sensible Parisians, as well as the more sensible French-
men, were getting tired of democracy, and eagerly
seized on the name of Napoleon, as drowning men
in a storm catch at the first solid support that
floats in their way. The respectability of France had
suffered enough at the hands of the incompetent ad-
venturers who had assumed the government of the
country since the expulsion of the " citizen king."
Even supposing the Prince again had recourse to his
wealthy friend, the subsequent prosperity of France
must be placed among the profits of the investment.

CONGRATULATIONS. 23

The lower orders of the population of Paris had
long been in a state of chronic revolution ; and the
narrowness of the thoroughfares, and the quickness
with which a tolerably strong fortification could be
improvised, combined with a knowledge of the suc-
cess that had attended former insurrections, gave them
confidence in their numbers and resources. But they
now possessed as a ruler the nephew of that Bona-
parte who had contrived to overthrow a revolution,
and he soon proved that he could turn the lesson to
profit. This was the special constable who had been
sworn in to oppose the London chartists.

Mr. Duncombe was staying at Sidmouth for the
benefit of his health during the year 1849. He made
one journey to London, in June, to consult Dr.
Latham, but returned in a few days.

When it became known that Louis Napoleon had
been elected President of the Republic, he could no
longer look on passively. A private communication

apprized him of the position of the Duke of B

during the excitement that prevailed in the French
capital, and while despatching a confidential messenger
to his assistance, he gave him instructions to communi-
cate with the President. As the person so employed
was the same who had effected his escape from the
fortress, there could be no doubt of his reception. He
bore the following letter : —

Sidmouth, December 21st, 1848.

MY DEAR PRINCE, — I cannot allow my secretary and
friend, Mr. Smith, to visit Paris for the purpose of having
the honour of an interview with the President of the French
nation, without availing myself of this opportunity of offer-
ing you my sincere congratulations upon your recent tri-

24 CONGRATULATIONS.

umphant election, and of wishing you every success and
happiness in the proud position you are called upon to
occupy.

Be assured that at all times I shall as heretofore
be most happy to forward the interests of one whom
" a people delighteth to honour."

Believe me, my dear Prince, yours sincerely,

THOS. S. BUNCOMBE.

CHAPTER II.

A FRIEND OF THE DRAMA.

Mr. E. Lytton Bulwer, Chairman of Committee for inquiring into
the laws affecting dramatic performances — Letter of Lord
Brougham to William IV. — Mr. Ewart and the managers of the
Liverpool theatres — Letter from Mr. Bulwer — Mr. Buncombe's
letter to the Right Hon. Spring Rice — His reply — Opinion of
Sir James Scarlett respecting Captain PolhilTs case — The
member for Finsbury writes to the Lord Chamberlain — Lord
Charles Fitzroy and Mr. Bunn — Mr. Buncombe's resolution in
favour of the Players carried in the House of Commons — The
restrictions enforced — Mr. Buncombe addresses Lord Uxbridge
— Restrictions abandoned — Presentation piece of plate — Letters
from Lords Normanby and Mahon — Biminution of theatrical
attraction — Lord Bonegal's letters to Mr. Buncombe — He gives
up the omnibus-box — Regret of his co-renters.

MR. DUNCOMBE had long established a claim to he
considered a friend of the drama, and was eager to
join in any scheme for its advancement. The most
useful of these was under the direction of Mr. E. L.
Bulwer, M.P., and was hefore Parliament in the shape
of a committee, organized for the purpose of inquiring
into the laws affecting dramatic performances. Mr.
Bulwer was the chairman. The subject, too, had
attracted the attention of the highest person in the
realm, whose enjoyment in theatrical performances
had been unequivocal ; to him Lord Brougham wrote :

The Chancellor, with his humble duty to your Majesty,
begs permission to submit the result of the consideration

26 THE JUDGES AND THE PLAYERS.

which he has been able to bestow upon the memorial of
•Mr. Arnold, of the patent theatres, of the Haymarket, and
of Mr. Greville, which your Majesty was graciously pleased
to direct should be referred to him.

In order to arrive at a sound conclusion on the subject
matter of the memorials, and to give satisfaction to the
parties, as well as to the public, the Chancellor requested
the assistance of three learned Judges, — the Vice Chan-
cellor, the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and
Mr. Justice James Parke. They were pleased to attend
the hearing, which took place at six several meetings in
his Honour's court at Lincoln's Inn, and after conferring
fully with these learned judges, the Chancellor has the
honour to lay before your Majesty the opinion which he
has formed, and in which they unanimously concur.

It was not denied at the hearing by any of the parties,
that a licence from the Crown is necessary in order to
authorize the opening of a theatre within the precincts in
question. Whatever doubts may have ever been entertained
upon this point, had it been urged, no question was made
of it by any one.

The question, how far the patents already granted preclude
any new grants, whether by way of patent or licence, was
argued ; but the Chancellor has no doubt whatever on this
point, nor had any of the learned judges ; and it may be
taken as quite clear, nor indeed in the end was it much
disputed on the part of the patent theatres, that your
Majesty has the entire power by law to make whatever
changes your Majesty may think fit in the rights already
granted to those theatres, or to revoke those grants alto-
gether, or to grant to other parties rights inconsistent with
those granted to the patent theatres in former times.

After taking into full consideration the relative position
of the parties, the claims of individuals connected with the
patent theatres, the sums of money invested in the concerns
of all the theatres, and the interests of the public, the
Chancellor humbly submits to your Majesty, with the con-
currence of the learned judges, that it may be desirable to

LIVERPOOL THEATRES. 27

grant Mr. Arnold an extension of his licence so as to include
the whole of the months of May and October.

All which is humbly submitted to your Majesty for your
royal consideration.

L. SHADWELL. BROUGHAM, C.

N. TINDAL.

JAMES PARKE.

In Liverpool there had long been two theatres, one
having a patent, under the management of Mr. Ham-
mond, and the other, with no patent, having as
manager Mr. Desmond Raymond. The proprietor of
each establishment felt aggrieved by his rival, and
brought their complaints before their member,
Mr. William Ewart. He here states that he laid
them before the committee, and refers to the progress

of the proceedings : —

London, June 13th, 1832.

SIR, — The committee on the laws which regulate the
drama has met again to-day.

I have taken this opportunity of representing to Mr.
Bulwer, the chairman, the case of Messrs. Hammond and
Raymond, as more precisely stated in your last letter.

I have also mentioned the willingness of the parties to
give evidence, their expenses being paid as usual; and I
have delivered up your letter for the consideration of the
committee.

Mr. Bulwer promises that every attention shall be paid
to the statement it contains.

The committee has not yet arrived at that portion of
their subject which includes the case of the provincial
theatres.

I think it probable that the metropolitan theatres will
occupy them some time longer.

I shall be glad to communicate anything further which
is considered of importance to your clients, and remain, Sir,
Your faithful servant, WM. EWART.

28 MR. EDWARD BULWER.

London, May 28th, 1832.

SIR, — It will afford me great pleasure to present the
petition of Messrs. Hammond and Raymond, and to support
its prayer.

I entirely coincide in their views of the impolicy and
injustice of the existing laws which regulate, or rather
which obstruct, the drama.

They are doubly injurious : to the individuals who con-
duct our theatres, and to the public who frequent them.

The time at which petitions are presented is regulated
by ballot ; and therefore dependent upon chance.

You may rely, however, on every endeavour on my part
to present the petition of Messrs. Hammond and Raymond
before Mr. Bulwer's motion is introduced ; and I will confer
with Mr. Bulwer on the subject of it.

I feel much obliged by the kind expressions which you
use towards me individually, and I remain, Sir,

Your faithful servant, WM. EWART.

Mr. Bulwer was influenced by many important
considerations to make this praiseworthy attempt to
reform the laws affecting the English drama. It was
not merely that the best interests of the performer as
well as of the performance were at stake, but the rights
of the originator of both. As a dramatist he had no
ordinary claims to take the lead in establishing the
value of dramatic composition. The Lady of Lyons
was, we think, not on the boards at this time ; but
the author may have waited for a state of things
better adapted to secure its success when represented.
There is no doubt, however, that the strong claims of
the subject were fully recognised by him, and that his
labours for the advancement both of the art and the
artist were as zealous as they were disinterested. He
is here his own witness : —

THE DRAMATIC QUESTION. 29

Matlock, Derbyshire, October 3rd, 1832.

MY DEAR SIR, — I have been in France and at Lincoln —
very busy in both — since the date of your letter, which
must excuse a delay in replying to it. I write now in a
great hurry, and having mislaid the letter you enclosed to
me, I must trouble you at once to forward this in answer
to it.

My own wish in any Bill on the dramatic question would
be to render it obligatory on the magistrates in their juris-
diction, as- it would be on the Chamberlain in his, to license
any theatre for which the majority of resident householders
in the town or parish should petition. This will suffice to
emancipate the provinces -as the metropolis, and mete out
justice to both. But there will be great difficulty in this
addition, from the opposing voices of many of the com-
mittee. What has already been won was no easy matter.
If I can hope to carry all, I shall try all ; if not, I should
be unwilling to risk much for the chance of getting more.

I would advise the parties in question, Messrs. Raymond,
&c., to petition Parliament at its opening ; to get the peti-
tion strongly supported. They might also correspond with
other country managers to the same effect. This will show
the House that to emancipate London is not sufficient, and
will give additional strength to my hands.

As yet the Bill is in abeyance. Not knowing whether I
shall be in the next Parliament, I cannot presume to pre-
pare for it. But if I should be in the next Parliament,
and think it prudent for the general cause to introduce
regulations for the country managers, I will correspond with
Messrs. Raymond on the subject.

Yours in great haste and truth, E. L. BULWER.

The exertions of Mr. Duncombe were not without
results. In this instance they were really great and un-
remitting, as they were in every important case he
took in hand. He made himself master of the entire
history of the theatre in England, and particularly of

30 SIR JAMES SCARLETT'S OPINION.

the origin and progress of the influence of the Lord
Chamberlain in restricting performances. Having ac-
complished this, he wrote to a member of the Govern-
ment enclosing the opinion of one of the most eminent
counsel at the bar ; but it does not appear that he
obtained much encouragement from him. Mr. Ewart's
note is added : —

The Albany Court-yard, March llth, 1837.

MY DEAR SIR, — According to your request, I enclose you
Sir James Scarlett's opinion, given in 1833, with a copy of
the petition. The Killigrew patent, and the twenty-one years'
licence granted to Messrs. Whitbread and Company, in
1816, are to be found in the appendix to the Dramatic
Literature Committee's Report, made in 1832, pages 239
and 240. The only Act of Parliament that at all bears
upon the subject is the 10 George II. c. 28, whereby a copy
of every dramatic entertainment is required to be sent to
the Lord Chamberlain fourteen days prior to its representa-
tion, under a penalty of 50/., or a forfeiture of the licence
or patent ; and there is no other Act whatever specifying
the days upon which performances are to take place. You
were quite right when you stated that it has been long tlie
custom for theatres to close on Wednesdays and Fridays
in Lent; but this custom has within the last few years
ceased to exist as regards the minor theatres within the
Lord Chamberlain's jurisdiction, and has only continued to
be observed by Drury-lane on account of its having hereto-
fore suited the lessee's convenience to remain closed upon
those evenings. I believe I am only expressing the wish of
the gentlemen connected with the patent theatres, as well as
of the public at large, when I say that they do not desire
that theatres should be open on the following days, viz.,
Ash Wednesday, the whole of Passion-week, Christmas-
eve, and of course Christmas-day. But when we know
what is going on in every portion of this metropolis upon
the days now in dispute, all parties consider the restriction

KILLIGREW'S PATENT. 31

attempted to be placed upon Drury-lane Theatre a gross
piece of humbug, and, as I contend, a stretch of power on
the part of the Lord Chamberlain's department unsanc-
tioned by law. Permit me also to observe that on last Ash
Wednesday, a day that I propose all theatres should be
closed, the Brighton theatre, which is licensed by and under
exactly the same jurisdiction — viz., the Lord Chamberlain —
as the theatres in the city of Westminster, and the Court
at the time residing at the Pavilion, played Charles the
Twelfth, The Maid of Switzerland, and The Vampire. If I
might therefore be allowed to suggest what I think would
be the best course at present to be pursued, looking at the
defective state of the law, and taking into consideration
what has already passed, it would be this, that in the event
of Drury-lane being opened on Friday next, which in all
probability it will be, that no one should give themselves
further concern about it, and the subject be allowed to
drop. I will not, therefore, trouble you further upon the
subject, unless Lord John Russell or yourself should wish
for further information ; in which case, if either you or he
will communicate your wishes, they shall be immediately
attended to by My dear sir, yours very faithfully,

THOS. S. BUNCOMBE.

[CASE.]

Temple, February 19th, 1833.

The patents to Killigrew and Davenant, granted in 1662,
were, about the year 1792, in the possession of the proprie-
tors of Covent-garden, and Drury-lane was then performing
under a limited patent, granted for twenty-one years from
the year 1795, and which would therefore expire in 1816.
Under an arrangement made in 1792, regulating the Opera-
house and the two patent theatres, under the sanction of
King George III. and the late king, then Prince of
Wales, Killigrew's patent was purchased by Drury-lane
Company from the Covent-garden proprietary for 20,000/.
In consequence, however, of some circumstances, not here
necessary to be detailed, the Drury-lane Company did not

32 CAPTAIN POLHILL.

complete their title to Killigrew's patent till the year 1813.
See the accompanying Acts of Parliament affecting Drury-
lane Theatre— 50th George III., cap. 214, 52nd George III.,
1st George IV.

In 1812, the limited patent for twenty-one years from
1816 (a copy of which also accompanies this case) was ob-
tained by the Drury-lane Company. This was done because
the patent granted 23rd George III. had then only a few
years to run ; and as litigation was then going on as to
Killigrew's patent, in consequence of which Drury-lane
Company could not complete their title to it, it was by the
company deemed necessary therefore to obtain this limited
patent in order to give confidence to and protect the public,
from whom they were obtaining subscriptions at this time
to enable them to rebuild the theatre.

Subsequently to their doing this, and about the year
1813, the company completed their title to Killigrew's
patent; and from that time, therefore, they have had the
double authority in their possession of Killigrew's patent
and the last granted limited patent.

A case formerly laid before counsel as to the powers of
the Lord Chamberlain is left herewith as a reference to the
different Acts of Parliament.

It has been the usage of the two patent theatres to re-
strict their performances on Wednesdays and Fridays in
Lent to the representation of oratorios, and to the same
representations on the anniversary of the martyrdom of
King Charles.

In consequence of a theatrical performance having been
advertised at Drury-lane for the evening of the anniversary
of King Charles's martyrdom, in the present year, the
Lord Chamberlain gave a notice prohibiting the perform-
ance.

In consequence of this circumstance, a Captain Polhill,
the lessee of Drury-lane, is desirous of being advised —
Whether the Lord Chamberlain has any power to interdict
dramatic performances on the nights of the days mentioned,
and what his powers are, having reference to both patents,

WEDNESDAYS AND FRIDAYS. 33

in case Captain Polhill should perform on any of the nights
mentioned.

[OPINION.]

Temple, 19th Feb., 1833.

I find nothing in the patents to restrain the authority
of the patentees upon the subject, nor am I aware of any
Act of Parliament that relates to it. The usage has been
very long, and it is possible that some general words may be
found in some Act of Parliament for the observance of these
days which may support the usage ; but unless the statute
is suggested to me, I have not time within the period when
this case is required to look for it. J. SCARLETT.

MY DEAR SIR, — I delivered your letter, together with the
case and opinion enclosed, to Lord John Russell and to
other members of the Government, and it was their opinion
that if the parties interested in Drury-lane Theatre were to
perform on Wednesday or Friday, they would expose them-
selves to all the penal consequences of persons playing
without licence. How far this might affect them, or even
the patent, I do not venture to inquire. I return the case
and opinion. Yours very truly, my dear sir,

T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P. T. SPRING RICE.

Committee-room, House of Commons, June 12th, 1833.

DEAR SIR, — I am sorry to inform you that it will not, I
fear, be possible to extend Mr. Bulwer's Dramatic Perform-
ances Bill beyond the limits which he has already prescribed
for it. I have thought it my duty to move for a general
extension of the bill to the provinces in the committee (on
the bill) in which I am now writing. On a division, the
general opinion of the members of the committee was
against further extension without further inquiry. They
considered that evidence, both on the part of the proprie-
tors of patent theatres and of minor theatres in the pro-
vinces, should be heard, before the power suggested in your
amendment is conferred on the chief magistrate of the
provincial towns. Another objection was taken on the

VOL. II. D

34 FAIR ROSAMOND.

ground of the projected change in our existing corporations,
and the projected establishment of new ones in towns where
no corporation exists at present.

I am disposed to think (as it is clear that we cannot
now carry our point) that a motion should be made for a
select committee to inquire into the state of the provincial
theatres. On this point I shall be happy to hear from you,
and remain, dear sir, Your faithful servant,

WM. EWART.

At the commencement of the session of 1837, Mr.
Duncombe brought forward his bill for the regulation
of theatres. It was to amend an Act that explained
and amended another Act for reducing the laws relating
to rogues, vagabonds, sturdy beggars, and vagrants
into one Act ; and it provided that the Lord Chamber-
lain's preventive authority should be restricted to
Sunday, Christmas-day, Good Friday, and Passion
week. As it was not permitted to pass, it did not
settle the vexed question.

The Lord Chamberlain on the 2nd of March pro-
hibited the new play of Fair Rosamond in Lent.
This produced the following intimation : —

The Albany Court-yard, Monday Morning,
March 6th, 1837.

MY DEAR CONYNGHAM, — The enclosed copy of the Drury
Lane petition has only just reached me, or I would have
sent it to you sooner, in order that yourself and your de-
partment might be put in possession of the grounds of the
lessee's complaint, &c. Under these circumstances perhaps
it would be more convenient to Lord C. Fitzroy if I post-
poned the presentation of it until Friday, within which time,
perhaps, some arrangement may be made that will preclude
the necessity of its being presented at all. Anything that
I can do for peace I shall be most happy. And believe me
Yours most truly, THOMAS S. DUNCOMBE.

LORD CHARLES FITZROY. 35

The Vice-Chamberlain now came forward. The
manager of Drury Lane had announced the per-
formances of Italian operas, and the Lord Cham-
berlain would not permit them. The following cor-
respondence ensued : —

Lord Chamberlain's Office, May 13th, 1837.

The Vice-Chamberlain having been informed that, not-
withstanding his letters of the llth instant, Mr. Bunn
perseveres in advertising the performance of Zingarelli's
opera of Romeo e Giulietta for Wednesday, 17th instant,
requests to know whether the continued advertisement of
that performance at Drury Lane Theatre may not be a
mistake.

T. R. D. L., May 13th, 1837.

MR. BUNN, in reply to the Vice- Chamberlain's letter of
this day, begs to state that he has deemed it of sufficient
importance, in so unprecedented a case as the suspension of
the power of a Royal Patent, to memorialize his most
gracious Majesty, and that the announcement of Romeo e
Giulietta will be continued until his Majesty's final pleasure
shall be known.

Lord Chamberlain's Office, May 14th, 1837.

SIR, — I have it in command, in answer to your memorial
for permission to perform Italian operas at Drury Lane
Theatre, to refer you to my letter of the llth instant; and
agreeable to the directions contained in that letter you will
be pleased to conform.

I have likewise to inform you that the Lord Chamber-
lain's Office is the proper channel of communication with
his Majesty on the subject of theatrical representations.

I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FITZROY, Vice-Chamberlain.
A. Bunn, Esq.

Mr. Duncombe displayed the interest he felt in the
drama by moving in the House of Commons on the

D 2

36 A GREAT BOON.

1st of March, 1839, the following resolution : — " That
it is the opinion of this House that, during Lent, no
greater restrictions should be placed upon theatrical
entertainments within the city of Westminster than
are placed upon the like amusements at the same
period in every other part of the metropolis." It was
put to the vote and carried by a majority of twenty.
This was a great boon to members of the profession
engaged at the principal theatres, who had annually
been deprived of their salaries on Wednesdays and
Fridays during the entire term. The spirited manner
in which he had overthrown a long-lived prejudice
gained him golden opinions from the Liberal press ;
and Lord John Eussell, who had quoted episcopal
authority for maintaining the custom for depriving
actors of a third of their salaries, was sharply
attacked.

The Lord Chamberlain was determined not to
allow his authority to be set at rest ; and again in
1839 a correspondence took place on the subject
between the lessee and another of the Lord Cham-
berlain's officials. The latter asserted that " her
Majesty's Ministers had decided that, until further
instructions to the contrary are issued, no other
than the usual performance of oratorios can be
sanctioned in Lent." It was quite in vain for
Mr. Bunn to state in his reply, that he could not
without heavy loss comply with the pleasure of her
Majesty's Ministers.

Another year promised another warfare between the
contending powers ; but in the first month the
manager of the English Opera House thus addressed
the member for Finsbury : —

APPEAL TO THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. 37

31, Golden-square, 31st Jan., 1840.

SIR, — It is with extreme regret I am induced to intrude
on your privacy at such a moment on a matter of business ;
but as the subject affects the interests of so many indivi-
duals, I trust I shall stand excused in so doing. On apply-
ing to the Lord Chamberlain's office, I have reason to believe
it is the intention of Lord Uxbridge to prevent the prome-
nade concerts at the English Opera House, as well as the
performances at the other theatres under his jurisdiction, to
take place during the Wednesday and Friday nights in
Lent.

As such a prohibition appears to me totally opposed to
the understanding which took place in the House last ses-
sion upon the discussion introduced by you, I am led to
hope it may not be too late to prevent it. I therefore, as
the period is drawing so near, with extreme reluctance
trouble you on the subject, to know if it is probable that
you will be enabled to bring the question again before the
House with reference to the approaching Lent; and to
request, should you be precluded from so doing, that you
will kindly furnish me, if you can do so without incon-
venience, with the day of the month on which you introduced
the subject to the House.

Your most obedient servant, A. S. ARNOLD.

On the 9th of April, 1840, Mr. Buncombe addressed
the House on the presentation of a petition signed by
1400 gentlemen, who had been in the habit of taking
their families to hear an astronomical lecture delivered
at the Opera House during Lent, in Passion week, &c.,
which entertainment had been prohibited. He de-
scribed the number of performances in the shape of
oratorios, ventriloquism, Shakspeare readings, and
orreries, that had been open to the public in Passion
week ; in the face of which, he said, to stop an illus-
tration of the wisdom of the Creator, such as the

38 LORD UXBRIDGE.

lecture offered, was nonsensical. Mr. Fox Maule
and Lord Kobert Grosvenor opposed ; nevertheless, in
a division, Mr. Duncombe was again in a majority,
for his motion for an address to Her Majesty, to
oblige the Lord Chamberlain to withdraw his prohi-
bition was supported by 73 members; there being
but 49 against it. He now, determined to bring
the matter to a satisfactory issue, addressed himself
to another influential quarter, with what result will
be seen in his reply : —

The Albany, Feb. 4th, 1840.

MY LORD, — The numerous and respectable applications
that have recently been made to me in consequence of the
part I took in the House of Commons duriDg the last session
of Parliament upon the subject of theatrical performances
in Lent, will, I hope, be a sufficient apology for my troubling
your Lordship upon the present occasion.

It is stated to me, that although it was universally under-
stood and agreed to last year, " that no greater restrictions
ought to be placed upon theatrical entertainments during Lent
within the city of Westminster than are placed upon the like
amusements at the same period in any other part of the
metropolis," yet it is apprehended that no alteration will
take place this year.

I have uniformly represented to parties expressing such
fears to me that I felt confident their apprehensions were
unfounded.

Your Lordship would, however, confer a great favour
upon those who originally did me the honour to place their
cause in my hands, if your Lordship would, at your earliest
convenience, inform me if I am correct in the conclusion
to which I have come, in order that all doubts and misun-
derstandings upon this subject may be immediately removed.
I have the honour to be,

Your Lordship's obedient humble servant,

THOS. S. DUNCOMBE.

The Earl of Uxbridge.

TESTIMONIAL. 39

Windsor Castle, Feb. 13th, 1840.

DEAR DUNCOMBE, — I send you the formal reply which
you are anxious to have, and hope it is what you want.
In haste. Faithfully yours, UXBRIDGE.

Windsor Castle, Feb. 13th, 1840.

SIR, — In answer to your letter which I had the honour
of receiving last week, on the subject of the theatres being
closed during Lent, I beg to inform you that I have sent
letters to the managers, stating that it will only be neces-
sary to close them during Passion week and on Ash Wed-
nesday.

I have the honour to be,

Your obedient servant, UXBRIDGE.

Mr. Duncombe took the chair at the Shaksperian
Club Festival, held at Her Majesty's Theatre on the
23rd of March, 1841, when he was supported by
many distinguished patrons of the drama. His suc-
cessful efforts in behalf of the theatrical profession
were gratefully acknowledged. They subscribed for
a handsome piece of plate. On the 4th of March,
1841, a deputation, including Sheridan Knowles,
Benjamin Webster, James Wallack, and Frederick
Vining, members of the Haymarket company, waited
upon Mr. Duncombe, and presented him with a silver
cup, cover, and salver, beautifully chased, with his
armorial bearings engraved on one side, and an appro-
priate inscription on the other. Sheridan Knowles
made an eloquent speech on the occasion, and Mr.
Duncombe an effective reply.

We complete the correspondence with a few notes
from persons who were prominent in the proceedings
that had taken place on behalf of the drama : —

40 LORD MAHON.

Mulgrave Castle, 19th October, 1841.

SIR, — I have received your letter of the 16th instant, and
regret to learn that there is any difficulty as to granting a
patent for a second theatre in Liverpool — a measure which
I had consented to recommend after considerable inquiry.
It is, however, impossible for me to do anything in the
matter; and I can only suggest that you should address
Sir James Graham on the subject, representing the
expense which you state you have incurred, under the
impression that the patent was to be granted, and the loss
you will sustain if it should be now determined to withhold
it. I am, sir, your most obedient servant,

NORMANBY.

Grosvenor-place, December 13th, 1842.

LORD MAHON presents his compliments to Mr. Raymond,
and begs to inform him that he has no intention at this
time, or for the approaching session, to introduce a bill for
the regulation of the drama. Nothing can be more de-
fective than the present state of the law, but it involves so
many and such complicated interests, that Lord Mahon has
some doubts whether an effort for its reformation will be
successfully made, except on the part of Her Majesty's
Government.

Queen's Elm, February 22, 1843.

MY DEAR SIR, — Our petition is printed, and Lord
Mahon presents it. A word from Mr. Duncombe to his
lordship would effect your purpose.

The petition of the dramatic authors prays " The repeal
of the Act of George the Second, and to place all the
theatres on a fair and legitimate footing; to prohibit
theatrical performances in the taverns ; and to place all thea-
tres under a censorship, so increasing their respectability. "

There is also a petition from another party, numerously
signed, leading to the same object.

I am, dear sir, yours very truly, B. B. PEAKE.*

* The well-known dramatist.

"SUPERFLUOUS LAGS THE VETERAN." 41

5, Bow Hill Terrace, North Brixton, Feb. 20th, 1843.

SIR, — Permit me to say that within the last few days the
proprietors of the Theatre Royal, Liverpool, have issued a
writ against Mrs. Honey for seven performances at the
Liver. Theatre, to the amount of 350^., in addition to a
former 5QL penalty, from which she has appealed. This has
frightened her so much that her attorney has advised her to
present a petition to the House from herself alone, in addi-
tion to the general one. Mr. Watson (I think member for
Kinsale) has kindly undertaken to present it. / am advised
to get Mr. Ewart to present one from me individually ; Mr.
Buckstone in the same way ; and we are further advised to
have them all presented on the same evening, and together,
if possibly convenient to the members who have kindly
undertaken to assist us. My legal adviser in Liverpool
thinks it desirable to have the general petition sent up so
as to lose no time, for the actions will be tried at the
assizes in Liverpool next month. I will do myself the
honour to wait upon you to-morrow, when perhaps it may
be convenient to you to name an evening that may be most
desirable for the presentation of the petition. I could then
name it to the other honourable members.

I have the honour to be, your very obedient servant,

R. MALONE RAYMOND.
T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P.

During this long period, Mr. Duncombe's experi-
ence of the drama as a looker-on had permitted him
to see singular changes in some of the dramatis per-
sona. Blooming figurantes had become hobbling
grandmothers, and flying fairies sedate matrons. The
new dramatic generation had either less attraction
than their predecessors, or he had become indifferent.
He had long ceased to go behind the scenes ; he
seemed to have forgotten his way to the Green-room.

The English theatres found him becoming a rare
visitant, and the Italian Opera no longer possessed

42 PRINCE GEORGE OF CAMBRIDGE.

the charm that had drawn him nightly to his box. In
the season of 1846 a vacancy occurred in the omnibus-
box, and, as will be seen from the accompanying note,
a member of the royal family particularly partial to
the lyrical drama and the ballet, sought admission into
the select circle : —

Lowndes-street, Feb. 27th, 1846.

DEAR SIR, — I beg to acquaint you that his Royal
Highness Prince George of Cambridge has expressed his
desire to fill the vacancy in the box occasioned by the
resignation of Lord Charleville, and that having consulted
with Lord A. Fitzclarence, Col. Wildman, Hon. J. Mac-
donald, and G. Wombwell, Esq., &c., they consider
it right that his Royal Highness should be at once ad-
mitted without being subject to a ballot.

I have the honour to remain yours,

DONEGAL.

At last, Mr. Duncombe's ill health necessitated a
surrender of the most prized of his social gratifications.
He gave up his nightly attendance at the theatre — a'
serious deprivation to him, in consequence of his deep
interest in the drama, and the gratification he had
for a long course of years been in the habit of enjoying
in theatrical entertainments. It was also with sincere
regret that he surrendered his seat in the opera-box,
in which he had continued " the observed of all ob-
servers" for so many seasons. The regret of his
friends at this proceeding was evidently as genuine as
his own. The Marquis of Donegal again writes : —

Lowndes-street, Sunday.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — I cannot tell you how truly and
sincerely grieved I was to receive your note giving so un-
favourable an account of your health, and expressing the
determination it has imposed upon you of no longer be-

OMNIBUS-BOX. 43

longing to our box. If it be a consolation to you, I am
confident that I speak the sentiments of every member of
it when I say that they one and all deeply lament the retire-
ment of one with whom they have been so long associated,
have passed so many happy and agreeable days, and whose
loss they never can replace. For myself, my dear Tommy,
I can only say that from my earliest intimacy with you, I
have never had but the feeling of sincere friendship, and
as far as in my power lay, I ever strived to prove it.
If for a moment that feeling received a check, I regret it ;
I did all I could to repair it, and I hope and trust that it
is long since forgotten. Sincerely do I hope that you may
derive benefit from the mild air of Devonshire ; and God
grant that you may return to your duties in the spring as
fresh and strong in health as I can wish you. I will with
pleasure write to you all the news I can collect, and shall
experience real and sincere gratification in so doing if 1
can for a moment contribute to your amusement.

Adieu, my dear Tommy, and believe me ever yours truly,

DONEGAL.

CHAPTEE III.

THE DUKE OF BRUNSWICK^ HEIR.

Royal Families of Brunswick and England — Marriages — Arrival in
England of Prince Charles — His English education — He is de-
prived of his tutor and recalled to Brunswick — The Prince
Regent's animosity against his wife's relations — Appropriates the
property of Prince Charles — He attains his majority — Revolu-
tion in Brunswick — Duke of Brunswick's flight and deposition —
Fails in an attempt to re-enter his Duchy — In Paris — Failure of
William IV. and the Duke of Cambridge in the French courts
of law — The Duke in England — Consults Mr. Duncombe —
Slanderous attacks — One of the Duke's calumniators sent to
Newgate — The Duke's Bill of Complaint in the Court of Chan-
cery— His appeal to the House of Lords — Mr. Duncombe's mis-
sion to the King of Hanover — Letters of Baron de Falcke and the
Duke of Brunswick — His Petition to the House of Commons —
Letter to Mr. Duncombe — The Duke's will — His valuables.

THE relations of the Koyal Family at Brunswick
with that of England were rendered closer by two ma-
trimonial alliances — one, that of the Princess Augusta,
the youngest daughter of Frederick Prince of Wales,
father of George III., with Charles William Fer-
dinand, Duke of Brunswick,* whose second son (the

* On Princess Augusta, eldest sister of George III., being mar-
ried to the Duke of Brunswick : — " Be it enacted, &c., by authority
of same : That his said Highness, Charles William Ferdinand, Here-
ditary Prince of Brunswick and Luneburg, be to all intents and pur-
poses whatsoever deemed, taken, and esteemed a natural-born
subject within this realm, any law, statute, matter, or thing what-
soever to the contrary notwithstanding." — 4 Geo. III. c. 5, 1764.

PRINCE CHARLES. 45

first had died without issue) was killed at Quatre
Bras ; and that of his sister the Princess Caroline with
George Prince of Wales (George IV.) The heroic
Duke left two sons, Charles, born at Brunswick on
the 30th of October, 1804, and William, eighteen
months younger. (At the breaking out of the first
French Eevolution the Duke of Brunswick had fled
to England with all the available property he could
carry with him, and invested the proceeds in the
English funds.)

Any one familiar with the court annals of this
duchy must be aware that some of the members of the
reigning family had peculiar characteristics, indulging
in extravagances of behaviour which our insular
notions condemned. As Prince Charles arrived in
England in the year 1809, he was too young to have
betrayed any of these failings offensively ; he there-
fore was honoured with a state reception on his land-
ing at Greenwich, and treated in every respect as a
member of the Eoyal Family.

His father desiring that he should receive an
English education, a talented clergyman of the
Church of England, the Rev. Mr. Prince, was ap-
pointed to be his tutor in 1812 ; and they not only
worked harmoniously together, but became at-
tached to each other. Prince Charles appears to
have been brought prominently before the English
public in the year 1814, when he was selected to lay
the foundation stone of Vauxhall Bridge. As he
could only have been ten years old at this period,
such a performance is scarcely to be commended. In
the same year occurred the visit of the Allied
Sovereigns, his godfathers, their ministers and

46 ENMITY OF THE PRINCE REGENT.

generals, by whom the heir to the Brunswick duchy
must have been regarded with considerable interest.

The Prince was getting on very well with his tutor;
when, owing apparently to the reigning Duke of
Brunswick taking offence at the behaviour of the
English Eoyal Family to his sister the Princess of
Wales, he was abruptly recalled to Brunswick. His
separation from his tutor affected him profoundly ;
and a sense of wrong and injustice obtained possession
of his boyish mind which gave a morbid irritation to
all his after life.

The Rev. Dr. Prince seems to have been badly
used in this transaction. Apparently under this
impression, the Duke of Kent appointed him his
chaplain, and took him to Brussels, where he re-
mained for several years as English resident cler-
gyman, taking pupils, and writing pamphlets detailing
his grievances. He subsequently returned to London,
and died at Old Brompton.

The Prince Regent extended his hatred of his wife
to all her relations, and contracted a particular dislike
to Prince Charles of Brunswick, because when he
was sent for to Carlton House, and prohibited visiting
his aunt, he dared to reply, that his father had
directed him to pay his respects to her Royal Highness
once a fortnight, and that he should continue to do
so till commanded to do otherwise by the same
authority. The Princess Charlotte appeared to en-
tertain a regard for her cousin ; and on his birthday,
1812, presented him with a " History of England" as
a keepsake.

On his way to Brunswick Prince William learnt
the death of his father; and by the arrangements

DESIGNS OF GEORGE IV. 47

previously settled by the Congress of Vienna, lie suc-
ceeded to the duchy. Such a position on a young
and ardent imagination, suffering from recent excite-
ment, still further unsteadied his mind. It was the
Duke's misfortune to have placed over him, in 1819,
ostensibly in the post of tutors, a couple of intem-
perate pedants, who appear to have done their best,
by their tyranny, to keep the temper of their pupil in
a state of chronic irritability. The money in the
English funds was seized, and the conduct of the
King (George IV.) became so equivocal that the Con-
gress of Verona required explanations. The young
Duke complained loudly, and a war of abuse raged
between the printing-presses of Hanover and Bruns-
wick; till the Germanic Federation, in 1828, strove
to put an end to the scandal by a decree against the
younger, and less powerful offender.

When Duke Charles could escape from surveillance
a reaction in his feelings led him occasionally to throw
off all restraint. But that he could conduct himself
as became his exalted rank was evident; when his
Royal Highness attended at Hanover to witness the
marriage of the Duke of Clarence with the Princess
Adelaide of Saxe Meiningen, and subsequently enter-
tained the royal couple for eight days at his castle in
Brunswick.

It has been affirmed that a design was enter-
tained by George IV. for causing Brunswick to
become a portion of the kingdom of Hanover ; and
that his detestation of his brother-in-law not only
made him readily approve of any scheme for the appro-
priation of its revenues, but caused him to spare neither
trouble nor expense to place the youthful Prince in

48 HARSH TREATMENT.

such a position as would render this appropriation
easy and safe. It should, however, be borne in mind
that these are part of the statements subsequently
made by the Duke. The following memorandum also
proceeded from him : —

The Duke never could [obtain] any money during the
life of Geo. IV., and only obtained the same from Wm. IV.
after the Revolution of 1830.

One most extraordinary fact is that the Duke Charles
has never been able to see the testament of his father, and
therefore does not to this day know the exact amount,
although he has received contradictory extracts from the
will. "Wm. IV. admitted that he had only paid a portion
of the money into the funds, and retained the rest for Prince
William, who already had seized the Duke's fortune.*

Duke Charles complained that at the age oi
eighteen he was allowed only three francs a-week
pocket money, and was kept as badly in diet ; and that
having been ordered to go to Lausanne, he was taken
to all the lunatic establishments en route. It is to be
inferred from these revelations that his violence had
led to his being pronounced and treated as insane. It
was also alleged that though, by the laws of Brunswick,
he had then attained his majority, he was not per-
mitted to assume his rights, that he might not offer
an asylum to his aunt. On George IV.'s visit to
Hanover, Prince William was sent to Gottingen, and
Prince Charles to Carlsruhe. He subsequently went
to Vienna, where he renewed his acquaintance with
Prince Metternich, to whom he had been introduced
in London in 1814, and made an arrangement to be
guided by his advice for three years. He also had an

* MS. in the Duke's handwriting.

REVOLUTION IN BRUNSWICK. 49

interview with the emperor, who was convinced that
there existed no reason for considering him insane.

In October, 1823, he entered his capital amidst
general rejoicings, and shared the private property of
the family with his brother. He then visited
Hanover and the Duke of Cambridge ; subsequently
Italy, France, and England. While here he received
the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, and returned to
Brunswick in March, 1826. He went again to the
Austrian capital, and again had a conference with
Prince Metternich; but in 1830 was in Paris when
the revolution broke out which overthrew the elder
line of the Bourbons. This movement spread to
Belgium, and subsequently to Brunswick ; where he
returned only to be the victim of a conspiracy. He
was obliged to fly to England ; and at his departure
his palace was burnt, his banishment and deposition
decreed, and his brother elected to rule in his stead.

During this interval there appear to have been
serious charges brought against him ; but after making
due allowance for revolutionary exaggeration, and for
the animus of those who would profit by his over-
throw, he seems to have conducted himself in a way
anything but creditable. Still it is doubtful whether
on such grounds he ought to have forfeited his civil
rights. The case of the late Mr. Windham was charac-
terized by much the same recklessness, but his relatives
failed in their efforts to deprive him of the control
of his property.

The duke received in England assurances of sup-
port from William IV. and the Duke of Cambridge ;
and the Duke of Wellington advised him to abdicate
for a term of five years, retaining the title of sovereign

VOL. II. E

50 THE DUKE IN PARIS.

and an income of a million francs ; but two or three
months later he resolved to return to his duchy,
having first communicated with the Emperor of
Russia and the King of Prussia. On his way he
narrowly escaped drowning in the Channel, and assas-
sination by the knife at Osterode, near Hanover. He
reached Grotha, and offered attractive promises to his
subjects, but without success. He then proceeded to
Paris on the 12.th of December, Prince Metternich
having assured him that his private property would
be respected. He claimed certain funds in the hands
of bankers, but ascertained that the money had been
stopped by William IV.

Duke Charles then returned to London, and subse-
quently started for Spain. After having been welcomed
to Madrid by King Ferdinand, he wintered at Nice.
He was now assailed by all sorts of accusations —
among others, by a charge of recruiting soldiers for
the Duchesse de Berri. The duke returned to Paris,
whence he was directed to withdraw, on the accusa-
tion of aiding legitimacy ; but remained in conceal-
ment until February, 1833, when he purchased a
mansion, and gave 10,000 francs to the poor. He
was favoured by Lafayette and Odillon Barrot. At
this period it was that William IV. and the Duke of
Cambridge endeavoured to move the law courts in
France to sanction their guardianship of the property
in the possession of the duke.

The Duke of Brunswick having taken a residence
in Paris in January, 1835, he was cited to appear
before the Tribunal de Premier Instance, to surrender all
his property into the hands of the Duke of Cambridge,
in accordance with an arrangement entered into

SLANDER. 51

between the reigning duke and William TV. The
duke defended his own cause ; and the tribunal de-
cided that it had no jurisdiction. As the costs were
necessarily paid by the unsuccessful party to the suit,
the duke's satisfaction was intense.

He was in England in the summer of the following
year, and consulted Mr. Buncombe. The duke placed
great confidence in his judgment, and conferred with
him as to the disposal of the property of which his
relatives had tried to dispossess him. This, according
to his own statement, was enormous.

" Throw dirt enough, and some of it must stick,"
seems to have suggested the slanderous attacks now
made upon him. There is no doubt whatever that
some of it did stick. It was also well known that the
duke was rich, and might be induced to pay liberally
to stop these slanders. The annoyance they caused
could not but have been intolerable, for go where he
would he was sure to be the object of as much
curiosity as a state criminal. Notwithstanding all
the merciless accusations brought against the duke
while in England, the only one supported by a shadow
of proof was — that he wore a beard! It is almost in-
credible the use made of this now familiar appendage
for the purpose of exciting a prejudice against him.
When certain Sunday newspapers failed to convince
their readers that he was a murderer, they had only
to refer to his hirsute chin to satisfy the Anglican
mind of that time that he was an ape and a baboon.

At last the duke turned upon his enemies, and
commenced a criminal prosecution against two of the
most infamous, in December, 1842. True bills were
duly found by the grand jury. It is impossible to

E 2

52 LIBELS.

imagine a more humiliating course than that taken by
the offenders, alternately threatening and wheedling
their prosecutor. His friends were overwhelmed with
the most scurrilous abuse, and everybody known to
have the slightest acquaintance with him assailed by
name with the grossest insinuations. It came out
that the animus of one of his assailants was derived
from a supposition that the duke had caused him to
be hissed off the stage, he having ventured to appear
before the public as a candidate for theatrical honours.

Yet after all this vituperation, when the trial came
on, he pleaded " guilty." The case was one of the
most aggravated kind, and the libeller was sentenced
to imprisonment in Newgate.

The libels were not stopped by this punishment :
calumny had been too profitable to be easily sur-
rendered. The editors of the more respectable news-
papers began to appreciate the disgrace which these
dealers in scandal were inflicting on the profession,
and openly denounced the offenders. Then the most
notorious of them thus assumed the office of censor : —
"The press of this country, and of the metropolis
more especially, is influenced by the most despicable
feelings of malignity : it is truly a house divided
against itself, since its individual members, instead of
elevating and extending its influence by the display of
lofty and generous feelings, rarely omit an oppor-
tunity of wreaking the petty vengeance of personal
hatred, no matter whether it be at the expense of
truth, justice, and honour !"*

Thus wrote the convicted libeller, of those journals
that had held him up to public scorn !

* Satirist, 7th January, 1844.

APPEAL TO CHANCERY. 53

On the 1st of August, 1843, the duke filed a bill
of complaint in the High Court of Chancery, Lord
Lyndhurst being Lord Chancellor. It mentioned the
revolutionary movement, and the decree of the Ger-
manic Diet directing Duke William to assume the
temporary government of the duchy; the compact
between him and William IV. to take Duke Charles's
private fortune out of his control, by placing it under
the guardianship of the Duke of Cambridge, then
viceroy of the adjoining State of Hanover. This
agreement was not only signed by the king and duke
William, but by the dukes of Cumberland, Sussex,
and Cambridge. He complained that, by this illegal
instrument, the viceroy had taken possession of the
entire Brunswick estate, and bought and sold, and re-
ceived large revenues, without rendering him any
account, though there must be a balance in his favour
to the amount of several hundred thousand pounds —
refusing to give such account — appointing certain ad-
ministrators to the property, and giving them instruc-
tions.

Further on the bill states that the defendants to
the suit and their agents seized the following private
property — "Cash at your orator's* bankers, at
Brunswick, Messrs. Sussmann, Herniman, and Co.,
to the amount of 20,000/., or thereabouts ; Prussian
Bonds, in the custody of your orator's said bankers,
to the value of 20,000/., or thereabouts ; Bonds of the
Cortes of Spain, in the custody of the said bankers, to
the amount of 10,000/., or thereabouts; Austrian
Bonds, also in their custody, to the amount of 8000/.,
or thereabouts ; Brunswick State Bonds to the amount

* Quoted from the subsequent Appeal to the House of Lords.

54 BRUNSWICK PROPERTY.

of 100,0007., or thereabouts; furniture, plate, jewels,
private museums, horses, carriages, and divers other
particulars, to the amount in value of 100,000/., or
thereabouts." Together with the rents and profits of
the following real estates, also private property —
" The palace of Richmond, with its park, near Bruns-
wick aforesaid, of great annual value ; several private
houses, and other buildings in Brunswick, also of
great annual value ; and the park and other estates in
Brunswick aforesaid, devised to your orator absolutely
by the will of your orator's grandmother, Augusta,
late Duchess of Brunswick, the sister of his late
Majesty King George III., also of great annual
value."

Then the bill relates the legal proceedings taken
against Duke Charles in France, to secure property of
his then in that country — their failure, and the pay-
ments in consequence the Duke of Cambridge was
compelled to make ; excepting a balance left unpaid,
for which Duke Charles sued him in England in
the Court of Common Pleas, and, after putting in
several pleas, he submitted by paying 2000/. in Sep-
tember, 1848. All these sums, it was complained,
were derived from the rents and profits of Duke
Charles's private property at Brunswick.

The bill then describes his being mobbed and
stabbed in the town of Osterode, in the kingdom of
Hanover, while proceeding to visit his dominions,
whence he was compelled to fly for his life into
Prussia, leaving behind him at his hotel in the town
" cash and notes to the amount of 34,000 crowns, or
about 4500/. sterling — consisting of about 8500 crowns
in Prussian paper, 2 GOO/, in English bank-notes, and

MR. BUNCOMBE HIS ADVOCATE. 55

4000 francs in notes of the Bank of France. These
sums were delivered to the Viceroy and withheld from
him, and only accounted to the Duke of Cumberland
when the Duke of Cambridge gave up " the guardian-
ship" to the former on his becoming King of Hanover.
To be relieved from this control the bill prays for the
interference of the Court, as well as for its assistance
to recover all necessary documents.

The King of Hanover applied to be discharged from
the process ; this was refused by an order from the
Court (12th of August, 1843). Then on the 31st of
the same month he replied by a demurrer, which was
argued before the Master of the Eolls in the following
November; who gave judgment on the 13th of
January, 1844, allowing the demurrer, with costs.
As this defeated the suit on the plea that the Court
had no jurisdiction, Duke Charles appealed from the
judgment of the Master of the Eolls to the House of
Lords, for the following reasons : because the re-
spondent (King of Hanover) was a peer of the realm,
and subject to the jurisdiction of the Court; because
the appellant is a subject of the realm, domiciled in
England, indisputably entitled to claim relief from an
English court of justice ; because his complaint is
cognizable in an English court of justice, and because
his bill makes out a case for equitable relief.

It was after a review of all these transactions in
the duke's career, and with the fullest conviction that
his royal highness had been grievously wronged,
that Mr. Duncombe determined on becoming his
advocate. Before bringing the case for discussion
in the House of Commons, he advised that an attempt
should be made to effect a private arrangement. It

56 KING OF HANOVER.

was impossible for him, after a careful scrutiny of the
facts of the case, to doubt that the duke had been
treated after a fashion that neither law nor equity
could sanction. The award of the Cour Eoyale in
France proved how an independent court of justice
would deal with such arbitrary proceedings. The
more recent defeat in the Rolls Court on technical
grounds was equivalent, in his eyes, to a denial of
justice. Still he desired to take up the subject in a
courteous spirit ; and sent his secretary on a private
mission with the following letter to the King of

Hanover : —

The Albany, December 1st, 1845.

SIR, — His Serene Highness the Duke of Brunswick having
been advised to appeal to the British Parliament for redress
of the various wrongs and illegal deprivation of private pro-
perty which he has sustained, I have been requested to
present, • at the opening of Parliament, a petition to the
House of Commons, embodying at considerable length, and
in very elaborate detail, the grievances of which his Serene
Highness has reason to complain.

But I feel that I should be wanting in courtesy and
respect to your Majesty and the rest of the Royal family,
were I to present this petition without first endeavouring
to assure myself that his Serene Highness had exerted
every means in his power, previous to an appeal to Parlia-
ment, to bring about an amicable adjustment of all matters
in dispute.

With this view, and for this purpose, I have taken the
liberty of despatching Mr. George Smith (my private secre-
tary) to solicit the honour of an interview with your Majesty,
trusting that your Majesty will receive this communication,
as well as any that Mr. Smith may make to your Majesty,
in the same spirit.

I have the honour to subscribe myself,

Your Majesty's very obedient humble servant,

Tuos. S. DUNCOMBE.

HIS COURT. 57

The secretary started on his confidential mission.
There was much tact demanded for the successful
issue of the delicate negotiation entrusted to him.
He could not be unaware of the impracticable character
of the potentate to whom he was accredited, nor
ignorant of his unpromising antecedents, but was
entirely ignorant of the constitution of the Hanoverian
court, and the small probability that existed of his
mission being entertained by either king or ministers.
The first, independently of all other considerations, had
had more than enough of the House of Commons
when Duke of Cumberland and the head of the Orange
lodges ; now he felt himself secure from such control,
and was ready to treat the idea of parliamentary
interference with him with becoming dignity. The
secretary's report and the ensuing correspondence
express the fate of the negotiation : —

British Hotel, Hanover, 14th December, 1845.

I am not getting on here as fast as I could wish, and
very much doubt whether I shall see the king. I have
had interviews with the Baron Malorty, and also with his
Excellency the Baron Falcke, and I have received a letter,
the copy of which is annexed ; and on seeing the Baron
Falcke this day, he has promised to speak to the king to-
morrow morning, and to call upon me at one o'clock. Un-
fortunately the Duke William of Brunswick comes here
to-morrow, to join the king in a wild boar hunt, to which
I have been offered permission to go ; they are going to
kill 200 boars in the " Zoll Park/' You would be aston-
ished how well the Grahamising has made you known on
the continent. In fact you are popular here.

Copgrove, Boro'bridge, December 20th, 1845.

MY DEAR DUKE OF BRUNSWICK, — I have just received
the enclosed, which I take the liberty of forwarding, knowing

58 THE KING OF HANOVER.

that your Serene Highness must be anxious to hear how my
ambassador at Hanover is getting on. He appears to be
well received by the authorities, but to experience, as I
anticipated, much difficulty in obtaining the required audi-
ence. However, I feel confident that he will do all that
can be done to carry out your wishes ; and I think the
ministerial changes here will be favourable to them.

Has your Serene Highness heard a report of the proba-
bility of Prince Louis' speedy release ? If so, what will be
the effect of it on public opinion in France ?

I have the honour to be,

My dear Duke of Brunswick, yours very faithfully,

T. S. D.

The King of Hanover, as soon as he learnt the
business of the messenger from England, stood upon
his dignity : —

[ENCLOSURE.]

Hanover, the 13th day of December, 1845.

Major General Deering presents his compliments to Mr.
Smith, and begs to acquaint him that he has received his
Majesty's most gracious commands to say, that, as his
Majesty cannot communicate with any person, on the sub-
ject alluded to in Mr. Duncombe's letter, with whom he is
not personally acquainted, therefore requests that Mr. Smith
will address himself to Baron Falcke, his Majesty's Privy
Counsellor, who will naturally make his report to his
Majesty, and receive his commands.

Mr. Duncombe, on receiving these communications,
forwarded them to the duke. Another arrived shortly
afterwards, and this settled the affair : —

Copgrove, Boro'bridge, December 21st, 1845.

MY DEAR DUKE OF BRUNSWICK, — Since I had the honour
of addressing you yesterday, I have received the enclosed
official communication from le Baron de Falcke, which has

DUKE OF BRUNSWICK. 59

been forwarded to me from the Albany, where it was left
by a special messenger. Pray oblige me by reading it and
returning it to me, and, at the same time, by informing me
what you think of it, and what you wish me to do. My
reply will of course be entirely guided by an anxious desire
to promote your interests.

I hope they will not dispose of the Sr. Smith among the
200 boars which, in his letter of yesterday, he says he was
invited to see shot.

Yours, &c. &c., T. S. D.

[ENCLOSURE.]

Hanovre, le 15 Dec., 1845.

MONSIEUR, — Relativement a la lettre par vous adressee
en date du ler du courant a sa Majeste le Roi de Hanovre,
dans Pinteret de son altesse serenissime monseigneur le Due
Charles de Brunswick, et dont le Sr. Smith, votre secretaire,
a ete porteur, le roi mon auguste souverain m'a ordonne
de vous informer que, quoique loin de meconnaitre ni
1'attention que vous lui avez teinoignee en cette circonstance,
ni les bonnes intentions qui vous auront guide, le roi s'est
vu dans Fimpossibilite d'admettre Mr. Smith en sa presence
par rapport a une affaire qui n'est aucunement de nature a
pouvoir de la part de sa majeste etre traitee d'une maniere
particuliere et clandestine.

Veuillez agreez, monsieur, ^assurance de mon considera-
tion tres distinguee. LE BARON DE FALCKE.

& Mr. T. Buncombe, M.P. Anglais, k Londres.

Brunswick House, this 23rd December, 1845.
MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, — I return you with many
thanks the enclosed letter from Hanover, which you where
(sic) so kind to forward for my perusal. Receive, my dear
Mr. Buncombe, the assurance of my distinguished consi-
deration. DUKE OP BRUNSWICK.

I this instant receive and likewise return the message

00 HOUSE OF COMMONS.

from Hanover under your address. I thought it would
be so, and mentioned as much to the Sr. Smith, but
he would not part with either my letter or my mes-
sage but to the person's own hands. In every other
respect you will deal with or answer Mr. Falcke at your
pleasure.

It does not appear tliat Mr. Buncombe took any
further trouble in the way of correspondence with the
King of Hanover or his minister. The secretary
came back safe ; and after hearing his further report,
all the documents were carefully read and arranged
for ready reference. In these were included a draft of
the appeal to the House of Lords, which, when
printed, extended to twenty-two folio pages. Mr.
Duncombe made abstracts from all, and took a great
deal of trouble to be master of the case.

On his return to town for the session he conferred
with the duke and his solicitors, and then drew up
a petition to the House of Commons with the object
of presenting it, and moving for a committee of
inquiry.

In the session of 1846 he presented a petition
from the duke to the House of Commons, com-
plaining of the injuries he had suffered at the hands
of his relatives, and including documents in sup-
port of his allegations.* He also complains of
having fruitlessly had recourse to legal proceedings,
as well as addressed unavailingly the German Con-
federation to insist on the carrying out of the sixty-
third article of the treaty of Vienna, by which

* The one printed by order of the House of Commons for the use
of members, 10th July, 1846, abounds with errors. We have one
before us carefully corrected by the duke's hand.

ALLEGATIONS. 61

his duchy was guaranteed to him ; and now appeals,
as a last resource, to the justice of a British House
of Commons.

The petition is dated the 28th of May, 1846.
Afterwards Mr. Duncombe moved, " That the petition
of his sovereign highness the Duke of Brunswick,
&c., be referred to a select committee, to report their
opinion thereon, together with the evidence, to the
House."

It may be advanced that the allegations put forth
by the Duke are entirely ex parte ; but it is long since
they were made public, and no disproof of them has
been attempted. The result of the trials in the French
courts of justice sufficiently indicates the legal opinion
of the case in one properly constituted tribunal, and
the judgment in the analogous Windham case, in
another. Whatever may be the amount of eccentri-
city or the degree of moral turpitude a man may ex-
hibit, in no country does this constitute a right of
interference in the disposal of his property by his
relations, unless clear evidence can be established of his
being mentally incapable of managing his own affairs.
This was the view likely to be taken of the case by
the readers of the duke's petition to the House
of Commons. On the back of a printed copy
we find in his handwriting the following merno-
r&ndum : —

It may be remarked by Mr. Duncombe that as England
deprived me of my duchy and private fortune, if it will not
get the latter back for me, I should have as much right to
a considerable pension from this country as the Indian
princes whom England deprives of their country, and who
enjoy considerable revenues for their loss, and a much

62 LORD PALMERSTON.

greater right than those members of my royal family
who, already enriched through my spoil, receive moreover
large revenues from England in the shape of pensions,
vide —

Cumberland and son, at Hanover; Cambridge, son, and
daughter; while I actually spend what I have HERE.

The presentation of the Duke of Brunswick's peti-
tion did not produce the desired effect. Mr. Dun-
combe was unremitting in his exertions to serve him ;
but owing to his injudicious and eccentric spirit, suc-
cess was difficult. His temper was uncertain, his
judgment capricious, and his ideas were as frequently
under the dominion of personal vanity as of personal
prejudice. Mr. Duncombe was again induced to pre-
sent a petition from the duke to the House of Com-
mons in the following session. Again he laboured to
induce Parliament to interpose in behalf of his client ;
but his client had contrived to create so general an im-
pression of his being a mauvais sujet as well as a mauvais
souverain, that little advantage was to be anticipated.
The appeal to the House of Lords had been with-
drawn till the effect of Mr. Duncombe's motion for
inquiry had been ascertained.

Towards the termination of the session of 1847 the
result of Mr. Duncombe's advocacy began to bear
fruit. Negotiations were again opened under the
happiest auspices. He was anxious to leave the im-
portant questions at issue to the settlement of Prince
Mettermch and Lord Palmerston, and the secretary's
services were again in requisition. But the prince, it
appears, did not approve of the terms submitted to
him, and Lord Palmerston in consequence was likely
to decline acting as referee, as proposed. In reply to

LAW OF MIGHT. 63

a suggestive communication from the member for
Finsbury, the duke wrote :—

Brunswick House, this 10th of August, 1847.

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, — I hasten to acknowledge your
letter of yesterday afternoon. Several conversations and
some writings have taken place on the subject it discusses,
between your secretary, Mr. Smith, and myself. He will
have informed you of my views, and placed in your hands
my writings. I will add a few new facts which have struck
me. You say with great justice in your letter that an
opportunity must not be given to Lord Palmerston to
oppose my claims in Parliament on the ground that negoti-
ations are going on elsewhere; but when do you think will
he be better able so to do, now that Prince Metternich has
refused those terms Mr. Smith was instructed to submit to
him ? and which you will have a right to say he refused,
not because of any particular claim named, for Smith was
only instructed to demand my fortune, and Lord Palmerston
as an umpire, to decide in what that fortune consisted ; so
you clearly see that the pecuniary claims cannot be meant
when Prince Metternich writes, " Proposals such as you
make," or when such negotiations should actually have been
set on foot and not brought to a close. That is all my
enemies want, and nothing will be easier for them than to
protract for 17 years longer a state of things that dates
since 1830.

Receive, my dear Mr. Buncombe, the assurance of my
distinguished consideration.

DUKE OF BRUNSWICK.

It is not easy to understand by what legal authority
the duke was deprived of his private fortune at Bruns-
wick ; for even in the case of dispossessed continental
princes such property has almost always been re-
spected. The law of might, whether exercised by the
Germanic Diet or the King of Hanover, can scarcely

64 LEGAL OPINIONS.

be considered sufficient authority in the nineteenth
century, and according to the German legists con-
sulted by the duke there was no other law to be re-
ferred to. It is a pity that the case was not submitted
to independent arbitration, that the scandal of these
criminations might have been avoided, for those by
whom they have been read have been forced to come
to the conclusion that royal families are not free from
the unworthy feelings that create quarrels about
money or money's worth among humbler folk.

The whole of the next paper is in the duke's hand-
writing : —

Legal Opinions of Sergeants- at-law, Lynkeer of Brunswick,
and Nicol of Hanover, on the Non-competency of the
Tribunals of those Countries to decide in the Robbery
Question of Duke Charles's Private Fortune : —

In olden times, and before the dissolution of the Holy
Roman Empire of Germany by Napoleon, the reigning
princes of Germany could only be sued before the imperial
high court of justice. Since then, they can only be sued
before their own tribunals in questions of their private
estates, or such cases into which they could likewise have
been involved if they had been private individuals, but they
cannot be sued for anything they have done in their capacity
of sovereign, or for any goods they are only come possessed
of in that quality. Well aware of these facts, both William
IV. of England, as King of Hanover, and William the
Usurper of Brunswick, issued their joint interdiction of
Duke Charles, and the seizure of his highnesses private for-
-tune, in the shape of a treaty, and had this treaty inserted
into the laws of Hanover and Brunswick — laws against
which the tribunals of the countries are not only powerless,
but which they are obliged by oath to enforce, good or bad.
The question if a law or an order in council has been legally
given or not, is beyond the competency of the tribunals,

FAMILY ARRANGEMENTS. 65

and ought to be answered by the German Diet. In our
opinion, Duke Charles can only make good his claims at
the German Diet, or otherwiss politically. The King of
Hanover and Prince William of Brunswick may pretend
they only acted in pursuance of directions from the German
Diet, although they certainly do not mention doing so in
their treaty of the 6th and 14th of February 1833, and
although the decree of the German Diet of 2nd December
1836 does not authorize them, for it only mentions the
government of the duchy. There is no doubt that the
right of high guardianship which used to be exercised by
the Emperor of Germany, in the style it is in England by
the Lord Chancellor, has become invested in the sovereign
princes of Germany ; but then again the legitimate sovereign
of Brunswick alone could ordain a guardianship over a mem-
ber of his family, and no one else. But here again the
question would have to be decided, who is the sovereign of
the duchy of Brunswick? This question is evidently not
one for the competency of the Brunswick or Hanoverian
tribunals. Prince William has usurped and exercises the
sovereign power with the consent of the German Diet, and
under the protection and acknowledgment of Hanover. The
subservient tribunals of those countries cannot, and would
not, interfere in favour of Duke Charles of Brunswick.

On the 7th September 1830 a revolution broke out
against the sovereign Duke Charles of Brunswick, which
had been long before prepared by a conspiracy, at the head
of which was the Duke's only brother, the Prince William.
This conspiracy was countenanced, ay, even wished for, by
the Fourth William, then King of England, and his brothers,
the Dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge, who
thereby came one step nearer to the rich inheritance of a
sovereign duchy and an enormous private fortune; for by
the existing state and family treaties the surviving branch
of the house of Brunswick is to enter into possession of the
states of the other, and, by being the nearest relation, also
in possession of all private property, if not particularly other-
wise disposed of. It now so happens that there are only

VOL. II. F

66 WILLIAM IV.

two remaining princes of the elder branch of the house of
Brunswick, Duke Charles and Prince William. The first,
put aside by force, the second alone remains, easy to remove
by stratagem. But now, under what pretence could Wil-
liam IV., or his successor, the King of Hanover, put him-
self in possession of the private fortune of Duke Charles,
who certainly, if left to himself, would otherwise dispose of
it, even after having by force seized his duchy ? For it has
never been admitted that the right of making a revolution
extends to robbing the Prince of all means of existence.
So we see in France, Charles X. and his family remain in full
possession of their private fortunes ; yes, even Napoleon was
left in the undisturbed possession of his fortune in France,
after the loss of his crown. Not so with the Duke of
Brunswick ; against him the following plan was adopted to
empty his, and fill the pockets of his royal relatives. The
Prince William of Brunswick is a man of weak understand-
ing, and was therefore, in so far, easily fooled by the King
of England that the latter got all power over Duke Charles's
private fortune to himself alone. It was given to understand
by the King to Prince William, that he should make the Par-
liament of Brunswick seize upon his brother's private fortune
in that country, under the pretence that this sovereign had
sold estates, forests, palaces, and so forth, which he had no
right to dispose of. This first step taken, the second, also by
advice of the King, soon followed ; this was, for the Prince
William to declare to the Parliament that they should give
up to him all goods, estates, palaces, and cash seized by
them belonging to Duke Charles, for which Prince William
would make himself answerable towards the Parliament. Now
comes the thing most serious, and last step taken by Prince
William and King William together in public, before which
till then, as appears by this account, King William had not
yet done anything till he thought his moment was arrived.
On the 6th and 18th of March 1833, both issued a deed
or treaty under their respective seals and signatures, de-
claring that their much beloved brother and cousin, Charles
Duke of Brunswick, was insane, and that they therefore had

BRUNSWICK HOUSE. 67

felt it their duty to take upon themselves the heavy burden
of his private fortune, and appointed the Duke of Cambridge
as the keeper as well of the property as his Highnesses per-
son. To this deed the Prince and the King had invited and
obtained the consent and signature of their Highnesses the
Dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge. The private
fortune belonging to Duke Charles,* seized at Brunswick, and
now under the control of the Duke of Cambridge, amounts
to a large sum — to several millions of pounds sterling.

The Duke during the period he lived in London
occupied Brunswick House, New-road, and enjoyed
all the agremens of town life. He mixed much in gay
society, though permitting few intimacies, and was in
his expenses a curious compound of extravagance and
parsimony, of prodigality and avarice. While in-
vesting enormous sums in the purchase of precious
stones and foreign stocks, he is said to have neglected
paying accounts that had long been over due.

He executed a will in favour of Mr. Duncombe, to
whom he professed a profound attachment. The
member for Finsbury had often given him good advice,
and quite as frequently had endeavoured to keep him
out of scrapes ; but whatever was the extent of re-
gard these services may have inspired, his Royal
Highness's detestation of his nearest relations in-
fluenced him more than anything in such a disposi-
tion of his property. Mr. Duncombe by the provisions
of this testament was left the whole of the Duke's
personality, the value of winch we will presently show.
The will appears to have been made in good faith,
and with the understanding that Mr. Duncombe was

* His Serene Highness Prince Charles Frederick Augustus
William, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, and a General in the
British service.

p 2

68 DUKE OF BRUNSWICK'S WILL.

the heir, not only of what the testator possessed, but
of all to which he had a claim— the securities, the
precious stones, and the territory of his duchy.
We append the document : —

I, Charles Frederick Augustus William, Sovereign Duke
of Brunswick and Luneburg, now residing at Brunswick
House (late Harley House), Brunswick Place, New Road,
Regent's Park, in the parish of Marylebone, in the county
of Middlesex, being in sound mind and health of body, do
declare this to be my last will and testament. I do hereby
revoke all other wills and testamentary papers by me here-
tofore made. I desire, after my death, that my executors
hereinafter named shall cause my body to be examined by
three or more proper surgeons, or physicians, to ascertain
that I have not been poisoned ; and thereupon to report in
writing the cause of my decease ; then to be embalmed, and
if found advisable for the conservation of my body, 1 wish
to be petrified according to the printed paper enclosed with
this my will. I further desire that my funeral shall be con-
ducted with all the ceremony and splendour becoming my
legitimate position of Sovereign Duke of Brunswick, as
far as the same may be allowed or is permitted in
England ; and that I be deposited in a mausoleum to be
erected of marble in Kensal Green Cemetery, and where-
upon a statue and monument shall also be erected, accord-
ing to the drawing to be hereafter annexed to or enclosed
in this my said will ; and that my executors shall cause the
said statue and monument, or mausoleum, to be erected
and made of the materials described in the document so
annexed or enclosed, and that the work of art thus de-
scribed shall be executed by some of the first artists in
England. And I also direct, that all my just debts,
funeral, and testamentary expenses, be paid and satisfied
by my executors hereinafter mentioned as soon as con-
veniently may be after my decease, and subject to the con-
dition that they shall enter into no compromise of any sort
with my unnatural relatives (the usurper, William of Bruns-

HIS HEIR. 69

wick, the King of Hanover, the Duke of Cambridge), or any
of my family, their servants, agents, or any one else ; but,
on the contrary, I direct my said executors to use all
means, both legal and parliamentary, to possess and recover
my property in Brunswick and elsewhere after having seized
that in England ; and subject to their respecting and carry-
ing out any codicil or codicils I may further leave in favour
of those who may console my last moments. And whereas,
Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, Esq., M.P. for the borough of
Finsbury, and George Thomas Smith, Private Secretary to
the said Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, having severally
afforded me great assistance in prosecuting my case in the
House of Commons, for the purpose of vindicating my
character from the vile aspersions and slander which has
been so industriously promulgated by the members of my
family, and taking the above into my consideration, as well
as any further valuable trouble, and perhaps necessary out-
lay, in executing this my last will and testament, I do
hereby give and bequeath unto the said George Thomas
Smith the sum of thirty thousand pounds, sterling money,
from my general personal estate, to be paid to him the
said George Thomas Smith, free from legacy duty,
immediately after my decease, for his own absolute use and
benefit. And further, I do hereby give and devise unto
the said Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, all and every — the
castle, houses, messuages, lands, tenements, hereditaments,
whatsoever and wheresoever situate ; my diamonds, jewels,
plate, pictures, horses, carriages, china, household furniture,
linen, wearing apparel, books, papers, correspondence ; and
also all and every sum and sums of money which may be
in my house, or about my person, or which may be due to
me at the time of my decease ; and also all other — my
monies invested in stocks, funds, and securities for money,
book debts, money on bonds, bills, notes, or other secu-
rities ; and all the rest, residue, and remainder of my
estates and effects, whatsoever and wheresoever, both real
and personal, whether in possession, remainder, reversion,
or expectancy, particularly that important part of my for-

70 CURIOUS BEQUESTS.

tune retained by force in my hereditary Duchy of Bruns-
wick, for his own absolute use and benefit. And I
nominate, constitute, and appoint the said Thomas Slingsby
Duncombe and George Thomas Smith to be the executors
of this my last will and testament. And I do hereby
further direct that my executors, immediately after my
decease, shall enter into my present residence, or any
other place of abode at which I may be residing at the
time of my decease, and shall forthwith take into their
custody and possession all my said estate.

And I declare this to be my last will and testament.

In witness, &c.
Dated this 18th day of December, 1846.

Witnessed by Mr. CHAS. F. ARUNDELL, solicitor.

Mr. WALTER E. WM. GOATLEY, solicitor, and

Mr. JOHN MILES, clerk to Mr. Arundell,
3, Cork Street, Burlington Gardens.

The provision in this document for the preservation
of the testator's body after death, is one of those
eccentric fancies to which his mind was constantly
submitting. The process of petrifaction is so well
known, particularly to the visitors at Knaresborough,
that it need not be described. We are not aware,
however, of its ever having before been selected for the
purpose to which the Duke of Brunswick seemed
desirous of applying it. As regards the bequests, they
will doubtless be considered equally extravagant.
They are only to be understood with reference to his
Royal Highness's intense desire to disappoint the ex-
pectations of his relatives, and as, in the testator's
opinion, a proper way of showing his sense of the in-
estimable services that had been rendered him by the
legatees.

The Duke of Brunswick, in his contest with his
assailants, could not be satisfied with replying to the

EXAGGERATIONS. 71

libels complained of. He insisted on conducting his
own case, and when addressing the jury, chose to de-
tail the whole of his history. He also printed his
speeches, and circulated them as widely as he could.
The effect was quite contrary to what he had desired.
The juries and the public became tired of such repeti-
tions, and considered that he was merely taking these
opportunities of coming before the public for thrusting
his quarrels with his family down their throats. A
prejudice against him was the consequence, under the
influence of which it became in vain for him to con-
tinue his prosecutions. In one instance a shilling
damages was the award he obtained. This did not
deter him from pursuing the same course in another
case. It was in vain the judge during the trial
warned him of the mischief he was doing himself.
Sir Frederick Thesiger, the opposing counsel, took
advantage of his imprudence, and the jury returned a
verdict " for the defendant."

Unfortunately for the duke, when he wrote about his
grievances, he could not resist the impulse to employ
language as offensive as it was intemperate. This
served to keep aloof from him persons whose influence
and talents might have been advantageously employed
in his behalf; it also caused others who entertained a
favourable opinion of his case to withdraw their sup-
port. While judicious friends were endeavouring to
bring the quarrel to an amicable settlement, he would
suddenly give fresh provocation. For instance, at the
very time when Mr. Duncombe was most desirous to
propitiate the House of Commons, the duke issued a
manifesto in English, and a longer one in German, in
a style that inevitably suggests to the indifferent and

72 A PROCLAMATION.

calm- minded reader a certain melodramatic hero. We
quote the English version : —

Duchy of Brunswick. — Proclamation.

We, Charles, by the grace of God Sovereign Duke of
Brunswick and Luneburg, do hereby declare as follows : —

Whereas it has come to our knowledge that the present
revolutionary Government, "which succeeded in the year
1830 in establishing itself in Brunswick by an attempted
assassination of our person, setting fire to our palace, and
subsequently seizing all our estates and real property,
under the pretext of a curatorship for our benefit, aided
by those self-elected curators who render no account of
their curatorship, purport defrauding not only ourselves,
but also the citizens, peasants, and others of Brunswick,
by attempting to parcel and sell in lots those our domains ;
as a caution to any person or persons who may so attempt
to purchase, we hereby forewarn all such parties as may
feel so disposed, that we shall not recognise such sales,
but re-seize all such our lands and domains, in whatever
hands we may find them, they being our rightful property
inherited by us from our forefathers. We have never given
up our domains to any one, and, therefore, all purchasers
will be punished with the utmost severity of the law as
aiders and abettors of the said revolutionary Government
of Brunswick and those self-elected curators to whom the
above refers.

In regard to those swindling traitors who wield the arbi-
trary power of robbers at Brunswick, they are fully aware
that the scaffold and the headsman await their doomed
heads, and that their estates, enriched through our spoil,
will be confiscated to answer for their larcenies. We here
again repeat, in virtue of those sovereign rights secured to
us by the treaty of Vienna, and guaranteed by all the
Powers of Europe, and which we never have and never will
abdicate, our annual protest against that infamous usurpa-
tion and foul state of things in our legitimate Duchy of
Brunswick. In proof of which we have hereunto set our

BRUNSWICK PROPERTY. 73

hand and large state seal at London, this first day of the
month of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and forty-seven, and of our reign the thirty-
third. (L. s.) CHARLES D.

The duke had an irresistible passion for diamonds,
and had already made a superb collection. His wealth
in securities was also very large, and all had been se-
cured in bags ready for removal. The following is a
list that was given to Mr. Duncombe on the llth of
May, 1847 :—

Schedule of the Duke of Brunswick's Valuables.

Mississippi and Maryland .... £16,000

Massachusetts 50,000

Louisiana, A 20,000

„ B 10,000

„ C 10,000

D 10,000

„ Planters' Association. . . 14,000

Brazilian 15,000

Russian 50,000

Bullion 150,000

F. Rentes 40,000

Belgique 20,000

Ingots 20,000

Notes and bills 200,000

£625,000

Jewellery and plate, &c £300,000

To Mr. Duncombe's secretary was confided every
particular respecting the number, nature, and value of
this property ; and he was to have charge of the whole
in any emergency that should oblige its possessor to
absent himself from its place of deposit, or require its

74 THE DUKE'S VALUABLES.

removal. That emergency came in 1848, and the
following narrative describes the feelings of its tem-
porary custodian while taking possession : —

Monday Afternoon, March 13th, 1848.

On Saturday night I was occupied for five hours making
a catalogue of the bonds, &c., now in my care. I have
money to the amount of 200,000/., and gems, &c., to the
amount of 90,000/.,* and all was safe at my house this
morning when I left, and I hope will be there when I
return. You will say, " Where is the rest ?" I will tell
you as far as I know. First, the bankers have just pur-
chased for him at a low figure, 40,000/. Russians ; there-
fore they have not yet been delivered. Then Andlau has
the 90,000/. Three per Cents., French, which he is going
to change in Paris for Five per Cents. Aridore, the
Belgian agent, has 62,000 Belgians to change either for
others or to be paid off; but where the 60,000 Louisiana
are I know not — at least, I could not ask him too much, or
he would have got frightened. I have only one saddle-bag,
No. 4, and if your brother Henry will lend me his brougham
to go in, / will show him all. Now, then, for your assist-
ance. After he had decided what he would entrust me with,
he started ; in fact, he told me that before then his fear
had been of my house being destroyed by fire, and the
paper-money thereby lost. I, fearing to lose the oppor-
tunity, said I had got (which I have) an iron chest, but
alas ! mine is too small, and I am compelled to keep the
saddle-bag in a cupboard— perfectly safe, except against
fire. I want your permission to move your iron chest, till
I deliver up the treasure again. My reason for making
this curious request is this : he might perchance come to
my house to look and see that it was all safely deposited in
iron. I fear, on looking at your iron box, that I shall not
be able to get the saddle-bag in, but 1 may the money, &c.

* Or thereabouts ; in fact, I believe I have all the diamonds and
also all his other gems.

A GOOD OMEN. 75

by packing close ; and the most important part of the
subject is this : the 50,000 Massachusetts coupons are due
the 1st of April, and he said — "You can bring them to me
and I will cut off the coupons." I said — " If your highness
has no objection I will do so." He said — " Yes, that is
capital ; all those large bonds you might (if your box will
hold them) take charge of, and cut off the coupons as they
fall due and pay them to me." This opens the door to the
following arrangement, viz. : he said — " You might manage
all those matters for me should I go to Paris, and even if I
remain here in London all the large loans might be so
deposited ; but," he added, " I will think about it." One
thing is a fact; that I have in genuine good securities a
tolerable good sum now in my house, and really if he would
allow all the large loans (and which he does not for the pre-
sent purpose think of changing) to be at my house it would
be a grand thing for us at his death, and they would be just as
safe as with him, for I would not touch one shilling until I
felt I was entitled to it by his death. After all, he cannot
be so suspicious as we fancy, else why should he trust ME
with so large a sum ? The only thing he seemed to fear
was the possibility of incurring a debt to me for the trouble,
and I assured him that it would be a pleasure to do so for
him, which fact I think you can testify. He begged I
would not bring them to 5A, for fear, he said, of
Sloman & Co. I left his house at 1 o'clock after mid-
night, and was compelled to walk to Oxford Street before I
could get a cab. When in the cab my fancy ran upon the
excitement I should feel if the bags with the treasure had
been with me in a cab under different circumstances, viz.
the starting to join you. I cannot but think it a good
omen that some of it should be with us, and it must, I am
sure, please you to think that his confidence has not in the
least diminished. Pray don't forget to say whether I may
use the iron box at my house ; there is nothing in it but
THE WILL, and where so fit a place as that which contains
the documentary powers of disposing of the money, for the
money ? You recollect, no doubt, some years ago a

76 STRANGE COINCIDENCE.

political work called " The Adventures of a Guinea/' in
which the guinea holds conversation with all the other
pieces of coin he meets in the pockets of his different
owners ; taking that view, I should like to hear the con-
versation between the will and No. 4 saddle-bag. It would
of course begin as to the right of precedence ; the will
arguing that it ought to be kept at the top, and not run
the risk of being crushed by base, sordid, filthy lucre — all
those terms are applied to both good and bad bonds.
However, to humour the will, I think it ought to be at the
top.

P.S. — What a strange coincidence that I should be on
the point of asking his permission to submit the gems to
H. J. D. and that they should come into my possession
without my having to make the request. The Sunday
post came all safe, on the DAY INTENDED.

CHAPTER IV.

THE PRESIDENT AND HIS FRIEND.

Secret missions to France — Report to Mr. Duncombe on affairs of
D. B. and L. N. — Letter from Count Orsi — The President's
addresses — Duke of Brunswick crosses the Channel in a bal-
loon— Letter of Lord Palmerston — Frightful struggle in Paris —
The Duke regrets leaving England — His valuables — Position of
the President — The Duke's horses — The Parisians after the coup
d'Gtat — Difficulty of seeing the Prince — The secretary returns
home — State of Europe — The President and the Jesuits — The
Duke's references to Mr. Duncombe — Letter of Count Orsi on
the violence of the English press — Sensation produced in Eng-
land by the coup d'etat — Mr. Duncombe's opinion — Lord John
Russell's dismissal of Lord Palmerston — Rumoured cause of
his unpopularity at Court — Negotiations — The Duke writes to
the Journal des Debats.

DURING the years 1S48-9 Mr. Duncombe's continued
ill-health prevented his taking any prominent part in
politics. He rarely visited town, and remained only
a day or two — staying in the country, and constantly
having recourse to his physician. His secretary
visited him repeatedly, and went to Boulogne and to
Paris several times on private missions. It became
necessary to forward as much as possible the carrying
out the arrangement entered into between the high
contracting parties to the treaty made at Ham. The
negotiations were continued by the same agent. He
was in Paris in November, 1849, whence he forwarded

78 PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON.

this despatch, taking with him a silver eagle as a
present from the Duke to the President : —

6, Rue Duphot, St. Honore", December 5th, 1849.

I have this instant left the President, and on my return
here found your note, which delighted my heart, I assure
you. I have settled the treaty matter — I have arranged
for the letter of invite — I have got back the " national
shares/' and on which there is 200/. to receive on the 15th
instant ; and, in fact, I have done all but raise troops, which,
being the point most wanted, will be the most difficult to
satisfy HIM upon. However, L. N. has I say behaved
very well. He has pointed out to me how little power he
has while the present Chamber exists; for they are as
puissant as him, and can make laws and issue ordon nances
without him. Therefore, he says, until it is dissolved he can
do nothing respecting the treaty.

figurez-vous the state they have been in for ten months
— all soldiering, and no manufacturing, but selling all in
foreign markets, and then you will understand how little of
the usual Parisian novelties are to be found !

I have quite done here, but must write to England to
D. B.* for an authority re the national ; and as soon as I
get that, and settle the matter with L. N/s foster-brother,-)-
I shall start for Angleterre. I shall see the regt. first,
as L. N. has arranged for the date of the letter of invite,
and that must not be too old when delivered. I think
L. N. is well settled, and that in twelve months he will be
an emperor — £a c'est entre nous !

The negotiations continued, the President too much
occupied with the affairs of a great nation passing
through a terrible crisis to devote to it much atten-
tion, but expressing willingness to come to a satisfac-
tory settlement as soon as he could be put in posses-
sion of the nature and extent of the claim against

* Duke of Brunswick. f M. de Mornay.

DUKE OF BRUNSWICK. 79

Mm. Lord Palmerston, it seems, was to be drawn
into the arrangement, as well as the Emperor of
Russia. This, however, refers to the projected resto-
ration of the duchy, in which neither was likely to
interfere : —

Extract from Count Orsi's* Letter of the 22nd February, 1850.

I have had a very long conversation with the P

respecting the affairs of the D , and I think that every-
thing will be settled to the mutual satisfaction of both

parties. I must say that I found the P in excellent

disposition to act with energy and activity in this matter;
but you must back him in a more effectual way.

It is the intention of the P to open an active nego-
tiation with Lord P.,f and to induce his lordship to act
jointly with him in this affair. He will do the same with
Russia ; for it would appear by the despatches recently re-
ceived that you are not in the right channel.

Now if you will do what I tell you to do, and this
quickly, and in a statesman-like way, I can assure you that
the wishes of the duke will be satisfied ; but act quick, and
lose no time. You must forward, as early as you possibly
can, " a memorandum containing the claims of the duke,
and drawn in such a way as to put things in a straight,
clear, and business-like view/' This memorandum should
be backed by a copy of all such documents (if any) as will
put Lord P. and the P in full possession and know-
ledge of all the facts connected with it.

In printed copies of the President's addresses Mr.
Duncombe has underlined or struck out certain pas-
sages. For instance, in the one dated "Elyse'e
National, Nov. 12, 1850," he has crossed out the
last four paragraphs, and underlined the words " sur-

* One of the witnesses to the agreement executed at Ham.
f Lord Palmerston.

80 THE DUKE IN A BALLOON.

prise or violence," in the following sentence : — " But
whatever may be the solution of the future, let us
understand each other, in order that it may never be
passion, surprise, or violence that shall decide the fate
of this great nation." And the words " may be per-
petuated" in the following — " The most noble and the
most dignified object of an elevated mind is not to
seek, when one is in possession of power, by what ex-
pedients it may be perpetuated" As well as the sub-
sequent assurance, " / have honestly opened my heart to
you" He must have known that these were Napo-
leonic ideas, and have made allowances.

Mr. Duncombe's secretary was again sent to Paris
in October, 1850, but made only a short stay. He
was, however, frequently coming and going, and the
important interests at stake were often discussed be-
tween them. There seems to have been little else
going on for which Mr. Duncombe cared. All his
former pursuits, all his old amusements, all his custo-
mary gratifications were rapidly becoming " flat, stale,
and unprofitable ;" a drive in a pony carriage varied the
constant medical visits and ever-changing remedies.
Politics had little attraction for him. When the
Whig government again fell to pieces, he writes in his
Diary, " Lord John Russell and Co. resigned ;" and
when they return to power, " The Russell clique back
in office."

The Duke of Brunswick had returned to London,
and had taken up aeronautics as a hobby. On the
3rd of March, 1851, his Royal Highness ascended
with Green in a balloon, and descended at Gravesend ;
and on the 24th he went with Mr. Duncombe's
secretary to Hastings. The latter thence went to

LORD PALMERSTON. 81

Paris in charge of the duke's heavy baggage. The
duke found himself in legal difficulties, and an appli-
cation was made in his behalf for the interference of
the British Government.

It was the receipt of this communication that made
the duke resolve on taking up his permanent resi-
dence in France, apparently to evade some proceedings
commenced against him in one of the English courts
of law. He put the design in execution in a novel
but characteristic manner, crossing the Channel in a
balloon.

The answer to his friend's note to the Minister was
as follows : —

C. G., 20th November, 1851.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — I am sorry to say we cannot assist
the Duke of Brunswick in the matter mentioned in your
note. Foreign princes are, like our own, liable to the laws
of this country while they are in it, and the Government
has no power to interfere in regard to legal proceedings in
which a foreign prince is concerned, or to stay those pro-
ceedings on the ground of his royal birth and position.
Neither has the Government any power to send a foreign
prince out of the country. In fact, the legal position of a
prince of a foreign royal family, while resident in this
country, is exactly the same as the legal position of a
British subject. Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

The secretary had returned to England, but crossed
the Channel again on the 2nd of December, having
received a summons by electric telegraph to come to
the duke in Paris, where he was in a state of exces-
sive alarm created by the coup d'etat. His proceedings
there are described in the following reports from La
Maison d'Oree, the duke's house in the Rue Lafitte :

VOL. II. G

82 THE COUP D'ETAT.

Thursday Morning.

I arrived here this morning at five o'clock, and to my
surprise found that the duke left this two hours after send-
ing me the despatch, without exactly knowing where he
would go. He requested me through his servants to remain
here till further orders. He has only taken one carriage,
and I suppose our bags — I do not know.

Things are serious here. While I was at breakfast at
Frascati's I saw an aide-de-camp, right under my eyes,
pulled from his horse and killed. Up to that moment all
was quiet. Now the troops are on the Boulevards, and the
cannon firing towards, I should say by the sound, the
Faubourg St. Antoine. I have within sight at least 10,000
men under arms ; and they say in Paris there is at least
180,000. I will send you the news as I can, and when I
can, for it is already no joke, and had I not been fortunate
enough to get home, God knows where I should now be ;
for the troops, I fear, are a little too anxious — as I saw this
aide-de-camp, after disarming one man, actually ride after a
person who really appeared like a gentleman going home, and
attack him in the back. Pensez a moi. This Thursday has
been a dreadful day, and I have been in the thick of it. I
really hope that to-morrow I shall have better news. No
getting out, even to buy bread. The news here says the
slaughter has been dreadful.

I can write no more ; only wish I was safely at North
Park, ou chez moi.

Friday.

Since the above was written, the house alongside this —
" Tortoni's " — has been taken, and the bullets flew about
here as thick as possible. Two lancers were wounded,
from, they said, my window. The soldiers came and seized
all the duke's arms.

Saturday, December 6th, 1851.

I send you a copy of a letter (the first) just received : —

" DEAR SIR, — I am safe at Anvers with . Please stop

and superintend my house, servants, horses, and property,

CANNONADING PARIS. 83

and let me know how things go on. There can be, I am
afraid, no SAFETY till the end of the month. Receive, dear
sir, the assurance of my consideration. " D. of B.

" P.S.— My address is, ' Hotel du Pare/ "

You will see by the above the state of things re the
duke, and I quite long for a letter from you, and hope
it may be to call me home, and I will give up all dukes and
be quiet ; for I do not choose to run such risks, as I have
this time done ; and to prove it is not the " white feather "
I show, M. Blot, the duke's lawyer, says he is astonished
to find me alive after all the reports, and all that has hap-
pened, of which I do not think it prudent to write. By
some strange coincidence, this part of Paris, which in other
times was always tranquil, is the most disturbed ; and when
I tell you that they cannonaded with 18-pounders within
seventy yards of this house, you may judge of the state we
have been in, However, thank God, all is over — I hope
for permanence, but cannot say.

Poor Paris, the cigarette man, is dead ; received two
bullets. They make it out not many have been killed, but
the waggons of dead prove the contrary. The prince, at
any rate, has been successful, but the danger is during this
state of siege. Accident may throw you among royalists
or others, and, without knowing it, you are compromised
with them, and shot on the spot, if .they think fit ; and the
Elysee is so beset, that there are no means of communicating
with the prince. You will have all reports from the papers
till I see you.

December 8th, 1851.

Nothing fresh has happened since I last wrote to you ;
neither have I heard from the duke again. His lawyer
called yesterday, and told me he had received a letter from
him, in which he regretted having left England. I, know-
ing thereby something of his sentiments, wrote to him re-
gretting he had ever left England, and stated that you also
regretted it, and that YOU had no doubt YOU could settle all
his troubles in England. I also informed him that Bruns-

G 2

84 MAISON D'OREE.

wick House was vacant, and that he could iustal himself
in his old quarters without fear or danger in two days, as
he was before, and very comfortable, if he chose directly.
I asked if I should, to carry out views, if he acquiesced finish
up all here, join him at Antwerp, come to Calais, and cross
in a calm to Dover in one hour and three-quarters.

He of " Netherby"* is so busy that one does not like to
say too much. I shall be glad to be back, and if I have no
riches to guard, which I almost doubt, I do not feel flattered
by being placed in the position of a "broker's man," or a
" man in possession/' I wrote to the duke to say that I
hoped my charge was worthy of being guarded by me.

There has been a good deal of conversation between
lawyer and me, concerning testaments, &c., and also about
carrying my banking plan into operation — I beg pardon, I
mean your plan — and lawyer says he quite agrees with my
— i.e., your view, and has written this day to D. of B., in
reply to D. of B.'s request that he would advise him the
best to do to say bags to England yourself where you
like. I wish I was on " Jerry/' instead of on the Boulevard
des Italiens.

December 10th, 1851.

I have this instant received a letter from the duke in
reply to mine, in which he tells me, " I have nothing at
Maison d'Oree of inestimable value, but should not like to
lose my papers." He requests my advice as to what he
should do for the future, which I have given to this effect :
Go to England, and if you decline that, let me take the
money portion of your fortune there, and then, in the event
of your having to fly, you will only have the diamonds,
which are easily concealed about your person, and your life
to look after. The lady's maid has written to one of the
servants here, stating that she has received orders to hold
herself in readiness to return to Paris, as the duke is not
quite decided whether he will not go to England. I suppose,
if the truth was known, he is communicating with his lawyer
before deciding.

* Sir James Graham.

A PERILOUS POSITION. 85

Thursday, December llth, 1851.

I must tell you that I was much annoyed to find I was
in charge of rien. So great was my disappointment that I
almost quarrelled with myself for making so much haste, and
attaching so much importance to what ended in nothing.
I am, whatever you may say to the contrary, " in posses-
sion/7 Strange to say, that I proposed the visit, and
received a letter this morning thanking me for the
suggestion, and saying that for the moment I had better
remain tranquil at Paris, and see how all goes on, and I
shall then be the better able to visit D. B. and give him
advice from the knowledge I possess of events ; but that if
I leave just now, I shall be as unacquainted as D. B. him-
self, and, therefore, be giving advice in " the dark."

With respect to bags I told you yesterday of Blot's
view, and he wrote as well as myself, advising that if D. B.
made up his mind to return, that he should not for the
future put himself in so perilous a position as heretofore by
running the risk of being robbed of every shilling, and
from the peculiarity of D. B/s fortune he (B.) has sug-
gested that it should not be entrusted to any trader or
banker, but to some friendly but honest ami, and for this
reason, stock brokers, merchants, or bankers, although they
would not venture to use the money, they might perhaps
do so indirectly, i.e., give it as security for the fulfilling
engagements at stated periods, and so peril the bonds.

I saw Conneau* yesterday, and am to have an interview
with the prince in a day or two. I saw and breakfasted
with Edwardes on Tuesday, and I am very sorry he is going
from Paris.

In the letter I received from D. B. this morning he tells
me to get some police agents, two for this place and one
for Beaujon, to be under my orders, so that, he says,
" being exposed to a second invasion by soldiers, who may
be less civil, I may show that, as far as I am concerned, I
take no part in affairs and ought not to be molested/7 He

* The prince's physician at Kara.

86 SLAUGHTER IN PARIS.

then gives me some orders as to what horses and what
carriages I may use, tells me that Veyrac has orders to
give me any money I want, or he says, rather, Veyrac will
lend me, and then finishes by assurance, &c. Then comes
the following in the countess's handwriting : —

" Monsieur Smith est bien bon de s'informer de ma
sante a cette occasion : je ne puis que lui reciproquer la
meme demande, et le remercier de son aimable intention a
mon egard en lui souhaitant un heureux sejour a Paris, et
mes salutations empresses. LA COMTESSE ."

The duke then adds, in his handwriting, the following, —
" The countess got hold of this letter while I left the room
for a moment, and threw all this ink over it."

December 12th, 1851.

" I have seen Mocquart* and Conneau, and they say
that the prince will the first opportunity grant me an
audience; they are all delighted, and say that the prince is
now certain. I have heard that Lord P. has written to
the correspondent of the Post to write up L. N. ; of this I
believe there is no doubt.

I met the Due de Guiche, who is all for L. N. ; in fact,
he says that is the only chance for France.

Paris is just as gay as though nothing had happened,
and actually the scene of carnage, bloodshed, and much
more, is become quite the centre of a fete, for all classes are
out visiting the different places, and everybody seems to be
boasting of the risks they ran. For my part I have only
to say I was at Maison d'Oree, and the reply is " diable."
I saw quite as much as I wish to see. Nobody can tell how
many killed. Johnson said this morning 7000 ; everybody
but Government says 3000; and Government says in all
about 800.

December 15th, 1851.

As you will no doubt see by the public journals, there is
really no news here, except that all is perfectly quiet, and I

* The President's private secretary.

THE PRESIDENT. 87

think on the whole the people seem satisfied with the state
of things as they suppose they will be after the elections,
and as they are at present.

I am paying visits to the Ministre des Finances for the
purpose of getting the permission required by our friend to
enter France, so I hope he will soon come back here and
let me return to England.

I have not yet seen the prince ; I am invited to go to
the reception this evening. The President will, I have no
doubt, have a tremendous quantity of votes ; some seem to
think not less than 8,000,000, the whole of the persons
entitled to vote being only 12,000,000.

December 16th.

The authority here will not grant D. B. the police, so
that I presume D. B. intends to return here directly after
the election, as my letter of yesterday would tell you that
I had been to make preparations for his passing the frontier.
With respect to the police doing all " but use his equipages/7
they, the police, might and may use them for me, for I will
not ; for he, the duke, says the horses he allotted to me
wanted breaking, but he did not tell me that they were
vicious, so much so that my stock has been drafted to the
Barriere, and not even allowed to stand in his stable ; and
upon my speaking to the head coachman, he said we had
better put them in a water cart for a week, for they both
jib, kick, and bolt.

December 19th, 1851.

I wrote to the duke and had a letter to-day from him, in
which he takes not the slightest notice of my Christmas
request. I should much like to get home, for I like home
better than all, but from a letter I saw just now at his
banker's from D. B. himself, I think I shall get away from
here a day or two after Christmas-day, as he says in his
letter, " I must return to Paris sooner than I intended, as
Mr. Smith wants to go home, which rather perplexes me,
as I have such confidence in him, and he has the door open
to him at all the places."

88 ELECTION FOR PRESIDENT.

The duke informs me that he has sent for his lawyer,
first to make arrangements to receive some money to be
paid by Lord Eldon as executor to his father, who was
executor to George IV. ; and, secondly, to carry out, if
possible, legally, my " Harmerian " view ; and in a letter of
the countess to her " cousine " she says, ' I am rather
uneasy, for Mr. Smith, to whom the duke listens much,
has just made some propositions to go to England, and
whether we go there or not I cannot tell/

With respect to the prince, I think you must admit
that he has managed well, and, no matter how, the funds
have risen, and the people are actually pocketing the
money, and everybody predicts four years of greater pros-
perity than France ever enjoyed, and they say in four or
five years the people will again become excited. Everybody
is astonished that I escaped being " run through " when
the troops made their perquisition de chez moi, and I tell
you, so satisfied am I of the truth of the danger I ran, that
I should require a large bribe to risk the same again.

December 22nd, 1851.

I have just heard from the duke, in which he says, " I
am now beginning to get ready to return, but wish you to
send me word whether, during the Paris election, you saw
anything which indicated it would be unsafe for me to do
so ; if you advise it I shall return either on the 26th or
28th/' and he further tells me that I may use the electric
telegraph whenever I think it necessary.

I have no news to tell you, seeing that we have none
here ; all is quiet, and the election passed off in Paris more
quietly than a borough election in England.

I saw the prince yesterday for five minutes, but his time
is really so taken up that it is impossible to get to him,
and as to talk with him privately, he has not for the
moment the time to spare. He looks very well, and is in
good spirits. I hope soon to be en route for Angleterre ; I
shall start as soon as I possibly can, and, if I can, with the

PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON. 89

bags, and if not, I shall feel I have lost a great deal of
time and run great risks for nothing.

P.S. — I hear Lord Normanby and L. N. are not as inti-
mate as heretofore. I have just seen some of the returns
for the departments, and they are favourable to the prince.

December 23rd, 1851.

I have just heard from the duke, who requests me to
use the electric telegraph should it be necessary to commu-
nicate anything to him, as he purports being in Paris either
Thursday or Friday, and after that event 'I shall, you may
rely upon it, get away from this as fast as possible. The
stake is large, and therefore I suppose the risk and trouble
must be corresponding.

December 27th, 1851.

In the middle of the night of the 24th D. B. arrived, and
of course I had to change my room to make place for him.

With respect to bags, &c. the " Baring " view now pre-
dominates : whether that will be changed for some other I
know not, and shall be unable to tell you till I arrive in
England.

With respect to L. N. it is difficult to get to him in
private as heretofore, as he really has so much to do, and I
am now quite at a loss what to say or do since Lord
Palmerston's retirement, and do not know what I can pro-
mise on your behalf with the new Secretary of Foreign
Affairs. I shall send this off to-morrow, Sunday, so that
you will get it on Tuesday, and if you can give me your
views by Thursday here I will try to carry out your wishes.
Of this I will write again to-morrow, when I shall, perhaps,
have been able to settle with D. B. as to his plans.

I see by La Patrie that the President has given public
notice that he can receive no one, " no matter whom," till
after the first week in the new year; therefore I am the
more decided upon quitting this quickly, and waiting for
nothing. Lord Palmerston's retirement is much canvassed
and regretted here, particularly by the Elysee people, who,

90 DISAPPOINTMENT.

it appears, were delighted with him. I hope it will not
affect us, and I hope he will, ere long, be called upon to
form a Ministry, of which there is some talk.

It will be seen from the preceding account that the
mission to Paris was unproductive of results. The
Prince was in a position which, sanguine as he was by
nature, he could scarcely have contemplated at Ham
when this memorable treaty was concluded; and
there were many things that made the carrying out of
its provisions impracticable. The duke appears to be
still more regardless of his obligations, and the sole
legatee might reasonably entertain doubts of getting
any portion of his magnificent provision. The
secretary was sent home ; and the duke continued to
live his customary life, buying more diamonds and
more stock. The alarm had passed; and the mil-
lionaire seemed to think that his ally having suc-
ceeded in his dangerous experiment, he might now
be able to secure his restoration to the duchy, or the
return of his property ; so he resolved to remain where
he was.

The intelligent agent employed by Mr. Duncombe
was disappointed by this result. It will presently be
seen by the reader what were the duke's ideas
respecting his belongings. He had no intention at
present of parting with any portion of them, but was
still willing to recognise Mr. Duncombe's reversion.
A trait of character is displayed in the arrangement
of the travelling account ; but the interest of the
communication will be found in its comprehensive
glance into the state of our foreign relations, and its
anticipation of the policy of the President of the

PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON. 91

Republic. It was not written till after the writer's
return to London: —

January 5th, 1852.

I will now acknowledge the receipt of a letter I received
from you at d'Oree on Thursday evening last, just before I
started for the rail, and therefore was enabled to read and
show 'it to D. B. ; he was much pleased that you knew Lord
Granville, and to hear your opinion of him. We quite
agreed that you were right as to the " nasty feeling" which
was springing up in England, and unless great changes and
great concessions on all sides, no doubt a European war will
arise from the present events, and I fear England will, for
the first time, find herself in difficulties, for although there
will be a European war, it will be Europe against England,
for all treaties are set aside, and it would be folly to ask the
other Powers to fulfil the terms of treaties they have broken
between themselves. See the Cracow affair, and the
Russian entry into Hungary ; these two little acts unite
Russia, Prussia, and Austria, and I have no doubt but that
recent events will add France to the trio. These four great
Powers can, and will if it suits, swallow up the smaller
German kingdoms and states, while Italy will, I fear, yet
have to obey the same rulers she now does for a long time,
notwithstanding " her friends •" and these four will, perhaps,
each become emperors, i.e. the King of Prussia and the
President will be added to the now existing two, and will in
that case for a while govern what they call " parentally,"
but we, despotically.

' L. N. has the power at this moment to decide the fate of
Europe, and I must tell you that I think for himself he
would like to be allied with England, and encourage libera-
tion ; but on the other hand he is bound to run with those
who have aided in placing him in his present position, viz.
the great Northern Powers, and he undoubtedly, by a
species of " holy alliance," would be maintained and sup-
ported in his position by those friends. Another thing
which will prevent him ever being able to shake off the
yoke of despotism, is the unfortunate alliance he has formed

92 JESUITS IN FRANCE.

with the Jesuits; he may at the present time think he is
only using them, but no man once well entwined in their
deceptive meshes has ever moral courage or strength suffi-
cient to extricate himself : and hence, I fear, will L. N.
fall, in my opinion, by the assassin's hand, for the Jesuits
part not so easy with their prey as may be imagined, and
they, hating England as they do, will no doubt urge him
on till he has gone so far that he cannot recede, and then
he is their tool ; and the feeling entertained by the soldiery
as well as that of the priesthood, will no doubt develop
itself in an attack upon England. The Catholic priests
have already got a pretty good footing in England; the
Lutherans in Germany have become atheists, and therefore
Catholicism has only to battle against Protestantism in
England.

These views have partly decided the duke for the
moment to keep his fortune (the whole) in France, but
with a distinct understanding that I am to hold myself
always in readiness to run over and fetch it. At present
he says he has no confidence in the Government, and until
after the explanation of what he calls the shameful " dis-
missal " of Lord Palmerston, which strengthens despotism
tenfold by showing the tyrants that even in England, by a
well-directed and continued attack, you, or rather they, can
succeed in upsetting the most popular minister of the day,
his very popularity being his unpopularity, proved by the
manner in which he steered England through the shoals of
1848, and which caused him to be envied and hated by
those sage ministers of other states, who dreaded his firm-
ness and his courage.

For these reasons D. B. thinks for the moment he has
quite enough money in England, that is, in the shape of
dividends becoming due, and in reply to your intimation
that war will be declared as suddenly as the late " coup"
he desires me to inform you that he quite agrees with you,
only that he does not think there will be any declaration,
but an attack made, and therefore he should, if he found
France asking that which England would refuse, prepare

CHARACTERISTIC TRAIT. 93

himself according to the circumstances of the case, and with
respect to " everything being made previously comfortable/'
he desired me to tell you that he should keep that as an
open suggestion, as he might want some day to avail himself
of what he considered a wise and friendly proposition.

The notice in La Patrie applied to everybody, as the
Prince really had no time to see anybody, and I think I can
nilly satisfy you that it would have been impossible to have
seen him in less than a week, and having made my
arrangements to get off on New Year's Day particularly,
because you should not imagine that I stopped for " les
agremens" which really were commencing, to the detriment
of your requirements, I started, and you will say I did
right when I have told all the details.

On New Year's Eve we went to the opera together, and
on our return we arranged that my travelling accounts
should be paid, as I was to quit the next day. Accord-
ingly I made out my account, he deducting the carriage to
Godstone, which he said he did not ask me to take, and
then settled to the sous. He then humM and hah'd a
good deal, and at last counted out ten sovereigns, which he
handed over to me, saying, this will pay for your white
gloves ; and he said, allow me to seize this opportunity of
telling you that I have long since felt that I have very
inadequately remunerated you for many things you have
done for me. He then entered fully into the history of the
visit to Ham ; how many times he had seen you, &c. ; what
you had done for him, and finished by saying, as a collateral
remuneration, I have made my will in your favour jointly
with Mr. Duncombe, and should I have the strength to see
you before I die I will, independent of that will, make you
a present worthy of your acceptance.

Mr. Buncombe's secretary had not been unmindful
of the interests of his employer in another and a
higher quarter. The attack of the English press
upon the coup d'etat had been so violent that if the
object of them designedly refrained from any personal

94 DIFFICULT POSITION

communication with messengers from the other side
of the Channel, it ought to have surprised no one.
The reckless directors of those crushing onslaughts
could not appreciate the proverb, that " desperate
diseases require desperate remedies." Paris had for
years been in a condition of chronic 'revolution — no
good government was possible in so hopeless a state
of things — industry, intelligence, and religion were
equally depressed. The only alternative was the
repetition of the wars of the Republic. Seeing the
results of the coup d'etat in the prosperity of the
French nation, it is probable that the journalists who
attacked the President might now be ready to defend
the Emperor.

We now add the following from Count Orsi to Mr.
Dun combe's secretary : —

Paris, 28th January, 1852.

MY DEAR SMITH, — I need not apologize for my delay in
answering your letter, for it would be an equivalent to the
acknowledgment of my being guilty of indifference towards
you, and you know, my good friend, how anxious I am to
keep pace, in that respect, with your kind feelings towards
me.

The fault has not rested with me, but with the extra-
ordinary circumstances of our situation, which has unabled
me to comply sooner with your request.

It was only yesterday that I had an opportunity of talk-
ing the matter over with our friend, who gives you carte
blanche for all you will have to say on his behalf.

It is impossible either for himself or myself to say which
is the best course for you to pursue. In order to fulfil the
task you offer to undertake you should take beforehand a
right view of his personal position with regard, first, to the
difficulty of establishing in France, without a dictatorial
power, a regular government amidst the different parties
which have brought the country to the deplorable state it is

OF THE PRINCE PRESIDENT. 95

in ; second, to show by skilful hints that all this row of the
English press is not a blind advocacy of liberal institutions,
but a regularly bribed and systematic opposition, unjustifi-
able under all circumstances ; third, to prove by facts and
by the text of pre-existing laws (regardless of political
necessity) that the decrees about the property of the
d'Orleans family have been an act, not of revenge or of
spoliation, but an equitable one, such as was practised by
every French king who ascended the throne ; and, fourth,
to warn the English public that the game played just now
by the English press is the same as that practised by
England against France during the Revolution of 1789,
which kindled a war between the two countries, for the only
object of supporting the cause of the Bourbons of the elder
branch, whilst it has now in view to set the two countries
dagger-drawn against each other for the most unwarrantable
object of supporting the ambitious and unpopular claims of
the members of the Orleans family, for which the despicable
Times* soon after their flight from France, made use of the
most abusive language that ever man could imagine.

Such are the main points upon which you will have to
ground your defence. It rests with you to give them such
a form as to make them applicable to the nature of the
discussion which this affair will create in Parliament.

I need not say anything about the falsehoods of the
English press in general, and of the Times in particular.

The acts of the French Government were necessary to
put down that spirit of disorganization which threatened to
pervade and ruin the whole country. As to the arbitrary
power which the Times calls " unprecedented/' I beg to
refer him to the English Revolution of 1688, when William
of Orange took upon himself to accomplish it on his own
responsibility to save the country, and for the success of
which he was driven to that much-to-be-regretted necessity
of governing the country in such a harsh manner as to
dishearten his fiercest enemies.

Yours truly, ORSI.

* With its usual talent the leading journal took the popular view
of the case, which was unmistakeably hostile to " our friend."

96 INJUDICIOUS INTERFERENCE.

The coup d'e/at excited a tremendous sensation in
England. Naturally, the Liberal party regarded it
as an arbitrary extinction of democracy, and denounced
it in the severest language. The Whig and Tory
leaders generally approved of it, as necessary to the
establishing of good government, and to put an end
to the schemes of anarchists and other reckless poli-
tical adventurers. Here and there one, stimulated by
the violent denunciations of the press, expressed in-
dignation at the shameless disregard of obligations it
betrayed. Mr. Duncombe, in his judgment of the
transaction, felt two opposing influences — the one was
the necessity of supporting his constituents in their
opinion of the President of a Republic — the other, the
natural inclination to admire a bold measure success-
fully carried out.

One or two public writers in England have dis-
tinguished themselves by the bitterness of their
hostility to the deviser of the coup d'etat, appearing to
judge all his subsequent actions in the same intenselv
prejudiced spirit. In the first place, the name
Napoleon was the essence of the programme he
offered his countrymen : it contained the military
dispersion of the Council of Five Hundred, and every
subsequent act to the establishment of the first
empire ; and as the endorsement of such promissory
note was seven million responsible signatures,
what right can a foreigner have to protest against
it? Mr. Duncombe considered that France was of
legal age and sound mind, therefore capable of
transacting the business referred to. Close upon
twenty years have elapsed since its date, and as both

DISMISSAL OF LORD PALMERSTON. 97

the parties to it are flourishing, no one can have any
legitimate pretence for finding fault with the pro-
ceeding.

One extraordinary political event arose out of the
coup d'etat that gave it a much deeper interest to him
— this was the dismissal, as was alleged, at the insti-
gation of the prime minister, Lord John Russell, of
Mr. Buncombe's friend, Lord Palmerston, then
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. During the
debate on the address a lengthened explanation of
this stretch of authority was volunteered by the head
of the Government, in which it appeared that Lord
Normanby, our ambassador at Paris, — certainly not
distinguished as a diplomatist, — had complained that
the Foreign Secretary had given him instructions
at variance with the language he had held to M.
Walewski, the French ambassador in London. In
addition, some complaints had come from a higher
source, respecting supposed irregularities in the dis-
charge of his official duties. Whereupon, without
consulting his colleagues, Lord John had ventured to
dismiss the ablest and most popular statesman of his
age.

Lord Palmerston presently rose, and gave his
version of the story with his customary spirit, in
which he proved that if he had committed any fault
in expressing, during a private conversation, an
opinion respecting the conduct of the President, he
must share the blame with the Premier and the rest of
the cabinet, for all had privately expressed their
approval to M. Walewski in similar terms. In every
way it was a successful defence ; and the House un-

VOL. II. H

98 COURTIERS.

equivocally expressed their sympathy. It leaked out
in the course of the discussion which followed, that the
real cause of his dismissal was his having displayed a
certain amount of indifference to attempts at inter-
ference with his duties, made by a personage closely
connected with his Sovereign. The affair was regarded
as extremely impolitic and damaging to the Govern-
ment, and one likely to impair the good understanding
that had hitherto existed between this country
and Prance. Eventually both Lord John and
Lord Normanby found out that they had made a
mistake.*

Negotiations were going on between the President
of the French Republic, represented in London by
M. Briffault, and Mr. Duncombe, represented in Paris
by his secretary; who, though only returned from

* That Lord Melbourne was an accomplished courtier convincing
evidence may be found in a work recently published, in which the
Minister's efforts to gratify his youthful sovereign constantly
appear. In the Queen's marriage, and in the settlement of a Par-
liamentary grant on the Prince, this was natural and proper ; but
when it was sought to confound the distinction between the Queen's
husband and a reigning king, his efforts to please were open to
question. It is just possible that Lord Melbourne may have
derived advantage from the suggestions of a statesman who
had scarcely attained his majority ; but that men of the most
comprehensive political knowledge, who sat at the Council,
could have profited by them, is not so clear. Yet it appears
as if Lord John Russell had been content with the same
inspiration .

" I always commit my views to paper, and then communicate
them to Lord Melbourne. He seldom answers me, but I have often
had the satisfaction of seeing him act entirely in accordance with
what I have said." — The Prince to his Father : " Early Days of
Prince Albert," i. 321.

THE REGENT. 99

one of his missions on the 3rd of January, was in the
French capital again on the 29th. Mr. Duncombe
had interviews with M. Briffault on the 5th and 18th.
His representative merely reported his arrival. The
observations he hazards respecting the warlike dis-
position of the French people appear to have been the
result of a very brief stay in the capital. He did not
remain there many days.

Hotel Britannicjue, 22 Rue Duphot, Paris,

Thursday, January 29th, 1852.

I have not yet seen anybody, but I am going to try the
imperial cover first, and afterwards the ducal. From the
few hours I have been here, and the little one can judge in
so short a time, I am strongly induced to believe that all
our English views of the feelings of the people of this
country towards their Government are very much exag-
gerated, and they quite ridicule the idea of war, or anything
like it. All they ask for is that the non-intervention
principle may be strictly carried out, and they will not
interfere with us, and hope to be left alone. I will write
to you more by-and-bye.

Mr. Buncombe's agent was temporarily promoted
to the secretaryship of " the Eegent." The latter had
seen in a Paris paper, copied from a Cologne journal,
a paragraph in which it was stated that the duke had
renounced his sovereignty. As this might be pre-
judicial to his rights, and prevent the imperial inter-
position in his behalf he looked for daily, the duke
called the secretary into council ; and together
they drew up the following state-paper, which
was sent to and inserted in the Journal des Debate,
addressed —

H 2

100 A STATE PAPER.

AU REDACTEUR.

Paris, le 4 Septembre, 1852.

MONSIEUR, — Pai soumis a S. A. le Due Souverain de
Brunswick le paragraphe date de Vienne, le 27 Aout,
extrait de la Gazette de Cologne, et contenu dans votre
journal du 2 de mois ; et j'ai re9u Fordre de le dementir au
nom de S. A.

Monseigneur le Due Souverain de Brunswick ne renoncera
jaraais a ses droits hereditaires.

Pai 1'honneur d^etre, etc. G. SMITH.

101

CHAPTEE V.

A TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE.

Mr. Buncombe's improved health — Proposed as the head of a
popular party — Again returned for Finsbury — Lord John
Russell's Government overthrown — Mr. Buncombe on bribery
and controverted elections — The Carlton Club — Our policy in the
East condemned — The Peace Conference — Mr. John Bright, the
Quaker — Mr. Buncombe's interview with Lord Clarendon —
The Russian war — Rents Chateau Beaugaillard, near Tours —
Lord Palmerston's letter announcing a conditional pardon for
the Newport convicts — Mr. Buncombe's correspondence with
Lord Palmerston on behalf of the Preston cotton spinners — His
correspondence with the Buke of Newcastle on the campaign in
the Crimea — Lord Clarendon on the Passport system — Letter of
Sir John Tyrrell, Bart., M.P., on the Peace Society — Meetings
in Hyde Park — Friendly letter of Lord Palmerston, and Mr.
Buncombe's judicious reply — " Honest Tom Buncombe" — The
letter-carriers — Letter from Sir Rowland Hill — Beputations of
working men.

IN the year 1850, Mr. Buncombe made an effort to
resume his parliamentary duties ; and his political
friends saw him once more attentive to debates and
divisions ; but he was quite incapable of exertion, and
constantly under medical treatment. In June he in-
troduced his secretary to Lord Palmerston, with the
view of forwarding the duke's arrangements. He
exhausted himself by the little he was able to do, and
was constantly obliged to remain in the neighbourhood
of Hastings, where he generally resided. He was

102 A POPULAR PARTY.

eager to try any remedy suggested to him, but could
only get temporary relief from the ablest physicians.
A book came under his observation, written against
the use of salt ; and he called upon the author. The
result is entered in his diary : " Mad — never could
have written the book." The man committed suicide
a short time afterwards.

It should be borne in mind that there were two
Conservative Administrations in 1852. Lord Derby's,
organized in February; and Lord Aberdeen's, in
December. In one the Chancellor of the Exchequer
was Mr. Disraeli ; in the other Mr. Gladstone, amal-
gamating Lord Parlmerston and Lord John Russell
as Home and Foreign Secretaries ; while Sir William
Molesworth, First Commissioner of Public Works,
threw a soupqon of liberality into the mixture. Appa-
rently it did not flavour it sufficiently — at any rate it
did not recommend it to the popular palate.

There was much discontent among the masses, and
strikes and combinations were never more prevalent.
Mr. Duncombe had allowed himself to be announced
as the president of the National Association of United
Trades. This post he resigned early in the year 1852 ;
but when it became known that an improvement had
taken place in his health, it was suggested to him that
he might place himself at the head of a popular party.
Mr. Duncombe expressed his willingness to do this,
provided a party could be brought together with a
thoroughly liberal action and policy ; and published
an address in which he developed his views of both.

Other prospects opened to him about this time, but
the still delicate state of his health forbade great
exertion or continuous excitement ; and he contented

CONTESTED ELECTION. 103

himself with the performance of his political duties in
the House and out of it, to the satisfaction of his
constituents. There were questions of the deepest
interest connected with the preservation of civil and
religious liberty, which were rising to the surface,
and would have to be made more prominent by his
advocacy. The Dissenters were complaining of the
inadequacy of the State arrangements for education ;
and the Roman Catholics remonstrating against State
interference with their faith.

He took his share of duty in the exciting struggle
that marked the commencement of the session of
1852 ; and records in his diary the melancholy history
of Lord John Russell's new Reform Bill. He in-
terested himself for the letter-carriers, whose case he
warmly supported ; advocated the Maynooth grant ;
and attended several political meetings. Feargus
O'Connor, his old colleague, was committed to custody
on the 9th of May ; and Mr. Duncombe visited him
on the 14th. Parliament was prorogued and dissolved
on the 1st of June. Then came the customary worry
of a contested election.

Mr. Wakley finding his duties as coroner for Mid-
dlesex as much as he could perform, gave up Finsbury;
and Mr. Alderman Challis and Mr. Wyld, the map-
seller, of Charing-cross, contested the seat. Much
money was expended by Mr. Duncombe's competitors,
and the result was not entirely creditable to the consti-
tuency—Challis, 7504; Duncombe, 6678; Wyld,
2016.

During the autumnal sitting of the House Mr.
Duncombe was in his place, presented petitions,
and spoke on several subjects. He also gave notice

104 CORRUPTION.

of a motion for considering the state of the elective
franchise. On the 10th of December he moved that
the Speaker do not leave the chair ; in which he was
seconded by Mr. "Walter, and a long debate ensued.
He subsequently attended several public meetings,
convened to express opposition to the Budget. This
was the session of the new Eeform Bill. Ministers
were in a minority on the Militia Bill Eeport. Lord
John Russell resigned on the 23rd of February ; on
which subject Mr. Duncombe addressed the House
on the 12th of March. He divided on Hume's
motion for Eeform, on Grote's ballot, and con'stantly
against the Government, assisting in making the
majority against the Budget on the 15th of December.
He was almost every day at the Eeform Club, and
evidently intent on doing the best he could for his
party.

In June, 1853, there was a discussion in the House
on Sir J. Tyrrell's motion that a writ do issue for
Harwich, in the room of Mr. Peacocke, whose election
had been declared void ; in the course of which the
member for Finsbury made a most effective speech,
detailing the enormities of this place in the way of
corruption. The extent to which bribery was carried
on at every election in that notorious borough, be-
trayed the inefficiency of the Eeform Bill ; yet it was
not disfranchised — 247 members voting for the motion,
and 102 against it. In the same session he called
the attention of the House to the defective state of
the law for the trial of controverted election petitions,
and brought forward the case of Colonel Dickson and
the Marquis of Douro, who were unsuccessful can-
didates for Norwich. Their petition against the

EASTERN QUESTION. 105

return of their opponents had been withdrawn by a
parliamentary agent without- their knowledge. Mr.
Duncombe made some amusing references to the
Carlton Club, whose solicitor was the agent com-
plained of.

In the month of September, 1853, M. Kossuth
published a letter condemning the foreign policy of
England as being worse than that of Eussia in the
East, and anti-liberal. Popular attention was being
directed to what was called the Eastern question by
the English Liberals. Mr. Henry Drumm on d, M.P.,
having been invited to attend a Peace conference in
Edinburgh, wrote a letter for the newspapers, freely
giving his opinions not only respecting the occupation
of Moldavia and Wallachia by the Russians, but de-
nouncing the aggressive designs of the Emperor of
France, and the despotism of the Emperors of Russia
and Austria, the Pope and his priests, the King of
Naples, and all the minor absolute German princes.
It was, however, most remarkable for its attack upon
the principles of the party who had proposed the
Peace conference. In the following month John
Bright, M.P., the Quaker, who was the representative
of that party, wrote in condemnation of the popular
desire to drive the English Government into a war
against Russia in defence of Turkey. The public
were daily getting more interested in the discussion ;
Mr. Duncombe, therefore, called a meeting of his
constituents, and having been voted into the chair,
addressed them at considerable length, ridiculing the
pretensions of the Peace conference, but recommend-
ing a calculation of the cost of war before entering
upon a conflict. He then condemned the system of

106 DEPUTATION.

secret diplomacy, and the foreign policy of Ministers.
The proceedings were interrupted by the appearance
of an Irish agitator, Bronterre O'Brien. The majority
of the meeting did not want to hear him, but a large
party of his friends did, and the chairman had some
difficulty in restoring order. Resolutions were pro-
posed and carried in condemnation of the designs of
Russia, and of the Government system of secret
diplomacy. Soon afterwards a deputation, headed by
the member for Fiusbury, had an interview with the
Earl of Clarendon, and presented an address from that
constituency, expressing their opinions on these
subjects, signed by Mr. Duncombe as chairman of the
meeting. His lordship defended the policy of his
Government, regretted the necessity of secresy while
negotiations of importance were in progress, and ex-
pressed the intention of his colleagues to preserve the
integrity of the Ottoman empire, and the national
honour. Some discussion ensued, supported by Mr.
Duncombe and one or two members of the deputation,
on the conduct of preceding Governments in their
negotiations with foreign powers ; but his lordship
contented himself with defending his own. Mr.
Harney wanted to exact a pledge from the Foreign
Secretary that the English fleet should not be
employed to coerce the Turkish people ; but Lord
Clarendon declined discussing so improbable a con-
tingency, and the deputation retired.

Mr. Duncombe took a profound interest in this
question, preserving every printed paper that threw
any light upon it, and marking the illustrative pas-
sages : the able dispatch of Lord Clarendon to Sir
G. R. Seymour, our ambassador at St. Petersburg,

THE SICK MAN.

107

dated July 16th, 1853, condemning the Eussian in-
vasion of Wallachia and Moldavia, and expressing an
intention of defending the rights of the Porte ;
also the manifestoes of the Sultan, the Czar, the
Emperor of France ; as well as the communications of
Count Nesselrode, and Kedschid Pacha; the instructions
of the four great European powers, England, France
Austria, and Prussia to their ambassadors ; the reply
of the representatives of England and France to the
Turkish minister's application for the assistance of the
combined fleets ; the note of the four ambassadors ;
and the protocol of the members of the Vienna con-
ference; in short, every paper of importance that
appeared in the public prints. The quarrel became
less and less pacific ; and notwithstanding the declared
intention of the Governments of France and England
to unite their forces by sea and land for the preservation
of the territorial rights of Turkey, the Emperor of
Russia maintained his position and his hold of the
property of " the sick man."

The Parliamentary attendance of Mr. Duncombe
was unremitting in this session. From the previous
November he had been in forty-five divisions ;
in addition, he had a great deal of duty to attend to
in the way of interviews with deputations, taking the
chair at public meetings, and meetings with aggrieved
individuals, who desired his advocacy or his subscrip-
tion. His health had somewhat improved, parti-
cularly after a sojourn at Tunbridge Wells and
Brighton, but he still suffered severely from
bronchitis.

For a few months in this year the state of
Mr. Duncombe's health necessitating a change of

108 CHATEAU BEATJGAILLARD.

climate, he was induced by very attractive represen-
tations to rent during the recess a chateau and vine-
yard called Beaugaillard, near Tours. It was let to
him furnished, with the use of the domestic establish-
ment, "as a great favour," for 750 francs a month.
He paid 30/. in advance on the 28th of May, but
afterwards being advised to give up the idea of going
abroad he did so, convinced that the place would not
suit him, and therefore never resided at the chateau.

Early in the session of 1854 Mr. Duncombe made
another appeal to the liberality of the English Govern-
ment in favour of the political convicts Frost, Wil-
liams, and Jones. Lord Palmerston promptly re-
sponded, and announced to the House that her
Majesty's clemency would be extended to two of the
Irish offenders, Martin and Dogherty. Mr. Smith
O'Brien had already been pardoned. An influential
morning paper, in announcing this interesting fact,
adds — " A sentiment of gratitude is surely also due to
Mr. Thomas Duncombe, whose question elicited this
declaration from the Home Secretary, and whose
unbought exertions in favour of the political trans-
ports have, during the last fourteen years, been ever
ready when there seemed any chance of inducing such
a result as is now brought about."

The condemned Chartists, Frost, Williams, and
Jones, were pardoned ; but the Government appeared
to think that they had left their country for their
country's good, and were not inclined to sanction
their return. Independently of the sort of triumph it
might be represented as giving to the Chartist party }
it would, they thought, invest the returned convicts
with a degree of importance they might find it very

t
COTTON SPINNERS. 109

difficult to resist in case another movement of the
kind should be attempted. Mr. Duncombe looked
upon the case as a philanthropist, and desired that the
men should be restored to their families. He believed
that with the experience they had so dearly purchased
they would appreciate home too highly to risk it for
the Five Points, or for a hundred. He therefore ad-
dressed a communication on the subject, which was

thus answered : —

C. G., 13th March, 1854.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — The pardon to be granted to Frost,
Williams, and Jones is to be a conditional pardon, like that
to be granted to Smith O'Brien, the condition being that
the person to whom the pardon is granted shall not return
to the Queen's dominions. They may go anywhere else.
Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

There was one part of his duties as a popular
member that Mr. Duncombe filled with singular suc-
cess— that of being a medium between the more ex-
citable operatives and the Government, when the
former seemed intent on illegal proceedings. - His
interference in behalf ot the convicted Chartists of
Newport is one case ; but now the cotton-spinners of
the manufacturing town of Preston demanded his
intervention. He had an interview with Lord Pal-
merston ; and having learnt his lordship's views, wrote
good counsel to the spinners, as may be gathered from
the following letter and reply : —

1, Palace Chambers, St. James' s-street, June 3rd, 1854.
DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, — After the interview that you
were kind enough to give me last night I had just time to
send an answer to the Spinners at Preston upon the subject
of the withdrawal of the indictments ; and as my object was
to transmit as correctly as I could your views, I think it

110 MR. BUNCOMBE'S HEALTH.

better to send you a copy of my note to them in order that
should I not have reported the result of our conversation as
you wished, I may in my next letter correct any error into
which I have unintentionally fallen. You will perceive
that with regard to any opinion that I have expressed I
give it as my own, not as yours ; although I cannot help
thinking that if you were in possession of all the facts of
the case as I am, you would not entertain quite so harsh an
opinion of the conduct of these poor fellows, considering the
severe trials to which they have been exposed, which I
much fear you have been induced to form from the over-
charged representations of interested parties.

I have the honour to remain, dear Lord Palmerston,
Yours very sincerely, T. S. D.

Broadlands, 5th June, 1854.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — Thank you for the copy of your
letter to the Preston men ; it was quite right. I certainly
should have no wish to keep up the dispute if the parties
concerned could agree to put an end to it, and no doubt
it would be best that they should come to an understand-
ing on the subject. Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

Mr. Duncombe's health fluctuated ; lie got better,
and lie grew worse. He tried physician after
physician, and remedy after remedy ; but if with a
favourable result, this was only transitory. Having
exhausted the skill of Dr. Williams and Dr. Moore,
he called in Halse and his galvanic apparatus : then
Dr. Cronin and his dry cupping ; after these a female
mesmerist, Mademoiselle Julia de Bouroullec, who
promised a cure, and failed. He tried vegetable diet,
bread and milk, decoction of walnut leaves, and pills,
potions, and plasters out of number : but he could not
expect much amelioration of his symptoms while he
over exerted his delicate lungs with public- speaking,
and continued to bring on attacks of bronchitis by

CAMPAIGN IN THE CRIMEA. Ill

exposure to wet and cold. Every session found him
less equal to his parliamentary duties, yet he was
present at all important divisions. In July, 1854, he
joined in eighteen, and spoke on all necessary occasions.
The campaign in the Crimea created a great deal
of dissatisfaction. The military arrangements were
generally condemned, and the train of evils that arose
out of want of system and ignorance of the require-
ments of a large body of men in the country they had
invaded, were much and savagely commented on by
the opponents of Government. There certainly was
an unusual display of blunders, as well as an enormous
sacrifice of life, and a prodigious waste of property.
But the member for Finsbury, though he strongly
opposed the measures of the administration, far from
desiring to bear hard upon their mistakes, spon-
taneously offered his aid when he thought advice
might be accepted. He wrote to the head of the War
Department : —

Preston, near Brighton, December 26th, 1854.

MY DEAR DUKE, — As it occurs to me that, from the
senseless outcry and prejudice that has been so industriously
raised against the Foreign Enlistment Bill, the next great
difficulty that you have to contend with will be to select
any locality where the force during its stay in England
can be maintained and drilled without causing in some
instances considerable annoyance and alarm to the neigh-
bourhood, and in others, perhaps, danger to the public
peace, I have taken the liberty of sending you the descrip-
tion of a district which, from my own personal knowledge
for some time both since and when in the Guards, appears
to me to possess all that can be required to enable you to
place with care and safety in temporary barracks at least
five or six thousand/ if not the whole, of the intended

112 DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.

force. I refer to the small village of Bexliill in Sussex ; it
stands high and dry, near the sea, within six miles of
Hastings to the east, twenty of Lewes to the west, and
about six of Battle to the north ; has its own railway
station, and a large common admirably adapted to drilling,
&c. purpqses close to the ground where the barracks used
to stand. This ground is at present let out chiefly for
pasture, but remains Government property, and can be
resumed by the Crown, I am informed, on notice being
given that it is required again for the public service. A
small burial-ground is also attached to it, and is still kept
up, though I rather think it is only now used for the inter-
ment of paupers.

Had I been in town I should have done myself the
honour of calling upon you, but as I shall not be there
until Parliament reassembles, and as time presses, I have
ventured to trouble you through the post. If my sugges-
tion is of any service to you I shall be glad, or if I can
give or obtain for you any further information, I shall be
happy to do so ; pray do not therefore scruple in communi-
cating to me your wishes.

I have the honour to be, &c. my dear Duke,

Yours faithfully, T. S. D.
To His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, &c. &c.,
Whitehall.

War Department, 28th December, 1854.

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, — I am greatly obliged by
your suggestion of Bexhill as a good place for encamping
our Foreign Legion.

A better position could not be selected, but I am afraid
the land no longer belongs to the Crown, but has been sold
some years ago. I have, however, written to the Ordnance
to enquire.

I was truly glad to find by your letter that you do not
participate in those objections to the Government measure
which lately united so many of those with whom you
usually act, with the factious Tories.

Believe me, yours very faithfully, NEWCASTLE.

PASSPORT SYSTEM. 113

The Eussian war brought trouble upon many ; but
the official administrator of the War department had
a particular hard time of it ; probably want of ex-
perience was to blame rather than want of capacity.
The Duke of Newcastle, though young in office, gave
himself up earnestly to the daily increasing labour of
his post; things, however, went wrong, and his
grace got blamed. Mr. Buncombe appreciated his
manly and honourable character, and believed that if
he had had fair play he would have been able to
overcome his difficulties.

The evils of the passport system were felt by every
traveller, and in some instances were intolerable.
Englishmen never could be made to appreciate the
overhauling, and scrutinising, and worry, and ex-
penses attendant upon it; to be stopped, and chal-
lenged, and searched at the boundaries of every petty
state, and turned back if there was the slightest irre-
gularity in their papers, formed a drawback upon the
pleasures of travelling that deprived them of more than
half their zest. The case was a thousand times worse
with foreigners who were in the slightest degree
obnoxious to the Governments of the countries they
desired to traverse. Doubtless the member for
Finsbury heard many pitiful complaints on this head
from Hungarian, Polish, and Italian exiles, who
flocked to him as a friend. He therefore applied to
the fountain head of authority to ascertain if some
improvement in the system could not be effected.
After considerable delay an answer came : —

Grosvenor Crescent, November 25th, 1854.
MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — I have many apologies to make,
and I must beg you to excuse my unintentional neglect in
VOL. il. I

114 LORD JOCELYN.

re passports. The fact is, I could do nothing in the matter
without consulting Palmerston, which was impossible during
the last days of the session ; then came poor Jocelyn's *
death, and I did not see him again till he came through
London on his way to Paris. I then went over the whole
subject with him, and I have since endeavoured to meet
your wishes, as I will explain to you if you will have the
goodness to call here any afternoon except Wednesday.

Very truly yours, CLARENDON.

The progress of the Russian war was viewed with
different feelings by different classes of politicians in
England, much as the Peninsular war was regarded by
the Tories and the Whigs. But now it was only the
knot of deluded individuals who called themselves the
Peace party who croaked about the superiority of the
enemy and the certainty of disaster in the campaign
going on in the Crimea. Notwithstanding important
advantages, there were still reports circulated from
Manchester discreditable to our allies the Turks, and
in the highest degree laudatory of the Russians. So
prejudiced were they, that the heroism of the band of
nurses superintended by Florence Nightingale scarcely
obtained recognition. The accompanying note gives
some account of the unfair spirit in which the war was
judged:—

Boreham House.

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — I am writing from a sick bed,
where I have been for a few days, in fact a week ; but
yesterday a thing came to my knowledge which I have
determined to send you.

The Times and the Government have long acted, as was
suspected by you, upon the principle of suppression and
mutilation of any Turkish success. This at last has been

* Lord Jocelyn died on the 12th of August.

RUSSIAN PROCLIVITIES. 115

complete : the Turks have taken a Russian man-of-war, and
have obtained other naval advantages; but there is no
account of them. This letter was dated from Constanti-
nople, and also expressed the disgust of the Turks that our
Government were permitting vessels of war at this moment
to be built, and they are building, on the Thames by the

[illegible] builders. This I have also confirmed

from , but he enjoined his name not to be

mentioned.

These Russians pay very large wages to the men. What
I should like would be that you should advise what course
is to be pursued. It appears to me, when the facts are
ascertained as to the present status of the [illegible] vessels.
I believe they are at Northfleet.

I have no objection to write a letter in the paper and
put my name to it, addressed to the Peace Society, or any
parties you may please. The case seems to me to be so
good a one, and measures ought to be taken without delay,
that if you satisfy yourself of the truth of the facts, you had
better fire away directly.

I am writing in bed, and with most unpleasant feelings.
While I am writing I am assured the account of taking the
Russian vessel is in some of the papers, but not in the
Times. I think the people might be brought to bear to
permit the Russians to launch their own vessels. The
Russian fleet might be most effectually attacked by the
people of England in their own River Thames, and I a little
suspect at Portsmouth. In fact, Aberdeen and the Times
do all they can for Russia.

In haste, my dear Duncombe,

Ever yours, J. T. TYRELL.*

Increasing dissatisfaction met the efforts of the
Aberdeen ministry, and soon after the commencement
of the session of 1855 Mr. Roebuck brought forward,
a motion on the state of the army. The member for

* Member for North Essex.

i 2

116 HYDE PARK.

Finsbury was in his place in the House, and spoke as
usual the popular sentiments on the subject. The
Government was in a minority, and resigned — the
majority being more than two to one. A new cabinet,
with Lord Palmerston at its head, gave the nation
assurance of a vigorous administration.

Mr. Duncombe was constant in his attendance at
the House, especially at divisions, and spoke on
every important question. In April of this year the
Emperor and Empress of France visited her Majesty
at Windsor, and stayed a week. In this month
the member for Finsbury was much occupied by
attending to the affairs of Lord Dundonald and
Sir Charles Napier : the first had war plans to
sirbrnit for inspection, the other to explain his ill
success.

In the summer of this session the metropolis
was much excited by large assemblages of the working
classes, including the usual average of "roughs."
They wanted to make Hyde Park their place of
rendezvous, and seemed to prefer Sunday as their
day of meeting. The member for Finsbury was
regarded by the masses as their champion, and as a
natural result he was made responsible for their pro-
ceedings. Lord Palmerston was not the man to
sanction what he believed to be wrong. Eminently
popular as a minister, he would not tolerate what
looked like a systematic defiance of authority, how-
ever agreeable this might be to those to whom it was
permitted. Before, however, he had recourse to the
means at his disposal for putting an end to these
popular demonstrations, he wrote the following highly
characteristic appeal to his friend : —

DEMAGOGUES. 117

144, Piccadilly, 7th July, 1855.

MY DEAR DUXCOMBE, — I write to you as a friend and
not as a minister. You have been, in the House of Com-
mons, apparently the organ of those who directed and
arranged the meetings in Hyde Park on the two last
Sundays. Proceedings of a similar kind are expected
to-morrow. It is needless to point out the various ways in
which such proceedings might lead to consequences which I
am sure you would be the first to deplore. May I not be
allowed to suggest to you that it would do credit to those
who may have influence with the directors of these pro-
ceedings if to-morrow were allowed to resume the
accustomed character of a summer Sunday ?

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

Mr. Duncombe's reply1 proves how completely he
disowned the policy of those mischievous demagogues
who, as long as they can have an opportunity of gra-
tifying their vanity by placing themselves in a con-
spicuous position, care not who may be the sufferers.
It is impossible to prevent contrasting the conduct of
the minister of that day and a real representative of
the people,, with that of the minister of a later day
and a popular leader of less experience and modera-
tion. Under Lord Palmerston the government of the
country was not likely to be brought into contempt ;
and Mr. Duncombe had much too practical a mind to
risk a collision with the civil and military power
while insisting in the face of a proclamation that so
many thousand industrious men should parade his
leadership in the most fashionable part of the town.

St. James's-street, Monday Morning, July 9th, 1855.

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, — Many thanks to you for
your kind note, which I have only just received ; but you

118 SEBASTOPOL.

wrong me in saying that I have been the organ of those
who directed and arranged the meetings in Hyde Park, for
I know not who they were. I have certainly been the
organ of many, and some of them your neighbours, who
either suffered from or witnessed the disgraceful conduct
of some of the police ; and I can assure you that
immediately after the discussion on Friday, I anticipated
your wishes, and I did my best to allay the exasperation
and vindictive feeling that then existed, by entreating all
those who expressed their intention of revisiting the park
yesterday to abstain from doing so, and to wait with
patience the result of the promised inquiry, and I am
informed that placards to that effect were circulated and
posted up at the East end. If there is anything more I
can do at any future time and with the same object, pray
tell me, and it shall be done.

I wish on the two previous Sundays that the police had
conducted themselves in the same conciliatory and judicious
manner that I am informed they did yesterday. I hear
that the glaziers were at work, and ought to be punished.
I have the honour to be, my dear Lord,

Yours faithfully, T. S. D.

The member for Finsbury had been among the
most urgent for inquiry into the mismanagement of
our army, and in March he moved for the cor-
respondence of the Commander-in-Chief (Lord Raglan)
and the Minister for War. Lord Palmerston replied
that as a committee of inquiry had been granted that
had the power of calling for papers, such correspon-
dence could not be necessary. The motion was ably
supported by Mr. Milnes, but negatived without a
division. Fortunately for the country the reign of
jobbery and bungling was nearly over, as well as
the necessity of taking care of O'Dowd. Sebastopol
was taken by assault by the French and English

RATS. 119

armies. The Czar having found consolation in the
capture of starved out Kars by General Mouravieff,
condescended to listen to terms of peace, and the
remnant of our magnificent army left their hard-won
conquests and returned home.

Some metropolitan members turned their popu-
larity to profitable account. They advocated the in-
terests of the people and looked to their own. Govern-
ment secured their support by advancing them to
dignities or employments, or permitting them to
exercise extensive patronage. Yery edifying was the
change of some of these fortunate individuals from the
loudest democratic sentiments to a quiet adoption of
those of the aristocracy — from the principles of ex-
treme liberalism to those more in accordance with a
position in the Government. These changes did not
always occur without severe comment. In one case
the transition was thus noticed : —

" We dreamt that to nobles he ne'er would bow,

Nor the people's cause disgrace,
Till he crouched for a coronet rather low,

And wriggled at last to a place ;
And then when we fancied fight he must

'Gainst the taxes he used to blame,
We found to our most extreme disgust

That his views were not the same !"

Mr. Duncombe might, when personal friends were
at the head of Government or held influential posi-
tions in the cabinet, have made equally advantageous
terms for himself ; but as a tribune of the people he
had accepted a trust, and remained faithful to it to
the last. Let it also be remembered that his health
had been totally destroyed by his devotion to his

120 NOTORIOUS BOROUGHS.

duties, and it was only by having constant recourse to
medical aid that he could maintain his arduous Par-
liamentary duties. " Honest Tom Duncombe !" was
the familiar appellation of the Liberal press, and he
.did his best throughout his public career to prove that
he deserved it.

His zeal was untiring in his exposure of corruption,
and he never omitted an opportunity of denouncing
its evil effects in influencing the election of members
of Parliament. • In the address to the Queen's speech,
January 31st, 1854, the announcement that measures
were in preparation for amending the laws relating to
the representation was adverted to for the purpose of
pressing the necessity of putting an end to corrupt
practices. In the month of June he put on the
notice-paper an amendment, in case a new writ was
moved for the notorious boroughs Canterbury, Cam-
bridge, Hull, Maldon, or Barnstaple, in which he re-
ferred to the proved allegations against them, and
stated that nothing had been done in the way of cor-
rection. He then proposed as a remedy that for five
years the voting in such boroughs should be taken by
ballot. The reports of the several committees had
hitherto remained a dead letter. Mr. Duncombe
strove to spur the Government on to attempt some-
thing remedial.

The grievances of the postmen were brought under
the notice of the House of Commons in February,
1855, by the member for Finsbury presenting 253
petitions from them and giving notice of a motion on
the subject. The attention of the authorities was
roused, and a little later the head of the department ad-
dressed Mr. Duncombe in answer to a note from him : —

PEARGUS O'CONNOR. 121

G.P.O., 14th March, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR, — I called at the Treasury this morning to
enquire again about the Act, and was about to write to you
when I received your note.

I should be happy to frame your question if I could
recollect the object of your inquiry, but, if you named it,
the matter must have escaped my memory.

The circulars informing the letter-carriers and others of
their positions under the new arrangement will be in the
hands of many of the men to-morrow, and in the hands of
all by the end of the week.

I made inquiries about your " sick friend," and find that
nothing can be done. He comes on duty at five, not, as
you understood him, at three in the morning.

Faithfully yours, ROWLAND HILL.

Thomas Duncombe, Esq., M.P., &c. &c.

In the month of February, this year, the cause of
Reform lost an able and conscientious advocate in
Joseph Hume ; and a few months later, in poor Feargus
O'Connor, many years editor of the Northern Star,
and in 1847 member for Nottingham. In 1853 he
was declared of unsound mind by a Commissio de
Lunatico Inquirendo ; and about a week before his
death had been removed by his sister from Dr. Tuke's
establishment, Chiswick. He was buried at Kensal
Green, nearly 20,000 persons being present at his
funeral. The loss of these earnest friends and fellow-
labourers seriously affected Mr. Duncombe, and he
became more excitable. He was much troubled with
deputations of all possible kinds; and when lie sus-
pected that they were trying to dictate to him, or
instruct him in his duties, his patience would occa-
sionally give way. We will give a description of
two, that the reader may be able to appreciate the

122 A METROPOLITAN MEMBER.

trials to which a popular member of Parliament is
subjected.

When Sir Benjamin Hall's Bill was before Par-
liament, it became necessary for a certain commissioner
of paving to have an interview with the members for
Finsbury. He wrote a report of this for a Sheffield
paper, from which our quotations are derived. He
was evidently a person of influence in the borough, and
thoroughly acquainted with the kind of life led by
his representatives. In his introductory observations
he asks — " To what can I liken the experience of a
member for a metropolitan borough ? There is no
torture to be compared to it .... The metropolitan
member may enjoy fame (if fame it be), but his fame
is the curse of Kehama — that is, accumulated torture,
and no death." He presently adds, " You must ordi-
narily spend 10007. at least in legal expenses at each
election. You must lend money to all the slip-shod
orators in the borough, or you must be surety for
them ; or if you have patronage, you must get them
situations, or these men will review their own political
opinions ; those opinions without solid argument may
quickly change."

This intelligent commissioner sought and found the
members for Finsbury in a sort of cupboard, without
seats, near the lobby of the House of Commons. The
" interview" of the deputation shall be described in
his own words : —

" They shook us heartily by the hand, and expressed
their regret that it was so long since they had seen
most of us. Personally I believe they were happy
to see us ; but it is evident that such deputations
were a nuisance. Every attitude, look, word, inti-

A DEPUTATION. 123

mated that we must be brief. Our clerk, in his manly
way, began his speech.

" ' Could you not,' said Mr. Duncombe, ' embody it
all in a petition ?'

" Mr. Talbot said, ' We only wish to draw your
attention to one or two points.'

" ' Put on your hats,' said Mr. Duncombe.

" Another member named extra-parochial plans.

" ' I should be happy/ interrupted Mr. Duncombe,
'to see you on the subject at Spring-gardens. Come
and see me.'

" Several details of Sir Benjamin Hall's Bill were
rapidly and confusedly referred to by all the members
of the deputation at once.

" ' I'll tell you what to do,' said Alderman Challis.
' Elect two from each parish ; agree on your views ;
and we shall be happy to appoint a meeting ; shall
we not, Mr. Duncombe ?'

" 'We shall,' replied Mr. Duncombe.

" I drew Alderman Challis's attention to the clause
which disqualifies commissioners if they should be
bankrupts, insolvents, or if they should compound
with their creditors ; and I suggested that the clause
should also comprehend collectors of rates.

" The alderman took a note and said, " You will be
one of the two delegates.'

" All the deputation were now speaking at once — all
were hurrying to make their suggestions — the mem-
bers were distracted, not knowing who to listen to.
At this moment the alderman luckily looked out at
the door. ' Oh !' exclaimed he, ' here is the other de-
putation !' And in rushed a string of respectable
looking gentlemen ; and out went all of us in a crowd

124 POLITICAL WORKING-MEN.

without salutation, bowing to, or shaking by the hand
our excellent members.

" At a guess," adds the frank and good-humoured
reporter of the meeting, " we had speeches bottled up
that would have engaged our members an hour and a
half; as it was, our rush meeting was over in less
than ten minutes. I have no fault to find with our
representatives. What are men to do with fourteen
or fifteen thousand constituents, all like locusts round
them, on the spot ? There is not in the House one
man — I say, not one man — so truly independent in
spirit as Mr: Duncombe."

The greatest trial to his patience were deputations
of working-men. These persons also came with
"bottled-up speeches," and insisted on wasting his
time by delivering their crude notions — also " all at
once." They were paid for their services, and their
"little brief authority" was pretty sure to invest
them with airs of importance. If they were not per-
mitted to inflict their orations upon, or annoy with
their impertinence, their unfortunate representative,
appalling was their sense of injury, and dreadful their
complaints. We append an exaggerated report by a
member of one of these deputations : —

" On presenting our card to Mr. Duncombe in the
lobby he exclaimed, ' I am busy now/ and entered
the House. Five minutes after he came out, and
called upon us to follow him into the vote-room. We
commenced by stating that ' the question we have to
call your attention to '

" Mr. Duncombe interrupted and said — ' Well, but
stop ! Where do you come from ? — who sends you ?'

" We answered, that we were sent by committees

EXAGGERATIONS. 325

established in various towns, whose objects are strictly
the investigation of home and foreign affairs /'

" Mr. Johnson, of Stafford — ' I act for a committee
of working men in Stafford.'

"Mr. Duncombe — 'Do you mean to tell me that
the working men pay you for coming here? I say
they are great fools if they do.'

" Mr. Duncombe abruptly broke off here, and left us,
and then returned in company with, we are informed,
his secretary. He began not where he left off on
leaving us, but by saying, ' I will say nothing but
what I say before another person.' He then said
that 'the working men had better keep their
money.'

" Mr. Johnson, of Newcastle, interrupted, and at-
tempted to open the case.

"Mr. Duncombe, vehemently — 'Will you hold
your tongue ? I am not going to enter into the case
with you. You came here to instruct me on Maritime
Law !'

" We said that we did not come to instruct him or
any other gentleman, but to appeal to him as an
Englishman, having some interest in common with
ourselves.

" He again interrupted,* exclaiming with great
vehemence, ' Will you hold your tongue ? You instruct
me! I am the independent representative of an in-
dependent constituency. I know far more about it
than you can tell me. You will have my opinion
when the subject comes before Parliament.' He here
suddenly relaxed (?) into his former menacing and

* A few lines back we are told that it was Mr. Johnson who
interrupted.

126 DICTATION.

insulting tone of speech, saying, " In fact, I will not
hear you.'

" On our asking if he did not represent England, he
said * No, I don't. I represent a constituency.'

" We answered, ' Then that is not part of
England?*

" We were about to continue, but he stopped us,
repeating his former words — 'Will you hold your
tongue ? I will not hear you. I tell you that you
are imposing on the working men.' And then asked
' if we were not the followers of Mr. Urquhart ?'

" On our answering in the affirmative he said,
' Then I tell you at once, that I have no confidence
in his principles, and still less in his foreign policy ;'
and then entered into a rambling statement about it
being presumption on our part [which it certainly
was] to be calling on members of Parliament assuming
to instruct them.

" We said that we did not wish to instruct, we
desired them to assist in protecting the crown and
the people, who are alike attacked by this innovation.

" Mr. Duncombe — ' To set aside Lord Campbell
and Lord Clarendon !'

" One of the members of the deputation said, ' We
have nothing to do with Lord Campbell ; we have
to (striking the declaration) do with this. Here is a
question that affects the crown of England, as it
does us — and we come to you/

" Mr. Duncombe again interrupted, declaring pas-
sionately that he would not hear us ; that we were
imposing on the working men ; and saying, ' I will

* These poor fellows had not learnt the familiar axiom, that a
part is not equal to the whole.

MEDDLERS. 127

tell them wherever I go. You may take down my
words if you choose.'

" He then quitted the room abruptly without allow-
ing the deputation to reply." *

Probably this is a bad sample of these intruders
upon his time. They were not his constituents — the
member for Finsbury had no sort of connexion with
them — nevertheless, having imbibed certain peculiar
notions on foreign policy from the pamphlets of a poli-
tical lecturer, they had considered themselves justified
ii) taking an experienced member of Parliament away
from his public duties to listen to their " declaration"
about a question which, as they represented, equally
affected the interests of the crown of England and the
Johnsons of Salford and Newcastle !

* Sheffield Free Press, June 21st, 1855.

128

CHAPTEE VI.

POLAND AND HUNGARY.

Literary Association of the Friends of Poland and Lord Dudley
Coutts Stuart — Insurrection in Hungary — Letter of Lord
Dudley Coutts Stuart — Arrival of Kossuth — His patriotic ora-
tions— Seizure of warlike stores — Mr. Duncombe defends the
patriot in the House of Commons — Letter of Louis Kossuth —
Walter Savage Landor and the Times — Colonel Tiirr — Mr.
Duncombe' s correspondence with Lord Palmerston relating to
him — The Foreign Office refuse him a passport — Lord Clarendon
to Colonel Tlirr — Mr. Duncombe obtains his passport, and the
Colonel joins Garibaldi — Letter from Mr. Edwin James — Mar-
riage of General Tiirr — Baron Prochazka's revelations in Hun-
gary— Decline of the public interest in Kossuth — Issue of
spurious Hungarian notes stopped by Government — Kossuth on
English affairs — The stolen note — Hungarian testimonials to
Mr. Duncombe — Coronation of Francis Joseph as King of
Hungary.

IT had now become well known all over the civilised
world that the member for Finsbury was the friend
of oppressed nationalities. It therefore occurred to
the exiled Poles to endeavour to enlist his sympathy
in their behalf. There had for some time existed in
this country a society expressly established to take
cognizance of their distress and afford them relief.
As is very often the case, the managers of this asso-
ciation, with the best intentions in the world, were
not popular with the body of unfortunates who had
to apply to them for assistance. A former chancellor

FRIENDS OF POLAND. 129

of the exchequer had brought a charge against the
society of want of discrimination in affording relief
to the Poles; but in August, 1840, having occasion
to address the House of Commons respecting them,
Mr. Duncombe referred to what appeared to him to
be instances of partiality in the distribution of the
funds. This elicited several long letters from Lord
Dudley Stuart, the President of the " Literary Asso-
ciation of the Friends of Poland," in which he de-
fended its administration. Mr. Duncombe wrote a
reply, which was published in the newspapers.

There was another society organized for the regene-
ration of Poland, of which Mr. Ernest Jones was
president, and Mr. George Julian Harney secretary.
Mr. Duncombe also belonged to this society, and
assisted them with all his influence. He pre-
sented a petition from them demanding the interven-
tion of the British Government for the restoration of
the nationality of Poland, on the llth of March, 1846,
and another the following year. The democratic
committee issued a publication for general circulation
at the price of a penny each number ; but only two
numbers were published. They then arranged that
missionaries in pairs — the one an Englishman, the
other a Pole — should be sent to all parts of the
country to stir up the population with the wrongs of
Poland. Messrs. Jones and Harney indulged in a
good deal of " tall talk" on these occasions, but
nothing came of it; they scolded the House of
Commons, but nothing came of that ; and they
abused every one who did not adopt their views —
with the same negative result.

There cannot be a question that Poland has been

VOL. II. K

130 POLES.

badly used ; "but poems — though written by a Camp-
bell— occasional balls, and societies like those we have
mentioned, can afford no real benefit. If " Freedom
shrieked when Kosciusko fell," she must have
swooned when the duchy of "Warsaw was seized upon
and declared a Russian province : since when it looks
as if Poland had really become " a geographical ex-
pression;" but Europe cannot help her, any more
than it could help the gallant race of Circassians
when they were denationalized after the same fashion.
No amount of Lord Dudley Coutts Stuarts could have
stopped the giant state from absorbing its weak
neighbours. Mr. Duncombe spoke for the Polish
exiles whenever his advocacy was likely to be felt ;
but all statesmen of sound judgment knew that Eng-
land could not interfere in their behalf to any profit.
He helped them also with liberal subscriptions.

The Magyars in Hungary, after the insurrection at
Vienna, when Georgey led them to revolt and the
down-trodden Poles hastened to their assistance on
the Danube, might have established their nationality
on the ruins of the Austrian empire, had not the
politic autocrat of the neighbouring empire inter-
posed, and with the assistance of the able Windisch-
gratz rescued the House of Hapsburg from destruc-
tion. So enormous was the Russian force sent to the
assistance of Francis Joseph, that the Hungarians
were everywhere overpowered. The fighting men of
the revolution retreated fighting till they were pushed
over the frontier into the country of the Turk, in
whose service they were glad to offer their well-
stained swords ; the talking men of the revolution
fled talking into lands that enjoyed the blessings of

HUNGARIANS. 131

constitutional liberty, in whose service they superflu-
ously offered their well-used tongues.

Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart took the fugitives under
his protection, notwithstanding the trouble given him
by the Poles. He appealed on their behalf to Mr.
Duncombe, with what result he shall himself re-
late :— '-

34, St. James's-place, Tuesday,
August 7th, 1849.

MY DEAR MB. DUNCOMBE, — A gentleman has just called
on me and brought me your note of the 6th instant, with
51. from yourself for the Hungarians, and an order for 2/.
from the liberal inhabitants of Keighley for the same
purpose.

These subscriptions, for which I beg to offer my personal
thanks, I will take care and have publicly acknowledged.
I was delighted to see and to hear you in the House of
Commons so much better than I expected, and trust this
fine weather will promote the speedy restoration of your
health.

Believe me, yours sincerely,

DUDLEY COUTTS STUART.

M. Kossuth arrived in this country, and shortly
took upon himself the duties of a political Peter the
Hermit, making tremendous appeals on behalf of
Hungary. There was great enthusiasm excited for
him at first, and it was thought that a new crusade
was about to commence. They were certainly won-
derful orations, those of M. Kossuth, and were ex-
tremely patriotic. The newspapers were full of them,
and nothing was talked of but enslaved Magyars
and Austrian tyranny. In course of time, however,
this marvellous oratory ceased to be effective, and the
speaker sought fresh audiences across the Atlantic.

K 2

] 32 COMBUSTIBLES.

In America his success was equally great, and his
oratorical powers equally appreciated; but in time
here too he exhausted the admiration of his enthu-
siastic friends, and returned to England.

He had not long reappeared before rumours were
circulated that he was meditating a warlike demon-
stration against the Emperor of Austria, and it began
to be whispered that munitions of war were preparing
that were intended to do incalculable mischief to his
imperial majesty. England was at peace with Austria,
and her Government could not permit preparations
for a destructive war against that power to be carried
on in this country. Armed with a secretary of state's
warrant, the police made a seizure of a large store of
combustibles evidently collected for a destructive pur-
pose. The newspapers in recording the facts stated
also that the magazine was the property of M.
Kossuth.

Mr. Duncombe was an earnest admirer of the Hun-
garian patriot, and it having been reported to him
that the account printed in the journals was an ex-
aggeration, and that an injustice had been done, on
15th of May, 1853, he addressed the House of
Commons on the subject,* and endeavoured to prove
that a Mr. Hall, who was an inventor of rockets, had
been prosecuted for having a larger quantity of gun-
powder in his possession than was permitted by law,
and that not content with condemning him to penal-
ties for his alleged transgression, they had accused him
of being in league with M. Kossuth for establishing an
arsenal to be employed against a sovereign with whom.

* Diary — " Spoke on the Rotherhithe and Kossuth mare's-
nest."

EMPERORS. 133

England was at peace, when in reality he was merely
employed in completing a large order for fireworks.

The humour of this defence was extremely relished
by the House ; nor were they insensible to the reply
of Lord Palmerston, given in the same spirit. The
Times, in a leading article upon the subject the next
morning, acknowledged the ingenuity of Mr. Dun-
combe's speech, but sanctioned the seizure of the fifteen
hundred rockets and missiles known to have been
manufactured by M. Kossuth's Hungarian friends.
Mr. Hall presently acknowledged his culpability, and
the Government not only let him off the penalty, but
presented him with 870/. as compensation.

The Hungarian patriot, like Othello, found his
occupation gone. The Emperor of France evidently
considered one emperor at a time a sufficient opponent ;
indeed there seemed reason to believe that, provided
he could bring the war with him to a successful issue
by the capture of the great Russian stronghold in the
Black Sea, he would be well content to come to an
accommodation. The Emperor of Austria, doubtless
with many congratulations that he was permitted to
preserve his large military force for the maintenance
of his hereditary dominions, was well content that his
two imperial rivals should waste their strength
against each other. The Emperor of Russia having
contrived to make ridiculous an English admiral who
had led a magnificent fleet through the Baltic, with
the avowed intention of capturing St. Petersburg, and
in the result had slightly varied the famous report of
Caesar — " He came, saw, and" — sailed away, — was
preparing a demonstration in another direction, in-
tended to terminate in a manner still more to the

134 KOSSUTH

honour of " holy Bussia," and was in a mood to con-
ciliate the most formidable of his allies, that he might
recover his prestige in Europe, while the potentates
not engaged in the struggle reserved their strength to
put down democracy in their own dominions. There
was therefore no encouragement for the eloquent
leader of an Hungarian revolt, so he employed himself
as an itinerant lecturer, while he scrutinized the pro-
gress of events from his own point of view. He was
solicitous to inspect treaties and blue-books, and
applied to the member for Finsbury to procure them

for him : —

8, South Bank, Eegent's-paxk,
February 19th, 1856.

DEAR SIR, — Your obliging affability encourages me to a
request.

Has the treaty of alliance between Great Britain and
France (referring to this war), and the other treaty with
Turkey on the same subject, ever been communicated to
Parliament ?

If it has been you would very much oblige me by
lending it to me for perusal, as I never have seen these
fundamental documents. Upon your kind permission I
would send my aide-de-camp to fetch them, and return them
with thanks immediately after perusal.

If they were never brought under the notice of Parlia-
ment, then I really don't know what to say ; the fact is so
curious. How can an opinion be formed on the issue when
the basis of the whole transaction, and the engagements
England has entered [into], are unknown ?

With high esteem and particular consideration,

Yours most obsequiously, - KOSSUTH.

That lookers-on see most of the game, is as appli-
cable to the great game of war as to humbler and
more innocent pastimes ; and when such a spectator

ON PASSING EVENTS. 135

as the ex-governor of republican Hungary takes a
deliberate survey of what is going on in that way, a
comprehensive knowledge of its past, present, and
future may be looked for as a matter of course. M.
Kossuth disliked the war in the Crimea — it was not
undertaken for any purpose in which he could feel
interest ; he therefore looked with disfavour on the
belligerents, and was ready to scrutinise the arrange-
ments that led to it, in a hostile spirit. Making
allowances for this, his criticism is not without a
certain illustrative value : —

"Wednesday, February 20th, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR, — I beg to return my sincere thanks for
the documents, and the obliging manner in so promptly
and so perfectly complying with my humble request. The
documents are exactly those I desired to see.

The passage about the Sea of Azoff is to be found in the
despatch of the Earl of Clarendon to Lord John Russell,
dated April 3, 1855 ; it is the No. 2 of the additional
Vienna Papers presented to Parliament in July 1855, and
published in the Times of July 14th.

Perhaps you will allow me to invite your attention like-
wise to the following facts : —

1, Lord John Russell, in the debates of June 5, 1855
(previous to his compulsory resignation), made the following
statement ; " The proposition suggested by the French
Government, though not regularly put in the form of a
proposition in the protocol, but more than once stated with
great eloquence and ability by the French minister,
M. Drouyn de Lhuys, was this, that there should be what
he called a neutralization of the Black Sea, that it should
be a neutral sea for the purposes of commerce, and, being
so, that arsenals and fortifications for the purpose of war
should be destroyed/'

At present the word " fortifications " has been omitted
from the text of the third point.

136 VARIATIONS.

2. In the original proposition of the four points (Eastern
Papers, part xiii. 1855, Vienna Protocols. No. 1 and 2) the
third point explicitly contained a double object, " to connect
the existence of the Ottoman empire more completely with
the European equilibrium/' and to put an end to the pre-
ponderance of Russia in the Black Sea.

With respect to the first object, an Article has been
agreed to " engaging to respect the independence and
integrity of Turkey, and guaranteeing the observance of
this engagement" (Annex A to Vienna Protocol, No. 11).

At present no reference is made in the preliminaries of
peace to this first object of the third point, the connecting
Turkey with the European system ; the guarantee of his
independence and integrity, is entirely dropped.

3. You of course are aware of the fact that the present
fifth point is absolutely no new addition to the olden four
points ; only last year at Vienna it stood in the prologue,
now it stands in the epilogue; but in connexion with the
fact No. 2, alluded to above, there is again a curious
modification in the text.

Now the fifth point is : The belligerent powers reserve to
themselves the right of producing, in a European interest,
special conditions over and above the four guarantees.

At Vienna last year the reservation stood thus (Vienna
Papers, No. 1, Memorandum) ; " Austria, France, and Great
Britain reserving to themselves the power to put forward
such special conditions as may appear to them required
beyond the four guarantees by the general interest of
Europe to prevent the recurrence of the late complications."

You see the difference, " the prevention of the recurrence
of the late complications " here, and " the connecting of
Turkey with the European system " there, are omitted
(diplomatists never change an expression accepted by com-
mon agreement without some design), while the right of
producing new conditions, formerly reserved to the allies,
now appears reserved for the belligerent powers, consequently
for Russia likewise. Of course it was due to the dignity of
Russia that should England dare to speak " Bomarsund,"

DIPLOMACY. 137

Russia should be in order when speaking, for instance,
" Heligoland."

This forcibly recalls to my memory that despatch of Lord
Clarendon to Lord John Russell (additional Vienna Papers,
No. 1), wherein he speaks of Russia lulling her antagonists
into security, and says that " while the navy of England
were upon a peace establishment a Russian fleet of twenty-
seven or thirty sail of the line might suddenly issue from
the Baltic and sweep the British seas."

Oh, how the " big brother " (as Mr. Roebuck calls him)
would chuckle should he succeed in making Clarendon a
prophet, besides having gained his point now, which
undoubtedly was never anything but " the legitimisation of
his dynasty," not only not yet recognised until now, but
rather outlawed by the 1815 treaties. Lord Clarendon had
some presentiment of this issue when he wrote his despatch
of March 23, 1853, to Sir G. H. Seymour (Secret
Correspondence, page 19), but of course " drifted " is the
word.

Still, since Lord Clarendon (House of Lords, May 25,
1855) acknowledged that " the four points would certainly
have offered no security to Turkey," and since the condi-
tions actually agreed to are nothing but those same four
points, only milder in favour of Russia, it will be pleasant
to hear how the Government will convince Parliament that
the peace is " safe and satisfactory, and that it secures the
future independence and tranquillity of Europe/'

The Roman augurs laughed when they met each other.
I wonder what those at Paris will do.

Excuse my chattering, and believe me to be, with distin-
guished consideration,

Your most obsequious servant, KOSSUTH.

By this time intelligence reached England of
another failure in the allied operations against
Russia; it was one, however, in which English
interests were most concerned. The only general
officer in our army who had conspicuously displayed

138 WAR IN THE CRIMEA.

generalship had been placed in command of an im-
portant post, with an inadequate Turkish garrison,
and with the assistance of only one or two English
officers, was left unsupported to abide the attack of
an overwhelming Russian army, in the most perfect
state of efficiency, and conducted by the ablest general
in the Russian service. The heroic defence of Kars
by General Sir Fenwick Williams, was, as every one
knows, the most glorious event in that grand chapter
of accidents, the Crimean war. How it was caused
the Hungarian looker-on shall relate : —

8, South Bank, April 27th, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR, — I leave to-morrow for Edinburgh, and
hence on a three weeks' lecturing tour. I thought to get
ready yesterday with my arrangements, but so many unex-
pected matters came between that I have absolutely not a
minute to my disposition. It is, therefore, with very
sincere regrets that I feel obliged to apologise for my being
prevented to wait upon you.

As to Kars, as far as I can remember the Kars papers
contain numerous indications that Kars has been designedly
sacrificed. I have no time now to refer to them. I, how-
ever, am one of those who are wont to form their opinion
rather on the logic of a given situation than on petty
details. These are but symptomatic, great events walk on
a broad track.

Now, thus much is incontrovertibly established : that the
allies had 200,000 men in the Crimea absolutely idle, while
Kars lingered in protracted agony (those 200,000 men were
already consigned to winter quarters at that time, conse-
quently idle), and the allies had immense means of sea
transport. To relieve Kars they had not to go to Kars :
no land transport was needed ; they had only to land at
Batoum. Please look to the map and you shall feel con-
vinced that the mere landing of 30,000 men at Batoum

DEFENCE OF EARS. 139

would have instantly forced Mouravieff to leave Kars in all
haste, and to retreat in forced marches towards his basis,
Tim's, at least as far as Achalosik, or else he would have
been cut off, and caught like Mack at Ulm, with his whole
army.

Batoum

O Kars.

Well, the allies had men to spare, had countless idle
ships for transport, and had Batoum within easy distance
(50-60 hours), still they did not move.

Why ? because the Czar wanted a victory to restore a
prestige to his arms, or else he would not have consented,
could not have consented, to negotiate.

But Bonaparte wanted him to make peace, for making
the new dynasty acknowledged, and for arriving at that
alliance with Russia, which was the only aim of war with
him.

Bonaparte was the leader in the war ; his marshal com-
manded in the Crimea: England was but an auxiliary.

So he voluntarily sacrificed Kars to induce the Czar to
negotiations.

Please read the Russian proclamations, whereupon do
they turn ? " I could make peace with honour, because I
was victorious in Asia ; " thus says the Czar.

To this conspiracy fell Kars a victim.

This is the leading feature in my opinion.

And how came it to pass that Turkey was not able to
save it ? please to read in one of the enclosed slips what I
marked " Kars," written in December. There is my expla-
nation.

I have, besides, the honour to enclose another slip to
which I referred at our late interview. Its value is only

140 WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.

that it might facilitate the " recherche " amongst the ocean
of rubbish " blue books."

I would request you to have these two slips returned, as
I have no other copy, and like to file for my children my
writings.

Many thanks for the Eastern papers.

I have the honour to remain, with very grateful feelings
for your last benevolent allusions in Parliament to the
cause of the nationalities (a ray of consolation while the
horizon is all dark), and with very distinguished regards,
Your most obedient servant, KOSSUTH.

Th. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

Walter Savage Landor, an author of some celebrity,
who had occasionally come forward to give expression
to liberal ideas, not unfrequently extravagant and ex-
aggerated, in the month of March, 1856, published a
letter addressed to the editor of the Times, in which
he proposed the raising of a public subscription for
Kossuth, who, he alleged, was in straitened circum-
stances. The communication was written in his cus-
tomary style. The person for whom he required
pecuniary assistance was thus described : — " The
jewels of the Hungarian crown lay at his feet ; he
spurned them, as he spurned the usurper and perjurer
who had worn them. * * * The representative
of Mahomet saved the follower of Christ from the
vengeance of the Apostolic : the caliph cast his mantle
over the wounded, and defied the uplifted sword."

As if such inflated language was not sufficiently
unpalatable to English common- sense, he went on to
degrade and vilify one of the most honoured names
in English history among liberal politicians.

" Mr. Fox had squandered a large fortune in the
most pernicious of vices, gambling. * * * Mr.

KOSSUTH SUBSCRIPTION. 141

Fox committed an act of treason, or very similar, in
sending an agent to the Empress Catherine assuring her
that she might safely take possession of Nootka Sound
against the just claims of England. The speeches of
Mr. Fox never elevated the soul, never enlarged the
intellect, never touched the heart. He upheld the
cause of France against England throughout the war,
even while her best citizens were bleeding on the
scaffold. Kossuth upheld the cause of Hungary, &c."

Such a comparison challenged a reply; and the
editor of the Times, in a leading article of the same
date, gave it in a way that made the idea of a public
subscription for Mr. Kossuth totally out of the ques-
tion, and damaged that " Daniel O'Connell of Hun-
gary," as he is styled by the writer, irretrievably.
It came under his notice, and he possessed penetra-
tion enough to see the mischief it was calculated to
do both to his cause and himself. The same day he
wrote to Mr. Duncombe, enclosing both the letter
and the commentary cut from the newspaper, with
this sentence referring to the former.

"I just see, with indescribable astonishment and
grief, from the Times, that the sacred domains of my
private life have been profaned by a public appeal —
well intentioned, but sorely afflicting my feelings, and
grievously inconsiderate. I beg from you to believe
that not only have I had no knowledge of it, but that
I would gladly sacrifice a goodly portion of the little
life I may yet have in store could I make it un-
done."

He wrote a communication to the same effect for
publication, but was never able to remove the injuri-
ous effect which his friend's mischievous comparison

142 COLONEL TURK.

with one of the first and noblest of English reformers,
had created.

Among the Hungarian patriots who were compelled
to fly their country was Colonel Tiirr. On the break-
ing out of -the Russian war, this gentleman obtained
a commission in the English service, and was sent to
Bucharest to purchase horses for the English Govern-
ment. Here he was recognised and carried away a
prisoner by the Austrians. On February 1st, 1856,
Mr. Duncombe addressed a question to the Govern-
ment respecting this gross violation of international
law. Lord Palmer ston replied that the Austrian
Government, in deference to her Majesty's Govern-
ment, having first tried Colonel Tiirr as a deserter,
and found him guilty, had ordered him to be released.
The colonel was permitted to return to his duty, and
Mr. Duncombe had almost forgotten the individual
for whom he had interested himself, when the latter
called upon him towards the close of August of the
same year, bearing a letter of introduction from his
countryman, Louis Kossuth.

Colonel Tiirr's troubles recommenced, when he had
reasonable hope for believing that they were at an
end, and a prospect opening to him for a useful, if not
a brilliant career, in the East. He had expressed his
intentions to Mr. Duncombe, during several visits
paid to him in the autumn of 1856, and the latter
had engaged to forward his wishes as much as lay in
his power. With that object he at once addressed his
friend the Premier.

57, Cambridge-terrace, October 10th, 1856.

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, — Colonel Tiirr, in respect
of whose illegal arrest by Austria, while in the service of

LORD PALMERSTON. 143

Great Britain and on a neutral territory, you may possibly
recollect I asked a question during the last Session, has
called upon me and is very anxious that I should bring him
to you to enable him to thank you personally for your
intercession upon that occasion in his behalf, which I would
willingly do did I not feel convinced that your time must
be much better occupied at present than by receiving our
visits ; but as he is desirous of returning to Turkey in a few
days, and wishes to obtain employment, civil or military,
either under the Sultan or the British Government, perhaps
you would have no objection to kindly furnish him with a
recommendation for that purpose to Lord S. de Redcliffe.

If you can consistently do so, I am confident that you
will not only be doing a kindness but an act of justice to a
most ill-used and honourable man.

The director-general (Colonel McMurdo) appears to think
most highly of him, has passed all his accounts, and very
properly, in my opinion, recommended the secretary for
war to authorise the liquidation of his arrears of pay during
the period of his Austrian persecution and imprisonment.

I may add that Colonel Tiirr has recently become a
naturalized British subject.

I have the honour to be,

My dear Lord Palmerston,

Very faithfully yours,

THOS. S. DUNCOMBE.

In due course a reply reached him : —

Broadlands, October 16th, 1856.

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — If I had been in town I would
have seen Colonel Tiirr, though I could not have been of
any use to him.

It would of course have been impossible to give him
employment in the British service, and I fear there is little
chance of his obtaining service in the Turkish army, as we
have not succeeded in regard to Polish officers who have
stronger claims upon us than Colonel Tiirr. The Colonel

144 FOREIGN-OFFICE.

was very ill used, but he was indiscreet in placing himself
in a situation which rendered him liable to ill-usage.

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

Mr. Duncombe experienced a very severe attack of
illness in the autumn of 1856 that confined him to
his room for thirteen weeks. Among the few per-
sons who had access to him was Colonel Tiirr, who
came several times previous to his return to the East.
That he felt a profound interest in the colonel was
evident, for as soon as he was permitted to leave the
house he called at the Foreign-office and had an inter-
view with Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon on
his account. Questions of inconvenience or even of risk
were never permitted to interfere with the perform-
ance of friendly or public services. Indeed, there
cannot be a doubt that this unselfishness of spirit
often aggravated his disorder ; but it had never taken
so serious a turn as in the last attack. It had become
essential to his safety that he should seek a warmer
climate, but he could not be induced to listen to such
suggestions.

There remained now nothing for the colonel to do
but to get his passports and proceed to Constantinople.
But here, as in many other sublunary matters, the
first step was the greatest difficulty. He was hardly,
then aware of the troubles that beset an alien on quit-
ting its shores. Although he was a naturalized sub-
ject, the Foreign-office could only regard him as a
foreigner, and looked jealously to his antecedents
before they would in the smallest way become re-
sponsible for his future. The following announce-
ment, and the communication that follows, apprized
his friends that the authority essential for his depar-

HUNGARIAN FRENCH. 145

ture from England had been withheld. The clerks in
the Foreign-office had detected some passages in a
hook published by Colonel Tiirr that did not accord
with his application for a passport. Lord Clarendon

therefore demurred.

16, Leicester-place, Leicester-square,
Octobre 26, 1856.

MONSIEUR, — Je re9u a la fin un lettre de Foreigne
Offize, dans lequel on me dit de venir Mercredi le 29
Octobre, pour mon passport : je tacherais partir ce meme
jour. Si vous verais un fois le Lord Palmerston, je vous
en prie de lui presente ma malheureuse situation, et de
1'engagee de fair quelque chose pour moi. Un photografist
a voulu fair mon portrait, et il m'envoye aussi deux copies :
veuillez accepte un, en signe de profound respecte ?

Agreez, cher monsieur, les homages de

Votre sincerement devoue, E. TURK.*

16, Leicester-place, London,
Octobre 29, 1856.

MONSIEUR, — Je suis allez chez Mr. Lenex Conynham
dans le Foreigne Offize, qui pour me donner un passport,
ma fait savoir que Lord Clarendon me refuse le passport,
pour le raison suivant.

1. Que je suis devenu sujet Anglais par le temoignage
que j'abite FAngelter depuis 5 anne ; qui n'est pas exact.

2. Que je suis allez Panne passe en Valachie, ou j'etais
arrete pour le delit militair par les autorite d'Autriche, qui
a causez beaucoup d'enbarass au Governement, et amene
d'aigrement entre le Gouvernement d'Autricb. et le Gouver-
nement Britanique ; apres quand j'etais mis en liberte je
suis partis de Constantinopel tout suit dans le voisinages
du quartier-general Autricliien, que a cause de nouvel
protestation.

3. Que je declare d'avoir Fintention de reste en
Angelter, qui est en contradiction avec le demand d'un
passport pour Constantinopel. Pour finir, le Lord Claren-

* We print the colonel's letters as they are written.
VOL. II. L

146 LORD CLARENDON

don dit pour n'avoir pas de nouvelles question avec
1'Autrich le Gouvernement me refuse de donne un passport.

Je reponde aujourd'hui au Lord Clarendon, et je lui fait
voir qu'il a tort, et que le raison qu'il me donne sont pas
exact. C'est conu que j'abite PAngelter depuis 1850 ; ce vrais
que j'allee suivant reste plusieurs mois a Turin, Suisse, ou
en France. Le 2 — 3 imputation vous micux aprecie que
person. Je suis fache que un minister Anglais me dit que
j'etais arrete pour delit militair, et que le Gouvernement a
ou d'enbaras ; — et moi ? j'avais un sort inviable en prison
pendent 4 mois. Je part demain, Jeudi.

Agreez, Monsieur, le gratitud eternel

De votre tout devoue, - E. TURK.

Lord Clarendon's reason for refusing Colonel Tiirr
the opportunity for obtaining that of which he was
in search, employment in Turkey, seems to have been
based on an apprehension that he was going elsewhere.
His lordship no doubt was well aware of his intimacy
with Kossuth, and evidently suspected that he was pro-
ceeding on a mission that might involve the English
Government in unpleasant complications. The colonel
had already established a character for imprudence,
and might again place himself in Austrian hands.
The Foreign Secretary thought that gentleman would
be out of harm's way at home, and considered that a
naturalised subject should be naturalised only to settle
in it, in accordance with the Act " To amend the
laws relating to aliens," section vi. We give Lord
Clarendon's declaration on the subject : —

Foreign Office, November 3rd, 1856.

SIR, — I am directed by the Earl of Clarendon to acknow-
ledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th ultimo, and to
inform you that it does not explain the inconsistencies
which appear to exist in your case, nor is there any

RESPECTING COLONEL TURK. 147

attempt in it to account for the discrepancies between
your printed accounts of yourself and the statements as
to residence in your own letter. You state in your letter
that in 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853 you resided chiefly in London,
though part of that time your affairs obliged you to visit
Turin, Switzerland, and France; on the other hand you
state in your pamphlet, page 10, that between September,
1849, and October, 1850, " you resided partly in Switzer-
land and partly in Piedmont " until October, 1850,
subsequently to which date you conducted, " on foot to
Havre," a party of Hungarians. You then state that " you
remained in Europe, residing alternately in Piedmont,
Switzerland, and now and then in Paris and London, until
the month of February, 1853, when you went into Italy "
The revolution in Milano having failed, you state that you
were arrested and kept in prison forty days ; that you were
afterwards sent to Tunis, whence you had an opportunity of
reaching England. You further state that when the war
broke out between Russia and the Western Powers in
March, 1854, you went to Turkey, and you make no
allusion to any subsequent residence in England till
August, 1856.

There is nothing in these statements with respect to the
past which bears out the allegation that you resided five
years in England ; and, with respect to the future, you have
informed Lord Clarendon of your intention of seeking
employment in the East, in a manner which is wholly
incompatible with the supposition of a residence in this
country.

His lordship does not feel it necessary to enter into any
argument as to whether or not your conduct, after you had
been provided by the British Government with employment,
was or was not judicious, or likely to lead to the difficulties
which were subsequently created by the course you pur-
sued ; but there was certainly nothing in your case to justify
Lord Clarendon in departing from the course he would
pursue in any similar case, namely, of refusing to grant a
British passport to a naturalized subject in virtue of a cer-

L 2

148 NATURALIZATION.

tificate of naturalization obtained upon statements which
appear to be incorrect.

It was open to you when you were informed that your
statement of residence was incorrect, as it is open to you
now, to offer any explanation of the conflicting statements
you appear to have made.

You were not informed at this office, as you seem to
imply, that your becoming a British subject " debarred you
from ever leaving British soil ;" but I am directed to inform
you that until you can satisfy Lord Clarendon on the points
to which I have alluded, he cannot feel himself justified in
granting you a passport.

I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

SHELBURNE.

•§!£. "War Department, November 8th, 1856.

SIR, — In reply to your letter of the 21st October I am
directed by Lord Panmure to acquaint you that the pay-
ments to Colonel Tiirr cannot be exempted from the charge
for Income duty.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

(Signed) JOHN CROOMES.
Colonel M'Murdo.

Je vous transmets cette copie en vous disant que person
des employees etranger du Land Transport Corps n'a pas
payee 1'income taxe. Par exception particuliere je n'etais pas
conte parmi les heureux, et je du la payer.

The next communication the unfortunate Hungarian
received from the English Government was to an-
nounce to him the surprising fact that, although he
had become nationalised in England, he had not been
de-nationalised in Austria ; therefore he was still an
Austrian subject.

Lord Clarendon finding that Colonel Tiirr could
not give a satisfactory explanation of his errand to
Turkey, was obliged to come to the conclusion that

TURK WITH GARIBALDI. 149

this was only an assumed destination. The colonel
again applied to the member for Finsbury, and Mr.
Buncombe again had an interview with Lord
Palmerston. Whether the Foreign Secretary became
satisfied that the Hungarian had a legitimate object
in travelling at this particular period, cannot be stated
on sufficient authority ; all that we are aware of is,
that he did obtain a passport, and that a short time
afterwards, first as chief of the aides-de-camp, and sub-
sequently with the rank of general, was serving
gallantly with Garibaldi in the French and Sardinian
war with Austria in Italy.*

General Tiirr gained great credit for a brilliant
achievement in that glorious campaign, in which he
was wounded. At this period Mr. Duncombe, at the
request of Mr. Edwin James, the eminent barrister,
wrote a letter of introduction to the general, and
another to Baron Poerio, Mr. James having decided
on going to the seat of war. These were not the
only services of the kind he rendered military
amateurs. Mr. Francis George Hare, formerly of the
2nd Life Guards, received such a recommendation as
procured him employment immediately. He was
present at the battle of Volturno, for his gallant con-
duct got promoted to the Staff, and was made a
captain.

The general had the command of one of the divi-
sions of the army of Sicily, and Mr. Duncombe's
legal friend met him at Naples, in the full enjoyment
of his well-deserved success, but suffering much from
indisposition.

* General Tiirr's other letters to Mr. Duncombe will be found
in the Appendix.

150 MR. EDWIN JAMES.

I
Naples, Sunday, September 9th, 1860.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — This evening I gave your letter
to Colonel Tiirr. What a scene we have had here ! no pen
can describe it. I entered Naples with Garibaldi, and
came by special train with him from Salerno. The popular
enthusiasm knows no bounds.

I have been with him three times, and like him much.
Tiirr seems very ill; he desired his kindest remembrances
to you.

Garibaldi will pass on to Rome at once.

I shall remain here about ten days. I want to see
Garibaldi give the Bavarian troops a good licking.

Ever sincerely, EDWIN JAMES.

I have been very well, but the heat is fearful.

Garibaldi was not permitted to continue the cam-
paign to its crowning triumph. Italy was won ; but
Rome, as usual in its extremity, protected by the
chapter of accidents, had a reprieve in the eleventh
hour.

The war was over, and the heroes retired on their
laurels till they should again be wanted. In the
following year one of them published the following
announcement amongst his friends : —

Turin, Septembre le 11°, 1861.

Le General Etienne Tiirr a Thonneur de vous faire part
de son mariage avec Mademoiselle Adeline Bonaparte
Wyse.*

The public interest in Kossuth waned in England
from the time that more impartial accounts of his
antecedents and of the civil war in Hungary began to
circulate. They varied materially from the narrative

* Daughter of Madame Laetitia Wyse, who wrote the letter to
Mr. Duncombe to be found in a preceding chapter.

DECLINE OF KOSSUTH. 151

of himself and his partizans. Perhaps the one most
damaging to him was the Baron Prochazka's " Reve-
lations of Hungary," published in this country in
1851. A memoir of Kossuth was added, that repre-
sented him as anything but a hero, and his proceed-
ings as anything rather than beneficial to Hungary.
No doubt there was a strong bias in its tone ; but the
facts related were indisputable, and these getting
diffused through the newspapers aided materially in
divesting his name of that romantic interest with
which it was clothed on his arrival in England after
the termination of the revolt he had assisted in crea-
ting and helped to maintain.

Hungary became less and less attractive in Eng-
land. Kossuth persuaded "The Friends of Italy" to
combine the Hungarian with the Italian cause. This
idea in November, 1851, was brought before the
members of the society. On the 12th of that month
Mr. Duncombe wrote a letter to the secretary, Mr.
Daniel Masson, stating that he would approve of the
change provided it had the sanction of Mazzini as
well as of Kossuth. The desired sanction was ob-
tained; moreover, a joint appeal was made for a
shilling subscription on behalf of Hungary and Italy,
to be handed over to the two patriots ; but as events
made their projects more and more hopeless, more and
more lukewarm became their admirers.

Kossuth, though he had no pretensions to patri-
cian descent, in all his communications signed with
his surname only, as though the representative
of a noble or princely house. His name was Lajos
Kossuth, the Hungarian Christian name agreeing with
" Louis," and complaints were made of his haughti-

152 SPURIOUS NOTES.

ness during his short-lived power. The murder of
Count Lamberg threw as much odium on the cause of
the Hungarian revolutionists as that of Count Rossi
did on the Italian.

Early in the year 1861 public attention was again
directed to Kossuth by his being a defendant in the
Court of Chancery, the plaintiff being Francis Joseph
Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary and
Bohemia. It was caused by the manufacture in this
country of paper .money for circulation in the king-
dom of Hungary, signed " Louis Kossuth," in the
Hungarian language, and bearing the royal arms.
On the affidavit of Count Apponyi, the Austrian am-
bassador, that the amount of such paper money
attempted to be thrown into circulation in the em-
peror's dominions would exceed a hundred millions of
florins, for revolutionary purposes, an injunction was
prayed for and granted by Lord Campbell. The
result was that Messrs. Day and Son, who had been
made defendants in the suit with Kossuth, had to
surrender the whole of the notes they had manufac-
tured, and to pay the costs of the injunction.

Kossuth was as much discomfited by the treaty of
Villafranca as by the injunction in the English Court
of Chancery. According to a statement in a commu-
nication addressed by him to a friend in Glasgow,
published in the newspapers, he had been organizing
a revolution in Hungary which, just when success
was certain, was extinguished by the unwelcome
compact between the imperial belligerents ; and we
learn under his own hand that he never obtained one
of the notes printed by Messrs. Day. Mr. Duncombe
was not disposed to give the Government so easy a

LORD JOHN'S DIPLOMACY. 153

victory, and followed the same course with the
Kossuth notes he had taken with the Kossuth
rockets. His proceeding elicited the following com-
prehensive reply : —

7, Bedford-place, Russell-square,
March 18th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR, — I beg to express my most sincere thanks
for your so ably and so warmly protecting my good cause.

I am going instantly to take steps that I hope will give
me authority to put into your hands conclusive evidences
to substantiate the facts to which you have been pleased
to refer in the House of Commons on Friday last, and I
shall not rest till I get the authority required for the pro-
duction of said evidence.

I think Lord John's explanation about " the interests
England has in the Adriatic " was very illogical and very
weak. What possible connexion there can be between
England being in possession of the Ionian Islands and
Lord John using the authority of England for deterring
Count Cavour from liberating Venice from Austrian
thraldom, no man in his senses will ever understand,
nor will Lord John ever be able to explain. " Baculus in
angulo ergo pluit," says the culinary Latin proverb.

The " I do not remember " of Lord John, about his
ordering Sir James Hudson " to keep an eye on my
doings at Turin," is not dignified. It puts one in- mind
of the notorious '•' non mi ricordo." He had notice of the
question, he has had time to refresh his memory by
referring to his papers; he must therefore say yes or no,
and can't be allowed to evade the question with a " non
mi ricordo." Perhaps he is playing on the word
" despatch ; " the order in question may go by some other
denomination in the diplomatic phraseology : they may
call it not despatch but " note," or " inquiry," or " com-
munication," or " letter," &c. Be its name what it may,
he did write to Sir James to the effect.

His answer with regard to the " mesquine " interference

154 AUSTRIAN INTERESTS.

with the railroad business misrepresents the facts. It was
never proposed or intended (therefore it is not true that the
project, it having never existed, could have been afterwards
abandoned) to concede the railroad in question to anybody
upon the condition that a large sum should be paid to me.
Quite the contrary; I made inquiries whether that railroad
was yet open to concession, and to competition for a con-
cession, and I was answered in the affirmative. I was told
that any man or company may apply for it, but upon the
express understanding that the affair can only be treated
exclusively on its own ground, and any application for said
concession will only be decided on its own merits, and not
on any political considerations. Upon this I got up
amongst my city friends a company which offered to con-
struct the railroad on certain terms. I myself was not a
director of the railroad, I only had brought the matter
under the consideration of some English capitalists, and
they remained connected with them, when Lord John
remonstrated against the concession being granted to a
company with whom I was connected.

So my lord did not threaten that he will not allow any
expedition from Italy into the Adriatic ? Well, I shall use
every possible exertion to procure you the proof. In the
meanwhile I may say that the very despatch of August 31
bears out the fact, because tjiere he speaks of England
having gone already too far in blinking at armed expedi-
tions, declares that in future they would be considered as
organised with the consent of the Government, and winds
up with referring to the interests of England in the
Adriatic.

Now either Lord John must say that he wrote words
without any meaning at all, or else the only possible mean-
ing of his words is, — that in the past England allowed
armed expeditions (for Sicily), but her indulgence will go
110 farther, and for the future she will not allow any such
expeditions to start from Italy, especially for the Adriatic,
because there England has interests (the safety of Austria)
to guard.

SIR CORNEWALL LEWIS. 155

This is the only reasonable construction that can be put
on those words, especially as they were shortly followed
by a concentration of a powerful fleet (800 guns) before
Corfu, that concentration implying a " de facto " prepara-
tion, to give effect to the menace implied in the despatch
of August 31.

I can positively assert that this is the sense in which the
said despatch and the said concentration was understood,
not only at Turin and Paris, but also at Vienna.

Lord John should be pressed to produce the instructions
issued to the admiral on his being ordered to concentrate
so large a force before Corfu. I am perfectly confident
that we should see contained in them the order to stop or
not to let pass any armed expedition from Italy for the
coast of Dalmatia, and the order closely to watch for this
purpose the " Levante " coast of Italy.

I instructed Messrs. Day to send you a copy of his
affidavit. The statement of Sir Cornewall Lewis about his
having had no translation of the body of the note is not
correct ; Sir Richard Mayne positively told Day on their
first interview that he, Sir Richard, had a translation made
of the note ; therefore Government knew that the notes are
neither forgery nor imitation of any note in existence
before the police had been ordered to interfere with the work.

I have the honour to remain, with very high regard and
esteem,

In great haste, yours ever truly and gratefully,

KOSSUTH.

It is very evident that the proceedings of Kossuth
were closely watched by the English Government;
and the police having secured evidence of his cul-
pability, by means generally considered unjustifiable,
another prosecution against him was commenced.
A note was said to have been purloined, and the case
was made to assume such an aspect that several
of his English friends formed themselves into a com-

156 MR. BRIGHT.

mittee for undertaking his defence. This Mr. Dun-
combe joined; he moreover from his seat in Par-
liament did his best to excite public indignation
against a prosecution so conducted.

The writer of the accompanying notes was a bar-
rister of Liberal principles, who seems to have been
extremely zealous in the cause : —

Highgate, March 26th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR, — How thoroughly I enter into the course
you have taken you will best see by the copy note which I
now enclose, and also by another of mine which ought to
appear in Star of to-day. The fact is, we must " bother "
them in every way we can, and, luckily, we have got the
whip-hand of them both on the facts and the merits.

We must not let Mr. Ashurst consider whether to prose-
cute ; we must insist on the prosecution. Between ourselves
I have had to take this course throughout, or the game
would have been entirely spoiled. I had myself to prepare
Kossuth's affidavits, or they would have been a disgrace to
us all, and the only trouble I now have comes of one
affidavit which I let Ashurst prepare, thinking he could not
blunder, but he has made a dreadful mess of it.

I am disgusted with Bright (I have often been so before) .
I happen to know that he was specially communicated
with. He had in his possession facts by which he
could have shown up Lord J. Russell's lying about the
Banshee.

I cannot express warmly enough my thanks to you, as
an Englishman, a lover of liberty, a hater of espionage and
conspiracy, for what you have done, and for your promises
of continued help. I am spending the Easter " holiday " [!]
in working the matter. We will be too much for the
rascals yet.

Believe me, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours,

TOULMIN SMITH.

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

A FIREBRAND. 157

Highgate, March 25th, 1861.

SIR, — It having been stated officially that the stolen
Kossuth note was brought to you by a policeman, and as
this policeman must have either stolen the note himself, or
received it knowing it to have been stolen, I beg to ask
whether steps have already been taken by you to prosecute
this policeman, as the law requires, or, if not, when those
steps are about to be taken. I will not allow myself to
suppose that you will allow so base and flagrant a crime,
committed immediately under your eye and within your
special jurisdiction, to pass without prosecution and
punishment. I have, &c. TOULMIN SMITH.

Sir R. Mayne.

The affair did not turn out so damaging to the
Government or to the police as the indignant writer
of the foregoing had anticipated ; but this result was
in no way owing to the want of spirit of Kossuth's
friends. They did their utmost in behalf of their
client : unfortunately for him his popularity had
vanished, and public opinion — except a small but
active band of reformers — was averse to his projects.
In truth, there was a powerful party strongly sym-
pathizing with Austria in her reverses, who regarded
the Hungarian patriot as a firebrand, and this opinion
was shared by several members of the Government,
who were determined to extinguish him rather than
permit a conflagration.

The mystery about Kossuth's note admitted of
easy explanation : but it was one no member of
the Government would have given or sanctioned.
They had secured evidence of a spurious issue of
paper money, produced at the instigation of the Hun-
garian patriot. Mr. Duncombe was indignant at their

158 THE KOSSUTH NOTE.

finesse; other friends of Hungary were equally so.
We quote a communication from one to show in what
light they regarded the general support afforded to
the executive in this transaction. The correspon-
dence between the member for Finsbury and the
Secretary of State for the Home Department shows
the spirit that existed in that quarter : —

Highgate, March 24th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR, — I entirely agree with you that there
never was such a lick-spittle House of Commons. Every
day serves only more and more to show this. Why you
were not backed up is inexplicable ; Collier wrote to "White
and Layard, and I sent them copies of the petition.
Bright was both seen and written urgently to. It is
thoroughly disgraceful that men who pretend to be liberals
and lovers of freedom put little personal jealousies before
public duty. One man did go down on purpose to support
you, and that was Mr. Horsman. He had been out of
town ; he found my note on his return on Friday, late in
the afternoon, and instantly went down to the House, but,
owing to other men having broken faith, the thing was over,
and it was too late.

But an invaluable result was got. It is now admitted
(1) that they dare not let the public know how they got
the note ; (2) that they alone supplied the evidence to the
Austrian Embassy, and so are entirely responsible for the
proceedings. To have got this out is of the highest
importance. I have handled Sir G. L.'s flimsy pretences
in " Remembrancer."

Very faithfully yours, TOULMIN SMITH.

March 25th, 1861.

SIR, — To save time and further trouble on the reassem-
bling of Parliament I shall feel much obliged to you to
give me the name, number, and letter of the policeman
from whom Sir R. M. received " the K. note ; " also to

HUNGARIAN ADDRESSES. 159

inform me whether the aforesaid policeman is still on the
strength of the Metropolitan Force, if not, when he left it.
Your obedient humble servant, T. S. DUNCOMBE.

Home Office, March 30th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR, — In answer to your letter of the 25th
instant I beg leave to say that I do not feel justified in
complying with your request, and in furnishing you with
the information which you desire.
I remain, my dear Sir,

Yours very truly, G. C. LEWIS.
T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

The member for Finsbury, so far from being de-
terred by the hostility of the Government to the
Hungarian patriot from aiding in his defence, now
proceeded to make powerful appeals in the House of
Commons in favour of the Hungarians. Though they
produced no decided effect in England, as they were
translated and reproduced in the continental papers,
they were very favourably received in Hungary. In
the course of the next three or four months Mr. Dun-
combe received about a dozen addresses from patriotic
assemblies in that country acknowledging the value
of his advocacy, and expressing a grateful sense of
obligation.

The provincial assemblies in Hungary that evinced
so lively an appreciation of the advocacy of the
member for Finsbury conferred on him the distinction
of being an honorary member of the General Com-
mittee, a distinction occasionally conferred on dis-
tinguished foreigners, of whom one was the late
Prince Consort. It is curious that among extreme
reformers in the House of Commons there should be
two retained in antagonistic services. One by repute

160 PROCEEDINGS OF THE FOREIGN OFFICE.

at least filled the office of counsel for Austria, the
other thus publicly became the leader on the opposite,
side. Mr. Duncombe was now an Hungarian by a
higher authority than that which made Lord John
Russell a freeman of the city of London, and the
honour was well merited, and could be worn without
reproach. There was no assumption of republican
sentiment in those who thus chose to regard their
English advocate as one of themselves. They desired
only in a constitutional way to preserve the institu-
tions many generations of Hungarians had been per-
mitted to enjoy.

The proceedings of the Foreign Office were watched
with great jealousy by the refugees in England, and
if any transaction occurred that they disapproved of,
through every accessible channel complaints were sure
to be made that the Government was acting in oppo-
sition to the true interests of the country. Kossuth
kept quite as keen a glance upon their doings as they
maintained upon his, and having a popular represen-
tative in the British House of Commons to whom to
state his impressions, he was not without hope that
he should be able to check any manifestation of
Austrian policy that came under his observation.
Lord John Russell was in his eyes the bete noir of the
Government, and he lost no opportunity of expressing
his opinion of the darkness of his doings.

2, Cromwell-terrace, Harrow-road, W.,
April 7th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR, — I think Government should be asked to
lay before Parliament all the diplomatic correspondence
referring to the subject of certain arms carried under
Sardinian flag from Genoa to the East, and of Her

THE KING OF HUNGARY. 161

Majesty's ship Banshee, ordered to bring some of those
arms back to Genoa from Galatz, where they had been
seized by the Moldo-Valachian Government.

This is a very, very important affair. Either Lord John
wjll place the papers complete before Parliament, and then
they will afford the best possible opportunity for reviewing
the philo- Austrian policy of the Foreign Office, or else Lord
John will resort to the usual trick of garbled extracts, and
in that case I shall not rest till I put you in possession of
the whole, though I may have to send to Constantinople
for the papers.

You very likely have heard from Mr. Ashurst of what has
come to pass with regard to the notes. I have not heard
of Mr. Ashurst for two days, and am therefore not quite au
fait. It requires to be considered how far the new disclo-
sures may or may not interfere with further steps to be
taken with regard to the policeman over whom Sir G. Lewis
is so deliberately throwing his protecting shield.

Most faithfully yours, KOSSUTH.

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

In his own country Kossuth's name and cause were
equally neglected, and in England his few supporters
were rapidly diminishing. The surrender of the
Austrian rule in Italy appears to have strengthened
the emperor's hold over Hungary, and the reverses
subsequently met with at the hands of the King of
Prussia have so intensely excited Hungarian chivalry,
that the recent magnificent coronation of the emperor
as their king has been cordially accepted by the entire
nation. Francis Joseph has since published a political
amnesty.

VOL. II. M

162

CHAPTEK VII.

FRANCE AFTER THE COUP D*ETAT.

A slice off the magnificent reversion — Another secret mission —
The Duke attacked with apoplexy foudroyant — The President
and the new treaty of commerce — The will — The Duke and
the retrospective clause — Horse exercise — Fould and Persigny
— The President signs a Decree in favour of the Secretary's
scheme — Preparations for the Crimean War — The Duke's
health — The camp at Helfaut — Iron barracks — Mr. Duncombe's
secretary in great request — Ideas on climate — Letter of the
Duke — Marshal Vaillant — Disaster at the Camp — Probable
destination of the Camp du Nord — Conduct of the Emperor and
the Prince Consort — An impromptu engineer — The Poles con-
sidered, under a new aspect — Reinforcements for the French
army in the Crimea — The greatest men in Europe — What is
Mr. Duncombe's secretary to become? — Charges against the
Emperor.

Two objects of special interest to Mr. Buncombe still
remained in Paris, and his secretary was still in requi-
sition as a medium of communication with both. The
magnificent reversion, however, began to be enveloped
in an atmosphere of doubt. Nothing seemed more
probable than that, with a disposition so uncertain,
the Duke should entertain other views ; and as if to
prepare him for such a change in his prospects, the fol-
lowing announcement was sent him to authenticate : —

The Sovereign Duke of Brunswick has this day informed
us that he has left in the hands of the Baron Andlau the
following bonds and securities, viz. : —

LEGACIES. 163

50 Bonds Russian English Loan 5 per Cent, of £1036 each.
5 Bonds „ „ „ 4£ pr. „ £1000 each.

45 Bonds Danish Loan, 1849, 5 per Cent. „ £1000 each.
15 Bonds „ „ 1850, 5 per Cent. „ £1000 each.
2,000,000 francs 5 per Cent. French Rentes ; as also a sealed
portfolio. And his Sovereign Highness has been pleased to
command that in the event of his death the Baron Andlau
shall take therefrom the sum of twenty thousand pounds
sterling money as a legacy ; and which donation we promise
to respect as his Highness' testamentary executors.
London, this 15th day of March, 1851.

Signed, T. S. D.

G. T. S.

The Sovereign Duke of Brunswick has this day informed
us that he has left in the hands of Mademoiselle Lucie
Victorine Bordier six "bank notes of £100 each as a legacy
in case of his death, which donation we promise to respect
as his Highness' testamentary executors.
London, this 15th day of March, 1851.

Signed, T. S. D.

G. T. S.

The indefatigable secretary was again in Paris
towards the end of July, and returned on the 2nd of
August, and was off for the same destination on the
20th. The narrative of his proceedings, which we
will now place before the reader, requires very little
commentary. He will see, however, that besides the
objects he had previously in view in these visits, there
was now an addition in the shape of another mer-
cantile speculation quite different to the last. The idea
apparently was to introduce the system of bonding and
warehousing employed by English merchants; and
it was sought to establish a company under the auspices
of the Government, to put this into a practical shape
in Paris. How he fared in bringing his scheme before

M 2

lf)4 SPANISH WINES.

the President and his principal ministers he fully

describes : —

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot (St. Honore"),
Saturday Morning, Augt. 28th, 1852.

I have delayed writing to you, having nothing good to
say, but that we had arrived safe ; for unfortunately, the
ministre d'etat with whom I have had to do has gone to the
Pyrenees, and I can do nothing during his absence. He
waited for me, it appears, as long as he could ; consequently,
I suppose my affair will go on well, as far as the President
and Ministers are concerned. I have, however, had great
difficulties to encounter, for I found out that my position in
the affair was not quite as it ought to be; and I have,
therefore, been compelled to employ a lawyer, and have
been very busy with him all the week endeavouring to place
myself in the proper position, in which I had understood
myself to be already. However this morning, at seven
o'clock (strange hour !) we all met, accompanied by our
professional men, and made a notarial act in my favour,
deposited in the hands of a third party, defining the sum I
am to receive, and my position in the affair. I am indebted
to you for the discovery, for it was in pressing and persisting
in my right to name a friend as administrator with myself,
to form two of the English board, that I found out I was
dependent upon others, owing to my not having been
present when the first notarial act was made. However,
all ia now, I think, well settled, and Blot has got my act
deposited with him.

I have sent off yesterday, or rather ordered to be sent
off, twelve bottles of wine to Mr. Durham, six bottles of
St. Emelion, a perfectly pure wine, and said to be the best
wine for invalids of any ; and I have great hopes it will be
found for you highly beneficial, as it is invigorating without
being stimulating, and as it possesses nothing in the shape
of spirit but that of its own formation. I have not seen
Ricord, but in talking with a chemist he says the reason
why Spanish wines — or in fact any wines — prepared for the
English taste and market, are bad for invalids, is the amount

A CONCESSION. 165

of alcohol they contain ; and therefore, instead of generously
nourishing the blood they inflame it, besides destroying
altogether the digestive powers ; and a pure wine, notwith-
standing it may taste a little acid, aids the digestive powers,
and, strange to say, the vegetable acid of the wine destroys,
or rather counteracts the animal acidity of the stomach,
and so produces healthy action. I hope St. Emilion may
do so for you ; it is only 2*. Id. the bottle.

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot,
September 2nd, 1852.

You say I do not mention D. B. ; it was an omission on
my part, for I am always out with him at night; and his
servant has just called to tell me (by the duke's command)
that the duke has been " iceing" his head all night, and is
lying in bed. Strange to say, he (D. B.) has those fits
much oftener than heretofore, although he has less con-
stipation. As soon as I have written this I shall go to him.

My affair has not yet commenced, in consequence of the
ministre d'etat; but he returns to Paris to-morrow or
Saturday, and then I must work it quick, so as to get it
done before the 15th instant, as the President leaves for the
south on that day. In fact, if the decree of the concession
is not signed before the 15th the thing will fall for the
winter. I wrote the prince so the other day, by the desire
of the chef du cabinet, of Fould.

Orsi has just got a concession of a railway and coal-
mine, with a contract to supply the French navy with
French coals, from a mine lately discovered, and said to be
the best coals on the Continent, and nearly equal in
quality to the English coals. He has found English
capitalists to come forward and pay the caution money ;
and in a few days will pocket 16,000/., with a good annual
income besides. I understand the prince is very desirous of
doing my matter, and Fould is quite willing, so that I have
great hopes. But after the trick I have been served, I do
not like some of the people who are concerned in the matter
with me, although I cannot expel them.

166 THE MORGUE.

I think it a great pity that the Times should continue
those unjustifiable attacks against the prince, and they
become the more unjust because, to a great extent, they are
untrue. I wish you would write a letter containing your views
of the Claremont clique, so that I could show the prince,
as it might happen that some day he might be useful to you.

To show you the highly civilized state of society, in
passing " la Morgue" yesterday I went in, and saw three
bodies lying there ; two had been assassinated, bearing all
the marks of the knife. The lookers-on were coolly re-
marking, that they ' " had got something for themselves."
Surely such a people want governing, and are unfit to
govern themselves. And hence the popularity of the
President ; they fear him, and consequently they love him ;
and he is certainly doing all he can to give the people
employment, and thereby hoping to get them quietly settled
down into a sober thinking and commercial people. Could
he once manage that, he would make France the dread and
envy of the world.

Everybody seems to be here : among the persons I have
seen and met are Lord Granville, one or two Cavendishes,
Sir R. Peel, Sir R. Inglis — I should say his first visit,
because he had a guide with him — Mr. Blunt, Mrs.
Maberly, Mr. Wilkinson, Lawyer, Dr. Lewis, Mr. Fortnum,
and Marshal Haynau, besides a host of others.

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot,

September 3rd, 1842, 4 o'clock afternoon.

I write just two lines to say that the duke is very ill
with an attack of " blood to the head." After I left him
late last night I thought he would have had a better night,
but this morning I was called up at four o'clock to put
twenty leeches on his head. I have only just returned
home ; I am going again by-and-bye to put on twenty more
leeches on the other side of his head, as I could only put
them on one side, he being too unwell to sit up ; therefore I
put the twenty on the upper side. Strange to say, he will
not have a doctor, but trusts to me — a very unpleasant

APOPLEXY. 167

responsibility. He is much frightened, as several persons
have died lately of apoplexie foudroyant. I will report to
you again when I can. It is most unfortunate, as I hope
to-morrow to begin my work. The President goes to-
morrow to Saumur; there has been a row there between
the cavalry and the citizens. He will not return till
Tuesday.

The duke made me tell him the news last night ; and
upon my telling him that the Secretary for the Interieure
here is in London to negotiate the Act of Extradition, it
affected him greatly. He counts much upon your aid in
the House of Commons; and desires me to write to you,
and so state. Report says that France offers to England
a favourable " treaty of commerce/' in lieu of her passing
through the Parliament the Bill of Extradition as first
proposed.

I saw last evening some of the Elysee people, who assure
me that the treaty between the northern powers re Im-
perialism exists only in the imagination of the Chronicle.

With respect to Hopwood,* I told young Hopwood I
was going to France, and requested he would do nothing
till I returned, as he thought a deputation from the
Alderman's committeef ought to wait upon your com-
mittee on the subject of the dinner. He thought he should
like me first to sound them — i.e., your committee — as to
their views, so as to prevent the application on their part
if there was any chance of refusal.

The duke's illness was not of that dangerous nature
the doctors consulted represented it to be ; but it
appears to have been sufficiently serious to have
frightened him into a reference to his testamentary
arrangements. His royal highness did not give any
indication of having changed his mind. As regards
the other illustrious personage, equally the object of

* Under Sheriff.
f Committee of Alderman Challis, Member for Finsbury.

168 CONVENTION.

the secretary's hopes and anxieties, he gives some
curious notices of his principal ministers. It will be
seen that he had a difficult part to play ; the duke
wanting an amount of English parliamentary influence
for his own purposes, it was more easy to promise,
than safe to employ. The Convention Treaty to
which he referred with such anxiety, was for the
mutual surrender of criminals fled from justice ; and
the new clause introduced was to the following
effect : —

Copy of the change, in English, proposed to the 14th para-
graph of the Convention between England and France.

The stipulations of the present Convention shall in
nowise be applicable to crimes or misdemeanours committed
previously to the date of the present Convention, except for
the crimes already named in the Convention of the 13th
February, 1843, for which crimes this Convention will
remain in force retrospectively till the 13th February, 1843.

The following is in the handwriting of Mr. Dun-
combe's secretary : —

MEMO*' — The duke gave me this, written by Monsieur
le Due de Feumacon, and he desires me to inform you that
this was the proposition of some noble lord, he does not
know who. I again repeat 'tis most important you write
to me on this subject directly.

We now give a series of his reports as forwarded to
Mr. Duncombe : —

Hotel Britannique, September 7th, 1852.
With respect to D. B., he has now been in bed for the
last six days, and yesterday he sent for a doctor, an homoeo-
. pathist, who gave him some globules. This same man at-
tended D'Orsay* in conjunction with Ricord ; they dis-

* The fate of the Count is well known.

PARTRIDGES. 169

agreed, and you know the rest. However, I have taken an
opinion with regard to D. B., and it is thought to be a
breaking up of the constitution ; they say, at his age, he
runs great risk of a severe attack.

Last night the conversation between H.R.H. and self
was the subject of the will ; and he said to me, " If any-
thing happens to me during this illness, over and above what
you have by the will, I give you 50,000 Sardinians as a gift ;
and as there are 156,000 in the packet, it would be well to
send Mr. D.* over the same amount, and place the remaining
50,000 in some secure place, to pay your joint law expenses
which you would incur in insisting upon the whole of my
Brunswick property being placed at your disposal." I then
said (having a good opportunity), " Are you quite sure that
the will is in perfect order to satisfy the French law?"
He said, " I have always understood so ; but you may
ask Blot ;" which I shall do as soon as he returns to
town.

With respect to my own affair, it hangs fire most terribly.
Fould has been absent all the time I have been here ; in
fact, it would appear as I entered Paris he quitted it.
He came to town on Sunday, and started to see the Prince
at St. Cloud, and has stopped shooting, but returns to-night ;
and the Prince says it is no good seeing me till I have
settled with Fould, so I begin to think that it is absolutely
necessary to kill partridges in September to prevent their
assuming other forms in January ; for all over Europe,
whether constitutional or despotic, the government, the
minister, and diplomatist quit their bureau to kill their
partridges, leaving all business to take care of itself; and
so, owing to the fine weather in the south, and the shooting
here, I have been compelled to wait patiently with my im-
portant affair.

I send you the debates ; you will see hef is corresponding
with the press here as elsewhere. Strange to say, there is
now always something in the Augsburg Gazette as well as
the Cologne Gazette about D.B.

* Mr. Duncombe. f Duke of Brunswick.

170 RETROSPECTIVE CLAUSE.

I now beg to call your serious attention to the following,
which really may prove too much for us unless you can in
any way nip it in the bud. The duke desires me to say to
you that he is not at all easy about the treaty the French
Government are seeking for with England; and he particularly
desires me to call your attention to the fact that he shall
not consider himself safe here, and consequently will not
stop, if the English Parliament pass that Act ratifying the
treaty with the retrospective clause cut out. But he thinks,
considering the original proposition was for the retrospec-
tive clause, that there ought to be in the new treaty a posi-
tive clause stating that on no account shall the treaty be
considered retrospective ; for he says after that it has been
proposed to be retroactive, and then, that clause merely
omitted, would not be sufficient to decide whether it was
intended to be retroactive or not.

I must beg of you to write me on this subject directly ;
for he says as soon as the bill has passed the Lords in any-
thing like a doubtful form he will quit Paris, and will not
stop for the passing of the Commons. So pray write me a
letter for him on the subject, assuring him or me (as the
case may be) that the English Parliament will not pass
such a law, and promising him all he desires with respect
to the retrospective clause, for in that and on that depends
his danger. And if you can send him a copy of the clause you
would propose, to mark it as not being intended in any way
retroactive, it would do great good ; and, entre nous, I think
you might get some peer to move for the insertion of the
clause in your words, and that would be of immense im-
portance to us.

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot (St. Honor6),
September 8th, 1852.

Yesterday, the 7th, I called upon him, par ordre
superieure, to read to him and to open his letters, and to
reply thereto if any required a reply ; and while there, his
new medical man, the homoeopathist, arrived, and we were
both ushered to the royal bed together; and after the M.D.
had prescribed for him, and given him orders positive that

MORNING EXERCISE. 171

he must quit his bed, or that he would he so weaken him-
self that it would be a long time before he would recover
his strength, the duke called me to his bedside, and re-
quested me to ask the M.D. in the next room as he was
going out, the name of his disease, which I did, and which
the M.D. pronounced to be "cephalite." The M.D. cut
me very short, merely giving me the name of the disease,
and pronouncing that it was tres dangereux.

Neither the duke or myself was to be done by the term
" cephalite," which neither of us understood ; but on re-
ferring to the dictionary we found it thus described : —
" Cephalite — inflammation de cerveaux" The duke per-
sists that I must have made a mistake ; but I am quite sure
of my correctness. You are as good a judge as I am of
the nature of the disease, and therefore it would be pre-
sumption in me to attempt to describe it.

When the duke's M.D. was pointing out to him the
necessity of his getting out as soon as possible in order to
avail himself of the " tonicity" of the morning air, all of
which D.B. pronounced " d — d nonsense," I made a few
inquiries as to the most healthy and fitting time to take
exercise, and the nature thereof; and the reply I got was,
that morning exercise on horseback at this time of the year —
in fact, at all times — had a doubly good effect, viz., to bring
into action the lazy, torpid functions of the human frame
(this applies to an invalid), and at the same time the
" tonicity" of the air creates appetite, while the digestive
powers are in action to digest it. All this is caused by the
exercise on horseback.

With respect to my affair, I have an appointment with
the Ministre d'Etat to-morrow ; but in consequence of my
detecting the fraud intended to be practised on me, one of
the poorest but yet the most active of the parties concerned
has taken umbrage, and we are divided ; consequently great
difficultes are thrown in the way. But I prefer spoiling
the thing altogether rather than allow them to benefit them-
selves at my expense; for they (that is, one of them), was
working hard to obtain the concession, and to deprive me of

172 THE DUKE'S DANGER.

the promised benefits ; in fact, it was nothing less than a
fraud. I therefore have not quite made up my mind whether
I shall not explain all to the Minister to-morrow, and leave
him to decide upon the merits. The real difficulty is this,
that the party of whom I complain has so tightly got hold
of all the other parties concerned, that they dare not act as
I believe they would. Orsi is going with me to-morrow ;
and he proposes that I should take the concession, and look
for other capitalists.

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot,

Saturday Morning, 11 o'clock.

I have this morning been to pay the other Dr. Ca-
banas, and I asked him the name of the duke's disease,
and he replied — " Cephalit," and the consequence, sooner
or later, " apoplexy foudroyant." I said, then there is
great danger ? He said — " Yes ; great danger." And the
duke's life is not worth one moment's purchase, for when
he appears the best in health, then he is the worst. He
ought not to be left ; but if he thought so, the nature of the
disease invariably makes them, i.e. the sufferers, suspicious.

My affair stands thus : admitted by all to be first-rate.
Fould made the report to the prince, and fixed last Thurs-
day to settle the matter, so that the prince might sign the
decree before he leaves, which he does on Monday or Tues-
day next ; but when we met he admitted the reality of the
proposition, but regretted it was not belonging to his
ministry, and so threw us over. We are now handed over
to Persigny, who treated me very kindly, went to St. Cloud
to the prince, and is willing, if possible, to do it ; but he
says, and truly, that he cannot draw a decree without
knowing something of the matter, and he feared we shall
have to consult the " Chamber of Commerce/' the " Ville
de Paris," and the " Conseil d'Utilite Publique." He saya —
" I am willing to shut my eyes as much as possible, but I
must know something of the affair." Fould has got all the
papers, and we have to make a formal demand to get them.

I have the prince's order for him to hand them to Per-
signy ; but he can if he chooses take a day or two before so

M. FOULD. 173

doing, and then I am done. Fould is a banker, and doubt-
less would like the thing indirectly himself. The prince is
all for it, and I fear Fould — desirous, either under pretence
of being a cautious minister, or wishing to have it himself —
against us, and so has delayed the affair till the last
moment in order that the thing may die a natural death by
lapse of time, as all the contracts for the purchase of exist-
ing monopolies will fall in in November, of which Fould is
aware. I am going to-day to Persigny, who has promised,
if he gets the papers, to study them to-day.

The duke is better, much better ; but imprudently — in-
stead of taking a drive, as ordered, in the open air — nothing
would suit but he must drive to the theatre. He was
so weak as scarcely to be able to walk, and when I left him
last night complained of the pain returning again to his
head. I shall see by and bye how he is ; he has never before
been so shaken.

Ricord has quitted Paris, I think to visit his friend in
" New Orleans." Some say he retired with a large fortune.
However, he is not here at present, and they say will not
be here for some months.

I shall not stop here longer than this day week, for when
the prince has gone I may go ; however, of that I will let
you know. Alderman Humphreys, late for Southwark, is
here. He is a great "warehouser" in London, and I
believe will be a director. I have not yet seen him.

Blot is gone to Spain, or the borders thereof, shooting.
With respect to the document : if anything happened while
I am here I should telegraph to you, and I fear your pre-
sence would be also necessary, as I could not act for you,
having no power beyond your letter, and being myself an
executor. I shall learn this from a counsellor, as it is most
important to know.

I was on the point of coming to England the other day
for a few hours for D. B., when I should so have done, but
his illness put it and the cause aside. Strange, the night
he was taken he had been with me to the theatre, and after-
wards we supped together at Cafe Anglais, and he ap-

174 A DELICACY.

peared better than usual, full of fun and mirth, and you
would have said had you seen him he never had been
better; but the attack came on in the night — not, the
doctor assures me this morning, the effects of the supper,
but from natural causes, i.e. that the blood in his case has
a natural tendency to flow to the brain, and will some day
congest the same and produce apoplexy. Nothing can
save him but great exercise; and the duke says he is a
d — d fool for his advice, for he will for no one get up at
eight o'clock in the morning and not know what to do
all day.

Thursday, September 16th, 1852.

With respect to my own affair, that has assumed a
favourable position, and I think I shall get the decree
signed in a day or two. I was with Persigny yesterday,
and he planned the form of the decree, and the prince
desires to sign it at Lyons. Whether I shall have to go
there I know not; but I hope in a few days to settle all.
The decree will be in the names of Messrs. Cusin, Legendre,
and Du Chene de Vere. I have not insisted on being
therein, for reasons which I will explain when I see you.

Hotel Britannique, September 26th.

I send you by this post the Moniteur of this morning,
and you will see the affair has been signed at Roanne.

I have taken counsel's opinion on D. B/s matter, and I
am sure you will be delighted at the information I have
obtained as to our plan of action in the event of our being
called upon to act. I shall not be able to get away before
Thursday next, as there is yet a great deal to do to carry
out the decree.

On Sunday I go to Fontainbleau, and shall then
see a celebrated trapper of cailles de chasselas, and will
bespeak some for you. They are in high perfec-
tion just now, and much sought after par les vrais
gourmets.

THE DECREE. 175

Au Norn du Peuple Franqais.

LOUIS-NAPOLEON,

President de la Republique Fran9aise,

Sur le rapport du Ministre de 1'Interieur, de 1'Agricul-
ture et du Commerce ;

Vu le decret du 21 Mars, 1848, concernant les magasins
generaux pour depot de marchandises ;

Considerant que le commerce doit retirer une tres-grande
utilite de Tetablissement de docks ou magasins destines a
recevoir en depot les marchandises dont on veut mobiliser
la valeur au moyen de warrants, recepisses negociables par
voie de simple endossement, et qui, sans cette faculte,
restent souvent steriles dans les mains du producteur;

Considerant que ces docks et magasins profiteront non-
seulement au commerce mais encore a 1'ouvrier travaillant
a son compte, ou, en cas de mevente, pourra deposer la
ses produits et continuer son travail au moyen des fonds
qu'il se procurera sur le recepisse delivre par la compagnie ;

Considerant que Inexperience qui se fera a Paris d'un
etablissement analogue a ceux qui fonctionnent si utilement
en Angleterre et en Hollande, est de nature a encourager la
creation de semblables etablissements dans nos grands
centres commerciaux,

Decrete :

"Art. ler> MM. Cusin, Legendre et Duchesne de Vere
sont autorises a ctablir, a Paris, sur les terrains qui leur
appartiennent pres la place de TEurope, des magasins dans
lesquels les negociants et industriels pourront, conforme-
ment au decret du 21 Mars, 1848, deposer les matieres pre-
mieres, les marchandises et objets fabriques dont ils sont
proprietaires.

" Art. 2. Les marchandises deposees dans les dits maga-
sins seront consideres comme appartenant a des sujets neutres,
quelle qu'en soit la provenance et quelles que soient les
eventualites qui pourraient survenir.

" Art. 3. Un reglement d'administration publique deter-

176 VISITS TO PARIS.

minera les obligations de la compagnie en ce qui concerne
la surveillance de ses magasins par 1'Etat, les garanties
qu'elle devra oflfrir au commerce, et le mode de delivrance
des recepisses transmissibles par voie d'endossement.

" Art. 4. Le Ministre de 1'Interieur, de 1' Agriculture et
du Commerce et le Ministre des Finances sont charges,
chacun -en ce qui le concerne, de 1'execution du present
decret.

LOUIS-NAPOLEON.

Fait a Roanne, le 17 Septembre, 1852.

Par le Prince President :
Le Ministre de Vlnterieur,

de I' Agriculture et du Commerce, F. DE PERSIGNY.

The secretary visited Paris twice in 1853, but
stayed only a few days. He again went, on 14th
April, with Baron Andlau, and returned on the 24th,
and repeated his visit on the 6th, returning on the
10th ; left on the 4th of September, and did not return
till the 5th of October. He was off again on the 21st.
The only communications that have been preserved
commence before his last departure ; and it will be
seen that he was now on a totally different mission.
The emperor desired his services to assist his military
arrangements for the Russian war. He gives the
following account of them, and of the duke. The
manner in which he procured the habitations required,
and set up the barracks, gained him great favour.

Chez-moi, October 9th, 1854.

You say I did not tell you anything about the duke ; all
I can say is, that he was, if possible, kinder than ever, and
made me promise to spend a fortnight -with him soon;
though how that is to be managed I know not, as I must
finish at the Camps, which will take twenty days, all of

AN APOPLECTIC ATTACK. 177

which when I see you. But to refer again to the duke. We,
although you have been absent, stand better than ever; I,
on account of being so much taken up by the emperor
while at Boulogne, which pleases his highness much; and
he said, on parting, that he should be angry if I did
not come and spend a fortnight at least with him. On
my arrival at Beaujon he saw me directly. I then went
out till he got up, rode out on horseback, and then

went out alone* and dined with duke . He said, while

I was sitting in his drawing-room, " I thought, about three
weeks ago, you would have to be telegraphed for on ac-
count of my health ;" and he then informed me that he had
had a slight attack of apoplexy. It appears he was in better
health than usual, dressing to go out; felt the room go
round with him backwards, and fell out of his chair on the
ground ; and that is all he knows, but referred me to his valet
for the rest. The valet said he was just passing his highnesses
cravat round his neck when his highness fell, and the force
of the fall was saved by his being suspended in his cravat.
He (the valet) eased him to the ground, sent off directly for
medical aid, during which time the duke turned all manner
of colours, and his tongue hung out of his mouth, and he
was as cold as marble. The M.D. pronounced it as a bad
omen, and said it was a slight fit of apoplexy; and
although this one has done no harm, he is never certain
when he might be again so attacked, as he will always have
a tendency to such attacks, more now than ever.

The Prince of Armenia is at Mazas, and all the world —
i. e., those who know us — say that I have done it. Be it how
it may, he is secure for the present, and therefore the duke
wants some one. How I regret your not being well
enough to enjoy Paris life.

One good thing the duke said directly he recovered, which
was at night : — " If I say Smith during my illness, that
means send for him — he is now at Folkestone, Hotel
Boulogne — and by telegraph."

* I mean without the countess.
VOL. II. N

178 THE EMPEROR.

Friday Afternoon, October 13th, 1854.

With respect to my matters at Boulogne, the tale would
occupy many sheets of paper to inform you of its nature,
and then the details would be uninteresting to you. In a
few words, the camps from Equichen to Helfaut will exist
all the winter; and the Emperor, being desirous that the
troops should suffer as little as possible, is always ready to
adopt any plan which he thinks will add to their comfort.
During the sojourn of Prince Albert, he happened to men-
tion that the Queen, being desirous of giving balls at Bal-
moral, had had a ball-room constructed of iron in ten days.

The Emperor, whom I had just pleased by my happy
selection of some presents from him to the Duchess d'Alba
and the Countess Montijo, in which I was lucky enough
to give great satisfaction to him and the Empress, sent for
me to England, thinking I had gone home. The letter was
forwarded to me in due course, and I presented myself.
The Emperor explained his wants, and sent me off to the
north of England to purchase one of these buildings. I did
not find one ready made, but by dint of pressure got a con-
tract signed under demurrage to have one erected in six
days. I returned to Boulogne without stopping in London,
and in six days had the honour to receive their majesties
and the generals of division in the completed house.

I was then sent three other times to England (once I
crossed in a storm) but never slept, and entered into con-
tracts, which will be completed and landed on the 21st, by
the boat leaving Saturday morning, the 20th, and conse-
quently I must be there to superintend the lauding and
erection at each of the camps, as all is under my charge ;
and on Tuesday next I must send an account to each camp
of the number of men, horses, and prolonge d'artillerie I
shall want, so as not to interfere with the organized service
of the waggon train. You will see, therefore, that I am
compelled to go on Sunday, the 21st, or I shall again throw
away opportunities which may eventually prove of material
benefit to me, and which might never occur again.

IRON BARRACKS. 179

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer,
October 29th, 1854.

When I wrote to you on Tuesday I could say nothing of
my barracks, as they had been detained, and did not arrive
till Wednesday night, in consequence of the dreadful storms
in the Channel. I am now happy to say that they are pro-
gressing, but not so fast as I could wish.

I have not heard direct from the duke, but it appears
that the Minister of War (Marshal Vaillant) wanted to
communicate with me, and applied to the duke for my ad-
dress in Boulogne, which the duke gave, and the minister
sent his aide-de-camp from Paris to me, by command of the
emperor, to consult about making permanent barracks at
Marseilles. We sat up all night calculating, and the aide-
de-camp has returned to Paris.

With respect to myself, I have been suffering from
having got wet through two days in succession, being
obliged to take long rides in the wet.

I write to-day to the duke to thank him. I have no
doubt he will not fix a time till he knows I am free from
the emperor.

P.S. — The Hon. H. Fitzroy is here, and has been for
some time.

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer,
November 3rd, 1854.

My business goes on slowly, from a variety of causes;
but I hope the middle of next week to get to Helfaut, the
camp near St. Omer, and after that I shall be guided in my
movements entirely by what I hear from you. I wrote to
the duke to know when he wished me to visit him, and to
say that perhaps as the baron intended visiting Paris at
Christmas, that his highness would prefer my availing myself
of that moment ; and further, that as I should have many
visitors that perhaps that might be disagreeable to him. I
enclose you a copy of his reply to me verbatim et literatim.

I have had a long chat with the medical inspector of the
camps, with whom I happened to be the other day — a very
sensible man, and of high standing in his profession. The

N 2

180 MONTPELLIER.

subject turned upon the effect of climate upon certain
diseases, and the susceptibility of some diseases, and how
they are influenced by climate. A gentleman said to him —
" What do you think of the climate of Montpellier ? Are
the hotels good ?" &c. His reply, which first excited my
attention, was — " Montpellier is a most delicious climate
for persons in good health ; but you will find there nothing
but malades et des gens poitrinaires, envoyes la par les mede-
cins Anglais pour mourir." I then began, and said — "Do
you mean to say that the whole of the climate du midi is
the same ?" He replied — " Yes ; it is quite a mistaken
notion to suppose that that beautiful climate is without its
evils, and in the case of diseases of the chest very dan-
gerous/' He then as a reason gave the following — " You
must know," he said, " that when the chest is affected the
most delicate membrane of the whole frame is attacked;
and how can you suppose the fine climate of the midi can
be beneficial to such, when I tell you that it does not rain
sometimes for three months? The earth becomes pul-
verized, and imperceptible but dangerous grit is floating in
the air. This dust or grit exists to an extent fabulous to
the healthy, but deleterious and deadly to the diseased
chest, producing irritation to an extent, in the very weak,
too much for them to bear, and consequently producing
death. In the summer months the heat is too great for
invalids or anybody else to go out in the midday, and the
delicious evening cannot be enjoyed by the weak chest
without producing certain death. The winter is beautifully
temperate on the whole, but subject to sudden and violent
changes : as, for instance, in one hour the mistrale wind will
convert the most beautiful imaginable day in winter, when all
appeared genial, to knives and daggers to the weak chest, and
the thermometer will fall many degrees in that same hour,
while the air is again charged with dust. This applies more
or less to the whole length of the Mediterranean coast.
Perhaps any other disease but that of the chest might be
benefited by such a climate, in fact would be."

We then spoke of other places, and he said — " The

CLIMATE. 181

strange thing is that you have in England one or two
places almost all that could be desired, viz., the Isle of
Wight, Devonshire, and Cornwall in certain months, the
shores of the Channel — perhaps the French side during a
couple of months, about Dieppe the best." As a proof of this
the Russian imperial family preferred those places to Italy.
The things most to be avoided : unnatural air, dust, and
smoke — the greatest irritants; and as a preventative to
some extent of catching cold, avoid a thing which people,
he says, have not the common sense to do, that is going
out of broad sunshine into shade, or, to use his own words,
" Jumping from Italy to Iceland, and back again, and then
asking yourself why you caught cold"; and it mostly
happens that when shade is the most agreeable that it is
most dangerous ; the sun itself rather good to bask in, when
not overpowering, so as to produce a sunstroke, and never
of any harm if the head is well protected; never ride in
open carriages with the head up, as the head draws in the
air; and above all adapt yourself as well as you can to
things, and things to you — this last remark applies to
physic and diet ; move about, or rather remain no longer in
any place than you feel comfortable — that means with
respect to your health. Egypt a beautiful climate, but all
the good things of the world not to be had there if wanted,
and man cannot live on climate alone ; many places in the
centre of France, as also Italy, equally good." And upon
my thoroughly describing your complaint, he said that you
must seek for yourself; but that he had known many in-
stances of persons being reduced to almost death, and after
years of suffering, and by some sudden and unaccountable
effort of nature, recover and live for years.

Copy of Duke of Brunswick's Letter.

Rue de Beaujon, November 1st, 1854.

MY DEAR SIR, — I thank you for your good wishes to my
birthday ; but I have been unwell and unable to leave my
bed since Thursday last with what Dr. Cabanas calls neu-

182 MARSHAL VAILLANT.

ralgia. I prefer your coming this time, but that is no
reason why you should not come when the baron comes.
I have no objection to your receiving the emperor's and
minister's people or messengers. I close this letter, as I
am still unable to sit up long in bed. Receive, dear sir,
the assurance of my consideration, D. B.

(P.S. to mine. — Woodcocks are very plentiful at eight
francs per brace. Quails all gone; I have seen none
since I have been here this time. Would you like any
woodcocks ?)

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer,
November 7th, 1854.

It is a great piece of humbug on the part of the Govern-
ment. They have collected a double income tax for the
war, and now lend themselves to supply their own defi-
ciency and want of foresight in preparing proper means for
every event by an appeal to the private charity of the
nation, and her Majesty and Co. lending themselves to it,
cause all persons in public positions to become marked if
they do not contribute.

With respect to myself: I think as soon as I have
finished my camps (and I hope to begin Helfaut early next
week) I shall go while on this side to see D. B. He evi-
dently wishes me to be there alone, and 'tis not often you
catch him writing such a letter as that to me ! so I shall
write him to that effect. I am in direct communication
with L. N., and have an aide de camp de service mostly with
me. I have just declined the Marseilles and Algerian
trip — not but what I should like it. Marshal Vaillant,
le Ministre de la Guerre, has just informed me by tele-
graph that aide-de-camp Colonel Dutrelaine will be with
me at six o'clock this evening from Paris. I have an
orderly at my disposal, and am doing things quite a la
militaire.

Hotel de Folkestone,
Wednesday, November 15th, 1854.

The weather being so bad retards very much my camp
operations, and I had hoped by this time to be at Helfaut ;

A DISASTER. 183

but from calculations made last night, I fear I shall not
get there till next Wednesday.

After the receipt of your last I wrote to the duke to say
that as soon as I had done I would join him in Paris, and
received a reply written by the countess to say I was to
give them notice of my arrival, in order that my room
might be got ready; but not a word about the duke's
health. I suppose he was still unwell, or he would have
written himself. This is all I have heard since I last
wrote to you. You may rely upon my keeping you au
courant of all news in that quarter. All my other news
would not interest you, or I have plenty of camp news.

My opinion as to the reason of the duke wishing to see
me alone is this : no doubt the Camp du Nord, to which I
am attached for the moment, will at early spring march
into Prussia, and the duke may hope to be able to join
them in some way when they go to Germany, and punish
his brother, who is a general in the Prussian service. I
think that something of this sort may be passing in his
head, and that he will confide to me his bags while he goes
there. What do you think of this view ?

Sunday Afternoon, November 19th, 1854.

All was just upon the point of completion at the camps
near this, and I had planned to start for Helfaut on Tues-
day, when a courier arrives to inform me that the general
who commands the Equihen division wanted to see me
without a moment's delay. I mount on horseback and
ride there, and find the camps all razed to the ground.
Upon inquiry I find that the officers of engineers, to carry
on some work, have so relieved the buildings of their sup-
ports that the wind has carried them away. What damage
and what delay, cannot yet be told ; but we are all thrown
on our beam-ends. The emperor every alternate day writes
to urge us on, and now all is down, and when it will be
again up, God knows ; for the frost and hurricanes have
commenced, and it will be with great difficulty we shall
get them up again. I had at first intended to write to the

184 THE COLDSTREAMS IN THE CRIMEA.

emperor and marshal minister ; but they persuaded me not,
and so I have not done so, and therefore they may get
done quicker, to oblige me, as I have served them. It is
the expense of thousands, and all the responsibility rests on
my shoulders, although I cannot govern the elements or
make fools wise men.

P.S. — I have written to the duke also to inform him of
my accident as a reason why I cannot fix a time to join
him. I know he is anxious to see me, as a person called
en route for England — left no name, but I know it was
Tibbey — to say my presence would not be disagreeable in
Paris. I was at the camp when he called.

Tuesday, November 21st, 1854.

I am, with you, curious to be at Beaujon, and I might
almost say anxious. I have a good deal of exciting news
to tell him, as I really think — in fact know — that Prussia
will be the destination of the Camp du Nord, unless the
winter brings an arrangement, which I doubt. The pre-
vailing opinion of the higher military men here is, that
Menchikoff, by his lies and the despatches which were pub-
lished, was only to throw us (the allies) off our guard, in
order to deceive us as to the necessity of having a large
army there during the whole time he was getting his rein-
forcements up, while we were only crying up that the
Russian empire was made of carton. His ruse de guerre
succeeded, and we have our work to do now, with a small,
decimated army, and the winter at hand. I hope your
nephew has escaped, although one can hardly hope that
many of them will return.

I see by the papers, which sometimes fall in my hands,
that Lord Paulet, whose chambers I went after in the
Albany, has been scalped. I recollect when the Cold-
streams marched, you, with something like regret, said —
" If I had remained in the regiment I should now have
commanded them instead of (I think) Bentinck." Permit
me to congratulate you upon being even as you are, and
a civilian, rather than in the Crimea.

SINGULAR PROFICIENCY. 185

The emperor has sent me word that I am to make a
daily report of my progress, as he thinks of coming
down. He has not been at Compiegne, nor has he had a
dinner party since the commencement of the siege; and
many people here say that 'tis bad taste of Prince Albert
hunting and amusing himself as though nothing was occur-
ring, while the nation is spending its best blood for the
support of the honour of England and the power of the
crown. Admiral Dundas is often called " Madame Dundas,"
while they say of Admiral Lyons — " He is un vrai lion."
If this dreadful hurricane which is now blowing does me
no harm I shall soon get from this.

P.S. — The waiter on bringing up your letter to me said —
" Here are five letters for you, sir : one from the ministre
Anglaise d'Oree." Your crest and envelope quite as-
tonished him.

Thursday Night.

P.S. 2. — I send this by the boat. I have just returned
from holding an inquest on two barracks blown down last
night. When the blowing down will finish, I know not ;
and it is my almost fixed intention, if an aide-de-camp does
not come to me from 1'empereur, to go up to Paris and
explain all about it, for I am truly tired of it all.

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer,
Tuesday, November 28th 1854.

You say, and apparently to you, with some truth, that
you are at a loss to conceive in what my knowledge of erec-
tion can consist. I confess to you I am astonished at the
same myself; but by dint of perseverance I have arrived
at such a knowledge, and in a short space of time, that I
attend the council of engineers, i.e. the military council,
every Saturday, and I submit my plans, give rough sketches
on the spot, and have them adopted; and so pleased are all
the commanding officers to whom I am accredited, that they
three weeks ago reported to the Minister of War, and the
said minister, by command of the emperor, sent his aide-
de-camp to me here to make some proposals highly advan-

ISO THE POLES.

tageous, which I declined for reasons that few would believe.
But I again repeat to you I am myself astonished at what
I have been doing, and where I learned it I know not,
and in making any proposals I always give them the liberty
to laugh at them if they appear foolish, as I remind them I
am not an engineer, either military or civil.

What I am doing here for the moment is superintending
and giving orders direct from the emperor and for the
emperor, who has given me a carte blanche credit to a cer-
tain limited amount outre de cela. I have been offered
(a continuation of the emperor's wishes to serve me) a very
excellent appointment, which I have accepted, under terms
of limitation and reduction, to enable me to fulfil my duties
chez vous. In other words, I have proposed to reserve to
myself the right of living in England for a period of say
five years on half pay, and thereby to be able to act as
heretofore for you, as after the finish of this affair at Bou-
logne an occasional run to France is all that will be
required.

I shall not get from here to Helfaut before next week,
and shall certainly be a fortnight there, and then to -please
D. B., to whom I have this day written to tell him I am
still here, and promised to join him before I return to
England.

With respect to the Poles, I should have nothing to do
with them, for if the kingdom of Poland was again re-
established as of old, it would be as great a blot upon
civilization as a Russian empire, and the Poles are only
fit for demonstrations out of which good subscriptions arise.
Where are the Poles in the Russian service? — what move
have they made? If they would only make a diversion, it
would be something; but no, they are as passive as the
purest Russian serf. And again, supposing they wanted to
be certain that their brethren in England (a most disor-
ganized family, by-the-bye) were up, what possible means of
letting them know ? Nicholas is too wide-awake to let the
news in. If they (the Poles) are willing to do anything, let
them organize themselves into regiments and then apply

THEIR CHARACTER. 187

to the allied governments for means of transport and other
requisite aid : although I should be sorry to see even that
take place, for my opinion of them is, that they would take
Russian gold to betray us, or anybody else. I never had
any opinion of these gentry.

If Austria still plays false, then, if L. N. wills it, Mazzini
would be powerful, and do the business; and humbug as
Kossuth is, he might, as a rallying name for the Hun-
garians, be of some use. But the Poles have lost their
nationality, and are become hired assassins all over the
world : there are a few good men among their generals, and
that's all. When Poland did exist it was quite as bad a
despotism as Russia — serfs and nobles were the population,
and the nobles actually wiped their feet upon the serfs to
prove their humbleness, i.e. degraded position. It was a good
stalking-horse for poor Lord Dudley.* Once you take them
up, and the bank of England would not supply the demands
upon your purse, and when you ceased to give, they would
begin to denounce their patriotism, and their view of patriots
is money.

Tuesday Night (after the Post).

You say why does not L. N. send troops directly to the
Crimea ; he is doing so, but we cannot expect him to send
a sufficient force to gain the day without some arrangement
with England, which doubtless is the object of Lord
Palmerston's mission. We must incur some risk, either a
money risk or men risk, and the question is asked here,
suppose England pays for keeping of the men, their trans-
port and accoutrements (the latter when injured), how is
the man himself to be paid for ? Suppose, as in many
cases in the French army, he is the only son of hard-
working parents, and he falls as a hired man, what compen-
sation do you make for the man ? or, as they say, and very
truly, is the man counted as nothing ? the value being only
what he consumes while living, either in food or material ?
There must be some contingent for the surviving family, or
there will be difficulty in managing the matter.

* Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart.

188 ARRANGEMENTS.

When I see you I will tell you a conversation I had with
the Hon. H. Fitzroy ; he did not think 1 knew him, and if
the sentiments he expressed to me are really the sentiments
of the English Ministers I really think they differ strongly
with those of the English people.

I could, I have no doubt, get L. N/s views as well as
anybody, but I know there exists a feeling that you desire
knowledge merely for your own personal pleasure, having
never said anything for him when he wanted friends,
although he gave you ample opportunities ; now he has
ministries and governments ready to aid him : therefore I
will not attempt to do anything there in that shape.

I have been on horseback to Ambleteuse, and have been
strongly pressed to go there next Sunday to assist at the
ceremony of opening the first barrack; the generals all
invite me, and I should stop at one of their houses all
night. I have refused, to get back to London as soon as
I can, and, notwithstanding my letter of to-day, if it is
possible to get home sooner than I named I will, but I
cannot then visit D. B.

General Rolin has sent me word to-day since I wrote
that the emperor is quite satisfied, in fact, very much
pleased with my efforts, and he finishes by saying, as soon
as your work is over, and you present yourself at Paris,
" vous serez tres-bien requ."

I could, if I deserted my post, never expect to get
received again by L. N., who is certainly the greatest man
in Europe, in my opinion.

Wednesday Morning.

I have written to General Dubreton at Helfaut, informing
him that I hope to be with him on the 5th and not later
than the 6th proximo, and I propose stopping with him one
week, in which time I shall set all in train for completion ;
this will bring it to the 12th or 13th. I then propose to
go to D. B. and stop a week, which will bring it to the
20th, and then try to return home on that day, or to pre-
sent myself the day after. Now, what I want in this
arrangement is this, and the part I most particularly want

BEAUJON. 189

you to answer is, whether I shall go to D. B. or return
home. I think, under any circumstances, I must go to
St. Cloud, and I only propose the returning home subject
to your taking the responsibility of D. B. being offended, or
not.

The reason of the delay has been the blowing down
before completion, caused by the large surface presented to
the wind, and the power the wind had on what presented
a breach, it being impossible to do as much in a day or
days as would prevent the wind getting in. The ground
plan will give you some idea of the surface presented to the
winds, and with an elevation of twelve feet it caused a
great deal of difficulty. If, please God, the wind that is
blowing now does no harm I shall be quite able to carry
out the plan I propose.

21, Rue Beaujon, Champs Elysees, Paris,
December 29th, 1854.

I arrived here last night and was most kindly received
by the duke and countess. Ure has been stopping in Paris
and had taken his leave before I arrived, with the promise
that if he remained over the night in Paris he would come
to the duke's box " aux Italiens," but as he did not come I
conclude he left for England, and so I did not see him.
Strange to say, I had not been here half an hour before the
duke said, " As you are here, and the baron is coming, we
will dine at home sometimes, and you can write to England
for some pheasants." I then said that his wish had been
anticipated by you, and that some would be here.

I have, therefore, by this same post sent to Fisher for
some in your name. I was very nearly starting for Eng-
land this evening for the emperor, but I have telegraphed
instead.

The weather is fine, but Paris itself dull. The duke
seems in tolerable good health, but certainly I think from
what he says is brewing something, as he feels an inclina-
tion to lie in bed for days at a time.

The reader by this time must have come to a con-

190 MANY MASTERS.

elusion that the writer of these reports had changed his
vocation. His secretariat must have become a sinecure,
whilst between two illustrious potentates he oscil-
lated like an uneasy pendulum, or a waiter upon
Providence, unable to make up his mind as to the
superior attractions of a millionaire royal duke or an
all-powerful imperial majesty. Whether he is to become
a military Paxton or a commercial Walewski, is still
in the womb of time ; whether as the presiding genius
of the Camp du Nord he is to cross the Ehine, and
become the Bismark of a " young Brunswick," is
behind the curtain of coming eventualities ; all that
the reader can be informed is, that while the clever
employe was making himself master of the situation at
Beaujon, at the Elysee, at the camp, everywhere, a
process of ratiocination was passing through the mind
of his invalid employer, which resulted in the question
— " If no man can serve two masters, how is it possible
to serve three ?" This led to the suggestion, that there
might be a fourth, nearer and dearer to his agent,
who would inevitably secure the first consideration.
How the result affected Mr. Duncombe's interests will
presently be shown; we can now only state that
during the Crimean war the entente cordiale was pre-
served in France ; and notwithstanding the charges
brought forward by a certain historian, we believe
that the conflict was maintained by our illustrious
ally in a spirit of perfect good faith and loyalty.

191

CHAPTER VIII..

LIBERAL LEGISLATION.

The Albert Park — Letter of Lord Robert Grosvenor — Mr. Dun-
combe and Mr. Roebuck — Correspondence of Lord Brougham
and Mr. Buncombe — Unconditional pardon of Frost, Williams,
and Jones — Contested Election for Finsbury — Mr. Duncombe
at the head of the poll — Cost of a seat in Parliament — Educa-
tion— Untaught talent — Thorogood imprisoned for non-payment
of Church-Rates — Mr. Duncombe effects his liberation —
Catholics and Dissenters — Letters of Mr. Chisholm Anstey —
Cardinal Wiseman and the establishment in England of a papal
hierarchy — Mr. Duncombe's moderation — His advocacy of the
Jews — The Jews' Bill — Report of a Select Committee of the
House of Commons — Another triumphant return — Reform —
Sunday trading — Letters of Lord Chelmsford.

THE member for Finsbury did not restrict himself to
the performance of his political duties ; out of Par-
liament he was as active in advancing the public wel-
fare as in it. Any scheme of real utility was sure of
his support ; but in no instance did he afford it so
heartily as he did to the plan for creating a public
park at Islington for the benefit of the northern por-
tion of the metropolis. A communication from one
of its most active supporters describes it in detail: —

Moor Park, December 26th, 1853.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — As chairman of the public meet-
ings held at Sadler's Wells theatre for the purpose of
promoting the formation of a park in the northern portion

192 ALBERT PARK.

of the metropolis, and having been since the organ of
communication between the committee appointed at those
meetings to carry out the resolutions then passed and the
Government, I take the liberty of requesting your opinion
on the following subject : —

The Government have sanctioned the introduction of a
Bill into Parliament, and for the above purpose to propose
an advance out of the public revenue, provided the larger
portion of the expenses be borne by a rate. I may mention
that to make a park worthy of the name, in the locality
described, will require a series of advances altogether not
exceeding 300,0007., of which the half will be recovered in
the course of a few years, so that the absolute cost may be
estimated at 150,000/.

The inquiries going on at the present moment into the
affairs and actions of the Corporation of the City of London
will probably lead to a consideration of the subject of
municipal government for the whole of the metropolis,
including the method whereby future improvements in the
capital of the empire shall be carried on ; and were it not
for the peculiar position of the question relative to Albert
Park, it would obviously be better to postpone the considera-
tion of it until the general question shall be settled. But
as every day's delay is most injurious, on account of the
rapid absorption of every green spot for building purposes,
so that for nearly four miles in a direct line north of the
River Thames the whole is one dense mass of crowded
tenements, and as great injury is accruing to a portion of
the property proposed to be taken, from having been in
schedule for two years, I shall feel obliged to you if you
will say whether you think that the rate ought to be
levied only upon the district likely to derive immediate
benefit from the park, or upon the whole of the metropolis ?

My opinion is that it will be most unfair, after all the
other quarters of London have been improved and beautified
with parks and commodious streets at the public expense, to
suddenly limit the area of taxation to the immediate vicinity
of any proposed improvement.

LORD ROBERT GROSVENOR. 193

It would, moreover, be an entirely novel method of
treating urban and suburban improvements of this nature,
and my belief is that the inhabitants of London will con-
sider that though their city must always be a matter of
imperial concern, still that the cost of metropolitan
improvements ought to be defrayed by metropolitan funds,
raised not by parish rates but by a rate levied over the
entire area of the capital. As this question is still unsettled,
and as, for the preparation of the Bill required in the case
'of Albert Park, it should be arranged at as early a period
as possible, may I request you will send me a reply at your
earliest convenience, addressed to the Committee Room,
Canonbury Tavern, Islington.

I remain, yours very faithfully, R. GROSVENOR.

The member for Finsbury had a happy way of
exposing jobbery that invariably carried the House
with him. In July, 1856, during a debate on going
into committee on the General Board of Health Bill,
he made an amusing allusion to the comprehensive
experiments at reform of Mr. Eoebuck. He said —
" He is going to set us all to rights, not only in
Leadenhall-street, but in New Palace-yard, at Somer-
set House, at the Admiralty, at the Horse Guards, and
at Downing- street. But if the honourable and learned
gentleman would come to this neighbourhood he
would find in a corner of a street a little hole, called
the Board of Health (laughter), and where he would
find comfortably ensconced a near relation of the
Prime Minister, and the relative of another Cabinet
Minister — all very snug berths for ministerial patron-
age to bestow." (Hear, hear.)

Mr. Duncombe then referred to the cost of the
Board, and with such effect, that the Bill was lost on
going to a division. That Bill had caused another

VOL. II. O

194 LORD BROUGHAM.

deputation, of which Mr. Duncombe formed one.
This consisted of all the metropolitan members except
four, who waited on the Chief Commissioner of Public
Works, at his office in Whitehall, on the 21st of
April, 1856, to confer with him on the provisions of
the Act. A long and animated discussion ensued
respecting the proposed alterations affecting church-
wardens and overseers, in which the member for
Finsbury played a prominent part.

In the following month he took advantage of the
return of peace to move again for a free pardon for
political offenders. The Government had anticipated
his appeal, and Lord Palmerston announced that
pardon would be extended to all except those who
had broken their parole, and fled to a foreign country.
By an entry in the Diary, 13th July, 1856, we learn —
" Frost called with Moore, having returned last night
from transportation, to thank me."

In the course of Mr. Buncombe's speech suggesting
an amnesty for political offenders, he had indulged in
an eloquent reference to the philanthropic labours in
the same direction of an old and distinguished political
friend. He described the urgent interposition of
Lord Brougham to induce Lord Melbourne to com-
mute the punishment of death for that of banishment
in the case of the Newport Reformers — " To no act of
his life," he said, " whether as a vindication of the
laws, or as an effort of humanity, would that dis-
tinguished man look back with more cordial satis-
faction."

This speech was read the next morning by the
veteran statesman, and elicited a warm acknowledg-
ment. We insert both the letter and reply : —

HIS BENEVOLENCE. 195

4, Grafton-street, 10th May, 1856.

DEAR T. D. — I am much obliged to you for making me
remember (and for the kind way in which you did it) a
good work, or part of a good work, which I had entirely
forgotten. I now recollect all about it, and that it was
merely taking my share in an act of strict justice. It was
in like manner only as an act of justice that I once was of
some help to you, of which you never could have the least
notion, and which also I had entirely forgotten till this
morning.

It is the chance of now and then having such opportuni-
ties of doing some little good that makes the burthen of
long life less hard to bear.

Yours sincerely, BROUGHAM.

57, Cambridge-terrace, May 13th, 1856.

MY DEAR LORD BROUGHAM, — Your letter having been
directed to St. James's Street has only just reached me,
which I hope will account for my apparent neglect in not
thanking you sooner for so kindly noticing my feeble
attempt in the House of Commons to do you that justice to
which your noble and generous conduct in saving the lives of
those misguided men in 1840 so pre-eminently entitled
you. It grieves me, however, to hear you talking of the
hardship of bearing the burthen of a long life, distinguished,
as all must admit yours to have been, by so many acts of
true philanthropy ; but I trust that there are yet many
more years of health and enjoyment in reserve for you
before the country will have to lament your loss.
Permit me to remain, with best wishes,

Yours very faithfully, T. S. D.

Mr. Duncombe took great interest in the proposed
formation of Finsbury Park, and was assiduous in his
attention to divisions, presenting petitions, asking ques-
tions. Government were beaten on Cobden's resolution
censuring their proceedings in China, on the 3rd of

o 2

196 CHARACTER OF MR. BUNCOMBE.

March ; and on the 5th the member for Finsbury spoke
strongly in favour of Lord Palmerston. While attend-
ing a public meeting after the dissolution of Parlia-
ment, his watch was stolen. This loss was soon re-
paired. He had now to prepare for one of those scenes
of excitement which seemed to become more frequent
as he became less able to bear them. He could only
take part in a contested election to a limited extent,
and it seemed necessary that he should exert himself
more than ever, party spirit running very high in
reference to the defeat of Lord Palmerston by the
Manchester section of the reformers, in conjunction
with the Tories, against whom there daily manifested
itself a strong feeling of indignation.

The Government having been defeated, an appeal
to the country was as usual resorted to. In the
general election that occurred in the spring of 1857,
Finsbury was distinguished for the severity of the
contest. Alderman Challis retired, in his parting
address to the electors paying a cordial tribute of
commendation to Mr. Duncombe. He wrote : —

" I take this opportunity of tendering my thanks
to my honourable colleague for the kind assistance
and co-operation I have at all times received from
him ; and, were not his services and abilities so well
known in this borough, I would venture to add my
humble testimony to the energy, ability, and honour
with which he discharges his duties. Ever fearless in
the support of his honest opinions, thoroughly qualified
by long experience, he well sustains in the Legisla-
ture the office of your representative in support of the
principles of political freedom, and the practice of
political honesty."

LORD PALMERSTON. 197

On this occasion there were four candidates in the
field. There was a Major Eeid, Mr. Serjeant Parry,
and a Mr. Cox, a solicitor and common councilman.
The latter had been canvassing nine months with an
enormous staff and an unlimited expenditure. Mr.
Duncombe had little more to rely upon than the ser-
vices of his secretary, and a messenger employed a few
days before the polling commenced, with his personal
attendance at three public meetings. Nevertheless,
he was placed at the head of the poll, and returned by
an overwhelming majority, the numbers being : —
Duncombe, 6922; Cox, 4110; Parry, 3954; Eeid,
2378. The three last had professed similar opinions,
and in their addresses had rivalled each other in the
liberality of their promises ; but it soon became mani-
fest that their long-tried representative possessed the
confidence of the constituency. Cox was accused of
wholesale bribery, and the learned Serjeant's cause
damaged with some of the electors by a charge of
having signed a petition to open the Crystal Palace
and British Museum on Sundays, which he denied.

Lord Palmerston had issued an address to the elec-
tors of Tiverton, defending the policy in China that
had produced the hostile vote in the House of Com-
mons ; and at a banquet given at the Mansion House
he went more at length into his defence, sharply at-
tacked the Opposition, and proclaimed the advantages
the Government had gained by the result of the
general election. All the leaders were then suitors
for public confidence, abusing their opponents and
lauding themselves. In one instance — Lord Malmes-
bury — a spirited defence was published in the news-
papers ; in that of Mr. Serjeant Parry, a political

198 ELECTION EXPENSES.

dinner was given by his friends, when he improved
the occasion to the same effect. Mr. Bright was re-
jected from Manchester; and Cobden, Gibson, Fox,
and Mi all had also been unsuccessful in securing their
return. The Finsbury election was a signal triumph
to Mr. Duncombe ; he had not been at the head of
the poll since 1835.

The election cost him 41 2/.; Cox, 230S/. ; and
Parry, 790/. Major Eeid's accounts were not pub-
lished. The metropolitan constituencies were expen-
sive luxuries, though much improved from former
times, when Westminster has been known to cost
20,000/. A candidate may now hope to get re-
turned for any sum between 2000/. and SOOO/. Lord
Dudley Stuart paid 7000/. for Marylebone in 1847;
Lord Ebrington, his successor, 5000/., and Mr. Bell,
3000/. Southwark election cost Locke 3880/. ; Napier,
1219/.; and Pellatt, 684/. Lambeth cost Eoupell
5339/.; Williams, 1706/. ; and Wilkinson, 26S8/.
The Tower Hamlets : Ayrton, 1337/. ; Butler, 1133/. ;
and Clay, 80G/. While the City of London cost
Lord John Eussell 3222/. ; Baron Eothschild, 1313/. ;
Duke, 1G08/. ; and Crawford, 999/. Added to this
expenditure must be subscriptions to local charities,
&c., which, in Middlesex, cost Mr. Byng 200 O/. a
year. In the boroughs the outlay varies from 300/.
to 1000/.

For the diffusion of education there was no more
earnest advocate than the member for Finsbury, but no
one was better acquainted than himself with the evils
of imperfect teaching on the working man, or had a
more decided opinion of the injudicious and indis-
criminate cramming of the poorer classes of children.

SELF-EDUCATION. 199

He had constantly before him fussy knots of ill-
informed operatives, who had been rendered dissatis-
fied with their own social position, and were unfit for
any other. His own constituency afforded abundant
examples of the evil arising from the cobbler not
sticking to his last. Such men would insist on being
political censors, and were constantly calling him to
account. He was quite as frequently obliged to ad-
minister a snubbing to them ; and it was not his
fault if it failed in producing a wholesome effect. He
preferred education for the masses such as should
render the boys good workmen, and, in time, equally
good masters. There are some men belonging to the
humbler classes who appear to have done much better
without education than those who have been most
carefully crammed with knowledge useless in their
social position. Here is a portrait of one of them
from a trustworthy source : —

" ' My guide, philosopher, and friend' was Abraham
Plastow, the gamekeeper, a man for whom I have
ever felt, and still feel, very great affection. He was
a** singular character. In the first place, this tutor of
mine could neither read nor twite, but his memory was
stored with various rustic knowledge. He had more
of natural good sense and what is called mother- wit
than almost any person I have met with since ; a
knack which he had of putting everything into new
and singular lights made him, and still makes him, a
most entertaining and even intellectual companion.
He was the most undaunted of men. I remember my
powerful admiration of his exploits on horseback. For
a time he hunted my uncle's hounds, and his fearless-
ness was proverbial. But what made him particu-

200 RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.

larly valuable were his principles of integrity and
honour"*

Here are the elements of a hero and a Christian,
here the model of a good citizen and a good man. If
there is any system of government education that can
produce better results, it ought to be made public,
and the same plan adopted all over the world. Mr.
Duncombe was always ready to extend educational ad-
vantages of the first class to all likely to profit by
them ; but his long experience assured him that a
very small per-centage of those born to labour for
their bread had either opportunity, talent, or inclina-
tion to secure them. The Abraham Plastows, on the
contrary, are by no means so very rare.

He had endeavoured to obtain the liberation of a
Nonconformist, who had been imprisoned in Chelms-
ford gaol for not paying his church-rates. There was
a public meeting in Edinburgh, and the chairman for-
warded the thanks of that assembly to him for having
brought the poor man's case before the attention of
the House of Commons. He was not the man to let
such a case be cushioned, and took it up with such
vigour that the Government caused the prisoner to
be liberated without enforcing the obnoxious rate.

As early in his career as March, 1829, Mr. Dun-
combe, as an advocate for religious freedom, presented
a petition to the House of Commons, signed by 32,000
inhabitants of Sheffield and the neighbourhood, in
support of Catholic Emancipation. In this measure
he took the deepest interest, speaking on various
occasions with remarkable force, and by his disinter-

* " Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, Bart.," p. 5.

CHURCH RATES. 201

ested labours doing more real service in the way of
preparing the public mind for the removal of religious
disabilities than any of the Irish members effected by
their most imposing displays of oratory. He does not
appear to have had any connexion with the Catholics ;
yet he continued their advocate as long as there was
any question before the House that in the slightest
degree affected their interests.

Though Mr. Duncombe was the son of a bishop's
daughter, and had several of his nearest relations
clergymen, he did not allow this connexion with the
Church of England to influence his views of toleration
and religious liberty. Of this he gave a striking
proof during the session of 1840, by bringing forward
in the House of Commons a motion for relieving
Dissenters from their liabilities to the payment
of church-rates. This was a grievance of which
all persons of that communion complained. Jews,
Catholics, Methodists, Quakers, and other sectarians
could not reconcile themselves to being taxed for
maintaining an establishment they never used, and
did not want. In Finsbury the religious opinions of
the electors varied much ; but there was a large por-
tion who did not belong to the Church of England,
and were disposed to save the money they were
obliged to contribute to its perpetuation. There was
pressure from this quarter on the popular member;
and finding himself supported by Dr. Lushington
and Mr. Hawes, two of the most influential of the
metropolitan members, from his place in the House he
moved for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve from the
payment of church-rates that portion of her Majesty's
subjects who conscientiously dissent from the rites or

202 ENGLISH CATHOLICS.

doctrines of the Church of England. Leave, however,
was refused, on a division there being only 63 for the
motion, and 117 against it. The majority made up
of "Whigs and Tories.

This defeat did not do him any harm. The sup-
porters of the church treated the attack indulgently,
proving that they were not in the slightest degree
alarmed by it ; while the friends of religious freedom
were delighted at its boldness, and enthusiastically
applauded the daring reformer by whom it had been
made.

As a friend to freedom of thought the member for
Finsbury was regarded by the English Catholics as
an excellent medium for bringing before the legis-
lature what they considered to be their grievances.
They were willing to admit the benefits they had
derived from the great emancipation measure, but
chose to regard it only as an instalment of their rights.
They still laboured under some disabilities ; and not-
withstanding that, in this respect, they were infinitely
better off than were Protestants in Catholic countries,
and enjoyed indulgences they had never conceded to
Protestants when the Catholic religion was in the
ascendancy in this country, they were determined to
agitate for equal privileges. The Eoman Catholics of
the metropolis, therefore, drew up a petition for the
repeal of the Penal Code, and it must be acknowledged
that they took very high ground, for they commenced
with the extraordinary statement, that " the religion
of your petitioners was until a very modern period,
the religion of the whole of this realm." Three
centuries had elapsed since the establishment of the
Reformation ; and many years previously thousands of

THEIR GRIEVANCES. 203

earnest Christians had renounced the Church of Eome,
through the arguments of Wicklyffe and his followers.
The document equally ignores the existence of the Jews,
whose religion in its claims to antiquity really made the
Roman in its turn a very modern institution.

When the petitioners began to mention their
grievances it appeared that these were in the shape of
certain oaths, which were required from them as safe-
guards, as they professed allegiance to the Pope in
the first place. Under the statute of Prsemunire they
were still liable to penalties for assisting in the intro-
duction or circulation of papal documents. This law
they forgot to state was passed by a Eoman Catholic
sovereign and a Eoman Catholic senate, as a security
against intolerable exactions and oppressions of the
court of Eome. Then there was a grievance in re-
ference to restraints upon religious orders, which they
regarded as cruel to the Jesuits, Benedictines, Domi-
nicans, and Franciscans, and " a foul stigma and re-
proach to their religion." There was also a complaint
of interference in Eoman Catholic marriages.

It will be seen from the accompanying note what
Mr. Duncombe was expected to do : —

1, Plowden-buildings, Temple,
June 29th, 1842.

Mr. Anstey presents his respects to Mr. Duncombe, M.P.,
and begs to know whether that gentleman has any objection
to undertake to present and support in the House of Com-
mons a petition signed by 138 Catholics of the metropolis,
praying for the total repeal of the remaining penal laws.
Mr. Anstey encloses a copy of the petition as printed in
the True Tablet of the llth instant. It is desired that
the member presenting the petition should manage to

204 CATHOLIC DISABILITIES.

elicit a debate upon the points there set forth; a motion
of some kind will therefore be necessary. The low esti-
mation in which the English Catholic members are held
in their own body prevents Mr. Anstey, who is entrusted
with the conduct of the matter, from troubling either of
them with it. Not being personally known to Mr. Dun-
combe (although as a committee-member of the Catholic
Registration Society he assisted in canvassing Catholic votes
for him last year), he begs to inform Mr. D. that he is a
friend of the Reverend Mr. Macartney of Manchester,*
whose case was so admirably managed lately by Mr. Dnn-
combe in the House.

The petition was presented, and Mr. Duncombe's
services thus acknowledged : —

Erectheum Club, Wednesday Morning.

SIR, — On the part of those whose petition you presented
last night I beg to offer you my most sincere thanks. I
have just read the reports of the presentation in the various
newspapers ; the Morning Herald is the only one that has
reported it correctly. Will you have the kindness to give
notice to-night (if you have not already done so), and ask
Sir James Graham to-morrow whether it is his intention to
act upon the report of the Criminal Law Commissioners, or
to repeal the remaining disabilities of Catholics ? It is of
some importance that this should be done by to-morrow at
the latest, in order that the True Tablet may make its
comments upon Sir James's reply upon Saturday morning.

I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,

T. CHISHOLM ANSTEY.

In the year 1851 the entire Protestantism of the
British empire exhibited the most frantic excitement
in consequence of the Pope of Rome having published
a letter apostolical, announcing in language of absolute

* A convert to Popery who complained of his wife having been
immured in a convent.

ROMAN HIERARCHY IN ENGLAND. 205

authority the creation of a Catholic hierarchy in
England, entirely ignoring the Established Church
and its prelates. Since the Eeformation the opera-
tion of the Papacy in this country had been generally
(especially during the last century) quiet and un-
obtrusive. The community here in connexion with
it had been governed in the most unassuming manner
by vicars apostolic ; but partly through the influence
of distinguished English converts from the Church
of England, and partly in consequence of representa-
tions of one or two of the dignitaries of the Eoman
Church officiating in England, the supreme Pontiff
caused an entirely new and comprehensive arrange-
ment to be carried out, in which the kingdom was
divided into dioceses, each governed by a bishop,
assuming a title from the episcopate, and all were to
be governed by an archbishop.

This announcement took the Protestant community
by surprise ; although the important change had been
contemplated by the court of Borne two or three
years before, and they were not reconciled to it by
the contemporary publication of a document quite as
startling to Protestant readers, in still more extra-
vagant phraseology, declaring the establishment of a
Eoman Catholic hierarchy under the direction of the
writer, who signed himself " Archbishop of West-
minster, Cardinal Priest of St. Pudentia, and Ad-
ministrator Apostolic of the Diocese of Southwark."

It is impossible to exaggerate the impression created
throughout the length and breadth of the land, not
only by the purpose, but by the tone of these docu-
ments ; and Lord John Eussell increased the excite-
ment tenfold by publishing an indignation letter to

206 PAPAL DOCUMENTS.

the Bishop of Durham, denouncing the innovation in
the strongest terms, and threatening parliamentary
interference. The press generally echoed his sen-
timents ; and the two branches of the Legislature
were called upon to save the country from popery.

Catholics explained that the papal documents were
intended only for themselves ; that the supreme
Pontiff's intentions were purely spiritual; and pro-
tested against any tampering with the provisions of
the Catholic Emancipation Act. There were zealots
on both sides, who did their best to inflame the
public excitement ; there were also moderate men,
who strove earnestly to lessen the wide-spread
irritation.

Among the latter conspicuously stood the member
for Finsbury. He had been instrumental in carrying
the long disputed measure for relief, and was averse
to any legislation in a contrary spirit. In the face of
the popular agitation against the alleged encroach-
ments of popery he raised his voice for toleration.
During the debates in the House of Commons he
spoke forcibly in deprecation of the spirit of reprisal
that was then influencing a large body of his coun-
trymen. In so doing, however, he laid himself open
to the animadversions of the ultra-Protestant portion
of the press, who could not appreciate what they con-
sidered to be a Protestant champion of popery. He
was obliged to declare publicly his opposition to the
spirit of the Papacy, and avow that, as a consistent
advocate of religious liberty, he was bound to raise
his voice against an arbitrary control of the privileges
enjoyed by any portion of her Majesty's subjects.
The moderation and good sense that influenced his

ECCLESIASTICAL TITLES BILL. 207

interposition in favour of the Catholics may be
gathered from the following motion, which we print
from the original draft : —

Mr. T. BUNCOMBE. — On motion for Mr. Speaker leaving
the Chair to go into Committee on the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill,

To move, — " That whilst this House regrets that in the
documents relating to the recent appointment of a Roman
Catholic hierarchy in this country greater consideration was
not shown towards the Protestant feelings of the people,
yet this House, relying upon the solemn assurances that
have been given, that neither slight nor insult was thereby
intended to the sovereign or to the nation, will abstain
from further legislative proceedings, unless it shall hereafter
be found that those appointments are exercised in a manner
inconsistent with the civil rights or the religious freedom of
any portion of her Majesty's subjects."

The action of many of the Dissenters in this agita-
tion was equally in opposition to the Church of
England ; and sectarian animosity declared itself by a
cordial support of the papal and cardinalian mani-
festoes, mingled with virulent abuse of the State
establishment. Among the Finsbury constituency
there was a large element of dissent, and these electors
got up public meetings, in which the conduct of their
member was warmly commended by resolutions pub-
lished in the newspapers. The chairman having
communicated the result to Mr. Duncombe, the latter,
in a letter dated 6th June, 1851, replied: —

I rejoice to learn that my opposition to the Ecclesiastical
Titles Bill meets with such general approbation, for although
Popery possesses no charms in my eyes, yet I consider that
I should have been a traitor to those sacred principles of

208 no NONO.

civil aud religious freedom that I have ever advocated, as
well as unworthy of the enlightened constituency I have the
honour to represent, had I, by any vote of mine, basely
succumbed to that bigot cry so industriously raised last
winter throughout the land, and thereby deprived my
Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, whether in England or
in Ireland, of any portion of those religious rights and
privileges conferred upon them by the Emancipation Act
of 1829.

That these were Mr. Duncombe's real sentiments
is evident from the fact that among his voluminous
papers there is not a single communication from a
Catholic priest or layman in favour of the manifesta-
tion of the Pope's authority in England which caused
the Parliamentary measure he mentions. Had he
permitted any consideration to interfere with his sense
of duty, he would have taken the side of the Church
of England, of which, as we have just stated, some of
his nearest relatives were ministers.

He strove hard to allay the alarm that had been
excited among the members of that establishment, and
recommended their waiting and seeing if any mischief
arose from the proceeding complained of, before they
demanded a remedy. As every one knows, his antici-
pations were realized : the new Catholic bishops in no
way interfered with the old Protestant bishops, and
the greater novelty, the cardinal archbishop, found
" ample room and verge enough" for the display of
his dignity without incommoding either of the re-
spective primates of the Established Church — while
the much-abused Pio Nono, instead of upsetting both
Church and State " in that famous realm of England"
referred to in his bull, met with considerable diffi-
culty in maintaining his own position in Home.

CARDINAL WISEMAN. 209

The only person who really suffered during the
controversy was Henry VIII., whom Dissenters and
Catholics unanimously voted " a ruffian" ; but as Mr.
Froude has so thoroughly defended that zealous de-
fender of the Roman Catholic faith, and still more
zealous supporter of the Reformation, this practical
application of the pleader's advice — " Abuse the plain-
tiffs solicitor !" cannot be said to have done the Pro-
testant cause any harm.

As for Cardinal Wiseman — whose red hat at one
time was regarded as not less revolutionary than the
bonnet rouge — he turned out to be as harmless a per-
sonage as ever lectured at a mechanics' institute or
presided at a teetotallers' demonstration : in truth,
the obnoxious " prince of the church" lived to become
the most be-photographed celebrity of the nineteenth
century, and died absolutely more regretted by the
antagonistic church than by his own.

Soon after Mr. Buncombe's return for Finsbury,
he wrote, April 12th, 1835, to a gentleman of great
influence (Baron de Golds mid) offering to bring again
under the consideration of Parliament the abrogation
of Jewish disabilities. The Baron, then Mr. Isaac
L. Goldsmid, replied that Dr. Lushington having
offered his advocacy if they would place Sir Robert
R. Grant's bill on the subject in his hands, his co-
religionists had acceded to the proposal. The project
slept in his mind for more than a quarter of a century,
during which time he saw bigotry and intolerance tri-
umph over every effort to obtain for the Jews the rights
enjoyed by their Christian fellow subjects. There was
no systematized agitation in their favour like that
which rendered triumphant the claims of the Roman

VOL. II. P

210 LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

Catholics and the Anti-Corn-Law League. They had
to rely on their own fitness for the boon they asked
for, and the strong sense of justice among the people
of England. They did not rely in vain.

The proceedings of Lord John Russell since he had
been returned for the City of London, with respect to
the question of admitting Jews into Parliament, had
excited a good deal of remark. There had been much
said by him, it was alleged, and nothing done. Mr.
Duncombe determined that the reproach should not
fall upon other friends of religious liberty in the
House, and put the affair in a right train for decisive
action. He was probably stimulated by a leader in
the Times of March 18th, 1858, from which we quote
the following sentences : —

Mr. Duncombe may be rather too pressing and too ready
for an appeal to the ultima ratio of a Representative House,
but still it may come to that. Lord John Russell is losing
ground and incurring a certain degree of ridicule by
always appearing as the friend of the Jews, without being
able to do anything for them. Thus he is always
holding the wisp of hay before the poor jaded beast without
ever giving it a mouthful. Is he in earnest ? There are
those who doubt it. There are certain costs and other dis-
agreeables a man will submit to for the sake of being in
Parliament, and Lord John Russell may carry a perpetual
brief for Baron Rothschild as the price of his seat. The
arrangement has gone on a long time, and the worthy
Baron has already lost a good many years of his promised
Parliamentary career. He may come to his estate at last,
but meanwhile he has been deprived of the enjoyment of it
for a most unreasonable period, and a short future does not
always make up for a long past. So Lord John Russell is
bound to do something effectual. He has only to put into
exercise all the power he has in the matter, and all the

THE JEWS. 211

influence he possesses with the Liberal party, and he can
hardly fail of success. We hope to see the time when
nothing but the natural preference of Christians for
Christians will stand in the way of a Jew M.P. or a Jew Peer.

The member for Finsbury had been the earnest ad-
vocate of the Dissenters as well as of the Eoman
Catholics ; now to show how perfect was his toleration,
he took up the subject of the " disabilities of the
Jews." Having acquired the necessary information,
and communicated with the leading professors of that
faith in England, in the sessions of 1857 and 1858 a
bill for the removal of oaths was found necessary by
the election of Baron Eothschild for the City of
London. On its' going to the Lords certain amend-
ments were proposed to which the Commons would
not agree, and the latter appointed a committee (Lord
John Eussell as chairman), which included Baron
Eothschild, to draw out their reasons for disagreeing.
Mr. Duncombe proposed this, as the penalties for dis-
qualified persons voting in the House could not apply
to their voting on committees. His motion was
carried by 251 to 196. The bill, after much debate,
was passed by both Houses. On the 26th Baron
Eothschild was sworn upon the Old Testament, and
took his seat. On the 3rd of March, 1859, he at-
tempted to bring in a bill to amend the Act entitled —
" An Act to provide for the relief of her Majesty's
subjects professing the Jewish religion." An amend-
ment was afterwards proposed that — " A select com-
mittee be appointed to consider and report to the
House on the best mode of carrying into effect the
provisions of the Act 21 and 22 Victoria, to provide
for the relief of her Majesty's subjects professing the

p 2

212 BARON ROTHSCHILD.

Jewish religion." The select committee was granted,
Mr. Duncombe being the first on the list. It in-
cluded Lords John Russell, John Manners, and
Hotham ; Sirs Richard Bethell, George Grey, James
Graham ; Colonel Wilson Patten, the Solicitor-
General, and Messrs. Walpole, Byng, Henley, New-
degate, Dillwyn, and Adams. They had power to
send for persons, papers, and records.

The committee continued to sit from March 15th,
1859, to April 1st, when a draft report was prepared
by the chairman, the Right Hon. S. H. Walpole.
The only evidence taken was that of Mr. Erskine,
then clerk-assistant of the House, Mr. Duncombe
being present at each of his two examinations and
assisting in eliciting evidence.

A report from the select committee on the Jews'
Bill was printed on the llth of April. In it is
stated that Baron Lionel Nathan de Rothschild pre-
sented himself at the table of the House at the pre-
vious session, the oath was tendered to him in the
usual manner, but declining to take it on conscien-
tious scruples, he was ordered to withdraw, when a
resolution was passed, that as a person of the Jewish
religion entertaining conscientious objections to the
declaration on " the true faith of a Christian," such
words should be omitted, and he be permitted to take
his seat. He took the oath in that form, and subse-
quently sat and voted as a member of the House. A
day or two afterwards Baron Meyer Amschel de
Rothschild and Alderman David Salomons took such
oath and their seats.

The popular member for Finsbury was now more
than ever called upon to take the chair at public din-

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. 213

ners and meetings, and to originate or support mea-
sures of public utility; among others, he moved
that the National Gallery should be thrown open on
Saturday for the convenience of those who enjoy a
half-holiday on that day, and succeeded.

His colleague, Mr. Cox, was neither popular in nor
out of the House, and therefore retained his senatorial
honours only a very short time. In the general election
this year, he was at the bottom of the poll, Mr. Dun-
combe beating him by a majority of nearly two
to one, having polled the extraordinary number of
8538 votes ; Sir S. M. Peto, 8174.

Mr. Buncombe's ardour for reform was not confined
to voting when measures of the kind were brought
forward. He had no confidence in promises, and had
grown tired of professions, by which the country was
put off session after session. He never consented to
the cry of the Whigs, by which they sought to make
theirs a final measure — " the Bill, the whole Bill,
and — nothing but the Sill." He was aware that a good
deal more was required to satisfy the requirements of
the occasion, but consented to take the full amount
by instalments, of which the Bill of 1832 was con-
sidered the first. " Finality John" laboured in vain
to persuade him that the Eeform Bill was the univer-
sal panacea for electioneering ills, "the great last
cause, best understood'' of legislative perfection ; nor
would he accept as sufficient the attempts in the same
direction of either Whig or Tory ministers.

A Parliamentary Eeform Committee was established
in London, consisting of Messrs. Clay, Fox, MialL
Eoebuck, Pease, Major-General Thompson, William
Williams, and other zealous reformers, with Mr. Morley

214 MR. BUNCOMBE

as treasurer. Mr. Buncombe was invited to join them
in an attempt to ascertain the feeling of the country
on the subject, or to state his opinions. A circular,
bearing the signature of Mr. Roebuck, was issued by
them in June, 1857, but the member for Finsbury
did not seem desirous of co-operating with them.
Indeed in December he wrote declining to sign their
address, being of opinion that " any step of that de-
scription is premature at the present moment." In
the course of a few months he had so far modified
his first impressions as to address the honorary secre-
tary in the following terms : —

March 10th, 1858.

SIR, — I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 8th instant, and in reply beg to observe
that since my last communication it must be obvious, I
think, to every reformer, that an unfavourable change has
taken place in the country's prospects of Parliamentary
reform.

When I last wrote to you I considered we were on the
eve of the Government redeeming its pledge to lay before
Parliament a plan for the amendment of our representative
system, and that to condemn or distrust its provisions
before the country could judge of them was unfair, and cal-
culated to discourage and to hamper any administration who
had pledged itself to so difficult a task. I therefore declined
appending my signature to the address, not from any dissent
to the principles as far as they went, but solely on the
ground that, in my opinion, the step was premature. A
new Government has suddenly been called into power,
composed of men who give no pledge upon the subject of
reform, beyond, to quote the prime minister's own words,
" That he should feel it his duty, in conjunction with his
colleagues, to look into this important question, but he
would not pledge himself or them to introduce either now
or at any future time a Bill upon the subject." Now

ON REFORM. 215

this declaration following upon the words that, " as far as
he was concerned, he was content with things as they were,
as, in his opinion, the present representative system had
resulted in a House of Commons fairly and fully represent-
ing the feelings of numbers as well as of the property and
intelligence of the country," I consider, since the days of
the celebrated speech of the Duke of Wellington against all
reform, anything less cheering to ardent reformers has never
appeared ; and if nothing should eventually be proposed by
the Government, reformers ought not and cannot blame
Lord Derby or his colleagues.

If I might, therefore, take the liberty of suggesting any-
thing, it would be that the reform committee should issue
a fresh address, based on the same principles as their last,
but adapted to altered circumstances. I presume those
who signed the former would not object to their signatures
being transferred to the new, while a vast increase of fresh
names would proclaim the people's disappointment and the
nation's wants. And if I might be permitted at the same
time to propose an amendment to the original address, it
would be to add to its requirements a quarterly, or, at the
farthest, a half-yearly revision of the electoral lists, founded
upon a less vexatious and less expensive plan than the
present.

Should my humble suggestions meet with the approba-
tion of the committee, I hope that I need not add that I
shall be proud and esteem it an honour to co-operate with
those gentlemen who have so ably paved the way to secure
the ultimate success of real Parliamentary reform.
I have the honour to be, Sir,

Your obedient servant, T. S. DUNCOMBE.

Of all forms of legislation, the most difficult to deal
with was that which involved changes of custom and
modifications of popular prejudices. The indignation
created amongst Protestants by the papal division of
England into Eoman Catholic dioceses was not greater
than the same feelings excited among the poorer

216 SUNDAY TRADING.

classes of both religions by the attempt to do away
with privileges they had been in the habit of enjoying
from time immemorial. Presbyterians and other rigid
nonconformists looked with horror on what they con-
sidered the desecration of the Sabbath by trading in
various London districts ; and societies were formed, in
which a large proportion of the members were influ-
ential clergymen and prelates of the Church of
England, to put down the custom, while efforts were
made in both Houses of Parliament to render it
illegal. The Liberals were averse to any interference
with the privileges of the people ; and if they found
it convenient to buy and sell on the Sunday, con-
sidered that no more harm would come of it than re-
sulted in Catholic countries to the people by the same
practice. " The Sabbatarians" desired that the London
parishes should assume the aspect of a Scotch village
on " the Lord's day," and seemed determined to put
down not only trading but travelling. In their idea,
nothing was to be permitted but going to church or
chapel. The old Puritanic tyranny was to be en-
forced with extreme penalties ; railroads were to be
stopped, omnibuses to cease to run ; no dinners were
to be baked, no beards to be shaved; no houses
of refreshment to be open ; the costermonger's barrow
and the itinerant basket were to be prohibited ; and
another abortive effort made to force the lower classes
to become religious by Act of Parliament.

We append the views of the framer of one of these
attempts at moral reform : —

Eaton-square, May 7th, 1860.

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — Many thanks for your letter and
for the return, which you were quite right in supposing I

LORD CHELMSFORD. 217

had never heard of. I agree with you that the Act of
Charles II. has a most unequal operation in London and in
country towns. I have been solicited by others to extend
my Bill beyond the bounds of the Metropolitan Police
District, but I am already upon a hornet's nest, and I do
not know what would be the consequence of stepping out
of the limits within which I propose at present to confine
myself. If I make the law general, the statute of Charles
ought to be repealed, and entirely new provisions substi-
tuted. This would be a large question, and one beset with
difficulties, and I must be content at present to endeavour
to apply a remedy to the place where the evil is most
felt.

Yours very sincerely, CHELMSFORD.

Eaton-square, June 13th, 1860.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — Any one who undertakes a Bill
relating to Sunday trading and expects to conciliate all
parties, must be a very sanguine or a very silly man. The
Scylla and Charybdis of such a measure are on the one
hand the religious world, who object to the smallest relaxa-
tion of the law for observance of the Lord's day, and, on the
other, those who are interested in Sunday traffic, and who
consider any interference with their dealings an infringe-
ment of their liberties. Between these two extremes I
have endeavoured to steer my course, but if I turned my
head even a little to one side or to the other, I was sure to
run upon a rock.

I have always been careful to guard against the notion
that my Bill was intended either to enforce a more strict
regard to the Lord's day, or that in any sense it was to be
treated as a religious movement. What I kept steadily in
view and always insisted upon was, that there were thou-
sands and thousands of tradesmen in the metropolis who
were anxious to have their day of rest, and that they were
utterly deprived of the opportunity by a minority of their
neighbours keeping open their shops, which compelled them
in self-defence to do the same; and this, of course,

218 LORD CHELMSFORD

entailed the same privation upon their servants and ap-
prentices, who were not free agents. But when I pro-
posed to close the shops entirely on Sundays I was met
by the case of the poor man who, from the unfortunate
practice which prevails (though gradually changing) of
paying wages late on Saturday night, had no opportunity
of making his little purchases for the Sunday before that
day.

With respect to the sale of oranges, fruit, ginger beer,
&c. before ten and after one, I cannot think that there
ought to be any objection. To prohibit this would be to
put a very invidious distinction between the poor and the
rich man, and in that respect would be most objectionable.
The same remark applies to pastrycooks. Eating-houses and
cooks' shops are within the exemption in the 29 Car. II.
As to periodicals, they have been my main difficulty ; here
the struggle has been between the bishops and the press.
At first my Bill permitted the sale before ten o'clock only,
and in this form it was approved by the Sunday Rest
Association, of which the Bishops of London and Winchester
are the presidents ; the addition of " after one " was then
made, and upon that clause, and that alone, the Right
Reverend Bench rose in opposition. I do not care about
keeping it, but it may be observed that it is the most harm-
less form of Sunday trading, so far as interfering with the
day of rest is concerned, as a single person in the shop is
all that is requisite to carry it on. I quite agree with
you that it would have been better if I could have
extended the Bill beyond the metropolitan district, but
this would have entailed the necessity of repealing the
statute of Charles II., which would have occasioned me
many more difficulties than I can describe. I have applied
my remedy where it was most wanted, and there are plenty
of precedents for legislating only for this district. Of
course there are objections to the Bill, as what measure
was ever proposed without being exposed to formidable and
even unanswerable ones ? The question always is, whether
the objections to the present state of things are not still

ON SUNDAY TRADING. 219

greater. We must never lose the good by refusing every-
thing which is not the best.

I am afraid I cannot look with favour upon your Jew
Bill, nor excuse it according to the old story, because it is
only a little one. Our arrangement was that each House
should deal for itself with this matter, and I think it is
a departure from the terms of our compromise to ask
us to assist you with a Bill to regulate it for all time to
come.

Ever yours sincerely, CHELMSFOKD.

CHAPTEE IX.

ITALY AND MAZZ1NI.

The Italian Liberals — Mazzini and " La Giovine Italia" — The
Sanfedists and the Roman Government — Revolutionary move-
ment— Mazzini and the Republic of Rome — Mazzini in London
— His letters to Mr. Buncombe — The Member for Finsbury a
Member of the Society of the " Friends of Italy " — Atrocities
committed by the Roman and Neapolitan Governments —
Petition to the House of Commons — Communications from
Mazzini — Kossuth on Cavour — Letters from Sir John Romilly
and Baron Poerio — Kossuth in Italy — Treaty of Villafranca —
Notes by Kossuth — Garibaldi's Conquest of Naples — Mr. Edwin
James at the Seat of War — Absence of Mazzini — Evacuation of
Venice by the Austrians — Republication by Mazzini of his
Writings — Italian unity yet imperfect.

MOORE, in his " Diary," gives a description of the
Italian liberals as they were in 1819, that is more
strongly characteristic of them many years later.
They were opposed to the English Government grant-
ing Catholic emancipation, because it would increase
the power of the Pope. They hated the papacy as
the worst possible form of absolutism; moreover,
they hated the Austrians — perhaps because the
despotism of one came more home to them than
that of the other. What religion they professed
was far from orthodox in character ; it bore a strong
resemblance to Canova's ideal representation in St.
Peter's. " Religion with the spikes out of her head,"
writes a Catholic, " is a disagreeable personage. "*
* " Diary and Letters," edited by Lord John Russell, iii. 48.

MAZZINI. 221

The first Napoleon is reported to have told Canova
that he would make Rome the capital of all Italy.
The idea has not yet been realized by Napoleon III. or
by the Italian liberals under the inspiration of their
celebrated chiefs.

Giuseppe Mazzini was one of the most active and
enterprising of the Italian revolutionists of 18'U.
He was a native of Genoa, the son of a surgeon, and
played so prominent a part in the movement that his
countrymen readily adopted him as its director. He
originated the idea of Young Italy, and in a periodical,
in an association, and as a political cry, made such
profitable use of it, that La Giovine Italia began to
stir the pulses of the entire nation. He published a
volume dedicated to Carlo Alberto, king of Piedmont,
urging him to place himself at the head of a united
effort of the Italians to drive the Austrians back to
Germany, and made the most energetic appeals to his
countrymen at home and abroad to induce them to
combine in the same patriotic cause. He was an in-
defatigable conspirator, and caused his influence to be
felt in every direction. The Governments at Rome, at
Milan, at Florence, at Naples — indeed, everywhere in
Italy — were kept in a constant state of alarm by a
knowledge of his intrigues. The King of Prance,
too, was as hostile as the Emperor of Austria. In
short, he was regarded as a dangerous character.

The complaints of the inhabitants of the Pontifical
States of the tyranny and bad faith of their ruler
were recognised not only by the English Government,
but by France and Prussia, even Austria uniting
in a joint recommendation of reform to Pope Gre-
gory XVI. Nothing, however, seemed more foreign
to the nature of the Pope and his ministers than any

222 PROPAGANDISE!.

concession. Instead of this they organized a band of
miscreants, called Sanfedists, as pontifical volunteers,
who were permitted to rob and murder the population
of the Legations with perfect impunity. The historian
Farini* denounces the infamous proceedings of the
Eoman court and its supporters. There cannot be a
shadow of a doubt that the atrocities they committed
justified the continued action of Mazzini, and the
constant remonstrances of Mr. Duncombe.

Mazzini repeated his attempts to make old nations
young, but with less and less success. " La Giovine
Italia" did well as a suggestive title to a publication ;
" Young France" did less as a suggestion ; " Young
Switzerland" produced little effect; -and "Young
England'' none at all. The propagandism was active
enough in the mind of this republican — so active,
that in every place in which he received shelter the
first use he seems to have made of his security was to
organize a plot for upsetting its political institutions ;
but it appears that wherever he went a counteracting
influence rendered his labours nugatory. People
began to suspect that the old lamp might be more
trustworthy than a new one ; and the cry of national
renovation lost its charm. It was acknowledged that
fine things could be said about republicanism, but
that the working result might be drawn from the con-
dition of the states of South America.

In 1848, the Prefect of the French police sent a
communication to the Minister of the Interior an-
nouncing the arrival of Mazzini in Paris, and giving
an account of his plans. Soon afterwards the move-
ment recommenced in Kome; where Padre Gavazzi,

* Admirably translated by Mr. Gladstone, 3 vols. 1851.

REVOLUTIONS. 223

then a Barnabite friar, gave as a sermon one of those
stirring discourses that have since rendered him famous
as an orator. The Jesuits were denounced, and
changes in favour of laymen in the Eoman cabinet
conceded. At this crisis the expulsion of Louis
Philippe in Paris brought a fresh access of agitation
into Italy ; and Pio Nono, Francis Joseph, Ferdinand,
as well as the other established governments in Italy,
were made to feel its effects. It caused Carlo Alberto
to come forward as the leader of an Italian army ; it
also caused Mazzini, who was in France, to stimulate
his friends, particularly in Eome, to activity in another
direction.*

The revolutionary earthquake that shook French
society to its foundation in the spring of 1848 was
almost as severely felt in the neighbouring kingdoms
and states. In Italy it caused the Austrian army to
retire behind the Mincio. After the foreigners had
been expelled from Milan, Venice proclaimed herself
free, and Rome .independent. Naples was not yet so
fortunate, the Swiss mercenaries having made a good
defence of the Bourbons for a time ; and the patriots
from the Abruzzi to the Alps began to talk of an
united Italy as a grand republic, with its metropolis
at Eome, and Pope, Kaiser, and Bourbon, utterly ex-
tinguished, annihilated, and forgotten.

Mr. Duncombe was not so sanguine as his friends of

* Farini's opinion of this reformer is not a very exalted one : —
" Giuseppe Mazzini is a man of no common talent, remarkable for
perseverance in his plans, for resolution under suffering, and for
private virtues; but in these last crises of the Italian nation, he
has confounded patriotism with self-love, or rather with selfish
pride, and has chosen to risk seeing the temple of Italy burned
down, because she would not dedicate to him its high altar." —
Mr. Gladstone's translation, ii. 207.

224 YOUNG ITALY.

the sweet South ; and the triumphant return of
Eadetski, of the fugitive Pontiff, as well as the in-
creased despotism of the King of Naples, confirmed his1
opinion that the hour of Italian freedom had not yet
arrived.

Mazzini hastened to Eome after the flight of the
Pope and the establishment of a republic. He was
elected a member of the Constituent Assembly,
which he addressed in a stirring speech on the 6th of
March. He was received with acclamation, and his
ascendancy became patent. His great idea was at
once adopted, that Italy must be a single democratic
state, having Eome for her capital. Unfortunately, as
quickly as it was accepted as quickly was it laid aside.
When Mr. Duncombe heard of his friend's pre-
eminence in Eome, he heard of the practical extinc-
tion of Italian unity (for that time), caused by the
battle of Novara, the abdication of the King of
Piedmont, and the dispatch from republican France
of an army under General Oudinot, to .assist the Pope
in returning to Eome.

The days of the Eoman republic were then num-
bered, and Mazzini had once more to leave Italy,
and recommence weaving his political meshes from
a safe distance. After many vicissitudes as Car-
bonaro and revolutionary propagandist, in the spring
of 1851 Mazzini was living at Brompton, but not
inactively. His Giovine Italia had not been so
successful as he had anticipated, and he had begun to
entertain misgivings as to the possibility of establish-
ing a democratic Italy. Still the idea was not to be
abandoned. He now appealed to the good offices of
his English friend to give the people of England a

DEMOCRACY. 225

knowledge of recent events in Italy, and disabuse the
public mind of unfavourable impressions created by

adverse reports.

2, Sidney-place, Brompton, April 4th.

DEAR SIR, — The papers which ought to be published are
the " Correspondence on the Affairs of Rome/' from the
month of November, 1848, to the July, 1849, when Rome
fell under French invasion. The November ought to be
chosen as the month in which the murder of Count Rossi
took place, and things began to look gloomy. I feel sure —
and that ought to be the ground for some remarks of yours
— that all the accusations spread by Cochrane, the Quarterly,
the Times, and all the reactionary men or papers here, con-
cerning our " Reign of Terror," &c., would fall to the deep
from which they sprung, through the reports of British agents.

I am sure that you have kept, for possible future occa-
sion, the few notes I sent. But one designed thing was
forgotten by me, concerning the Central Committee of
European Democracy, about which there has been such a
series of exaggerations. The acts of the committee have
been all published in our organ; by other papers they
have been quoted or translated, but always re-edited : the
official appearance is in that French weekly paper. Now
the paper is not published in London, but in France. The
first number was seized on account of an article signed
Ledru Rollin. The number was not containing a single
act of the committee. The other numbers have, to the
present moment, appeared in France ; all our acts, procla-
mations, addresses being there — not one has been seized.

Should you wish for a number of our paper, I shall send
it. You may have received before this a note from James
Stansfeld.

With many thanks, I am, dear sir, now and ever yours,

Jos. MAZZINI.*

1. Mistaken point of view on the main question. There
are no special duties for political exiles in England; no

* M. Mazzini's Letters are printed as they were written.
VOL. II. Q

226 FOREIGNERS IN ENGLAND.

special concession to them from the Government ; no special
benefit imparted to them ; in fact, no category of exiles — no
exiles for England. It is her beautiful privilege that her
land is opened to every person chosing to come in ; that no
passport is asked, no declaration of quality called for, no
special system established for anybody. Foreigners are
equalized to Englishmen ; they must abide by the laws, arid
benefit by them — nothing more, nothing less. To talk
about hospitality, and then to impose restraint on the
utterance of opinions, and deny to foreigners rights of free-
dom belonging to all men living in England, is equal to
abolish the beautiful privilege which we are alluding to.
The only exception could be when a Government grant, a
special boon, is granted to exiles. Even in that way it
would be bad and un-English to be hospitable to the body
and curtail the freedom of the soul.

2. We have committees — Central, Democratic, and Na-
tional Italian Committees ; but they have always been in
existence, in France, in Switzerland — everywhere. Polish
committees have been existing, organizing, addressing, in
Paris, at Poictiers and Versailles, during the whole reign of
Louis Philippe, the central committee of the Democratic
Polish Society, avowedly directing the national movement;
the last Cracow insurrection, and the Posen movement, in
which Nicolawski, a member of the society, was the re-
cognised leader, has been during that time and after, until
last year, residing in France; Nicolawski is still there.
Has England applied to France on the subject ? The com-
mittee are working publicly, printing and signing. Do they
violate English law ? — let them be tried. More than that
you cannot do.

3. There is now visibly a reactionary crusade against
exiles and national causes going on on the continent.
Exiles are persecuted, driven away from France, Switzer-
land, &c., with a view to force them to America. Is Eng-
land to enlist in the absolutist crusade? Exiles are at
work for the national independence of Italy, Hungary, Ger-
many : let them be blessed for that. Do we not most cor-

POLITICAL EXILES. 227

dially sympathize with the efforts of those countries ? And
it is not whilst French bayonets are keeping up the phantom,
whilst Austria possesses not only Lombardy but Tuscany,
the Duchies- of Parma and Modena, and the two-thirds
of the Roman Estates, whilst Austrian troops are over-
throwing the Schleswig-Holstein movement, and garrisoning
Hamburg, where Austrian troops have not been seen since
the Thirty Years' War ; whilst Russia has been trampling
on Hungary; whilst all powers are threatening, annoying
Switzerland and Piedmont, that we, who ought rather to protest
against such an infamous conduct, will stoop to foreign em-
bassies, and persecute exiles for justice and truth. The
honour and European influence of England are much more
affected by brutal force overthrowing Italian and Hungarian
liberty, than by a few exiles testing the feelings of their
countrymen by raising a loan.

4. Klapka's proclamation was a mere, and not signed,
utterance of sympathy between Hungarians and Italians.

5. The National Italian Loan is raised not for the pur-
pose of fitting up expeditions and initiating from without
the Italian movement, but for the purpose of supporting
and strengthening the national movement as soon as it
shall take place in Italy.

6. All the nonsense about a second Norman conquest
from the exiles, is worth the first of April.

7. I think you ought to avoid anything about the
dangers of discontenting foreigners coming for the Exhi-
bition ; it would be misconstructed into a threatening sug-
gested by the exiles themselves.

For five or six days after the fall of Rome, everybody
knows that, to give the lie to all falsehoods about Repub-
lican reign of terror, &c., and against the entreaties of all
my friends, I walked alone day and night the streets of
Rome. I never did set my foot in Mr. Freeborne's house.

It is impossible to exaggerate the atrocities com-
mitted by Ferdinand and his ministers. A most in-
telligent eye-witness, Mr. Gladstone, in writing to

228 CONDITION OF ITALY.

Lord Aberdeen in the year 1851, characterises them
as transactions " more fit for hell than earth ;" and
in reference to the treatment of one victim, the Baron
Poerio, stigmatizes it as emanating from " a system of
government which is an outrage upon religion, upon
civilization, upon humanity, and upon decency."

In his place in the House of Commons Mr. Hume,
on the llth of June, 1849, and the 9th of May, 1851,
had brought the condition of Italy, particularly of the
Eoman States, before the Government ; but beyond
an expression of sympathy from some of the Liberal
members for the wrongs the country was enduring,
nothing was attempted. Mr. Duncombe also did his
best to rouse the Foreign Secretary to active inter-
position ; but no promise of interference was elicited.
The vindictive Grovernment of the Pope went on from
bad to worse, committing the greatest atrocities. Some
idea of the nature and extent of the misgovernment
complained of, may be gathered from the following
list of Eomish eventualities compiled from the morn-
ing papers : —

ROMAN STATES. — 1850.

New taxes on industry and commerce, November 7th.
Agreement of the Pope to the Treaty of 1849, respecting

the free navigation of the river Po, November llth.
Papal allocution against Sardinia, November 13th.

1851.

Alarm at Rome on hearing of the change of ministry in
France, January 27th.

Note from the Papal See to the Austrian Minister of Affairs,
demanding a supply of Austrian troops to defend Rome
in case of another French Revolution, May 17th.

BAD GOVERNMENT. 229

Increasing ill feeling between the French and Papal govern-
ments, June 23rd.

Return of the Pope to Rome from Castel Gandolfo, July 28th.

Concordat concluded between Rome and Tuscany, doing
away with many of the restrictions on Church authority
imposed in the last century by the Grand Duke Leopold,
July 14th.

Extra taxes imposed by the Papal government, August 2nd.

" The invisible government in Italy/' August 4th.

Trial of persons accused of being implicated in the burning
of the Cardinals' carriages in 1849, September 3rd.

Attempted assassination of the Count Dandini — the trials
respecting the Cardinals' carriages — insolence of the
Papal police, September llth.

Condemnation to the galleys for 20 years of Colonel Calan-
drelli, Minister of War under the Republic, accused of
having stolen books from the Ecclesiastical Academy,
September 22nd.

Condemnation to death of Signor Salvatori, in retaliation
for the death of a Sanfedist brought to trial through his
instrumentality, September 22nd.

Allocution of Pope Pius IX., held in the short consistory
of September 5th, October 7th.

Fears at Rome in consequence of the Ministerial crisis in
Paris, and efforts to subsidize the peasantry by reviving
the system of centurioni, November 3rd.

Pardon and liberation of Diamelli (plunderer of medals in
the Vatican); his services as a spy in prison, November 3rd.

Result of the labours of the Commissioners appointed to
revise the claims on the treasury, November 18th.

Difficulties of recruiting for the Papal army, November 24th.

Instances of the corrupt state of the system of criminal
justice, December 12th.

Effect of the news from France on the ecclesiastical autho-
rities, December 17th.

Anxiety felt by the ecclesiastical authorities as to the ul-
terior development of Louis Napoleon's schemes, De-
cember 29th.

230 PROCEEDINGS AT ROME.

Flattering letter from Louis Napoleon to the Pope; his
reply, December 29th.

1852.

More searches and arrests by the " sbirri ;" women searched
in hopes of finding Mazzinian circulars upon them,
January 7th.

New organization of government spies, through tradesmen
and family servants, January 28th.

Clandestine printing press seized; Ganarelli (editor of the
Saygiatore in the time of Mazzini) expelled, January 29th.

Commission appointed by the Pope to inquire into the
financial state of the country, January 31st.

Secret celebration of the anniversary of the establishment
of the Republic three years ago, February 18th.

Additional particulars of the celebration of the anniversary,
February 25th.

Arrest of individuals charged with attempting to throw
grenades, &c., amongst the people during the Carnival ;
alleged discovery of a conspiracy connected with this
t attempt, March 5th.

Arrival of Prince Canino at Civita Vecchia — alarm of the
ecclesiastical authorities, April 2nd.

Edward Murray sentenced to death, May 12th.

Petition to the Pope in favour of Edward Murray, May 13th.

Article from the Giornale di Roma defending the conduct
of the Papal government towards E. Murray, June 12th.

Letter from Murray to the English people, written from the
prison at Ancona, July 15th.

Rumours of the intended withdrawal of French and Austrian
troops towards the end of the year, July 22nd.

Rumoured discovery of a long list of conspirators paid by
the Revolutionary Committee in London, August 9th.

Interview between Sir H. Bulwcr and the Cardinal Secre-
tary of State — refusal of the latter to give up the docu-
ments relating to E. Murray's case, September 24th.

Reported object of Sir H. Bulwer's visit to Rome, viz., to
obtain from the Pope a formal discouragement of the

THE FRENCH OCCUPATION. 231

proceedings of the Irish clergy in political matters,

October 22nd.

Execution of nine prisoners at Ancona, November 6th.
Commutation of the* sentence on Edward Murray — further

particulars of the executions at Ancona, November 8th.
Escape of Signor Corrado Politi from Ancona, November 16th.
First meeting of the Financial Council — some signs of an

independent spirit, December 6th.
Proclamation of Napoleon III. at Rome — effect produced in

the Papal Court, December 15th.
Further particulars of the proclamation of the French

Empire at Rome — evident alarm in the ecclesiastical

party, December 16th.
Numerous arrests of innocent persons under pretence of their

having had some share in Politics escape, December 16th.
Hungarian soldiers (serving in the Austrian ranks) shot for

desertion, December 16th.

Aggressive spirit in the division of the French army quar-
tered in Rome — against England, December 24th.

1853.

Military occupation of Rimini — fine of 2000 scudi on the

inhabitants and banishment of several individuals, to

avenge the insult offered to the Austrian vice-consul,

February 19th.
Increased vigilance of the police in consequence of the

recent events in Milan, February 28th.
Protest addressed to the Pope from the superior Council of

the Order of Jesuits, against the expulsion of Jesuits in

South America, March 3rd.
Questions asked by the Papal government of Nardoni (chief

of the sbirri) as to the number of Republicans in Rome,

March llth.
Orders received by the French sentries to allow no one to

approach them by night, and to make use of their arms

in case of disobedience, March 15th.

Mr. Duncombe continued to display a warm in-

232 FRIENDS OF ITALY.

terest in the affairs of Italy. The evils caused by the
subjugation of its provinces by Austria were well
known to him ; equally familiar was the despotism of
the Papal government. There was a society esta-
blished in London with the title of the " Friends of
Italy," of which he became a member of the council,
at the solicitation of Mazzini, in 1851. It main-
tained communications with the Italian patriots in
Rome and elsewhere, and held public meetings and
published pamphlets describing the wrongs of Italy.
The society caused a petition to the House of
Commons to be drawn up, November 10th, 1852,
giving a resume of recent events in Rome and the
Pontifical States, and praying for assistance to drive
the French and Austrian forces that had lately
marched into Rome, out of Italy. The petitioners
denounced the conduct of a declared friend of Italian
independence, who had joined with the worst enemies
of Italy in bringing her again under an intolerable
subjection, and prayed for interposition, that an end
might be put to the unjustifiable occupation of Rome
by France and Austria.

Mr. Duncombe supported the prayer of the petition.
He was by this time well known to the leading
patriots, and in frequent communication with the

ablest of them.

November 24th, 1850.

DEAR SIR, — I have been deprived of the pleasure of
seeing you whilst I was in England. I do not think I shall
be long before revisiting it, and you will then be one of the
first persons I will endeavour to see ; meanwhile, will you
allow me to introduce to you one of my best friends, and
of the most enlightened patriots I know, Mr. James Stans-
feld, and ask your earnest attention about the subject of his

MAZZINl's SUGGESTIONS. 233

conversation with you. This subject is my permanent
thought — my own country. That, after what our people
did in 1848 and '49, we are firmly bent on a renewal of our
national struggle, you cannot have any doubt. What sort
of help, what sympathies, we shall try to enlist in our
cause before initiating this struggle, is left partly to the
decision and to the activity of our friends in England.
Mr. Stansfeld will communicate to you our present
organization, and some of the acts of our national com-
mittee. Is there any means of establishing a public
agitation whatever in favour of our national cause ? could
not a rather important public meeting be organized in Lon-
don either concerning the general national question or the
condition of things in Rome ? Could anything be done to
transform the actual useless, senseless, sectarian anti-Popish
agitation into a political, logical one? Could we not avail
ourselves of the opportunity offered to teach again the
English public that all Italian questions are questions of
independence ? and to remind them that the Pope would
not enthrone a Romish hierarchy in England from Gaeta
or from any other place of refuge ? Could we not elicit
from such a demonstration a series of others both in London
and provinces, and, from those, some support to our
national loan? Upon these enquiries I call now your
attention, so that my English friends can listen to what you
suggest, and act accordingly. Whatever thing you advise
or do for our cause will establish a new claim to our grate-
fulness and to my friendly esteem.

We are about issuing an address to England, signed by
our national committee. Some of the members are
residing permanently in London.

Believe me, dear Sir, with deep esteem and grateful
friendship, yours ever truly, JOSEPH MAZZINI.

Mr. Mazzini wrote the following notes for Mr.
Duncombe's guidance : —

I. That the Roman Republic, tried according to what-
ever principle, possessed all those claims which ought to

234 NOTES BY MAZZINI.

accredit one Government in the eyes of others, and to
secure for it respect and guaranteed existence.

(1.) In virtue of its constitutional origin, and credentials

from the Roman people, municipalities, &c.
Tract on Terrorism in Rome, p. 5.
Printed Petition, p. 1.

Printed Collections of the adhesions sent in to the Roman
Republican Government, after its establishment, by
the Town Councils of the Roman States. (Large
book in Stansfeld's possession.)

(2.) In virtue of its actual conduct when in power, con-
duct impressing all disinterested witnesses, and even
English diplomatists, with the conviction of its
moderation, fitness, and conscientiousness.
Tract on Terrorism throughout, where a sketch of the
Republic is given, with references to its proclamations
and legislative measures.

Mazzini's letter to MM. de Tocqueville and Falloux.
Passages in " Correspondence " from English agent,

chiefly quoted in Tract on Terrorism.
N.B. — Under this head, while answering the common
calumnies of " terrorism," " foreign demagogues," &c.,
reference might be made to the destruction of the
Inquisition.

II. That, notwithstanding these perfect claims of the
Roman Government on the recognition and support of all
States, the Government of Republican France sent troops,
which put down this Republic by force and restored priestly
government, and that the then Government of England was
directly an accomplice of the French Government in this
iniquitous act.

(1.) The history of the French intervention.
Tract on Terrorism in Rome.
Mazzini's letter to De Tocqueville, &c.
Correspondence (quoted generally in Tract).
Note F, Appendix to Tract No. 4 ; i.e. Mazzini's Lecture
to Society. (This note brings out the principle on
which the French justified their intervention ; i.e.

COMPLICITY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. 235

that the Papacy is an institution, the common property
of all Catholic powers, and that the Roman territory
as the seat of this institution could not be allowed to
be invested with the usual right of nationality.
Farther elucidation of this point in some speeches of
O. Barrot, £c. &c. in French Chambers.)

(2.) Complicity of the British Government. Article in
British Quarterly Review on " British Statesmanship "
with regard to Italy, pp. 488-497. (Here a discre-
pancy is brought out between the views of Palmerston
as minister and Lord Normanby as ambassador.)

Society's First Annual Report, pp. 10, 11.

N.B.— *The British Government in this complicity could
not plead the logical excuse of the French, being a
Protestant power, and therefore bound to be delighted
with the conversion of Central Italy into a nationality.

III. That, even allowing the actual suppression of the
Roman Republic by France and Austria, with British com-
plicity, to pass, yet that suppression was affirmed at the
time to be purely conditional ; all the three Governments
coming under documentary promises that a good and free
and acceptable Government would be established in Rome,
and that the occupation of Rome by the French and
Austrians was to be but a " temporary arrangement " till
this should be accomplished.

Article in British Quarterly Review, pp. 494, 495.
Correspondence as quoted in printed Petition, pp.

2, 3, 4,
A speech of Lord Palmerston in May, 1851 (to be looked

out).

IV. That these promises have not been fulfilled, and
that the obligation of the British and other Governments
to redeem their word remains.

(1.) Present horrors of Papal and Austrian rule ; to be
illustrated by abundance of facts and instances.

The cabinet in England did not patronize revolu-
tionists of any country. The seizure of Hale's rockets

236 , STATE OF ITALY.

had put an end to the belligerent aspirations of Kos-
suth ; the French occupation of Rome was almost an
extinguisher to Mazzini — nevertheless, he desired to
make his English friend believe that Italy was again
on the eve of revolt.

15, Radnor-street, King's-road, Chelsea,
April 7th, 1854.

MY DEAR MR. BUNCOMBE, — Events are fast approaching
in Italy ; these events will of course, if with a leadership,
have nothing that can trouble your alliance with France.
Our aim is now anti-Austrian, and certainly, with an
armed neutrality which hangs, like the sword of Damocles,
over both friends and foes, you cannot lament that we should
summon Austria's activity somewhere else than on the
Turkish frontiers.

I do not ask you to do anything for us now ; you have
done already most likely what you could in 1853, but
Mr. Collett, a friend and colleague of yours, having told me
some time ago that when the crisis approaches he would be
ready to do anything that he could in accordance with your
own feelings, I have applied to him ; and I should ask you,
if you continue to look upon our cause as upon a good and
sacred one, to encourage him, in case he asks you, to do
what he can for us.

Ever faithfully yours, JOSEPH MAZZINI.

As there seemed little prospect of a revolutionary
movement in Hungary, Kossuth turned his attention
to Italy, as affording a better chance of stirring up
opposition to the Austrian power. The Italians of
Lombardy and Venice were waiting for an oppor-
tunity of throwing off the hated yoke ; the people of
Borne were quite as eager to get rid of the Pope ; but
Austrian and French bayonets kept down the spirit of
patriotism. There was certainly a sovereign in Italy
who entertained a dream of driving the Austrian

KOSSUTH. 237

from the Italian soil, and there existed statesmen
who entertained the idea of a free and united Italy ;
but Victor Emmanuel could have scarcely felt, even
after the seasoning his troops had had in the Crimea,
that he could have overpowered the veteran Eadetski,
and his able minister, Count Cavour, was well aware
of the difficulties in the way of the independence and
union of his country. The assertion in the following
letter respecting that minister was incorrect : —

Montpelier House, Ventnor, Isle of Wight,
August 28th, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR, — You were so kind as to allow me to
address myself to you in case I should want to consult the
Parliamentary papers.

Just now I would very much want the Blue Books of
1848 and '49 respecting the affairs of Italy. Were it too
much to ask the favour to have them lent for a couple of
weeks, if it can be done without trouble and inconvenience
to yourself? If delivered at my house in South Bank
(No. 8), to Captain Frater there, he would forward to me
hither the parcel in safety.

It may interest you to hear that Cavour is conspiring
with Murat. I have it from a very good source.

The national Italian party at Genoa has opened in
L' Italia e Popolo a subscription for 10,000 muskets, as a
counter-demonstration to the subscription for the 100 defen-
sive cannons of Alessandria. The argument is just : it is
not by a defensive policy that the cause of Italian indepen-
dence can be forwarded. The national party hopes, or
rather would fain hope, that a demonstration of English
popular sympathy will come to them in the shape of some
shillings and sixpences for their muskets, while pounds are
going towards the defensive cannons. Mistake ! not one
penny will they get. There is the most unconquerable
darkness prevailing in public opinion here about the
character and intentions of the Cabinet of Turin, though

238 CAVOUR AND MURAT.

Lord Palmerston told the world (thank him for nothing for
so much) that it is only " by holding out a bright example
of liberal institutions the Government of Turin -would be
allowed to work for the deliverance of Italy." I would
like to know by what possible process can that " bright
example " induce Austria to recross the Alps or the Pope
to abdicate his temporal sovereignty, " the worst of human
inventions ; " and yet these two points constitute the Italian
question.

However, curious matters are in process of brewing there
in the Peninsula, not the least curious of which is, that
" the champion of Italy at the Paris Congress, Cavour, is
conspiring with Murat." Will the Cabinet of St. James's
allow itself to be duped, or will it still continue to dance at
the tune of Bonaparte ? I fear they will. No first-rate
Power can with impunity, descend to a secondary position.
It is Milton's bridge, leading " smooth, easy, inoffensive,
down to ."

Those who consented to abdicate an independent policy
will of course glide whither they are pushed ; counter-influ-
ence is impossible, but it would be good to know, at least,
what they are about. I cannot so much as guess. May
be, neither they themselves ; very likely not.

Apropos of Colonel Tiirr; the Government has not paid
him for the five months he was imprisoned in Austria. Is
that generous or even just ? Have they withheld the pay
of General Williams while he was a prisoner in Russia ? I
don't think they did, though Williams surrendered and
Tiirr was kidnapped in violation of international law. But,
of course, he is but Tiirr the exile, and not Williams of
Kars. Kmety may, by-and-bye, have a word to say about
this.

Excuse my chattering, and believe me to be, with high
regard and consideration,

Your most obedient servant, KOSSUTH.

The anti- Austrian movement in Italy was now sup-
ported by the military power of France. The Emperor

ANTI-AUSTRIAN MOVEMENT. 239

Napoleon led an army in person with the avowed
object of driving the Austrians out of Lombardy.
England wisely determined on neutrality, though two
opposing influences were strongly directed to engage
her as an ally. Kossuth seems to have been appre-
hensive that the Government would be obliged to
support Austria, and allowed himself to be announced
as intending to address a public meeting to be held at
the London Tavern on the 20th of May, the lord
mayor in the chair, to which Mr. Duncombe was thus
invited : —

10, Bedford-square, May 18th, 1859.

MY DEAR SIB, — I am very anxious to secure your
attendance and assistance at the meeting announced on the
next page, and for which I enclose a platform ticket.

I have been with Kossuth this evening, and he joins his
request to mine that you will be present and support a
resolution in favour of our neutrality in this European war.
He fears and I fear lest even before the meeting of Parlia-
ment the German sympathies in high quarters will have
involved us in the strife, or induced us to enter into entan-
gling treaties which may so involve us. Pray come.

Yours truly, C. GILPIN.

In July Mr. Duncombe in the House of Com-
mons moved for the correspondence respecting the
British officers sent to the head-quarters of the
Austrian, French, and Sardinian armies, and by the
return printed it became known that Mr. Mildmay,
formerly in the Austrian military service, was to
attend the Austrian army in Italy, while Colonel
Claremont accompanied the head- quarters of the
French army, and the Hon. Colonel Cadogan those
of the Sardinian.

240 BOURBON CRUELTY.

The decisive battles of Magenta and Solferino
caused the Austrian army to evacuate Lombardy.
Every one knows that the two emperors then
came to an understanding, and that the French
•army marched home instead of following up its suc-
cesses.

The rule of the Bourbons in Naples was more in-
tolerable than that of Austria in Lombardy and
Venice, and the revelations that appeared in the
English press of the atrocities committed by the king
created the strongest feelings of indignation in this
country.* Mr. Duncombe entertained the greatest
sympathy for the victims of oppression. Every exile
had a sacred claim upon his attention, which he
liberally acknowledged, and it afforded him the sin-
cerest pleasure to be of service to them. It may
therefore be imagined with what gratification he com-
plied with the request of the Master of the Eolls in

* Mr. Petre to the Earl of Clarendon. — (Received November 1).

Naples, October 27, 1856.

My LORD, — I regret unfeignedly in this, one of my last despatches
to your lordship, to have to record the physical sufferings of Carlo
Poerio [and first six years no pen, ink, or paper allowed, or relative
seen].

For some time past he had been suffering from a tumour on the
spine, arising in great measure, I believe, from long confinement
and low unhealthy diet, and aggravated by the friction of his chain.
An operation was performed very recently upon him, and he is now,
I am told, in a more satisfactory state of health. But, if my in-
formation is correct, and I have no reason to doubt it, however
revolting to humanity the fact, neither before, nor during, nor after
the operation was Poerio's chain removed.

I have, &c., (Signed) G. G. PETRE.

—(From Correspondence Relative to Affairs in Naples,
printed in 1857.)

SIR JOHN ROMILLY . 241

behalf of the distinguished Neapolitan thus recom-
mended to his good offices : —

6, Hyde Park-terrace, April 25th, 1859.

MY DEAR SIB, — I venture on the slight acquaintance I
had with you in the House of Commons to make a request
in favour of Baron Poerio, one of the Neapolitan exiles, with
whom you are probably acquainted. He is very desirous to
see the proceedings of a contested election in England, and I
promised him that I would endeavour to obtain for him a
ticket of introduction to the hustings at Finsbury on your
nomination. If you can do this, and will send me a ticket
for him, I shall be much obliged to you both on his and on
my own account, from the great esteem and sympathy I
entertain for him and for his cause, and for that of Italy.

Wishing you every success, which I do not for a
moment doubt,

I am, yours very sincerely, JOHN ROMILLY.

Thomas S. Buncombe, Esq., &c.

15, Arlington-street, Piccadilly,
Londres, Avril 25, 1859.

MONSIEUR — Sir John Romilly a bien voulu m'honorer
d'une visite pour me faire connaitre les effets de votre bonte.
J'accepte avec la plus profonde reconnaissance Foffre si bien-
veillante et si aimable que vous avez bien voulu me faire
d'avoir Phonneur de vous accompagner a Selection qui aura
lieu Vendredi prochain ; et je me rejoui d'avance du plaisir
que j'eprouverai en faisant la connaissance d'un personnage
politique si hautement place dans Fopinion publique, et dont
la voix eloquente deployee en faveur de ma patrie retentit
encore dans mon coeur. Mais je ne permettrai jamais,
Monsieur, que vous vous derangiez pour moi venantmeprendre
chez moi. Demain matin, Mardi, je me ferai un devoir de
venir vous presenter mes respects et mes plus vifs remercie-
ments, et me mettre tout-a-fait a votre disposition. Dans
le cas ou vous fussiez deja sorti a cette heure, c'est-a-dire
entre midi et une heure, j'oserais vous prier de vouloir bien
me laisser un petit mot, avec Vindication de Pheure et du

VOL. II. R

242 BARON POERIO.

lieu ou jc dois me trouver Vendredi prochain pour avoir
Phonncur de profiler de votre aimable permission de vous
accompagner sur le lieu des elections.

Veuillez bien, Monsieur, agreer les sentiments de ma plus
vive reconnaissance, et ^assurance de ma consideration la
plus distinguee et de mon plus profond respect.

Votre devoue, CHARLES POERIO.

Count Arrivabene* mentions having met Kossutli
towards the close of June, 1859, at Brescia, when he
acknowledged that he was on his way to meet the
emperor. He was then travelling in company with
the Prefect of Police, Pietri — a curious conjunction ;
but later events suggest that it was not an undesigned
one. The Hungarian patriot was evidently under the
impression that he was about to have the direction
of a formidable diversion against Austria on the
Danube. He had been sent for by Napoleon, and
nothing seemed more probable than that the latter
should take measures for making the most of his suc-
cess at Solferino. About a week later it became an
established fact that a suspension of arms, followed
by a treaty of alliance, had been agreed to by the
Emperors of France and Austria. It can easily be
imagined with what feelings Kossuth retraced his
steps. He might have said, as well as Baron
Eicasoli — " After Villafranca I spat upon my
life !"

It is also stated by the same authority — " That
during the French-Sardinian war against the Aus-
trians in Italy, the Emperor Napoleon sent a secret
messenger to Garibaldi with offers of assistance, that

* " Italy under Victor Emmanuel." By Count Charles Arri-
vabene, i., 104; 258.

KOSSUTH IN ITALY. 243

were coldly declined : the republican general naturally
distrusted the professions of the hero of the coup d'etat.
After the arrangement at Villafranca the distrust in-
creased to detestation, which increased when he found
his favourite enterprise, the capture of Kome, thwarted
by the emperor's interference. The policy of Louis
Napoleon was always imperial, however completely
he might disguise it for a purpose. He invited Kos-
suth into Italy on pretence of arranging an Hunga-
rian insurrection ; but his anti-republicanism was
shown as completely by throwing him over for the
Austrian alliance, as by putting an end to the triumph
of democracy in Rome and restoring the Pope."

The Hungarian patriot subsequently took a journey
to Italy, ostensibly to obtain a concession for a rail-
way in which he had a considerable interest. In this
he was not likely to meet with success ; for however
much the country may have wanted railway commu-
nication, its statesmen would not hear of them if
supported by republican propagandists. The govern-
ments who fancied that they had as much to fear from
Kossuth. as a railway king as a Hungarian president,
made anxious inquiries through their ministers, and
the scheme was not favoured. The following, endorsed
"Extracts of conversations and visits to Sir James
Hudson," are in the handwriting of Kossuth: —

Turin, October 9th, 1860. — I called to-day on Sir James
Hudson. He told me that the application for a railroad
concession by an English Company, with whom M. Kossuth
appears to be connected, had caused great alarm, both at
St. Petersburg!! and at Berlin ; since these two Governments
were informed from London that it was intended here
(Turin) to give, by means of this concession, money to

R 2

244 SIR JAMES HUDSON.

M. Kossuth for carrying out his political purposes. Sir
James wondered how any such rumours could have got
credit at the Foreign Office in London, since it was evident
that the Cabinet of Turin could never have thought to
resort to such " a clumsy way." " Why ! " said Sir James,
"if they want Kossuth they will most assuredly give him
the required money without looking out for any such
pretext."

Turin, December 29th, 1860. — I had a long conversation
with Sir James Hudson; he entered freely on discussing
the situation, and especially the affairs of Hungary. He
declared that, as a servant of the Queen and an English
citizen, he certainly felt bound to support with all his
strength the maintenance of Austria ; but that the European
Governments — England included — appeared to labour under
such delusions as were truly ridiculous. They maintain
that the Sardinian Government and Prince Couza are allied
for preparing the Hungarian revolution in the Principalities
— the stipulated price being the future reannexation of
Bukovina to Moldavia. Nay, Sir Henry Bulwer went so
far as to maintain that it was the Sardinian Government
which sent the (afterwards confiscated) arms to the Danube,
whereas it can be proved to satisfaction, and in fact he (Sir
James) had proved it, by referring to the dates, that it was Tiirr
who sent them, and the Sardinian Government could abso-
lutely have had nothing to do with the matter. But it was ex-
tremely difficult to impart conviction to the English Govern-
ment— they actually keep an eye on Garibaldi at Caprera,
lest he might go to Turkey. Yet it is evident that there
will be no war next spring : France does not will it, England
cannot allow it, Italy is not prepared for it, and as to
Garibaldi he could only commence the war on the shores of
the Adriatic, and there the English fleet is keeping a close
watch, and will not allow another such violation of inter-
national law as that in Sicily. No, England will not shut
her eyes a second time so.

We now come upon the grand expedition of Gari-
baldi, whose fame as a republican leader attracted to

GARIBALDI. 245

his banner Poles, Hungarians, and English in con-
siderable numbers. The Italians nocked to him as to
a liberator capable of finishing the great work the
treaty of Villafranca had stopped ; and the King of
Sardinia readily consented to a nearer approach, with
the popular general's assistance, to the sovereignty of
a united Italy to which he had aspired. How the
Neapolitan territory was invaded and the Bourbon
despot forced to fly for his life, while his kingdom
passed from his dynasty for ever, is well known. It
will be found admirably described by an eye-witness,
who though a non-combatant shared in the dangers
of the Graribaldians, and for a time became a prisoner
in the hands of their enemies.*

The result of Mr. Edwin James's mission to the
seat of war, is amusingly told by Count Arrivabene.
It appears that the learned counsel, not content with
the credentials he had obtained from Mr. Duncombe,
when he arrived at the head-quarters of Garibaldi gave
out that he had been entrusted with a mission from
Lord Palmerston. This secured him a most favourable
reception from the Garibaldian officers, and access to
every person or place of importance he desired to see.
Lord Llanover, his predecessor as member for Mary-
lebone, and the Hon. Evelyn Ashley, and several
other Englishmen then at Naples, laughed at these
pretensions ; and having run some risks by getting too
near the enemy, and inspected the Neapolitan prisons,
the self-constituted ambassador took his departure
from Italy.

In this achievement Mazzini took no part . Though

* " Italy under Victor Emmanuel." By Count CKarles Arri-
vabene, 2 vols.

246 MAZZINI.

it was largely indebted to Young Italy for success, the
great republican was forced to keep aloof from it. His
•disciples were foremost in the conflict, but the master
nowhere. The fact is, the Government of the Re
Galantuomo could not risk the presence of the apostle
of democracy under circumstances so exciting, among
.such materials as composed the army of invasion.
However liberal may have been the general's senti-
ments, he was known to be loyal, and confidence was
reposed in him ; but the republicanism of the ex-
triumvir of Rome was unmanageable, and there were
ugly rumours afloat as to his system of propagandism
that left Ricasoli and his colleagues no alternative but
rigid banishment.

The condemnation of Mazzini is thus expressed by
his countryman : — " The impracticable character of his
political ideas, the virulence of his opposition to
Cavour and to Piedmont generally, the recklessness of
the various insurrections he has organized, and the
violence of some of his followers, have naturally
associated with his name an amount of unpopularity
which the services of his earlier life are not sufficient
to counteract."*

He had got a bad name — for worse actions than
ideas — for which the talent he possessed, or the virtue
he had displayed, could not compensate in the opinion
of soberer- minded men. He was doomed to remain in
exile, and note from a distance how barren of results
the conquest of Naples was made in consequence of
Garibaldi being prevented from marching upon
Rome.

* " Italy under Victor Emmanuel." By Count Charles Arri-
rabene, ii. 211.

ASSASSINATION. 247

Mr. Duncombe read and preserved every particle of
intelligence respecting Italy that appeared in the
public journals, and was kept well informed from
private sources. He was therefore able, when he ad-
dressed the House of Commons on the subject, which
he did frequently, to surprise the members of the
Government with the extent of his knowledge.

Both Mazzini and Kossuth were averse to any
action on the part of England ; in the former this
desire for neutrality, however, evidently arose from
opposition to the monarchical form which the move-
ment for a united Italy had assumed.

The account given by Mazzini of his connexion
with Gallenga, the intended assassin of Carlo Alberto,
will be accepted by very few English readers as a
satisfactory defence of the accusation brought against
him — that he suggested the king's murder. By this
explanation it is quite clear that he was not only cog-
nizant of the contemplated deed, but gave a weapon
with which it might be accomplished.* The indis-
putable fact, too, that Orsini was his colleague, joined
to his notorious detestation of Napoleon, has left him
open to the suspicion of having also been privy to the
murderous attempt against the emperor. Lastly, the
knowledge that for several years he was an active
emissary of the Carbonari, with whom assassination
is well known to have been an ordinary resource,
caused him at last to be generally distrusted.

The spirit aroused among the Italians was not to be
thus satisfied. The demand for Italian unity caused the
entire nation to resort to arms, and Victor Emmanuel

* " Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini," i. 348.

248 ROME AND THE POPE.

and Garibaldi led a well-appointed army against the
famous bulwark of Austrian domination in Italy —
the Quadrilateral. The surrender of Venice without a
siege completed the evacuation of Italy. Victor
Emmanuel was now king of all Italy except Eome,
the natural capital of that kingdom. There, in op-
position to the Romans and to Mazzini, in opposition
to Victor Emmanuel and to Garibaldi, Pius IX.
ruled as sovereign and pope, supported by a French
army.

Mazzini had the support of men of high intellectual
attainments, many with names of European fame.
Sismondi afforded him cordial encouragement ; Azeglio
assisted in endeavouring to work out his plans;
Alexander Dumas was eager to become a fellow-
labourer in the same vineyard. Thomas Carlyle gave
him the benefit of his recommendation ; and Thomas
Slingsby Duncombe was his faithful and eloquent
advocate. Yet circumstances rendered nugatory these
powerful aids. A momentary success, when one of
the triumvirate of republican Eome, was succeeded by
a complete overthrow. What was effected in the way
of Italian unity was done without his assistance.
His opinions became repudiated, his schemes were pro-
nounced chimerical, and he found himself condemned
to the life of an exile, under surveillance as a danger-
ous character, making frequent appeals to his ad-
mirers with a decreasing effect.

Mazzini has since this further development of his
great idea lived to see the evacuation of Eome by the
French army; but it could have afforded him no
solace, for the metropolis of his nationality still re-
mained the head-quarters of priestly misrule. The

DECAY OF ITALY. 249

pope maintained his temporal throne, somewhat dis-
satisfied certainly, but to all outward appearance as
absolute, as intolerant, as illiberal as ever ; more dis-
heartening still, "La Giovine Italia" looked on and
made no sign. Nothing therefore remained for him.
to do but to leave this imperfect Italian unity to its
fate, while he occupied his time in collecting his
various publications, and giving them again to the
world, with an autobiography which is intended to be
a defence as well as a life."*

He made one more effort to rouse his English ad-
mirers to afford him material aid by issuing a mani-
festo to raise the sum of 30 OO/. ; but like the shilling-
subscription plan in behalf of himself and Kossuth,
the result was unsatisfactory.

Mazzini has ventured to state his disbelief "that
the salvation of Italy can ever be accomplished by
monarchy."! The present Italy he considers incom-
plete, the Papacy preventing the union of the pro-
vinces under one ruler, and the cession of Nice and
Savoy to a foreign sovereign having severed a portion
from the map. He might have added that the
present Italy is dissatisfied, impoverished, and appa-
rently decaying. That Naples begins to doubt the
blessings of being a portion of united Italy, and
Venetia is not certain that she has gained commer-
cially by the withdrawal of the Austrian rule ; that
Lombardy misses the German markets for the produce
of her rich fields ; and Tuscany and Parma mourn the
loss of their petty courts ; while the rest of the pro-

* " Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini." Vol. i., published in
1864.

f " Life and Writings," i. 53.

250 ITALIAN UNITY.

vinces of the peninsula, from the Alps to the sea, are
looking in vain for the advantages they ought to have
acquired by union.

Nevertheless, although the Italian unity is not a per-
fect success, it must be conceded that, from the Italian
point of view at least, it may be regarded as an im-
provement upon the former state of things. The
foreign domination is at an end; there are neither
Austrians in Milan, Swiss at Naples, nor French at
Rome ; Italy can no longer be stigmatized as merely
" a geographical idea," The country possesses claims
to a nationality ; and although Victor Emmanuel has
met with difficulties in realizing his programme, and
finds his resources insufficient for his requirements, he
is well aware that great changes like the one he has
directed cannot be brought about without considerable
derangement in the economy of a nation circum-
stanced as it was a few years back. " Eome was not
built in a day ;" the Roman empire had a long and
fierce struggle for its development. The Italian
empire is but yet in its cradle.

251

CHAPTEE X.

SPECULATION.

Spirit of enterprise very general in England — Influences Mr.
Duncombe — Secret information from Portugal — Joint-Stock
Wine Company in Paris — Eailway from Madrid to Lisbon —
Letter to General Bacon — Letters of Count D'Orsay, and from
Messrs. Da Costa and Madden on the scheme — General Bacon's
report — Iron roads in England — The Railway King — Suit
commenced against him — Condemned to refund — Charge by
him brought against Members of Parliament of having accepted
bribes — Mr. Buncombe's speech — Railway for Ceylon — Letters
from Sir William Molesworth and the Right Honourable H.
Labouchere — A rival speculation — The scheme abandoned.

THE spirit of speculation had seized all who had any-
thing to speculate with, as well as some who were
totally without resources. Among the first were the
Marquis of Hertford and the Eev. Sydney Smith,
both of whom made considerable investments in
America — the peer to the reputed amount of 3 00,00 O/. ;
the wit had risked a much smaller sum.

There appears to have been a large element of en-
terprise in the composition of Mr. Duncombe; and
when all classes in England were under the same in-
fluence, there can be nothing surprising in his par-
ticipating in it. There is reason to believe that he
was associated in his ventures by a distinguished
personage, who bought largely in foreign shares. At
any rate it is certain that he had trustworthy infor-

252 DON PEDRO.

mation from our embassies abroad respecting political
changes or arrangements that might affect the funds.
Lord Cochrane's escapade on the Stock Exchange must
be familiar to the reader ; but the member for
Finsbury was not likely to engage in such proceed-
ings. Don Pedro's design against Don Miguel created
a large amount of speculation in the Government
funds of Portugal. A friend afforded him the follow-
ing notices of the progress of events : —

Wednesday, September 24th, 1834.

DEAR D — , — I should think there would be a rise in Port.
Bonds. The accounts up to the 13th are very favourable.
Palmella, Villa Real, and all that party have agreed to join
Freire's ministry ; Pedro is better, but in the event of his
death there is to be a regency, of which Palmella will be
the head ; the Cortes have given Pedro unlimited power to
conclude a marriage for his daughter, and a messenger has
been sent from Lisbon to the Duke of Leuchteuberg to
announce that the Duke is the chosen husband. "What
think you of this ?

DEAR DUNCOMBE, — Torreno's plan, en gros, is to acknow-
ledge and to create one fund of the whole foreign debt of
Spain, a portion of it (two-fifths he thinks, though that
must to a certain degree depend upon the Cortes) is to be
what is called active debt, i.e., bearing interest and in pro-
cess of redemption ; as soon as that is accomplished, another
portion of the passive debt (which bears no interest) is to be
made active, and so on till the whole is paid off. The par-
ticular stock which is to be made " active " is to be decided
by lot, and the proportions in future to be made active will
be greater as the resources of the country increase.

Saturday, September 27th, 1834.

DEAR D — , — Pedro is dying, and was at his last gasp on
the 21st. Donna Maria had ordered Palmella to form a

DONNA MARIA. 253

ministry with Freire, who had not quite determined upon
joining Palmella. The Cortes had declared Donna Maria
of age. I hope this will reach you before you go. Send
it with all speed to our friend.

Sunday, September 28th, 1834.

DEAR BUNCOMBE, — I told you yesterday of Pedro's ap-
proaching death, of the fact that Donna Maria had been
declared of age by the Cortes, and of her having sent for
Palmella to form a ministry. When she sent for Palmella
(on the 19th) she named Terceira, Freire, and Carvalho
to form part of his government. After some discussion
Palmella went to Queluz, on the evening of the 21st, to
name to the Queen a ministry, consisting of himself as
president of the council ; Villa Real, foreign affairs ; Terceira,
Freire, Carvalho, finance ; and Saldanha, commander- in-
chief at Pedro's death. There is little doubt that Donna
Maria will agree to this, and nothing can be better or more
likely to satisfy every one. Donna Maria has shown great
decision and firmness, has declared she will be married, and
has already signed full powers to proceed with the marriage
negotiations with the Duke of Leuchtenberg begun by her
father. France may raise some objections to this match,
but will offer no real opposition, and England is delighted
with it. By-the-bye, Donna Maria was proclaimed of age
in consequence of Pedro's resignation of the regency, owing
to his ill health. I send this under cover to E. The
Spanish Government is particularly well disposed towards
the Cortes' bondholders, and has promised that their claims
shall be considered firsthand with the utmost liberality.

One of the most promising of Mr. Duncombe's com-
mercial ventures took the shape of a Joint-Stock
Wine Company, in Paris under the direction of Messrs.
Stork, in London under that of Mr. Charles Conyng-
ham. It appears to have been carried on with con-
siderable success for many years; but in 1839, Mr.
Duncombe wishing to withdraw from it, received

254 THE RAILWAY KING.

2000/. for his share. The company were liberally
supported by noblemen and gentlemen in England,
for among the customers are the names of Lords
Alvanley, Belfast, Donegal, Bathurst, Adolphus Fitz-
clarence, Chandos, Hastings, &c. They also had
consignments to New York, Jamaica, Limerick,
Bristol, Liverpool, Quebec, Glasgow, Belfast, Dublin,
Rome, and London.

The reign of the railway king had commenced, and
the marvellous rapidity with which a small tradesman
in York had contrived to be the reputed possessor of
millions, and the arbiter of the fortunes, if not of the
destinies of much of the rank, fashion, and wealth of
the kingdom, suggested to other speculators the ad-
vantage of seeking a similar road to unlimited wealth.
As this must be in a country where iron roads did not
exist, and where a commercial spirit in the middle and
upper classes might be relied on to support their de-
velopment, the Peninsula was selected. A grand
scheme was drawn up for uniting the capitals of
Spain and Portugal, and abundant patronage secured,
a well-selected and influential board of directors pub-
lished, and the speculation launched.

A railway to connect the two kingdoms having
been determined on, it became necessary to secure the
services of some person of superior talent and social
influence to visit the Peninsula, for the purpose of
reporting on the best line, and of collecting such in-
formation respecting the probable traffic as might be
of advantage to the shareholders, as well as useful to
the managers of the company. Among those dis-
tinguished persons who were applied to to give the
enterprise the advantage of their patronage, was the

A PENINSULAR RAILWAY. 255

Due d'Ossuna, whom Mr. Duncombe had met in the
gay circle that so long flourished in the smiles of the
beautiful Countess of Blessington.* .

General Bacon had greatly interested himself in the
undertaking, and there were special reasons for select-
ing him as the intelligent agent the directors required.
The letter now printed is a testimonial that carried

great weight : —

London, May 15th, 1845.

MY' DEAR BACON, — T spoke to Dietz, and I had no doubt
of the King writing to his cousin. He expressed himself
kindly respecting you.

The movement for the railway project is most favourable ;
there is the greatest disposition to give impulse to works in
this country to be undertaken by companies. But in dealing
with these people it is right to consider what is likely to
influence them, so as to be prepared at once by anticipation
to overcome certain obstacles. If you should come out,
I recommend that the project be as matured and complete
as practicable at present to make, particularly as to terms;
but there is one suggestion which I would make to you who
understand these people, which is to give them as direct an
immediate interest in the undertaking as possible. The
way to do this would be either to purchase the privilege by
a sum or by shares in the Company gratis ; or to allow the
government a per-centage on the profits — say 10 per cent. ;
or to allow them to share the profits equally, after indemni-
fying the shareholders for the outlay — say at 6 per cent. —
that is, when the profits may be 12 per cent. 6 would go to
the shareholders, interest on capital, and the other 6 divided.

The Government should be offered a share, say one-tenth,
not as a gift, unless this should be the bonus proposed
instead of a per-centage, and there should be a portion left
open for Portuguese capitalists ,say for three or six months ;
this with a view to overcome the feeling which will be

* For his reply, see Appendix.

25C STOCK EXCHANGE.

attempted to be excited by the Obras Publicas Company
against foreigners : when the offer is made, the greater the
publicity given to it the better.

There are two ways of dealing with the Obras Publicas
Company — one to make them friends at once, or if intrac-
table to declare war against them, and to decide to expose
the bubble character of their projects and the onerous terms
they impose upon the country.

There are already parties here about a railroad, Messrs.
Clegg and Lowe; but for the moment nothing will be de-
cided, to afford time to receive other proposals.

Yours sincerely, H.

This is all quite private, as from me, though the substance
is for your guidance and consideration in treating the
matter with others.

There were many wealthy men who countenanced
the scheme, and there were men whose names were
not held in anything like the same respect on the
Stock Exchange; nevertheless the projectors of im-
portant speculations were sure to have recourse to
them if they possessed much social influence. It was
in the power of these favourites of society to advance
such objects materially. They generally had friends
or relations whose support would be of the first ad-
vantage as a recommendation. In this respect no one
was better qualified than the writer of the four follow-
ing letters. He was known to every one who figured
prominently in society, almost all of whom at his
solicitation would readily lend their patronage to any
project of utility in which he professed an interest : —

Friday Night.

MY DEAR TOMMY, — Bulwer came again to-night; he will
go to see you, and you will ascertain by yourself that he is
very anxious to assist us. He lives at 36, Hertford-street,

COUNT D'ORSAY. 257

May-fair; go to see him if you have a moment, as I am
afraid that he may call on you when you are out. He will
tell you that Colonel Stopford spoke to him about a rail-
road from Spain to Portugal, and he advised him to see our
company. I know Colonel Stopford very well. You
may be sure that Bulwer will do all he can for us, and
that he is anxious to see you.

Yours faithfully, D'ORSAY.

Gore House, June 13th, 1845.

MY DEAR TOMMY, — Will you have the kindness to in-
dict Keily for forgery, and to tell him that he is an in-
fernal liar (although a good Catholic), as the Duke d'Ossuna
writes to me that he is excessively obliged for my contra-
dicting that he ever put his name to any papers concerning
railroads ; if he had, it would have been for ours. He will
exert himself and do all he can to serve us ; we have only
to point out what he is to do. Make a point to see at
once Norman and Co. Yours faithfully, D'ORSAY.

P.S. — Try to get me some good news about railroads.

Gore House, July 5th, 1845.

MY DEAR TOMMY, — An intimate friend of Lady B. and
me asked me to ask you not to impede this Bill ; he knows
that on Wednesday you will be the great opponent. Can
you find some reason to abandon that question, which, after
all, is not of great consequence to Old England ? You will
oblige us. Say that Baughan and Cie- required your
attendance.

Have you seen Bulwer, and what are you going to do ?
Shall we be satisfied with our Portugal grant, without
caring for Spain ? or will it be necessary to send my nephew
to Madrid ? Will you come and dine with us on Friday ?
I will ask Bulwer. My brother-in-law, the Duke of Gram-
mont, dines here ; he will be glad to see you.

Yours afibctionately, D'ORSAY.

VOL. II. S

258 A DOUBTFUL SCHEME.

Gore House, July 31st.

MY DEAR TOMMY, — I hear that you are quite discouraged
with the prospect of the Portugal business. I cannot con-
ceive why, precisely at the only moment when it has a good
appearance. I could easily understand your disgust at the
beginning, when all the predictions of Frankell failed; but
now we have a chance. Bacon has succeeded so far as to
obtain the names of the king and queen as patrons, which
is an ample compensation for d'Ossuna. He has also the
first names of Portugal ; and if we find difficulties as to
procure the capitalist, we have a chance of joining with other
companies. Bulwer told me again yesterday that he was
anxious to make me meet Colonel Stopford, who has a great
deal to do with a railroad in that direction, and who would,
I think, join us. We have gained another great point,
which is to have nothing to do with Spain, which is so dis-
credited in England. Courage, mon ami ! run well and
straight in distress, otherwise you would not be the real
good, straightforward Tommy.

Yours affectionately, D'ORSAY.

P.S. — I have heard from Bacon ; he will be here directly.
Therefore we will judge soon of our position, present and
future.

It may be gathered from the last of these charac-
teristic notes of Beau D'Orsay in the novel character
of a man of business, that Mr. Duncombe began to
appreciate the difficulties of the gigantic enterprise.
Spain had a bad name in the share market, and a rail-
road was likely to be looked upon as coldly as her
stocks. Nor did Portugal at this time afford much
promise of success for an undertaking that demanded
a large capital and an enormous amount of labour.
It is amusing to find the Count, who had nothing to
lose by failure, encouraging his friend.
. The scheme attracted general attention in Spain

A PORTUGUESE MERCHANT. 259

and Portugal as well as in England ; but there were
persons who knew the governments of the peninsula
well and could not help entertaining misgivings re-
specting their cordial support. A project set on foot
by foreign adventurers would naturally be regarded
with suspicion by the ruling powers in both countries,
unless these were quite satisfied that they might cal-
culate on deriving from it some extraordinary advan-
tage. It was therefore imperative to secure their co-
operation, however extravagantly the company might
be obliged to pay for it.

We append communications from an eminent Por-
tuguese merchant, and a well-known English traveller
and litterateur, who, though they regarded the scheme
from different points of view, evidently viewed it in
the same light of practical common sense.

Lisbon, July 19th, 1845.

SIR, — Having for many years given my attention and
my capital to roads in this country, and having seen your
name announced as one of the directors on a railway pro-
posed to be constructed from Lisbon to Oporto, I take the
liberty of addressing myself to you that you should have the
goodness to give me any information that you may think
meet thereon, for me to form my judgment of the enter-
prise, and co-operate in it if I find that it can be accom-
plished.

I presume that no one has the data that I may furnish
on the general statistics of Portugal, having pursued the
subject for many years, and could carry out your views with
more efficiency, if they are earnest, and if it is not your con-
descension alone that has engaged you to allow you to have
your name placed on the list of directors.

I speak with so much frankness, because I know from
authority that Government will not lend its countenance to
any scheme that may not rest on the most solid basis. The

S 2

260 MAKING A PURSE.

other gentlemen who came here and have gone away, are
aware of this. Of one of them, with whom I had the plea-
sure to hold one or two conferences, I can assert it as a
fact. Great care must be taken also with politics, and on
which side you start, for if you join any body adverse to the
party in power you will be only for your pains for the whole
of your trouble.

I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant,

CLAUDIO ADRIANO DA COSTA.

6, Salisbury-street, Strand, Friday.

MY DEAR COUNT D'ORSAY, — I read the letter, and return
it. My opinions may be erroneous, but they remain un-
changed. If the concessions be obtained, they must be got
by money from a venal Government. The Obras Publicas
obtained their privileges by very large empentros, bribes, and
theirs were nominally exclusive privileges.

They must be outbid and bought to get the Government
to throw them over. All this is a hateful kind of language
to me, but there is no other in which the real state of the
case can be told. The whole question is — with the Portuguese
Government — what party can be turned to most account.

As to the injury done to the project represented by Gen.

B by Col. Fitch, the statement of the foreman is quite

correct, and I have little doubt so are his statements of the
heavy expenditure in Lisbon. As to his exertions to effect
the objects of the Company, they have been unremitting ;
and if any similar exertions could have been successful,
backed as they are by the favour of the Court and the
patronage of Terceira, his ought to have been so. But the
kingly power, the governmental power, are in the hands of
the Cabrals, and all that power is exercised for one end — to
make a purse.

If I can be of any use to you in Lisbon, command me at
all times. In more than the ordinary sense of the words I
would be most happy to be made useful to you.
Yours ever, my dear Count, most faithfully,

R. R. MADDEN.

GENERAL BACON. 261

General Bacon having received his instructions pro-
ceeded to Lisbon, where he immediately placed him-
self in communication with the Government. A nar-
rative of the progress of his mission will put the
reader in possession of the history of the affair up to
its date.

Memorandum of the proceedings of General Bacon's mission
to Lisbon, in June last, on the part of the Great Madrid
and Lisbon Railway Company.

Rusham House, Aug. 7th, 1845.

I arrived in Lisbon on the 18th of June, and returned
on Monday last, the 4th inst.

On the day of my arrival I waited upon the President of
the Council to inform his Excellency of the purport of my
visit, and was received in the most nattering manner.

On the following day I proceeded to Cintra to see Lord
Howard de Walden, who had already exerted his influence
in our favour, and with his lordship settled the terms of our
proposals.

On the 16th of the same month I attended a Council of
Ministers, to deliver my proposals and credentials, and to
explain the views of the Company.

The proposals were most favourably received, and on the
following day I attended their majesties' levee, and handed
to the king a copy of the proposals. His majesty was
pleased to give his sanction to the Company to use the
royal patronage so soon as the necessary arrangements
should be completed with the Government, and also to
signify his intention of becoming a shareholder.

In consequence of the Company's engineer not having
arrived from Madrid, I was unable to define the proposed
line, but on the 23rd the arrival of Mr. Emelie, after having
completed his survey much to my satisfaction, enabled me
first to examine the outlet from Lisbon and fix the terminus,
and next to forward the engineer's report,* together with my

* The report was forwarded to London.

262 SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE RAILWAYS.

distinct offer upon the part of the Company to construct
the line by the valley of the Tagus. This was done on
the 25th.

I was now opposed by the Obras Publicas Company ;
but I had established such a sound footing that I had not
much to fear, as the sequel will prove. To bring together
the Government and Opposition party was the great de-
sideratum ; and this difficulty, after much discussion, I at
last succeeded in overcoming.

The Obras Publicas Company neither has, nor ever had,
any intention of constructing the railroad themselves ; their
obligations are so extensive, that their whole nominal capital
is insufficient to complete the works already undertaken ;
their sole desire is to sell their pretended privilege.*

Prior to the general election, they put forth a claim in
virtue of their contract to make all public works, whether
specified or not in their contract. This was. at once over-
thrown in one of the many interviews I had with the direc-
tors of that body, and they admitted that they only claimed
a priority in the construction of the railway to the .Spanish
frontier — a loose wording ; and in consequence of the many
proposals made to the Government for railways, the Obras
Publicas Company was called upon to define their line.
They asked time for their decision, and the Government has
confined them to the left bank of the Tagus, thus leaving
open the whole country between the Tagus and the Douro ;
or, in a few words, confined them to their original proposal
to construct a railway from Aldea Galleja to Badajoz. This
is their undisputed right, provided the Government approves
their estimates ; and I have no doubt that some arrange-
ment is contemplated between them and the Central of
Spain Company, for I know they have been in constant
communication with one another, of which my letter would
have apprised the directors. An understanding between the
Central and our own company would have greatly facilitated
my operations in Lisbon.

I considered it right to send to Madrid to ascertain

* Vide article in the Correio of the 2Cth July.

GOVERNMENT OF PORTUGAL. 263

whether the Spanish Government would entertain our pro-
posals as regarded the project of constructing the whole line
by the valley of the Tagus to Madrid ; but my overtures,
although not refused, were received doubtfully ; in short,
they depend upon the ability of the Central Company to
perform their contract. It is thus clear that our proposal
to make the railroad from Madrid to Lisbon is at present
undecided.

It is difficult to explain to persons unacquainted with the
country the position of the Government of Portugal with
regard to the various public companies, which, although
having different objects in view, are all linked together for
the purpose of getting the Government as much as possible
in their power by means of loans of money. The forma-
tion of some of these companies has been illegal, and the
Government is desirous of shaking off its trammels ; but it
has been so bound up with them, that previous to the
general election no decided measures could be adopted.
These being over, the Government is free to act. In com-
pliance with the laws of the country, all public works must
be subject to public, competition ; and the Government has
decided to put forth the conditions upon which they are
ready to receive tenders for the construction of railroads.
These conditions were handed to me at a Council of Minis-
ters, which I attended on the 13th ult. ; and after discussing
some points, I received the positive assurance from all the
Ministers that my proposals, as well as those of Mr. Clegg,
would be accepted, so soon as the necessary forms were
complied with ; but that at the same time I must bind my-
self to construct the railroad to Oporto, to which I readily
assented.

A meeting of the directors in Lisbon was called, and the
noblemen and gentlemen whose names are in the footnote*
having signed a paper accepting office, decided that Mr.

* Duke of Terceira, Marquis of Louie, Viscount de Sa da Ban-
deira, Baron de Barcolinhos, Don Miguel Ximenes, Sr. Fereira
Pinto Bastos, Sr. Castro de Guimaraes, Sr. Costa Souza, Sr. Duarte
Cordoyo de Sa.

264 PORTUGUESE CAPITALISTS.

Duartc Cordoyo de S& should hold my powers of attorney,
as my further presence in Lisbon for the moment was un-
necessary, every point having been settled with the Govern-
ment satisfactorily. The last five named are among the
richest capitalists of Portugal ; and I am fully authorized to
state that a very considerable portion of the capital will be
subscribed in Portugal.

I was led to believe by the projectors of our railway com-
pany that an agent was established in Madrid, and that a
Sen. Carvalho Silva, of Abrantes, was applying for conces-
sions from the Portuguese Government. In the former
capital no such agent ever appeared ; and in the latter no
such person as M. Silva has ever made any offers whatever
to the Government, for I have seen all the proposals.

It would appear advisable to make some announcement
to the shareholders ; but as my communications have been
in some measure confidential, care must be taken not to
compromise the Government or my friends in Lisbon.

The line given to me from Lisbon to Oporto is to be
carried by Thomar; and a clause is inserted giving to the
company the option of constructing all branches and exten-
sions. We have thus two-thirds of our originally proposed
line to the Spanish frontier by the valley of the Tagus ; and
my firm impression is that we shall have the concession for
the line to the Spanish frontier, whether by the valley of
the Tagus, or by crossing the river at Santarem to Badajoz.

The title of our company must be changed, but cannot be
decided until the extent of our lines is made known.

ANTHONY BACON.

General Bacon returned to England, but it does not
appear that the enterprise turned out profitable to
him. It is evident, however, that he had not ex-
hausted his inclination for speculation, and was still

sanguine.

Hermitage, November 10th, 1849.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — I have only now got your note
of the 6th. The Lisbon water affair is going on with ;

SPECULATION. 265

most of the arrangements are concluded with the Portuguese
Government, the capital required is subscribed, and I hope
to get such remuneration for all the anxiety and trouble the
whole concern has caused as will repay a portion at least of
the sums advanced by N. and yourself. You say I have
paid nothing ; true, I have only taken 25/. of shares, but I
borrowed 500/. when I last went to Lisbon, and a further
sum of 200/., all of which was spent in furtherance of the
objects, and both of which sums I must repay. It is an
unlucky thing that the Portuguese Government did not
conclude this arrangement when it was first offered ; I
should then have had 20,0007. to divide amongst us, Craw-
shay's own agreement with me ; the times are now altered.

As soon as we are in a position to call for the money I
will see you or let you know, and no time shall be lost in
settling with Mapleson, Draper, &c.

Believe me, sincerely yours, ANTHONY BACON.

I have also another resource, from which I hope to be
able to get money very shortly.

Of all the forms of speculation that of iron railroads
proved the most attractive: mines had lost their metallic
interest, pearl fisheries had ceased to interest even the
jewellers, canals seemed to be thought of by no one
but as a convenient means of thinning the feline race,
bridges were apparently produced exclusively for an
anti-tollpaying population, banks appeared to be
established only to break, cemeteries were opened as
sepulchres for the broken-hearted directors — in short,
every kind of investment had become hopeless to the
brokers on the Stock Exchange, when travelling by
steam on an iron road at tremendous velocity and risk
renewed the gambling mania that had in a preceding
age produced the " South Sea bubble."

Many of our readers must remember the magnifi-
cent mansion by the handsomest entrance to Hyde

266 MR. HUDSON.

Park, to which the beau monde were invited ; and the
equipages of those who responded to the appeal
choked Knightsbridge almost to Piccadilly. The
possessor of that edifice had become a member of the
Imperial Parliament for an important constituency,
and was said to hold in his hands the fortunes of half
the English aristocracy. Never was there such an
illustration of Mammon-worship since the invention
of money. Almost every one who had available funds
placed them at the disposal of the successful speculator,
and seemed ready to worship him to propitiate his as-
sistance for securing a tenfold return.

When the folly had become in the highest degree
frantic, a reaction commenced. The favourite invest-
ments fell in the market, and the investors began to
get ruined. The amount and extent of the losses in
a short time attracted a large share of public at-
tention. Inquiries were instituted and a suit com-
menced against the railway potentate — "The York
and North-Midland Company v. Hudson " — when his
accounts were scrutinized. Among other items dis-
allowed was the sum of 6300/. " in respect of shares
stated by Mr. Hudson in his answer to have been
distributed by him to certain persons of influence con-
nected with the landed interest and Parliament for
the purpose of securing their good offices in connexion
with the operations of the railway company." Judg-
ment was given against him, and the sum he was con-
demned to refund was 54,590/. !

The charge which Mr. Hudson thought proper to
bring againt members of the House of Commons was
an apparent repetition on a smaller scale of the bribery
practised by the promoters of the South Sea scheme ;

HIS CHARGES AGAINST MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 267

but though the sum alleged to have been expended
was considerably smaller, the excitement the accusa-
tion produced was infinitely greater. Every member
repudiated any knowledge of the transaction, and the
storm of indignation the accuser created became so
violent after the delivery of Mr. Duncombe's remarks,
that Hudson was obliged to attempt something in the
way of explanation — a defence it could not be called.
He had the effrontery to say that he had made no
charge against any member of the House, and invited
the most searching criticism from his cradle, to detect
a discreditable action in the course of his career.

No one had experienced the desire that very few
had been able to resist, to a greater extent than the
member for Finsbury ; but from different causes he
had kept as much as possible out of the vortex into
which his friends had been rushing. He was himself
a Yorkshireman, and was therefore not likely to be
indifferent to whatever offered such a cornucopia of ad-
vantages to his native county as the iron roads that
were to traverse the length and breadth of the shire ;
but his own venture in them was small. Some of his
friends had invested largely, and their losses probably
induced him to look sharply after their seducer. The
opportunity occurred that he had been waiting for, and
he availed himself of it with his customary fearless-
ness. In his place in the House of Commons he
entered upon a thorough exposure.

Mr. Duncombe's speech was circulated throughout
the kingdom ; and among other comments, public and
private, produced the following : —

HONOURED SIR, — You have my and, I may say generally,
the public thanks for bringing the conduct of that notorious

268 HUDSON IN YORK.

man, George Hudson, before the House of Commons.
Hudson, as no doubt you are aware, was a linendraper in
York ; the firm was Hudson & Nicholson, or N. & H.
When in this trade there was an old man of property, of
the name I think of Botterill, who lived out by Monk Bar,
not far from Hudson's shop, who had an only sister living
between Burlington and Driffield upon a farm belonging to
the ancient family of St. Quintin; she had a pretty large
family. This sister was, I believe, about if not the only
relation the old man had. The old man had a house-
keeper, to whom, I have heard say, Hudson was in the
habit of presenting from time to time a gown-piece, and
that through this woman, Hudson wormed himself into
favour with the old man, who by his will left Hudson all
or the bulk of what he had. Among other things a valu-
able farm of some hundreds a year at Hutton Cranswick,
near to the market town of Driffield in Yorkshire : this
farm Hudson sold to my Lord Londesborough. The old
man left his relations nothing, or next to it, if anything,
who were naturally disappointed. Hudson was in no way
related to the old man.

Hudson to talk about an investigation from his cradle to
the present time, is an unblushing bounce.

If you want to know anything further about Hudson
you will, I believe, get every information from the editor of
the Yorkshireman paper published in York.

If you want anything further from me, for the present
address A. Z., through the London Times.

May success attend you honourable endeavours.

Memorandum in Mr. Duncombe's handwriting : —

Posted at Leeds February 10th, 1854, and received Feb.
llth.— T. S. D.

Mr. Duncombe's enterprising spirit was manifested
in the share he took in the year 1855 in organizing a
railway for Ceylon. Having arranged a company
with Mr. "W. P. Andrews, chairman of the Scinde

SIR WILLIAM MOLES WORTH. 269

railway, and Mr. J. A. Yarrow as engineer, he ad-
dressed his friend, Sir William Molesworth, then at
the head of the Colonial Office ; from whom the
next day he received a reply as under : —

Colonial Office, August 16th, 1855.

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — I am inclined to look very favour-
ably upon the establishment of railways in Ceylon, and will
give the subject an early and careful consideration.

Believe me, very truly yours, W. MOLESWORTH.

T. Buncombe, Esq.

The Colonial Secretary was at the time in had health,
suffering apparently from overwork. He went into the
country to recruit, and died soon after his arrival.
Mr. Duncombe then applied to his successor, from
whom he received the following communications : —

Colonial Office, November 29th, 1855.

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, — I have delayed answering
your note about the Ceylon Railway of the 24th instant
until I could find a little time to look into the question.
It is obviously of the utmost consequence to the prosperity
of that island to give it the benefit of this means of trans-
porting its produce with as little delay as possible. I find
that negotiations with another railway company have already
made some progress ; still I shall be quite ready to listen to
any observations or proposals which the gentlemen con-
nected with the Scinde Railway Company may desire to
make to me. If they will communicate with my private
secretary I will appoint an early day for seeing them.
Believe me always, very sincerely yours,

H. LABOUCHERE.

Stoke Park, Slough.

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — I assure you that I have not for-
gotten your friends, but it is impossible to conduct

270 CEYLON RAILWAY.

railway matters (especially when you are acting for a
distant colony) at a railway pace.

What has occurred is this : I find that negotiations were
going on with the Ceylon Railway Company when I came
to the Colonial Office. I have desired certain questions to
be put to them in order that I may learn what their pro-
spects really are, and at the same time I have told them
that I hold myself quite free to go to any other company
if I think I shall do better for Ceylon in so doing, or
make the railway in any other mode on behalf of the
Colonial Government; in short, that I shall do the best
I can for the colony. I have received a memorial signed
by most of the merchants and planters in this country
interested in Ceylon, urging me to make use of no railway
company at all.

In short, though I am most anxious not to delay this
business more than I am obliged, it is one which obviously
requires great care.

Until I have received the answer of the Ceylon Company
I see no use seeing your friends, but I will take care that
they shall be informed whenever the business is in a state
which will enable me to ask them to come to me.

Ever yours sincerely, H. LABOUCHERE.

The rival speculation, " The Ceylon Railway Com-
pany," issued a prospectus, with the names of directors
and engineers, and mentioned their communication
with the Government with so much confidence that the
projectors of the new company thought it most
prudent to abandon their undertaking. Nothing could
have been more unfortunate for the enterprise than
the death of Sir William Moleswortli; much more
reliance being placed on his shrewd, straightforward
intelligence, than could be bestowed upon the dilatory
habits and crotchety ideas of his successor.

Mr. Duncombe now seems to have had enough
of such enterprises ; he ceased to interest himself
about them.

271

CHAPTER XI.

MILITARY ABUSES.

Case of Lieut.-Col. Bradley — Mr. Brougham's account of it in a
letter to Mr. Buncombe — Place the tailor — Want of interest at
the Horse Guards — Career of another soldier of fortune —
Lieut.-Col. Lothian Dickson — Commissioner at the Cape of
Good Hope — Harsh Treatment by Lord Grey — Deprived of his
appointment — Appointed Lieut. -Colon el of the Tower Hamlets
Militia — Dismissed at the complaint of Lord Wilton — He
appeals to Mr. Duncombe — Court of Enquiry — Case of Dickson
v. Wilton — Letters of Eight Honourable S. H. Walpole and
T. S. Duncombe — Verdict and damages — Correspondence
between the Earl of Derby and Mr. Duncombe — Lord Comber-
mere — Mr. Duncombe presents a petition to the House of Com-
mons— Court of Enquiry on Lord Wilton — Lieut.-Col. Dickson
withdraws his charges — Terms of settlement — Mr. Duncombe
declines further interference — Lieut.-Col. Dickson publishes his
charges against Lord Wilton — H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge.

THOUGH a civilian, Mr. Duncombe felt so deep an
interest in the service to which he had belonged, that
he was peculiarly sensitive to any wrong done a
brother officer. This made him ready to accept the
advocacy of any one who considered himself wronged;
and a zealous and powerful advocate he was sure to
become. The first case he took up was that of Lieut.-
Colonel Bradley, who had had a misunderstanding
with a senior officer in the service, while under
the impression that the latter had been reduced to
half-pay ; and had been placed under arrest. He peti-

272 COLONEL BRADLEY.

tioned the House of Commons, and made out a strong
case ; but the most acceptable account of it we now
lay before the reader from a most trustworthy source.

Berkeley-square, July 28th, 1855.

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, — Lieut.-Colonel Bradley has put
into my hands a report of a debate in which it is repre-
sented, I suppose inaccurately, that he " had been treated
with singular lenity rather than harshness," and that " a
merciful disposition had been indulged in towards him,"
which, had a court-martial been demanded, could not have
been shown, and that " his conduct was a violation of all
military discipline."

To those who were this most gallant, unfortunate, and
injured gentleman's counsel, such information appears truly
extraordinary. There never was a dissentient voice in the
court, I may say, or at the bar on either side, when his
cause was tried at Guildhall before the late Chief Justice,
and afterwards on the motion for a new trial, upon the
question of his intentions, nor upon the question whether or
not he was, even if in a strict legal view wrong, he had not
been worthy of the deepest commiseration. No man
affected to doubt that he acted from the purest motives.
He firmly believed that Colonel Arthur was assuming the
command without any right whatever, and up to this hour
it is my belief that no authority has been produced.

There were some nice points of military rule and etiquette
gone into, and something like a case was attempted to be
made for Colonel Arthur having some authority. I still
much more than doubt it. The court, to the best of my
recollection, was not satisfied with it, and he obtained a
verdict upon one part of his case. Whether he has ever
received the amount, or even his costs of the action, I know
not. For a long time he had not, because Colonel A.
had been appointed to a foreign station, and the rule of
Government is to defend its officers in court, but not to pay
either costs or damages when the verdict passes against
them, a rule which, though hard on the unsuccessful party, is

A HARSH CASE. 273

founded on reason ; only that it ought to be coupled
with another, viz., not to employ and send abroad officers
against whom verdicts pass, and if they should be abroad
when the decision is pronounced, either to recall them
or to make them pay the costs of their former mis-
conduct.

Now, if Colonel Arthur acted without authority, Lieut.-
Colonel Bradley, so far from violating all discipline, was
bound by every rule of discipline to act as he did. Of this
there can be no doubt. Colonel Arthur's not choosing to
produce his authority, if he had one, gives rise to another
question, namely, whether or not Lieut.-Colonel Bradley had
a right to disregard his assertion and consider him uncom-
missioned ? And there is another question still, namely,
whether he might not take the risk on himself of acting
as if Colonel Arthur had no authority, none being pro-
duced ? How these points were decided at the trial or
afterwards in court I cannot tell, for I find no report of
the very full argument which occupied the court for two
days, or nearly so. But of this I am quite certain, that
every one considered Lieut.-Colonel Bradley, if wrong at
all, to be merely so upon a most rigorous, not to say
harsh, construction of a very nice and unsettled point, and
that nothing like substantial blame could attach to his
conduct.

That he has been most unfortunate ; that his case was
one peculiarly fitted for lenity, even if the point of law was
against him ; that no lenity has been shown towards him, I
believe no one at all acquainted with the case can for a
moment doubt.

I suppose from the expression he may have been allowed
the price of his commission. If it be so I also am sure
than an officer of his distinguished services may well be
excused for not considering that a very adequate compensa-
tion for the utter ruin of all his prospects in his profession,
especially when we have seen so many instances of others
who had been guilty of worse, at least of much more
unquestionable breaches of discipline, restored to the service

VOL. II. T

274 PLACE, THE TAILOR.

even after a court has pronounced their conduct not to have
been strictly according to the rules of the service.

Believe me, very sincerely yours, H. BROUGHAM.*

I must repeat that when his case was tried the expres-
sions of all men, of all parties, at the bar were loud and
unanimous that Lieut.-Colonel Bradley^s was a case of
singular hardship, even if the point of law was against him,
upon which there was a very great difference of opinion.

It appears from this able and impartial " summing
up" by one of the soundest lawyers and most philo-
sophical thinkers of his age, that the Lieut.-Colonel
had been sharply dealt with. He had been led into,
by somewhat questionable means, the commission of a
breach of discipline, and been punished with dismissal
from the service. He appears to have been recom-
mended to Mr. Duncombe by a rather celebrated
political character, familiarly known as " Place, the
tailor," a man of considerable ability, much esteemed
by Sir Francis Burdett and the early Reformers. He
wrote many political pamphlets, and was a contributor
to the Westminster Review.

July 5th, 1835.

DEAR SIR, — Colonel Bradley having told me that he has
had an interview with you and is to have another, I have
taken the liberty to say that I have known Colonel Bradley
from the commencement of his troubles, am acquainted
with all his proceedings of every kind relating to his case,
and am satisfied he has been very unjustly treated.

I, with every one who has taken an interest in the
concerns of this gentleman, will be greatly obliged by your
interference in his behalf.

Yours, &c. FRANCIS PLACE.

Thomas S. Duncombe, Esq.

* Lord Brougham and Vaux.

LIEUT.- COLONEL DICKSON. 275

It is evident, from allegations in the petition that
have never been contradicted, that Lieut.-Colonel
Bradley, for refusing to attend a court of inferior
officers, was kept in confinement for 312 days;
and then the Duke of York allowed him to sell his
commission for 2600/. There seems reason to believe
that the officer of whom he complained had no authority
at the time to place him under arrest, but was sub-
sequently supplied with a commission by favour. The
other having no interest, though a deserving officer,
was broken and dismissed.

Mr. Duncombe could be of little service in such a
case. Although he possessed some interest in the
Horse Guards, as the breach of discipline had been
committed, and the offender had received a fair price
for his forfeited rank, the authorities there considered
he had been treated leniently.

The next case is equally arbitrary.

The career of a soldier of fortune is sometimes
a chequered one, even in cases of particular military
talent, and Lothian Sheffield Dickson, when he
entered the army in 1825, ought to have been
prepared for the usual vicissitudes of aspirants
for promotion without influence. Notwithstand-
ing this drawback, he did not fare so badly, for
when he proceeded to the East Indies he became
aide-de-camp to General Sir Lionel Smith. Though
he saw active service in the Deccan and before
Kalipore in the 2nd or Queen's Eoyals, he left
India, in consequence of ill-health, two years later,
with the highest recommendations of his general
and lieutenant-colonel. In 1829 we find him serving
as lieutenant in the 51st Eegiment, and later as

T 2

276 LORD GREY AND LIEUT.-COLONEL DICKSON.

adjutant at the depot of the same regiment. In
1835 he joined Sir De Lacy Evans's auxiliary force
in Spain, having raised the 7th Regiment of the
Legion, of which he received the command, and in
1837 was gazetted to the 77th. After this he
retired on half-pay. In the year 1842 he ob-
tained the appointment of civil commissioner and
resident magistrate in the Cape of Good Hope.
Having served three years, he procured leave of
ahsence and returned to England. He memorialized
the Government for employment at home in con-
sequence of the ill-health of his wife preventing
her residing in Africa, and received encouraging
assurances from Lord Stanley and Mr. Gladstone;
but unfortunately for him a change of Government
took place, and the civil commissioner on making
his appeal to the new Colonial Secretary, Earl
Grey, was refused. He memorialized the Queen;
but as the memorial had to go through the hands of
the Liberal Colonial Secretary, no notice was taken of
it : moreover, his Cape appointment was filled up, his
leave of absence having expired. Thereupon he
printed a pamphlet, with his correspondence and tes-
timonials, as an attack upon Lord Grey, and endea-
voured to get into Parliament, associated with the
Marquis of Douro, to join the Opposition, but failed.

The member for Finsbury, as we have already
shown, was a general resource to those who felt them-
selves aggrieved ; but a case was now submitted to
his good offices that his strong sense of justice obliged
him to support, though in opposition to one of his
warmest friends.

In the year 1846 the displaced civil commissioner

LORD WILTON. 277

was appointed by the Commander-in-Chief (Duke of
Wellington) to the majority of the second regiment
of the Tower Hamlets Militia, and in 1855 was pro-
moted by his successor, Lord Combermere, to be its
lieutenant-colonel. In the spring of 1858 accusations
were brought against him by his colonel, Lord Wilton,
of alleged mismanagement of the regimental expendi-
ture, and the commander-in-chief wrote a request to
the Secretary at War (General Peel) to have him re-
moved : his colonel having written to Lord Comber-
mere a statement of the causes that had induced his
lordship to desire this.

On the 17th of July, 1858, Lieutenant-Colonel
Dickson called on Mr. Duncombe and stated his case,
and it appeared so flagrant a violation of justice, that
two days later he in his place in the House of Com-
mons addressed a question to the Secretary at War on
the subject. General Peel replied that Lieutenant-
Colonel Dickson, in consequence of certain accusa-
tions heard before a regimental court of inquiry, had
been invited to resign his commission, but had de-
clined so doing. "It is therefore my intention," he
added, " to appoint a military board to inquire fur-
ther into the charges which had been made against
that officer."

Three officers, one being president (Colonel Frank-
lin), assembled at the War Office on the llth of
August for this purpose. Their proceedings appear
to have been a make-believe, omitting everything that
would have rendered the pretended inquiry a real one.
They concluded on the 28th.

The previous court had been formed of three of his
junior officers in the regiment : a very improper ar-

278 RIGHT HON. S. H. WALPOLE

rangement, as they would all secure promotion by
getting the lieutenant- colonel dismissed. Their report,
as we have said, was adverse, and each got a step
in rank.

In November, 1858, Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson
commenced legal proceedings against his colonel for a
libel contained in certain letters. In the same month
Mr. Duncombe wrote to General Peel in the character
of a peacemaker to have a few minutes' conversation
"respecting this very unpleasant and every-day-
becoming-more-serious affair ; as it really appears to
me," he added, " that in bringing down your pigeon
you will assuredly kill your crow."

An appointment was made, but owing to a severe
attack of illness Mr. Duncombe was prevented from
keeping it for several days. He then placed several
documents in the hands of the minister ; these were
shortly afterwards returned, with the intimation that
Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson would be superseded by
Major Walker, the junior officer who had conducted
the first inquiry. In communicating this result, Mr.
Duncombe expressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson a
very strong opinion on the treatment he had received.
He also had the following correspondence with the
Eight Hon. Mr. Walpole : —

9, Grafton-street, November 10th, 1858.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — I have spoken to General Peel
about Colonel Dickson's case, and he hardly consented to
postpone yesterday's Gazette until he had made some further
inquiries about it.

He now tells me that while a regiment of militia is in a
disembodied state, it is impossible by law to have a court-
martial ; that the usual course under such circumstances is

AND MR. BUNCOMBE. 279

to appoint an officer or officers to make an inquiry into the
facts ; that this has been done in the present instance, and
I rather believe at your suggestion, and that the result of
the inquiry is so unfavourable that he cannot do otherwise
than recommend the appointment of some one else in his,
Colonel Dickson's, place.

The only paper which I have read is Colonel Douglas's
report, and I must say it is an uncommonly strong one, and
the facts there referred to, if they are true, appear to me
to leave to General Peel no other alternative than that
which his duty has constrained him to take.

Yours ever, very sincerely, S. H. WALPOLE.

57, Cambridge-terrace, November llth, 1858.

MY DEAR MR. WALPOLE, — Very many thanks to you for
the trouble you have so kindly taken in this painful affair
between " Wilton and Dickson •" you can do no more, and
when Parliament meets I shall move for all the papers con-
nected with it, and then the world will judge who is to
blame.

You are quite right in saying that I suggested an inquiry,
but then I never dreamt that it could be conducted in so
one-sided and unfair a manner as the present, the accuser
not only declining to appear, but even his letters (which
I have seen), and which would be a justification of the
accused, not allowed to be put in.

As to Colonel Douglas's report upon the proceedings, &c.,
upon which you say General Peel has acted, such report in
a question of justice is valueless, because the proceedings
upon which such report is based are valueless, and other
officers of high rank have seen all the papers, with the re-
jected correspondence, and have come to a totally different
conclusion.

Colonel Dickson will of course now take what course he
thinks proper; but I suppose, in the interim, the weakest
must go to the wall.

Believe me, yours ever faithfully, T. S. D.

280 LORD DERBY

At the Court of Queen's Bench on the 10th of
February, 1859, came on the trial of Dickson v.
Wilton, which lasted five days. Lord Campbell in
summing up made some stringent remarks on the
constitution of the regimental court of inquiry, and
the "inquiry" at the War Office. The jury gave a
verdict in favour of the plaintiff, damages 205/.*

A second action was preferred against the officer who
had succeeded him in the lieutenant-colonelcy of
the regiment. Here a verdict was given in favour of
the plaintiff, with nominal damages and a withdrawal
of all imputations.

Having succeeded thus far, Lieutenant-Colonel
Dickson now applied to his colonel for restoration to
his rank. This was refused. The leading journals
in their comments on the trial were extremely severe
upon the system that could sanction the injustice
which had then been brought to light. Not half of
it, however, had yet been disclosed.

The member for Finsbury was determined to leave
no stone unturned to get justice done. He appealed
to the Prime Minister ; with what effect may be seen
in the following correspondence : —

Knowsley, December 31st, 1858.

DEAR SIR, — In a correspondence which has been pub-
lished in almost all the papers of yesterday by Lieutenant-
Colonel Dickson (with what propriety at the present moment
I do not stop to inquire), I find the following paragraph in
a letter from you to him : — " No officer's commission is safe
when, to screen the neglect on the part of others, that
commission is unscrupulously assailed by the favoured in-
fluences of Grosvenor and St. James Vsquares." May I

* Heavy damages were expected. The solicitor engaged in the
case wrote to Mr. Buncombe 9th of February : " If we get a
verdict the amount will be large"

AND MR. BUNCOMBE. 281

ask if by this last expression it is intended to convey an
impression that I had any part in the transactions to which
it refers ? I hope that I may receive from you an un-
equivocal negative. Indeed, my only reason for asking the
question is, that considering my near relationship to Lord
Wilton, I can put no other construction on your allusion to
the " influences of Grosvenor and St. James's- squares."
Otherwise I should have been most unwilling to believe
that your ideas and mine of what is due from one gentle-
man to another should be so widely at variance as that you
should feel yourself justified in attributing to me gratui-
tously, and without the slightest shadow of evidence, par-
ticipation in proceedings which, whether rightly or wrongly,
you characterize as " unscrupulous." Of those proceedings
the only information that I possess is derived from a ten
minutes' conversation with General Peel, a few days before
the date of your letter, when he felt it to be his duty to
communicate to me, as the head of the Government, the
decision he had formed and the course he had pursued in
reference to a case with regard to which I was in such
entire ignorance, that I either had never heard or had
utterly forgotten that there was any question pending
between Lord Wilton and Colonel Dickson. I can readily
imagine that you did not intend your letter to Colonel
Dickson to be made public ; but if it conveys the impression
to which I have referred I am quite sure that your sense of
gentlemanlike feeling will lead you to make the contra-
diction as public as has been, by no act of yours, the im-
putation itself.

I have the honour to be, dear Sir, yours faithfully,

DERBY.
T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P.

Cambridge-terrace, January 1st, 1859.

DEAR LORD DERBY, — I have the honour to acknowledge
the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, and, in reply
to your question — whether, in the sentence of a letter ad-
dressed by me to Colonel Dickson on the llth of last
month, I intended to convey an impression that you had
any participation in the proceedings to which it refers — I

282 CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN

can unequivocally assure you that I did not, and I think, if
you will read the paragraph complained of in connexion
with my previous remarks upon the court of inquiry, you
will at once acquit me of any such intention or desire to
give you pain. When I alluded to " Grosvenor and St.
Jameses-squares/' that I had " the Prime Minister ': in my
mind I do not deny, and, therefore, somewhat in my
opinion resembled the court of inquiry, which, from what
I hear from those who witnessed its extraordinary proceed-
ings, led them to suppose that its object was more to gain
the influence and favour of those distinguished localities
than to do justice to one whose commission, I still maintain,
has been unscrupulously assailed and unjustly withdrawn.
If, however, I have, in my published letter to Colonel
Dickson, expressed myself ambiguously and given you pain,
I much regret it, and you are at perfect liberty to make
public this correspondence. As to the propriety of the
unhappy moment when the letters in question have appeared
in the papers, I must not be held responsible for their publi-
cation, as I can truly assure you that no one more sincerely de-
plores the loss of your lamented relative than I do, from whom
I had through life universally received regard and kindness.
I have the honour to be, dear Lord Derby,

faithfully yours, T. S. DUNCOMBE.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Derby, &c., Knowsley.

Knowsley, January 2nd, 1859.

DEAR SIR, — While I thank you for the friendly tone of
your explanatory letter of yesterday, and for your un-
equivocal assurance that you did not intend to impute to
me any participation in proceedings which you so strongly
condemn, I am compelled to say that I cannot look upon it
as entirely satisfactory, for you admit that in the expressions
used you had " the Prime Minister " in your mind, and that
you meant to convey that " the object of the court of
inquiry was more to gain the influence and favour of those
distinguished localities, Grosvenor and St. Jameses-squares,
than to do justice." Surely you cannot fail to perceive that

THE EARL OF DERBY AND MR. DUNCOMBE. 283

this conveys an impression that I had some personal interest
in the decision of a case of which I knew nothing, and that
my favour and influence, as a Minister, were to be pro-
pitiated by taking a particular course, irrespective of the
demands of justice. I feel confident the court of inquiry
(I do not even know how it was composed) never allowed
such an idea to enter the minds of its members, and I
cannot but think that on reflection you will yourself feel
that any allusion to my name and position in reference to
this matter was gratuitous and uncalled for. As, however,
I am not fond of referring personal questions to the news-
papers, I shall, while thanking you for the permission to
make our correspondence public, decline to avail myself of
it, and shall leave the matter in your hands, to take any
step or none at all, as your own sense of honour may
dictate to you. I am gratified by the terms in which you
refer to Lady Wilton, and you are aware that I wholly
acquitted you of any share of responsibility for the time
selected for the publication of these papers.

I have the honour to be, dear Sir, yours faithfully,

DERBY.
T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

Cambridge-terrace, January 3rd, 1859.

DEAR LORD DERBY, — As I consider (after the publication
of my letter to Colonel Dickson, and the inferences that may
possibly be drawn from it) your disclaimer of all knowledge of
the composition or proceedings of the court of inquiry, so
honourable to yourself, that it would be unjust to you in
your position to leave the matter in any sort of doubt, I will,
with your leave by return of post, take upon myself the
publication of our entire correspondence ; as, in consideration
of Colonel Dickson's interests, I could not with propriety
make public my own individual explanation of your per-
sonal complaint.

I have the honour to be, dear Lord Derby,

yours faithfully, T. S. DUNCOMBE.

To the Right Hon. the Earl of Derby, &c.

284 LORD COMBERMERE.

Knowsley, January 4th, 1859.

MY DEAR SIR, — I cannot, of course, object to your pub-
lication of our correspondence, if you think that the best
mode of removing the erroneous impression which your letter
of the llth appeared to me to convey. It must, however,
be distinctly understood that in disclaiming any participation
in the course taken either by Lord Wilton or the committee
of inquiry I do not adopt your views respecting it, nor
impute any impropriety to either one or the other.

I am, dear Sir, yours faithfully, DERBY.

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

Lady Combermere in referring to the trial has per-
mitted her affectionate solicitude for the veteran field-
marshal to give an air of exaggeration to her statement.*
That Lord Combermere did not consider himself un-
fairly treated during his examination is evident from
his subsequently sending Mr. Edwin James an invita-
tion to Combermere Abbey on learning that he was
staying in the neighbourhood. There can be no ques-
tion that his lordship was remarkably amiable, the
record of his long and honourable career establishes
this beyond the possibility of doubt ; but when com-
mander-in -chief, though he acknowledged that he
could make neither head nor tail of Lord Wilton's
accusations against Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, he
deprived the latter of his commission, and laid himself
open to a charge of undue severity.

The Times in a leading article thus summed up the
merits of the case : —

As soon as time has been given to ascertain if the de-
cision is to be a final one, it is to be presumed that this

* " Memoirs and Correspondence of Field-Marshal Viscount
Combermere, G.C.B.," vol. ii. p. 340.

ME. EDWIN JAMES. 285

officer's reinstatement in his military position will follow as
a matter of course. If not, General Peel must inform the
world what are his grounds for differing from a verdict
which a jury have brought in under the direction of the
Chief-Justice. If Lord "Wilton's declarations and expres-
sions were, as the jury have declared them to be, false and
slanderous, Colonel Dickson has as good a right to be in the
army as General Peel. If not, the truth must be shown."

Mr. Buncombe gave his ill-used client a last chance
for securing justice by presenting a petition from him
to the House of Commons in the month of June,
1859, stating his complaint and praying for a fair
inquiry.

Certain facts having, as he alleged, come to the
knowledge of Lieut.-Col. Dickson, he in his turn de-
manded a court of inquiry on Lord Wilton. He
engaged Mr. Edwin James as his counsel, when the
application was granted. This investigation excited in-
finitely more interest than the preceding, for it had
become known that charges of a peculiar character
were about to be preferred against the earl, and that
among the witnesses to be examined were the Mar-
chioness of Westminster, the Dowager Marchioness of
Aylesbury, and Major- General Peel. The members
of the court being of a higher standing suggested
more important revelations. This court assembled
on the 4th of June, at the Horse Guards, and con-
sisted of Brigadier-General Russell (president), with
Colonel Sir Alfred Horsford and Colonel Parke. In-
tense was the excitement with which the public
waited this third trial ; still more intense was their
disappointment when at the commencement of the
proceedings Lieut.-Col. Dickson handed to the presi-

286 LIEUT.-COL. DICKSON WITHDRAWS HIS CHARGES

dent a written statement signed by him, that in com-
pliance with an arrangement entered into between
Mr. Edwin James, on behalf of the Earl of Wilton,
and Mr. Duncombe acting for himself (Lieut. -Col.
Dickson) he had withdrawn the charges he had pre-
ferred against his lordship.

He also forwarded the following communication
to Lord Combermere, as well as his Eoyal Highness
the Duke of Cambridge, and the Hon. Sidney
Herbert : —

10, Stanhope-terrace, Hyde-park, W., 4th June, 1860.

MY LORD, — I have the honour to inform your lordship
that I have this day considered it my duty to withdraw
the charges I have preferred against Colonel the Earl of
Wilton, in consequence of those charges having been fully
and satisfactorily explained to Mr. Duncombe, M.P., on
my part, and Mr. Edwin James, M.P., on the part of
Lord Wilton ; to which gentlemen we agreed to refer the
case. I have the honour to be, my lord,

Your obedient humble servant,

LOTHIAN DICKSON,
Deputy Lieut., and late Lieut.-Col.

2nd Tower Hamlets Militia.
F. M. Viscount Combermere, G.C.H., &c.

This extraordinary result took every one as usual by
surprise, as did the announcement that Lieut.-Col.
Dickson's counsel had left his client and gone over
to the other side ; but the chapter of surprises was far
from exhausted. According to the lieutenant-colonel's
statement, in one of his pamphlets, " he was advised
to place himself unreservedly in the hands of Mr.
Duncombe," which he did; and Mr. Edwin James
having been accepted as the representative of Lord

AGAINST LORD WILTON. 287

Wilton, the following terms of settlement were
agreed to : —

first. — That the lieutenant-colonel acknowledges having
placed his case in the hands of Mr. Duncombe ; and Mr.
Duncombe having recommended him to withdraw his charges
against Lord Wilton, he shall go before the court of inquiry
and do so.

Second. — The referees, on behalf of Lord Wilton, under-
take to use their best efforts with the authorities of the
War-office and the Horse Guards to restore to Lieut.-Col.
Dickson the position he has lost in his profession, and
endeavour to obtain for him some employment consistent
with his former rank.

Third. — Lieut.-Colonel Dickson having incurred a large
expense arising out of the disputes and charges against him,
Mr. Duncombe has represented this to Mr. Edwin James,
who has agreed on Lord Wilton's behalf to pay Colonel
Dickson 6007. upon the arrangement being carried out.

After signing this, the referees put an addendum —

If any publication appears connected with the charges,
this arrangement is null and void.

The first part of this treaty was carried out, as we have
seen ; the third article was performed on the 14th of
June, when the lieutenant-colonel gave a receipt for a
cheque for 600/. handed to him by Mr. Edwin James.
The completion of the agreement by the fulfilment of
the second article Lieut.-Colonel Dickson waited for
in vain. Mr. Duncombe remonstrated against Lord
Wilton's delay, and on the 8th of November, 1860,
suggested that Lord Wilton should write letters to
the Commander-in-Chief and to the Secretary at War,
recommending the lieutenant-colonel's restoration to
his rank. His lordship did nothing of the kind. Mr.
Edwin James at last (December 12th) stated his

2S8 OBJECTIONABLE PROCEEDING.

client's reluctance to adopt the plan suggested, and
his own determination to withdraw from further
intervention. Mr. Duncombe enclosed the communi-
cation the next day, considering it very satisfactory ;
and declined further interference.

Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, now left to his own
resources, threatened to publish the charges he had
withdrawn, which brought another negotiator on the
scene in the person of Mr. Wyld, M.P., of Charing-
cross, who represented himself as being authorized to
offer a material guarantee of 5000/. for fulfilling pro-
posals then made. Lord Wilton repudiated the nego-
tiation ; and Lieut. -Colonel Dickson then published a
shilling pamphlet, bearing the title, " Why he Did It,"
in which he printed the withdrawn charges which in
his letters to the Duke of Cambridge, Lord Com-
bermere, and the Hon. Sidney Herbert, M.P., he had
acknowledged to have been " fully and satisfactorily
explained."

As Mr. Duncombe prudently declined further inter-
ference in a quarrel he found it impossible to adjust,
we cannot do better than imitate that proceeding. We
refrain, therefore, from following the lieutenant-colonel
into the scandals he thought proper to make public.
A careful1 perusal of the unperformed article of the
agreement will satisfy every unprejudiced mind that
Lord Wilton was not bound to fulfil it, even if he had
the power, which is doubtful. It only binds the
referees to use their " best efforts" for Lieut. -Colonel
Dickson's restoration, and to endeavour "to obtain
him fitting employment."

There can be no doubt that both Mr. Duncombe
and Mr. Edwin James were aware that the conditions

A CANDIDATE FOR MARYLEBONE. 2S9

they had agreed to did not enable them to go beyond
employing their best efforts, and endeavouring, &c.
This having been done, the affair was at an end as
far as they were concerned. The responsibility of
the publication rests entirely with the author.

In 1859 Lieut.-Colonel Dickson was a candidate
for Marylebone, and requested Mr. Duncornbe's
recommendation to the electors. He gave it (on the
understanding that none of his own friends were
going to start), to the extent of answering a letter
asking " What sort of a character you give the gal-
lant colonel." The candidate then put forward an
address to the electors, followed by a memorandum
suggesting liberal support and early attendance at the
poll, signed " Thomas S. Buncombe, M.P., chairman,"
unauthorized by Mr. Duncombe, who several days
before had addressed a letter to him recommending
his withdrawal, as he had no chance of being re-
turned.* The result confirmed these anticipations,
Lord Fermoy securing a majority of nearly four to one
over Dickson.

We are afraid from the revelations made at the
trial that the 2nd Regiment of Tower Hamlets militia
was but indifferently officered, and that while it was
embodied but little was done by either subalterns
or field officers to render it effective beyond the ordi-

* In a letter dated " Cambridge-terrace, Hyde-park, June 28th,"
he concluded : " I must earnestly recommend you, therefore, not
to prolong a canvass, or persevere in a contest which can only
terminate in either a ruinous outlay or great disappointment."
The whole of this letter was subsequently published, followed by
the result of the poll, which proved the soundness of the writer's
advice.

VOL. II. U

290 LORD WILTON.

nary playing at soldiers had recourse to on such occa-
sions. The mess seems to have been the chief source
of interest, and jollifications at Woolwich or Cremorne
the principal service thought of. That the mess
accounts, therefore, should get into confusion was to
be expected; but this did not justify Colonel Lord
Wilton in accusing Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson of
mismanagement and defalcation, nor in ordering a
court of inquiry of juniors to try their superior officer ;
nor did it justify Lord Combermere — because, as the
commander-in-chief acknowledged, he could make
neither head nor tail of the colonel's charges — in
causing the lieutenant-colonel to be dismissed the
service. No one could blame Lieutenant-Colonel
Dickson, under such circumstances, in bringing his
action against Lord Wilton.

The only thing really surprising in the affair is the
inadequacy of the damages awarded by the jury. So
miserable a compensation for professional ruin could
not be regarded at the Horse Guards as entitling an
officer, thus as it were imperfectly acquitted, to
restoration to rank : nor could it oblige the colonel
to insist on such an amende honorable. A. shrewd
lawyer like Mr. Edwin James could not have been
unaware of this himself, or have neglected to repre-
sent it to his co-referee ; and this view of the case
must have made Mr. Duncombe follow Mr. James's
example in washing his hands of the affair.

While it was in progress the Government wisely
placed his Eoyal Highness the Duke of Cambridge at
the head of the military administration of the country.
Never had a change in this important department
been so necessary j and it was not long before the

THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE. 291

British army, as well as the kingdom generally, felt
the advantage of it. His Eoyal Highness, with
characteristic energy, devoted himself to the arduous
and responsible employment he accepted, and laboured
with such zeal and earnestness of purpose that the con-
fusion and feebleness which had distinguished that
branch of the public service since the commencement
of the Crimean war, were superseded by a system
more worthy of one of the great European powers.

The Duke's profound interest in the service was
established by his unremitting endeavours to elevate
it in public estimation. If anything could be more
praiseworthy than his exertions in this direction, as
pre-eminently for the advantage of the men as for that
of their officers, it must be found in his solicitude for
their moral and intellectual advancement. Under the
auspices of his Eoyal Highness the position of the
well-conducted private has become vastly improved,
quite as much so as that of the non-commissioned
officers ; while members of the middle and upper
classes entering the army have found that the Queen's
commission has secured them a social status equally
honourable with that conferred by admission into the
most favoured professions.

His labours in behalf of the soldier's widow or
orphan equally deserve recognition — in truth, in
every way his Eoyal Highness has earned the title of
" The Soldier's Friend." Moreover, his readiness of
access, his urbanity, his attention to the reasonable
complaints and desires of even the humblest subaltern,
render him as popular among the officers as his kind-
ness of heart has made him popular with the men.

It must not be forgotten that while his Eoyal

u 2

292 THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE.

Highness has been thus establishing the efficiency of
the regular army, he has afforded a cordial and en-
lightened encouragement to the Volunteer system.
To the readiness with which he gave all his influence
to that patriotic movement, may be attributed the
development it has received. His example put a stop
to all display of professional jealousy, and created
that kindly interest in the volunteers which the
officers of the army, much to their honour, invariably
evince.

The Duke's services in the field will not be forgotten
by his country; though its attention has of late
years been engrossed by the national importance of
those in the Cabinet. As an administrator and
director of the military department of this empire his
Eoyal Highness stands nearer to the illustrious Wel-
lington than any commander-in-chief who has suc-
ceeded him at the Horse Guards.

We have only to add that, for an unusually long
period, the Duke of Cambridge remained one of the
warmest friends of Mr. Duncombe ; who invariably
expressed the highest opinion of his Eoyal Highness's
private as well as of his public character.

293

CHAPTEE XII.

THE EMPEROR AND THE DUKE.

Brief communication from Paris — Hostility among the Republicans
created by the Emperor's restoration of the Pope — Attempt at
Assassination — Captain Felix Orsini — The French Colonels —
Complaints of M. Persigny to the English Government — " Con-
spiracy to Murder Bill " — Mr. Buncombe defends the Emperor
in the House of Commons — An indignant radical — The Duke
of Brunswick's unrivalled bracelet — "L. N. Paris Notes" —
The Jersey Revolutionists and "1'Homme" — Catalogue of the
Brunswick diamonds — The Duke sends for his Will — Mr. Dun-
combe returns it — The Duke's valet absconds with diamonds —
Bursting of the bubble — Imperial disappointments.

THE Queen went to Paris this year to return the
Emperor and Empress's visit. Mr. Duncombe had
few communications from Paris ; there was nothing
of importance going on there, therefore there w.as
nothing to write about. The emperor seemed to
be absorbed in carrying out a grand design for the
improvement of Paris, and in collecting materials for
his edition of Julius Caesar. The duke seemed equally
given up to diamonds and revenge. If he ever re-
garded his heir, apparently it was not with any
intention of expediting his bequest if he could help it.
He cared only to accumulate, and wanted but a
reliable method of securing the riches of this world
as a provision for the next. There is only a para-
graph or two to add respecting him : —

294 NAPOLEON 111.

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer,
September 21st, 1855.

With respect to Beaujon we cannot be better ; no one
can, or rather could have been, more kind, and, from his
letters, likely to continue so. He wants me to spend a
little time with him, which I must endeavour to do. I
quite agree with you about rather trusting French women
than men, and I think with D. B/s increasing age he is
becoming more steady, and therefore the less cause exists
for family or domestic disagreements ; and although it may
never come to pass, as you say, still it is to me a great
satisfaction to keep all right, and I should think I had lost
a great deal if I had lost that chance.

Your view with respect to Ceylon is quite correct ; and I
always knew it was a battle of interest, but dared not say
so, for fear you should decline.

There had been no difficulty in this fulfilment of
the Napoleonic programme. As it was at the call of
the nation that Prince Louis Napoleon had accepted
the Presidency of the Republic, ostensibly at the same
appeal he had mounted the imperial throne. The
nation had again been put to the vote, and by the
suffrages of the masses he had been elected Emperor
of the Trench. This gave mortal offence to the
French Republicans, who from a safe distance assailed
him with the most virulent abuse. Yet there was a
power much more powerful to Napoleon III., and it
became imperative on him to propitiate it : this was
the influence of legitimacy at home and abroad. There
could be no difficulty in proving —

I. That an established revolutionary government in
France would be dangerous to the monarchical insti-
tutions of Europe.

II. That the support of the French empire would

THE POPE. 295

be a security against a further development of
European republicanism.

These ideas obtained general acceptance ; and an
understanding was soon come to between the old
great powers and the new great power, that the
Emperor should be maintained in his position on con-
dition that he repressed democracy wherever it became
active, and more particularly assist in putting it
down in Eome, where a republic had been established
under the direction of the triumvirate, Armellini,
Mazzini, and Saffi. The entire priesthood of France
necessarily became his ardent supporters when made
aware that he was about to restore the fugitive head
of their church to his dominions. The same support
from the same cause was freely extended to him by
zealous Catholics of all countries, clerical and lay.

The Holy Father remained at Graeta, under the
protection of the King of Naples. More than one
invitation to return had reached him from his revolted
subjects ; but his holiness prudently bided his time,
awaiting the result of pending negotiations with the
new ruler of France. The mysterious assassination of
Count Rossi had evidently left a profound impression
upon his mind ; nor were some of the proceedings of
the more reckless republicans likely to reassure him.
It is true that in the capital, order was said to prevail,
but deplorable excesses were committed elsewhere.
So rife was assassination at Ancona, fifteen miles
distant, that the triumvirs dispatched an officer of
theirs to visit that town, armed with their declarations
against such crimes. That officer was Captain Felix
Orsini ! and if anything can be more edifying than
the secret instructions of the republican government

296 ROME.

to their commissioner, it is the report of his official
proceedings from the commissioner to his government.*

It seemed to be acknowledged by all Catholic
monarchical governments having an interest in Italy,
that the continuance of the Roman republic was im-
possible; therefore a French army, with Austrian,
Sardinian, and Neapolitan supports, invaded the
Pontifical States. It is but justice to acknowledge
that the Romans made a defence of their city worthy
of their name, General Oudinot having been twice re-
pulsed in an attempt to carry it by assault. It must
also be admitted, from creditable testimony, that the
triumvirs contrived in this season of tremendous ex-
citement to keep the people under something like
control. Three Jesuits were murdered on the bridge
of St. Angelo, and about half a "dozen priests shot in
the barracks of St. Calisto ; but these were mani-
festations of Lynch law with which the government
had nothing to do.

It was at last seen that it would be madness to
continue to defend the walls against such an over-
whelming force, and M. de Lesseps, as the represen-
tative of France, began to negotiate with Mazzini for
a capitulation. The former wrote to his government
announcing that this distinguished republican was
putting himself into the hands of the English Pro-
testants, and that he ought to be induced to look to
France only as the protector of Italian liberty, f The
clever Genoese must have gulled the French ambas-
sador egregiously if he made that gentleman believe
that " he was wishing to favour a religious schism !"

* " Actes Officiels de la Rdpublique Romaine," p. 83.
f Idem, p. 108.

THE EMPRESS OF FRANCE. 297

He cared no more for Protestantism than for Popery,
but was anxious to make the best terms he could in
the desperate position in which he found himself
placed.

Terms were arranged, but General Oudinot refused
to respect them. M. de Lesseps indignantly returned
to Paris, and the besiegers recommenced the attack.
After a sharp struggle the defences were carried, and
the French army once more became masters of Rome.
The Emperor of the French had now an opportunity
of assuring the head of the Catholic Church that he
could return to the Vatican whenever he pleased, and
of course was the recipient of the thanks of the entire
Catholic community. The leading republicans lost no
time in making their escape. How the Papal govern-
ment proceeded when re-established under the protec-
tion of a French army of occupation has already been
told.

The Emperor of France certainly did not improve
his relations with his democratic acquaintances of
either France or Italy, by thus stamping out their
first institution; but they found themselves power-
less. They hated him, denounced him, abused him,
but could do him no harm. He had recreated an
empire, it was also his ambition to found a dynasty.
He wisely departed from the example of his imperial
predecessor. Having sought a partner — not from
among Austrian archduchesses — not even out of that
little libro d'oro the "Almanach de Gotha," but a
very noble woman for all that — one of those rare
women of whom in praise it is impossible to say too
much. An imperial prince in due course blessed the
auspicious union. Again there was a departure from

298 BEZIERES.

the Napoleonic programme. He was not proclaimed
"King of Borne," though pretensions to the title
might have been put forward on his behalf more sub-
stantial than were those of his predecessor.

Mr. Duncombe's secretary went backwards and for-
wards to Paris three or four times this year. A report
forwarded in March, 1856, includes the duke's ideas
on the condition of Europe. The Austrian terms are
curious, if true ; his fraternal intentions are equally
so ; and the supposed treaty with Prussia more sin-
gular than either.

St. James's-street, March 28th, 1856.

I met a friend of mine this morning, a French engineer,
and spoke with him on the subject of a chateau in the
south, and after explaining as far as was necessary, he said,
I know of no place where climate and retirement would so
well suit as Bezieres, between Narbonne and Montpelier,
and to convince how beautiful the climate is, Corneille,
when writing of that part, said, " If ever God takes up his
abode on earth Bezieres will be the place he will choose,
for there, and there only, you have and enjoy all that is
good of all climates, without having even a shadow of their
clouds, and the earth is more fruitful there than in any
other part of the world."

My friend tells me that you are there in the centre of
the olive and the grape ; that partridges, woodcocks, and
snipes abound, besides quails ; that in two days' journey
you can have bear and wolf shooting, and in one hour on
horseback you can ride to the shores of the Mediterranean.
There is an hotel, the Hotel du Commerce, at which you can
dine atthe table d"h6te,w\ih wine of ten years old at discretion,
and twenty-eight plats, for fifty sous par tete, and good wine
to be had three halfpence per bottle. He says the plan
would be to go to the hotel, and from thence make your
excursions chateau hunting. He has given me the address
of his friend, a lawyer there, to whom I shall write. The

MATCHLESS BRACELET. 299

method you -will have to adopt is to hire the chateau and
furnish it from the cabinet-maker's by hiring the furniture.
There is also a Jesuit living in the town who speaks good
English ; he is the only person near who knows or speaks
that language. If you look at the map you will see it is
much farther south than Pau, and certainly looks to be well
situate. I know nothing of the place ; and never heard of
it before.

I have received the enclosed from H. J. D. and have
acknowledged the receipt. The duke, when I saw him the
other day, was quite well, but very busy making a large
bracelet, which he wants me to try to show to the queen.
It will be the finest bracelet in the world ; and will be of
an immense value when finished, and I have got it in my
possession. I will show it to nurse, who will, I am sure,
admire it ! The regent was rather in high spirits, for it
appears that Austria wishing, sub rosa, to have the power
of deciding the question of the German, i.e. Prussian
Bund, and feeling desirous not to show her teeth without
being sure of being supported by the minor German
Powers, has been proposing terms to our regent something
to the following effect, viz., that she, Austria, will be very
glad to allow him to reside in Vienna, and receive him as a
sovereign; that she will undertake the settlement of his
claim upon the following terms : first, that he shall marry,
and, secondly, that he shall at once see his brother William
and forgive and forget all animosities. There are then
some political terms, and so the negotiation ended on their
part for the moment, only that the person who brought the
news over asked if the regent would have any objection to
see the Austrian minister in London if the said minister
should seek an interview, to which the regent replied, that
at any time upon the minister writing for an audience he
would grant one. The regent's reply to the Austrian
Government was to this effect, viz., that he had no objec-
tion to marry ; that he most decidedly objected to being in
any way bound, and would not be, to any act which would
compromise his having the power to punish his brother

300 BRUNSWICK AND AUSTRIA.

William both as an usurper as well as a traitor ; that he
claimed that right as sovereign de facto, although by his
brother's usurpation not de jure; that the punishment for
such offences was death by the axe-man, and that he called
upon them not to interfere in any way with the " jurispru-
dence " of Brunswick, and that he begged, if the matter
was to be at all entertained, that no interference should
take place with respect to the sentence he should pass on
his brother ; that if he could not find him he should con-
demn him and punish him par contumace, and should carry
the final sentence into execution whenever he could catch
him ; that he should not quit this country without having
under his command 6000 troops, natives of Ireland, all
officered, and to be called his body-guard. He has also
heard from Prussia, I think from the Queen of Prussia, by
which it appears that Persigny never mentioned the regent's
name while at the Court of Berlin. It appears that his
mission to Berlin was to the following effect, viz., that she,
France, was desirous of pushing her frontier so far that she
might have a small portion of the Rhine ; that if Prussia
would accord or aid her in obtaining that so-desired frontier
she, France, in return would acquiesce in any act of Prussia,
either by insisting that Switzerland should give up any
refugees Prussia might require, and promised that France
should march an army to demand them into Switzerland,
and further that she, France, was desirous of entering into
a treaty offensive and defensive, to enable them, the two
great Powers of Europe, to endeavour to balance the power
and at the same time to keep down socialism, i.e. liberty.
To the honour of Prussia, she refused.

I do not think there is much chance of Austria and the
regent coming to terms ; but he says if he should be induced
to go to Vienna he shall leave his money in my hands : so
you see there is, as you may suppose, some little excitement
going on.

I dare say we shall soon have to inform the prince of his
unhandsome conduct. The regent is waiting for another
letter from Prussia.

ANOTHER ROTHSCHILD. 301

We have no means of ascertaining whether the un-
rivalled bracelet was ever submitted to her Majesty's
inspection. The possessor of the koh-i-noor and the
crown jewels was not likely to have cared for the or-
nament, matchless though it may have been; and
after what has been publicly shown in this way in
our last Universal Exhibition, and the decorative
treasures since completed by Emmanuel and other first-
class London and Paris jewellers, and the recent Es-
terhazy display, it is difficult to believe in the assump-
tion of its supremacy. Nevertheless it is unquestion-
able that the duke is the greatest diamond merchant
in the world, probably the greatest stock-broker also.
This granted, the question naturally arises — If, as he
complains, he has been deprived of his private for-
tune, whence came this prodigious wealth ?

The mystery, we imagine, may thus be explained.
The duke did not lose all his private fortune by the
revolution at Brunswick. He secured an ample
income in England, and being possessed of great
financial genius, attempted to rival the Rothschilds —
with tolerable success.

The duke's chief occupation at this time was the
care of his collection of diamonds, which he watched
over with the affection of a parent. Each had a his-
tory as well as a value, and he thought of producing
a catalogue that should do them justice. He enter-
tained no apprehensions for their safety. The pri-
soner of Ham was now Emperor of the French, and
though he delayed restoring him to his duchy, he
might be relied upon for securing the safety of his
treasures. But it would be doing him injustice to
state that his attention was entirely engrossed by a
study of the number of carats in each of these pre-

302 FELIX ORS1NI.

cious acquisitions. He was a keen politician, and as
he still believed himself to be a sovereign prince, pro-
fessed a princely regard for the royalties of Europe.

By the French people the emperor was regarded
with enthusiastic devotion, including the army, the
clergy, and the industrious classes. The republicans
scowled and conspired, but were well looked after by
the police. No one seemed to think that there need
be any apprehension about them. Suddenly a tre-
mendous explosion in one of the thoroughfares in
Paris, into which the emperor's equipage had passed,
suggested the fearful idea of another infernal machine.
When the cause was ascertained as well as the results,
it was found to be an explosive bomb of a very de-
structive character that had been thrown under the
imperial carriage. The emperor escaped, and the missile
dealt death among the crowd that had thronged the

The scoundrel who had invented this means of per-
petuating the infamy of his name, was discovered to
be an Italian, an Italian republican, the identical
Captain Felix Orsini who in the confidence of Mazzini
had been sent to put down assassination in Ancona !
It was moreover ascertained that he had just arrived
from London, where the principal Italian republicans
had found refuge.

This catastrophe excited a deep feeling of indigna-
tion in England, where, notwithstanding the publica-
tions of the exiled republicans, the emperor had many
admirers. It was on lord mayor's day, 1855, that
the French ambassador, M. de Persigny, after the
civic banquet, in an admirable speech announced that
the Anglo-French alliance was beyond the reach of
intrigue. Yet the Orsini plot, under the impression

DEFENCE OF THE EMPEROR. 303

that it had been matured in England, unquestionably
gave it a rude shock. Some French colonels presented
an address to the emperor of an unquestionably belli-
cose nature. The ambassador complained in a letter
to Lord Clarendon that the right of asylum had been
abused, and asked if hospitality was due to assassins.
At last so much pressure was put upon the Govern-
ment that a "Conspiracy to Murder Bill" was brought
into Parliament for the purpose of checking the action
of reckless republicans. That it was time to repress
their sanguinary spirit there could not be any doubt,
as publications recommending murder were by no
means infrequent.* But the ultra-Liberals in Eng-
land opposed the measure in and out of Parliament
with the utmost energy. Mr. Gilpin while speaking
against it in the House (February 7th, 1858,) referred
in strong terms to the Boulogne expedition, and not
only accused the director of it of acting precisely as
Orsini had done in plotting the overthrow of a foreign
government in a state that was affording him an
asylum, but charged him with the crime of assassina-
tion— a man having been shot in the mSlee. The fol-
lowing day Mr. Duncombe addressed the House in a
powerful defence of the emperor, in which he com-
pletely disproved the accusation against him. His
pistol had gone off, but the wounded man had re-
covered. This statement was challenged by one or
two writers in the newspapers on the authority of the
"Annual Register" and the " Almanach de Boulogne";
nevertheless it is perfectly true. The member for
Finsbury's fidelity to his friend produced the follow-
ing declaration from one of his radical constituents : —

* One, " Tyrannicide : is it justifiable ?" is worthy of the Eeign
of Terror.

304 REPUBLICANS DISAPPOINTED.

SIR, — In your speech upon the Conspiracy Bill on Tues-
day last you arc reported to have said that in the event of
certain tactics being pursued by Louis Napoleon the people
of England would have given their sanction to the introduc-
tion of that Bill, an assertion which I believe to be very
far indeed from correct ; and then, Sir, you follow up your
advocacy of this despot's cause by walking out of the House
without evincing the moral courage of giving effect to your
voice by your vote. Verily, the -people of Finsbury, if not
afraid of the fire-eating colonels in the French service,
ought to be ashamed of their democratic representative in
the company of Disraeli & Co., aiding to inaugurate a system
of espionage utterly repulsive to the feelings of Englishmen.
Sir, if this report is correct I can never vote for you again.

Mr. Buncombe was certainly in a position of some
embarrassment, popular feeling having been excited by
ihefanfarotinade of the French officers. The Liberals
were against granting tbe Executive additional powers*
and the exiled republicans were furious against the
measure. He could not reconcile himself to neglect-
ing the interests of an absent friend, and did not care
to conceal his detestation of the miserable plotters by
whom his valuable life was menaced. He therefore
took the middle course that lost him the support of
a constituent: having successfully defended the
emperor from a gratuitous slander, he left the House,
without voting for or against the Government mea-
sure. We believe that his conduct was not appre-
ciated by Mazzini and his friends. That it did him
no disservice in Finsbury was proved in the election
of the following year, when he polled the largest
number of votes he had ever obtained.

That the frequent visits of Mr. Duncombe's secre-
tary were not always to Beaujon may naturally be
inferred. That confidential communications passed

PARIS NOTES. 305

through this medium is equally probable from what
has already been stated ; but written evidence of this
has not been preserved. The only document that
illustrates this remarkable intimacy at this period is
endorsed : —

" Notes of Conversation between L. N. and Gr. T. S.,
January 12th, 1859. Seen and approved by L. N., and
entitled— 'L.N., Paris 'Notes, January 12th, 1859.'"

L. N. Paris Notes.

January 12th, 1859.

That England proposes a Conference for the double
purpose of saving bloodshed and settling the question of
Italy by diplomacy instead of force of arms, entirely for-
getting the position of Austria in Italy. This proposition
at first glance appears very plausible, and is likely to have
weight with those who only look at the surface of things,
but on a closer inspection it will be found quite Utopian,
seeing that Austria holds her Italian provinces as con-
querors, and it would be hopeless under such conditions of
tenure that she would permit, or aid in the slightest degree,
any reform, for any such policy introduced by her would be
suicidal, and it is absurd to suppose she would aid in her
own destruction.

The most remarkable part of this question is the position
taken by England, who for the last twenty years has openly
instigated and avowedly recognised and protected every
insurrectionary movement in Italy that professed to have
for its object the liberation of that country, and now that
the moment has arrived for carrying out those views she
(England) throws obstacles in the way of its success.

There existed about this time a journal in the
French language published in the island of Jersey
under the title of L'Homme, that was the organ of
the French democrats, and under the direction of
Victor Hugo. On the Queen's return from visiting

VOL. II. X

300 "A RESPECTABLE WOMAN."

the emperor and empress at Paris a letter was ad-
dressed to her Majesty, printed in the columns of that
journal, and signed with the names — "Felix Pyat,
Eougde, Jourdain — Council of the Eevolutionary Com-
mittee." It was not only a gross attack upon the
emperor, but called her Majesty to task, she being
" a respectable woman," for visiting " the man Bona-
parte." It was unquestionably in the worst possible
taste, and an outrage on the hospitality these men
had obtained when they fled from Prance. Jersey
was within thirty miles of the French coast, and the
English Government could no longer endure the re-
sponsibility of permitting these acknowledged revolu-
tionists to defy an ally and neighbour and insult their
sovereign.

The people of Jersey first took up the matter, arid
threatened I/Homme and its office with destruction.
The Times denounced the letter of M. Pyat, and the
civil authorities of the island then banished the
literary staff of the offending paper. Then Kossuth
wrote a long letter, not for publication in England,
but in the United States. It appeared in the New
York Daily Times. He expresses disapproval of the
offensive letter ; nevertheless wrote an apology for the
French democrats. The letter concludes with some-
thing very like a sneer at England's French alliance,
as indicating, he asserts, the " load of a nightmare
on the anxious breast of Britannia created by the
name of Bonaparte." This communication was re-
printed in England, and did great harm to the writer
among a large and influential class.

Towards the close of the year 1860 the Duke of
Brunswick again had to try the issue of a court of

A C1UESUS. 307

law; but this time nolens volens. A man named
Welsener had printed a catalogue of the duke's dia-
monds, one thousand two hundred in number, valued at
15,300,000 francs, on the agreement of paying 3£
cents per page for each copy, which made the cost
9830 francs. The duke denied the agreement, and
offered to pay 3500 francs. The tribunal, however,
awarded 6000 francs. Extensive as is this collection,
it was stated in the pleadings that the duke was then
in treaty for the purchase of two more gems, one at
the price of 1,100,000 francs, the other at 3,000,000
francs.

Mr. Duncombe entertained misgivings respecting
his splendid inheritance. Although his secretary was
still frequently sent to Paris, the testator and the heir
had not seen each other for many years. The latter
was kept acquainted with his friend's proceedings,
but did not go to Paris. Occasionally he had inter-
views with the duke's former equerry, Baron Andlau,
at whose school his son was educated ; but no written
communication came from the duke.

We now add a few notes from Mr. Buncombe's
ex- secretary. Their tone is somewhat different from
previous reports ; but the writer was now, or about to
become, a gentleman at large : —

December 19th, 1860.

I hardly think it possible to come after Christinas, as I
go to Beaujon on the 28th, and think it just possible that
Colonel Fave, aide-de-camp de I'Empereur, will require ray
services, at least so he told me before he left with
I'Imperatrice.

L. N., you are quite right, has made a good hit, and had
Parliament been sitting I would have given you the oppor-

308 PIUS ix.

tunity of stating that there was every probability of such a
measure being decreed ere long.

" The Pope's Wrongs, &c." is written by a very clever
friend of mine, the defender of Radstadt in 1848 against
the Prussian army ; passed seven years in the prison
Spielberg, and wore a leathern mask the whole time. The
Introduction I had something to do with. I shall see him
on Saturday, and I am sure he will be pleased with your
remarks on his work.

You know there is an old adage, that Rome was not
built in a day, and it is clearly demonstrated that the Pope
cannot be made to quit Rome in a day. Believe me, L. N.
is quite right ; you must bear in mind that he rules a
Catholic nation containing many bigots, and if the Pope
would run away all would turn up as you would wish.
But it will not do to let Pius IX. become a martyr, which
he is seeking to do ; you may rely upon it his account will
be reckoned up ere long.

Ten years of communication through the secretary
elapsed before any more notice was taken by the tes-
tator of his remarkable will. In the spring of 1861
the former was sent for as usual, and proceeded to
Beau] on, as he had done a hundred times before.
Whether the issue of the diamond cause only a few
months before had produced an ill effect on the Duke
of Brunswick's benevolent intentions, is not known ;
but it is certain that he had ceased to regard Mr. Dun-
combe as his heir. It must here be stated that when
the duke placed the will in his hands he exacted a
promise in writing to restore it when demanded.

We now leave Mr. Smith to make his report : —

21, Rue Beaujon, Paris, March 19th, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR, — On Saturday the 16th I left London by
the tidal train, which ought to deposit me in Paris at 11 P.M.
I arrived at his Royal Highnesses tired, and went to bed.

THE WILL. 309

On Sunday morning his Eoyal Highness sent to me
about 10 o'clock in the morning to say as soon as I was
dressed he wished to see me before I went out. As soon
as I was ready I went to his Royal Highness, who said,
This is a bad day, 17th, and you have arrived twice lately on
a 7. I replied, I think, your Royal Highness, I was in
the house before 12 o'clock last night. The valet said it
was ten minutes past 12. His Royal Highness then said,
My reason for sending for you is, that I thought you would
not care to run about Paris with the large sum of money
you have, and although I am not ready to settle accounts
with you (he being in bed), you can seal up the packet, or
how you like, and we will settle by-and-bye. He then told
me he had been very ill, and that the countess was very ill
also. After saying, I wish you could suggest some plan to
do away with the " curatelle," his Royal Highness said, I
have been thinking a great deal about my testament lately >
and I intend to change it, as to its legality, and you must
get my testament back from Mr. Duncombe. I replied,
Your Royal Highness, that requires an authority from your
Royal Highness. He then said, speaking in the plural,
you would have less difficulty with a French will than with
an English one here in France. The conversation here
ended, and I, having some important appointments, left his
Royal Highness. I may safely say this is all that passed.

In passing the garden I saw the countess, who was look-
ing very ill, and she said, I was just going to write to you
to say that I am so unwell that I cannot do the honours of
the table, and as I am sure you would not care to dine here
alone when you have so many friends in Paris, I intended
to say that you must excuse me and not expect as heretofore
our 6 o'clock dinners; to-day will be an exception, as some
ladies are coming who will entertain you at table. The
dinner hour came ; the countess did not come down. We
dined, and during the dinner the duke sent twice for me ;
the second time, dinner being over, I went to his Royal
Highness in his dressing-room. I settled my account with
him, and said, As your Royal Highness is not going out I

310 THE WILL RETURNED.

will remain at home and play chess ; to which his Royal
Highness replied, I fear it will worry me too much. He
then said, Did you meet my cousin, the Prince of "Wasa, on
the stairs ? I said I did. He then said, Here is the paper
for Mr. Duncombe.

His Royal Highness threw across the table a paper, of
which the following is a copy : —

" I authorize Mr. George Smith to withdraw my testa-
ment from the hands of Mr. Thomas Duncombe, in order
to frame it according to the laws of France.

" Paris, this 18th of March, 1861.

"DUKE OP BRUNSWICK."

Now I think, as I find by your letter to-day, the post-
office are playing tricks, you had better hand the document
in question to me on my return to London, and I will bring
it to Paris my next visit here. I mention this because it
was suggested that you should send it per post. I have
not seen his royal highness since, but shall write to him in
a few minutes to know his movements to-day. I can only
add, that his royal highness seems kindly disposed towards
us.

As this narrative is truthful, and the communication
official, you had better write a reply either to his royal
highness direct, or, as I should suggest, through me to his
royal highness. This you had better do by return of post,
as I shall not be longer than the end of the week.

The precious document was surrendered on the
messenger producing his authority, and nothing more
heard of it. There is no evidence among Mr. Dun-
combe's papers that he had any further communica-
tion with the duke.

Once more the Duke of Brunswick's name figured
in the French tribunals. His valet suffered himself
to be tempted by the enormous wealth that was con-
stantly glittering before his eyes. He fled with a
small Golconda in his pocket ; but the electric tele-

THE BUBBLE BURSTS. 311

graph having been put into requisition, lie was over-
taken, seized, tried, and condemned.

Thus for Mr. Duncombe the brilliant bubble burst :
another will was doubtless prepared to produce an
equally dazzling illusion ; but he never gave himself
the trouble to inquire. Probably his imperial pro-
spects were equally delusive, for the Emperor seems
doomed to disappoint the expectations of his admirers
— in France after the acceptance of the presidentship,
in Italy after the victory of Solferino, in Rome after
the expulsion of the Pope, and in Mexico after its
occupation by French troops ; but great as was the
dissatisfaction created by the coup d'etat and the
treaty of Villafranca, the abandonment of Maximilian
after so ostentatiously acting as his patron and sup-
porter, created a far greater amount of animadversion,
especially since the miserable tragedy which terminated
the career of that chivalrous young Prince.

312

CHAPTEE XIII.

AUTHORSHIP.

Select reading — Apposite passage from Churchill — Paul Whitehead
and Defoe — Mr. Duncombe attempts verse — " Life at Lambton "
— The Duke of Portland and his friends — Mr. Duncombe men-
tioned in verse — Frederick Lumley on Gentlemen Jockeys —
" L' Allegro Nuovo " — Presents the Hertford Literary Institution
with " Encyclopaedia Britannica" — His poetical " Letter from
George IV. to the Duke of Cumberland" — Prose fragments —
Administrations — Professions of patriotism — Alarm in England
respecting the intentions of the Emperor of France — Mr. Dun-
combe's imaginary dialogue between Mr. Cobden and the Em-
peror— Writes " The Jews of England, their History and
Wrongs " — Letter of Dr. Adler, Chief Rabbi, and reply —
Experience in literary composition — " Le Bon Pays" — "Ma
Chaumiere "— " Le delire du Vin."

MR. DUNCOMBE in the early years of his career, when
he had leisure, read much in select literature — parti-
cularly history and poetry — copying off passages for
subsequent reference. His taste may be seen in the
following quotation from Churchill's " Eosciad" : —

Let not threats affright,
Nor bribes corrupt, nor flatteries delight,
Be as one man — concord success ensures,
There's not an English heart but what is yours.
Go forth, and virtue, ever in your sight,
Shall be your guide by day, your guard by night.

TRUE-BORN ENGLISHMAN. 313

Go forth the champion of your native land,
And may the battle prosper in your hand :
It may — it must — ye cannot be withstood —
Be your heart honest, as your cause is good.

The appropriateness of these lines to his own career
must strike every one. He seems too to have borne
in mind the graphic lines of Paul Whitehead : —

Thrice happy patriot, whom no courts debase,
No titles lessen, and no stars disgrace !
Still nod the plumage o'er the brainless head —
Still on the faithless heart the ribbon spread :
Such toys may serve to signalize the fool,
To shield the knave, or garnish out the tool ;
While you, with Roman virtue, would disdain
The tinsel trappings of the glittering chain !
Fond of your freedom, spurn the venal fee,
And prove he's only great who dares be free.

Often was he enabled to recognise the truth as well
as the force of Defoe's description of a sham liberal
in his " True-born Englishman" : —

Statesmen are always sick of one disease,
And a good pension gives them present ease :
That's the specific makes them all content
With any King and any Government.
Good patriots at Court abuses rail,
And all the Nation's grievances bewail,
But when the sovereign balsam's once applied,
The zealot never fails to change his side.

Mr. Duncombe occasionally tried his hand at versi-
fication ; but his muse never appears to have soared
higher than the construction of a poetical quiz. We
print a few stanzas of one in MS. The event they
chronicle occurred about half a century ago, and
nearly all the actors in it' have died : the hero, the
eldest son of the high sheriff of Durham, of Larting-

314 LIFE AT LAMBTON.

ton Hall, in 1835 ; Frederick Lumley, grandson of
the fourth Earl of Scarborough, in 1831 ; and the
Hon. Edward Petre (son of Lord Petre by a second
marriage), in June, 1848.

LIFE AT LAMBTON;

OR, THE NOCTURNAL RAMBLES OF HENRY WITHAM, ESQ., AT
LAMBTON HALL, OCT. 17, 1822.

The waxlights extinguished one Thursday night,

The guests had sought rest from their sorrows and joys ;
When sudden appeared, like a vision of light,
' Harry Witham, that far-famed promoter of noise.

When lectured for drinking, he often would say,

" That he never again would exceed what was right ;"

But each resolution avowed in the day,

Like the web of Penelope vanished at night.

To give Duncombe a call now this hero insisted,
So up to his room he proceeded toute suite ;

But when he got there was so terribly fisted,
That in much quicker time did he beat a retreat.

To the next room he wandered, and found a bed made,
No questions he asked, but, completely undrest,

Eoll'd carelessly in, and down carelessly laid,
Till its claimant arriving soon ended his rest.

From the couch of John Bentinck's* poor Witham arose,
Swearing vengeance, " By G , I will have satisfaction;"

This would pass for a joke, so regardless of clothes,
Out he sallied, exclaiming, " I'm ready for action 1"

Shouting, " Lambton for ever ! I will have a bed,
Come, open this door, or I quickly will break it 1"

The noise soon disturbed the slumbers of Fred,f

Who, till quite awake, doubted how he should take it.

* Afterwards Duke of Portland,
f Lumley.

QUIZ ON GEORGE CANNING. 315

In this way the versifier, who was one of the noc-
turnal revellers, describes their tipsy comrade going
from door to door disturbing the repose of the inmates,
among whom were the Hon. Edward Petre, Lord
William Lennox, Fox (Lord Holland), and Mr. Wy-
vill, of Constable Burton, who treated the intruder
roughly ; but at last they found an unoccupied cham-
ber for him, where, having put him comfortably to
bed, they left him to sleep off the effects of his po-
tation.

They must have been a particularly jovial crew,
the circle of sportsmen who assembled under the same
hospitable roof. In another metrical notice of the
gentlemen jockeys, written by Mr. Lumley in the
same year, we find : —

Tommy Buncombe comes first, well mounted on Byram,
Who, by shaking his whip, was able to tire 'em.

The poem, however, like the preceding, betrays signs
of haste in the composition.

The following humorous attack on the author of
innumerable productions of a similar nature was pre-
served among Mr. Duncombe's/#cefe: —

LONDON POLICE EXTRAORDINARY.

Combination Case. — General Turn Out.

John Scott, Arthur Wellesley, Robert Peel, John Fane,
Henry Bathurst, Robert S. Dundas, and Nicholas Vansit-
tart, were brought before the sitting Magistrate, charged
with combination, and unlawfully conspiring to prevent
George Canning from obtaining employment, contrary to
the statute, 6th Geo. IV. cap. 129. From the statement of
the prosecutor, it appeared that the persons charged had
been for some time in the employment of his father and

316 COMBINATION CASE.

himself, and had for the most part conducted themselves to
their satisfaction, for which they had been amply rewarded,
some of them even beyond their deserts ; that lately the fore-
man, who had for many years conducted his affairs, became
incapacitated by ill health from continuing longer in his
service; and the nature of his business, in which a good
deal of complicated machinery was necessarily used, requir-
ing a person of skill and diligence, he had appointed a
person, of the name of Canning, who was also in his service,
to superintend the works ; he was further induced, he said,
to make this appointment, as all those persons, both at home
and abroad, with whom he transacted business, had great
confidence in the skill and integrity of Canning. However,
on the accused learning this determination, they turned out,
and left their respective avocations without giving any
notice of their intention, and declared that the whole esta-
blishment might go to the d — 1 for what they cared, as they
would never return to their work if the said Canning was
to be their foreman. The complainant further stated, that
the workmen, not satisfied with this act, as far as regarded
themselves, had also induced three of his domestics, Charles
S. Germain, and James Graham, sen. and jun., to quit his
service.

George Canning being produced, deposed that, on his
acquainting the persons in the establishment that he had
been appointed foreman, Scott, Wellesley, Peel, Fane,
Bathurst, Dundas, and Vansittart, declared they would not
work with him.

The accused being asked what they had to say for them-
selves, Scott, who is a very old man, replied, that he had
been upwards of twenty-six years in the employment of the
firm ; that he had grown grey in the service of it — (com-
plainant : " and rich, too, old gentleman") — and that he
expected he would at least have been consulted in the
appointment of foreman.

Magistrate. — What, sir, your master is to consult you
who he is to employ to conduct his business ; I never heard
a more monstrous proposition.

L' ALLEGRO NUOVO. 317

The complainant said, he had great reason to complain
of Scott, who had given very little satisfaction to his cus-
tomers, from the tedious manner in which he did his work,
and that several jobs which he had in hand for years, and
for which they were anxiously waiting, were still in an un-
finished state. He had likewise prevented the introduction
of many improvements which the proprietor wished to make
in the machinery.

In 1832 there appeared in the Examiner a clever
burlesque upon Milton's exquisite ode, bearing the
title "L' Allegro Nuovo," in which the leading
Liberals are thus classed : —

Haste, ye nymphs, and bring with ye
A House of Commons fair and free ;
Thompson, Wood, Burdett, and Hume,
Gibson, Smith, Macaulay, Brougham,
Such men as are honest all,
Right and thorough Radical ;
Foes to tithe and tax — and worse,
Foes to duties upon corn ;
Sheil and Duncombe, good at jeering,
And Dan O'Connell, King of Erin.
Come, and trip it as ye go
Through the lobby in a row ;
And by the right hand lead will ye
That champion of sweet liberty —
Thomas Attwood, dubbed M.P. !

Mr. Duncombe was in earnest in his desire to ex-
tend the advantages of sterling literature to all able
to appreciate them. He showed this when in 1831
he presented the Hertford Literary and Scientific
Institution with a splendidly-bound copy of the
" Encyclopedia Britannica," in twenty-six volumes.
In a letter to the secretary (May 25th) he wrote —
" It is to the extension of these societies, and to an

318 QUIZZICAL LETTER.

extension of the vast mental resources they command,
that we must attribute the rapid restoration of our
country from the degeneracy that has so long en-
thralled it." That such societies have rarely suc-
ceeded has been owing to the indifference to profit by
them shown by a very large majority of those for
whose advantage they were created ; the most useless
contributions to the reading-room having been in eager
demand, while the inexhaustible store of knowledge
in the " Encyclopaedia" was left almost unregarded.

His initials are appended to the following attempt
to imitate the emphatic phraseology of the king : —

A Letter from George IV. to the Duke of Cumberland,
previous to the Opening of Parliament.

Windsor, February 2nd, 1830.
DEAR ERNEST, —

With pleasure you'll hear, and with pleasure I tell,

The counsels we hate are fast going to j

Those detestable rats, that Whig of a beau,

And Peel, that supporter of High Church or Low,

Are both in a funk at the aspect of things ;

And swear with distresses my treasury rings,

That counties have met brim full of objections —

And the senseless have broached most disloyal reflections,

Not only on me, but that old the Church,

Who I plainly foresee will be left in the lurch.
Some rascals have gone e'en so far as to say,
That I must retrench, or no taxes they'll pay !

Retrenchment be ! Can I do with less money ?

No ; no more than I can without my dear crony.
By G — , we must stand by the Protestant cause,
Of taxes, of parsons, of tithes, and poor laws.
What's malt-tax or beer-tax to you or to me ?
Maraschino's the stuff — so says Lady C.*

1 The Marchioness of Conyngham.

ADMINISTRATIONS. 319

But by G — , that beau Arthur has brought me a speech —
Too civil for Lyndhurst, too pretty for Leech ;
It sings praises to Miguel, sends Coburg to Greece
(Who, like Jason of old, now walks off with the fleece) :
And, in short, my dear Ernest, my fortunate star
Shines there brighter than ever — by G — ,

Yours, G. R.

In one MS. note Mr. Duncombe has written : —

Since 1827 to this day, we have seen and worn out no
less than eight complete sets of honest, able, upright Minis-
ters— not to speak of the present, whom God long preserve !
First we had Lord Liverpool's administration — next Mr.
Canning's — then Goderich's, and now the Wellington or
military administration; then Lord Melbourne, Sir Robert
Peel — Lord Melbourne again, and Earl Grey. If, therefore,
in plurality of ministers and counsellors consists a nation's
safety, how happy, how secure must England be ! Eight
administrations in the space of eight years — that is,
from the time of kissing in and kicking out, eight entire
changes, not counting the little amusing episodes of resig-
nations, &c., we were occasionally treated to during each
of their respective reigns.

In another : —

It may be said, before a minister came' into power, lie
declaimed against some particular act or tax, but now
everybody ought to know that professions of patriotism are
like treaties of peace — only binding till the orator is strong
enough to break them.

After the French army had returned from their
brilliant campaign in Italy, rumours of great activity
in the French arsenals were circulated in England,
and the general impression was that the emperor had
patched up a hasty peace with Austria, and was now
about to commence the mysterious " mission" he is

320 MR. COBDEN AND

said to have proclaimed when he accepted the Presi-
dentship— this mission, as was generally understood,
being to avenge the defeat of Waterloo. It was in
vain that sensible men strove to dissipate the widely-
spread distrust of his intentions ; it was equally in
vain that the emperor expressed assurances of his
loyalty and goodwill. The manner in which he had
treated the obligations he had voluntarily entered into
when he became the chief of the Kepublic was dwelt
upon, and John Bull became more suspicious. It was
then that some one — we are not quite certain it was
Mr. Duncombe — who had a more intimate knowledge
of the emperor's intentions, wrote the following, as a
means of allaying the public disquietude : —

A Dialogue supposed to have taken place between
Napoleon III. and Eichard Cobden, M.P., Dec 21,
1859.— T.S.D.:-

FBANCE AND ENGLAND (A Dialogue).

The Paris correspondent of the Times communicates the
following conversation, "which took place a few days since
between two persons — one a Frenchman, the other an
Englishman — on the important and absorbing topic of the
day. Our readers, after having perused the report, will be
able to conjecture perhaps who the interlocutors are likely
to have been.

After a few unimportant remarks on ordinary subjects,
the Englishman, with characteristic frankness, continued
thus : —

You know my sentiments with regard to France, and my
sincere desire to see the most complete union always subsist
between my country and yours. Judge then of my sur-
prise, and allow me to add my sorrow, at finding that the
relations between our respective countries have gradually
and profoundly altered — at least, if we may judge from

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. 321

appearances. I have carefully and conscientiously examined
the state of the public mind in England ; I have interrogated
and listened to persons of every class, from the highest to
the very lowest. Well, then, I declare to you, to my deep
regret, I have found with the one as with the other, mistrust
pushed to the point of only believing in menaces on the
part of your country, and fear to that of deeming it neces-
sary to put themselves in a state of defence. I address
myself, therefore, to you, to explain certain facts which are
generally represented in England as flagrant proofs of the
bad intentions of France with respect to us.

Frenchman. — What ! you, my dear sir ? You, whose
mind is so just and upright ; you, whose judgment is so
sound, and whose reason so firm and enlightened — you, too,
caught the contagion? In truth, you would make me
laugh if I did not know you to be serious, and I would
class you among the foolish if I did not know you to be the
contrary. Yes, I declare to you, in the eyes of my coun-
trymen, as in my own, the panic spread abroad in England
is actually folly.

Englishman. — Folly, as much as you please. The fact
does not the less exist ; and, as it exists, it must be taken
into serious consideration. Do you not foresee a fatal
result, if so many unfounded rumours are credited ? People's
minds on both sides will grow embittered ; and the merest
cause will suffice to bring about a rupture, and the slightest
spark to light up a flame.

Frenchman. — The difficulty is to lead back to the truth
those who obstinately wander from it, and to cure the blind
who will not see. Nevertheless, I wish to submit to your
diseased imagination facts that cannot be refuted — to those
phantoms that flit about on the other side of the Channel —
realities which can be easily verified and proved beyond
dispute. Facts shall speak first, and figures after. Now,
the emperor has given to no foreign power more than to
England guarantees of his desire to live in good harmony.
Hardly had he ascended to power, when he dispatched, in
spite of the Assembly, the French fleet to make common

VOL. II. Y

322 MR. COBDEN AND

cause with yours in the East. Subsequently he united
himself with you in the Crimean war; and when the
insurrection which broke out in India employed all your
army in Asia, did he profit by the absence of your force to
pick a quarrel with you? On the contrary, he offered to
give the English troops a passage through France. He sub-
scribed— as well as the Imperial Guard — for your wounded,
while (be it said en passant, and without meaning reproach)
our wounded in Italy seemed to find you indifferent.
Finally, how many measures for the last ten years have
been proposed by divers Governments which might have
shocked England ? He has rejected them all, and made no
merit whatever in your eyes of the rejection. How can so
many proofs of a cordiality so constant be all at once for-
gotten ? And how does it come to pass that mistrust and
error are substituted for the legitimate effect which it
should have produced ? Why should a line of conduct so
honest be answered with passionate and mistaken alarm ? I
look about in vain, and I cannot understand the cause of
this sudden terror in England. And, good heavens ! what
a time has been selected to propagate it ! Why, the very
moment when the emperor has given a rare example of
moderation. From the very day when he proposed and
concluded peace people were pleased to attribute to him
ambitious designs ; he was represented as marching to new
conquests when, arresting the impetuosity of his troops, he
so resolutely traced the limit beyond which he would not
push his victory. There is, then, something insensate in
converting into one eager for war the man than whom none
can wish to be more pacific ; and into a cause of fear what
ought to be a pledge of security.

Englishman. — The conduct of the emperor would, I
admit, be the most appropriate argument to convince
us, and his sympathy for England has never ceased to
inspire us with confidence. But the people — but the army !
Come now, frankly speaking, do they not both detest us ?
And will not public opinion force your Sovereign some day
to declare war against us ?

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. 323

Frenchman. — To such questions as these I reply — error,
error the most grave, my dear sir. It cannot be denied
that there is at bottom, in both countries, a remnant of
rancour and rivalry which still subsists, but subsists much
more in a latent than in an aggressive state. Material
interests on one side, liberal ideas on the other, tend in-
cessantly to draw the two countries closer to each other.
Moreover, France is more practical than you imagine. What
advantage, material or moral, could a war with you bring
us ? None — absolutely none. Consequently no one
desires it. But have you expressed all your thoughts ? Do
you not keep silent as to the cause of this mistrust which
is so universal in England against the emperor and his
government? Be candid, and I shall be the same.

Englishman. — Well, then, I will be candid. Here is our
decisive reason, our principal grievance ; the development
given to the French navy is out of all proportion to the
requirements and the greatness of your country.

Frenchman. — This is another prejudice ; is it possible that
a man like you should share it ? Truly, if instead of being
some hours distant from our frontier, England was at the
antipodes, one would not find it a greater stranger than
you appear to be as to what is passing in France. Yon
speak of our extraordinary armaments, but are you quite
sure of the fact ? Some journals have printed it ; you have
read it. Some persons have told you of it; you have re-
peated it, and you believe it — that's all. Such is the only
source of your conviction. Learn, then, what is doing in
France, and hold it for certain. Not a centime can be
spent without the vote of the Legislative corps, and without
the previous examination of the Council of State. Consult
the estimates of the navy and army, and you shall find
in them no excessive expenditure on the part of the
Government.

Englishman. — Your estimates are nothing to me, my dear
sir; I am ignorant as to how they are arranged. Figures
are easy of handling, and are susceptible of every combina-
tion. Facts, on the contrary, are inflexible ; and, since you

r 2

324 MR. COBDEN AND

have appealed to them, I will appeal to them in turn. At
Toulon and Brest you are building plated ships. Against
whom can they be intended, if not against us ? At Nantes
you have on the stocks hundreds of flat-bottomed boats.
For what purpose, if it be not to throw 20,000 soldiers on
our coast ? And then your immense supplies of fuel, and
the prodigious activity of your arsenals. Everywhere you
are building ships ; everywhere you are casting rifled cannon
and projectiles of all kinds. These are so many evident
facts, and of public notoriety. What answer will you give
me to them ?

Frenchman. — The most categorical in the world. Give
me your attention, for I will now quote laws and regula-
tions, authentic reports, and go back to a period that will
not be suspected by you : — According to a royal ordinance
of the 22nd November, 1846, the total strength of the naval
forces on the peace footing was to be 328 ships, of which 40
were to be liners, and 50 frigates — sailing vessels. When
the war in the Crimea came on France had very few steam-
ships ; it was easy to see that sailing ships had passed their
time, and that it was necessary to boldly admit the principle
that henceforth every man-of-war must be a steamer. The
emperor consequently named in 1855, under the presidency
of Admiral Hamelin, a commission to fix the basis of the
new fleet necessary for France. The commission reported
in favour of transforming the sailing ships, and of appro-
priating to them our ports, giving them especially the yards
and docks which they required. The report terminated by
demanding that the annual grant for the maintenance of
the materiel of the fleet should be augmented by an annual
sum of 25,000,000 francs for thirteen years, the period
judged indispensable to complete their transformation. Of
that sum 5,000,000 francs were applied to the ports. The
Council of State, when called upon to give its opinion,
reduced to 17,000,000 francs, for thirteen years, the amount
of extraordinary credits demanded for the navy. Do not
tire, my dear sir, with these details. Here is one quite
recent, and not less precise : — In 1859 our fleet consisted of

THE EMPEROR. ;325

27 ships of the line (vaisseaux) and 15 frigates, screws,
completed ; and of three plated frigates. We have, then, in
order to arrive at the force on a peace footing decided
under Louis Philippe, 13 ships of the line to transform, and
35 frigates to build, which, I repeat, will still require ten
years at least. As for the plated frigates — the invention of
the emperor — nothing is more natural than to construct
them as an experiment, since if they succeed they can be
advantageously substituted for ships of the line. But this
is not all; the necessity of having only a steam fleet en-
tailed on us expenses from which England may be exempted.
When our fleet used sails, and we had an expedition to send —
as for instance to Africa, to the Crimea, and to Italy — it
was easy to find among the trade sailing transports for men,
horses, or stores. But at the present day our merchant
navy is not sufficiently developed to enable us to find steam
transports when we have need of them. We are therefore
forced to build them, in order to have at all times a certain
number ready, and this imperious obligation is so present
to us, that at the very moment I am speaking to you all our
transports are proceeding to China; and that we may
not be entirely without resources, and be unprovided, the
naval department has been obliged to purchase three large
steamships in England. You see then I have at heart to
convince you that I penetrate without hesitation to the
very bottom of things, and 1 .disclose to you the minutest
details of our situation.

Englishman. — These categorical explanations begin to
reassure me. But have you any such to give me on the
supplies of coals and the boats intended for the landing of
troops ?

Frenchman. — I will continue with the same frankness.
Some months back your Tory Ministry was so much opposed
to the war in Italy that everything announced its wish to
place itself on the side of Austria. It was even on the
point of causing coal to be considered as contraband of war.
Now, our navy used only English coal. The Minister had
then to occupy himself with that semi-hostile attitude of

326 MR. COBDEN AND

your Ministry, and to look about for the means of supplying,
in case of need, the French fleet with French coal. It was
his duty not to leave our supplies at the mercy of your
Government. With this object, essays were made in
changing our boilers, and coal was brought to Nantes,
which was to be directed to Brest by the internal canals.
Sixty iron barks, of a very small draught of water, were
built to facilitate the transport of coals over the docks;
but these boats, very different from those which serve for
the landing of troops, did not merit the honour of exciting
your apprehensions and disturbing your sleep.

Englishman. — Very good. Yet, for all that, you did
not the less order from us a very considerable quantity of
coal.

Frenchman. — That is perfectly true. The important
part, however, is to know for what purpose we wanted this
great quantity of coal which frightens you. Well, then, it
is exclusively destined to supply our fleet in China and in
other parts of the globe. Thus, since the 1st of July we
have chartered in France 51 ships, carrying 26,000 tons of
coal, to Martinique, to French Guiana, to Senegal, to Goree,
to the island of Reunion, to Mayotte, to Hong Kong, to
Shanghae, to Saigon, to the Mauritius, to Singapore. We
have chartered in England 25 ships, carrying 31,000 tons
of coal, to Hong Kong, Woosung, Singapore, Chusan, St.
Paul de Loanda, and the Cape of Good Hope. Of all
these details there is not one of which you may not procure
the material proof, and then you must agree with me that
the apprehensions of your countrymen are chimerical, and
without reasonable foundation.

Englishman. — I am willing to admit that what you tell
me has the appearance of truth. I have a last objection,
and it concerns your arsenals. If, as you assure me, your
Government does not contemplate recommencing the war,
why does it continue to show such activity ?

Frenchman — I have in vain insisted on one essential
point — viz., that, like other countries, we are in a complete
state of transformation, but you seem not to wish to com-

THE EMPEROR. 327

prebend it. We have to change not only all the materiel
of the navy, but on land also the whole of our artillery;
and although the emperor had in Italy 200 rifled cannon,
he will still require three or four years to entirely accom-
plish the definitive transformation.

Englishman. — I thank you for all this information; and
I shall turn it to account.

Frenchman. — Permit me one more observation. You
have avowed frankly all the apprehensions which my
country causes you; but I have not expressed to you the
whole of my opinion on yours. If in England people are
convinced that France desires to declare war against you,
we here are, in our turn, well convinced that the mistrust
excited on the other side of the Channel is a party manoeuvre.
The Tory party, dissolved as you are aware by Sir Robert
Peel, seeks the means of reconstructing itself; and, accord-
ing to it, the best possible one would be by reviving the
hatred of France, and by seeking, as in 1804, to form a
European coalition against her. The statesmen who at this
day take the lead in public opinion cannot be ignorant of
all that I have just told you. Among us it is well under-
stood that the Tories, in place of combating these errors,
labour to gain them credit, and pursue their policy with
traditional perseverance. People ought to take care, how-
ever, lest by dint of wishing to deceive others they end by
deceiving themselves. There was a certain Marseillaise,
whose history occurs to me quite opportunely, and with
which I may close a conversation which is already too long.
Our Marseillaise, wishing to have a joke at the expense of
his fellow-citizens, went about crying out that a whale
had just entered the port of Marseilles. His pleasantry
succeeded, and every one ran to the port. Soon, drawn
on by the example, he himself began to run in the same
direction to see, with the others, if his invention was not a
reality.

At this point the conversation ended.

During his labours in support of the Jew Bill, Mr.

323 THE JEWS IN ENGLAND.

Duncombe interested himself still further in the
subject by superintending extensive researches into
the modern history of that ancient race. At last he
determined that a work should be written giving an
account of the introduction of the Jews into this
country, and when a couple of chapters had been
completed got them printed, and caused copies to be
sent to every one in a position to afford information,
requesting it to be returned within a fortnight with
corrections and suggestions. The following was the
title, "The Jews of England— their History and
"Wrongs. By Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, M.P."
The author first printed a preface and one chapter,
forming thirty-two pages post octavo, but subsequently
issued ninety-four pages, with a longer preface and
copious notes, in demy octavo. The following will
show how the work was received : —

Office of the Chief Rabbi, London, January 14th, 5621.

DEAR SIR, — I have been favoured with several sheets of
your intended History of the Jews in England, and cannot
refrain from taking the first opportunity to express my
gratification at your successful essay to fill up a void in the
literature of this country, which to my surprise was allowed
to remain so long. What adds to my satisfaction at the
appearance of such a publication is to find it written in the
same spirit of toleration and justice which has hitherto
prompted you to render such excellent good services to our
cause.

In expressing, then, to you my sincere and heartfelt
thanks, I do but re-echo the grateful feelings of my whole
nation.

You can well imagine that I should like to see the work
as perfect and as faultless as possible ; and it is with a view
to this that I have requested my son, Mr. Marcus Adler,

THE CHIEF RABBI. 329

M.A., to communicate with Mr. Acland,* and to point out
to him some statements which require revision.
I have the honour to be, dear Sir,

Yours faithfully, N. ADLER, Dr.

To Thomas Slingsby Buncombe, Esq., M.P., &c.

February 4th, 1861.

DEAR, SIR, — Pray forgive my apparent neglect in not
thanking you earlier for your kind and flattering letter, but
the fact is, not having visited the Reform Club for some
days I did not receive it until yesterday. I hope I need
not add that any suggestions you will do me the favour to
offer, or corrections you would have the kindness to make,
shall be strictly attended to ; and I rejoice to say that from
the numerous communications I have received from men of
all creeds, the proposed publication of a work of this
description appears to create much interest, and meets with
universal approval. Yours, &c. T. S. D.

Dr. Adler, the Chief Rabbi.

There is a marked difference between the first
and second issue of the published portion of the
"Jews of England": in the last the preface was
extended, as well as the narrative ; in the other
the first chapter concludes with, the establishment
of the Jews in Roman Britain, the second brings
down the history to their condition in Anglo-Saxon
Britain — both are compiled with great care and a
comprehensive examination of authorities, indicating
no small amount of labour. His attention to this work
must have been afforded at intervals of convalescence,
when his health was rapidly giving way under the
pressure of his political duties. He ought to have been

* The well-known Parliamentary Agent, who afforded im-
portant assistance in the collection of the materials and production
of the work.

330 MR. BUNCOMBE'S WRITINGS.

nursing his remaining strength ; but having lived a
life of continual industry he could not endure even
enforced idleness.

Mr. Duncombe had had considerable experience in
composition before he attempted his first substantive
literary work. His published letters would fill a
volume, his published pamphlets another. His cor-
respondence was extensive, and included letters from
all classes, from the first minister of the crown to the
humblest working-man who chose to recognise the
member for Finsbury as "the tribune of the people":
a favourite appellation conferred on him by the
Liberal press. Almost every great question that had
come before the public for more than a quarter of a
century he had explained and illustrated by con-
temporary brochures.

Several clever specimens of French verse have been
preserved among Mr. Duncombe's private MSS. To
them is appended the name of " Chevalier B.," fol-
lowed by the initials T. S. D., which are always
attached to his own compositions. The first may
have been a nom deplume; but whether these compo-
sitions are his own, or those of a friend, it is doubtful
whether they have ever been printed : —

LE BON PAYS.

Ah ! le bon pays vraiment !

La belle ville que Londres,
Chacun s'e"crie en baillant,

Le peuple Anglais est charmant.
On se moque de son roi,

On politique, on raisonne ;
C'est la que 1'on vit pour soi,

Car on n'accueille personne !

"LE BON PAYS." 331

Ici sous 1'abri des lois,

Tout le monde fait fortune ;
On vous fait payer deux fois,

Ce que 1'on n'a vendre qu'une.
Ah ! le bon pays.

On se procure a grand frais,

Un logis humide et sombre ;
Et grace aux brouillards e"pais,

Du soleil on est a 1'ombre.
Ah ! le bon pays.

Tout est gravement traite,

Amour, plaisir, bonne chere;
L' Anglais sans etre invite,

N'ose diner chez son pere.
Ah ! le bon pays.

On avale goulument,

De boeuf une large assiette ;
Et pour manger proprement,

II faut porter sa serviette.
Ah ! le bon pays.

Le soir chez soi, petit jeu,

Au brouillard on fuit la nique ;
Les cartes coutent si peu,

Quatre shillings 1'as de pique.
Ah ! le bon pays.

Le dimanche tout est divin,

Ni travail, ni jeu, ni danse ;
On cuit pas meme le pain,

II faut s'en procurer d'avance.
Ah ! le bon pays.

Point d'injures ni de coups,

Les lois protegent la vie ;
Mais en pariant six sous,

Librement on s'estropie.
Ah ! le bon pays.

332 " MA CHATJMIJ^RE."

Un watchman reste muet,
Si dans la rue on s'assomme ;

Mais vous dit 1'heure qu'il est,

Quand vous dormez d'un bon somme.
Ah ! le bon pays.

L'honneur, et la probite",

Le ge"nie, et la sottise,
Le serment, et la liberte* :

Ici tout est marchandise.
Ah ! le bon pays.

Les dames n'aimeront pas

Cette chanson vendique ;
Des vertus et des appas

N'offrent rien a la critique.
Ah ! le bon pays.

Voua illustres favoris,

De la muse chansonniere ;
Epargnez moi vos me"pris,
Helas ! je bois de la biere.
Ah ! le bon pays, &c.

T. S. D.
December, 1823.

MA CHAUMIERE.

Air — " Avec la pipe de tabac."

Lorsque dans ma simple chaumiere,

Parfois je re£ois mes amis ;
Pres d'eux, ma bouteille, mon verre,

J'oublie aisement mes soucis.
Un moment je perds la memoire,

Je forme mille plans joyeux ;
Je ris, je chante, et verse a boire,

Au moins un jour je suis heureux.

"LE DELIRE DU VIN." 333

Dans ce court acces de folie,

Si Ton veut lui donner ce nom,
Avec du vin, femme jolie,

Je me crois un Napoleon.
De chacun j'augmente I'ivresse,

Par quelques traits pleins de gaite ;
Sans un sou je parle richesse,

C'est rever la felicite".

Je choisis aimable compagne,

Et je lui tiens de doux propos ;
Et sans le secours du champagne,

H m'echappe quelques bon mots.
Si de ses yeux muet langage

R£pond aux desirs de mon coeur ;
Vous voyez que mon hermitage

Devient le sejour du bonheur.

Amis, croyez m'en sur parole,

La tristesse abrege nos jours ;
Venez, venez a mon e"cole,

Du temps je sais remplir le cours.
Entre Bacchus et la folie,

L'amour, quelque fois la raison,
Je depense gaiement la vie,

Comme le sage Anacrgon.

Par CHEVALIER B.

LE DELIRE DU VIN.

Quoi, toujours ce sujet m'inspire !

Bacchus, je te re"siste en vain !
Je prononce dans mon delire,

Gloire a jamais au dieu du vin !
Sans ce sujet inepuisable,

Que maint auteur servit petit ;
Et que de beaux esprits a table,

On verroit souvent sans esprit.

334 "LE DELIRE DU VIN."

De nectar quand ma coupe est pleine,

Et que le plaisir la soutient,
Elle devient ma souveraine,

L'univers alors m'appartient.
Le bonheur lui-meme me berce,

Dans un reve doux et trompeur ;
Et chaque coup que ma main verse,

Par degres accroit mon erreur.

Bacchus, tes effets sont magiques !

D'un poltron tu fais un heros ;
Pere de nos auteurs comiques,

Ta source est celJe des bon mots.
L'amant y court puiser 1'audace,

Qui sert a combler tous ses voeux ;
Et le vieillard que le temps glace,

Y vient chercher de nouveaux feux.

L'artisan assis sous la treille,

Entre sa femme et ses enfans,
Oublie en vidant sa bouteille

Les rois, les princes, et les grands.
D goute une volupte pure,

Sa bien-aimee est dans ses bras ;
II se croit roi de la Nature,

Si sa coupe ne tarit pas.

Lorsque la camarde inflexible,

Dont la visite nous fait peur,
Viendra d'un air tres-peu risible,

Me dire, Allons done, vieux buveur !
Je veux tenter de la se"duire,

Par 1'effet de ce jus divin :
Cela se peut, car j'entends dire,

Qu'on ne rdsiste pas au vin.

Par CHEVALIER B.

335

CHAPTER XIY.

THE POPULAR MEMBER.

Expediency of abolishing the Tower of London — Make-believe
legislation — Sir John Trelawny on church rates — Letters of
the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer
— Mr. Buncombe and the Jews' Bill — Letters of Sir F. H.
Goldsmid, Bart., and Baron Lionel Rothschild — Rise of the
great capitalist — Objections of the House of Lords — Letters of
Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Derby — Mr. Buncombe's popularity
with the Jews — Medical reform — Speech of the member for
Finsbury — Letters of Dr. Maddock and Mr. John Lawrence
— Proposed letter of Liberal members of the House of Com-
mons to Lord Palmerston — Abolition of toll-gates — Mr. Forster
on the turnpike question — Correspondence of Lord Palmerston
and Mr. Duncombe, respecting the consul at Savannah — Mr.
Buncombe's fatal illness.

A STRIKING instance was given by the popular member
of bis indifference to sentimental impressions wben be
bad a public benefit in view. Among the notices of
motion on the paper for February, 1859, the follow-
ing must have startled some of the members of the
House : —

Mr. Thomas Duncombe. Tower of London. Address for
a Commission to inquire into the expediency of continuing
the present establishment and jurisdiction of the Tower, and
whether the site, together with the lands and property be-
longing to it, cannot, by sale or otherwise, be converted to
purposes of greater utility with advantage to the public
service.

336 TOWER OF LONDON.

When lie proposed this from his seat there seemed a
general disposition to treat it as a joke; but one of
the most influential of the daily papers encouraged
him to proceed. In a leading article of great ability
the editor stated : —

The Tower of London, in its present state, is an ana-
chronism and an anomaly. It professes to be a fortress, and
is governed by a kind of martial law, but for any purposes
of offence or defence it is useless, and might be escaladed by
an Irish hod-carrier, or stormed by a resolute party of coal-
whippers.*

The member for Finsbury characteristically looked
at the subject from a utilitarian point of view, and
ignored historical and poetical associations. He had
ascertained that the establishment covered a space of
twelve acres and five poles of valuable land, and cost
the country yearly in salaries 4255/. 9s. Id., besides
an enormous expenditure in enlargements and im-
provements. The cry of vandalism, however, was
immediately raised by zealous antiquaries, and genu-
ine Conservatives, military and civilian, and the
ancient palace, fortress, prison, mint, and cemetery
was preserved intact.

In the experimental legislation, for which recent
Parliamentary annals are famous, there is much that
is make-believe. Members every session introduced
resolutions, or submitted bills to the House, that were
never intended to become laws. They did so with a
perfect knowledge that a discussion on a division would
be fatal to their pretensions ; but such experiments
were made for the constituency, not for the country.
It was a pet scheme of particular politicians who
* Daily Telegraph, February 9th, 1859.

USELESS ORATORY. 337

exercised a considerable influence over the borough,
town, or county that had returned the member who
had invented it ; and the annual attempt was got up
to show that he did not neglect his duty. Such is
the case with the proposals for the Ballot, the Anti-
Maynooth question, the Repeal of the Union, and
similar displays of useless oratory.

There were also instances where, to save appearances,
some members were uncommonly busy in bringing
forward measures they never intended to carry. They
were not of the same opinion as their constituents, but
it was essential to their interests to appear so — a bill
must therefore be framed and advocated; and the
local paper was sure to be filled with highly-coloured
descriptions of its merit, as well as with glowing
eulogiums of the public spirit of their popular and
patriotic representative ; when, just as everything
looked fair for its favourable passage through the
House, some unexpected obstacle occurred, and the
bill was withdrawn. This appears to have been con-
sidered the case with an attempt to reform church-
rates — a subject that was sure to meet Mr. Dun-
combe's approval, in consequence of the large element
of dissent in the Finsbury constituency. Such an
experiment was made, and he had suggested improve-
ments that elicited the following note : —

Reform Club, March 24th, 1860.

MY DEAR SIR, — I should think the following clause
would suit the case : —

" And be it enacted, that from and after the passing of
this Act, no expenses now legally payable out of the pro-
ceeds of a church rate shall be defrayed out of sums

VOL. II. Z

338 THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER.

accruing from any other rates whatsoever, any present law
or custom notwithstanding."

But perhaps Dr. Forster would give you his opinion on
it. Yours truly, J. S. TRELAWNY.

Thomas Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

Among the working-classes whose grievances the
member for Einsbury was called upon to remedy, were
the cork-cutters. He met deputations, and got him-
self well up in their trade statistics, as well as in their
causes of complaint, and then brought their case
before the House of Commons, by asking a question
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He generally
commenced his parliamentary proceedings in this
form ; and as sometimes the minister was not prepared
with an answer, a correspondence or interview became
necessary. The letters here printed will show what
amount of interest Mr. Gladstone took in the
subject : —

11, Downing-street, June 19th, 1860.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his compli-
ments to Mr. Buncombe, and has just received his letter
with the enclosures, which he will take the earliest oppor-
tunity of examining. He is not yet precisely aware what
were the statements made by him which are complained of,
or which it is desired to controvert. He finds that his
informants are ready to substantiate, so at least they apprise
him, all the particulars which he laid before the House of
Commons.

He takes this opportunity of assuring Mr. Duncombe
that nothing could have been further from his intention
than to have censured Mr. Duncombe for not laying any
information on this subject before him instead of taking it
direct to the House of Commons. It was only upon
Mr. Duncombe's seeming to appeal to him for an immediate
acknowledgment of error that he was at once led to observe

BARON ROTHSCHILD. 339

why he could pronounce no opinion on the case at the time.
He does not particularly recollect the thanks of which
Mr. Duncombe speaks, but he has no doubt he did thank
Mr. Duncombe for his courtesy in giving him notice of
what was to take place, and in this spirit it was his desire
and intention that, with whatever differences of opinion, the
subject should continue to be handled.

11, Downing-street, Whitehall, June 22nd, 1860.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his compli-
ments to Mr. Duncombe, and will be much obliged if
Mr. Duncombe will inform him on what authority it is
imputed to him in the declaration of the master cork-
cutters of Liverpool (returned herewith for reference), to
have said in the House of Commons " that through the
imperfections of workmanship, or tyrannical and arbitrary
demands of society-men employed by us respectively, we
have been obliged to employ boys." Upon this language
appears to be founded the charge of calumny which those
gentlemen have thought themselves entitled to make.

In the session of 1860 Mr. Duncombe continued
his exertions to put the standing orders in favour of
Jews taking the altered oath, into a statutable shape.
The House of Lords displayed a disposition to main-
tain the existing law, with one or two noble excep-
tions ; the principal of these were Lord Lyndhurst,
who was very earnest in his commendation of the
proposed measure ; Lord Brougham, who was ever
in favour of religious toleration ; and Earl Eussell
(Lord John), who was quite as active an advocate for
Baron Rothschild and his co-religionists in the Upper
House, as he had been in the Lower since his return
for the city of London. Among the wealthy Hebrew
capitalists the importance of the measure was at once

z 2

340 RISE OP A MILLIONAIRE.

admitted. We print notes from two of the most
distinguished : —

14, Portland-place, W., 29th March, 1860.

MY DEAR SIR, — Not having had the pleasure of seeing
you in the House the last day or two (in consequence, I
lament to hear, of your being indisposed), I trouble you
with these few words, and forward to you with them a draft
(which I think will answer the purpose in view) of the Bill
you have obtained leave to introduce for amending the
Jews' Relief Act of 1858.

I showed a sketch of the Bill to the Attorney-General,
and have since made a slight alteration in it in accordance
with a suggestion of his.

I remain, my dear Sir, truly yours,

FRANCIS H. GOLDSMID.

Kingston House, 2 May, 1860.

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, — Lord Lyndhurst has re-
quested me to write to you to say, that it will give him
great pleasure to see you respecting our Bill. He will be
at home to-morrow (Thursday) at two o'clock, and hopes
that it will be convenient for you to call upon him at that
hour.

Pray accept again my thanks for the trouble you are
taking in our question, and believe me,

Yours sincerely, L. DE ROTHSCHILD.

The great capitalist's account of his first rise, as
given at a party at Ham House, February, 1834, is
worth quoting : —

" I dealt in English goods [at Frankfort] . One great
trader came there who had the market to himself. He
was quite the great man, and did us a favour if he sold us
goods. Somehow I offended him, and he refused to show
me his patterns. This was on a Tuesday. I said to my
father, ' I will go to England/ I could speak nothing but
German. On the Thursday I started ; the nearer I got to

A MERCHANT PRINCE. 341

England the cheaper goods were. As soon as I got to
Manchester I laid out all my money — things were so cheap
— and I made good profit. I soon found that there were
three profits — the raw material, the dyeing, and the manu-
facturing. I said to the manufacturer, ' I will supply you
with material and dye, and you supply me with manu-
factured goods/ So I got three profits instead of one ; and
I could sell goods cheaper than anybody. In a short time
I made my 20,000?. into 60,000/."*

There were other circumstances that favoured the
rise to a position of equal honour and influence of this
able financier. In the first place the family of
merchant princes, of which his lordship is now the
head, obtained their first elevation among European
capitalists by a well-established reputation for honour
and probity. The confidence thus created helped the
favourable development of that genius for successful
enterprise which has made the name a power in the
commercial, quite as influential as that of Czar or
Emperor in the political world. In truth there are
some sovereignties that owe their present existence to
the timely succour afforded them from the resources
of these autocratic firms.

Lord Kothschild differs from many other great spe-
culators in many particulars, but essentially in the
quiet exercise of the power for doing good which in
the present age is so noble an element of wealth.
Many acts of practical benevolence might be set
down to his credit account, which the outside world,
Christian or Jew, have not been permitted to know.
His millions do not flow through so many important
channels without affording sustenance and strength

* Memoirs of Sir Fowell Buxton, p. 288.

342 LORD DERBY.

to whatever strives, however obscurely, to flourish
within its influence. The Baron is a promoter of art,
of literature, and indeed of every merit that can be
put to social profit. As a legislator he has always
distinguished himself by the liberality of his prin-
ciples and readiness to forward any measure intended
to promote the public good. He was the cordial
friend of Mr. Duncombe to the close of his career.

The objections of the House of Lords to the Jew
Bill were still stumbling-blocks in the way of parlia-
mentary success. Mr. Duncombe tried every means
of overcoming this difficulty in this session; and
having determined on his amendment, communicated
with the Premier. We subjoin his reply, and the
interesting note that follows : —

St. James's-square, July 4th, 1860.

DEAR SIR, — Before replying to your note of yesterday,
I thought it right to communicate with Lord Chelmsford,
who entirely concurs with me in thinking the Bill, as you
propose to amend it, unobjectionable, as doing nothing more
than what was intended by the original compromise. But
for the same reason, with all deference to the authority of
the Speaker, we cannot see the necessity for it, and cannot
understand on what grounds he rests his opinion of the
necessity of an annual repetition of the Resolution. But if
the House of Commons think the amended Bill necessary,
and will be satisfied with it, I shall throw no obstacle in the
way of its passing in that shape. I return the Bill, and am,
Yours faithfully, DERBY.

Folkestone, September 1st.

DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, — I got tired of the dull drippings
at the close of the session, and so left for this place. I
return Lord Derby's letter. You have done good service

LORD LYNDHURST. 343

in correcting the blunders of the " Lords' House/' and have
deserved the thanks not of the Jewish people only, but of all
the friends of religious liberty.

Very faithfully, &c. LYNDHURST.

The popular member now found that his labours in
behalf of this great historical race were on the point of
being crowned with success. He pressed forward his
enlightened views, and with an access of parliamentary
support secured a legislative locus standi for this nation
without a country — an important addition to the
various evidences of a generous toleration he had
assisted, during his long political career, in placing
on the statute-book of the country. Contempora-
neously, as we have already stated, he assisted in pro-
ducing an elaborate attempt to make the wrongs of "the
chosen people," during their sojourn in the land in
which a remnant of them had sought refuge, familiar
to Christian readers. Assuredly he had established
an undeniable claim to the popularity he enjoyed
among the Jewish community.

Among the beneficial reforms advocated by Mr.
Duncombe was one of the laws affecting the medical
profession. In the session of 1858 Parliament had
before it several attempts at legislation ; and during
the debate on the second reading of Mr. Headlam's
Medical Profession Bill, No. 1, he addressed the
House in his happiest vein, exposing their im-
perfections : —

Mr. T. Duncombe could not understand the argument of
the hon. member for Oxford, that they were to consult for
the dignity of the profession, as his idea was that they were
sent to Parliament to deliberate upon what might be for the
welfare of the public at large. Certainly, as concerned

344 MEDICAL PROFESSIONS BILL.

their own dignity, it had never been better consulted in
medical matters than on that occasion ; for, on looking to
the paper, he saw first the Medical Profession Bill No. 1.
What had become of the Medical Profession Bill No. 2 he
knew not, but perhaps it had taken the wrong medicine and
was unable to appear. (Laughter.) The next was the
Medical Profession Bill No. 3 ; and after that they had the
Vaccination Bill, which was, he believed, intended to repeal
the Compulsory Vaccination Act, which had been smuggled
through the House in 1853 — in fact, to take the parlia-
mentary lancet out of the unwilling arm of the nation.
(Laughter.) That was not enough in the way of physicking
the House — (renewed laughter) — for they had also the Bill
brought in by the hon. member for Cork, called the Medical
and Surgical Sciences' Bill. In fact, they only wanted the
Sale of Poisons' Bill, which was floundering its way in
another place, to complete the list, which was appropriately
closed by the order for the second reading of the Burials'
Bill. (Great laughter.) They already had a State religion
and a State education, and it was now proposed that they
should also have State physic. He was determined to vote
against both Bills. He would join the friends of No. 3 in
their endeavour to defeat No. 1 ; and, as some requital, he
should then help the friends of No. 1 to throw out No. 3,
for they were not the reforms the people required. They
wanted to see all the members of the medical profession,
after they had gone through a qualifying examination, placed
upon an equal footing. The Bills before the House he con-
sidered as an interference between the public and their
medical advisers. As regarded the medical corporations
and the universities, they had obtained their exclusive privi-
leges under circumstances which were not adapted to the
present times, and as in the reform of the House of
Commons they had done away with Old Sarum, so in
medical reform they should not respect those obsolete insti-
tutions. It was said that they should do away with
quackery in medicine ; to that he had no objection, provided
they did not attempt to do it by legislative quackery.

COMMON SENSE. 345

Now he found that those medical bodies which they were
told had done so much to advance the profession, had at all
times impeded the march of science. They persecuted the
man who invented the tourniquet, and the College of
Physicians got Dr. Grenfell, who first applied cantharides
to the cure of dropsy, sent to Newgate. After all, as
Dr. Carlisle in his lectures said, medicine was an art
founded in conjecture and improved in murder. He would,
therefore, until some better measure of medical reform was
proposed to the House, leave the College of Physicians and
the College of Surgeons to operate on and prescribe for
each other, and the Society of Apothecaries to drench them
both. (Laughter.)

On a division there was a majority of 225 for the
bill, and 78 against ; it was, consequently, read a
second time. The author of a pamphlet, who opposed
the bill, Mr. Gramgee, an army surgeon on the staff,
thus recognises Mr. Buncombe's services in the cause
of medical reform in " Two Letters addressed to Lord
Palmerston :" —

You will, I trust, remember that for us pleads the British
Athens, for us pleads the University of Young England, — the
inspiration, aye under divine permission the creation of Henry
Brougham ; for us pleads the Alma Mater of William Harvey,
under the chancellorship of our Queen's consort ; for us, my
Lord Palmerston, pleads the history of your whole life, of
the life of William Pitt, John Russell, and Robert Peel — of
the lives of the really great ones, of all parties and of all
ages ; for us have pleaded in the House of Commons,
amongst many others, Mr. Duncombe, Mr. Cowper, Lord
Elcho, Viscount Goderich, and the illustrious scion — hope
of the future — of the house of Derby ; for us plead all
history and all philosophy; for us pleads the Sense of
senses — the Universal — the Common Sense.

Mr. Duncombe was never disheartened by failure

346 DR. HADDOCK.

where the interests of the community were at stake,
and there seemed a fair prospect for perseverance.
He made himself acquainted with the several corpo-
rations in the profession, as well as with the profes-
sion itself, and returned to the charge again and again.
Several eminent practitioners communicated their
ideas to him and encouraged him to proceed. We
append the letters of two distinguished Fellows of the
corporations of physicians and surgeons : —

56, Curzon-street, Mayfair, July 12th, 1858.

DEAR SIR, — I cannot sufficiently thank you for your very
kind and prompt letter.

In consequence of the suggestion contained in the above,
I have renewed my correspondence with Lord Ebury, and
am led to hope that he will be induced to introduce in com-
mittee an amendment (proposed by him on a former occa-
sion), so as to expunge the retrospective clauses in question.
I have also written to my very old friend, Mr. Swanston, Q.C.
(formerly my guardian), with a request that he will give me
notes of introduction to one or two " law lords" who were
personally known to my father, the late chancery barrister.
I fear that I have already too far trespassed upon your
valuable time; but well knowing the natural goodness of
your heart, and the desire you have ever evinced to protect
the " weak from the strong," I am induced to ask whether
you would give or obtain me an introduction to a peer who
would be likely to grant me an interview, or take into con-
sideration the amendment before referred to.

Again most gratefully thanking you for your great kind-
ness, which I shall endeavour in some measure to repay by
serving you more energetically than ever in future elections,
I am, with great respect, dear sir, your very faithful and
obedient servant, A. B. MADDOCK.

P.S. — I duly appreciate the encouragement you give me,
but would not the bill as it now stands not only debar me

COLLEGE OF SURGEONS. 347

the right of registration, but even the privilege of retaining
my title of M.D., with which I have hitherto practised for
some twenty years as a physician ?

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

30, Devonshire-street, Portland-place, April 28th, 1858.

SIR, — I see by to-day's Times that you have given notice of
motion on medical reform — a motion which appears to me
to more deeply touch those questions which it is to the
medical corporation's interest to conceal and the public's to
bring forward, than any of the medical bills hitherto pro-
posed. And at the risk of appearing intrusive, I am in-
duced to ask you to grant me an interview, which I venture
to think would reveal to you some facts which it is as well
you should be informed on. The College of Surgeons (e.g.]
is supposed by the general public to represent the feelings
of the surgeons of this country — it really represents the
pecuniary interests of a score of men, who are hence endeavour-
ing to thrust on the legislature a series of measures calculated
to benefit themselves, and themselves alone. If I were to
attempt to foreshadow to you the despotic machinery of the
Council of the College of Surgeons I might write ad nauseam.
Their constant deputations (one yesterday) to Lord Derby
indicate that which the whole medical profession knows —
their trepidation and anxiety lest any rude legislation rob
them of a single examination-fee. This " examination/'
too — what is it ? Simply absurd. It yearly adds shoals of
ignorant " surgeons" to the already overstocked profession,
as detrimental to this latter as it is to the public. If, sir,
you have the boldness (for it is boldness) to unveil this dis-
graceful state of affairs, you will reveal a countenance which,
like the prophet of Khorassan, the corporations have good
reason to be ashamed of, and keep from the gaze of the
profanum vulgus.

And in concluding permit me to assure you I am actuated
to address you by no other motive than to see a system
exposed which, if endorsed by the legislature, crushes the

348 NON-INTERVENTION.

profession, elevates the corporations, and injures the public
good. — And I am, sir, your obedient servant,

JOHN B. LAWRENCE, F.R.C.S., M.B. Univ. Lond.

The treasurer of the " Parliamentary Reform Asso-
ciation," and an influential member of the Liberal
party, well known and respected in commercial circles,
took a commercial view of our non-interference in the
recent war in Italy ; but the member for Finsbury,
who had listened to the arguments of Mazzini and
Kossuth, was eager for the realization of the pros-
pects that had been held out to the patriotic
Italians. The treaty of Villafranca was a death-blow
to the hopes of the revolutionists ; for though Austria
was subsequently obliged to surrender her strongholds
in Italy, and the French army quitted Rome, those
great events were brought about under royal auspices.
Victor Emmanuel had the credit of both, and the one
great Italian republic of the democrats appeared to be
out of the question.

The following communications on the subject were
interchanged : —

18, Wood-street, London, January 2nd, 1861.

DEAR SIR, — The accompanying draft of a letter to Lord
Palmerston has resulted from a deep conviction of the ne-
cessity for a revision of our present national expenditure,
and that it is a wise and friendly act earnestly to press this
on the attention of the Government, by a private communi-
cation, before they prepare the estimates for the ensuing
session.

The draft has been cordially approved by several mem-
bers to whom I have had facilities of showing it. The
following are willing to sign, provided forty members unite
in doing so : — Messrs. Baines, Baxter, Bristow, Buxton,
R. W. Crawford, Crossley, Crum-Ewing, S. Gurney, Rob.

ABOLITION OF TOLLS. 349

Hanbury, Kershaw, Lawson, Lindsay, Mellor, Moffat, Paget,
Pease, Pilkington, J. L. Ricardo, Shelley, Sykes, Turner,
Whalley, Wyld.

I am sanguine enough to believe we shall far exceed
forty, and I venture to ask you to add your name on the
same condition. It is important not to delay the prepara-
tion of the document if any use is to be made of it. Your
early reply, therefore, will be esteemed a favour. In any
case please return the copy to me, lest it should get astray.
I am, dear sir, yours faithfully, S. MORLEY.

January 4th, 1861.

DEAR SIR, — Constituted as the present Government and
House of Commons are, I much fear that communications
such as you propose will be but of little avail, and I do not
think that I should feel disposed to sign any, unless ob-
tained in the way I have taken the liberty to suggest ; for
after England's long and loud professions in favour of Italian
independence, I cannot admit that our silence has been, or
is, " the policy of wisdom," especially as so much more has
yet to be accomplished in Rome and Venetia before Italy's
freedom can be considered fully established.

I cannot, however, conclude without taking this oppor-
tunity of kiudly thanking you for these patriotic exertions
in favour of liberty and reform, which I have observed with
pleasure you so nobly and so constantly are in the habit of
making. Yours faithfully, T. S. D.

One of the last of the popular member's many use-
ful labours in Parliament was directed to the abolition
of toll-gates. As usual he commenced proceedings by
asking questions of the minister, Sir Or. Cornewall
Lewis, and as usual got no satisfactory reply ; but the
nuisance — in the neighbourhood of the metropolis
especially — had become intolerable, and it only
wanted a well-directed attack to effect its removal.

On the 22nd of February, 1861, he asked Sir

350 METROPOLITAN TURNPIKES.

George Lewis what was intended to be done, and tlie
latter replied that he was in communication with the
Metropolitan Roads' Commissioners. As a memorial
complaining of the system had been presented to the
minister in the March preceding, signed by 407 mer-
cantile firms and professional men, the member for
Finsbury thought something ought to be done.

On Monday, June 3rd, he asked the Secretary
of State for the Home Department what progress
had been made towards the abolition of the toll-gates
round London, whether the Metropolitan Roads'
Commissioners had held any special meeting to effect
this purpose, if they had been summoned how many
had attended, and what business had been done. A
letter he received the next day afforded him some use-
ful hints on the subject : —

Reform Club, June 4th.

MY DEAR SIR, — Having taken a good deal of trouble
and interest in the metropolitan turnpike- gate question, I
thank you for putting the queries you did to Sir George
Lewis last night on the subject, although somewhat sur-
prised at the answer you received from him. Sir George
knows very well that the Commissioners have power by the
Act to remove the gates without leave from the parties
interested in maintaining them. In proof of this I need
only mention that in the first year of coming into office
they removed twenty-seven gates without asking leave of
the parishes in which they stood. Since then, however,
the number of gates and bars have been rather increased
than diminished. The reason is plain enough : to remove
all the gates would put an end to the Commission ! It
has a train of officials, solicitors, surveyors, secretaries, and
contractors, all banded together to maintain it, and who
get up opposition to the removal of the gates in the
parishes in which they stand. Perhaps the ratepayers in

TURNPIKE GATES. 351

the Strand or Cheapside would not object to a gate on
condition of being relieved from the expense of repairing
those streets.

The ready way to perpetuate an abuse is to put it under
a Commission which breeds an interest to keep it alive.
This Commission is now not only a job but a nuisance.
I am, my dear Sir, yours sincerely, M. FORSTER.

What makes the remissness of the Government as
respects this crying evil more remarkable, is the fact
that the House of Commons had in 1856 abolished
the gates throughout Ireland. An appeal was made
to Lord Palmerston to extend the benefit of the Act
to London. Lord Granville was referred to, but
nothing was done. In the year 1858 the House of
Commons passed a resolution for an inquiry, to pre-
cede the removal of gates within a circuit of six miles,
and the committee took a year in making their report.
Although it recommended a change, nothing of the
kind was attempted; and all classes of her Majesty's
subjects, to whom a horse or a conveyance was neces-
sary, continued to be taxed and annoyed by those
stoppages to the traffic. Mr. Duncombe, however,
pressed the subject till a gradual extinction of the
obsolete custom was conceded.

Another interchange of letters took place between
the Prime Minister and the member for Finsbury.
Mr. Molyneux, our consul at Savannah, had felt
himself aggrieved in consequence of Mr. Duncombe
having read in the House of Commons a letter con-
taining statements as to that gentleman's Southern
" proclivities," which he totally denied. He addressed
a letter to Mr. Duncombe, who, with his customary
sense of justice, lost no time in getting for it the

352 LORD PALMERSTON.

earliest and greatest possible publicity by sending it
for publication in the newspapers, it being too late for
Parliamentary use. He also wrote on the subject to
his correspondent in the United States, as he promised
in his note to the Minister : —

94, Piccadilly, 2nd August, 1861.

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, — The enclosed letter relates to
some statement made by you in the House of Commons,
which appears to have cast an undeserved imputation on
the writer ; would you like yourself to give the explanation,
or would you wish me to do so on Tuesday morning ?

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON.

Eastbourne, August 8th, 1861.

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, — Many thanks for your
letter, which has only just reached me. I regret that you
should have been troubled upon the subject, as it appears
to me to belong more properly to the Foreign Department ;
but as I have also received a similar communication from
the consul at Savannah, and which appears in the Times
of this day, I do not think it will be necessary to take,
at present, any further steps in the matter beyond asking,
as I shall do, for an explanation from my correspondent
at New York, who ought to be, and who I believe is, well
informed upon these matters.

Always yours faithfully, T. S. D.

The Viscount Palmerston, M.P., &c.

Neither the popular minister nor the popular
member ever corresponded or ever met again. The
career of both was drawing to its close, but the en-
feebled constitution of the latter indicated a speedier
dissolution. He had proceeded to a favourite water-
ing-place at the termination of the session (1861), to
recruit ; but having exhausted the skill of the medical

SERIOUS INDISPOSITION. 353

profession, was doomed to find the healing re-
sources of Nature equally inefficacious. In vain all
reputed specifics had been tried one after another : it
became painfully evident that the long overworked
machine was not only out of gear, but worn out.
Over and over again his enforced withdrawal from
political life had been announced by the public jour-
nals ; but as he had come forward in person to dis-
prove the intelligence, no apprehensions were enter-
tained by his numerous friends.

Unhappily for those who watched over him and
knew him best, he was hastening to his final rest
after half a century of arduous public service.
His life had been devoted, to the requirements of all
who wanted an advocate or a friend, without respect
to creed or nationality — without the slightest re-
ference to social prejudices and partialities. He
ignored the bonds of family alliance, the claims of
long-established friendship, and the sympathies of
political clanship, at the call of duty ; and though this
lost him favour, it never lost him self-respect.

The bold champion of oppressed nationalities was
never bolder than when he refused to countenance
regicides, and disappointed the expectations of the
band of expatriated political schemers who sought to
make him their dupe and their tool. The Mazzinis
and Kossuths since then had withdrawn their confi-
dence from him, for which, there is no doubt, he was
sufficiently thankful. They did more than this — they
forgot their champion and benefactor. This, however,
left the wearied politician a little more leisure to
attend to himself; his condition, however, proved
daily less capable of amelioration from any care.

VOL. II. A A

354 FATAL ILLNESS.

Mr. Buncombe's illness originated about the year
1845, when he attended a board of inquiry on board
the hulks, regarding the treatment of prisoners and
the prison system. He caught a severe cold, which
was neglected, and symptoms of a worse malady
shortly became apparent, the natural consequence of
the little attention which he paid to his health when
his Parliamentary duties required him to be in his
place in the House of Commons. In the space of one
year bronchial disease developed into chronic asthma.
He was recommended constant change of air and
place, but after a few years the locality and the
climate were left to his own goodwill. The principal
places he visited were Frant, Brighton, Sidmouth,
Tunbridge Wells, Pembury, Reigate, Box Hill, God-
stone, Preston (Sussex), Cromer, Reigate, and East-
bourne.

Mr. Buncombe tried every system and every medi-
cine which possessed even a doubtful recommendation.
He sought the assistance of twenty -eight doctors, all
of whom failed in their endeavours to effect a cure.
The attacks of asthma were at times of a most severe
and painful character.

In the year 1861 he was induced to try Lancing (in
Sussex) ; on the 12th October he went there, and after
a short stay seemed to be improving. The rapid
change was so marked (at the time he was trying a
new medicine), that his medical man came from
London to make an examination, and reported
favourably. On the 13th November, two days later,
his patient suddenly expired, after over fourteen years
of suffering. He was in the sixty- sixth year of his
acre.

POSTHUMOUS TRIUMPH OF HIS POLITICAL PRINCIPLES. 355

The following is the last account of his health,
written by himself for the month of October, 1861 : —

Breathing a little easier, and got more out in London
after leaving Eastbourne; and on the 12th moved to
Lancing, between Shoreham and Worthing. Breathing
worse, from visit to dentist, I think, and felt rather bilious
on arriving at Lancing. Drove out on the 22nd.

2Qth. — Began " Cannabis Indica Tincture."

'30th and 31s/. — Walked out a little, ending the month
decidedly better than I began it.

Please God it may continue ! T. S. D.

«
Thus closed the career of a public servant of rare

integrity and disinterestedness. Many have taken a
similar path to popularity with more brilliant qualifi-
cations, but few have shown so signally their indif-
ference to social advantages. He was the honorary
advocate of the oppressed of every class and creed,
and pursued a course of legislation for the sons of toil
with no other object than their moral and intellectual
advancement. His life was eminently patriotic, and
his labours singularly beneficial. To do this he
turned his back upon an elevated position and its all-
powerful recommendations for State employment —
abandoned the allurements of a patrician circle — and
devoted himself to an arduous and unprofitable
service.

Could he have survived a few years he would have
enjoyed the gratification of seeing the principles he
had so long and ably advocated embodied in a legisla-
tive measure, and carried triumphantly through both
Houses of Parliament by his political associates, in
conjunction with the great political party to which his
family were attached. It would appear, from this

A A 2

356 " HONEST TOM BUNCOMBE."

important result, that his private conferences with
his talented friend at Grosvenor Gate were not with-
out a purpose. Real Parliamentary Reform has at
last been secured — pre-eminently by the perseverance,
intelligence, and tact of Mr. Disraeli. The Earl of
Derby and his Administration will have the credit of
obtaining for the people privileges which popular
Governments have been content with promising when
out of office, and denying when in. We trust that
the industrial class, for whose advantage chiefly the
new Reform Bill has been framed, will not suffer
themselves to be induced, by specious misrepresenta-
tions, to prove that they are incapable of exercising
these privileges, in the wise and liberal spirit with
which they have been conceded.

Mr. Duncombe left a widow to lament her irre-
parable loss, and an only son to endeavour to imitate
the virtues and emulate the self-sacrificing patriotism
of so estimable a parent and so good a man. He died
poor — rich in the memory of those who esteemed him,
as

" HONEST TOM BUNCOMBE."

APPENDIX.

Baron Capelle's Notes upon the State of France since 1830.

LES ministres du Roi Charles X., usant de droit qu'en
donnait a la couronne Part. 14 de la charte constitu-
tionnelle, avaient, pour preserver la royaute d'une conjura-
tion imminente, suspendu pour un court delai quelques-
unes des libertes constitutionnelles ; de meme qu'on suspend
en Angleterre I'habeas corpus.

Le Gouvernement eleve par la Revolution Th? Kestoration
. , . had suspended m

de Juillet a supprime irrevocablement deux France certain

fois plus de libertes que n'en avaient sus- liberties ; the Ee-

* . * . . volution of July

pendu temporairement les ministres de has destroyed

Charles X. them since.

II a interdit le droit dissociation, bien que le droit
soit fondamental dans tout gouvernement The right of asso-
libre ; et 1'interdiction a ete poussee si loin JSSSJRjjfc*
qu^il njy a pas jusqu'a aux moindres societes benevolent and
litteraires, savantes, ou de bienfaisance, qui 8cientificPurP°ses.
ne soient obligees de demander pour exister et se reunir, la
permission de 1'autorite.

II a par les lois d'intimidation soumis la The laws against

the Press are now

presse a un esclavage presque absolu sur les worse thanslavery.
matieres du Gouvernement.

II a convert! Tinstitution liberale et protectrice les

juries, en une institution arbitraire et Trial by jury, de-

r- • , ^, IT i i' • i cidedbyamajoritv

tyranmque, en faisant etablir par la legisla- of voie^ and Jby "
tion, que les jugements seraient desormais ballot

358

APPENDIX.

rendus a la simple majorite des votes, et que les jures
voteraient entr'eux au scrutin secret.

La consequence de ces changeraents fondamentaux dans
les lois a ete de soumettre la France a un
veritable despotisme, et de la faire retro-
grader vers la moyen age.

La marche du Gouvernement n'a pas
ete moins tyrannique que les change-
ments faits dans les lois. On a fait
plusieurs fois mitrailler les populations
de Paris et de Lyon. Les condamna-
tions pour delits de la presse ont ete deux
cents fois plus multipliers que pendant
la Restauration, et toutes beaucoup plus
rigoureux.

Lesvisites domiciliaires quietaient si rares,
et qui ne pouvaient etre ordonneesque par les
tribunaux, et apres une procedure prealable,
Font ete, a tout propos, sous le moindre
pretexte et en vertu d'un moindre ordre
d'un agent du Gouvernement : Tabus en a
ete si grand, qu'on peut dire que la violation constante
et facultative de Tasile des citoyens, a ete par le fait sub-
stitue au principe de nos lois qui declarait cet asile in-
violable.

Enfin, les arrestations preventives ou prealables a tout
Arrests on pre- jugement ont ete tellement nombreuses et

sumptive evidence •, , ,., /. j • ,

have been innu- tellement prolongees, qu il faudrait re-
monter au temps les plus recules pour
en trouver des exemples.

En resume, non seulement la France
etait a tous egards et sans comparaison cent
fois plus libre pendant la Bestauration,
mais elle etait plus libre sous le Gouverne-
ment imperial.

Condition of
France equal to
the dark ages.

The measures of
the Government
have been worthy
of those days.
Population massa-
cred ; parts of
Paris and Lyons
demolished by the
military.

The prosecutions
against the Press
two hundredfold
more numerous
than in Charles
the Tenth's time.

Domiciliary visits
permitted by an
order of the
minister, and the
abuse of it most
terrific.

merable, and many
objects of these
arrests have been
allowed to remain
eighteen months
and two years in
prison waiting
for acquittal. In
short, the liberty
of France was not
only much greater
before the Revolu-
tion of July, but
Wiis also so during
the ruign of
Napoleon.

APPENDIX. 359

Letter of the Due d'Ossuna to Count de Courcy on Mr.
Duncombe's projected Railway.

Paris, le 16 Mai, 1845.

MON CHER DE COURCY, — Je suis arrive dans cette ville
depuis trois jours, et au meme moment j'ai re9u vos deux
estimables lettres du 21 et 26 Aout dernier qu'etaient par-
venues a ma maison de Madrid depuis mon depart ; Finter-
vale de temps a ete long a cause du mauvais etat de ma
sante m'a oblige de m'arreter souvent en route contre
1'habitude que j'ai de voyager avec la rapidite qu'exige mon
caractere actif.

Je me suis empresse d'examiner votre proposition pour
intervenir, moi comme president en homme de la societe
directeur du chemin de fer de Madrid a Lisbonne, et en
effet je prevois que ce doit etre une bonne affaire pour vous,
si vous pouvez reussir a en obtenir la concession du gou-
vernement et a reunir assez d'actionnaires pour le mettre en
execution. Je m'associerais volontiers a cette entreprise
sans autre raison que savoir que vous et le cher d'Orsay en
etiez interesses ; mais a mon grand regret il se presente un
grave inconvenient qui m' oblige a me dispenser de cette
question avec toute la bon volonte que j'ai de pouvoir y con-
tribuer mon nom. C'est un fait qu'une societe formee a
Madrid pour ^execution du chemin de fer des Asturies a la
mer du nord de PEspagne m'avait propose comme directeur
president de la meme, et sans Fautorisation de ma part
m'ayant publiquement proclame tel; et voila la raison
pourquoi vous m'avez vu annonce dans cette qualite, sans
qu'en realite j'en savais rien. En vertu de cette demarche
qu'etait faite par quelques personnes de mon amitie intime,
et par quelques-uns de mes collegues deputes aux Cortes, je
ne pouvais pas me moutrer a eux offense dans les termes
qu'une pareille action meritait, et je me suis borne a leur
declarer que mon intention n'etait pas d'en faire partie et que
je leur priais de vouloir bien effacer moil nom de cette
entreprise, a laquelle d'ailleurs, mes occupations person-
nelles en Fetat de ma sante ne me permettraient preter mes

360 APPENDIX.

soins et attentions : en definitive, il a ete convenu qu'il en
serait ainsi ; et vous en verrez prochainement les effets dans
les me'mes annonces ou vous m'avez vu figurer avant, sans
nullc connaissance de ma part.

Dans cet etat de choses, vous concevrez facilement, mon
clier de Courcy, que la demarche de preter mon nom a uu
autre entreprise de pareil objet serait en extreme offen-
sante pour ces messieurs, et je desire menager Famitie des
mes collegues et amis, et plus encore 1'honneur et la repu-
tation de la consequence de mes actions et de mon caractere.
Vous meme ayant voulu m'annoncer comme president de
votre entreprise sans avoir connaissance de tous les an-
tecedens m'aviez place involontairement dans un embarras
cruel pour mon amitie et ma deference pour vous : je serais
oblige d'en donner satisfaction aux personnes a qui j'ai
refuse ma co-operation a Madrid, et j'espere que vous vou-
drez bicn publier dans vos annonces qu'une erreur involon-
taire donnait lieu a inserer mon nom comme interesse a
cette entreprise.

Pour ccla il n'empeche pas, mon cher de Courcy, que par-
ticulierement je fasse tout ce qui dependrait pour favoriser
votre projet; je m'iiiterresserais en Espagne avec les ministres,
avec mes amis, avec toutcs les personnes de ma connaissauce
qui puissent etre utiles pour la reussite de Taffaire. Je m'in-
terrcsserais meme pour un nombre d'actions du moment que
vous en aurez obtenu la concession du gouvernement pour
pouvoir les emettre ; enfin, je ferais tout ce qui pourrait
s'opposer a douner une idee d'inconsequeuce de caractere et
qui pourrait, en outre, vous prouver que je desire ardemmeut
servir vos intentions et votre amitie.

Vcuillez je vous prie en faire part a mon cher d'Orsay, a
qui j'ecrirai aussitot que me le permettra ma sante chance-
lantc, qui m'empeche encore aujourd-hui dc vous ecrire dc ma
propre main comme je Taurais desire : presentez mes
respects d'amitie et mes hommages de cceur aux aimables
dames de Gore House, et croycz moi toujours votre ami
bien devoue et affection ne,

LE Due D'OSSUNA ET DEL Y INKANTADO.

APPENDIX. 361

P.S. — Je reyois dans ce moment votre autre estimable
lettre du 14 courant, a laquelle je ne puis vous dire que
repeter tout ce que je viens de vous dire plus haut : je n'ai
pas encore vu M. de Guiche, et pour le cas qu'il m'en
parlera, je voudrais que vous eussiez m'envoye les articles
ou conditions sous lesquels est fondee votre societe.

Letter of Ferhad Pacha.

Septembre 20, 1856.

TRES-HONORABLE AMI, — II estvrai, que je n'ai pas encore
votre reponse, mais je ne peux plus Fattendre pour vous
ecrire nouvellement sur un sujet qui me semble tres
important.

Dans ma derniere lettre je crois vous avoir signifie
que je ne pouvais rester en bonne harmonic avec Omer P.
Je souffrais et je tolerais avec une indifference stoique, mais
je voulais servir a mon souverain, et ne pas etre le chien
d'un general.

II parait que cela regrettait quelquefois au general,
puisque nonobstant son faible savoir, il aime se meler en
tout, meme lorsque par hasard il n'a aucune connaissance
sur Faffaire. En telle circonstance on a besoin de recourir
quelquefois aux lumieres des autres, et un certain Bangya
Colonel Mehemed Bey, avec Finsigne Lorody, Lieutenant-
Colonel Nurry Bey, aide-de-camp et le confidant d'Omer P.,
se sont donnes la peine d'illuminer brillamment Fesprit
d'Omer P. avec mes lumieres sur les haras et la police
d'etat. Pour un petit local il suffit une petite lumiere.

Depuis ce temps on me fait la caresse; Oiner avait re-
connu, que nous nous pouvions rendre des services reciproques,
mais comme tous les hommes miserables, il n'a pas la
franchise d'avouer son tort. Pour ma part je ne Fappro-
cherai pas, et en consequence Faffaire restera dans une cor-
respondance par le mediaire des autres. Ceci comme
Fintroduction.

Hier done Bangya m'avait dit : " Lorody etait venu
plusieurs fois chez lui, et Favait trouve tout-a-Fheure. II

362 APPENDIX.

aurait lui racconte : que la sante du Sultan serait telle qu'il
lui sera difficile de survivre 1'hiver (I.) que son frere Abdul-
Asis n'etant propre a la succession du trone, puisqu'il est
vehement, obscurant, fanatique et ne se laisse pas guider
(du moms non par ceux qui aimeraient de le faire) ; c'est
pourquoi une coalition s'est formee, aim de changer la suc-
cession du trone, et pour 1'assurer au Murad, tils aine du
Sultan. Celui est un enfant faible, epuise, de 12 — 13 ans ;
pendant sa minorite y regnerait une coalition, qui saurait
menager Taffaire de maniere pour continuer de regner meme
plus tard. A ce fin Omer P. et Rescind P. se sont recon-
cilies (II.) et Omer se pacifiera-t-il aussi avec Riza P., a quoi,
sans se prononcer clairement, il parait d'avoir besoin de mon
aide, puisque Riza m'est favorable. Omer me faisait dire
' le temps viendra bien vite, qu'il aura besoin de moi, et il
comptera sur moi, comme je peux compter sur lui a 1'instant
et pour toujours, et que tout le monde le sait'; mais en
verite pour le moment 9a ne vaut 5 para, si merne il n'est
pas d'un avantage negatif. Lorody en outre avait ex-
plique : Abdul- Asis compte un parti puissant parmi le
peuple, et il est k craindre qu'il tenterait avec eux et avec
les Ulemas, qui lui sout devoues, un coup contre le gou-
vernemeut actuel. Outre cela il ha'it Omer, Reschid,
Riza, etc. : et commencait par le fait de les accourcir de
7 — 8 pouces d'en haut. I/on voudrait prevenir la guerre
civile, qui naturellement s'en prendrait fortement aux chre-
tiens et aux francs, avec une revolution du palais, et 1'am-
bassade Anglaise, par 1'egard des chretiens y donnerait son
consentement. Sur Pobservation de Bangya, que Abdul-
Asis enjouisse une saute fleurissante, 1'energie, et un parti
puissant, Lorody repondait : il mourra avant TAbdul-
Medschid."

Ad (I.) j'ajouterai, qu'il y avait trois jours que j'avais
encore vu sa majeste en parfaite sante, et si forte comme
elle peut etre, sans la moindrc trace d'une dissolution pro-
chaine.

Ad (II.) j'observerai, que de fait Reschid P. et Omer P.
se sont reunis chez Kiritly Mchcmet P. ; comme ils y se

APPENDIX. 363

sont conduits, je ne peux savoir, puisque il n'en avait que
des muschirs dans la societe.

La seule chose qui fait naitre en moi des scrupules est
Particle connu et deja vieux du Times, dans lequel fut parle
de la caducite du Sultan, comme si on y voulait preparer
FEurope.

Je ne crois pas a cette histoire, puisque Omer radote
souvent, et voit le monde par la bouteille de scherry;
Lorody et Bangya ne sont pas des homines d'une conduite
suffisamment nette. Cependant je ne peux pas me passer
sans vous participer la nouvelle, toute fraiche comme
elle est.

S'il y a quelque chose dans cette nouvelle, il est bon de
le savoir, s'il n'y en est rien, ces quelques mots serviront a
la characteristique du tableau.

Dans le reste, il y est une calme — avant la tern pete — et
les nuages sont dans la question des Principautes.

Apropos d'Omer, il penche fortement et depuis long
temps vers la Russie. Qu'il n'ait pas sauve Kars, 9a
n'est pas ni sa faute ni son merite, mais qu'il n'ait pas
detruit Moschransky, comme j'avais voulu, 9a est sa
faute.

Un soir j'avais surpris dans le bois de Tschaitschi les
avant-postes Russes, et je massacrais tout le piquet de
Cosaques. Le diable aurait en empeche mes hommes
lorsqu'ils ont vu que moi-meme j'avais donne a un Cosaque du
Don une estocade, qui le faisait tomber de son cheval, apres
avoir 3 fois tire sur moi et apres m'avoir blesse avec un
boulet. En rentrant de mon service, Omer P. m' avait dit :
" ce n'est pas la maniere de faire la guerre, c'est une bou-
cherie; on voit que c'est encore de la Hongrie que vous
aviez de rendre quelque chose aux Cosaques. II faut
etre chevaleresque envers Fennemi ; qui sait si demain il ne
sera pas notre allie?" Ce sont ses propres paroles, que
j'avais extraits de mon journal. Dans une autre occasion
j'avais seulement blesse un sergent de Cosaques et je 1'avais
fait prisonnier, les autres soldats out ete massacres par mes
hommes.

364 APPENDIX.

Je conclus avec la priere d'une prompte et amiealc
reponse ; si je peux etre bon a quelque chose, coramandez
moi. Votre sincere et humble, FERHAD.

HONORABLE AMI, — Je vous envoie la missive ici-jointe par
le ci-devant Lieutenant Keller de Tarmee Hongroise, plus
tard Capitaine dans 1'armee Turque. II s'etait economise
quelque argent, et a quitte le service pour se dedier a Pagri-
culture.

II etait tres brave soldat et est un tres honnete gar9on,
quoique Israelite par sa naissance. II n'est pas revolution-
naire, et je vous garantis qu'il ne fait rien, et qu'il n'agite
pas centre PAutriche.

Son idee est de s'etablir en Bulgarie, et si vous pourriez
lui etre utile a quelque chose aupres du Gouverneur, vous
feriez un bon osuvre ; il desire un terrain inculte, pour y
etablir une economic rurale.

Je crois qu'il y aura des autres qui viendront en Bul-
garie; si quelqu'un sera votre client, les autres le seront
aussi, si meme ils ne seront que par le probleme " que
cclui-la qui s'etablisse, n'est plus dangereux," et Keller ne
Tetait jamais excepte avec son baionette.

Invariable votre, FERHAD.

Je baise les mains a la Baronne.

Letters of General Tiirr to T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P.,
June 19M, 28th, July 9th, 2lst, August 13th, October
2nd, and November 4>th, 1857.

16, Leicester-place, Leicester-square,
London, le 19 Juin, 1857.

MON CHER MONSIEUR, — Ayant re9U une lettre de la
Circassie, vid Constantinople, laquelle me donue la nouvelle
suivantc : —

Les provinces Mochos, Ademi, Bsheduch, Katugnach,
qui ont conclus la paix avec les Russes, parcequ'ils etaient
fatigues dcs atrocites du Naib Emin Pasha, ses sont a present
unis avec Sefcr Pasha, qui a dejk sous ses ordres les pro-

APPENDIX. 365

vinces Netchnats, Adekuma, Csapona, Deniskanarinda To-
nabsa, et Ubuch, et comme Naib Emin Pasha etait force de
quitter la Circassie; la province Abazech a aussijure fidelite
au Prinz Sefer, outre cela les provinces Kabarda et Karatsa
n'attendent que les ordres de Seffer Pasha, — or done Sefer
Pasha a sous ses ordres 180,000 families, chaque famille
donnera un soldat, mais en cas de besoin on pourrait obtenir
par families 3-5 soldats, parcequ'il y a des families qui sont
en nombre de 50 personnes, et generalement on peut compter
12-15 persons par famille. Shamyl a sous ses ordres les
Daghistan et les Tseisains, deux tribus les plus guerriers de
tout le Caucase. Les Russes ont commence les operations
centre Shamyl j le Prince General Bariatinsky est parti de
Tiflis pour etre present dans la guerre — le General Philip-
son, Commandant de Trupes Russes a Ekaterindar, a fait
passer la riviere Kuban par 3-4000 soldats Russes, mais
nous nous avons mis imediatment contre leurs marche 8000
Circassiens, et les Russes ont repasse le fleuve. J'ai vu
plusieurs lettres chez Seffer Pasha, lesquelles etant ecrites par
Lord Ponsomby dans le temps qu'il etait Ambassadeur
Anglais a Constantinople ; je vous enverrais avec la premiere
occasion ces lettres, et vous verrez quelles sortes de promesses
a fait VAngleterre aux Circassiens. Prenant tous 9a en con-
sideration, la question est — Le Gouvernement Anglais et
Turc voient-ils une interet a 1'aider dans cette guerre d'in-
dependence? ou, avec leur insouciance forceront-ils cette
vaillante nation a conclure la paix et 1'amitie avec la Russie ?
Dans le dernier cas FAngleterre,qui devait tres bien savoir que
le Caucase est un veritable boulevart contre la Russie (en
consequence un sauveguarde pour 1'Inde) en Asie ; sans cela
la Russie ne lutterait pas si acharnement pour conquerir la
Circassie, et ne perdrait pas chaqu' annee 20 ou 30,000
soldats dans cette guerre Caucasienne. La Turquie aussi
peut avoir la certitude, que si les Circassiens ses soumettront
a 1'autorite Moskowil il n'auront pas a lutter contre 40,000
Russes, comme dans la derniere guerre en Asie, mais bien
contre 200,000 soldats, des desquels seront au moins 100,000
soldats Circassiens qui se conbateront avec rage contre les

366 APPENDIX.

Turcs qui 1'ont si injustement abandonnes. C'est la tra-
duction litterale de la lettre 16911 de la Circassie ; main-
tenant je vous joigns ici deux articles, qui sont parus dans les
journaux.

Veuillez avoir la complaisance de parler avec le Lord
Palmerston, et daignez dire a son Excellence que je suis
devoue completement a 1'Angleterre, jusqu'a ce point ou
la funeste politique ne touche pas a 1'Autriche. Je pars
demain pour Birmingham et Liverpool, mais je serais de
retour le Lundi soir le 22 Juin. J'ecrirais aujourd-hui a
S. E. Lord Clarendon pour lui demander un passport.

Acceptez, mon cher Monsieur, les sinceres salutations de
votre tout devoue et fidele, ET. TURK.

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

Rose Cottage Hotel, Richmond, le 28 Juin, 1857.

MON CHER MONSIEUR, — Vous avez certainement vu dans
le journaux un depeche telegraphique de la Turquie laquelle
etait con9U comme suit : " Une lettre conpromettant ecrite
par Ferhad Pasha a Mr. Roessler, consul d'Autriche a
Ruschink, etait intercepted ."

Je m'empresse de vous envoyer ici-joint la copie de la
traduction de la dite lettre interceptee ; la lettre etait ecrite en
Allemagne parceque Ferhad Pasha, Baron Stein, fils du celebre
General Stein [dont la famille est entitlement Allemande],
etait en 1848 capitaine Autrichien: il avait quitte les
Autrichiens et avait pris service dans Parmee Hongroise, mais
deja alors il etait soup9onne comme agent secret de 1'Autriche,
et vous savez que dernierement dans 1'expedition Circassienne
il a voulu en toute maniere compromettre le Gouvernement
Turc, mais heureusement il ue pouvait rien prouver ; et nous
autres, quand nous etions demandes par la commission, nous
avons tous simplement repondu que nous n'en savions rien; —
maintenant il est la question, quand je dois retourner en
Turquie. Quelle reponse dois-je donner aux Circassiens? Si je
dis que 1'Angleterre ne veut rien faire, alors je suis sur qu'ils
negocieront la paix avcc la Russie, et cela sera funcstc pour la

APPENDIX. 367

Turquie et pour PAngleterre aussi. Je viendra vous voir
dans deux ou trois jours, parceque ma sante commence a
s'ameliorer.

Veuillez agreer les sinceres homages de votre

Tout devoue, Ex. TURK.

Thomas Buncombe, Esq., M.P.

Hotel de 1'Europe, 15 and 16, Leicester-place,

Leicester-square, London, le 9 Juillet, 1857.

MON CHER MONSIEUR, — Je viens de recevoir la nouvelle
suivante :

Constantinople, le 26 Juin, 1857.

Depuis long temps le Prinz Sefer Pasha avait notifie a
ses sujets que tous les navires pouvaient entrer librement
dans les ports de la Circassie pour y faire du com-
merce, les Russes meme n'etaient pas exclus de jouir de ce
privilege. Une sensible augmentation se fait voir dans le
commerce; plusieurs negociants de Trebisond et meme de
Constantinople, esperant en vertu des droits internationaux
de jouir toute surete, ont etablis des entrepots de mar-
chandises dans differents ports de la Circassie.

L'apparition continuelle de navires dans les ports Cir-
cassiens eveillait un malaise aux voisins Russes, et jaloux
comme ils sont toujours vers chaque pas que les Circassiens
essayent de faire dans la voie du progress, les Russes prirent
la decision de couper court avec eux. Par ordre superieur
fut expedie d' Anapa un bateau de guerre a vapeur pour faire
la tournee de la cote Circassienne. Ce bateau s'etait servi
du stratageme de hisser le pavilion Anglais en s'approchant
au port de Gelindjek. Arrive a la portee du canon, le bateau
prit position et commencait le feu centre les sandals
(barques) qui y se trouverent a Fancorage, et continuait le
feu jusqu'a ce que tous les sandals furent coules au fond.
Apres avoir accompli cette barbare destruction, le bateau
Russe partit pour Soudjuk-Kale, ou sachant qu'il n'y a
aucune force militaire, les Russes debarquerent une com-
pagnie, laquelle ravagait tous les magasins et incendiait
toutes les marchandises qu'ils ne pouvaient emporter. Avant

3G8 APPENDIX.

de quitter le port du Soudjuk-Kale, les Russes avaient brules
tons les sandals, ft 1'exception de quelqucs uns qu'ils prirent
a la remorque avec eux.

Cettc flagrante violation dcs droits internationaux et
1'offense grave commise centre la traite de Paris, qui decla-
rait la neutralite de la Mer Noire, plus encore Pact dc la
piratcrie fait par les Russes, est necessaire de porter a la
conaissance de 1'Europe pour qu'elle juge la gravite d'un tel
fait. II faut esperer que les congres qui vont bientot se
reunir a Paris, etabliront uue loi que a 1'avenir sauvgardera
les interets internationaux et garantira mieux que jusqu'a
present il etait le cas, la libre navigation de la Mcr Noire.

Je viendra vous voir domain, et daiguez agreer les siuceres
salutations

De votre tout devoue et oblige, ET. TURK.

Memorandum.

Les Circassiens resterent independans jusqu'a present,
parce que ils savaient tenir tete a leurs ennemis et maintenir
leur droit et leur liberte. L'Europe entiere conn ait le fait.
Depuis 30 ans, les Russes faisaient des irruptions violentes
dans notre pays, sans aucune raison plausible, et ils furent
la cause que -d'uii cote et de 1'autre, que le sang y coulait k
torrents, sans que les Russes auraient atteints leur but.
Jusqu'a ce qu'il y aura un Circassien, tous les efforts du
pays seront mis a 1'ceuvre, pour la defense de nos droits et de
nos libertes. Les puissances de TEurope qui ne desirent que
la paix, comment peuvent elles regardcr tranquillement les
injustes empietements que la Russie exerce sur la Circassic ?
Que PEuropc jette un coup d'ocil sur cette inutile effusion dc
sang, et pour mettrc fin k cet eternel massacre qu'elle pro-
nonce haut Tindependance de la Circassie, comme elle avait
par la traite de Paris prononcee la neutralisation de la Mer
Noire. En toute confiance sur le traite de Paris, Zan Oghlu
Sefer Giraj avait public une manifesto a ses sujets, par
laquelle 1'entree des ports Circassiens furent ouvertes a tous les
navires etrangers ; cct ordre fut respecte par les Circassiens,

APPENDIX. 369

et produisait deja de bons resultats. Cependant il y a
quelques jours les Russes surprirent les ports de Gelendjik
et Sodjuk-Kale, en se servent d'une ruse, c'est a dire, deux
bateaux a vapeur Russes arborant le pavilion Anglais entre-
rent sans aucune resistance dans les susdits ports, y coule-
rent au fond plusieurs sandals et emporterent des autres,
charges avec du sel. Ce n'est pas tout, leur barbaric allait
plus loin, car ils incendierent a Sodjuk-Kale plusieurs
magasins, dans lesquels, chose regrettable et douloureuse a
dire, il y avait plusieurs enfants et des femmes, qui sont
restes vie times de ^elements furieux.

Au nom du peuple de la Circassie, le congres de Paris
vient d'etre prie de prendre dans cette circonstance une
decision qui soit digne du siecle. Pour la tranquillite du
pays et de 1'Europe, il est necessaire de declarer dans le
congres de Paris Findependance de la Circassie, et par cet
act solenel retablir une nation qui existent depuis des
siecles.

Marseille, le 13 Aout.

MON CHER MONSIEUR, — Je pars aujourd-hui pour Con-
stantinople, je ferai tout mon possible pour retablir ma
sante. Les nouvelles des Indes sont toujours desagreables ; si
ma sante revienne je demanderai immediatement le gouverne-
ment Anglais de me permettre d'aller aux Indes avec
quelques milles braves soldats. C'est domage que S. E. le
Lord Stratford avec une obstination a perdu pour le moment
la suprematie Anglaise a Constantinople ; depuis bien temps
je vous ai dit que Tamitie Autrichienne deviendra funeste
pour TAngleterre. Voila le prologue. Le Caimakin Vogoridis
n'est pas Moldave mais Grec, et naturalise Moldave depuis
12 ans. Or, done on pu voir que toute la nation Moldave
etait hostile a ce gouverneur excepte le Fanariots (le Grec
habitant de Moldavia) . Je ne manquera pas de vous envoyer
toutes les nouvelles interessantes de FOrient. Tachcz de faire
tout votre possible de barrer le chemin de Russes en Caucase.
Si S. E. le Lord Clarendon pourrait me donner une lettre
pour un ministrc Turc, cela me ferait beaucoup de bien.

VOL. II. B B

370 APPENDIX.

Veuillez, mon cher Monsieur, accepter les sinceres salu-
tations

De votre tout devoue, Ex. TURK.

Mon adresse est — Col. E. TURR, Poste Restante, Con-
stantinople (via Marseille).

Constantinople, le 2 Decembre, 1857.

MON CHER MONSIEUR, — J'ai re9U votre lettre du 14 Nov.,
et je vois que vous n'avez pas re9u ma lettre du mois
Septembre; je suis bien fache que cette lettre soit perdue,
parce que je vous y ai donne plusieurs renseignements. Je
vois avec plaisir que votre sante s'est ameliore, et que vous
pourrez prendre la defense de la cause de liberte et justice
dans le Parlement. J'ai ecrit a Turin pour rcmercier a M.
Valerio, et de le prier pour qu'il vous envoie le nombre des
ex. de Neapel et de Rome ; ce pendant son adresse est — Al
Signer L. Valerio, deputato, Nro- 10, Strada Rosa Rossa, a
Torino. Quant a Pattaque Russe a Gelindjek, et qu'ils aient
hisse le drapeau Anglais, tout ceci est vrai, et vous pourrez
citer pour appuyer cette chose que si les Russes n'auront pas
hisses le drapeau Anglais, les Circassiens se seraient pas mis
en etat de defense ; mais voyant le bateau Anglais, il se sont
mis sur la rive et ont applaudis le bateau, et un moment apres
les Russes ont tire, horde et mitraille les Circassiens ; et
autre cela, les Russes ont fait plusieurs attaques sur la cote
Circassienne, et non seulment avec le bateau a vapeur, mais
aussi avec la barque canoniere. Eh bien, comment expliquer cela,
et la traite de Paris ? Mr. Richards viendra chez vous, en il
vous enverra une traduction d'uii document lequel etait
envoye a chaque Gouvcrnement, parti du paix de Paris.

Pour 1'Inde je peux vous dire que j'ai la nouvelle certaine
que le Gouvernement Russe depuis plusieurs annecs a
1'habitude d'envoyer aux Indes des exiles condamnes en
Siberie, pour qu'ils fassent de propagandes Russes parmi cette
population centre les Anglais, ct comme il y a entre les con-
damnes en Siberie plusieurs dej militaires Polonais et Russes
or, done, c'est bien possible que les Indiens soiciit commandes
par des officicrs experts. Sur la frontierc Perse il y a uue

APPENDIX. 371

nation qui se nome Turkoman ; la il y a a present une revo-
lution ; c'est bien possible quelle a ete incitee par les Russes,
parceque le Czar a immediatement offert au Shah de Perse de
lui aider pour etouffer le mouvement des Turkomans, mais
aussi pour recompenser les Russes. Ainsi attrapperons nous
une portion de territoire qui les approchera un pas de plus
vers Tlnde.

La lettre pour Mr. Barklay. Mr. Barklay est ingenieur
en chef du chemin de fer Turc de Kustendgye a Rasova :
entre les directeurs il y a MM. Paget, Wilson, Levy ; un
des ces messieurs est M.P., pour cela je vous ai prie en
cas que vous connaissiez un des ces messieurs de me procurer
une lettre pour Mr. Barklay.

Quant aux finances Turques, ici le Ir. str. a la valeur in-
trinsique 115 piastres, et, a present, unlr. str. est 156 piastres,
or, done, par Ir. str. 31 piastres plus depuis la crise
Europeenne. .

Le Lord Stratford part dans quelques jours pour
1'Angleterre : Paffaire de Principaute n'est pas encore finie ;
cependant je crois que la rappelle du Lord Stratford amenera
une entente entre la France et TAngleterre.

Attendant votre bienveillante reponse, veuillez accepter
les salutations sinceres de votre tout devoue et fidele,

ET. TURK.

Constantinople, le 4 Novembre.

MON CHER MONSIEUR, — N'ayant pas re9U une reponse
a ma lettre que je vous ai ecrit le mois Septembre, je
craigns que votre sante soit toujours alteree ; pour cela je
vous prie de me donner plus tot que possible vos nouvelles.
Vous avez vu que la reunion des Empereurs a eu lieu
comme je vous ai ecrit dans le mois Mai, 1857. L'affaire de
Principaute n'est pas completement arrangee. Apres les
nouvelles telegraphiques, Delhi est heureusement prise ; il
reste a present de finir avec la province d'Oude, ou je crois
que les rebelles se sont rassembles.

Les Russes ont blocques la cote Circassienne, malgre que la
traite de Paris defende toute hostilite dans la Mer Noire ;
et Lord Palmerston a dit dans la Chambre de Communs

372 APPENDIX.

que les Russes pourraient faire des operations militaires
centre les Circassiens ; quant a moi, je crois que Lord
Palmerston aura pu empeche toutes hostilites Russes dans la
Mer Noire contre le Caucase.

Ma sante a commence a s'ameliorer; mais malheureuse-
ment 1'hiver commence, et le froid est tres nuisible a cette
sorte de maladie.

Veuillez accepter, mon cher monsieur, les salutations
sinceres de Votre tout devoue et fidele, ET. TURK.

P.S. — On a commence a construire le chemin de fer de
Kustendji a Rassova. L'ingenieur en chef est Mr. Barklay ;
les directeurs sont MM. Wilson, Price, et Paget. Un de ces
messieurs est M.P. Si par hasard vous connaissez un de ces
messieurs, je vous en supplie de vouloir me faire donner une
lettre de recommandation pour 1'ingenieur Barklay.

D'avance vous remcrciant pour votre bonte,

Votre fidele, TURK.*

* The writer, we presume, is a much better Hungarian than he
is u Frenchman. In several passages we have found it quite impos-
sible to make out his meaning.

THE END.

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The splendid getting up of the work reflects much credit on the house from which
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•• In this magnificent volume we welcome one of the very noblest contributions to
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SEVENTH EDITION. 2 vols. demy 8vo, with Illustrations. 30s.

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and In those graces of style and scholarship which make the information con-
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NEW WORKS— Continued.

MEMOIRS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF

FIELD-MARSHAL VISCOUNT COMBERMERE, G.C.B., &c.
From his Family Papers. By the Right Hon. MARY VISCOUNTESS
COMBERMERE and Capt. W. W. KNOLLTS. 2 7. 8vo, with Portraits. 30s.

" The gallant Stapleton Cotton, Viscount Combermere, was one of those men
who belong to two epochs. He was a soldier, actively engaged, nearly ten years
before the last century came to its troubled close ; and he was among us but as
yesterday, a noble veteran, gloriously laden with years, laurels, and pleasant re-
miniscences. To the last this noble soldier and most perfect gentleman took
cheerful part in the duties and pleasures of life, leaving to an only son an inherit-
ance of a great name, and to a sorrowing widow the task of recording how the
bearer of the name won for it all his greatness. This has been done, evidently as
a labour of love, by Lady Combermere, and she has been efficiently assisted in the
military details by Captain Knollys. Apart from the biographical and professional
details, the volumes, moreover, are full of sketches of persons of importance or
interest who came into connection with Lord Combermere." — Athenseum.

" A welcome and gracefully written memorial of one of the greatest of England's
soldiers, and worthiest of her sons. It is a most interesting work." — Morning Post.

" This biography, abounding hi letters and other unpublished materials, is all
fresh and trustworthy information, as to the life of a man whose career deserved a
record." — Examiner.

A BOOK ABOUT LAWYERS. By J. C. JEAF-

FRESON, Barrister- at-Law, author of ' A Book about Doctors,' <fec.

New, Revised, and Cheaper Edition. 2 vols. post 8vo. 24s.
PRINCIPAL CONTENTS : — The Great Seal, Eoyal Portraits, The Practice of Sealing,
Lords Commissioners, On Damasking, The Kival Seals, Purses of State, A Lady
Keeper, Lawyers hi Arms, The Devil's Own, Lawyers on Horseback, Chan-
cellors' Cavalcades, Ladies in Law Colleges, York House, Powis House,
Lincoln's Inn Fields, The Old Law Quarter, Loves of the Lawyers, The Three
Graces, Rejected Addresses, Brothers in Trouble, Fees to Counsel, Retainers
Special and General, Judicial Corruption, Gifts and Sales, Judicial Salaries,
Costume and Toilet, Millinery, Wigs, Bands and Collars, Bags and Gowns, The
Singing Barrister, Actors at the Bar, Political Lawyers, The Peers, Lawyers in
the House, Legal Education, Inns of Court and Inns of Chancery, Lawyers and
Gentlemen, Law French and Law Latin, Headers and Mootmen, Pupils in
Chambers, Wit of Lawyers, Humorous Stories, Wits in Silk and Punsters in
Ermine, Circniters, Witnesses, Lawyers and Saints, Lawyers in Court and
Society, Attorneys at Law, Westminster Hall, Law and Literature, &c.

" ' A Book about Lawyers ' deserves to be very popular. Mr. Jeaff reson has
accomplished his work in a very creditable manner. He has taken pains to collect
information from persons as well as from books, and he writes with a sense of
keen enjoyment which greatly enhances the reader's pleasure. He introduces us
to Lawyerdom under a variety of phases — we have lawyers in arms, lawyers on
horseback, lawyers in love, and lawyers hi Parliament We are told of their sala-
ries and fees, their wigs and gowns, their jokes and gaieties. We meet them at
home and abroad, hi court, hi chambers, and hi company. In the chapters headed
' Mirth,' the author has gathered together a choice sheaf of anecdotes from the days
of More down to Erskine and Eldon." — Times.

"These volumes will afford pleasure and instruction to all who read them, and
they will increase the reputation which Mr. Jeaffreson has already earned by his
large industry and great ability. We are indebted to him for about seven hundred
pages, all devoted to the history and illustration of legal men and things. It is much
that we can say for a book, that there is not a superfluous page hi it" — Athenseum.

" The success of his ' Book about Doctors ' has induced Mr. Jeaffreson to write
another book — about Lawyers. The subject is attractive. It is a bright string of
anecdotes, skilfully put together, on legal topics-of all sorts, but especially hi illus-
tration of the lives of famous lawyers. Mr. Jeaffreson has not only collected a large
number of good stories, but he has grouped them pleasantly, and tells them well
We need say little to recommend a book that can speak for itself so pleasantly.
No livelier reading is to be found among the new books of the season." —
Examiner.

13, GREAT MAHLBOROUGH STREET.

MESSRS. HURST AND BLACKETT'S
NEW WORKS— Continued.

LIFE IN A FRENCH CHATEAU. By HUBERT

E. H. JERNINOHAM, ESQ. Second Edition. 1 voL post 8vo, with
Illustrations. 10s. 6d. bound.

" Mr. Jerningham's attractive and amusing voiame will bo perused with much
interest" — Morning Post.

"A thoroughly fresh and delightful narrative — valuable, instructive, and enter-
taining."— United Service Magazine,

" A readable, pleasant, and amusing book, in which Mr. Jerningham records hia
life among the denizens of the French Chateau, which extended its courtly hospi-
tality to him, hi a very agreeable and entertaining manner." — Court Journal.

TRAVELS IN FRANCE AND GERMANY IN

1865 AND 1866 : Including a Steam Voyage down the Danube,
and a Ride across the Mountains of European Turkey from Bel-
grade to Montenegro. By Captain SPENCER, author of ' Travels in
Circassia,' &c. 2 vols. 21s.

" This work would at any time be read with pleasure, but at this moment it IB
invested with peculiar interest. There is sufficient of adventure for those who
love that which is exciting ; sketches of wild and beautiful scenes ; glimpses of life,
not only in cities, but in secluded villages, and notes and observations on the social,
moral, and political condition of the countries passed through. The author's
Btyle is lucid and anecdotal, and the range of his book gives scope for much pleas-
ing variety as well as for much useful information." — fust.

ENGLISH TRAVELLERS AND ITALIAN

BRIGANDS : a Narrative of Capture and Captivity. By W. J. C.
MOENB. Second Edition. Revised with Additions. 2 vols., with
Portrait and other Illustrations. 21s.

" Mr. Moens had a bad tune of it among the Italian Brigands. But his misfor-
tunes are now to himself and to his friends a source of no little entertainment, and
we can say for those who listen to his story that we have followed him in his
adventures with pleasure. He tells his tale in a clear and simple style, and with
that confident manliness which is not afraid to be natural" — The Times.

" Mr. Moens has had an experience and an adventure of startling magnitude hi
these prosaic tunes of ours. He has seen what no other Englishman has seen, and
has done what no one else has done, and has written a bright and charming book
as the result." — All the year Round.

" In these volumes, the literary merits of which are numerous, we have the true
story of the capture of Mr. Moens by the brigands. We have no doubt that the
book will be extensively read ; we are quite sure that it will do an immense amount
of good. It lets hi a flood of light upon the dens of these robbers." — Daily Newt.

A WINTER WITH THE SWALLOWS IN

ALGERIA. By MATILDA BETHAM EDWARDS. 8vo, with Illustra-
tions. 15s.

" A pleasant volume ; a genuine, graphic record of a time of thorough enjoy-
ment"— A themeu-n.

" A fresh and fascinating book, full of matter and beauty. It is one of the most
instructive books of travel of the season, and one of the brightest It would be diffi-
cult to overpraise it" — Spectator.

" A bright blithe, picturesque, artistic book, full of colour and sunshine, and
replete with good sense and sound observation. To the enthusiasm of the book a
great portion of its beauty and its attraction are owing, but solid information and
the reality of things hi Algeria are never disguised ha favour of the bright land to
which the author followed the Swallows." — Pott.

TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES OF AN OFFI-
CER'S WIFE IN INDIA, CHINA, AND NEW ZEALAND.
By Mrs. MUTER, Wife of Lieut-Colonel D. D. MUTER, 13th (Prince
Albert's) Light Infantry. 2 vola. 21s.

13, GREAT MABLBOBOUGH STREET.

MESSRS. HURST AND BLACKETT'S
NEW WORKS— Continued.

THE HON. GRANTLEY BERKELEY'S LIFE

AND RECOLLECTIONS. Vols. HI. and IV. completing the
Work. 30s., bound.

Among the other distinguished persons mentioned in these volumes are the
Emperors Alexander, Nicholas, and Napoleon III. ; Kings George IV., Wil-
liam IV., and Leopold L ; Princes Talleyrand, Eaterhazy, Napoleon, Pnckler
Muskau; the Dukes of Sussex, York, Cambridge, Wellington, d'Orleans,
d'Anmale, Brunswick, Manchester, Beaufort, Cleveland, Richmond, Bucking-
ham ; Lords Byron, Melbourne, Lansdowne, Holland, Brougham, Alvanley,
Yarmouth, Petersham, Craven, Salisbury, Devonshire, Ducie, Glasgow, Malmes-
bury, Castlereagh, Breadalbane, &c. Sirs Robert Peel, T. Lawrence, W.
Knighton, George Dashwood, George Warrender, Lumley Skeffington, Bnlwer
Lytton, Count d'Orsay, Count de Horny, the Rev. Sydney Smith, Tom Moore,
Shelley, Thomas Campbell, Beau Brnmmell, Theodore Hook, Leigh Hunt,
W. S. Landor, James and Horace Smith, Jack Musters, Assheton Smith, &c.
Ladies Holland, Jersey, Londonderry, Blessington, Shelley, Lamb, Breadalbane,
Morgan, Mrs. Fitzherbert, Mrs. Jordan, Miss Landon, the Countess Guiccioli, &c

"A book unrivalled in its position hi the range of modem literature." — Times.

" A clever, freespoken man of the world, son of an earl with £70,000 a-year, who
has lived from boyhood the life of a club-man, sportsman, and man of fashion, has
thrown his best stories about himself and his friends, into an anecdotic autobiogra-
phy. Of course it is eminently readable. Mr. Grantley Berkeley writes easily and
welL The book is full of pleasant stories, all told as easily and clearly as if they
were related at a club-window, and all with point of greater or less piquancy." —
Spectator.

LADY ARABELLA STUART'S LIFE AND

LETTERS : including numerous Original and Unpublished Docu-
ments. By ELIZABETH COOPEB. 2 vols., with Portrait. 21s.

" The ' Life and Letters of Lady Arabella Stuart ' is an unusually good specimen
of its class. Miss Cooper has really worked at her subject. She has read a good
deal of MSS, and, what is better still, she has printed a good deal of what she has
read. The book has a real and substantial historical value." — Saturday Review.

"One of the most interesting biographical works recently published. The
memoirs have been arranged by Miss Cooper with much care, diligence, and
judgment" — Post.

IMPRESSIONS OF LIFE AT HOME AND

ABROAD. By Lord EUSTACE CECIL, M.P. 1 vol. 8vo.

" Lord Eustace Cecil has selected from various journeys the points which most
interested him, and has reported them in an unaffected styla The idea is a good
one, and is carried out with success. We are grateful for a good deal of informa-
tion given with unpretending good sense." — Saturday Review.

HISTORIC PICTURES. By A. BAILLIE COCHRANE,

M.P. 2 vols.

" Mr. Baillie Cochrane has published two entertaining volumes of studies from
history. They are lively reading. ' My aim,' he says, ' has been to depict events
generally known in a light and, if possible, a picturesque manner.' Mr. Cochrane
has been quite successful in carrying out this intention. The work is a study of the
more interesting moments of history — what, indeed, the author himself calls it,
' Historic Pictures.' " — Times.

COURT AND SOCIETY FROM ELIZABETH

TO ANNE, Edited from the Papers at Kimbolton, by the DUKE
OF MANCHESTER. Second Edition. 2 vols. 8vo, with Fine Portraits.
"These volumes are sure to excite curiosity. A great deal of interesting matter is
here collected, from sources which are not within everybody's reach," — Times.

13, GREAT MAKLBOROUGH STREET.

MESSES. HUKST AND BLACKETT'S
NEW WORKS— Continued.

A JOURNEY FROM LONDON TO PERSE-

POLIS; including WANDERINGS IN DAGHESTAN, GEORGIA,

ARMENIA, KURDISTAN, MESOPOTAMIA, AND PERSIA.

By J. USSHER, Esq., F.R.G.S. Royal 8vo, with numerous beautiful

Coloured Illustrations. Elegantly bound.

"This is a very interesting narrative. Mr. Ussher is one of the pleasantest com-
panions we have met with for a long time. We have rarely read a book of travels in
which so mnch was seen so rapidly and so easily, and in which the scenery, the
antiquities, and the people impressed the author's mind with such gentlemanly
satisfaction. Mr. Ussher merited his success and this splendid monument of his
travels and pleasant explorations." — Times.

TRAVELS ON HORSEBACK IN MANTCHU

TARTARY: being a Summer's Ride beyond the Great Wall of
China. By GEORGE FLKSOXG, Military Train. 1 vol. royal 8vo,
with Map and 50 Illustrations.

" Mr. Fleming's narrative is a most charming one. He has an untrodden region to
t«ll of, and he photographs it and its people and their ways. Life-like descriptions are
interspersed with personal anecdotes, local legends, and stories of adventure, some of
them revealing no common artistic power."— Spectator.

THE OKAVANGO RIVER: A NARRATIVE

OF TRAVEL, EXPLORATION, AND ADVENTURE. By
C. J. AXDERSSON, Author of " Lake Ngami." 1 vol. Illustrations.

TRAVELS IN THE REGIONS OF THE

AMOOR, AND THE RUSSIAN ACQUISITIONS ON THE CONFINES OF INDIA
AND CHINA. By T. W. ATKINSON, F.G.S., F.R.G.S., Author of
" Oriental and Western Siberia." Dedicated, by permission, to
HER MAJESTY. Royal 8vo, with Map and 83 Illustrations.

A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THIRTEEN

YEARS' SERVICE AMONGST THE WILD TRIBES OF
KHONDISTAN, FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF HUMAN
SACRIFICE. By Major-General JOHN CAMPBELL, C.B. 1 voL 8vo,
with Illustrations.

ADVENTURES AMONGST THE DYAKS OF

BORNEO. By FREDERICK BOYLE, Esq., F.R.G.S. 1 vol. 8vo.

YACHTING ROUND THE WEST OF ENG-
LAND. By the Rev. A. G. L'ESTRANGE, B.A., of Exeter College,
Oxford, R.T.Y.C. 1 vol. 8vo, Illustrated.

ADVENTURES AND RESEARCHES among the

ANDAMAN ISLANDERS. By Dr. MOUAT, F.R.G.S., &c 1 vol.
demy 8vo, with Illustrations.

SPORT AND SPORTSMEN : A Book of Recol-

lections. By CHARLES STRETTON, Esq. 8vo, with Illustrations.

BRIGAND LIFE IN ITALY. By COUNT MAFFEI.

2 vols. 8vo.

13, GREAT MARLBOROUGH STREET.

MESSRS. HURST AND BLACKETT'S
NEW WORKS— Continued.

A LADY'S GLIMPSE OF THE LATE WAR

IN BOHEMIA. By LIZZIE SELINA EDEN. 1 vol. post 8vo, with
Illustrations. 10s. 6d.

" Miss Eden's book will be of great service to those who wish impartially to con-
sider the true aspects of the late war, and will richly repay an attentive perusal.
Nor is it to them alone that this work will be valuable. It is not only useful and
instructive, but it is interesting and amusing. The work is highly creditable to its
authoress." — Saturday Review.

MY PILGRIMAGE TO EASTERN SHRINES.

By ELIZA C. BUSH. 8vo, with Illustrations. 15s.

"This work contains a great deal of interesting matter, and it will be read with
pleasure by all who are interested in the country to which so many devout Chris-
tians have made their pilgrimage." — Observer.

THE BEAUTIFUL IN NATURE AND ART.

By MRS. ELLIS. Author of ' The Women of England,' &c. 1 vol.

crown 8vo, with fine Portrait. 10s. 6d.

" With pleasure her numerous admirers will welcome a new book by the popular
authoress of ' The Women of England.' A very charming volume is this new work
by Mrs. Ellis. Its aim is to assist the young students of art in those studies and
subjects of thought which shall enable them rightly to appreciate and realise that
oft-quoted truth, 'A thing of beauty is a joy for ever.' ' The Truthfulness of Art,"
' The Love of Beauty,' ' The Love of Ornament,' ' Early dawn of Art,' and various
chapters of a kindred nature, are followed by others descriptive of ' Learning to
Draw,' 'Imitation,' ' Light and Shadow,' 'Form,' 'Colour,' 'Lady's Work,' &c. The
work will interest many fair readers." — Sun.

GARIBALDI AT HOME: Notes of a Visit to

Caprera. By SIR CHARLES R. McGmooR, Bart. 8vo. 15s.

MEMOIRS OF QUEEN HORTENSE, MOTHER

OF NAPOLEON III. Cheaper Edition, in 1 vol. 6s.

" A biography of the beautiful and unhappy Queen, more satisfactory than any we
have yet met with." — Daily News.

WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE. By CARDINAL

WISEMAN. 1 vol. 8vo, 5s.

PRISON CHARACTERS DRAWN FROM LIFE.

BY A PRISON MATRON, Author of ' Female Life in Prison.' 2 v. 21s.

"These volumes are interesting and suggestive." — Atheweum.
"The author's quick-witted transcripts of living character are studies that no-
thing can make obsolete or deprive of interest for living men." — Examiner.

RECOLLECTIONS OF A LIFE OF ADVEN-
TURE. By WILLIAM STAMER. 2 vols. with Portrait. 21s.

THE GIRAFFE HUNTERS. By CAPTAIN MAYNE

REID. Author of ' The Rifle Rangers,' &c. 3 vols.

MADONNA MARY. By Mrs. OLIPHANT, Author

of ' Agnes,' &c. 3 vols.

"From first to last ' Madonna Mary ' is written with evenness and vigour, and
overflows with the best qualities of its writer's fancy and humour." — Athenseuin.

TIIE XEW AND POPULAR NOVELS,

PUBLISHED BY HURST & BLACKETT.

OLD SIR DOUGLAS. By the Hon. MRS. NORTON,

Author of ' Lost and Saved,' Ac. SECOND EDITION. 3 vols.

"There is a great deal worth reading In these volumes. The incidents are
powerfully and picturesquely told, and we are especially struck by the conception
of Margaret Carmiehael, who, as a character in which good and evil are blended,
is one of the most natural in the book." — Times.

" ' Old Sir Douglas' is a thoroughly readable and wholesome work of fiction. It
Is a book that will satisfy the expectations of Mrs. Norton's many admirers, and is
worthy of a writer who, having been a personal witness of much that .is most
brilliant in human society, and a sufferer of much that is most sad in human life,
describes with equal candour and vividness the things that she has seen and the
sorrows that she has felt" — Athenamm.

" A graceful and touching story. Gertrude is a beautiful character, admirably
drawn." — Poll Mall Gazette.

" The story of ' Old Sir Douglas' is clearly and consistently worked out, with an
enchaining interest." — Post.

" Mrs. Norton's novel will have a great success. It is sure to be eagerly read
and admired. — Star.

"A work of surpassing interest ; the aim of which is to exalt what is pure and
noble." — John Bull.

" ' Old Sir Douglas' is unquestionably Mrs. Norton's greatest prose work There
can be little doubt that in it she has attained her highest excellence as a writer of
fiction. The tale has the advantage over all her other prose works in vigour of
interest, in profusion of thought and poetry ; and more strikingly still, in variety
and singularity of character. It is a work of the highest order of genius." — Dublin
University Magazine.

GUILD COURT. By GEORGE MAC DONALD, M.A.

Author of ' Alec Forbes,' &c. 3 vols.

EDITH'S MARRIAGE. By ARNOLD HEATH. 3 v.
A HERO'S WORK. By MRS. DUFFUS HARDY.

3 vols. (In Dec.)

LOVE'S SACRIFICE. By MRS. WILLIAM GREY.

3 vols. (In Dec.)

FAIR WOMEN. By MRS. FORRESTER. 3 vols.

"That her fair form may stand and shine—

Make bright our days and light our dreams,
Turning to scorn with lips divine
The falsehood of extremes." — TENNYSON.

SIR TRISTRAM'S WILL. By ALICB KING, Au-

thor of ' Eveline,' &c. Dedicated to CHARLES DICKENS. 3 vols.

" Miss King's new story is thoroughly interesting. It is well written and shows
a great advance in character painting. The wilful girlishness of the heroine is
charmingly blended with her nobler qualities." — Examiner.

A WOMAN'S TRIALS. By GRACE RAMSAY. 3 v.

" A clever, interesting novel Mabel Stanhope is as sweet a character as we
remember to have met with in the world of romance for a long — for a very long —
while." — Attifiiirnni.

" The heroine of this book is a most lovable character, and her extraordinary
trials and heroic endurance of them constitute a tale which we advise all our
readers to procure for themselves. The book is a decided success." — John Hull.

IRENE'S REPENTANCE. By CHRISTIAN EYRE. 2v.

" A very pleasant story. It is well told, and there is a healthy tone throughout
Irene herself is so natural and charming that Mr. Cunningham will be the envy of
all unmarried male readera"— Athetueum.

THE NEW AND POPULAR NOVELS,

PUBLISHED BY HURST & BLACKETT.

THE HUGUENOT FAMILY. By SARAH TYTLER.

Author of ' Citoyenne Jacqueline,' &c. 3 vols.

" The best of Miss Tytler's booka The author of ' The Huguenot Family' is a
writer of true, sweet, and original genius ; and her book is one of permanent value,
the interest of which repeated readings will not exhaust" — Pall Mall Gazette.

" We trust our readers will not miss the chance of taking up these volumes to
read them, for we have no hesitation in characterizing them as at once the warm-
est, richest, and sincerest of recent novels. The story is bright with skilfully-con-
trasted pictures, and full of mellow wisdom. Miss Tytler has in certain passages
called to our mind Tennyson and Browning ; and has, in one or two instances at
least, surpassed the former in truthfulness and breadth of rendering." — Spectator.

" A story of great originality and power. From beginning to end the work is
genuine, wholesome, and great Its verisimilitude is perfect Every character is
full of originality, substance, and vitality."— British Quarterly Review.

TWO MARRIAGES. By the Author of 'John

Halifax, Gentleman,' ' Christian's Mistake,' &c. 2 vols.

" We have no hesitation in affirming the ' Two Marriages' to be hi many respects
the very best book that the author has yet produced. Barely have we read a work
written with so exquisite a delicacy, full of so tender an interest, and conveying so
salutary a lesson.1' — British Quarterly Review.

" All the stories by the author of ' John Halifax' have an excellent moral ; some-
thing tangible, real, and satisfactory." — Pall Mall Gazette.

" The author of ' John Halifax ' cannot help writing gracefully : all her senti-
ments are pure, refined, and womanly. Her English is always good, and her skill
in suggesting the unspoken details of a story, resembles that of the pieces of music
called Songs without Words." — Athenseum.

RAYMOND'S HEROINE. Second Edition. 3 vols.

" ' Baymond's Heroine' is a clever and vigorous work. It is a book which deserves
to be read, and it will be read. The reader will gallop through it with breathless
interest It is a book which will be guilty of causing careful mammas to say to
their daughters — ' My dear, do put down that book and go to bed.' It is very
smoothly and fluently written throughout The scenery of the various incidents
is vividly painted, the conversations are lively, and the plot is carefully and cohe-
rently put together." — Times

" We recommend ' Baymond's Heroine' to those who can appreciate the charms
of a novel throughout which there makes itself unmistakeably manifest the im-
press of generous feeling and of vigorous thought It is also one through which
there runs a vein of humour which at once relieves and heightens its pathos." —
Saturday Review.

THE CURATE'S DISCIPLINE. By MRS. EILOART.

" We recommend this book to the novel-reader. It is better than nine-tenths of
this year's works, and the reader will be pleased with it as the production of a lady
apparently gifted with a good education, good taste, and, what is still more re-
markable, good common sense." — Athenseum.

LESLIE TYRRELL. ByGEORGiANAM.CRAiK. 2 v.

" There are charming traits of character hi this book — much of the portraiture
is perfect The contrast between Leslie Tyrrell and Frank Arnold is drawn with
wonderful skill" — Spectator.

ALEC'S BRIDE. By the Author of < St. Glare's,'

1 Janita's Cross,' &c. 3 vols.

" ' Alec's Bride' is a charming book, and possesses the advantage of being written
in good English." — Athenaeum.

THE SISTERS OF SAINTHILL. By LADY

BLAKE. 3 vols.

" We are rejoiced again to welcome a work of Lady Blake's— one of our most
charming novelists. The present volumes fully sustain her reputation. From
first to last the tale is natural and lifelike, and the interest well sustained through-
out"— John Bull.

% <£spmal |Jatronage of

ajtstir.

Published annually, in One Vol., royal 8t?o, trtiA the Arms beautifully
engraved, handsomely bound, with gilt edges, price 31s. 6d.

CORRECTED BY THE NOBILITY.

THE THIRTY-SIXTH EDITION FOB 1867 IS NOW READY.

LODGE'S PEERAGE AND BARONETAGE is acknowledged to be the most
complete, as well as the most elegant, work of the kind. As an esta-
blished and authentic authority on all questions respecting the family
histories, honours, and connections of the titled aristocracy, no work has
ever stood so high. It is published under the especial patronage of Her
Majesty, and is annually corrected throughout, from the personal com-
munications of the Nobility. It is the only work of its class in which, the
type being kej>t constantly standing, every correction is made in its proper
place to the date of publication, an advantage which gives it supremacy
over all its competitors. Independently of its full and authentic informa-
tion respecting the existing Peers and Baronets of the realm, the most
sedulous attention is given in its pages to the collateral branches of the
various noble families, and the names of many thousand individuals are
introduced, which do not appear in other records of the titled classes. For
its authority, correctness, and facility of arrangement, and the beauty of
its typography and binding, the work is justly entitled to the place it
occupies on the tables of Her Majesty and the Nobility.

LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL CONTENTS.

Historical View of the Peeraga

Parliamentary Roll «.f the House of Lords.

English, Scotch, and Irish Peers, in their
orders of Precedence.

Alphabetical List of Peers of Great Britain
and the United Kingdom, holding supe-
rior rank in the Scotch or Irish Peerage.

Alphabetical list of Scotch and Irish Peers,
holding superior titles in the Peerage of
Great Britain and the United Kingdom.

A Collective list of Peers, in their order of
Precedence.

Table of Precedency among Men.

Table of Precedency among Women.

The Queen and the Royal Family.

Peers of the Blood Royal

The Peerage, alphabetically arranged.

Families of such Extinct Peers as have left
Widows or Issue.

Alphabetical List of the Surnames of all the
PMA

The Archbishops and Bishops of England,
Ireland, and the Colonies.

The Baronetage alphabetically arranged.

Alphabetical List of Surnames assumed by
members of Noble Families.

Alphabetical List of the Second Titles of
Peers, usually borne by their Eldest
Sona

Alphabetical Index to the Daughters of
Dukes, Marquises, and Earls, who, hav-
ing married Commoners, retain the title
of Lady before their own Christian and
their Husband's Surnames.

Alphabetical Index to the Daughters of
Viscounts and Barons, who, having
married Commoners, are styled Honour-
able Mrs. ; and, in case of the husband
being a Baronet or Knight, Honourable
Lady.

Mottoes alphabetically arranged and trans-
lated.

"Lodge's Peerage must supersede all other works of the kind, for two reasons: first, it
is on a better plan ; and secondly, it is better executed. We can safely pronounce it to be
the readiest, the most useful, and exactest of modern works on the subject" — Spectator.
"A work which corrects all errors of former works. It is a most useful publication." — Times.
" A work of great value. It is the most faithful record we possess of the aristo-
cracy of the day." — Pott.

" The best existing, and, we believe, the best possible peerage. It is tho standard
authority on the subject" — Herald.

OP CHEAP EDITIONS OP

POPULAR MODERN WORKS,

ILLUSTRATED BY MILLAIS, HOLMAN HUNT, LEECH, BIEKET FOSTER,

JOHN GILBERT, TENNIEL, &o.
Each in a single volume, elegantly printed, bound, and illustrated, price 6s.

VOL. I.— SAM SLICK'S NATURE AND HUMAN NATURE.

" The first volume of Messrs Hurst and Blackett's Standard Library of Cheap Editions
forms a very good beginning to what will doubtless be a very successful undertaking.
' Nature and Human Nature' is one of the best of Sam Slick's witty and humorous
productions, and is well entitled to the large circulation which it cannot fail to obtain in
its present convenient and cheap shape. The volume combines with the great recom-
mendations of a clear, bold type, and good paper, the lesser, but attractive merits of
being well illustrated and elegantly bound." — Post.

VOL. II.— JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN.

" This is a very good and a very interesting work. It is designed to trace the career
from boyhood to age of a perfect man — a Christian gentleman, and it abounds in incident
both well and highly wrought. Throughout it is conceived in a high spirit, and written
with great ability. This cheap and handsome new edition is worthy to pass freely from
hand to hand as a gift book in many households." — Examiner.

" The new and cheaper edition of this interesting work will doubtless meet with great
success. John Halifax, the hero of this most beautiful story, is no ordinary hero, and
this his history is no ordinary book. It is a full-length portrait of a true gentleman,
one of nature's own nobility. It is also the history of a home, and a thoroughly English
one. The work abounds in incident, and is full of graphic power and true pathos.
It is a book that few will read without becoming wiser and better." — Scotsman.

VOL. III.— THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS.

BY ELIOT WARBURTON.

" Independent of its value as an original narrative, and its useful and interesting
information, this work is remarkable for the colouring power and play of fancy with
which its descriptions are enlivened. Among its greatest and most lasting charms is
its reverent and serious spirit." — Quarterly Review.

" A book calculated to prove more practically useful was never penned than ' The
Crescent and the Cross ' — a work which surpasses all others in its homage for the sub-
lime and its love for the beautiful in those famous regions consecrated to everlasting
immortality in the annals of the prophets, and which no other writer has ever de-
picted with a pencil at once so reverent and so picturesque."— Sun.

VOL. IV.— NATHALIE. BY JULIA KAVANAGH.

" ' Nathalie ' is Miss Kavanagh's best imaginative effort. Its manner is gracious
and attractive. Its matter is ttood. A sentiment, a tenderness, are commanded by
her which are as individual they are elegant." — Athenteum.

VOL. V.— A WOMAN'S THOUGHTS ABOUT WOMEN.

BY THE AUTHOR OF "JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN."
" A book of sound counsel. It is one of the most sensible works of its kind, well-
written, true-hearted, and altogether practical. Whoever wishes to give advice to a
young lady may thank the author for means of doing so."— Examiner.

VOL. VI.— ADAM GRAEME. BY MRS OLIPHANT.

" A story awakening genuine emotions of interest and delight by its admirable pic-
tures of Scottish life and scenery. The author sets before us the essential attributes of
Christian virtue, their deep and silent workings in the heart, and their beautiful mani-
festations in life, with a delicacy, power.aud truth which can hardly be surpassed "—Po»t.

HURST AND BLACKETT'S STANDARD LIBRARY

(CONTINUED).

VOL. VII— SAM SLICK'S WISE SAWS
AND MODERN INSTANCES.

" We have not the slightest intention to criticise this book. Its reputation is made,
and will stand as long as that of Scott's or Bulwer's Novels. The remarkable ori-
ginality of its purpose, and the happy description it affords of American life and man
tiers, still continue the subject or universal admiration.* To say thus much is to
say enough, though we must just mention that the new edition forms a part of Messrs
Hurst and Blackett's Cheap Standard Library, which has included some of the very
best specimens of light literature that ever have been written." — Messenger.

VOL. VIII.— CARDINAL WISEMAN'S RECOLLECTIONS
OF THE LAST FOUR POPES.

" A picturesque book on Rome and its ecclesiastical sovereigns, by an eloquent Ro-
man Catholic. Cardinal Wiseman has treated a special subject with so much geniality,
that his recollections will excite no ill-feeling in those who are most conscientiously op-
posed to every ideaof human infallibility represented in Papal domination."— Athenaeum.

VOL. IX. A LIFE FOR A LIFE.
BY THE AUTHOR OF "JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN."

"In ' A Life for a Life ' the author is fortunate hi a good subject, and has produced
a work of strong effect."— Athenaeum.

VOL. X.— THE OLD COURT SUBURB. BY LEIGH HUNT.

" A delightful book, that will be welcome to all readers, and most welcome to those
who have a love for the best kinds of reading." — Examiner.

" A more agreeable and entertaining book has not been published since Boswell pro-
duced his reminiscences of Johnson. —Observer.

VOL. XI.— MARGARET AND HER BRIDESMAIDS.

"We recommend all who are in search of a fascinating novel to read this work for
themselves. They will find it well worth their while. There are a freshness and ori-
ginality about it quite charming."— Athenaeum.

VOL. XII.— THE OLD JUDGE. BY SAM SLICK.

" The publications included in this Library have all been of good quality ; many give
information while they entertain, and of that class the book before us is a specimen.
The manner in which the Cheap Editions forming the series is produced deserves
especial mention. The paper and print are unexceptionable ; there is a steel engraving
in each volume, and the outsides of them will satisfy the purchaser who likes to see
books in handsome uniform."— Examiner.

VOL. XIII.— DARIEN. BY ELIOT WARBURTON.

" This last production of the author of ' The Crescent and the Cross* has the same
elements of a very wide popularity. It will please its thousands."— Globe.

VOL. XIV.— FAMILY ROMANCE ; OR, DOMESTIC
ANNALS OF THE ARISTOCRACY.

BY SIR BERNARD BURKE, ULSTER KINO OF ARMS.

" It were impossible to praise too highly this most interesting book. It ought to be
found on every drawing-room table. Here you have nearly fifty captivating romances
with the pith of all their interest preserved in undiminished poignancy, and any one
may be read in half an hour."— Standard.

VOL. XV.— THE LAIRD OF NORLAW

BY MRS OLIPHANT.
" The Laird of Norlaw fully sustains the author's high reputation."— Sunday Timtt.

HURST AND BLACKETT'S STANDARD LIBRARY

(CONTINUED).

VOL. XVI.— THE ENGLISHWOMAN IN ITALY.

"We can praise Mrs Gretton's book as interesting, unexaggerated, and full of oppor-
tune instruction."— The Time?.

VOL. XVII.— NOTHING NEW.
BY THE AUTHOR OF "JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN."

" ' Nothing New ' displays all those superior merits which have made ' John Halifax
one of the most popular works of the day." — Post.

VOL. XVIII.— FREER'S LIFE OF JEANNE D'ALBREl.

" Nothing can be more interesting than Miss Freer's story of the life of -Jeanne
D'Albret, and the narrative is as trustworthy as it is attractive."— Post.

VOL. XIX.— THE VALLEY OF A HUNDRED FIRES.

BY THE AUTHOR OF " MARGARET AND HER BRIDESMAIDS."

" We know no novel of the last three or four years to equal this latest production of
the popular authoress of ' Margaret and her Bridesmaids.' If asked to classify it, we
should give it a place between ' John Halifax ' and ' The Caxtons.' "—Herald.

VOL. XX.— THE ROMANCE OF THE FORTTM.

BY PETER BURKE, SEBGEANT AT LAW.

A work of singular interest, which can never fail to charm. The present cheap and
elegant edition includes the true story of the Colleen Bawn." — Illustrated News.

VOL. XXL— ADELE. BY JULIA KAVANAGH.

" 'Addle' is the best work we have read by MissEavanagh; it is a charming story ,
full of delicate character-painting." — Athenaum.

VOL. XXII.— STUDIES FROM LIFE.
BY THE AUTHOR OF "JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN."

" These 'Studies from Life' are remarkable for graphic power and observation. The
book will not diminish the reputation of theaccomplishedauthor." — Saturday Review.

VOL. XXIIL— GRANDMOTHER'S MONEY.

" We commend 'Grandmother's Money' to readers in search of a good novel. Tho
characters are true to human nature, the story is interesting." — Athenaeum.

VOL. XXIV.— A BOOK ABOUT DOCTORS.

BY J. C. JEAFFRESON, ESQ.

" A delightful book."— Athenaeum. " A book to be read and re-read ; fit for the study
as well as the drawing-room table and the circulating library." — Lancet.

VOL. XXV.— NO CHURCH.

"We advise all who have the opportunity to read this book."— Athenceum.

VOL. XXVI.— MISTRESS AND MAID.
BY THE AUTHOR OF "JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN."

" A good wholesome book, gracefully written, and as pleasant to read as it is instruc-
tive."— Athenaeum. "A charming tale charmingly told. — Herald.

VOL. XXVII.— LOST AND SAVED. BY HON. MRS NORTON

" ' Lost and Saved ' will be read with eager interest. It is a vigorous novel." — Time*.
"A novel of rare excellence. It is Mrs Norton's best prose work." — Examiner.

HURST AND BLACKETTS STANDARD LIBRARY

(CONTINUED).

VOL. XXVIII.— IBS MISERABLES. BY VICTOR HUGO.

AUTHORISED COPYRIGHT ENGLISH TRANSLATION.

" The merits. of ' Les Miserables ' do not merely consist in the conception of it as a
whole ; it :iin mi nls, page after pagu, with details of unequalled beauty. In dealing with
all the emotions, doubts, fears, which go to make up our common humanity, M. Victor
liugo has stamped upon every page the hall-mark of genius." — Quarterly Review.

VOL. XXIX.— BARBARA'S HISTORY.

BY AMELIA B. EDWARDS.

"It is not often that we light upon a novel of so much merit and interest as
' Barbara's History.' It is a work conspicuous for taste and literary culture. It is a
very graceful and charming book, with a well-managed story, clearly-cut characters,
ami M-ntiincnls expressed with an exquisite elocution. It is a book which the world
will like. This is higii praise of a work of art, and so we intend it." — Times.

VOL. XXX.— LIFE OF THE REV. EDWARD IRVING.

BY MRS OLIPHANT.

"A good book on a most interesting theme." — Times.

" A truly interesting and most affecting memoir. Irving's Life ought to have a niche
in every gallery of religious biography. There are few lives that will be fuller of in-
struct/ion, interest, and consolation." — Saturday Review.

" .Mrs Oliphant's Life of Irving supplies a long-felt desideratum. It is copious,
earnest, and eloguent. Irving, as a man and as a pastor, is exhibited with many broad,
powerful, and life-like touches, which leave a strong impression." — Edinburgh Review.

VOL. XXXI.— ST OLAVE'S.

" This charming novel is the work of one who possesses a great talent for writing, as
well as experience and knowledge of the world. 'St Glare's ' is the work of an artist.
'Hie whole book is worth reading." — Athenaeum.

VOL. XXXII.— SAM SLICK'S TRAITS OF AMERICAN
HUMOUR.

"Dip where you will into this lottery of fun, you are sure to draw out a prize. Those
racy 'Traits' exhibit most successtully the broad national features of American
humour." — Pott.

VOL. XXXIII.— CHRISTIAN'S MISTAKE.
BY THE AUTHOR OF " JOHN HALIFAX, GENTLEMAN."

" A more charming story, to our taste, has rarely been written. In the compass of
a single volume the writer has hit otf a circle of varied characters all true to nature,
KM she has entangled them in a story which keeps us in suspense till its knot is
happily and gracefully resolved; while, at the same time, a pathetic interest is sus-
tained by an art of which it would be difficult to analyse the secret. It is a choice gift
to be able thus to reude- human nature so truly, to penetrate its depths with such a
searching sagacity, and 'vo illuminate them with a radiance so eminently the writer's
own. Even if tried by the standard of the Archbishop of York, we should expect that
even he would pronounce 'Christian's Mistake ' a novel without a fault."— Times.

VOL. XXXIV.— ALEC FORBES OF HOWGLEN.
BY GEORGE MAC DONALD, M.A.,

" No account of this story would give any idea of the profou nd interest that pervades
the work from the flrst page to the last. '— Atheruewn. " This book is full of good
thought and good writing. Mr Mac Donald reads life and nature like a true poet." —
Mxaminer.

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY

''DA Duncombe, Thomas H*

1 536 .The life and correspondence oft

D9D9 Thomas Slingsby Duncombe

I \>

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