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Full text of "The life and correspondence of Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, late M.P. for Finsbury"

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Birth of the Prince His education Expelled from Rome Joins 
in the Italian revolution of 1831 Escapes to France Visits 
England Retires to Switzerland Writings and studies Fails 
to raise an insurrection at Strasburg Sent to America Re- 
turns to England Becomes intimate with Mr. Buncombe 
Moves in the higher circles of English society Letters of 
Count Walewski and Count Morny The Prince at Eglinton 
Castle and at Bulwer's Cottage, near Fulham The Boulogne 
Expedition The Prince imprisoned in the fortress of Ham 
Literary pursuits Extinction of pauperism Mr. Buncombe 
opens a communication with the captive Letter from him A 
confidential agent sent to Ham Conditions of mutual assistance 
between the Buke of B. and the Prince The prisoner escapes 
from the fortress Secresy Louis Philippe and the Baroness 
Feucheres Bonapartists in Paris Wheels within wheels 
Flight of the King The Prince's visit to Paris Elected a 
member of the National Assembly, and President of the French 
Republic pp. 1 24 




Mr. E. Lytton Bulwer, Chairman of Committee for inquiring into 
the laws affecting dramatic performances Letter of Lord 
Brougham to William IV. Mr. Ewart and the managers of the 
Liverpool theatres Letter from Mr. Bulwer Mr. Duncombe's 
letter to the Right Hon. Spring Rice His reply Opinion of 
Sir James Scarlett respecting Captain Polhill's case The 
Member for Finsbury writes to the Lord Chamberlain Lord 
Charles Fitzroy and Mr. Bunn Mr. Duncombe's resolution in 
favour of the Players carried in the House of Commons The 
restrictions enforced Mr. Duncombe addresses Lord Uxbridge 
Restrictions abandoned Presentation piece of plate Letters 
from Lords Normanby and Mahon Diminution of theatrical 
attraction Lord Donegal's letters to Mr. Duncombe He gives 
up the omnibus-box Regret of his co-renters . pp. 25 43 



Royal Families of Brunswick and England Marriages Arrival in 
England of Prince Charles His English education He is de- 
prived of his tutor and recalled to Brunswick The Prince 
Regent's animosity against his wife's relations Appropriates the 
property of Prince Charles He attains his majority Revolu- 
tion in Brunswick Duke of Brunswick's flight and deposition 

Fails in an attempt to re-enter his Duchy In Paris Failure 
of William IV. and the Duke of Cambridge in the French courts 
of law The Duke in England Consults Mr. Duncombe 
Slanderous attacks One of the Duke's calumniators sent to 
Newgate The Duke's Bill of Complaint in the Court of Chan- 
cery His appeal to the House of Lords Mr. Duncombe's mis- 

. sion to the King of Hanover Letters of Baron de Falcke and 


the Duke of Brunswick His Petition to the House of Commons 
Letter to Mr. Buncombe The Duke's will His valuables. 

pp. 4476 



Secret missions to France Report to Mr. Duncombe on affairs of 
D. B. and L. N. Letter from Count Orsi The President's 
addresses Duke of Brunswick crosses the Channel in a bal- 
loon Letter of Lord Palmerston Frightful struggle in Paris 
The Duke regrets leaving England His valuables Position of 
the President the Duke's horses the Parisians after the coup 
d'etat Difficulty of seeing the Prince The secretary returns 
home State of Europe The President and the Jesuits The 
Duke's references to Mr. Duncombe Letter of Count Orsi on 
the violence of the English press Sensation produced in 
England by the coup d'etat Mr. Duncombe's opinion Lord 
John Russell's dismissal of Lord Palmerston Rumoured cause 
of his unpopularity at Court Negotiations The Duke writes 
to the Journal des Debuts pp. 77 99 



Mr. Duncombe's improved health Proposed as the head of a 
popular party Again returned for Finsbury Lord John 
Russell's Government overthrown Mr. Duncombe ou bribery 
and controverted elections The Carlton Club Our policy in 
the East condemned The Peace Conference Mr. Duncombe's 
interview with Lord Clarendon The Russian war Marriage 
of his brother-in-law Rents Chateau Beaugaillard, near 
Tours Lord Palmerston's letter announcing a conditional 
pardon for the Newport convicts Mr. Duncombe's correspond- 
ence with Lord Palmerston on behalf of the Preston cotton 
spinners His correspondence with the Duke of Newcastle on 


the campaign in the Crimea Lord Clarendon on the Passport 
system Letter of Sir John Tyrrell, Bart., M.P., on the Peace 
Society Meetings in Hyde Park Friendly letter of Lord 
Palmerston, and Mr. Duncombe's judicious reply " Honest 
Tom Buncombe" The letter-carriers Letter from Sir Row- 
land Hill Deputations of working men >4 . . pp.100 128 



Literary Association of the Friends of Poland and Lord Dudley 
Coutts Stuart Insurrection in Hungary Letter of Lord 
Dudley Coutts Stuart Arrival of Kossuth His patriotic ora- 
tions Seizure of warlike stores Mr. Duncombe defends the 
patriot in the House of Commons Letter of Louis Kossuth 
Walter Savage Landor and the Times Colonel Tiirr Mr. 
Duncombe's correspondence with Lord Palmerston relating to 
him TheForeign Office refuses him a passport Lord Clarendon 
to Colonel Tiirr Mr. Duncombe obtains his passport, and the 
Colonel joins Garibaldi Letter from Mr. Edwin James Mar- 
riage of General Tiirr Baron Prochazka's revelations in Hun- 
gary Decline of the public interest in Kossuth Issue of 
spurious Hungarian notes stopped by Government Kossuth 
on English affairs The stolen note Hungarian testimonials to 
Mr. Duncombe Coronation of Francis Joseph as King of 
Hungary pp. 128 161 



A slice off the magnificent reversion Another secret mission 
The Duke attacked with apoplexy foudroyant The President 
and the new treaty of commerce The will The Duke and 
the retrospective clause Horse exercise Fould and Persigny 
The President signs a decree in favour of the Secretary's 


scheme Preparations for the Crimean War The Duke's 
health The camp at Helfaut Iron barracks Mr. Buncombe's 
secretary in great request Ideas on climate Letter of the 
Duke Marshal Vaillant Disaster at the Camp Probable 
destination of the Camp du Nord Conduct of the Emperor and 
the Prince Consort An impromptu engineer The Poles con- 
sidered under a new aspect Reinforcements for the French 
army in the Crimea The greatest men in Europe What is 
Mr. Duncombe's secretary to become ? Charges against the 
Emperor pp. 162190 



The Albert Park Letter of Lord Robert Grosvenor Mr. Dun- 
combe and Mr. Roebuck Correspondence of Lord Brougham 
and Mr. Duncombe Unconditional pardon of Frost, Williams, 
and Jones Contested Election for Finsbury Mr. Duncombe 
at the head of the poll Cost of a seat in Parliament Educa- 
tion Untaught talent Thorogood imprisoned for non-payment 
of Church-rates Mr. Duncombe effects his liberation 
Catholics and Dissenters Letters of Mr. Chisholm Anstey 
Cardinal Wiseman and the establishment hi England of a papal 
hierarchy Mr. Duncombe's moderation His advocacy of the 
Jews The Jews' Bill Report of a Select Committee of the 
House of Commons Another triumphant return Reform 
Sunday trading Letters of Lord Chelmsford . pp. 191 219 



The Italian Liberals Mazzini and u La. Giovine Italia" The 
Sanfedists and the Roman Government Revolutionary move- 
ment Mazzini and the Republic of Rome Mazzini in London 
His letters to Mr. Duncombe The Member for Finsbury a 
member of the society of : the " Friends of Italy" Atrocities 


committed by the Roman and Neapolitan Governments 
Petition to the House of Commons Communications from 
Mazzini Kossuth on Cavour Letters from Sir John Romilly 
and Baron Poerio Kossuth in Italy Treaty of Villafranca 
Notes by Kossuth Garibaldi's conquest of Naples Mr. Edwin 
James at the seat of war Absence of Mazzini Evacuation of 
Venice by the Austrians Republication by Mazzini of his 
Writings Italian unity yet imperfect . . . .pp. 220 250 



Spirit of enterprise very general in England Influences Mr. 
Duncombe Secret information from Portugal Joint-stock 
Wine Company in Paris Railway from Madrid to Lisbon 
Letter to General Bacon Letters of Count d' Or say, and from 
Messrs. Da Costa and Madden on the scheme General Bacon's 
report Iron roads in England The railway king Suit com- 
menced against him Condemned to refund Charge by him 
brought against Members of Parliament of having accepted 
bribes Mr. Buncombe's speech Railway for Ceylon Letters 
from Sir William Molesworth and the Right Honourable H. 
Labouchere Rival speculation Scheme abandoned. 

pp. 251270 



Case of Lieut.-Col. Bradley Mr. Brougham'a account of it in a 
letter to Mr. Duncombe Place, the tailor Want of interest at 
the Horse Guards Career of another soldier of fortune 
Lieut-Col. Lothian Dickson Commissioner at the Cape of Good 
Hope Snubbed by Lord Grey, and deprived of his appoint- 
ment Appointed Lieut. -Col. of the Tower Hamlets Militia 
Dismissed at the complaint of Lord Wilton He appeals to 
Mr. Duncombe Court of Enquiry Case of Dickson v. Wilton 


Letters of Right Honourable S. H. Walpole and T. S. Dun- 
combe Verdict and damages Correspondence between the 
Earl of Derby and Mr. Duncombe Lord Combennere Mr. 
Duncombe presents a petition to the House of Commons Court 
of Enquiry on Lord Wilton Lieut. -Col. Dickson withdraws 
his charges Terms of settlement Mr. Duncombe declines 
further interference Lieut. -Col. Dickson publishes the charges 
sfgainst Lord Wilton . pp. 271 291 



Brief communication from Paris Hostility among the Republicans 
created by the Emperor's restoration of the Pope Attempt at 
Assassination Captain Felix Orsini The French Colonels 
Complaints of M. Persigny to the English Government " Con- 
spiracy to Murder Bill" Mr. Duncombe defends the Emperor 
in the House of Commons An indignant Radical The Duke 
of Brunswick's unrivalled bracelet "L. N. Paris Notes" 
The Jersey Revolutionists and ISHomme Catalogue of the 
Brunswick diamonds The Duke sends for his Will Mr. Dun- 
combe returns it The Duke's valet absconds with diamonds 
Bursting of the bubble Imperial disappointments, pp. 292 310 



Select reading Apposite passage from Churchill Paul Whitehead 
and Defoe Mr. Duncombe attempts verse " Life at Lambton" 
The Duke of Portland and his friends Mr. Duncombe men- 
tioned in verse Frederick Lumley on Gentleman Jockeys 
" L' Allegro Nuovo" Presents the Hertford Literary Institution 
with "Encyclopaedia Britannica" His poetical "Letter from 
George IVth to the Duke of Cumberland" Prose fragments 
Administrations Professions of patriotism Alarm in England 
respecting the intentions of the Emperor of France Mr. Dun- 


combe's imaginary dialogue between Mr. Cobden and the Em- 
peror Writes " The Jews of England, their History and 
Wrongs" Letter of Dr. Adler, Chief Rabbi, and reply 
" Wilt thou forget" Experience in literary composition " Le 
Bon Pays" "Ma Chaumiere" " Le d&ire du Vin" " A 
Madame B " pp. 311334 



Expediency of abolishing the Tower of London Make-believe 
legislation Sir John Trelawney on church rates Letters of 
the Right Hon. W. H. Gladstone Chancellor of the Exchequer 
Mr. Duncombe and the Jews' Bill Letters of Sir F. H. 
Goldsmid, Bart., and Baron Lionel Rothschild Rise of the 
great capitalist Objections of the House of Lords Letters of 
Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Derby Mr. Duncombe's popularity 
with the Jews Medical reform Speech of the member for 
Finsbury Letters of Dr. Mattock and Mr. Lawrence Pro- 
posed letter of Liberal members of the House of Commons to 
Lord Palmerston Abolition of toll-gates Mr. Forster on the 
turnpike question Correspondence of Lord Palmerston and 
Mr. Duncombe, respecting the consul at Savannah Mr. Dun- 
combe's fatal illness pp. 335 354 


Baron Capelle's Notes upon the State of France since 1830, with 
Mr. Duncombe's Commentary pp. 355 356 

Letter of the Due d'Ossuna to Count de Courcy on Mr. Duncombe's 

projected Railway, pp. 357 359 

Letter of Ferhad Pacha pp. 359 362 

Letters of General Tiirr to T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P., June 19th, 
28th, July 9th, 21st, August 13th, October 2nd, and Novem- 
ber 4th, 1857 pp. 362370 







Birth of the Prince -His education Expelled from Rome Joins 
in the Italian revolution of 1831 Escapes to France Visits 
England Retires to Switzerland- 1 Writings and studies Pails 
to raise an insurrection at Strasburg Sent to America Re- 
turns to England Becomes intimate with Mr. Buncombe 
Moves in the higher circles of English Society Letters of 
Count Walewski and Count Morny The Prince at Eglinton 
Castle and at Bulwer's Cottage, near Fulham The Boulogne 
Expedition The Prince imprisoned in the fortress of Ham 
Literary pursuits Extinction of pauperism Mr. Buncombe 
opens a communication with the captive Letter from him A 
confidential agent sent to Ham Conditions of mutual assistance 
between the Buke of B. and the Prince The prisoner escapes 
from the fortress Secresy Louis Philippe and the Baroness 
Feucheres Bonapartists in Paris Wheels within wheels 
Flight of the King The Prince's visits to Paris Elected a 
member of the National Assembly, and President of the French 

Louis BONAPARTE, King of Holland, brother of 
Napoleon I., had three sons by Queen Hortense, 
daughter of Josephine by her first marriage. One 
died in infancy in 1807 ; another survived till March, 



1831 ; the third was born in the Tuileries on the 
20th of April, 1S03, and was christened Charles Louis 
Napoleon. After the restoration of the Bourbons 
Hortense, bearing the travelling name of the Duchess 
de St. Leu, with her son, retired in succession to 
Bavaria, Switzerland, and Rome ; and as though 
to prepare the youth with republican pretensions, 
Prince Louis was placed under the scholastic super- 
intendence of M. Lebas, son of Robespierre's devoted 
adherent, who shot himself rather than survive his 

When Charles X. was expelled by the Parisians, the 
expatriated family assembled at Rome, under the con- 
viction that their turn was coming. Prince Louis so 
conspicuously prepared himself for eventualities, that 
the authorities had him forcibly carried out of the 
Papal dominions. The Prince and his elder brother 
then joined those Italians who were organizing a 
general insurrection. Farini does not allow the 
Bonapartes any prominent share in the Italian revo- 
lution. He states that they were volunteers with- 
out military rank. He calls it a stage revolution, 
and accuses the Provisional Government of en- 
deavouring to propitiate the King of France by con- 
fining the two Princes at Forli, where the elder 
succumbed to an attack of measles, after a few 
days' illness. The Italian historian describes the 
movement somewhat contemptuously, as neither 
displaying energy nor gallantry, generalship nor 
patriotism in short, was so tame an affair that 
it appeared a public merry-making rather than a 
political revolution. Nevertheless the new Pontiff, 
Gregory XVI., was dethroned in Rome, and his 


temporal dominion declared to be at an end for 

With his mother Prince Louis contrived to reach 
the French capital; but Louis Philippe would not 
allow him to remain in France. They then proceeded 
to England, remaining only a few months. 

Whether Mr. Duncombe made the acquaintance of 
the Prince at this first visit, as he was then well ac- 
quainted with Counts Mornayand Walewski, we are not 
certain ; but as he was well known in the fashionable 
world, wherever the son of the Duchess de St. Leu 
presented himself, they were pretty sure to meet. In 
August, 1S31, both mother and son proceeded to 
Areneuberg, in the canton of Thurgovia, where the 
Prince apparently devoted himself to military studies. 
In 1833, he wrote a book about artillery practice, and 
accepted a captaincy in a Bernese regiment. He 
had friends and correspondents in France De Per- 
signy, Lafayette, Carrell, Odillon Barrot, Vaudrez, 
and was eager to turn them to account. He made an 
attempt on the 28th of October, 1836, to create an 
insurrection at Strasburg. With only a couple of 
officers and a few privates he raised the cry of " Vive 
1'Empereur !" But the nation was not ready for such 
an appeal assuredly the garrison were not for he 
was taken prisoner, and after a brief detention shipped 
to America. There, however, he did not long remain. 
The exile declined to remain on the other 
side of the Atlantic. The serious illness of the 
Duchess de St. Leu afforded him a good pretext for 
returning to Europe ; and he once more sought the 

* "The Roman State from 1815 to 1850." Translated from 
the Italian by the Eight Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. I. chap. iv. 

B 2 


convenient retirement of Switzerland. This he was 
presently forced to leave in consequence of the un- 
easiness of Louis Philippe, whose Government had 
already become unpopular. 

He was again amongst his friends in London, 
sunning himself in the bright glances of the Countess 
of Blessington, or enjoying the pleasant fellowship of 
Mr. Buncombe. He was still of opinion that the 
French people were impatient for his advent ; there- 
fore, went to Switzerland that he might be near 
enough to the frontier to take immediate advantage 
of events. The remonstrance of the French Govern- 
ment had induced the cantons to require his with- 

The Prince remained in England nearly two years. It 
is at this period that he is reported to have given him- 
self up to dissipation. All that can be said with 
truth is that, like other young men of rank, he was 
curious to see the different phases of English fashion- 
able life, and enjoyed the diversions of English gen- 
tlemen of good position. Mr. Duncombe met him at 
the race course, as well as in the club-room, but quite 
as frequently at the houses of his friends, Lady Bles- 
sington, Lady Holland, and others. The two ladies 
were rank Bonapartists, and were sure to encourage 
Napoleonic ideas. 

It was the former Moore caught in a dreadful state 
of distress, with a handkerchief before her eyes ; and 
when he inquired the cause of her grief she replied, 
"It is the anniversary of my poor Napoleon's death." 
Lady Holland did not regret the dead emperor quite 
so piteously ; nevertheless, his nephew was sure of a 
cordial reception. Many similar establishments were 


open to the Prince ; and though he still studied hard 
he found plenty of amusement. 

He was the guest of Lord Combermere,* of the Hon. 
Colonel Dawson Darner, and of Lord Alvanley. To 
them he was always social and communicative, smoking 
and conversing deep into the small hours. He made 
no secret then of his aspirations and intentions, but was 
regarded as a dreamer of dreams. He engaged in some 
secret conferences with one or two individuals whose ap- 
pearance some of his English friends thought betrayed 
a strong intimacy with Leicester-square. Their names 
were obscure at this period, however famous they 
became a few years later. One or two were on con- 
fidential terms with Mr. Duncombe, to whom they 
had applied when they wanted any little social service 
rendered to any of their friends ; as in the following : 

Ce Mardi matin, Oct. 21, 1828. 

Vous me pardonnerez, cher Monsieur Duncombe, si je 
prends la liberte de vous importuner, mais j'ose compter sur 
votre complaisance en le cas ci-dessous mentionne. 

Lord Alvanley et plusieurs autres membres avaient promis 
au Comte Lobolewski, premier secretaire de I'Ambassade de 
Russie a Londres, un de mes amis intimes, de le faire 
recevoir membre honoraire du Club de St. James, a la 
premiere reunion. II y a aujourd'hui un comite, et aucun 
de ces messieurs n'est en ville ; je prends done la liberte de 
prier de vouloir bien vous charger de le faire admettre 
aujourd'hui. Vous voudrez bien me pardonnez cette de- 
mande, et agreez d'avance tous mes remerciments. 

Tout a vous, LE CTE. A. WALEWSKI. 

* See an interesting account of the Prince in Lady Comber- 
mere's " Memoirs" of her husband, vol. ii. p. 267. 


Ce Mercredi, AoAt 24, 1830. 

C'est aujourd'hui plus que jamais que je cherirais la 
liberte si elle pouvait m'etre rendue, mon cher ami ; mais 
malheurcusement je ne suis pas maitre de moi pour Jcudi, 
et un engagement anterieur me prive dialler figurer parmi 
ceux qui savent vous apprecier et qui vous rendent justice. 
Croyez done a tous mes regrets et d mon bien sincere 
attachement.. MORNY. 

He was invited to the grand fete at Eglinton 
Castle, intended to revive the institutions of chivalry. 
Everything was provided to insure the success of the 
experiment. There were valiant knights in full 
armour, riding magnificent steeds ; and beautiful 
ladies in the brightest mediaeval array, to do duty as 
the Queen of Beauty and her attendants ; there was 
even a professional fool or jester, in a suit of motley ; 
in short Lord Eglinton provided everything that 
money could procure except fine weather ; and the 
remorseless rain cooled the gallantry of the heroes, 
deluged the finery of their fair spectators, and ex- 
tinguished the jests of the fool. In an interval of 
leisure from the programme, while under shelter, the 
Prince crossed swords with an English knight. It 
has been said that they amused themselves with such 
ardour that they were obliged to be separated. 

One of the parties that Prince Louis Napoleon 
joined while in London assembled at a pretty villa on 
the Thames, near Fulham, then owned by Mr. Edward 
Lytton Bulwer, M.P. There were present the editors of 
the Examiner and the Literary Gazette, Count D'Orsay, 
Messrs. Disraeli, and George Bankes, M.P., with 
several ladies, literary and artistic. It was a dejeuner, 
and a very pleasant one, as have been all the reunions 
arranged by the same talented and amiable host. The 


Prince was taciturn, as usual, and amused himself with 
a row on the river. 

It has been stated that before he quitted 
London for the Boulogne expedition he contrived 
to have interviews with Lord Palmerston and 
Lord Melbourne. The Duke of Wellington, in re- 
lating this on dit, in his own honourable way adds " If 
I can answer for anything where I can know nothing, 
I should say that those ministers had never heard of 
his intentions."* Of course they never had. Had 
either entertained any suspicion of the project he 
were sure not to have admitted him to an audience. 
It is most likely a Paris report, manufactured after 
the event. No member of the Government was likely 
to have been in the Prince's confidence. He professed 
republicanism ; and if he had any Englishman of 
good position in his confidence, that person would 
inevitably have been selected from such politicians. 

It was on the 6th of August, 1840, that Prince Louis, 
attended by between forty and fifty companions, 
landed from a steamer at Boulogne. They proceeded 
to the barracks, but the soldiers not responding to 
his appeal, and the National Guard having been called 
out, they presently retreated to their place of landing. 
A collision, however, took place before they could 
reach the steamer ; they were fired at ; some fell 
mortally wounded, and the rest were arrested. 

Lenity was thought to be thrown away on so de- 
termined an offender ; so the Prince was at once tried 
by his peers, found guilty of conspiracy, and sentenced 
to perpetual imprisonment. He was then consigned 
to the fortress of Ham, to the lodgings formerly 
* " Correspondence of Mr. Raikes," 144. 

8 HAM: 

occupied by Prince Polignac and his colleagues. 
Here he amused his leisure with literary pursuits. 
Among these employments was the drawing out an 
elaborate scheme for the extinction of pauperism, by 
cultivating the waste lands in France. The projector 
touched upon agriculture and industry, taxation, and 
the advance of the funds ; and then went into figures 
to prove that a proper use of two-thirds of the nine 
millions and a hundred and ninety thousand acres of 
uncultivated lands in France might provide employ- 
ment for twenty-five millions of French workmen in 
different agricultural colonies, each of whom should, 
at the end of twenty-three years, realize a profit of 
thirteen millions eight hundred and ninety-one thou- 
sand eight hundred francs. 

The second prisoner of Ham, with whom Mr. 
Duncombe had held communication, was not less 
interesting to him than the former one ; and he often 
compared notes respecting him with the Prince's 
cordial friends at Gore House. It was not easy to 
let the captive know that he had still warm hearts on 
which he could rely; but this was accomplished in 
time. A note was received in the prison, and thus 

answered : 

Ham, 14th August, 1841. 

My life is passed here in a very monotonous manner, 
for the rigours of the authorities are unchanged ; neverthe- 
less I cannot say that I am dull, because I have created for 
myself occupations which interest me. For instance, I am 
writing ' Reflections upon the History of England ;' and 
also I have planted a small garden in the corner of the 
yard in which I am located. But all this fills up the time 
without filling the heart, and sometimes we find it very 
void of sentiment. 


I am very much pleased at what you tell me of the 
good opinion which I have left behind me in England ; but 
I do not share in your hope as to the possibility of soon 
being in that country again ; and indeed, notwithstanding 
all the pleasure I should have in again finding myself there, 
I do not complain in the least of the position to which I 
have brought myself, and to which I am completely 


Another letter from the illustrious prisoner had 
previously been addressed to Lady Blessington ; and 
notwithstanding that both betrayed an extremely 
philosophic spirit, his friends knew him well enough 
to be satisfied that if an escape were practicable, he 
would listen to it with eagerness. Written commu- 
nications on such a subject could not be thought of; 
but a safe medium must be devised before any steps 
for his liberation could be taken. 

The first point to be gained was to get the French 
Government to relax the severity of the prisoner's 
confinement; and with this object, the latter ad- 
dressed to them a moving representation of the hard- 
ships he was made to suffer. He reminded them 
that the ministers of Charles X., when confined in the 
same dilapidated chambers, were not so rigorously 
dealt with, and that his claims by birth to considera- 
tion were higher than theirs had been. Though 
Louis Philippe bore him no affection, he responded to 
the appeal by removing some of the restrictions. The 
Prince's valet was permitted to leave the fortress for 
the neighbouring town. Confidential and secret com- 
munication with the prisoner was now deemed possi- 

* " Portraits Politiques," par M. de Gueronni&re. 


ble, and the object was to seek out some person with 
whom the Prince might communicate through his own 
servant without having recourse to writing. Mr. 
Duncombe soon supplied and prepared a trustworthy 

He had too great a regard for him and the name 
he bore to remain indifferent to his fate. He had 
liberated one illustrious prisoner from those gloomy 
walls ; but it required very different measures to suc- 
ceed in the present instance. Louis Philippe knew 
the value of the proverb, " Safe bind, safe find," and 
possibly suspected that the House of Commons if ap- 
pealed to on the subject would very likely return a 
coroner's-inquest verdict of " Served him right." 

Mr. Duncombe set to work in another way. In 
the first place, he secured the co-operation of the 

wealthy Duke of B , who wanted a Bonaparte to 

assist him to maintain important claims ; and then 
having obtained the sanction of the prisoner to the 
conditions on which his freedom might be obtained, 
sent his own secretary to Ham, with instructions 
to negotiate the following treaty : 

k Ham, 1845. 

Nous C. F. A. G., D. of Bk., nous Prince Napoleon 
Louis Bonaparte, convenons et arretons ce qui suit : 

ART. I. Nous promettons et jurous sur notre honneur 
et sur le St. Evangile de nous aider Tun et 1'autre, nous 
C. D. of Bk. a rentrer en possession du Duche de Bk., et 
a faire s'il se peut de tout I'Allernagne une seule nation unie, 
et a lui donner une constitution adaptee a ses moeurs, & 
ses besoins, et au progres de 1'epoque ; et nous P. N. L. Buo- 
naparte a faire rentrer la France dans le plein excrcice de 
la souverainete nationale dont elle a etc approuvee en 1830, 


BETWEEN D. B. AND P. L. N. 11 

et a la mettre a meme de se prononcer librement sur la 
forme de gouvernement que lui convient de se donner. 

ART. II. Celui d'entre nous qui le premier arriverait au 
pouvoir supreme, sous quelque titre que ce soit, s' engage a 
fournir a Fautre, en armes et en argent, les secours que lui 
sont necessaires pour atteindre le but qu'il se propose ; et de 
plus, a autoriser et faciliter Fenrolement volontaire d'un 
nombre d'hommes suffisant pour ^execution de ce projet. 

ART. III. Tant que durera Fexile qui pese sur nous, 
nous engageons a nous aider reciproquement en toute occa- 
sion, a fin de rentrer en possession des droits politiques qui 
nous ont ete ravis ; et en supposant que Fun de nous pent 
rentrer dans sa patrie, Fautre s'engage a soutenir la cause 
de son allie par tous les moyens possibles. 

ART. IV. Nous engageons en outre a ne jamais pro- 
mettre, faire, et signer aucune renonciation, abdication en 
detriment de nos droits politiques ou civiles; mais, au con- 
traire, a nous consulter et a nous soutenir en frere dans 
toutes les circonstances de notre vie. 

ART. V. Si par la suite et lorsque jouissant de notre 
pleine liberte, nous jugerons convenable d'apporter au pre- 
sent Traite des modifications, dictees soit par notre position 
respective, soit par Finteret commun, nous nous enga- 
geons a les faire d'un commun accord, et a reviser les dispo- 
sitions de cette convention dans tout ce qu'elle contienne 
de defective par suite des circonstances sous lesquelles elle 
a ete faite. Approuve, &c. &c., 

In the presence of G. T. SMITH, 

By this time, years of imprisonment had rolled 
silently on, and the Prince remained a captive. His 
dying father at Florence had implored permission to 
embrace his son, but was denied ; the philosopher of 
the dungeon would not give Louis Philippe the re- 
quired guarantee, and he was kept in durance. It was 
then that Charles Thelin, the valet, and Dr. Conneau, 


the physician, were apprized of a plan for effecting the 
Prince's escape, while the Prince was made aware of 
what was in contemplation, and the conditions on 
which he might be a free man. The strictest confi- 
dence was insisted on : it is but justice to say, that so 
completely was this respected, that in the different 
narratives that were published, not a word was al- 
lowed to suggest that the captive had assistance of 
any kind outside his prison walls, or that any one, 
foreigner or native, had held any secret communica- 
tion with him during his captivity. 

The Prince made his way out of the fortress in the 
dress of a workman carrying a plank, while Dr. 
Conneau procured a figure to rest on the sofa in the 
position of an invalid. 

So well were the governor and the jailors deceived, 
that the prisoner, provided with a Belgian passport, was 
in the railway, proceeding across the frontier from 
Valenciennes, before his escape was discovered ; and on 
May 29, 1846, was safe in London, writing a letter 
to Count St. Aulaire, the ambassador from Louis 
Philippe, giving him the first information of the ad- 
venture. He wrote also to Sir Kobert Peel and Lord 
Aberdeen much to the same effect ; and then went into 
society to receive the congratulations of his friends, 
the warmest coming from him who is believed to 
have planned and carried out his rescue. 

Mr. Duncombe was delighted with the success of 
the plot, and particularly with the concealment of his 
complicity in it. Up to the present time the name 
of none of the real parties to the escape has been suf- 
fered to transpire. 

Louis Philippe has incurred no small amount of 


odium from his acquisitiveness ; to enrich, himself and 
his sons seemed the one object of his life. The 
trickery displayed in the affair of the Spanish mar- 
riages lost him many friends in England ; but the 
most fatal blow to his reputation was his alleged in- 
timacy with the Baroness Feucheres (nee Shaw), an 
Englishwoman, who was mistress of the Duke of 
Bourbon when the latter was found hanging. A will 
was produced that gave the bulk of the property of 
the deceased to the Due d'Aumale; and ugly rumours 
were circulated as to the manner in which the old duke 
met his death. The antecedents of the baroness were 
rather equivocal ; and it was stated that she had been 
induced to hasten the end of the testator when aware 
that he intended altering his will. We are not satis- 
fied with the assertions that have been put forward 
as to the duke's inability to hang himself; neverthe- 
less the case excited strong suspicions of foul play. 

The Prince remained in England, enjoying the 
English life he loved so well, under the auspices of his 
zealous friend, yet far from being an unobservant 
spectator of more interesting proceedings going on on 
the other side of the Channel, of which he had con- 
stant information from his adherents. Louis Philippe 
had imprisoned his physician and his valet : but there 
was in Paris one whom he never thought of molesting, 
because he was never suspected, who was a more busy 
and a more secret conspirator, and had the means of 
getting at state secrets by a key that could open the best- 
secured bureau in the palace of the " citizen king." 

There were other earnest adherents equally active 
in preparing society for an adaptation of Napoleonic 
ideas. Of these, the principal held a conspicuous 


place in the gay world of Paris, was an adept on the 
turf, and seemed to think of nothing beyond the en- 
joyment of the present moment in his favourite 
pursuit. He was reputed to be a near connexion of 
the Prince ; but M. de Morny was considered to be 
so absorbed in horse-flesh as to have less time than 
inclination for politics. The French Government 
does not appear to have suspected him. 

In another circle there existed a Pole, who was 
quite as decided and quite as active a Bonapartist. M. 
Walewski also contrived to keep in the background, 
but added another wheel to the complicated ma- 
chinery that was being secretly put together. In due 
time there were wheels within wheels acting in un- 
suspected localities : everywhere they were going on 
without noise, without display, in the faubourgs, in 
the garrisons, in the theatres, in the churches always 
concealed from observation, always in concert. 

All the while the King, on the brink of a precipice, 
seemed blinded by his own egotism and avarice. He 
would not believe that he was an object of general 
detestation and ridicule. Attempts at assassination 
followed each other in rapid succession, and carica- 
tures were becoming more and more daring ; yet in 
the face of these signs he had the supreme folly to 
cause the remains of the Emperor Napoleon to be 
brought from St. Helena to Paris, stirring up the 
Bonapartist feeling throughout the country, that 
common -sense ought to have told him must be an- 
tagonistic to Bourbon rule. 

In addition to this suicidal policy, he chose to dis- 
play his intense greediness and craft at the expense of 
his only trustworthy ally, while permitting one of his 


sons to publish a braggadocio letter, suggestive of 
invasion and conquest. The indignation in England 
was only exceeded by the general disgust ; and with 
the patriotic feeling thus excited, there was often a 
trace of Napoleonic ideas. 

Mr. Duncombe's friendship for the Prince caused 
him to watch the course of public opinion in both 
countries with more than ordinary interest. That a 
crisis was impending he must have known, as he was 
in confidential communication with the Prince and 
with many of his most attached friends. He must have 
been aware also that the wheels within wheels, whirl- 
ing on secretly in Paris, were accumulating a motive 
power that was ready to act with irresistible force on 
French society ; and seems to have had some trouble 
in restraining the impatience of his friends to make 
the mechanism seen as well as felt. In the latter 
years of his diary the entry "Burnt Letters" fre- 
quently repeated, accounts for the paucity of docu- 
mentary evidence of his close intimacy with the 
Prince at this period ; nevertheless some papers have 
been preserved that will be found sufficiently confirma- 
tory of the fact. 

The decisive emeute that put the Orleans family to 
flight, was regarded by Prince Louis Napoleon's 
anxious friends in England as a golden opportunity. 
He was ready to proceed to the scene of action 
and aid his active adherents by his presence. But 
Paris was at that time a whirlpool where straws 
were coming to the surface only to be sucked down. 
A knot of revolutionists had made themselves masters 
of the situation, and caution was necessary in dealing 
with their imperial prejudices and an excited popula- 


tion that might be induced to repeat " the reign of 
terror." It was essential to his success as a Republic 
had been proclaimed that the Prince should lay aside 
his rank, disavow his motives, conceal his intentions, 
and assume the position of a patriotic citizen. He 
hastened to Paris, and was presently in the whirlpool, 
struggling manfully to make his way to the surface. 

On the 24th of February, 1848, "the king of the 
barricades" was dethroned by the same power that had 
elevated him at the expense of his kinsman, and on 
the 28th M. Louis Bonaparte was merely "one 
Frenchman the more" in the capital, and at once re- 
cognised the Provisional Government "faisait acte 
de bon citoyen." Here, however, he shortly ascer- 
tained, through his agents, that his appearance was 
premature. The revolutionary fever was at its height, 
and there was danger in remaining in such an atmo- 
sphere. Having ascertained this, and communicated 
personally with the most influential of his secret 
agents,* the good citizen judiciously swam out of the 
whirlpool and left the floating straws to their fate. 

He returnad to his friends in London, receiving 
good counsel from one, if not more, enjoying himself 
at Gore House, at the clubs, everywhere. Society 
began to recognise him as a rising star, and to ac- 
knowledge in him the only dissolution of rapidly in- 
creasing European complications caused by the action 
of the Revolutionary Government in Paris. These 
imbeciles were evidently of the same opinion, for 
whilst permitting the banished Bonapartes to return 
to France, they excepted him by name* Of this blun- 

* Temblaire. 


der he was not slow in taking advantage. As an un- 
justly persecuted man, he addressed the National 
Assembly in a letter dated 23rd May, 1848, com- 
plaining and disclaiming with equal effect. The 
document was of course published, and produced as 
much excitement among his enemies as among his 
friends. The latter now more boldly came forward to 
ridicule the democracy and suggest the revival of the 
empire. A proclamation extensively circulated in 
June, thus concluded : 

" Let us place at our head the only man who is 
worthy of us let us place there Louis NAPOLEON. 
Vive I'Umpereur !" 

It was posted generally in the department of the 
Ardennes, no one knew by whom ; other appeals were 
made equally conspicuous in other places ; no one 
could trace their origin. The Republican Govern- 
ment could discover no trace of foreign interference 
and foreign inspiration, and the chief instruments in 
their overthrow were never suspected. Disturbances 
in the capital followed each other in rapid succession, 
and the name of the banished man became a rallying 
cry in every direction. The Prince, again impatient, 
was for heading a conflict, as a decree of the Execu- 
tive Committee on the 1 2th of June declared that the 
law against him should be enforced. Prudent coun- 
sels again prevailed, and he retired once more, ad- 
dressing the President of the Republic by letter, in 
which he intimated that if the people chose to impose 
duties on him, he intended to fulfil them. It was 
published, and the hint it contained at once acted 
upon : several departments simultaneously electing 
him to a seat in the National Assembly, notwith- 



standing the assurance expressed in the document 
that he would rather remain in exile than disturb the 
peace of France. 

The opposition of the imbeciles became so intensi- 
fied at this decisive proof of their decline, especially as 
Paris was one of the places for which the Prince had 
been returned, that again he listened to his trusty 
counsellors. It was obvious that the Republican 
Government were unintentionally playing into his 
hands ; and the longer they continued to oppose his 
election, the more popular he was sure to become. The 
Prince wrote from London, June 15th, with much 
self-denial surrendering, for the tranquillity of France, 
the advantages he had acquired, and professing a 
desire to be permitted to return as the humblest of 
her citizens. This was answered by Corsica electing 
him almost unanimously. The game was seen to be 
his own if he would only wait ; therefore there 
was no difficulty in persuading him to write to 
the President, again announcing his resignation, and 
again expressing sentiments of moderation. As the 
new elections were to take place on the 1 7th of Sep- 
tember, it was evident that nothing would be lost, 
and much might be gained, by permitting the decline 
of Government influence for two or three months. 
On the eve of the election he made public his desire 
to take his seat among the representatives of the 
people. The result was that the Department of the 
Seine gave him 110,752 votes ; and though four other 
departments returned him by large majorities, he 
preferred the first, as he should represent his native 

The republicans in power were furious, but the 


republic was already showing signs of collapse. On 
the 26th of the month, le Ion citoyen was not only in 
Paris, but in the Chamber of the Assembly, where he 
read a speech from the tribune of so conciliatory a 
character, that, notwithstanding an effort made to 
prevent his aspiring to the Presidency, the opinion of 
the Chamber was evidently in his favour. A still more 
violent repressive attempt was made on the 25th of 
October, with a like result. It could scarcely be con- 
cealed from themselves that the Government were 
playing a losing game. 

On the 24th of November, 1848, Prince Louis 
Napoleon issued an .address from Paris to the people 
of France. There are certainly some points in it that 
challenge inquiry, particularly where he assures his 
compatriots that he is not an ambitious man, and that 
at the end of four years he would make it a point of 
honour to leave to his successor the consolidation of a 
republic with liberty untouched. But at this highly 
critical period there was a Bunkum in the old world 
as well as in the new it might be said that there 
were a good many Bunkums but the Bunkum 
Magnum was assuredly the good city of Paris. The 
language of virtuous profession had almost been ex- 
hausted since the expulsion of Charles X. ; and the 
new candidate for the presidency was obliged to frame 
his sentiments to the popular form. Materials for the 
pavement of a certain place remarkable for the warmth 
of its temperature, were not more conspicuous in this 
declaration than in the oratorical extravagances of 
Lamartine, or the ruder appeals of Cavaignac. 

The attractions of the new applicant for the suf- 
frages of a great nation were put forward prominently ; 

c 2 


his name was announced as a symbol of order and 
security, as he stated in his opening sentence. A 
slight reference to the growth of that name would 
have shown that its development as a political power 
was owing to the exercise of physical force, which 
trampled out the republic, and on its ruins laid the 
foundation of the empire. It is quite true that the 
name Napoleon was a symbol of order and security, 
but it was that order and that security which the 
Emperor established not the First Consul. If the 
French people chose to accept the symbol, they were 
bound to put up with the consequences. 

On the 10th of December the Presidential election 
was to take place, and the good citizen at once ex- 
pressed his views and intentions, in the same concili- 
atory spirit that had been so prominent in his 
preceding manifestoes. 

More than five millions and a half of Frenchmen 
voted in his favour. His competitors were completely 
distanced in the race Cavaignac coining in second 
with little more than a quarter of that number of 
votes. The others were comparatively nowhere 
Ledru Rollin obtaining only 371,431 votes, Easpail 
looming in the distance with the insignificant number 
of 36,964 ; while the late President, the most fortu- 
nate of French litterateurs, was just visible with 
17,914 of his greatly diminished admirers. Finally, 
the republican general, Changarnier, tailed off with a 
poor 4687 votes. 

The 20th of December, 1848, was a great day in 
modern French history a memorable day in the 
annals of the National Assembly. M. Marrast, the 
president, in the name of the French people pro- 


claimed Citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, 
by an absolute majority of suffrages, President of the 
French Eepublic. The latter was then seated, dressed 
with a kind of compromise between democratic sim- 
plicity and imperial display. He wore a fashionable 
suit of black, a diamond star, and the grand cordon 
of the Legion of Honour. Like his friend in the 
House of Commons and on the hustings, his personal 
appearance left no doubt as to the value he set upon 
the social pretensions to which he was born. He 
then mounted the tribune, and M. Marrast read to 
him the oath, to remain faithful to the democratic re- 
public. " Je le jure /" he exclaimed, holding up his 
right hand ; then made another conciliatory profession 
of faith, and retired amid unanimous cries of " Vive 
la Republique f" 

In his next address, after taking the oath as Presi- 
dent of the Eepublic, there were necessarily more 
professions. Between the citizen representative and 
their now acknowledged head there could not be any 
difference of opinion he would strengthen democratic 
institutions. He paid a compliment to Cavaignaists, 
conciliated the Red republicans, and satisfied the ' 
moderates and the religious with his concluding sen- 
tence : " With the aid of Grod, we will at least do 
good, if we cannot achieve great things." Of course 
it was all Bunkum. Every Frenchman acquainted 
with the history of the century must have regarded 
such professions as symbolical. 

In the account of an eye-witness* of the sanguinary 
struggle against the military force of the executive 

* Captain Chamier: a "Review of the French Revolution of 
1848." Two vols. 


under Changarnier, nearly contemporary with the 
first appearance of Prince Louis Napoleon in this 
very sensational drama as a member of the National 
Assembly, justice is done to the moderation and good 
sense the Prince displayed in that crisis of terrible in- 
terest; but the writer considers that there was a mystery 
in the supply of money and munitions of war to the 
republicans. Could it be shown that the Prince fur- 
nished the funds, there would then be some difficulty 
in proving whence he got them. If it be suggested 
that another agreement like that entered into at 
Ham had been established for the purpose of placing 
the* liberated prisoner in a position to assist his 
liberator, it must then be accepted that both, who 
equally detested democracy, encouraged the blouses 
only to insure their destruction. There is no evidence 
of such an agreement ; and as the ouvriers had had a 
long time to prepare their movement, they could have 
collected the necessary supplies. 

It is impossible to read a trustworthy report of 
that half-farce half-tragedy, the French revolution of 
1848, without coming to the conclusion that the more 
sensible Parisians, as well as the more sensible French- 
men, were getting tired of democracy, and eagerly 
seized on the name of Napoleon, as drowning men 
in a storm catch at the first solid support that 
floats in their way. The respectability of France had 
suffered enough at the hands of the incompetent ad- 
venturers who had assumed the government of the 
country since the expulsion of the " citizen king." 
Even supposing the Prince again had recourse to his 
wealthy friend, the subsequent prosperity of France 
must be placed among the profits of the investment. 


The lower orders of the population of Paris had 
long been in a state of chronic revolution ; and the 
narrowness of the thoroughfares, and the quickness 
with which a tolerably strong fortification could be 
improvised, combined with a knowledge of the suc- 
cess that had attended former insurrections, gave them 
confidence in their numbers and resources. But they 
now possessed as a ruler the nephew of that Bona- 
parte who had contrived to overthrow a revolution, 
and he soon proved that he could turn the lesson to 
profit. This was the special constable who had been 
sworn in to oppose the London chartists. 

Mr. Duncombe was staying at Sidmouth for the 
benefit of his health during the year 1849. He made 
one journey to London, in June, to consult Dr. 
Latham, but returned in a few days. 

When it became known that Louis Napoleon had 
been elected President of the Republic, he could no 
longer look on passively. A private communication 

apprized him of the position of the Duke of B 

during the excitement that prevailed in the French 
capital, and while despatching a confidential messenger 
to his assistance, he gave him instructions to communi- 
cate with the President. As the person so employed 
was the same who had effected his escape from the 
fortress, there could be no doubt of his reception. He 
bore the following letter : 

Sidmouth, December 21st, 1848. 

MY DEAR PRINCE, I cannot allow my secretary and 
friend, Mr. Smith, to visit Paris for the purpose of having 
the honour of an interview with the President of the French 
nation, without availing myself of this opportunity of offer- 
ing you my sincere congratulations upon your recent tri- 


umphant election, and of wishing you every success and 
happiness in the proud position you are called upon to 

Be assured that at all times I shall as heretofore 
be most happy to forward the interests of one whom 
" a people delighteth to honour." 

Believe me, my dear Prince, yours sincerely, 





Mr. E. Lytton Bulwer, Chairman of Committee for inquiring into 
the laws affecting dramatic performances Letter of Lord 
Brougham to William IV. Mr. Ewart and the managers of the 
Liverpool theatres Letter from Mr. Bulwer Mr. Buncombe's 
letter to the Right Hon. Spring Rice His reply Opinion of 
Sir James Scarlett respecting Captain PolhilTs case The 
member for Finsbury writes to the Lord Chamberlain Lord 
Charles Fitzroy and Mr. Bunn Mr. Buncombe's resolution in 
favour of the Players carried in the House of Commons The 
restrictions enforced Mr. Buncombe addresses Lord Uxbridge 
Restrictions abandoned Presentation piece of plate Letters 
from Lords Normanby and Mahon Biminution of theatrical 
attraction Lord Bonegal's letters to Mr. Buncombe He gives 
up the omnibus-box Regret of his co-renters. 


MR. DUNCOMBE had long established a claim to he 
considered a friend of the drama, and was eager to 
join in any scheme for its advancement. The most 
useful of these was under the direction of Mr. E. L. 
Bulwer, M.P., and was hefore Parliament in the shape 
of a committee, organized for the purpose of inquiring 
into the laws affecting dramatic performances. Mr. 
Bulwer was the chairman. The subject, too, had 
attracted the attention of the highest person in the 
realm, whose enjoyment in theatrical performances 
had been unequivocal ; to him Lord Brougham wrote : 

The Chancellor, with his humble duty to your Majesty, 
begs permission to submit the result of the consideration 


which he has been able to bestow upon the memorial of 
Mr. Arnold, of the patent theatres, of the Haymarket, and 
of Mr. Greville, which your Majesty was graciously pleased 
to direct should be referred to him. 

In order to arrive at a sound conclusion on the subject 
matter of the memorials, and to give satisfaction to the 
parties, as well as to the public, the Chancellor requested 
the assistance of three learned Judges, the Vice Chan- 
cellor, the Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and 
Mr. Justice James Parke. They were pleased to attend 
the hearing, which took place at six several meetings in 
his Honour's court at Lincoln's Inn, and after conferring 
fully with these learned judges, the Chancellor has the 
honour to lay before your Majesty the opinion which he 
has formed, and in which they unanimously concur. 

It was not denied at the hearing by any of the parties, 
that a licence from the Crown is necessary in order to 
authorize the opening of a theatre within the precincts in 
question. Whatever doubts may have ever been entertained 
upon this point, had it been urged, no question was made 
of it by any one. 

The question, how far the patents already granted preclude 
any new grants, whether by way of patent or licence, was 
argued ; but the Chancellor has no doubt whatever on this 
point, nor had any of the learned judges ; and it may be 
taken as quite clear, nor indeed in the end was it much 
disputed on the part of the patent theatres, that your 
Majesty has the entire power by law to make whatever 
changes your Majesty may think fit in the rights already 
granted to those theatres, or to revoke those grants alto- 
gether, or to grant to other parties rights inconsistent with 
those granted to the patent theatres in former times. 

After taking into full consideration the relative position 
of the parties, the claims of individuals connected with the 
patent theatres, the sums of money invested in the concerns 
of all the theatres, and the interests of the public, the 
Chancellor humbly submits to your Majesty, with the con- 
currence of the learned judges, that it may be desirable to 


grant Mr. Arnold an extension of his licence so as to include 
the whole of the months of May and October. 

All which is humbly submitted to your Majesty for your 
royal consideration. 




In Liverpool there had long been two theatres, one 
having a patent, under the management of Mr. Ham- 
mond, and the other, with no patent, having as 
manager Mr. Desmond Raymond. The proprietor of 
each establishment felt aggrieved by his rival, and 
brought their complaints before their member, 
Mr. William Ewart. He here states that he laid 
them before the committee, and refers to the progress 

of the proceedings : 

London, June 13th, 1832. 

SIR, The committee on the laws which regulate the 
drama has met again to-day. 

I have taken this opportunity of representing to Mr. 
Bulwer, the chairman, the case of Messrs. Hammond and 
Raymond, as more precisely stated in your last letter. 

I have also mentioned the willingness of the parties to 
give evidence, their expenses being paid as usual; and I 
have delivered up your letter for the consideration of the 

Mr. Bulwer promises that every attention shall be paid 
to the statement it contains. 

The committee has not yet arrived at that portion of 
their subject which includes the case of the provincial 

I think it probable that the metropolitan theatres will 
occupy them some time longer. 

I shall be glad to communicate anything further which 
is considered of importance to your clients, and remain, Sir, 
Your faithful servant, WM. EWART. 


London, May 28th, 1832. 

SIR, It will afford me great pleasure to present the 
petition of Messrs. Hammond and Raymond, and to support 
its prayer. 

I entirely coincide in their views of the impolicy and 
injustice of the existing laws which regulate, or rather 
which obstruct, the drama. 

They are doubly injurious : to the individuals who con- 
duct our theatres, and to the public who frequent them. 

The time at which petitions are presented is regulated 
by ballot ; and therefore dependent upon chance. 

You may rely, however, on every endeavour on my part 
to present the petition of Messrs. Hammond and Raymond 
before Mr. Bulwer's motion is introduced ; and I will confer 
with Mr. Bulwer on the subject of it. 

I feel much obliged by the kind expressions which you 
use towards me individually, and I remain, Sir, 

Your faithful servant, WM. EWART. 

Mr. Bulwer was influenced by many important 
considerations to make this praiseworthy attempt to 
reform the laws affecting the English drama. It was 
not merely that the best interests of the performer as 
well as of the performance were at stake, but the rights 
of the originator of both. As a dramatist he had no 
ordinary claims to take the lead in establishing the 
value of dramatic composition. The Lady of Lyons 
was, we think, not on the boards at this time ; but 
the author may have waited for a state of things 
better adapted to secure its success when represented. 
There is no doubt, however, that the strong claims of 
the subject were fully recognised by him, and that his 
labours for the advancement both of the art and the 
artist were as zealous as they were disinterested. He 
is here his own witness : 


Matlock, Derbyshire, October 3rd, 1832. 

MY DEAR SIR, I have been in France and at Lincoln 
very busy in both since the date of your letter, which 
must excuse a delay in replying to it. I write now in a 
great hurry, and having mislaid the letter you enclosed to 
me, I must trouble you at once to forward this in answer 
to it. 

My own wish in any Bill on the dramatic question would 
be to render it obligatory on the magistrates in their juris- 
diction, as- it would be on the Chamberlain in his, to license 
any theatre for which the majority of resident householders 
in the town or parish should petition. This will suffice to 
emancipate the provinces -as the metropolis, and mete out 
justice to both. But there will be great difficulty in this 
addition, from the opposing voices of many of the com- 
mittee. What has already been won was no easy matter. 
If I can hope to carry all, I shall try all ; if not, I should 
be unwilling to risk much for the chance of getting more. 

I would advise the parties in question, Messrs. Raymond, 
&c., to petition Parliament at its opening ; to get the peti- 
tion strongly supported. They might also correspond with 
other country managers to the same effect. This will show 
the House that to emancipate London is not sufficient, and 
will give additional strength to my hands. 

As yet the Bill is in abeyance. Not knowing whether I 
shall be in the next Parliament, I cannot presume to pre- 
pare for it. But if I should be in the next Parliament, 
and think it prudent for the general cause to introduce 
regulations for the country managers, I will correspond with 
Messrs. Raymond on the subject. 

Yours in great haste and truth, E. L. BULWER. 

The exertions of Mr. Duncombe were not without 
results. In this instance they were really great and un- 
remitting, as they were in every important case he 
took in hand. He made himself master of the entire 
history of the theatre in England, and particularly of 


the origin and progress of the influence of the Lord 
Chamberlain in restricting performances. Having ac- 
complished this, he wrote to a member of the Govern- 
ment enclosing the opinion of one of the most eminent 
counsel at the bar ; but it does not appear that he 
obtained much encouragement from him. Mr. Ewart's 
note is added : 

The Albany Court-yard, March llth, 1837. 

MY DEAR SIR, According to your request, I enclose you 
Sir James Scarlett's opinion, given in 1833, with a copy of 
the petition. The Killigrew patent, and the twenty-one years' 
licence granted to Messrs. Whitbread and Company, in 
1816, are to be found in the appendix to the Dramatic 
Literature Committee's Report, made in 1832, pages 239 
and 240. The only Act of Parliament that at all bears 
upon the subject is the 10 George II. c. 28, whereby a copy 
of every dramatic entertainment is required to be sent to 
the Lord Chamberlain fourteen days prior to its representa- 
tion, under a penalty of 50/., or a forfeiture of the licence 
or patent ; and there is no other Act whatever specifying 
the days upon which performances are to take place. You 
were quite right when you stated that it has been long tlie 
custom for theatres to close on Wednesdays and Fridays 
in Lent; but this custom has within the last few years 
ceased to exist as regards the minor theatres within the 
Lord Chamberlain's jurisdiction, and has only continued to 
be observed by Drury-lane on account of its having hereto- 
fore suited the lessee's convenience to remain closed upon 
those evenings. I believe I am only expressing the wish of 
the gentlemen connected with the patent theatres, as well as 
of the public at large, when I say that they do not desire 
that theatres should be open on the following days, viz., 
Ash Wednesday, the whole of Passion-week, Christmas- 
eve, and of course Christmas-day. But when we know 
what is going on in every portion of this metropolis upon 
the days now in dispute, all parties consider the restriction 


attempted to be placed upon Drury-lane Theatre a gross 
piece of humbug, and, as I contend, a stretch of power on 
the part of the Lord Chamberlain's department unsanc- 
tioned by law. Permit me also to observe that on last Ash 
Wednesday, a day that I propose all theatres should be 
closed, the Brighton theatre, which is licensed by and under 
exactly the same jurisdiction viz., the Lord Chamberlain 
as the theatres in the city of Westminster, and the Court 
at the time residing at the Pavilion, played Charles the 
Twelfth, The Maid of Switzerland, and The Vampire. If I 
might therefore be allowed to suggest what I think would 
be the best course at present to be pursued, looking at the 
defective state of the law, and taking into consideration 
what has already passed, it would be this, that in the event 
of Drury-lane being opened on Friday next, which in all 
probability it will be, that no one should give themselves 
further concern about it, and the subject be allowed to 
drop. I will not, therefore, trouble you further upon the 
subject, unless Lord John Russell or yourself should wish 
for further information ; in which case, if either you or he 
will communicate your wishes, they shall be immediately 
attended to by My dear sir, yours very faithfully, 



Temple, February 19th, 1833. 

The patents to Killigrew and Davenant, granted in 1662, 
were, about the year 1792, in the possession of the proprie- 
tors of Covent-garden, and Drury-lane was then performing 
under a limited patent, granted for twenty-one years from 
the year 1795, and which would therefore expire in 1816. 
Under an arrangement made in 1792, regulating the Opera- 
house and the two patent theatres, under the sanction of 
King George III. and the late king, then Prince of 
Wales, Killigrew's patent was purchased by Drury-lane 
Company from the Covent-garden proprietary for 20,000/. 
In consequence, however, of some circumstances, not here 
necessary to be detailed, the Drury-lane Company did not 


complete their title to Killigrew's patent till the year 1813. 
See the accompanying Acts of Parliament affecting Drury- 
lane Theatre 50th George III., cap. 214, 52nd George III., 
1st George IV. 

In 1812, the limited patent for twenty-one years from 
1816 (a copy of which also accompanies this case) was ob- 
tained by the Drury-lane Company. This was done because 
the patent granted 23rd George III. had then only a few 
years to run ; and as litigation was then going on as to 
Killigrew's patent, in consequence of which Drury-lane 
Company could not complete their title to it, it was by the 
company deemed necessary therefore to obtain this limited 
patent in order to give confidence to and protect the public, 
from whom they were obtaining subscriptions at this time 
to enable them to rebuild the theatre. 

Subsequently to their doing this, and about the year 
1813, the company completed their title to Killigrew's 
patent; and from that time, therefore, they have had the 
double authority in their possession of Killigrew's patent 
and the last granted limited patent. 

A case formerly laid before counsel as to the powers of 
the Lord Chamberlain is left herewith as a reference to the 
different Acts of Parliament. 

It has been the usage of the two patent theatres to re- 
strict their performances on Wednesdays and Fridays in 
Lent to the representation of oratorios, and to the same 
representations on the anniversary of the martyrdom of 
King Charles. 

In consequence of a theatrical performance having been 
advertised at Drury-lane for the evening of the anniversary 
of King Charles's martyrdom, in the present year, the 
Lord Chamberlain gave a notice prohibiting the perform- 

In consequence of this circumstance, a Captain Polhill, 
the lessee of Drury-lane, is desirous of being advised 
Whether the Lord Chamberlain has any power to interdict 
dramatic performances on the nights of the days mentioned, 
and what his powers are, having reference to both patents, 


in case Captain Polhill should perform on any of the nights 


Temple, 19th Feb., 1833. 

I find nothing in the patents to restrain the authority 
of the patentees upon the subject, nor am I aware of any 
Act of Parliament that relates to it. The usage has been 
very long, and it is possible that some general words may be 
found in some Act of Parliament for the observance of these 
days which may support the usage ; but unless the statute 
is suggested to me, I have not time within the period when 
this case is required to look for it. J. SCARLETT. 

MY DEAR SIR, I delivered your letter, together with the 
case and opinion enclosed, to Lord John Russell and to 
other members of the Government, and it was their opinion 
that if the parties interested in Drury-lane Theatre were to 
perform on Wednesday or Friday, they would expose them- 
selves to all the penal consequences of persons playing 
without licence. How far this might affect them, or even 
the patent, I do not venture to inquire. I return the case 
and opinion. Yours very truly, my dear sir, 

T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P. T. SPRING RICE. 

Committee-room, House of Commons, June 12th, 1833. 

DEAR SIR, I am sorry to inform you that it will not, I 
fear, be possible to extend Mr. Bulwer's Dramatic Perform- 
ances Bill beyond the limits which he has already prescribed 
for it. I have thought it my duty to move for a general 
extension of the bill to the provinces in the committee (on 
the bill) in which I am now writing. On a division, the 
general opinion of the members of the committee was 
against further extension without further inquiry. They 
considered that evidence, both on the part of the proprie- 
tors of patent theatres and of minor theatres in the pro- 
vinces, should be heard, before the power suggested in your 
amendment is conferred on the chief magistrate of the 
provincial towns. Another objection was taken on the 



ground of the projected change in our existing corporations, 
and the projected establishment of new ones in towns where 
no corporation exists at present. 

I am disposed to think (as it is clear that we cannot 
now carry our point) that a motion should be made for a 
select committee to inquire into the state of the provincial 
theatres. On this point I shall be happy to hear from you, 
and remain, dear sir, Your faithful servant, 


At the commencement of the session of 1837, Mr. 
Duncombe brought forward his bill for the regulation 
of theatres. It was to amend an Act that explained 
and amended another Act for reducing the laws relating 
to rogues, vagabonds, sturdy beggars, and vagrants 
into one Act ; and it provided that the Lord Chamber- 
lain's preventive authority should be restricted to 
Sunday, Christmas-day, Good Friday, and Passion 
week. As it was not permitted to pass, it did not 
settle the vexed question. 

The Lord Chamberlain on the 2nd of March pro- 
hibited the new play of Fair Rosamond in Lent. 
This produced the following intimation : 

The Albany Court-yard, Monday Morning, 
March 6th, 1837. 

MY DEAR CONYNGHAM, The enclosed copy of the Drury 
Lane petition has only just reached me, or I would have 
sent it to you sooner, in order that yourself and your de- 
partment might be put in possession of the grounds of the 
lessee's complaint, &c. Under these circumstances perhaps 
it would be more convenient to Lord C. Fitzroy if I post- 
poned the presentation of it until Friday, within which time, 
perhaps, some arrangement may be made that will preclude 
the necessity of its being presented at all. Anything that 
I can do for peace I shall be most happy. And believe me 
Yours most truly, THOMAS S. DUNCOMBE. 


The Vice-Chamberlain now came forward. The 
manager of Drury Lane had announced the per- 
formances of Italian operas, and the Lord Cham- 
berlain would not permit them. The following cor- 
respondence ensued : 

Lord Chamberlain's Office, May 13th, 1837. 

The Vice-Chamberlain having been informed that, not- 
withstanding his letters of the llth instant, Mr. Bunn 
perseveres in advertising the performance of Zingarelli's 
opera of Romeo e Giulietta for Wednesday, 17th instant, 
requests to know whether the continued advertisement of 
that performance at Drury Lane Theatre may not be a 

T. R. D. L., May 13th, 1837. 

MR. BUNN, in reply to the Vice- Chamberlain's letter of 
this day, begs to state that he has deemed it of sufficient 
importance, in so unprecedented a case as the suspension of 
the power of a Royal Patent, to memorialize his most 
gracious Majesty, and that the announcement of Romeo e 
Giulietta will be continued until his Majesty's final pleasure 
shall be known. 

Lord Chamberlain's Office, May 14th, 1837. 

SIR, I have it in command, in answer to your memorial 
for permission to perform Italian operas at Drury Lane 
Theatre, to refer you to my letter of the llth instant; and 
agreeable to the directions contained in that letter you will 
be pleased to conform. 

I have likewise to inform you that the Lord Chamber- 
lain's Office is the proper channel of communication with 
his Majesty on the subject of theatrical representations. 

I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

CHARLES FITZROY, Vice-Chamberlain. 
A. Bunn, Esq. 

Mr. Duncombe displayed the interest he felt in the 
drama by moving in the House of Commons on the 

D 2 


1st of March, 1839, the following resolution : " That 
it is the opinion of this House that, during Lent, no 
greater restrictions should be placed upon theatrical 
entertainments within the city of Westminster than 
are placed upon the like amusements at the same 
period in every other part of the metropolis." It was 
put to the vote and carried by a majority of twenty. 
This was a great boon to members of the profession 
engaged at the principal theatres, who had annually 
been deprived of their salaries on Wednesdays and 
Fridays during the entire term. The spirited manner 
in which he had overthrown a long-lived prejudice 
gained him golden opinions from the Liberal press ; 
and Lord John Eussell, who had quoted episcopal 
authority for maintaining the custom for depriving 
actors of a third of their salaries, was sharply 

The Lord Chamberlain was determined not to 
allow his authority to be set at rest ; and again in 
1839 a correspondence took place on the subject 
between the lessee and another of the Lord Cham- 
berlain's officials. The latter asserted that " her 
Majesty's Ministers had decided that, until further 
instructions to the contrary are issued, no other 
than the usual performance of oratorios can be 
sanctioned in Lent." It was quite in vain for 
Mr. Bunn to state in his reply, that he could not 
without heavy loss comply with the pleasure of her 
Majesty's Ministers. 

Another year promised another warfare between the 
contending powers ; but in the first month the 
manager of the English Opera House thus addressed 
the member for Finsbury : 


31, Golden-square, 31st Jan., 1840. 

SIR, It is with extreme regret I am induced to intrude 
on your privacy at such a moment on a matter of business ; 
but as the subject affects the interests of so many indivi- 
duals, I trust I shall stand excused in so doing. On apply- 
ing to the Lord Chamberlain's office, I have reason to believe 
it is the intention of Lord Uxbridge to prevent the prome- 
nade concerts at the English Opera House, as well as the 
performances at the other theatres under his jurisdiction, to 
take place during the Wednesday and Friday nights in 

As such a prohibition appears to me totally opposed to 
the understanding which took place in the House last ses- 
sion upon the discussion introduced by you, I am led to 
hope it may not be too late to prevent it. I therefore, as 
the period is drawing so near, with extreme reluctance 
trouble you on the subject, to know if it is probable that 
you will be enabled to bring the question again before the 
House with reference to the approaching Lent; and to 
request, should you be precluded from so doing, that you 
will kindly furnish me, if you can do so without incon- 
venience, with the day of the month on which you introduced 
the subject to the House. 

Your most obedient servant, A. S. ARNOLD. 

On the 9th of April, 1840, Mr. Buncombe addressed 
the House on the presentation of a petition signed by 
1400 gentlemen, who had been in the habit of taking 
their families to hear an astronomical lecture delivered 
at the Opera House during Lent, in Passion week, &c., 
which entertainment had been prohibited. He de- 
scribed the number of performances in the shape of 
oratorios, ventriloquism, Shakspeare readings, and 
orreries, that had been open to the public in Passion 
week ; in the face of which, he said, to stop an illus- 
tration of the wisdom of the Creator, such as the 


lecture offered, was nonsensical. Mr. Fox Maule 
and Lord Kobert Grosvenor opposed ; nevertheless, in 
a division, Mr. Duncombe was again in a majority, 
for his motion for an address to Her Majesty, to 
oblige the Lord Chamberlain to withdraw his prohi- 
bition was supported by 73 members; there being 
but 49 against it. He now, determined to bring 
the matter to a satisfactory issue, addressed himself 
to another influential quarter, with what result will 
be seen in his reply : 

The Albany, Feb. 4th, 1840. 

MY LORD, The numerous and respectable applications 
that have recently been made to me in consequence of the 
part I took in the House of Commons duriDg the last session 
of Parliament upon the subject of theatrical performances 
in Lent, will, I hope, be a sufficient apology for my troubling 
your Lordship upon the present occasion. 

It is stated to me, that although it was universally under- 
stood and agreed to last year, " that no greater restrictions 
ought to be placed upon theatrical entertainments during Lent 
within the city of Westminster than are placed upon the like 
amusements at the same period in any other part of the 
metropolis," yet it is apprehended that no alteration will 
take place this year. 

I have uniformly represented to parties expressing such 
fears to me that I felt confident their apprehensions were 

Your Lordship would, however, confer a great favour 
upon those who originally did me the honour to place their 
cause in my hands, if your Lordship would, at your earliest 
convenience, inform me if I am correct in the conclusion 
to which I have come, in order that all doubts and misun- 
derstandings upon this subject may be immediately removed. 
I have the honour to be, 

Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, 


The Earl of Uxbridge. 


Windsor Castle, Feb. 13th, 1840. 

DEAR DUNCOMBE, I send you the formal reply which 
you are anxious to have, and hope it is what you want. 
In haste. Faithfully yours, UXBRIDGE. 

Windsor Castle, Feb. 13th, 1840. 

SIR, In answer to your letter which I had the honour 
of receiving last week, on the subject of the theatres being 
closed during Lent, I beg to inform you that I have sent 
letters to the managers, stating that it will only be neces- 
sary to close them during Passion week and on Ash Wed- 

I have the honour to be, 

Your obedient servant, UXBRIDGE. 

Mr. Duncombe took the chair at the Shaksperian 
Club Festival, held at Her Majesty's Theatre on the 
23rd of March, 1841, when he was supported by 
many distinguished patrons of the drama. His suc- 
cessful efforts in behalf of the theatrical profession 
were gratefully acknowledged. They subscribed for 
a handsome piece of plate. On the 4th of March, 
1841, a deputation, including Sheridan Knowles, 
Benjamin Webster, James Wallack, and Frederick 
Vining, members of the Haymarket company, waited 
upon Mr. Duncombe, and presented him with a silver 
cup, cover, and salver, beautifully chased, with his 
armorial bearings engraved on one side, and an appro- 
priate inscription on the other. Sheridan Knowles 
made an eloquent speech on the occasion, and Mr. 
Duncombe an effective reply. 

We complete the correspondence with a few notes 
from persons who were prominent in the proceedings 
that had taken place on behalf of the drama : 


Mulgrave Castle, 19th October, 1841. 

SIR, I have received your letter of the 16th instant, and 
regret to learn that there is any difficulty as to granting a 
patent for a second theatre in Liverpool a measure which 
I had consented to recommend after considerable inquiry. 
It is, however, impossible for me to do anything in the 
matter; and I can only suggest that you should address 
Sir James Graham on the subject, representing the 
expense which you state you have incurred, under the 
impression that the patent was to be granted, and the loss 
you will sustain if it should be now determined to withhold 
it. I am, sir, your most obedient servant, 


Grosvenor-place, December 13th, 1842. 

LORD MAHON presents his compliments to Mr. Raymond, 
and begs to inform him that he has no intention at this 
time, or for the approaching session, to introduce a bill for 
the regulation of the drama. Nothing can be more de- 
fective than the present state of the law, but it involves so 
many and such complicated interests, that Lord Mahon has 
some doubts whether an effort for its reformation will be 
successfully made, except on the part of Her Majesty's 

Queen's Elm, February 22, 1843. 

MY DEAR SIR, Our petition is printed, and Lord 
Mahon presents it. A word from Mr. Duncombe to his 
lordship would effect your purpose. 

The petition of the dramatic authors prays " The repeal 
of the Act of George the Second, and to place all the 
theatres on a fair and legitimate footing; to prohibit 
theatrical performances in the taverns ; and to place all thea- 
tres under a censorship, so increasing their respectability. " 

There is also a petition from another party, numerously 
signed, leading to the same object. 

I am, dear sir, yours very truly, B. B. PEAKE.* 

* The well-known dramatist. 


5, Bow Hill Terrace, North Brixton, Feb. 20th, 1843. 

SIR, Permit me to say that within the last few days the 
proprietors of the Theatre Royal, Liverpool, have issued a 
writ against Mrs. Honey for seven performances at the 
Liver. Theatre, to the amount of 350^., in addition to a 
former 5QL penalty, from which she has appealed. This has 
frightened her so much that her attorney has advised her to 
present a petition to the House from herself alone, in addi- 
tion to the general one. Mr. Watson (I think member for 
Kinsale) has kindly undertaken to present it. / am advised 
to get Mr. Ewart to present one from me individually ; Mr. 
Buckstone in the same way ; and we are further advised to 
have them all presented on the same evening, and together, 
if possibly convenient to the members who have kindly 
undertaken to assist us. My legal adviser in Liverpool 
thinks it desirable to have the general petition sent up so 
as to lose no time, for the actions will be tried at the 
assizes in Liverpool next month. I will do myself the 
honour to wait upon you to-morrow, when perhaps it may 
be convenient to you to name an evening that may be most 
desirable for the presentation of the petition. I could then 
name it to the other honourable members. 

I have the honour to be, your very obedient servant, 

T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P. 

During this long period, Mr. Duncombe's experi- 
ence of the drama as a looker-on had permitted him 
to see singular changes in some of the dramatis per- 
sona. Blooming figurantes had become hobbling 
grandmothers, and flying fairies sedate matrons. The 
new dramatic generation had either less attraction 
than their predecessors, or he had become indifferent. 
He had long ceased to go behind the scenes ; he 
seemed to have forgotten his way to the Green-room. 

The English theatres found him becoming a rare 
visitant, and the Italian Opera no longer possessed 


the charm that had drawn him nightly to his box. In 
the season of 1846 a vacancy occurred in the omnibus- 
box, and, as will be seen from the accompanying note, 
a member of the royal family particularly partial to 
the lyrical drama and the ballet, sought admission into 
the select circle : 

Lowndes-street, Feb. 27th, 1846. 

DEAR SIR, I beg to acquaint you that his Royal 
Highness Prince George of Cambridge has expressed his 
desire to fill the vacancy in the box occasioned by the 
resignation of Lord Charleville, and that having consulted 
with Lord A. Fitzclarence, Col. Wildman, Hon. J. Mac- 
donald, and G. Wombwell, Esq., &c., they consider 
it right that his Royal Highness should be at once ad- 
mitted without being subject to a ballot. 

I have the honour to remain yours, 


At last, Mr. Duncombe's ill health necessitated a 
surrender of the most prized of his social gratifications. 
He gave up his nightly attendance at the theatre a' 
serious deprivation to him, in consequence of his deep 
interest in the drama, and the gratification he had 
for a long course of years been in the habit of enjoying 
in theatrical entertainments. It was also with sincere 
regret that he surrendered his seat in the opera-box, 
in which he had continued " the observed of all ob- 
servers" for so many seasons. The regret of his 
friends at this proceeding was evidently as genuine as 
his own. The Marquis of Donegal again writes : 

Lowndes-street, Sunday. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, I cannot tell you how truly and 
sincerely grieved I was to receive your note giving so un- 
favourable an account of your health, and expressing the 
determination it has imposed upon you of no longer be- 


longing to our box. If it be a consolation to you, I am 
confident that I speak the sentiments of every member of 
it when I say that they one and all deeply lament the retire- 
ment of one with whom they have been so long associated, 
have passed so many happy and agreeable days, and whose 
loss they never can replace. For myself, my dear Tommy, 
I can only say that from my earliest intimacy with you, I 
have never had but the feeling of sincere friendship, and 
as far as in my power lay, I ever strived to prove it. 
If for a moment that feeling received a check, I regret it ; 
I did all I could to repair it, and I hope and trust that it 
is long since forgotten. Sincerely do I hope that you may 
derive benefit from the mild air of Devonshire ; and God 
grant that you may return to your duties in the spring as 
fresh and strong in health as I can wish you. I will with 
pleasure write to you all the news I can collect, and shall 
experience real and sincere gratification in so doing if 1 
can for a moment contribute to your amusement. 

Adieu, my dear Tommy, and believe me ever yours truly, 





Royal Families of Brunswick and England Marriages Arrival in 
England of Prince Charles His English education He is de- 
prived of his tutor and recalled to Brunswick The Prince 
Regent's animosity against his wife's relations Appropriates the 
property of Prince Charles He attains his majority Revolu- 
tion in Brunswick Duke of Brunswick's flight and deposition 
Fails in an attempt to re-enter his Duchy In Paris Failure of 
William IV. and the Duke of Cambridge in the French courts 
of law The Duke in England Consults Mr. Duncombe 
Slanderous attacks One of the Duke's calumniators sent to 
Newgate The Duke's Bill of Complaint in the Court of Chan- 
cery His appeal to the House of Lords Mr. Duncombe's mis- 
sion to the King of Hanover Letters of Baron de Falcke and the 
Duke of Brunswick His Petition to the House of Commons 
Letter to Mr. Duncombe The Duke's will His valuables. 

THE relations of the Koyal Family at Brunswick 
with that of England were rendered closer by two ma- 
trimonial alliances one, that of the Princess Augusta, 
the youngest daughter of Frederick Prince of Wales, 
father of George III., with Charles William Fer- 
dinand, Duke of Brunswick,* whose second son (the 

* On Princess Augusta, eldest sister of George III., being mar- 
ried to the Duke of Brunswick : " Be it enacted, &c., by authority 
of same : That his said Highness, Charles William Ferdinand, Here- 
ditary Prince of Brunswick and Luneburg, be to all intents and pur- 
poses whatsoever deemed, taken, and esteemed a natural-born 
subject within this realm, any law, statute, matter, or thing what- 
soever to the contrary notwithstanding." 4 Geo. III. c. 5, 1764. 


first had died without issue) was killed at Quatre 
Bras ; and that of his sister the Princess Caroline with 
George Prince of Wales (George IV.) The heroic 
Duke left two sons, Charles, born at Brunswick on 
the 30th of October, 1804, and William, eighteen 
months younger. (At the breaking out of the first 
French Eevolution the Duke of Brunswick had fled 
to England with all the available property he could 
carry with him, and invested the proceeds in the 
English funds.) 

Any one familiar with the court annals of this 
duchy must be aware that some of the members of the 
reigning family had peculiar characteristics, indulging 
in extravagances of behaviour which our insular 
notions condemned. As Prince Charles arrived in 
England in the year 1809, he was too young to have 
betrayed any of these failings offensively ; he there- 
fore was honoured with a state reception on his land- 
ing at Greenwich, and treated in every respect as a 
member of the Eoyal Family. 

His father desiring that he should receive an 
English education, a talented clergyman of the 
Church of England, the Rev. Mr. Prince, was ap- 
pointed to be his tutor in 1812 ; and they not only 
worked harmoniously together, but became at- 
tached to each other. Prince Charles appears to 
have been brought prominently before the English 
public in the year 1814, when he was selected to lay 
the foundation stone of Vauxhall Bridge. As he 
could only have been ten years old at this period, 
such a performance is scarcely to be commended. In 
the same year occurred the visit of the Allied 
Sovereigns, his godfathers, their ministers and 


generals, by whom the heir to the Brunswick duchy 
must have been regarded with considerable interest. 

The Prince was getting on very well with his tutor; 
when, owing apparently to the reigning Duke of 
Brunswick taking offence at the behaviour of the 
English Eoyal Family to his sister the Princess of 
Wales, he was abruptly recalled to Brunswick. His 
separation from his tutor affected him profoundly ; 
and a sense of wrong and injustice obtained possession 
of his boyish mind which gave a morbid irritation to 
all his after life. 

The Rev. Dr. Prince seems to have been badly 
used in this transaction. Apparently under this 
impression, the Duke of Kent appointed him his 
chaplain, and took him to Brussels, where he re- 
mained for several years as English resident cler- 
gyman, taking pupils, and writing pamphlets detailing 
his grievances. He subsequently returned to London, 
and died at Old Brompton. 

The Prince Regent extended his hatred of his wife 
to all her relations, and contracted a particular dislike 
to Prince Charles of Brunswick, because when he 
was sent for to Carlton House, and prohibited visiting 
his aunt, he dared to reply, that his father had 
directed him to pay his respects to her Royal Highness 
once a fortnight, and that he should continue to do 
so till commanded to do otherwise by the same 
authority. The Princess Charlotte appeared to en- 
tertain a regard for her cousin ; and on his birthday, 
1812, presented him with a " History of England" as 
a keepsake. 

On his way to Brunswick Prince William learnt 
the death of his father; and by the arrangements 


previously settled by the Congress of Vienna, lie suc- 
ceeded to the duchy. Such a position on a young 
and ardent imagination, suffering from recent excite- 
ment, still further unsteadied his mind. It was the 
Duke's misfortune to have placed over him, in 1819, 
ostensibly in the post of tutors, a couple of intem- 
perate pedants, who appear to have done their best, 
by their tyranny, to keep the temper of their pupil in 
a state of chronic irritability. The money in the 
English funds was seized, and the conduct of the 
King (George IV.) became so equivocal that the Con- 
gress of Verona required explanations. The young 
Duke complained loudly, and a war of abuse raged 
between the printing-presses of Hanover and Bruns- 
wick; till the Germanic Federation, in 1828, strove 
to put an end to the scandal by a decree against the 
younger, and less powerful offender. 

When Duke Charles could escape from surveillance 
a reaction in his feelings led him occasionally to throw 
off all restraint. But that he could conduct himself 
as became his exalted rank was evident; when his 
Royal Highness attended at Hanover to witness the 
marriage of the Duke of Clarence with the Princess 
Adelaide of Saxe Meiningen, and subsequently enter- 
tained the royal couple for eight days at his castle in 

It has been affirmed that a design was enter- 
tained by George IV. for causing Brunswick to 
become a portion of the kingdom of Hanover ; and 
that his detestation of his brother-in-law not only 
made him readily approve of any scheme for the appro- 
priation of its revenues, but caused him to spare neither 
trouble nor expense to place the youthful Prince in 


such a position as would render this appropriation 
easy and safe. It should, however, be borne in mind 
that these are part of the statements subsequently 
made by the Duke. The following memorandum also 
proceeded from him : 

The Duke never could [obtain] any money during the 
life of Geo. IV., and only obtained the same from Wm. IV. 
after the Revolution of 1830. 

One most extraordinary fact is that the Duke Charles 
has never been able to see the testament of his father, and 
therefore does not to this day know the exact amount, 
although he has received contradictory extracts from the 
will. "Wm. IV. admitted that he had only paid a portion 
of the money into the funds, and retained the rest for Prince 
William, who already had seized the Duke's fortune.* 

Duke Charles complained that at the age oi 
eighteen he was allowed only three francs a-week 
pocket money, and was kept as badly in diet ; and that 
having been ordered to go to Lausanne, he was taken 
to all the lunatic establishments en route. It is to be 
inferred from these revelations that his violence had 
led to his being pronounced and treated as insane. It 
was also alleged that though, by the laws of Brunswick, 
he had then attained his majority, he was not per- 
mitted to assume his rights, that he might not offer 
an asylum to his aunt. On George IV.'s visit to 
Hanover, Prince William was sent to Gottingen, and 
Prince Charles to Carlsruhe. He subsequently went 
to Vienna, where he renewed his acquaintance with 
Prince Metternich, to whom he had been introduced 
in London in 1814, and made an arrangement to be 
guided by his advice for three years. He also had an 

* MS. in the Duke's handwriting. 


interview with the emperor, who was convinced that 
there existed no reason for considering him insane. 

In October, 1823, he entered his capital amidst 
general rejoicings, and shared the private property of 
the family with his brother. He then visited 
Hanover and the Duke of Cambridge ; subsequently 
Italy, France, and England. While here he received 
the freedom of the city of Edinburgh, and returned to 
Brunswick in March, 1826. He went again to the 
Austrian capital, and again had a conference with 
Prince Metternich; but in 1830 was in Paris when 
the revolution broke out which overthrew the elder 
line of the Bourbons. This movement spread to 
Belgium, and subsequently to Brunswick ; where he 
returned only to be the victim of a conspiracy. He 
was obliged to fly to England ; and at his departure 
his palace was burnt, his banishment and deposition 
decreed, and his brother elected to rule in his stead. 

During this interval there appear to have been 
serious charges brought against him ; but after making 
due allowance for revolutionary exaggeration, and for 
the animus of those who would profit by his over- 
throw, he seems to have conducted himself in a way 
anything but creditable. Still it is doubtful whether 
on such grounds he ought to have forfeited his civil 
rights. The case of the late Mr. Windham was charac- 
terized by much the same recklessness, but his relatives 
failed in their efforts to deprive him of the control 
of his property. 

The duke received in England assurances of sup- 
port from William IV. and the Duke of Cambridge ; 
and the Duke of Wellington advised him to abdicate 
for a term of five years, retaining the title of sovereign 



and an income of a million francs ; but two or three 
months later he resolved to return to his duchy, 
having first communicated with the Emperor of 
Russia and the King of Prussia. On his way he 
narrowly escaped drowning in the Channel, and assas- 
sination by the knife at Osterode, near Hanover. He 
reached Grotha, and offered attractive promises to his 
subjects, but without success. He then proceeded to 
Paris on the of December, Prince Metternich 
having assured him that his private property would 
be respected. He claimed certain funds in the hands 
of bankers, but ascertained that the money had been 
stopped by William IV. 

Duke Charles then returned to London, and subse- 
quently started for Spain. After having been welcomed 
to Madrid by King Ferdinand, he wintered at Nice. 
He was now assailed by all sorts of accusations 
among others, by a charge of recruiting soldiers for 
the Duchesse de Berri. The duke returned to Paris, 
whence he was directed to withdraw, on the accusa- 
tion of aiding legitimacy ; but remained in conceal- 
ment until February, 1833, when he purchased a 
mansion, and gave 10,000 francs to the poor. He 
was favoured by Lafayette and Odillon Barrot. At 
this period it was that William IV. and the Duke of 
Cambridge endeavoured to move the law courts in 
France to sanction their guardianship of the property 
in the possession of the duke. 

The Duke of Brunswick having taken a residence 
in Paris in January, 1835, he was cited to appear 
before the Tribunal de Premier Instance, to surrender all 
his property into the hands of the Duke of Cambridge, 
in accordance with an arrangement entered into 


between the reigning duke and William TV. The 
duke defended his own cause ; and the tribunal de- 
cided that it had no jurisdiction. As the costs were 
necessarily paid by the unsuccessful party to the suit, 
the duke's satisfaction was intense. 

He was in England in the summer of the following 
year, and consulted Mr. Buncombe. The duke placed 
great confidence in his judgment, and conferred with 
him as to the disposal of the property of which his 
relatives had tried to dispossess him. This, according 
to his own statement, was enormous. 

" Throw dirt enough, and some of it must stick," 
seems to have suggested the slanderous attacks now 
made upon him. There is no doubt whatever that 
some of it did stick. It was also well known that the 
duke was rich, and might be induced to pay liberally 
to stop these slanders. The annoyance they caused 
could not but have been intolerable, for go where he 
would he was sure to be the object of as much 
curiosity as a state criminal. Notwithstanding all 
the merciless accusations brought against the duke 
while in England, the only one supported by a shadow 
of proof was that he wore a beard! It is almost in- 
credible the use made of this now familiar appendage 
for the purpose of exciting a prejudice against him. 
When certain Sunday newspapers failed to convince 
their readers that he was a murderer, they had only 
to refer to his hirsute chin to satisfy the Anglican 
mind of that time that he was an ape and a baboon. 

At last the duke turned upon his enemies, and 
commenced a criminal prosecution against two of the 
most infamous, in December, 1842. True bills were 
duly found by the grand jury. It is impossible to 

E 2 


imagine a more humiliating course than that taken by 
the offenders, alternately threatening and wheedling 
their prosecutor. His friends were overwhelmed with 
the most scurrilous abuse, and everybody known to 
have the slightest acquaintance with him assailed by 
name with the grossest insinuations. It came out 
that the animus of one of his assailants was derived 
from a supposition that the duke had caused him to 
be hissed off the stage, he having ventured to appear 
before the public as a candidate for theatrical honours. 

Yet after all this vituperation, when the trial came 
on, he pleaded " guilty." The case was one of the 
most aggravated kind, and the libeller was sentenced 
to imprisonment in Newgate. 

The libels were not stopped by this punishment : 
calumny had been too profitable to be easily sur- 
rendered. The editors of the more respectable news- 
papers began to appreciate the disgrace which these 
dealers in scandal were inflicting on the profession, 
and openly denounced the offenders. Then the most 
notorious of them thus assumed the office of censor : 
"The press of this country, and of the metropolis 
more especially, is influenced by the most despicable 
feelings of malignity : it is truly a house divided 
against itself, since its individual members, instead of 
elevating and extending its influence by the display of 
lofty and generous feelings, rarely omit an oppor- 
tunity of wreaking the petty vengeance of personal 
hatred, no matter whether it be at the expense of 
truth, justice, and honour !"* 

Thus wrote the convicted libeller, of those journals 
that had held him up to public scorn ! 

* Satirist, 7th January, 1844. 


On the 1st of August, 1843, the duke filed a bill 
of complaint in the High Court of Chancery, Lord 
Lyndhurst being Lord Chancellor. It mentioned the 
revolutionary movement, and the decree of the Ger- 
manic Diet directing Duke William to assume the 
temporary government of the duchy; the compact 
between him and William IV. to take Duke Charles's 
private fortune out of his control, by placing it under 
the guardianship of the Duke of Cambridge, then 
viceroy of the adjoining State of Hanover. This 
agreement was not only signed by the king and duke 
William, but by the dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, 
and Cambridge. He complained that, by this illegal 
instrument, the viceroy had taken possession of the 
entire Brunswick estate, and bought and sold, and re- 
ceived large revenues, without rendering him any 
account, though there must be a balance in his favour 
to the amount of several hundred thousand pounds 
refusing to give such account appointing certain ad- 
ministrators to the property, and giving them instruc- 

Further on the bill states that the defendants to 
the suit and their agents seized the following private 
property "Cash at your orator's* bankers, at 
Brunswick, Messrs. Sussmann, Herniman, and Co., 
to the amount of 20,000/., or thereabouts ; Prussian 
Bonds, in the custody of your orator's said bankers, 
to the value of 20,000/., or thereabouts ; Bonds of the 
Cortes of Spain, in the custody of the said bankers, to 
the amount of 10,000/., or thereabouts; Austrian 
Bonds, also in their custody, to the amount of 8000/., 
or thereabouts ; Brunswick State Bonds to the amount 

* Quoted from the subsequent Appeal to the House of Lords. 


of 100,0007., or thereabouts; furniture, plate, jewels, 
private museums, horses, carriages, and divers other 
particulars, to the amount in value of 100,000/., or 
thereabouts." Together with the rents and profits of 
the following real estates, also private property 
" The palace of Richmond, with its park, near Bruns- 
wick aforesaid, of great annual value ; several private 
houses, and other buildings in Brunswick, also of 
great annual value ; and the park and other estates in 
Brunswick aforesaid, devised to your orator absolutely 
by the will of your orator's grandmother, Augusta, 
late Duchess of Brunswick, the sister of his late 
Majesty King George III., also of great annual 

Then the bill relates the legal proceedings taken 
against Duke Charles in France, to secure property of 
his then in that country their failure, and the pay- 
ments in consequence the Duke of Cambridge was 
compelled to make ; excepting a balance left unpaid, 
for which Duke Charles sued him in England in 
the Court of Common Pleas, and, after putting in 
several pleas, he submitted by paying 2000/. in Sep- 
tember, 1848. All these sums, it was complained, 
were derived from the rents and profits of Duke 
Charles's private property at Brunswick. 

The bill then describes his being mobbed and 
stabbed in the town of Osterode, in the kingdom of 
Hanover, while proceeding to visit his dominions, 
whence he was compelled to fly for his life into 
Prussia, leaving behind him at his hotel in the town 
" cash and notes to the amount of 34,000 crowns, or 
about 4500/. sterling consisting of about 8500 crowns 
in Prussian paper, 2 GOO/, in English bank-notes, and 


4000 francs in notes of the Bank of France. These 
sums were delivered to the Viceroy and withheld from 
him, and only accounted to the Duke of Cumberland 
when the Duke of Cambridge gave up " the guardian- 
ship" to the former on his becoming King of Hanover. 
To be relieved from this control the bill prays for the 
interference of the Court, as well as for its assistance 
to recover all necessary documents. 

The King of Hanover applied to be discharged from 
the process ; this was refused by an order from the 
Court (12th of August, 1843). Then on the 31st of 
the same month he replied by a demurrer, which was 
argued before the Master of the Eolls in the following 
November; who gave judgment on the 13th of 
January, 1844, allowing the demurrer, with costs. 
As this defeated the suit on the plea that the Court 
had no jurisdiction, Duke Charles appealed from the 
judgment of the Master of the Eolls to the House of 
Lords, for the following reasons : because the re- 
spondent (King of Hanover) was a peer of the realm, 
and subject to the jurisdiction of the Court; because 
the appellant is a subject of the realm, domiciled in 
England, indisputably entitled to claim relief from an 
English court of justice ; because his complaint is 
cognizable in an English court of justice, and because 
his bill makes out a case for equitable relief. 

It was after a review of all these transactions in 
the duke's career, and with the fullest conviction that 
his royal highness had been grievously wronged, 
that Mr. Duncombe determined on becoming his 
advocate. Before bringing the case for discussion 
in the House of Commons, he advised that an attempt 
should be made to effect a private arrangement. It 


was impossible for him, after a careful scrutiny of the 
facts of the case, to doubt that the duke had been 
treated after a fashion that neither law nor equity 
could sanction. The award of the Cour Eoyale in 
France proved how an independent court of justice 
would deal with such arbitrary proceedings. The 
more recent defeat in the Rolls Court on technical 
grounds was equivalent, in his eyes, to a denial of 
justice. Still he desired to take up the subject in a 
courteous spirit ; and sent his secretary on a private 
mission with the following letter to the King of 

Hanover : 

The Albany, December 1st, 1845. 

SIR, His Serene Highness the Duke of Brunswick having 
been advised to appeal to the British Parliament for redress 
of the various wrongs and illegal deprivation of private pro- 
perty which he has sustained, I have been requested to 
present, at the opening of Parliament, a petition to the 
House of Commons, embodying at considerable length, and 
in very elaborate detail, the grievances of which his Serene 
Highness has reason to complain. 

But I feel that I should be wanting in courtesy and 
respect to your Majesty and the rest of the Royal family, 
were I to present this petition without first endeavouring 
to assure myself that his Serene Highness had exerted 
every means in his power, previous to an appeal to Parlia- 
ment, to bring about an amicable adjustment of all matters 
in dispute. 

With this view, and for this purpose, I have taken the 
liberty of despatching Mr. George Smith (my private secre- 
tary) to solicit the honour of an interview with your Majesty, 
trusting that your Majesty will receive this communication, 
as well as any that Mr. Smith may make to your Majesty, 
in the same spirit. 

I have the honour to subscribe myself, 

Your Majesty's very obedient humble servant, 



The secretary started on his confidential mission. 
There was much tact demanded for the successful 
issue of the delicate negotiation entrusted to him. 
He could not be unaware of the impracticable character 
of the potentate to whom he was accredited, nor 
ignorant of his unpromising antecedents, but was 
entirely ignorant of the constitution of the Hanoverian 
court, and the small probability that existed of his 
mission being entertained by either king or ministers. 
The first, independently of all other considerations, had 
had more than enough of the House of Commons 
when Duke of Cumberland and the head of the Orange 
lodges ; now he felt himself secure from such control, 
and was ready to treat the idea of parliamentary 
interference with him with becoming dignity. The 
secretary's report and the ensuing correspondence 
express the fate of the negotiation : 

British Hotel, Hanover, 14th December, 1845. 

I am not getting on here as fast as I could wish, and 
very much doubt whether I shall see the king. I have 
had interviews with the Baron Malorty, and also with his 
Excellency the Baron Falcke, and I have received a letter, 
the copy of which is annexed ; and on seeing the Baron 
Falcke this day, he has promised to speak to the king to- 
morrow morning, and to call upon me at one o'clock. Un- 
fortunately the Duke William of Brunswick comes here 
to-morrow, to join the king in a wild boar hunt, to which 
I have been offered permission to go ; they are going to 
kill 200 boars in the " Zoll Park/' You would be aston- 
ished how well the Grahamising has made you known on 
the continent. In fact you are popular here. 

Copgrove, Boro'bridge, December 20th, 1845. 

MY DEAR DUKE OF BRUNSWICK, I have just received 
the enclosed, which I take the liberty of forwarding, knowing 


that your Serene Highness must be anxious to hear how my 
ambassador at Hanover is getting on. He appears to be 
well received by the authorities, but to experience, as I 
anticipated, much difficulty in obtaining the required audi- 
ence. However, I feel confident that he will do all that 
can be done to carry out your wishes ; and I think the 
ministerial changes here will be favourable to them. 

Has your Serene Highness heard a report of the proba- 
bility of Prince Louis' speedy release ? If so, what will be 
the effect of it on public opinion in France ? 

I have the honour to be, 

My dear Duke of Brunswick, yours very faithfully, 

T. S. D. 

The King of Hanover, as soon as he learnt the 
business of the messenger from England, stood upon 
his dignity : 


Hanover, the 13th day of December, 1845. 

Major General Deering presents his compliments to Mr. 
Smith, and begs to acquaint him that he has received his 
Majesty's most gracious commands to say, that, as his 
Majesty cannot communicate with any person, on the sub- 
ject alluded to in Mr. Duncombe's letter, with whom he is 
not personally acquainted, therefore requests that Mr. Smith 
will address himself to Baron Falcke, his Majesty's Privy 
Counsellor, who will naturally make his report to his 
Majesty, and receive his commands. 

Mr. Duncombe, on receiving these communications, 
forwarded them to the duke. Another arrived shortly 
afterwards, and this settled the affair : 

Copgrove, Boro'bridge, December 21st, 1845. 

MY DEAR DUKE OF BRUNSWICK, Since I had the honour 
of addressing you yesterday, I have received the enclosed 
official communication from le Baron de Falcke, which has 


been forwarded to me from the Albany, where it was left 
by a special messenger. Pray oblige me by reading it and 
returning it to me, and, at the same time, by informing me 
what you think of it, and what you wish me to do. My 
reply will of course be entirely guided by an anxious desire 
to promote your interests. 

I hope they will not dispose of the Sr. Smith among the 
200 boars which, in his letter of yesterday, he says he was 
invited to see shot. 

Yours, &c. &c., T. S. D. 


Hanovre, le 15 Dec., 1845. 

MONSIEUR, Relativement a la lettre par vous adressee 
en date du ler du courant a sa Majeste le Roi de Hanovre, 
dans Pinteret de son altesse serenissime monseigneur le Due 
Charles de Brunswick, et dont le Sr. Smith, votre secretaire, 
a ete porteur, le roi mon auguste souverain m'a ordonne 
de vous informer que, quoique loin de meconnaitre ni 
1'attention que vous lui avez teinoignee en cette circonstance, 
ni les bonnes intentions qui vous auront guide, le roi s'est 
vu dans Fimpossibilite d'admettre Mr. Smith en sa presence 
par rapport a une affaire qui n'est aucunement de nature a 
pouvoir de la part de sa majeste etre traitee d'une maniere 
particuliere et clandestine. 

Veuillez agreez, monsieur, ^assurance de mon considera- 
tion tres distinguee. LE BARON DE FALCKE. 

& Mr. T. Buncombe, M.P. Anglais, k Londres. 

Brunswick House, this 23rd December, 1845. 
MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, I return you with many 
thanks the enclosed letter from Hanover, which you where 
(sic) so kind to forward for my perusal. Receive, my dear 
Mr. Buncombe, the assurance of my distinguished consi- 

I this instant receive and likewise return the message 


from Hanover under your address. I thought it would 
be so, and mentioned as much to the Sr. Smith, but 
he would not part with either my letter or my mes- 
sage but to the person's own hands. In every other 
respect you will deal with or answer Mr. Falcke at your 

It does not appear tliat Mr. Buncombe took any 
further trouble in the way of correspondence with the 
King of Hanover or his minister. The secretary 
came back safe ; and after hearing his further report, 
all the documents were carefully read and arranged 
for ready reference. In these were included a draft of 
the appeal to the House of Lords, which, when 
printed, extended to twenty-two folio pages. Mr. 
Duncombe made abstracts from all, and took a great 
deal of trouble to be master of the case. 

On his return to town for the session he conferred 
with the duke and his solicitors, and then drew up 
a petition to the House of Commons with the object 
of presenting it, and moving for a committee of 

In the session of 1846 he presented a petition 
from the duke to the House of Commons, com- 
plaining of the injuries he had suffered at the hands 
of his relatives, and including documents in sup- 
port of his allegations.* He also complains of 
having fruitlessly had recourse to legal proceedings, 
as well as addressed unavailingly the German Con- 
federation to insist on the carrying out of the sixty- 
third article of the treaty of Vienna, by which 

* The one printed by order of the House of Commons for the use 
of members, 10th July, 1846, abounds with errors. We have one 
before us carefully corrected by the duke's hand. 


his duchy was guaranteed to him ; and now appeals, 
as a last resource, to the justice of a British House 
of Commons. 

The petition is dated the 28th of May, 1846. 
Afterwards Mr. Duncombe moved, " That the petition 
of his sovereign highness the Duke of Brunswick, 
&c., be referred to a select committee, to report their 
opinion thereon, together with the evidence, to the 

It may be advanced that the allegations put forth 
by the Duke are entirely ex parte ; but it is long since 
they were made public, and no disproof of them has 
been attempted. The result of the trials in the French 
courts of justice sufficiently indicates the legal opinion 
of the case in one properly constituted tribunal, and 
the judgment in the analogous Windham case, in 
another. Whatever may be the amount of eccentri- 
city or the degree of moral turpitude a man may ex- 
hibit, in no country does this constitute a right of 
interference in the disposal of his property by his 
relations, unless clear evidence can be established of his 
being mentally incapable of managing his own affairs. 
This was the view likely to be taken of the case by 
the readers of the duke's petition to the House 
of Commons. On the back of a printed copy 
we find in his handwriting the following merno- 
r&ndum : 

It may be remarked by Mr. Duncombe that as England 
deprived me of my duchy and private fortune, if it will not 
get the latter back for me, I should have as much right to 
a considerable pension from this country as the Indian 
princes whom England deprives of their country, and who 
enjoy considerable revenues for their loss, and a much 


greater right than those members of my royal family 
who, already enriched through my spoil, receive moreover 
large revenues from England in the shape of pensions, 

Cumberland and son, at Hanover; Cambridge, son, and 
daughter; while I actually spend what I have HERE. 

The presentation of the Duke of Brunswick's peti- 
tion did not produce the desired effect. Mr. Dun- 
combe was unremitting in his exertions to serve him ; 
but owing to his injudicious and eccentric spirit, suc- 
cess was difficult. His temper was uncertain, his 
judgment capricious, and his ideas were as frequently 
under the dominion of personal vanity as of personal 
prejudice. Mr. Duncombe was again induced to pre- 
sent a petition from the duke to the House of Com- 
mons in the following session. Again he laboured to 
induce Parliament to interpose in behalf of his client ; 
but his client had contrived to create so general an im- 
pression of his being a mauvais sujet as well as a mauvais 
souverain, that little advantage was to be anticipated. 
The appeal to the House of Lords had been with- 
drawn till the effect of Mr. Duncombe's motion for 
inquiry had been ascertained. 

Towards the termination of the session of 1847 the 
result of Mr. Duncombe's advocacy began to bear 
fruit. Negotiations were again opened under the 
happiest auspices. He was anxious to leave the im- 
portant questions at issue to the settlement of Prince 
Mettermch and Lord Palmerston, and the secretary's 
services were again in requisition. But the prince, it 
appears, did not approve of the terms submitted to 
him, and Lord Palmerston in consequence was likely 
to decline acting as referee, as proposed. In reply to 


a suggestive communication from the member for 
Finsbury, the duke wrote : 

Brunswick House, this 10th of August, 1847. 

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, I hasten to acknowledge your 
letter of yesterday afternoon. Several conversations and 
some writings have taken place on the subject it discusses, 
between your secretary, Mr. Smith, and myself. He will 
have informed you of my views, and placed in your hands 
my writings. I will add a few new facts which have struck 
me. You say with great justice in your letter that an 
opportunity must not be given to Lord Palmerston to 
oppose my claims in Parliament on the ground that negoti- 
ations are going on elsewhere; but when do you think will 
he be better able so to do, now that Prince Metternich has 
refused those terms Mr. Smith was instructed to submit to 
him ? and which you will have a right to say he refused, 
not because of any particular claim named, for Smith was 
only instructed to demand my fortune, and Lord Palmerston 
as an umpire, to decide in what that fortune consisted ; so 
you clearly see that the pecuniary claims cannot be meant 
when Prince Metternich writes, " Proposals such as you 
make," or when such negotiations should actually have been 
set on foot and not brought to a close. That is all my 
enemies want, and nothing will be easier for them than to 
protract for 17 years longer a state of things that dates 
since 1830. 

Receive, my dear Mr. Buncombe, the assurance of my 
distinguished consideration. 


It is not easy to understand by what legal authority 
the duke was deprived of his private fortune at Bruns- 
wick ; for even in the case of dispossessed continental 
princes such property has almost always been re- 
spected. The law of might, whether exercised by the 
Germanic Diet or the King of Hanover, can scarcely 


be considered sufficient authority in the nineteenth 
century, and according to the German legists con- 
sulted by the duke there was no other law to be re- 
ferred to. It is a pity that the case was not submitted 
to independent arbitration, that the scandal of these 
criminations might have been avoided, for those by 
whom they have been read have been forced to come 
to the conclusion that royal families are not free from 
the unworthy feelings that create quarrels about 
money or money's worth among humbler folk. 

The whole of the next paper is in the duke's hand- 
writing : 

Legal Opinions of Sergeants- at-law, Lynkeer of Brunswick, 
and Nicol of Hanover, on the Non-competency of the 
Tribunals of those Countries to decide in the Robbery 
Question of Duke Charles's Private Fortune : 

In olden times, and before the dissolution of the Holy 
Roman Empire of Germany by Napoleon, the reigning 
princes of Germany could only be sued before the imperial 
high court of justice. Since then, they can only be sued 
before their own tribunals in questions of their private 
estates, or such cases into which they could likewise have 
been involved if they had been private individuals, but they 
cannot be sued for anything they have done in their capacity 
of sovereign, or for any goods they are only come possessed 
of in that quality. Well aware of these facts, both William 
IV. of England, as King of Hanover, and William the 
Usurper of Brunswick, issued their joint interdiction of 
Duke Charles, and the seizure of his highnesses private for- 
-tune, in the shape of a treaty, and had this treaty inserted 
into the laws of Hanover and Brunswick laws against 
which the tribunals of the countries are not only powerless, 
but which they are obliged by oath to enforce, good or bad. 
The question if a law or an order in council has been legally 
given or not, is beyond the competency of the tribunals, 


and ought to be answered by the German Diet. In our 
opinion, Duke Charles can only make good his claims at 
the German Diet, or otherwiss politically. The King of 
Hanover and Prince William of Brunswick may pretend 
they only acted in pursuance of directions from the German 
Diet, although they certainly do not mention doing so in 
their treaty of the 6th and 14th of February 1833, and 
although the decree of the German Diet of 2nd December 
1836 does not authorize them, for it only mentions the 
government of the duchy. There is no doubt that the 
right of high guardianship which used to be exercised by 
the Emperor of Germany, in the style it is in England by 
the Lord Chancellor, has become invested in the sovereign 
princes of Germany ; but then again the legitimate sovereign 
of Brunswick alone could ordain a guardianship over a mem- 
ber of his family, and no one else. But here again the 
question would have to be decided, who is the sovereign of 
the duchy of Brunswick? This question is evidently not 
one for the competency of the Brunswick or Hanoverian 
tribunals. Prince William has usurped and exercises the 
sovereign power with the consent of the German Diet, and 
under the protection and acknowledgment of Hanover. The 
subservient tribunals of those countries cannot, and would 
not, interfere in favour of Duke Charles of Brunswick. 

On the 7th September 1830 a revolution broke out 
against the sovereign Duke Charles of Brunswick, which 
had been long before prepared by a conspiracy, at the head 
of which was the Duke's only brother, the Prince William. 
This conspiracy was countenanced, ay, even wished for, by 
the Fourth William, then King of England, and his brothers, 
the Dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge, who 
thereby came one step nearer to the rich inheritance of a 
sovereign duchy and an enormous private fortune; for by 
the existing state and family treaties the surviving branch 
of the house of Brunswick is to enter into possession of the 
states of the other, and, by being the nearest relation, also 
in possession of all private property, if not particularly other- 
wise disposed of. It now so happens that there are only 



two remaining princes of the elder branch of the house of 
Brunswick, Duke Charles and Prince William. The first, 
put aside by force, the second alone remains, easy to remove 
by stratagem. But now, under what pretence could Wil- 
liam IV., or his successor, the King of Hanover, put him- 
self in possession of the private fortune of Duke Charles, 
who certainly, if left to himself, would otherwise dispose of 
it, even after having by force seized his duchy ? For it has 
never been admitted that the right of making a revolution 
extends to robbing the Prince of all means of existence. 
So we see in France, Charles X. and his family remain in full 
possession of their private fortunes ; yes, even Napoleon was 
left in the undisturbed possession of his fortune in France, 
after the loss of his crown. Not so with the Duke of 
Brunswick ; against him the following plan was adopted to 
empty his, and fill the pockets of his royal relatives. The 
Prince William of Brunswick is a man of weak understand- 
ing, and was therefore, in so far, easily fooled by the King 
of England that the latter got all power over Duke Charles's 
private fortune to himself alone. It was given to understand 
by the King to Prince William, that he should make the Par- 
liament of Brunswick seize upon his brother's private fortune 
in that country, under the pretence that this sovereign had 
sold estates, forests, palaces, and so forth, which he had no 
right to dispose of. This first step taken, the second, also by 
advice of the King, soon followed ; this was, for the Prince 
William to declare to the Parliament that they should give 
up to him all goods, estates, palaces, and cash seized by 
them belonging to Duke Charles, for which Prince William 
would make himself answerable towards the Parliament. Now 
comes the thing most serious, and last step taken by Prince 
William and King William together in public, before which 
till then, as appears by this account, King William had not 
yet done anything till he thought his moment was arrived. 
On the 6th and 18th of March 1833, both issued a deed 
or treaty under their respective seals and signatures, de- 
claring that their much beloved brother and cousin, Charles 
Duke of Brunswick, was insane, and that they therefore had 


felt it their duty to take upon themselves the heavy burden 
of his private fortune, and appointed the Duke of Cambridge 
as the keeper as well of the property as his Highnesses per- 
son. To this deed the Prince and the King had invited and 
obtained the consent and signature of their Highnesses the 
Dukes of Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge. The private 
fortune belonging to Duke Charles,* seized at Brunswick, and 
now under the control of the Duke of Cambridge, amounts 
to a large sum to several millions of pounds sterling. 

The Duke during the period he lived in London 
occupied Brunswick House, New-road, and enjoyed 
all the agremens of town life. He mixed much in gay 
society, though permitting few intimacies, and was in 
his expenses a curious compound of extravagance and 
parsimony, of prodigality and avarice. While in- 
vesting enormous sums in the purchase of precious 
stones and foreign stocks, he is said to have neglected 
paying accounts that had long been over due. 

He executed a will in favour of Mr. Duncombe, to 
whom he professed a profound attachment. The 
member for Finsbury had often given him good advice, 
and quite as frequently had endeavoured to keep him 
out of scrapes ; but whatever was the extent of re- 
gard these services may have inspired, his Royal 
Highness's detestation of his nearest relations in- 
fluenced him more than anything in such a disposi- 
tion of his property. Mr. Duncombe by the provisions 
of this testament was left the whole of the Duke's 
personality, the value of winch we will presently show. 
The will appears to have been made in good faith, 
and with the understanding that Mr. Duncombe was 

* His Serene Highness Prince Charles Frederick Augustus 
William, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, and a General in the 
British service. 

p 2 


the heir, not only of what the testator possessed, but 
of all to which he had a claim the securities, the 
precious stones, and the territory of his duchy. 
We append the document : 

I, Charles Frederick Augustus William, Sovereign Duke 
of Brunswick and Luneburg, now residing at Brunswick 
House (late Harley House), Brunswick Place, New Road, 
Regent's Park, in the parish of Marylebone, in the county 
of Middlesex, being in sound mind and health of body, do 
declare this to be my last will and testament. I do hereby 
revoke all other wills and testamentary papers by me here- 
tofore made. I desire, after my death, that my executors 
hereinafter named shall cause my body to be examined by 
three or more proper surgeons, or physicians, to ascertain 
that I have not been poisoned ; and thereupon to report in 
writing the cause of my decease ; then to be embalmed, and 
if found advisable for the conservation of my body, 1 wish 
to be petrified according to the printed paper enclosed with 
this my will. I further desire that my funeral shall be con- 
ducted with all the ceremony and splendour becoming my 
legitimate position of Sovereign Duke of Brunswick, as 
far as the same may be allowed or is permitted in 
England ; and that I be deposited in a mausoleum to be 
erected of marble in Kensal Green Cemetery, and where- 
upon a statue and monument shall also be erected, accord- 
ing to the drawing to be hereafter annexed to or enclosed 
in this my said will ; and that my executors shall cause the 
said statue and monument, or mausoleum, to be erected 
and made of the materials described in the document so 
annexed or enclosed, and that the work of art thus de- 
scribed shall be executed by some of the first artists in 
England. And I also direct, that all my just debts, 
funeral, and testamentary expenses, be paid and satisfied 
by my executors hereinafter mentioned as soon as con- 
veniently may be after my decease, and subject to the con- 
dition that they shall enter into no compromise of any sort 
with my unnatural relatives (the usurper, William of Bruns- 


wick, the King of Hanover, the Duke of Cambridge), or any 
of my family, their servants, agents, or any one else ; but, 
on the contrary, I direct my said executors to use all 
means, both legal and parliamentary, to possess and recover 
my property in Brunswick and elsewhere after having seized 
that in England ; and subject to their respecting and carry- 
ing out any codicil or codicils I may further leave in favour 
of those who may console my last moments. And whereas, 
Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, Esq., M.P. for the borough of 
Finsbury, and George Thomas Smith, Private Secretary to 
the said Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, having severally 
afforded me great assistance in prosecuting my case in the 
House of Commons, for the purpose of vindicating my 
character from the vile aspersions and slander which has 
been so industriously promulgated by the members of my 
family, and taking the above into my consideration, as well 
as any further valuable trouble, and perhaps necessary out- 
lay, in executing this my last will and testament, I do 
hereby give and bequeath unto the said George Thomas 
Smith the sum of thirty thousand pounds, sterling money, 
from my general personal estate, to be paid to him the 
said George Thomas Smith, free from legacy duty, 
immediately after my decease, for his own absolute use and 
benefit. And further, I do hereby give and devise unto 
the said Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, all and every the 
castle, houses, messuages, lands, tenements, hereditaments, 
whatsoever and wheresoever situate ; my diamonds, jewels, 
plate, pictures, horses, carriages, china, household furniture, 
linen, wearing apparel, books, papers, correspondence ; and 
also all and every sum and sums of money which may be 
in my house, or about my person, or which may be due to 
me at the time of my decease ; and also all other my 
monies invested in stocks, funds, and securities for money, 
book debts, money on bonds, bills, notes, or other secu- 
rities ; and all the rest, residue, and remainder of my 
estates and effects, whatsoever and wheresoever, both real 
and personal, whether in possession, remainder, reversion, 
or expectancy, particularly that important part of my for- 


tune retained by force in my hereditary Duchy of Bruns- 
wick, for his own absolute use and benefit. And I 
nominate, constitute, and appoint the said Thomas Slingsby 
Duncombe and George Thomas Smith to be the executors 
of this my last will and testament. And I do hereby 
further direct that my executors, immediately after my 
decease, shall enter into my present residence, or any 
other place of abode at which I may be residing at the 
time of my decease, and shall forthwith take into their 
custody and possession all my said estate. 

And I declare this to be my last will and testament. 

In witness, &c. 
Dated this 18th day of December, 1846. 

Witnessed by Mr. CHAS. F. ARUNDELL, solicitor. 

Mr. WALTER E. WM. GOATLEY, solicitor, and 


Mr. JOHN MILES, clerk to Mr. Arundell, 
3, Cork Street, Burlington Gardens. 

The provision in this document for the preservation 
of the testator's body after death, is one of those 
eccentric fancies to which his mind was constantly 
submitting. The process of petrifaction is so well 
known, particularly to the visitors at Knaresborough, 
that it need not be described. We are not aware, 
however, of its ever having before been selected for the 
purpose to which the Duke of Brunswick seemed 
desirous of applying it. As regards the bequests, they 
will doubtless be considered equally extravagant. 
They are only to be understood with reference to his 
Royal Highness's intense desire to disappoint the ex- 
pectations of his relatives, and as, in the testator's 
opinion, a proper way of showing his sense of the in- 
estimable services that had been rendered him by the 

The Duke of Brunswick, in his contest with his 
assailants, could not be satisfied with replying to the 


libels complained of. He insisted on conducting his 
own case, and when addressing the jury, chose to de- 
tail the whole of his history. He also printed his 
speeches, and circulated them as widely as he could. 
The effect was quite contrary to what he had desired. 
The juries and the public became tired of such repeti- 
tions, and considered that he was merely taking these 
opportunities of coming before the public for thrusting 
his quarrels with his family down their throats. A 
prejudice against him was the consequence, under the 
influence of which it became in vain for him to con- 
tinue his prosecutions. In one instance a shilling 
damages was the award he obtained. This did not 
deter him from pursuing the same course in another 
case. It was in vain the judge during the trial 
warned him of the mischief he was doing himself. 
Sir Frederick Thesiger, the opposing counsel, took 
advantage of his imprudence, and the jury returned a 
verdict " for the defendant." 

Unfortunately for the duke, when he wrote about his 
grievances, he could not resist the impulse to employ 
language as offensive as it was intemperate. This 
served to keep aloof from him persons whose influence 
and talents might have been advantageously employed 
in his behalf; it also caused others who entertained a 
favourable opinion of his case to withdraw their sup- 
port. While judicious friends were endeavouring to 
bring the quarrel to an amicable settlement, he would 
suddenly give fresh provocation. For instance, at the 
very time when Mr. Duncombe was most desirous to 
propitiate the House of Commons, the duke issued a 
manifesto in English, and a longer one in German, in 
a style that inevitably suggests to the indifferent and 


calm- minded reader a certain melodramatic hero. We 
quote the English version : 

Duchy of Brunswick. Proclamation. 

We, Charles, by the grace of God Sovereign Duke of 
Brunswick and Luneburg, do hereby declare as follows : 

Whereas it has come to our knowledge that the present 
revolutionary Government, "which succeeded in the year 
1830 in establishing itself in Brunswick by an attempted 
assassination of our person, setting fire to our palace, and 
subsequently seizing all our estates and real property, 
under the pretext of a curatorship for our benefit, aided 
by those self-elected curators who render no account of 
their curatorship, purport defrauding not only ourselves, 
but also the citizens, peasants, and others of Brunswick, 
by attempting to parcel and sell in lots those our domains ; 
as a caution to any person or persons who may so attempt 
to purchase, we hereby forewarn all such parties as may 
feel so disposed, that we shall not recognise such sales, 
but re-seize all such our lands and domains, in whatever 
hands we may find them, they being our rightful property 
inherited by us from our forefathers. We have never given 
up our domains to any one, and, therefore, all purchasers 
will be punished with the utmost severity of the law as 
aiders and abettors of the said revolutionary Government 
of Brunswick and those self-elected curators to whom the 
above refers. 

In regard to those swindling traitors who wield the arbi- 
trary power of robbers at Brunswick, they are fully aware 
that the scaffold and the headsman await their doomed 
heads, and that their estates, enriched through our spoil, 
will be confiscated to answer for their larcenies. We here 
again repeat, in virtue of those sovereign rights secured to 
us by the treaty of Vienna, and guaranteed by all the 
Powers of Europe, and which we never have and never will 
abdicate, our annual protest against that infamous usurpa- 
tion and foul state of things in our legitimate Duchy of 
Brunswick. In proof of which we have hereunto set our 


hand and large state seal at London, this first day of the 
month of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
eight hundred and forty-seven, and of our reign the thirty- 
third. (L. s.) CHARLES D. 

The duke had an irresistible passion for diamonds, 
and had already made a superb collection. His wealth 
in securities was also very large, and all had been se- 
cured in bags ready for removal. The following is a 
list that was given to Mr. Duncombe on the llth of 
May, 1847 : 

Schedule of the Duke of Brunswick's Valuables. 

Mississippi and Maryland .... 16,000 

Massachusetts 50,000 

Louisiana, A 20,000 

B 10,000 

C 10,000 

D 10,000 

Planters' Association. . . 14,000 

Brazilian 15,000 

Russian 50,000 

Bullion 150,000 

F. Rentes 40,000 

Belgique 20,000 

Ingots 20,000 

Notes and bills 200,000 


Jewellery and plate, &c 300,000 

To Mr. Duncombe's secretary was confided every 
particular respecting the number, nature, and value of 
this property ; and he was to have charge of the whole 
in any emergency that should oblige its possessor to 
absent himself from its place of deposit, or require its 


removal. That emergency came in 1848, and the 
following narrative describes the feelings of its tem- 
porary custodian while taking possession : 

Monday Afternoon, March 13th, 1848. 

On Saturday night I was occupied for five hours making 
a catalogue of the bonds, &c., now in my care. I have 
money to the amount of 200,000/., and gems, &c., to the 
amount of 90,000/.,* and all was safe at my house this 
morning when I left, and I hope will be there when I 
return. You will say, " Where is the rest ?" I will tell 
you as far as I know. First, the bankers have just pur- 
chased for him at a low figure, 40,000/. Russians ; there- 
fore they have not yet been delivered. Then Andlau has 
the 90,000/. Three per Cents., French, which he is going 
to change in Paris for Five per Cents. Aridore, the 
Belgian agent, has 62,000 Belgians to change either for 
others or to be paid off; but where the 60,000 Louisiana 
are I know not at least, I could not ask him too much, or 
he would have got frightened. I have only one saddle-bag, 
No. 4, and if your brother Henry will lend me his brougham 
to go in, / will show him all. Now, then, for your assist- 
ance. After he had decided what he would entrust me with, 
he started ; in fact, he told me that before then his fear 
had been of my house being destroyed by fire, and the 
paper-money thereby lost. I, fearing to lose the oppor- 
tunity, said I had got (which I have) an iron chest, but 
alas ! mine is too small, and I am compelled to keep the 
saddle-bag in a cupboard perfectly safe, except against 
fire. I want your permission to move your iron chest, till 
I deliver up the treasure again. My reason for making 
this curious request is this : he might perchance come to 
my house to look and see that it was all safely deposited in 
iron. I fear, on looking at your iron box, that I shall not 
be able to get the saddle-bag in, but 1 may the money, &c. 

* Or thereabouts ; in fact, I believe I have all the diamonds and 
also all his other gems. 


by packing close ; and the most important part of the 
subject is this : the 50,000 Massachusetts coupons are due 
the 1st of April, and he said "You can bring them to me 
and I will cut off the coupons." I said " If your highness 
has no objection I will do so." He said " Yes, that is 
capital ; all those large bonds you might (if your box will 
hold them) take charge of, and cut off the coupons as they 
fall due and pay them to me." This opens the door to the 
following arrangement, viz. : he said " You might manage 
all those matters for me should I go to Paris, and even if I 
remain here in London all the large loans might be so 
deposited ; but," he added, " I will think about it." One 
thing is a fact; that I have in genuine good securities a 
tolerable good sum now in my house, and really if he would 
allow all the large loans (and which he does not for the pre- 
sent purpose think of changing) to be at my house it would 
be a grand thing for us at his death, and they would be just as 
safe as with him, for I would not touch one shilling until I 
felt I was entitled to it by his death. After all, he cannot 
be so suspicious as we fancy, else why should he trust ME 
with so large a sum ? The only thing he seemed to fear 
was the possibility of incurring a debt to me for the trouble, 
and I assured him that it would be a pleasure to do so for 
him, which fact I think you can testify. He begged I 
would not bring them to 5A, for fear, he said, of 
Sloman & Co. I left his house at 1 o'clock after mid- 
night, and was compelled to walk to Oxford Street before I 
could get a cab. When in the cab my fancy ran upon the 
excitement I should feel if the bags with the treasure had 
been with me in a cab under different circumstances, viz. 
the starting to join you. I cannot but think it a good 
omen that some of it should be with us, and it must, I am 
sure, please you to think that his confidence has not in the 
least diminished. Pray don't forget to say whether I may 
use the iron box at my house ; there is nothing in it but 
THE WILL, and where so fit a place as that which contains 
the documentary powers of disposing of the money, for the 
money ? You recollect, no doubt, some years ago a 


political work called " The Adventures of a Guinea/' in 
which the guinea holds conversation with all the other 
pieces of coin he meets in the pockets of his different 
owners ; taking that view, I should like to hear the con- 
versation between the will and No. 4 saddle-bag. It would 
of course begin as to the right of precedence ; the will 
arguing that it ought to be kept at the top, and not run 
the risk of being crushed by base, sordid, filthy lucre all 
those terms are applied to both good and bad bonds. 
However, to humour the will, I think it ought to be at the 

P.S. What a strange coincidence that I should be on 
the point of asking his permission to submit the gems to 
H. J. D. and that they should come into my possession 
without my having to make the request. The Sunday 
post came all safe, on the DAY INTENDED. 




Secret missions to France Report to Mr. Duncombe on affairs of 
D. B. and L. N. Letter from Count Orsi The President's 
addresses Duke of Brunswick crosses the Channel in a bal- 
loon Letter of Lord Palmerston Frightful struggle in Paris 
The Duke regrets leaving England His valuables Position of 
the President The Duke's horses The Parisians after the coup 
d'Gtat Difficulty of seeing the Prince The secretary returns 
home State of Europe The President and the Jesuits The 
Duke's references to Mr. Duncombe Letter of Count Orsi on 
the violence of the English press Sensation produced in Eng- 
land by the coup d'etat Mr. Duncombe's opinion Lord John 
Russell's dismissal of Lord Palmerston Rumoured cause of 
his unpopularity at Court Negotiations The Duke writes to 
the Journal des Debats. 

DURING the years 1S48-9 Mr. Duncombe's continued 
ill-health prevented his taking any prominent part in 
politics. He rarely visited town, and remained only 
a day or two staying in the country, and constantly 
having recourse to his physician. His secretary 
visited him repeatedly, and went to Boulogne and to 
Paris several times on private missions. It became 
necessary to forward as much as possible the carrying 
out the arrangement entered into between the high 
contracting parties to the treaty made at Ham. The 
negotiations were continued by the same agent. He 
was in Paris in November, 1849, whence he forwarded 


this despatch, taking with him a silver eagle as a 
present from the Duke to the President : 

6, Rue Duphot, St. Honore", December 5th, 1849. 

I have this instant left the President, and on my return 
here found your note, which delighted my heart, I assure 
you. I have settled the treaty matter I have arranged 
for the letter of invite I have got back the " national 
shares/' and on which there is 200/. to receive on the 15th 
instant ; and, in fact, I have done all but raise troops, which, 
being the point most wanted, will be the most difficult to 
satisfy HIM upon. However, L. N. has I say behaved 
very well. He has pointed out to me how little power he 
has while the present Chamber exists; for they are as 
puissant as him, and can make laws and issue ordon nances 
without him. Therefore, he says, until it is dissolved he can 
do nothing respecting the treaty. 

figurez-vous the state they have been in for ten months 
all soldiering, and no manufacturing, but selling all in 
foreign markets, and then you will understand how little of 
the usual Parisian novelties are to be found ! 

I have quite done here, but must write to England to 
D. B.* for an authority re the national ; and as soon as I 
get that, and settle the matter with L. N/s foster-brother,-)- 
I shall start for Angleterre. I shall see the regt. first, 
as L. N. has arranged for the date of the letter of invite, 
and that must not be too old when delivered. I think 
L. N. is well settled, and that in twelve months he will be 
an emperor a c'est entre nous ! 

The negotiations continued, the President too much 
occupied with the affairs of a great nation passing 
through a terrible crisis to devote to it much atten- 
tion, but expressing willingness to come to a satisfac- 
tory settlement as soon as he could be put in posses- 
sion of the nature and extent of the claim against 

* Duke of Brunswick. f M. de Mornay. 


Mm. Lord Palmerston, it seems, was to be drawn 
into the arrangement, as well as the Emperor of 
Russia. This, however, refers to the projected resto- 
ration of the duchy, in which neither was likely to 
interfere : 

Extract from Count Orsi's* Letter of the 22nd February, 1850. 

I have had a very long conversation with the P 

respecting the affairs of the D , and I think that every- 
thing will be settled to the mutual satisfaction of both 

parties. I must say that I found the P in excellent 

disposition to act with energy and activity in this matter; 
but you must back him in a more effectual way. 

It is the intention of the P to open an active nego- 
tiation with Lord P.,f and to induce his lordship to act 
jointly with him in this affair. He will do the same with 
Russia ; for it would appear by the despatches recently re- 
ceived that you are not in the right channel. 

Now if you will do what I tell you to do, and this 
quickly, and in a statesman-like way, I can assure you that 
the wishes of the duke will be satisfied ; but act quick, and 
lose no time. You must forward, as early as you possibly 
can, " a memorandum containing the claims of the duke, 
and drawn in such a way as to put things in a straight, 
clear, and business-like view/' This memorandum should 
be backed by a copy of all such documents (if any) as will 
put Lord P. and the P in full possession and know- 
ledge of all the facts connected with it. 

In printed copies of the President's addresses Mr. 
Duncombe has underlined or struck out certain pas- 
sages. For instance, in the one dated "Elyse'e 
National, Nov. 12, 1850," he has crossed out the 
last four paragraphs, and underlined the words " sur- 

* One of the witnesses to the agreement executed at Ham. 
f Lord Palmerston. 


prise or violence," in the following sentence : " But 
whatever may be the solution of the future, let us 
understand each other, in order that it may never be 
passion, surprise, or violence that shall decide the fate 
of this great nation." And the words " may be per- 
petuated" in the following " The most noble and the 
most dignified object of an elevated mind is not to 
seek, when one is in possession of power, by what ex- 
pedients it may be perpetuated" As well as the sub- 
sequent assurance, " / have honestly opened my heart to 
you" He must have known that these were Napo- 
leonic ideas, and have made allowances. 

Mr. Duncombe's secretary was again sent to Paris 
in October, 1850, but made only a short stay. He 
was, however, frequently coming and going, and the 
important interests at stake were often discussed be- 
tween them. There seems to have been little else 
going on for which Mr. Duncombe cared. All his 
former pursuits, all his old amusements, all his custo- 
mary gratifications were rapidly becoming " flat, stale, 
and unprofitable ;" a drive in a pony carriage varied the 
constant medical visits and ever-changing remedies. 
Politics had little attraction for him. When the 
Whig government again fell to pieces, he writes in his 
Diary, " Lord John Russell and Co. resigned ;" and 
when they return to power, " The Russell clique back 
in office." 

The Duke of Brunswick had returned to London, 
and had taken up aeronautics as a hobby. On the 
3rd of March, 1851, his Royal Highness ascended 
with Green in a balloon, and descended at Gravesend ; 
and on the 24th he went with Mr. Duncombe's 
secretary to Hastings. The latter thence went to 


Paris in charge of the duke's heavy baggage. The 
duke found himself in legal difficulties, and an appli- 
cation was made in his behalf for the interference of 
the British Government. 

It was the receipt of this communication that made 
the duke resolve on taking up his permanent resi- 
dence in France, apparently to evade some proceedings 
commenced against him in one of the English courts 
of law. He put the design in execution in a novel 
but characteristic manner, crossing the Channel in a 

The answer to his friend's note to the Minister was 
as follows : 

C. G., 20th November, 1851. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, I am sorry to say we cannot assist 
the Duke of Brunswick in the matter mentioned in your 
note. Foreign princes are, like our own, liable to the laws 
of this country while they are in it, and the Government 
has no power to interfere in regard to legal proceedings in 
which a foreign prince is concerned, or to stay those pro- 
ceedings on the ground of his royal birth and position. 
Neither has the Government any power to send a foreign 
prince out of the country. In fact, the legal position of a 
prince of a foreign royal family, while resident in this 
country, is exactly the same as the legal position of a 
British subject. Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON. 

The secretary had returned to England, but crossed 
the Channel again on the 2nd of December, having 
received a summons by electric telegraph to come to 
the duke in Paris, where he was in a state of exces- 
sive alarm created by the coup d'etat. His proceedings 
there are described in the following reports from La 
Maison d'Oree, the duke's house in the Rue Lafitte : 



Thursday Morning. 

I arrived here this morning at five o'clock, and to my 
surprise found that the duke left this two hours after send- 
ing me the despatch, without exactly knowing where he 
would go. He requested me through his servants to remain 
here till further orders. He has only taken one carriage, 
and I suppose our bags I do not know. 

Things are serious here. While I was at breakfast at 
Frascati's I saw an aide-de-camp, right under my eyes, 
pulled from his horse and killed. Up to that moment all 
was quiet. Now the troops are on the Boulevards, and the 
cannon firing towards, I should say by the sound, the 
Faubourg St. Antoine. I have within sight at least 10,000 
men under arms ; and they say in Paris there is at least 
180,000. I will send you the news as I can, and when I 
can, for it is already no joke, and had I not been fortunate 
enough to get home, God knows where I should now be ; 
for the troops, I fear, are a little too anxious as I saw this 
aide-de-camp, after disarming one man, actually ride after a 
person who really appeared like a gentleman going home, and 
attack him in the back. Pensez a moi. This Thursday has 
been a dreadful day, and I have been in the thick of it. I 
really hope that to-morrow I shall have better news. No 
getting out, even to buy bread. The news here says the 
slaughter has been dreadful. 

I can write no more ; only wish I was safely at North 
Park, ou chez moi. 


Since the above was written, the house alongside this 
" Tortoni's " has been taken, and the bullets flew about 
here as thick as possible. Two lancers were wounded, 
from, they said, my window. The soldiers came and seized 
all the duke's arms. 

Saturday, December 6th, 1851. 

I send you a copy of a letter (the first) just received : 

" DEAR SIR, I am safe at Anvers with . Please stop 

and superintend my house, servants, horses, and property, 


and let me know how things go on. There can be, I am 
afraid, no SAFETY till the end of the month. Receive, dear 
sir, the assurance of my consideration. " D. of B. 

" P.S. My address is, ' Hotel du Pare/ " 

You will see by the above the state of things re the 
duke, and I quite long for a letter from you, and hope 
it may be to call me home, and I will give up all dukes and 
be quiet ; for I do not choose to run such risks, as I have 
this time done ; and to prove it is not the " white feather " 
I show, M. Blot, the duke's lawyer, says he is astonished 
to find me alive after all the reports, and all that has hap- 
pened, of which I do not think it prudent to write. By 
some strange coincidence, this part of Paris, which in other 
times was always tranquil, is the most disturbed ; and when 
I tell you that they cannonaded with 18-pounders within 
seventy yards of this house, you may judge of the state we 
have been in, However, thank God, all is over I hope 
for permanence, but cannot say. 

Poor Paris, the cigarette man, is dead ; received two 
bullets. They make it out not many have been killed, but 
the waggons of dead prove the contrary. The prince, at 
any rate, has been successful, but the danger is during this 
state of siege. Accident may throw you among royalists 
or others, and, without knowing it, you are compromised 
with them, and shot on the spot, if .they think fit ; and the 
Elysee is so beset, that there are no means of communicating 
with the prince. You will have all reports from the papers 
till I see you. 

December 8th, 1851. 

Nothing fresh has happened since I last wrote to you ; 
neither have I heard from the duke again. His lawyer 
called yesterday, and told me he had received a letter from 
him, in which he regretted having left England. I, know- 
ing thereby something of his sentiments, wrote to him re- 
gretting he had ever left England, and stated that you also 
regretted it, and that YOU had no doubt YOU could settle all 
his troubles in England. I also informed him that Bruns- 

G 2 


wick House was vacant, and that he could iustal himself 
in his old quarters without fear or danger in two days, as 
he was before, and very comfortable, if he chose directly. 
I asked if I should, to carry out views, if he acquiesced finish 
up all here, join him at Antwerp, come to Calais, and cross 
in a calm to Dover in one hour and three-quarters. 

He of " Netherby"* is so busy that one does not like to 
say too much. I shall be glad to be back, and if I have no 
riches to guard, which I almost doubt, I do not feel flattered 
by being placed in the position of a "broker's man," or a 
" man in possession/' I wrote to the duke to say that I 
hoped my charge was worthy of being guarded by me. 

There has been a good deal of conversation between 
lawyer and me, concerning testaments, &c., and also about 
carrying my banking plan into operation I beg pardon, I 
mean your plan and lawyer says he quite agrees with my 
i.e., your view, and has written this day to D. of B., in 
reply to D. of B.'s request that he would advise him the 
best to do to say bags to England yourself where you 
like. I wish I was on " Jerry/' instead of on the Boulevard 
des Italiens. 

December 10th, 1851. 

I have this instant received a letter from the duke in 
reply to mine, in which he tells me, " I have nothing at 
Maison d'Oree of inestimable value, but should not like to 
lose my papers." He requests my advice as to what he 
should do for the future, which I have given to this effect : 
Go to England, and if you decline that, let me take the 
money portion of your fortune there, and then, in the event 
of your having to fly, you will only have the diamonds, 
which are easily concealed about your person, and your life 
to look after. The lady's maid has written to one of the 
servants here, stating that she has received orders to hold 
herself in readiness to return to Paris, as the duke is not 
quite decided whether he will not go to England. I suppose, 
if the truth was known, he is communicating with his lawyer 
before deciding. 

* Sir James Graham. 


Thursday, December llth, 1851. 

I must tell you that I was much annoyed to find I was 
in charge of rien. So great was my disappointment that I 
almost quarrelled with myself for making so much haste, and 
attaching so much importance to what ended in nothing. 
I am, whatever you may say to the contrary, " in posses- 
sion/ 7 Strange to say, that I proposed the visit, and 
received a letter this morning thanking me for the 
suggestion, and saying that for the moment I had better 
remain tranquil at Paris, and see how all goes on, and I 
shall then be the better able to visit D. B. and give him 
advice from the knowledge I possess of events ; but that if 
I leave just now, I shall be as unacquainted as D. B. him- 
self, and, therefore, be giving advice in " the dark." 

With respect to bags I told you yesterday of Blot's 
view, and he wrote as well as myself, advising that if D. B. 
made up his mind to return, that he should not for the 
future put himself in so perilous a position as heretofore by 
running the risk of being robbed of every shilling, and 
from the peculiarity of D. B/s fortune he (B.) has sug- 
gested that it should not be entrusted to any trader or 
banker, but to some friendly but honest ami, and for this 
reason, stock brokers, merchants, or bankers, although they 
would not venture to use the money, they might perhaps 
do so indirectly, i.e., give it as security for the fulfilling 
engagements at stated periods, and so peril the bonds. 

I saw Conneau* yesterday, and am to have an interview 
with the prince in a day or two. I saw and breakfasted 
with Edwardes on Tuesday, and I am very sorry he is going 
from Paris. 

In the letter I received from D. B. this morning he tells 
me to get some police agents, two for this place and one 
for Beaujon, to be under my orders, so that, he says, 
" being exposed to a second invasion by soldiers, who may 
be less civil, I may show that, as far as I am concerned, I 
take no part in affairs and ought not to be molested/ 7 He 

* The prince's physician at Kara. 


then gives me some orders as to what horses and what 
carriages I may use, tells me that Veyrac has orders to 
give me any money I want, or he says, rather, Veyrac will 
lend me, and then finishes by assurance, &c. Then comes 
the following in the countess's handwriting : 

" Monsieur Smith est bien bon de s'informer de ma 
sante a cette occasion : je ne puis que lui reciproquer la 
meme demande, et le remercier de son aimable intention a 
mon egard en lui souhaitant un heureux sejour a Paris, et 
mes salutations empresses. LA COMTESSE ." 

The duke then adds, in his handwriting, the following, 
" The countess got hold of this letter while I left the room 
for a moment, and threw all this ink over it." 

December 12th, 1851. 

" I have seen Mocquart* and Conneau, and they say 
that the prince will the first opportunity grant me an 
audience; they are all delighted, and say that the prince is 
now certain. I have heard that Lord P. has written to 
the correspondent of the Post to write up L. N. ; of this I 
believe there is no doubt. 

I met the Due de Guiche, who is all for L. N. ; in fact, 
he says that is the only chance for France. 

Paris is just as gay as though nothing had happened, 
and actually the scene of carnage, bloodshed, and much 
more, is become quite the centre of a fete, for all classes are 
out visiting the different places, and everybody seems to be 
boasting of the risks they ran. For my part I have only 
to say I was at Maison d'Oree, and the reply is " diable." 
I saw quite as much as I wish to see. Nobody can tell how 
many killed. Johnson said this morning 7000 ; everybody 
but Government says 3000; and Government says in all 
about 800. 

December 15th, 1851. 

As you will no doubt see by the public journals, there is 
really no news here, except that all is perfectly quiet, and I 

* The President's private secretary. 


think on the whole the people seem satisfied with the state 
of things as they suppose they will be after the elections, 
and as they are at present. 

I am paying visits to the Ministre des Finances for the 
purpose of getting the permission required by our friend to 
enter France, so I hope he will soon come back here and 
let me return to England. 

I have not yet seen the prince ; I am invited to go to 
the reception this evening. The President will, I have no 
doubt, have a tremendous quantity of votes ; some seem to 
think not less than 8,000,000, the whole of the persons 
entitled to vote being only 12,000,000. 

December 16th. 

The authority here will not grant D. B. the police, so 
that I presume D. B. intends to return here directly after 
the election, as my letter of yesterday would tell you that 
I had been to make preparations for his passing the frontier. 
With respect to the police doing all " but use his equipages/ 7 
they, the police, might and may use them for me, for I will 
not ; for he, the duke, says the horses he allotted to me 
wanted breaking, but he did not tell me that they were 
vicious, so much so that my stock has been drafted to the 
Barriere, and not even allowed to stand in his stable ; and 
upon my speaking to the head coachman, he said we had 
better put them in a water cart for a week, for they both 
jib, kick, and bolt. 

December 19th, 1851. 

I wrote to the duke and had a letter to-day from him, in 
which he takes not the slightest notice of my Christmas 
request. I should much like to get home, for I like home 
better than all, but from a letter I saw just now at his 
banker's from D. B. himself, I think I shall get away from 
here a day or two after Christmas-day, as he says in his 
letter, " I must return to Paris sooner than I intended, as 
Mr. Smith wants to go home, which rather perplexes me, 
as I have such confidence in him, and he has the door open 
to him at all the places." 


The duke informs me that he has sent for his lawyer, 
first to make arrangements to receive some money to be 
paid by Lord Eldon as executor to his father, who was 
executor to George IV. ; and, secondly, to carry out, if 
possible, legally, my " Harmerian " view ; and in a letter of 
the countess to her " cousine " she says, ' I am rather 
uneasy, for Mr. Smith, to whom the duke listens much, 
has just made some propositions to go to England, and 
whether we go there or not I cannot tell/ 

With respect to the prince, I think you must admit 
that he has managed well, and, no matter how, the funds 
have risen, and the people are actually pocketing the 
money, and everybody predicts four years of greater pros- 
perity than France ever enjoyed, and they say in four or 
five years the people will again become excited. Everybody 
is astonished that I escaped being " run through " when 
the troops made their perquisition de chez moi, and I tell 
you, so satisfied am I of the truth of the danger I ran, that 
I should require a large bribe to risk the same again. 

December 22nd, 1851. 

I have just heard from the duke, in which he says, " I 
am now beginning to get ready to return, but wish you to 
send me word whether, during the Paris election, you saw 
anything which indicated it would be unsafe for me to do 
so ; if you advise it I shall return either on the 26th or 
28th/' and he further tells me that I may use the electric 
telegraph whenever I think it necessary. 

I have no news to tell you, seeing that we have none 
here ; all is quiet, and the election passed off in Paris more 
quietly than a borough election in England. 

I saw the prince yesterday for five minutes, but his time 
is really so taken up that it is impossible to get to him, 
and as to talk with him privately, he has not for the 
moment the time to spare. He looks very well, and is in 
good spirits. I hope soon to be en route for Angleterre ; I 
shall start as soon as I possibly can, and, if I can, with the 



bags, and if not, I shall feel I have lost a great deal of 
time and run great risks for nothing. 

P.S. I hear Lord Normanby and L. N. are not as inti- 
mate as heretofore. I have just seen some of the returns 
for the departments, and they are favourable to the prince. 

December 23rd, 1851. 

I have just heard from the duke, who requests me to 
use the electric telegraph should it be necessary to commu- 
nicate anything to him, as he purports being in Paris either 
Thursday or Friday, and after that event 'I shall, you may 
rely upon it, get away from this as fast as possible. The 
stake is large, and therefore I suppose the risk and trouble 
must be corresponding. 

December 27th, 1851. 

In the middle of the night of the 24th D. B. arrived, and 
of course I had to change my room to make place for him. 

With respect to bags, &c. the " Baring " view now pre- 
dominates : whether that will be changed for some other I 
know not, and shall be unable to tell you till I arrive in 

With respect to L. N. it is difficult to get to him in 
private as heretofore, as he really has so much to do, and I 
am now quite at a loss what to say or do since Lord 
Palmerston's retirement, and do not know what I can pro- 
mise on your behalf with the new Secretary of Foreign 
Affairs. I shall send this off to-morrow, Sunday, so that 
you will get it on Tuesday, and if you can give me your 
views by Thursday here I will try to carry out your wishes. 
Of this I will write again to-morrow, when I shall, perhaps, 
have been able to settle with D. B. as to his plans. 

I see by La Patrie that the President has given public 
notice that he can receive no one, " no matter whom," till 
after the first week in the new year; therefore I am the 
more decided upon quitting this quickly, and waiting for 
nothing. Lord Palmerston's retirement is much canvassed 
and regretted here, particularly by the Elysee people, who, 


it appears, were delighted with him. I hope it will not 
affect us, and I hope he will, ere long, be called upon to 
form a Ministry, of which there is some talk. 

It will be seen from the preceding account that the 
mission to Paris was unproductive of results. The 
Prince was in a position which, sanguine as he was by 
nature, he could scarcely have contemplated at Ham 
when this memorable treaty was concluded; and 
there were many things that made the carrying out of 
its provisions impracticable. The duke appears to be 
still more regardless of his obligations, and the sole 
legatee might reasonably entertain doubts of getting 
any portion of his magnificent provision. The 
secretary was sent home ; and the duke continued to 
live his customary life, buying more diamonds and 
more stock. The alarm had passed; and the mil- 
lionaire seemed to think that his ally having suc- 
ceeded in his dangerous experiment, he might now 
be able to secure his restoration to the duchy, or the 
return of his property ; so he resolved to remain where 
he was. 

The intelligent agent employed by Mr. Duncombe 
was disappointed by this result. It will presently be 
seen by the reader what were the duke's ideas 
respecting his belongings. He had no intention at 
present of parting with any portion of them, but was 
still willing to recognise Mr. Duncombe's reversion. 
A trait of character is displayed in the arrangement 
of the travelling account ; but the interest of the 
communication will be found in its comprehensive 
glance into the state of our foreign relations, and its 
anticipation of the policy of the President of the 


Republic. It was not written till after the writer's 
return to London: 

January 5th, 1852. 

I will now acknowledge the receipt of a letter I received 
from you at d'Oree on Thursday evening last, just before I 
started for the rail, and therefore was enabled to read and 
show 'it to D. B. ; he was much pleased that you knew Lord 
Granville, and to hear your opinion of him. We quite 
agreed that you were right as to the " nasty feeling" which 
was springing up in England, and unless great changes and 
great concessions on all sides, no doubt a European war will 
arise from the present events, and I fear England will, for 
the first time, find herself in difficulties, for although there 
will be a European war, it will be Europe against England, 
for all treaties are set aside, and it would be folly to ask the 
other Powers to fulfil the terms of treaties they have broken 
between themselves. See the Cracow affair, and the 
Russian entry into Hungary ; these two little acts unite 
Russia, Prussia, and Austria, and I have no doubt but that 
recent events will add France to the trio. These four great 
Powers can, and will if it suits, swallow up the smaller 
German kingdoms and states, while Italy will, I fear, yet 
have to obey the same rulers she now does for a long time, 
notwithstanding " her friends " and these four will, perhaps, 
each become emperors, i.e. the King of Prussia and the 
President will be added to the now existing two, and will in 
that case for a while govern what they call " parentally," 
but we, despotically. 

' L. N. has the power at this moment to decide the fate of 
Europe, and I must tell you that I think for himself he 
would like to be allied with England, and encourage libera- 
tion ; but on the other hand he is bound to run with those 
who have aided in placing him in his present position, viz. 
the great Northern Powers, and he undoubtedly, by a 
species of " holy alliance," would be maintained and sup- 
ported in his position by those friends. Another thing 
which will prevent him ever being able to shake off the 
yoke of despotism, is the unfortunate alliance he has formed 


with the Jesuits; he may at the present time think he is 
only using them, but no man once well entwined in their 
deceptive meshes has ever moral courage or strength suffi- 
cient to extricate himself : and hence, I fear, will L. N. 
fall, in my opinion, by the assassin's hand, for the Jesuits 
part not so easy with their prey as may be imagined, and 
they, hating England as they do, will no doubt urge him 
on till he has gone so far that he cannot recede, and then 
he is their tool ; and the feeling entertained by the soldiery 
as well as that of the priesthood, will no doubt develop 
itself in an attack upon England. The Catholic priests 
have already got a pretty good footing in England; the 
Lutherans in Germany have become atheists, and therefore 
Catholicism has only to battle against Protestantism in 

These views have partly decided the duke for the 
moment to keep his fortune (the whole) in France, but 
with a distinct understanding that I am to hold myself 
always in readiness to run over and fetch it. At present 
he says he has no confidence in the Government, and until 
after the explanation of what he calls the shameful " dis- 
missal " of Lord Palmerston, which strengthens despotism 
tenfold by showing the tyrants that even in England, by a 
well-directed and continued attack, you, or rather they, can 
succeed in upsetting the most popular minister of the day, 
his very popularity being his unpopularity, proved by the 
manner in which he steered England through the shoals of 
1848, and which caused him to be envied and hated by 
those sage ministers of other states, who dreaded his firm- 
ness and his courage. 

For these reasons D. B. thinks for the moment he has 
quite enough money in England, that is, in the shape of 
dividends becoming due, and in reply to your intimation 
that war will be declared as suddenly as the late " coup" 
he desires me to inform you that he quite agrees with you, 
only that he does not think there will be any declaration, 
but an attack made, and therefore he should, if he found 
France asking that which England would refuse, prepare 


himself according to the circumstances of the case, and with 
respect to " everything being made previously comfortable/' 
he desired me to tell you that he should keep that as an 
open suggestion, as he might want some day to avail himself 
of what he considered a wise and friendly proposition. 

The notice in La Patrie applied to everybody, as the 
Prince really had no time to see anybody, and I think I can 
nilly satisfy you that it would have been impossible to have 
seen him in less than a week, and having made my 
arrangements to get off on New Year's Day particularly, 
because you should not imagine that I stopped for " les 
agremens" which really were commencing, to the detriment 
of your requirements, I started, and you will say I did 
right when I have told all the details. 

On New Year's Eve we went to the opera together, and 
on our return we arranged that my travelling accounts 
should be paid, as I was to quit the next day. Accord- 
ingly I made out my account, he deducting the carriage to 
Godstone, which he said he did not ask me to take, and 
then settled to the sous. He then humM and hah'd a 
good deal, and at last counted out ten sovereigns, which he 
handed over to me, saying, this will pay for your white 
gloves ; and he said, allow me to seize this opportunity of 
telling you that I have long since felt that I have very 
inadequately remunerated you for many things you have 
done for me. He then entered fully into the history of the 
visit to Ham ; how many times he had seen you, &c. ; what 
you had done for him, and finished by saying, as a collateral 
remuneration, I have made my will in your favour jointly 
with Mr. Duncombe, and should I have the strength to see 
you before I die I will, independent of that will, make you 
a present worthy of your acceptance. 

Mr. Buncombe's secretary had not been unmindful 
of the interests of his employer in another and a 
higher quarter. The attack of the English press 
upon the coup d'etat had been so violent that if the 
object of them designedly refrained from any personal 


communication with messengers from the other side 
of the Channel, it ought to have surprised no one. 
The reckless directors of those crushing onslaughts 
could not appreciate the proverb, that " desperate 
diseases require desperate remedies." Paris had for 
years been in a condition of chronic 'revolution no 
good government was possible in so hopeless a state 
of things industry, intelligence, and religion were 
equally depressed. The only alternative was the 
repetition of the wars of the Republic. Seeing the 
results of the coup d'etat in the prosperity of the 
French nation, it is probable that the journalists who 
attacked the President might now be ready to defend 
the Emperor. 

We now add the following from Count Orsi to Mr. 
Dun combe's secretary : 

Paris, 28th January, 1852. 

MY DEAR SMITH, I need not apologize for my delay in 
answering your letter, for it would be an equivalent to the 
acknowledgment of my being guilty of indifference towards 
you, and you know, my good friend, how anxious I am to 
keep pace, in that respect, with your kind feelings towards 

The fault has not rested with me, but with the extra- 
ordinary circumstances of our situation, which has unabled 
me to comply sooner with your request. 

It was only yesterday that I had an opportunity of talk- 
ing the matter over with our friend, who gives you carte 
blanche for all you will have to say on his behalf. 

It is impossible either for himself or myself to say which 
is the best course for you to pursue. In order to fulfil the 
task you offer to undertake you should take beforehand a 
right view of his personal position with regard, first, to the 
difficulty of establishing in France, without a dictatorial 
power, a regular government amidst the different parties 
which have brought the country to the deplorable state it is 


in ; second, to show by skilful hints that all this row of the 
English press is not a blind advocacy of liberal institutions, 
but a regularly bribed and systematic opposition, unjustifi- 
able under all circumstances ; third, to prove by facts and 
by the text of pre-existing laws (regardless of political 
necessity) that the decrees about the property of the 
d'Orleans family have been an act, not of revenge or of 
spoliation, but an equitable one, such as was practised by 
every French king who ascended the throne ; and, fourth, 
to warn the English public that the game played just now 
by the English press is the same as that practised by 
England against France during the Revolution of 1789, 
which kindled a war between the two countries, for the only 
object of supporting the cause of the Bourbons of the elder 
branch, whilst it has now in view to set the two countries 
dagger-drawn against each other for the most unwarrantable 
object of supporting the ambitious and unpopular claims of 
the members of the Orleans family, for which the despicable 
Times* soon after their flight from France, made use of the 
most abusive language that ever man could imagine. 

Such are the main points upon which you will have to 
ground your defence. It rests with you to give them such 
a form as to make them applicable to the nature of the 
discussion which this affair will create in Parliament. 

I need not say anything about the falsehoods of the 
English press in general, and of the Times in particular. 

The acts of the French Government were necessary to 
put down that spirit of disorganization which threatened to 
pervade and ruin the whole country. As to the arbitrary 
power which the Times calls " unprecedented/' I beg to 
refer him to the English Revolution of 1688, when William 
of Orange took upon himself to accomplish it on his own 
responsibility to save the country, and for the success of 
which he was driven to that much-to-be-regretted necessity 
of governing the country in such a harsh manner as to 
dishearten his fiercest enemies. 

Yours truly, ORSI. 

* With its usual talent the leading journal took the popular view 
of the case, which was unmistakeably hostile to " our friend." 


The coup d'e/at excited a tremendous sensation in 
England. Naturally, the Liberal party regarded it 
as an arbitrary extinction of democracy, and denounced 
it in the severest language. The Whig and Tory 
leaders generally approved of it, as necessary to the 
establishing of good government, and to put an end 
to the schemes of anarchists and other reckless poli- 
tical adventurers. Here and there one, stimulated by 
the violent denunciations of the press, expressed in- 
dignation at the shameless disregard of obligations it 
betrayed. Mr. Duncombe, in his judgment of the 
transaction, felt two opposing influences the one was 
the necessity of supporting his constituents in their 
opinion of the President of a Republic the other, the 
natural inclination to admire a bold measure success- 
fully carried out. 

One or two public writers in England have dis- 
tinguished themselves by the bitterness of their 
hostility to the deviser of the coup d'etat, appearing to 
judge all his subsequent actions in the same intenselv 
prejudiced spirit. In the first place, the name 
Napoleon was the essence of the programme he 
offered his countrymen : it contained the military 
dispersion of the Council of Five Hundred, and every 
subsequent act to the establishment of the first 
empire ; and as the endorsement of such promissory 
note was seven million responsible signatures, 
what right can a foreigner have to protest against 
it? Mr. Duncombe considered that France was of 
legal age and sound mind, therefore capable of 
transacting the business referred to. Close upon 
twenty years have elapsed since its date, and as both 


the parties to it are flourishing, no one can have any 
legitimate pretence for finding fault with the pro- 

One extraordinary political event arose out of the 
coup d'etat that gave it a much deeper interest to him 
this was the dismissal, as was alleged, at the insti- 
gation of the prime minister, Lord John Russell, of 
Mr. Buncombe's friend, Lord Palmerston, then 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. During the 
debate on the address a lengthened explanation of 
this stretch of authority was volunteered by the head 
of the Government, in which it appeared that Lord 
Normanby, our ambassador at Paris, certainly not 
distinguished as a diplomatist, had complained that 
the Foreign Secretary had given him instructions 
at variance with the language he had held to M. 
Walewski, the French ambassador in London. In 
addition, some complaints had come from a higher 
source, respecting supposed irregularities in the dis- 
charge of his official duties. Whereupon, without 
consulting his colleagues, Lord John had ventured to 
dismiss the ablest and most popular statesman of his 

Lord Palmerston presently rose, and gave his 
version of the story with his customary spirit, in 
which he proved that if he had committed any fault 
in expressing, during a private conversation, an 
opinion respecting the conduct of the President, he 
must share the blame with the Premier and the rest of 
the cabinet, for all had privately expressed their 
approval to M. Walewski in similar terms. In every 
way it was a successful defence ; and the House un- 



equivocally expressed their sympathy. It leaked out 
in the course of the discussion which followed, that the 
real cause of his dismissal was his having displayed a 
certain amount of indifference to attempts at inter- 
ference with his duties, made by a personage closely 
connected with his Sovereign. The affair was regarded 
as extremely impolitic and damaging to the Govern- 
ment, and one likely to impair the good understanding 
that had hitherto existed between this country 
and Prance. Eventually both Lord John and 
Lord Normanby found out that they had made a 

Negotiations were going on between the President 
of the French Republic, represented in London by 
M. Briffault, and Mr. Duncombe, represented in Paris 
by his secretary; who, though only returned from 

* That Lord Melbourne was an accomplished courtier convincing 
evidence may be found in a work recently published, in which the 
Minister's efforts to gratify his youthful sovereign constantly 
appear. In the Queen's marriage, and in the settlement of a Par- 
liamentary grant on the Prince, this was natural and proper ; but 
when it was sought to confound the distinction between the Queen's 
husband and a reigning king, his efforts to please were open to 
question. It is just possible that Lord Melbourne may have 
derived advantage from the suggestions of a statesman who 
had scarcely attained his majority ; but that men of the most 
comprehensive political knowledge, who sat at the Council, 
could have profited by them, is not so clear. Yet it appears 
as if Lord John Russell had been content with the same 
inspiration . 

" I always commit my views to paper, and then communicate 
them to Lord Melbourne. He seldom answers me, but I have often 
had the satisfaction of seeing him act entirely in accordance with 
what I have said." The Prince to his Father : " Early Days of 
Prince Albert," i. 321. 


one of his missions on the 3rd of January, was in the 
French capital again on the 29th. Mr. Duncombe 
had interviews with M. Briffault on the 5th and 18th. 
His representative merely reported his arrival. The 
observations he hazards respecting the warlike dis- 
position of the French people appear to have been the 
result of a very brief stay in the capital. He did not 
remain there many days. 

Hotel Britannicjue, 22 Rue Duphot, Paris, 

Thursday, January 29th, 1852. 

I have not yet seen anybody, but I am going to try the 
imperial cover first, and afterwards the ducal. From the 
few hours I have been here, and the little one can judge in 
so short a time, I am strongly induced to believe that all 
our English views of the feelings of the people of this 
country towards their Government are very much exag- 
gerated, and they quite ridicule the idea of war, or anything 
like it. All they ask for is that the non-intervention 
principle may be strictly carried out, and they will not 
interfere with us, and hope to be left alone. I will write 
to you more by-and-bye. 

Mr. Buncombe's agent was temporarily promoted 
to the secretaryship of " the Eegent." The latter had 
seen in a Paris paper, copied from a Cologne journal, 
a paragraph in which it was stated that the duke had 
renounced his sovereignty. As this might be pre- 
judicial to his rights, and prevent the imperial inter- 
position in his behalf he looked for daily, the duke 
called the secretary into council ; and together 
they drew up the following state-paper, which 
was sent to and inserted in the Journal des Debate, 

H 2 



Paris, le 4 Septembre, 1852. 

MONSIEUR, Pai soumis a S. A. le Due Souverain de 
Brunswick le paragraphe date de Vienne, le 27 Aout, 
extrait de la Gazette de Cologne, et contenu dans votre 
journal du 2 de mois ; et j'ai re9u Fordre de le dementir au 
nom de S. A. 

Monseigneur le Due Souverain de Brunswick ne renoncera 
jaraais a ses droits hereditaires. 

Pai 1'honneur d^etre, etc. G. SMITH. 




Mr. Buncombe's improved health Proposed as the head of a 
popular party Again returned for Finsbury Lord John 
Russell's Government overthrown Mr. Buncombe on bribery 
and controverted elections The Carlton Club Our policy in the 
East condemned The Peace Conference Mr. John Bright, the 
Quaker Mr. Buncombe's interview with Lord Clarendon 
The Russian war Rents Chateau Beaugaillard, near Tours 
Lord Palmerston's letter announcing a conditional pardon for 
the Newport convicts Mr. Buncombe's correspondence with 
Lord Palmerston on behalf of the Preston cotton spinners His 
correspondence with the Buke of Newcastle on the campaign in 
the Crimea Lord Clarendon on the Passport system Letter of 
Sir John Tyrrell, Bart., M.P., on the Peace Society Meetings 
in Hyde Park Friendly letter of Lord Palmerston, and Mr. 
Buncombe's judicious reply " Honest Tom Buncombe" The 
letter-carriers Letter from Sir Rowland Hill Beputations of 
working men. 

IN the year 1850, Mr. Buncombe made an effort to 
resume his parliamentary duties ; and his political 
friends saw him once more attentive to debates and 
divisions ; but he was quite incapable of exertion, and 
constantly under medical treatment. In June he in- 
troduced his secretary to Lord Palmerston, with the 
view of forwarding the duke's arrangements. He 
exhausted himself by the little he was able to do, and 
was constantly obliged to remain in the neighbourhood 
of Hastings, where he generally resided. He was 


eager to try any remedy suggested to him, but could 
only get temporary relief from the ablest physicians. 
A book came under his observation, written against 
the use of salt ; and he called upon the author. The 
result is entered in his diary : " Mad never could 
have written the book." The man committed suicide 
a short time afterwards. 

It should be borne in mind that there were two 
Conservative Administrations in 1852. Lord Derby's, 
organized in February; and Lord Aberdeen's, in 
December. In one the Chancellor of the Exchequer 
was Mr. Disraeli ; in the other Mr. Gladstone, amal- 
gamating Lord Parlmerston and Lord John Russell 
as Home and Foreign Secretaries ; while Sir William 
Molesworth, First Commissioner of Public Works, 
threw a soupqon of liberality into the mixture. Appa- 
rently it did not flavour it sufficiently at any rate it 
did not recommend it to the popular palate. 

There was much discontent among the masses, and 
strikes and combinations were never more prevalent. 
Mr. Duncombe had allowed himself to be announced 
as the president of the National Association of United 
Trades. This post he resigned early in the year 1852 ; 
but when it became known that an improvement had 
taken place in his health, it was suggested to him that 
he might place himself at the head of a popular party. 
Mr. Duncombe expressed his willingness to do this, 
provided a party could be brought together with a 
thoroughly liberal action and policy ; and published 
an address in which he developed his views of both. 

Other prospects opened to him about this time, but 
the still delicate state of his health forbade great 
exertion or continuous excitement ; and he contented 


himself with the performance of his political duties in 
the House and out of it, to the satisfaction of his 
constituents. There were questions of the deepest 
interest connected with the preservation of civil and 
religious liberty, which were rising to the surface, 
and would have to be made more prominent by his 
advocacy. The Dissenters were complaining of the 
inadequacy of the State arrangements for education ; 
and the Roman Catholics remonstrating against State 
interference with their faith. 

He took his share of duty in the exciting struggle 
that marked the commencement of the session of 
1852 ; and records in his diary the melancholy history 
of Lord John Russell's new Reform Bill. He in- 
terested himself for the letter-carriers, whose case he 
warmly supported ; advocated the Maynooth grant ; 
and attended several political meetings. Feargus 
O'Connor, his old colleague, was committed to custody 
on the 9th of May ; and Mr. Duncombe visited him 
on the 14th. Parliament was prorogued and dissolved 
on the 1st of June. Then came the customary worry 
of a contested election. 

Mr. Wakley finding his duties as coroner for Mid- 
dlesex as much as he could perform, gave up Finsbury; 
and Mr. Alderman Challis and Mr. Wyld, the map- 
seller, of Charing-cross, contested the seat. Much 
money was expended by Mr. Duncombe's competitors, 
and the result was not entirely creditable to the consti- 
tuency Challis, 7504; Duncombe, 6678; Wyld, 

During the autumnal sitting of the House Mr. 
Duncombe was in his place, presented petitions, 
and spoke on several subjects. He also gave notice 


of a motion for considering the state of the elective 
franchise. On the 10th of December he moved that 
the Speaker do not leave the chair ; in which he was 
seconded by Mr. "Walter, and a long debate ensued. 
He subsequently attended several public meetings, 
convened to express opposition to the Budget. This 
was the session of the new Eeform Bill. Ministers 
were in a minority on the Militia Bill Eeport. Lord 
John Russell resigned on the 23rd of February ; on 
which subject Mr. Duncombe addressed the House 
on the 12th of March. He divided on Hume's 
motion for Eeform, on Grote's ballot, and con'stantly 
against the Government, assisting in making the 
majority against the Budget on the 15th of December. 
He was almost every day at the Eeform Club, and 
evidently intent on doing the best he could for his 

In June, 1853, there was a discussion in the House 
on Sir J. Tyrrell's motion that a writ do issue for 
Harwich, in the room of Mr. Peacocke, whose election 
had been declared void ; in the course of which the 
member for Finsbury made a most effective speech, 
detailing the enormities of this place in the way of 
corruption. The extent to which bribery was carried 
on at every election in that notorious borough, be- 
trayed the inefficiency of the Eeform Bill ; yet it was 
not disfranchised 247 members voting for the motion, 
and 102 against it. In the same session he called 
the attention of the House to the defective state of 
the law for the trial of controverted election petitions, 
and brought forward the case of Colonel Dickson and 
the Marquis of Douro, who were unsuccessful can- 
didates for Norwich. Their petition against the 


return of their opponents had been withdrawn by a 
parliamentary agent without- their knowledge. Mr. 
Duncombe made some amusing references to the 
Carlton Club, whose solicitor was the agent com- 
plained of. 

In the month of September, 1853, M. Kossuth 
published a letter condemning the foreign policy of 
England as being worse than that of Eussia in the 
East, and anti-liberal. Popular attention was being 
directed to what was called the Eastern question by 
the English Liberals. Mr. Henry Drumm on d, M.P., 
having been invited to attend a Peace conference in 
Edinburgh, wrote a letter for the newspapers, freely 
giving his opinions not only respecting the occupation 
of Moldavia and Wallachia by the Russians, but de- 
nouncing the aggressive designs of the Emperor of 
France, and the despotism of the Emperors of Russia 
and Austria, the Pope and his priests, the King of 
Naples, and all the minor absolute German princes. 
It was, however, most remarkable for its attack upon 
the principles of the party who had proposed the 
Peace conference. In the following month John 
Bright, M.P., the Quaker, who was the representative 
of that party, wrote in condemnation of the popular 
desire to drive the English Government into a war 
against Russia in defence of Turkey. The public 
were daily getting more interested in the discussion ; 
Mr. Duncombe, therefore, called a meeting of his 
constituents, and having been voted into the chair, 
addressed them at considerable length, ridiculing the 
pretensions of the Peace conference, but recommend- 
ing a calculation of the cost of war before entering 
upon a conflict. He then condemned the system of 


secret diplomacy, and the foreign policy of Ministers. 
The proceedings were interrupted by the appearance 
of an Irish agitator, Bronterre O'Brien. The majority 
of the meeting did not want to hear him, but a large 
party of his friends did, and the chairman had some 
difficulty in restoring order. Resolutions were pro- 
posed and carried in condemnation of the designs of 
Russia, and of the Government system of secret 
diplomacy. Soon afterwards a deputation, headed by 
the member for Fiusbury, had an interview with the 
Earl of Clarendon, and presented an address from that 
constituency, expressing their opinions on these 
subjects, signed by Mr. Duncombe as chairman of the 
meeting. His lordship defended the policy of his 
Government, regretted the necessity of secresy while 
negotiations of importance were in progress, and ex- 
pressed the intention of his colleagues to preserve the 
integrity of the Ottoman empire, and the national 
honour. Some discussion ensued, supported by Mr. 
Duncombe and one or two members of the deputation, 
on the conduct of preceding Governments in their 
negotiations with foreign powers ; but his lordship 
contented himself with defending his own. Mr. 
Harney wanted to exact a pledge from the Foreign 
Secretary that the English fleet should not be 
employed to coerce the Turkish people ; but Lord 
Clarendon declined discussing so improbable a con- 
tingency, and the deputation retired. 

Mr. Duncombe took a profound interest in this 
question, preserving every printed paper that threw 
any light upon it, and marking the illustrative pas- 
sages : the able dispatch of Lord Clarendon to Sir 
G. R. Seymour, our ambassador at St. Petersburg, 



dated July 16th, 1853, condemning the Eussian in- 
vasion of Wallachia and Moldavia, and expressing an 
intention of defending the rights of the Porte ; 
also the manifestoes of the Sultan, the Czar, the 
Emperor of France ; as well as the communications of 
Count Nesselrode, and Kedschid Pacha; the instructions 
of the four great European powers, England, France 
Austria, and Prussia to their ambassadors ; the reply 
of the representatives of England and France to the 
Turkish minister's application for the assistance of the 
combined fleets ; the note of the four ambassadors ; 
and the protocol of the members of the Vienna con- 
ference; in short, every paper of importance that 
appeared in the public prints. The quarrel became 
less and less pacific ; and notwithstanding the declared 
intention of the Governments of France and England 
to unite their forces by sea and land for the preservation 
of the territorial rights of Turkey, the Emperor of 
Russia maintained his position and his hold of the 
property of " the sick man." 

The Parliamentary attendance of Mr. Duncombe 
was unremitting in this session. From the previous 
November he had been in forty-five divisions ; 
in addition, he had a great deal of duty to attend to 
in the way of interviews with deputations, taking the 
chair at public meetings, and meetings with aggrieved 
individuals, who desired his advocacy or his subscrip- 
tion. His health had somewhat improved, parti- 
cularly after a sojourn at Tunbridge Wells and 
Brighton, but he still suffered severely from 

For a few months in this year the state of 
Mr. Duncombe's health necessitating a change of 


climate, he was induced by very attractive represen- 
tations to rent during the recess a chateau and vine- 
yard called Beaugaillard, near Tours. It was let to 
him furnished, with the use of the domestic establish- 
ment, "as a great favour," for 750 francs a month. 
He paid 30/. in advance on the 28th of May, but 
afterwards being advised to give up the idea of going 
abroad he did so, convinced that the place would not 
suit him, and therefore never resided at the chateau. 

Early in the session of 1854 Mr. Duncombe made 
another appeal to the liberality of the English Govern- 
ment in favour of the political convicts Frost, Wil- 
liams, and Jones. Lord Palmerston promptly re- 
sponded, and announced to the House that her 
Majesty's clemency would be extended to two of the 
Irish offenders, Martin and Dogherty. Mr. Smith 
O'Brien had already been pardoned. An influential 
morning paper, in announcing this interesting fact, 
adds " A sentiment of gratitude is surely also due to 
Mr. Thomas Duncombe, whose question elicited this 
declaration from the Home Secretary, and whose 
unbought exertions in favour of the political trans- 
ports have, during the last fourteen years, been ever 
ready when there seemed any chance of inducing such 
a result as is now brought about." 

The condemned Chartists, Frost, Williams, and 
Jones, were pardoned ; but the Government appeared 
to think that they had left their country for their 
country's good, and were not inclined to sanction 
their return. Independently of the sort of triumph it 
might be represented as giving to the Chartist party } 
it would, they thought, invest the returned convicts 
with a degree of importance they might find it very 


difficult to resist in case another movement of the 
kind should be attempted. Mr. Duncombe looked 
upon the case as a philanthropist, and desired that the 
men should be restored to their families. He believed 
that with the experience they had so dearly purchased 
they would appreciate home too highly to risk it for 
the Five Points, or for a hundred. He therefore ad- 
dressed a communication on the subject, which was 

thus answered : 

C. G., 13th March, 1854. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, The pardon to be granted to Frost, 
Williams, and Jones is to be a conditional pardon, like that 
to be granted to Smith O'Brien, the condition being that 
the person to whom the pardon is granted shall not return 
to the Queen's dominions. They may go anywhere else. 
Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON. 

There was one part of his duties as a popular 
member that Mr. Duncombe filled with singular suc- 
cess that of being a medium between the more ex- 
citable operatives and the Government, when the 
former seemed intent on illegal proceedings. - His 
interference in behalf ot the convicted Chartists of 
Newport is one case ; but now the cotton-spinners of 
the manufacturing town of Preston demanded his 
intervention. He had an interview with Lord Pal- 
merston ; and having learnt his lordship's views, wrote 
good counsel to the spinners, as may be gathered from 
the following letter and reply : 

1, Palace Chambers, St. James' s-street, June 3rd, 1854. 
DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, After the interview that you 
were kind enough to give me last night I had just time to 
send an answer to the Spinners at Preston upon the subject 
of the withdrawal of the indictments ; and as my object was 
to transmit as correctly as I could your views, I think it 


better to send you a copy of my note to them in order that 
should I not have reported the result of our conversation as 
you wished, I may in my next letter correct any error into 
which I have unintentionally fallen. You will perceive 
that with regard to any opinion that I have expressed I 
give it as my own, not as yours ; although I cannot help 
thinking that if you were in possession of all the facts of 
the case as I am, you would not entertain quite so harsh an 
opinion of the conduct of these poor fellows, considering the 
severe trials to which they have been exposed, which I 
much fear you have been induced to form from the over- 
charged representations of interested parties. 

I have the honour to remain, dear Lord Palmerston, 
Yours very sincerely, T. S. D. 

Broadlands, 5th June, 1854. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, Thank you for the copy of your 
letter to the Preston men ; it was quite right. I certainly 
should have no wish to keep up the dispute if the parties 
concerned could agree to put an end to it, and no doubt 
it would be best that they should come to an understand- 
ing on the subject. Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON. 

Mr. Duncombe's health fluctuated ; lie got better, 
and lie grew worse. He tried physician after 
physician, and remedy after remedy ; but if with a 
favourable result, this was only transitory. Having 
exhausted the skill of Dr. Williams and Dr. Moore, 
he called in Halse and his galvanic apparatus : then 
Dr. Cronin and his dry cupping ; after these a female 
mesmerist, Mademoiselle Julia de Bouroullec, who 
promised a cure, and failed. He tried vegetable diet, 
bread and milk, decoction of walnut leaves, and pills, 
potions, and plasters out of number : but he could not 
expect much amelioration of his symptoms while he 
over exerted his delicate lungs with public- speaking, 
and continued to bring on attacks of bronchitis by 


exposure to wet and cold. Every session found him 
less equal to his parliamentary duties, yet he was 
present at all important divisions. In July, 1854, he 
joined in eighteen, and spoke on all necessary occasions. 
The campaign in the Crimea created a great deal 
of dissatisfaction. The military arrangements were 
generally condemned, and the train of evils that arose 
out of want of system and ignorance of the require- 
ments of a large body of men in the country they had 
invaded, were much and savagely commented on by 
the opponents of Government. There certainly was 
an unusual display of blunders, as well as an enormous 
sacrifice of life, and a prodigious waste of property. 
But the member for Finsbury, though he strongly 
opposed the measures of the administration, far from 
desiring to bear hard upon their mistakes, spon- 
taneously offered his aid when he thought advice 
might be accepted. He wrote to the head of the War 
Department : 

Preston, near Brighton, December 26th, 1854. 

MY DEAR DUKE, As it occurs to me that, from the 
senseless outcry and prejudice that has been so industriously 
raised against the Foreign Enlistment Bill, the next great 
difficulty that you have to contend with will be to select 
any locality where the force during its stay in England 
can be maintained and drilled without causing in some 
instances considerable annoyance and alarm to the neigh- 
bourhood, and in others, perhaps, danger to the public 
peace, I have taken the liberty of sending you the descrip- 
tion of a district which, from my own personal knowledge 
for some time both since and when in the Guards, appears 
to me to possess all that can be required to enable you to 
place with care and safety in temporary barracks at least 
five or six thousand/ if not the whole, of the intended 


force. I refer to the small village of Bexliill in Sussex ; it 
stands high and dry, near the sea, within six miles of 
Hastings to the east, twenty of Lewes to the west, and 
about six of Battle to the north ; has its own railway 
station, and a large common admirably adapted to drilling, 
&c. purpqses close to the ground where the barracks used 
to stand. This ground is at present let out chiefly for 
pasture, but remains Government property, and can be 
resumed by the Crown, I am informed, on notice being 
given that it is required again for the public service. A 
small burial-ground is also attached to it, and is still kept 
up, though I rather think it is only now used for the inter- 
ment of paupers. 

Had I been in town I should have done myself the 
honour of calling upon you, but as I shall not be there 
until Parliament reassembles, and as time presses, I have 
ventured to trouble you through the post. If my sugges- 
tion is of any service to you I shall be glad, or if I can 
give or obtain for you any further information, I shall be 
happy to do so ; pray do not therefore scruple in communi- 
cating to me your wishes. 

I have the honour to be, &c. my dear Duke, 

Yours faithfully, T. S. D. 
To His Grace the Duke of Newcastle, &c. &c., 

War Department, 28th December, 1854. 

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, I am greatly obliged by 
your suggestion of Bexhill as a good place for encamping 
our Foreign Legion. 

A better position could not be selected, but I am afraid 
the land no longer belongs to the Crown, but has been sold 
some years ago. I have, however, written to the Ordnance 
to enquire. 

I was truly glad to find by your letter that you do not 
participate in those objections to the Government measure 
which lately united so many of those with whom you 
usually act, with the factious Tories. 

Believe me, yours very faithfully, NEWCASTLE. 


The Eussian war brought trouble upon many ; but 
the official administrator of the War department had 
a particular hard time of it ; probably want of ex- 
perience was to blame rather than want of capacity. 
The Duke of Newcastle, though young in office, gave 
himself up earnestly to the daily increasing labour of 
his post; things, however, went wrong, and his 
grace got blamed. Mr. Buncombe appreciated his 
manly and honourable character, and believed that if 
he had had fair play he would have been able to 
overcome his difficulties. 

The evils of the passport system were felt by every 
traveller, and in some instances were intolerable. 
Englishmen never could be made to appreciate the 
overhauling, and scrutinising, and worry, and ex- 
penses attendant upon it; to be stopped, and chal- 
lenged, and searched at the boundaries of every petty 
state, and turned back if there was the slightest irre- 
gularity in their papers, formed a drawback upon the 
pleasures of travelling that deprived them of more than 
half their zest. The case was a thousand times worse 
with foreigners who were in the slightest degree 
obnoxious to the Governments of the countries they 
desired to traverse. Doubtless the member for 
Finsbury heard many pitiful complaints on this head 
from Hungarian, Polish, and Italian exiles, who 
flocked to him as a friend. He therefore applied to 
the fountain head of authority to ascertain if some 
improvement in the system could not be effected. 
After considerable delay an answer came : 

Grosvenor Crescent, November 25th, 1854. 
MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, I have many apologies to make, 
and I must beg you to excuse my unintentional neglect in 
VOL. il. I 


re passports. The fact is, I could do nothing in the matter 
without consulting Palmerston, which was impossible during 
the last days of the session ; then came poor Jocelyn's * 
death, and I did not see him again till he came through 
London on his way to Paris. I then went over the whole 
subject with him, and I have since endeavoured to meet 
your wishes, as I will explain to you if you will have the 
goodness to call here any afternoon except Wednesday. 

Very truly yours, CLARENDON. 

The progress of the Russian war was viewed with 
different feelings by different classes of politicians in 
England, much as the Peninsular war was regarded by 
the Tories and the Whigs. But now it was only the 
knot of deluded individuals who called themselves the 
Peace party who croaked about the superiority of the 
enemy and the certainty of disaster in the campaign 
going on in the Crimea. Notwithstanding important 
advantages, there were still reports circulated from 
Manchester discreditable to our allies the Turks, and 
in the highest degree laudatory of the Russians. So 
prejudiced were they, that the heroism of the band of 
nurses superintended by Florence Nightingale scarcely 
obtained recognition. The accompanying note gives 
some account of the unfair spirit in which the war was 

Boreham House. 

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, I am writing from a sick bed, 
where I have been for a few days, in fact a week ; but 
yesterday a thing came to my knowledge which I have 
determined to send you. 

The Times and the Government have long acted, as was 
suspected by you, upon the principle of suppression and 
mutilation of any Turkish success. This at last has been 

* Lord Jocelyn died on the 12th of August. 


complete : the Turks have taken a Russian man-of-war, and 
have obtained other naval advantages; but there is no 
account of them. This letter was dated from Constanti- 
nople, and also expressed the disgust of the Turks that our 
Government were permitting vessels of war at this moment 
to be built, and they are building, on the Thames by the 

[illegible] builders. This I have also confirmed 

from , but he enjoined his name not to be 


These Russians pay very large wages to the men. What 
I should like would be that you should advise what course 
is to be pursued. It appears to me, when the facts are 
ascertained as to the present status of the [illegible] vessels. 
I believe they are at Northfleet. 

I have no objection to write a letter in the paper and 
put my name to it, addressed to the Peace Society, or any 
parties you may please. The case seems to me to be so 
good a one, and measures ought to be taken without delay, 
that if you satisfy yourself of the truth of the facts, you had 
better fire away directly. 

I am writing in bed, and with most unpleasant feelings. 
While I am writing I am assured the account of taking the 
Russian vessel is in some of the papers, but not in the 
Times. I think the people might be brought to bear to 
permit the Russians to launch their own vessels. The 
Russian fleet might be most effectually attacked by the 
people of England in their own River Thames, and I a little 
suspect at Portsmouth. In fact, Aberdeen and the Times 
do all they can for Russia. 

In haste, my dear Duncombe, 

Ever yours, J. T. TYRELL.* 

Increasing dissatisfaction met the efforts of the 
Aberdeen ministry, and soon after the commencement 
of the session of 1855 Mr. Roebuck brought forward, 
a motion on the state of the army. The member for 

* Member for North Essex. 

i 2 


Finsbury was in his place in the House, and spoke as 
usual the popular sentiments on the subject. The 
Government was in a minority, and resigned the 
majority being more than two to one. A new cabinet, 
with Lord Palmerston at its head, gave the nation 
assurance of a vigorous administration. 

Mr. Duncombe was constant in his attendance at 
the House, especially at divisions, and spoke on 
every important question. In April of this year the 
Emperor and Empress of France visited her Majesty 
at Windsor, and stayed a week. In this month 
the member for Finsbury was much occupied by 
attending to the affairs of Lord Dundonald and 
Sir Charles Napier : the first had war plans to 
sirbrnit for inspection, the other to explain his ill 

In the summer of this session the metropolis 
was much excited by large assemblages of the working 
classes, including the usual average of "roughs." 
They wanted to make Hyde Park their place of 
rendezvous, and seemed to prefer Sunday as their 
day of meeting. The member for Finsbury was 
regarded by the masses as their champion, and as a 
natural result he was made responsible for their pro- 
ceedings. Lord Palmerston was not the man to 
sanction what he believed to be wrong. Eminently 
popular as a minister, he would not tolerate what 
looked like a systematic defiance of authority, how- 
ever agreeable this might be to those to whom it was 
permitted. Before, however, he had recourse to the 
means at his disposal for putting an end to these 
popular demonstrations, he wrote the following highly 
characteristic appeal to his friend : 


144, Piccadilly, 7th July, 1855. 

MY DEAR DUXCOMBE, I write to you as a friend and 
not as a minister. You have been, in the House of Com- 
mons, apparently the organ of those who directed and 
arranged the meetings in Hyde Park on the two last 
Sundays. Proceedings of a similar kind are expected 
to-morrow. It is needless to point out the various ways in 
which such proceedings might lead to consequences which I 
am sure you would be the first to deplore. May I not be 
allowed to suggest to you that it would do credit to those 
who may have influence with the directors of these pro- 
ceedings if to-morrow were allowed to resume the 
accustomed character of a summer Sunday ? 

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON. 

Mr. Duncombe's reply 1 proves how completely he 
disowned the policy of those mischievous demagogues 
who, as long as they can have an opportunity of gra- 
tifying their vanity by placing themselves in a con- 
spicuous position, care not who may be the sufferers. 
It is impossible to prevent contrasting the conduct of 
the minister of that day and a real representative of 
the people,, with that of the minister of a later day 
and a popular leader of less experience and modera- 
tion. Under Lord Palmerston the government of the 
country was not likely to be brought into contempt ; 
and Mr. Duncombe had much too practical a mind to 
risk a collision with the civil and military power 
while insisting in the face of a proclamation that so 
many thousand industrious men should parade his 
leadership in the most fashionable part of the town. 

St. James's-street, Monday Morning, July 9th, 1855. 

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, Many thanks to you for 
your kind note, which I have only just received ; but you 


wrong me in saying that I have been the organ of those 
who directed and arranged the meetings in Hyde Park, for 
I know not who they were. I have certainly been the 
organ of many, and some of them your neighbours, who 
either suffered from or witnessed the disgraceful conduct 
of some of the police ; and I can assure you that 
immediately after the discussion on Friday, I anticipated 
your wishes, and I did my best to allay the exasperation 
and vindictive feeling that then existed, by entreating all 
those who expressed their intention of revisiting the park 
yesterday to abstain from doing so, and to wait with 
patience the result of the promised inquiry, and I am 
informed that placards to that effect were circulated and 
posted up at the East end. If there is anything more I 
can do at any future time and with the same object, pray 
tell me, and it shall be done. 

I wish on the two previous Sundays that the police had 
conducted themselves in the same conciliatory and judicious 
manner that I am informed they did yesterday. I hear 
that the glaziers were at work, and ought to be punished. 
I have the honour to be, my dear Lord, 

Yours faithfully, T. S. D. 

The member for Finsbury had been among the 
most urgent for inquiry into the mismanagement of 
our army, and in March he moved for the cor- 
respondence of the Commander-in-Chief (Lord Raglan) 
and the Minister for War. Lord Palmerston replied 
that as a committee of inquiry had been granted that 
had the power of calling for papers, such correspon- 
dence could not be necessary. The motion was ably 
supported by Mr. Milnes, but negatived without a 
division. Fortunately for the country the reign of 
jobbery and bungling was nearly over, as well as 
the necessity of taking care of O'Dowd. Sebastopol 
was taken by assault by the French and English 

RATS. 119 

armies. The Czar having found consolation in the 
capture of starved out Kars by General Mouravieff, 
condescended to listen to terms of peace, and the 
remnant of our magnificent army left their hard-won 
conquests and returned home. 

Some metropolitan members turned their popu- 
larity to profitable account. They advocated the in- 
terests of the people and looked to their own. Govern- 
ment secured their support by advancing them to 
dignities or employments, or permitting them to 
exercise extensive patronage. Yery edifying was the 
change of some of these fortunate individuals from the 
loudest democratic sentiments to a quiet adoption of 
those of the aristocracy from the principles of ex- 
treme liberalism to those more in accordance with a 
position in the Government. These changes did not 
always occur without severe comment. In one case 
the transition was thus noticed : 

" We dreamt that to nobles he ne'er would bow, 

Nor the people's cause disgrace, 
Till he crouched for a coronet rather low, 

And wriggled at last to a place ; 
And then when we fancied fight he must 

'Gainst the taxes he used to blame, 
We found to our most extreme disgust 

That his views were not the same !" 

Mr. Duncombe might, when personal friends were 
at the head of Government or held influential posi- 
tions in the cabinet, have made equally advantageous 
terms for himself ; but as a tribune of the people he 
had accepted a trust, and remained faithful to it to 
the last. Let it also be remembered that his health 
had been totally destroyed by his devotion to his 


duties, and it was only by having constant recourse to 
medical aid that he could maintain his arduous Par- 
liamentary duties. " Honest Tom Duncombe !" was 
the familiar appellation of the Liberal press, and he 
.did his best throughout his public career to prove that 
he deserved it. 

His zeal was untiring in his exposure of corruption, 
and he never omitted an opportunity of denouncing 
its evil effects in influencing the election of members 
of Parliament. In the address to the Queen's speech, 
January 31st, 1854, the announcement that measures 
were in preparation for amending the laws relating to 
the representation was adverted to for the purpose of 
pressing the necessity of putting an end to corrupt 
practices. In the month of June he put on the 
notice-paper an amendment, in case a new writ was 
moved for the notorious boroughs Canterbury, Cam- 
bridge, Hull, Maldon, or Barnstaple, in which he re- 
ferred to the proved allegations against them, and 
stated that nothing had been done in the way of cor- 
rection. He then proposed as a remedy that for five 
years the voting in such boroughs should be taken by 
ballot. The reports of the several committees had 
hitherto remained a dead letter. Mr. Duncombe 
strove to spur the Government on to attempt some- 
thing remedial. 

The grievances of the postmen were brought under 
the notice of the House of Commons in February, 
1855, by the member for Finsbury presenting 253 
petitions from them and giving notice of a motion on 
the subject. The attention of the authorities was 
roused, and a little later the head of the department ad- 
dressed Mr. Duncombe in answer to a note from him : 


G.P.O., 14th March, 1855. 

MY DEAR SIR, I called at the Treasury this morning to 
enquire again about the Act, and was about to write to you 
when I received your note. 

I should be happy to frame your question if I could 
recollect the object of your inquiry, but, if you named it, 
the matter must have escaped my memory. 

The circulars informing the letter-carriers and others of 
their positions under the new arrangement will be in the 
hands of many of the men to-morrow, and in the hands of 
all by the end of the week. 

I made inquiries about your " sick friend," and find that 
nothing can be done. He comes on duty at five, not, as 
you understood him, at three in the morning. 

Faithfully yours, ROWLAND HILL. 

Thomas Duncombe, Esq., M.P., &c. &c. 

In the month of February, this year, the cause of 
Reform lost an able and conscientious advocate in 
Joseph Hume ; and a few months later, in poor Feargus 
O'Connor, many years editor of the Northern Star, 
and in 1847 member for Nottingham. In 1853 he 
was declared of unsound mind by a Commissio de 
Lunatico Inquirendo ; and about a week before his 
death had been removed by his sister from Dr. Tuke's 
establishment, Chiswick. He was buried at Kensal 
Green, nearly 20,000 persons being present at his 
funeral. The loss of these earnest friends and fellow- 
labourers seriously affected Mr. Duncombe, and he 
became more excitable. He was much troubled with 
deputations of all possible kinds; and when lie sus- 
pected that they were trying to dictate to him, or 
instruct him in his duties, his patience would occa- 
sionally give way. We will give a description of 
two, that the reader may be able to appreciate the 


trials to which a popular member of Parliament is 

When Sir Benjamin Hall's Bill was before Par- 
liament, it became necessary for a certain commissioner 
of paving to have an interview with the members for 
Finsbury. He wrote a report of this for a Sheffield 
paper, from which our quotations are derived. He 
was evidently a person of influence in the borough, and 
thoroughly acquainted with the kind of life led by 
his representatives. In his introductory observations 
he asks " To what can I liken the experience of a 
member for a metropolitan borough ? There is no 
torture to be compared to it .... The metropolitan 
member may enjoy fame (if fame it be), but his fame 
is the curse of Kehama that is, accumulated torture, 
and no death." He presently adds, " You must ordi- 
narily spend 10007. at least in legal expenses at each 
election. You must lend money to all the slip-shod 
orators in the borough, or you must be surety for 
them ; or if you have patronage, you must get them 
situations, or these men will review their own political 
opinions ; those opinions without solid argument may 
quickly change." 

This intelligent commissioner sought and found the 
members for Finsbury in a sort of cupboard, without 
seats, near the lobby of the House of Commons. The 
" interview" of the deputation shall be described in 
his own words : 

" They shook us heartily by the hand, and expressed 
their regret that it was so long since they had seen 
most of us. Personally I believe they were happy 
to see us ; but it is evident that such deputations 
were a nuisance. Every attitude, look, word, inti- 


mated that we must be brief. Our clerk, in his manly 
way, began his speech. 

" ' Could you not,' said Mr. Duncombe, ' embody it 
all in a petition ?' 

" Mr. Talbot said, ' We only wish to draw your 
attention to one or two points.' 

" ' Put on your hats,' said Mr. Duncombe. 

" Another member named extra-parochial plans. 

" ' I should be happy/ interrupted Mr. Duncombe, 
'to see you on the subject at Spring-gardens. Come 
and see me.' 

" Several details of Sir Benjamin Hall's Bill were 
rapidly and confusedly referred to by all the members 
of the deputation at once. 

" ' I'll tell you what to do,' said Alderman Challis. 
' Elect two from each parish ; agree on your views ; 
and we shall be happy to appoint a meeting ; shall 
we not, Mr. Duncombe ?' 

" 'We shall,' replied Mr. Duncombe. 

" I drew Alderman Challis's attention to the clause 
which disqualifies commissioners if they should be 
bankrupts, insolvents, or if they should compound 
with their creditors ; and I suggested that the clause 
should also comprehend collectors of rates. 

" The alderman took a note and said, " You will be 
one of the two delegates.' 

" All the deputation were now speaking at once all 
were hurrying to make their suggestions the mem- 
bers were distracted, not knowing who to listen to. 
At this moment the alderman luckily looked out at 
the door. ' Oh !' exclaimed he, ' here is the other de- 
putation !' And in rushed a string of respectable 
looking gentlemen ; and out went all of us in a crowd 


without salutation, bowing to, or shaking by the hand 
our excellent members. 

" At a guess," adds the frank and good-humoured 
reporter of the meeting, " we had speeches bottled up 
that would have engaged our members an hour and a 
half; as it was, our rush meeting was over in less 
than ten minutes. I have no fault to find with our 
representatives. What are men to do with fourteen 
or fifteen thousand constituents, all like locusts round 
them, on the spot ? There is not in the House one 
man I say, not one man so truly independent in 
spirit as Mr: Duncombe." 

The greatest trial to his patience were deputations 
of working-men. These persons also came with 
"bottled-up speeches," and insisted on wasting his 
time by delivering their crude notions also " all at 
once." They were paid for their services, and their 
"little brief authority" was pretty sure to invest 
them with airs of importance. If they were not per- 
mitted to inflict their orations upon, or annoy with 
their impertinence, their unfortunate representative, 
appalling was their sense of injury, and dreadful their 
complaints. We append an exaggerated report by a 
member of one of these deputations : 

" On presenting our card to Mr. Duncombe in the 
lobby he exclaimed, ' I am busy now/ and entered 
the House. Five minutes after he came out, and 
called upon us to follow him into the vote-room. We 
commenced by stating that ' the question we have to 
call your attention to ' 

" Mr. Duncombe interrupted and said ' Well, but 
stop ! Where do you come from ? who sends you ?' 

" We answered, that we were sent by committees 


established in various towns, whose objects are strictly 
the investigation of home and foreign affairs /' 

" Mr. Johnson, of Stafford ' I act for a committee 
of working men in Stafford.' 

"Mr. Duncombe 'Do you mean to tell me that 
the working men pay you for coming here? I say 
they are great fools if they do.' 

" Mr. Duncombe abruptly broke off here, and left us, 
and then returned in company with, we are informed, 
his secretary. He began not where he left off on 
leaving us, but by saying, ' I will say nothing but 
what I say before another person.' He then said 
that 'the working men had better keep their 

" Mr. Johnson, of Newcastle, interrupted, and at- 
tempted to open the case. 

"Mr. Duncombe, vehemently 'Will you hold 
your tongue ? I am not going to enter into the case 
with you. You came here to instruct me on Maritime 
Law !' 

" We said that we did not come to instruct him or 
any other gentleman, but to appeal to him as an 
Englishman, having some interest in common with 

" He again interrupted,* exclaiming with great 
vehemence, ' Will you hold your tongue ? You instruct 
me! I am the independent representative of an in- 
dependent constituency. I know far more about it 
than you can tell me. You will have my opinion 
when the subject comes before Parliament.' He here 
suddenly relaxed (?) into his former menacing and 

* A few lines back we are told that it was Mr. Johnson who 


insulting tone of speech, saying, " In fact, I will not 
hear you.' 

" On our asking if he did not represent England, he 
said * No, I don't. I represent a constituency.' 

" We answered, ' Then that is not part of 

" We were about to continue, but he stopped us, 
repeating his former words 'Will you hold your 
tongue ? I will not hear you. I tell you that you 
are imposing on the working men.' And then asked 
' if we were not the followers of Mr. Urquhart ?' 

" On our answering in the affirmative he said, 
' Then I tell you at once, that I have no confidence 
in his principles, and still less in his foreign policy ;' 
and then entered into a rambling statement about it 
being presumption on our part [which it certainly 
was] to be calling on members of Parliament assuming 
to instruct them. 

" We said that we did not wish to instruct, we 
desired them to assist in protecting the crown and 
the people, who are alike attacked by this innovation. 

" Mr. Duncombe ' To set aside Lord Campbell 
and Lord Clarendon !' 

" One of the members of the deputation said, ' We 
have nothing to do with Lord Campbell ; we have 
to (striking the declaration) do with this. Here is a 
question that affects the crown of England, as it 
does us and we come to you/ 

" Mr. Duncombe again interrupted, declaring pas- 
sionately that he would not hear us ; that we were 
imposing on the working men ; and saying, ' I will 

* These poor fellows had not learnt the familiar axiom, that a 
part is not equal to the whole. 


tell them wherever I go. You may take down my 
words if you choose.' 

" He then quitted the room abruptly without allow- 
ing the deputation to reply." * 

Probably this is a bad sample of these intruders 
upon his time. They were not his constituents the 
member for Finsbury had no sort of connexion with 
them nevertheless, having imbibed certain peculiar 
notions on foreign policy from the pamphlets of a poli- 
tical lecturer, they had considered themselves justified 
ii) taking an experienced member of Parliament away 
from his public duties to listen to their " declaration" 
about a question which, as they represented, equally 
affected the interests of the crown of England and the 
Johnsons of Salford and Newcastle ! 

* Sheffield Free Press, June 21st, 1855. 




Literary Association of the Friends of Poland and Lord Dudley 
Coutts Stuart Insurrection in Hungary Letter of Lord 
Dudley Coutts Stuart Arrival of Kossuth His patriotic ora- 
tions Seizure of warlike stores Mr. Duncombe defends the 
patriot in the House of Commons Letter of Louis Kossuth 
Walter Savage Landor and the Times Colonel Tiirr Mr. 
Duncombe' s correspondence with Lord Palmerston relating to 
him The Foreign Office refuse him a passport Lord Clarendon 
to Colonel Tlirr Mr. Duncombe obtains his passport, and the 
Colonel joins Garibaldi Letter from Mr. Edwin James Mar- 
riage of General Tiirr Baron Prochazka's revelations in Hun- 
gary Decline of the public interest in Kossuth Issue of 
spurious Hungarian notes stopped by Government Kossuth on 
English affairs The stolen note Hungarian testimonials to 
Mr. Duncombe Coronation of Francis Joseph as King of 

IT had now become well known all over the civilised 
world that the member for Finsbury was the friend 
of oppressed nationalities. It therefore occurred to 
the exiled Poles to endeavour to enlist his sympathy 
in their behalf. There had for some time existed in 
this country a society expressly established to take 
cognizance of their distress and afford them relief. 
As is very often the case, the managers of this asso- 
ciation, with the best intentions in the world, were 
not popular with the body of unfortunates who had 
to apply to them for assistance. A former chancellor 


of the exchequer had brought a charge against the 
society of want of discrimination in affording relief 
to the Poles; but in August, 1840, having occasion 
to address the House of Commons respecting them, 
Mr. Duncombe referred to what appeared to him to 
be instances of partiality in the distribution of the 
funds. This elicited several long letters from Lord 
Dudley Stuart, the President of the " Literary Asso- 
ciation of the Friends of Poland," in which he de- 
fended its administration. Mr. Duncombe wrote a 
reply, which was published in the newspapers. 

There was another society organized for the regene- 
ration of Poland, of which Mr. Ernest Jones was 
president, and Mr. George Julian Harney secretary. 
Mr. Duncombe also belonged to this society, and 
assisted them with all his influence. He pre- 
sented a petition from them demanding the interven- 
tion of the British Government for the restoration of 
the nationality of Poland, on the llth of March, 1846, 
and another the following year. The democratic 
committee issued a publication for general circulation 
at the price of a penny each number ; but only two 
numbers were published. They then arranged that 
missionaries in pairs the one an Englishman, the 
other a Pole should be sent to all parts of the 
country to stir up the population with the wrongs of 
Poland. Messrs. Jones and Harney indulged in a 
good deal of " tall talk" on these occasions, but 
nothing came of it; they scolded the House of 
Commons, but nothing came of that ; and they 
abused every one who did not adopt their views 
with the same negative result. 

There cannot be a question that Poland has been 


130 POLES. 

badly used ; "but poems though written by a Camp- 
bell occasional balls, and societies like those we have 
mentioned, can afford no real benefit. If " Freedom 
shrieked when Kosciusko fell," she must have 
swooned when the duchy of "Warsaw was seized upon 
and declared a Russian province : since when it looks 
as if Poland had really become " a geographical ex- 
pression;" but Europe cannot help her, any more 
than it could help the gallant race of Circassians 
when they were denationalized after the same fashion. 
No amount of Lord Dudley Coutts Stuarts could have 
stopped the giant state from absorbing its weak 
neighbours. Mr. Duncombe spoke for the Polish 
exiles whenever his advocacy was likely to be felt ; 
but all statesmen of sound judgment knew that Eng- 
land could not interfere in their behalf to any profit. 
He helped them also with liberal subscriptions. 

The Magyars in Hungary, after the insurrection at 
Vienna, when Georgey led them to revolt and the 
down-trodden Poles hastened to their assistance on 
the Danube, might have established their nationality 
on the ruins of the Austrian empire, had not the 
politic autocrat of the neighbouring empire inter- 
posed, and with the assistance of the able Windisch- 
gratz rescued the House of Hapsburg from destruc- 
tion. So enormous was the Russian force sent to the 
assistance of Francis Joseph, that the Hungarians 
were everywhere overpowered. The fighting men of 
the revolution retreated fighting till they were pushed 
over the frontier into the country of the Turk, in 
whose service they were glad to offer their well- 
stained swords ; the talking men of the revolution 
fled talking into lands that enjoyed the blessings of 


constitutional liberty, in whose service they superflu- 
ously offered their well-used tongues. 

Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart took the fugitives under 
his protection, notwithstanding the trouble given him 
by the Poles. He appealed on their behalf to Mr. 
Duncombe, with what result he shall himself re- 
late : '- 

34, St. James's-place, Tuesday, 
August 7th, 1849. 

MY DEAR MB. DUNCOMBE, A gentleman has just called 
on me and brought me your note of the 6th instant, with 
51. from yourself for the Hungarians, and an order for 2/. 
from the liberal inhabitants of Keighley for the same 

These subscriptions, for which I beg to offer my personal 
thanks, I will take care and have publicly acknowledged. 
I was delighted to see and to hear you in the House of 
Commons so much better than I expected, and trust this 
fine weather will promote the speedy restoration of your 

Believe me, yours sincerely, 


M. Kossuth arrived in this country, and shortly 
took upon himself the duties of a political Peter the 
Hermit, making tremendous appeals on behalf of 
Hungary. There was great enthusiasm excited for 
him at first, and it was thought that a new crusade 
was about to commence. They were certainly won- 
derful orations, those of M. Kossuth, and were ex- 
tremely patriotic. The newspapers were full of them, 
and nothing was talked of but enslaved Magyars 
and Austrian tyranny. In course of time, however, 
this marvellous oratory ceased to be effective, and the 
speaker sought fresh audiences across the Atlantic. 

K 2 


In America his success was equally great, and his 
oratorical powers equally appreciated; but in time 
here too he exhausted the admiration of his enthu- 
siastic friends, and returned to England. 

He had not long reappeared before rumours were 
circulated that he was meditating a warlike demon- 
stration against the Emperor of Austria, and it began 
to be whispered that munitions of war were preparing 
that were intended to do incalculable mischief to his 
imperial majesty. England was at peace with Austria, 
and her Government could not permit preparations 
for a destructive war against that power to be carried 
on in this country. Armed with a secretary of state's 
warrant, the police made a seizure of a large store of 
combustibles evidently collected for a destructive pur- 
pose. The newspapers in recording the facts stated 
also that the magazine was the property of M. 

Mr. Duncombe was an earnest admirer of the Hun- 
garian patriot, and it having been reported to him 
that the account printed in the journals was an ex- 
aggeration, and that an injustice had been done, on 
15th of May, 1853, he addressed the House of 
Commons on the subject,* and endeavoured to prove 
that a Mr. Hall, who was an inventor of rockets, had 
been prosecuted for having a larger quantity of gun- 
powder in his possession than was permitted by law, 
and that not content with condemning him to penal- 
ties for his alleged transgression, they had accused him 
of being in league with M. Kossuth for establishing an 
arsenal to be employed against a sovereign with whom. 

* Diary " Spoke on the Rotherhithe and Kossuth mare's- 


England was at peace, when in reality he was merely 
employed in completing a large order for fireworks. 

The humour of this defence was extremely relished 
by the House ; nor were they insensible to the reply 
of Lord Palmerston, given in the same spirit. The 
Times, in a leading article upon the subject the next 
morning, acknowledged the ingenuity of Mr. Dun- 
combe's speech, but sanctioned the seizure of the fifteen 
hundred rockets and missiles known to have been 
manufactured by M. Kossuth's Hungarian friends. 
Mr. Hall presently acknowledged his culpability, and 
the Government not only let him off the penalty, but 
presented him with 870/. as compensation. 

The Hungarian patriot, like Othello, found his 
occupation gone. The Emperor of France evidently 
considered one emperor at a time a sufficient opponent ; 
indeed there seemed reason to believe that, provided 
he could bring the war with him to a successful issue 
by the capture of the great Russian stronghold in the 
Black Sea, he would be well content to come to an 
accommodation. The Emperor of Austria, doubtless 
with many congratulations that he was permitted to 
preserve his large military force for the maintenance 
of his hereditary dominions, was well content that his 
two imperial rivals should waste their strength 
against each other. The Emperor of Russia having 
contrived to make ridiculous an English admiral who 
had led a magnificent fleet through the Baltic, with 
the avowed intention of capturing St. Petersburg, and 
in the result had slightly varied the famous report of 
Caesar " He came, saw, and" sailed away, was 
preparing a demonstration in another direction, in- 
tended to terminate in a manner still more to the 


honour of " holy Bussia," and was in a mood to con- 
ciliate the most formidable of his allies, that he might 
recover his prestige in Europe, while the potentates 
not engaged in the struggle reserved their strength to 
put down democracy in their own dominions. There 
was therefore no encouragement for the eloquent 
leader of an Hungarian revolt, so he employed himself 
as an itinerant lecturer, while he scrutinized the pro- 
gress of events from his own point of view. He was 
solicitous to inspect treaties and blue-books, and 
applied to the member for Finsbury to procure them 

for him : 

8, South Bank, Eegent's-paxk, 
February 19th, 1856. 

DEAR SIR, Your obliging affability encourages me to a 

Has the treaty of alliance between Great Britain and 
France (referring to this war), and the other treaty with 
Turkey on the same subject, ever been communicated to 
Parliament ? 

If it has been you would very much oblige me by 
lending it to me for perusal, as I never have seen these 
fundamental documents. Upon your kind permission I 
would send my aide-de-camp to fetch them, and return them 
with thanks immediately after perusal. 

If they were never brought under the notice of Parlia- 
ment, then I really don't know what to say ; the fact is so 
curious. How can an opinion be formed on the issue when 
the basis of the whole transaction, and the engagements 
England has entered [into], are unknown ? 

With high esteem and particular consideration, 

Yours most obsequiously, - KOSSUTH. 

That lookers-on see most of the game, is as appli- 
cable to the great game of war as to humbler and 
more innocent pastimes ; and when such a spectator 


as the ex-governor of republican Hungary takes a 
deliberate survey of what is going on in that way, a 
comprehensive knowledge of its past, present, and 
future may be looked for as a matter of course. M. 
Kossuth disliked the war in the Crimea it was not 
undertaken for any purpose in which he could feel 
interest ; he therefore looked with disfavour on the 
belligerents, and was ready to scrutinise the arrange- 
ments that led to it, in a hostile spirit. Making 
allowances for this, his criticism is not without a 
certain illustrative value : 

"Wednesday, February 20th, 1856. 

MY DEAR SIR, I beg to return my sincere thanks for 
the documents, and the obliging manner in so promptly 
and so perfectly complying with my humble request. The 
documents are exactly those I desired to see. 

The passage about the Sea of Azoff is to be found in the 
despatch of the Earl of Clarendon to Lord John Russell, 
dated April 3, 1855 ; it is the No. 2 of the additional 
Vienna Papers presented to Parliament in July 1855, and 
published in the Times of July 14th. 

Perhaps you will allow me to invite your attention like- 
wise to the following facts : 

1, Lord John Russell, in the debates of June 5, 1855 
(previous to his compulsory resignation), made the following 
statement ; " The proposition suggested by the French 
Government, though not regularly put in the form of a 
proposition in the protocol, but more than once stated with 
great eloquence and ability by the French minister, 
M. Drouyn de Lhuys, was this, that there should be what 
he called a neutralization of the Black Sea, that it should 
be a neutral sea for the purposes of commerce, and, being 
so, that arsenals and fortifications for the purpose of war 
should be destroyed/' 

At present the word " fortifications " has been omitted 
from the text of the third point. 


2. In the original proposition of the four points (Eastern 
Papers, part xiii. 1855, Vienna Protocols. No. 1 and 2) the 
third point explicitly contained a double object, " to connect 
the existence of the Ottoman empire more completely with 
the European equilibrium/' and to put an end to the pre- 
ponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. 

With respect to the first object, an Article has been 
agreed to " engaging to respect the independence and 
integrity of Turkey, and guaranteeing the observance of 
this engagement" (Annex A to Vienna Protocol, No. 11). 

At present no reference is made in the preliminaries of 
peace to this first object of the third point, the connecting 
Turkey with the European system ; the guarantee of his 
independence and integrity, is entirely dropped. 

3. You of course are aware of the fact that the present 
fifth point is absolutely no new addition to the olden four 
points ; only last year at Vienna it stood in the prologue, 
now it stands in the epilogue; but in connexion with the 
fact No. 2, alluded to above, there is again a curious 
modification in the text. 

Now the fifth point is : The belligerent powers reserve to 
themselves the right of producing, in a European interest, 
special conditions over and above the four guarantees. 

At Vienna last year the reservation stood thus (Vienna 
Papers, No. 1, Memorandum) ; " Austria, France, and Great 
Britain reserving to themselves the power to put forward 
such special conditions as may appear to them required 
beyond the four guarantees by the general interest of 
Europe to prevent the recurrence of the late complications." 

You see the difference, " the prevention of the recurrence 
of the late complications " here, and " the connecting of 
Turkey with the European system " there, are omitted 
(diplomatists never change an expression accepted by com- 
mon agreement without some design), while the right of 
producing new conditions, formerly reserved to the allies, 
now appears reserved for the belligerent powers, consequently 
for Russia likewise. Of course it was due to the dignity of 
Russia that should England dare to speak " Bomarsund," 


Russia should be in order when speaking, for instance, 
" Heligoland." 

This forcibly recalls to my memory that despatch of Lord 
Clarendon to Lord John Russell (additional Vienna Papers, 
No. 1), wherein he speaks of Russia lulling her antagonists 
into security, and says that " while the navy of England 
were upon a peace establishment a Russian fleet of twenty- 
seven or thirty sail of the line might suddenly issue from 
the Baltic and sweep the British seas." 

Oh, how the " big brother " (as Mr. Roebuck calls him) 
would chuckle should he succeed in making Clarendon a 
prophet, besides having gained his point now, which 
undoubtedly was never anything but " the legitimisation of 
his dynasty," not only not yet recognised until now, but 
rather outlawed by the 1815 treaties. Lord Clarendon had 
some presentiment of this issue when he wrote his despatch 
of March 23, 1853, to Sir G. H. Seymour (Secret 
Correspondence, page 19), but of course " drifted " is the 

Still, since Lord Clarendon (House of Lords, May 25, 
1855) acknowledged that " the four points would certainly 
have offered no security to Turkey," and since the condi- 
tions actually agreed to are nothing but those same four 
points, only milder in favour of Russia, it will be pleasant 
to hear how the Government will convince Parliament that 
the peace is " safe and satisfactory, and that it secures the 
future independence and tranquillity of Europe/' 

The Roman augurs laughed when they met each other. 
I wonder what those at Paris will do. 

Excuse my chattering, and believe me to be, with distin- 
guished consideration, 

Your most obsequious servant, KOSSUTH. 

By this time intelligence reached England of 
another failure in the allied operations against 
Russia; it was one, however, in which English 
interests were most concerned. The only general 
officer in our army who had conspicuously displayed 


generalship had been placed in command of an im- 
portant post, with an inadequate Turkish garrison, 
and with the assistance of only one or two English 
officers, was left unsupported to abide the attack of 
an overwhelming Russian army, in the most perfect 
state of efficiency, and conducted by the ablest general 
in the Russian service. The heroic defence of Kars 
by General Sir Fenwick Williams, was, as every one 
knows, the most glorious event in that grand chapter 
of accidents, the Crimean war. How it was caused 
the Hungarian looker-on shall relate : 

8, South Bank, April 27th, 1856. 

MY DEAR SIR, I leave to-morrow for Edinburgh, and 
hence on a three weeks' lecturing tour. I thought to get 
ready yesterday with my arrangements, but so many unex- 
pected matters came between that I have absolutely not a 
minute to my disposition. It is, therefore, with very 
sincere regrets that I feel obliged to apologise for my being 
prevented to wait upon you. 

As to Kars, as far as I can remember the Kars papers 
contain numerous indications that Kars has been designedly 
sacrificed. I have no time now to refer to them. I, how- 
ever, am one of those who are wont to form their opinion 
rather on the logic of a given situation than on petty 
details. These are but symptomatic, great events walk on 
a broad track. 

Now, thus much is incontrovertibly established : that the 
allies had 200,000 men in the Crimea absolutely idle, while 
Kars lingered in protracted agony (those 200,000 men were 
already consigned to winter quarters at that time, conse- 
quently idle), and the allies had immense means of sea 
transport. To relieve Kars they had not to go to Kars : 
no land transport was needed ; they had only to land at 
Batoum. Please look to the map and you shall feel con- 
vinced that the mere landing of 30,000 men at Batoum 


would have instantly forced Mouravieff to leave Kars in all 
haste, and to retreat in forced marches towards his basis, 
Tim's, at least as far as Achalosik, or else he would have 
been cut off, and caught like Mack at Ulm, with his whole 


O Kars. 

Well, the allies had men to spare, had countless idle 
ships for transport, and had Batoum within easy distance 
(50-60 hours), still they did not move. 

Why ? because the Czar wanted a victory to restore a 
prestige to his arms, or else he would not have consented, 
could not have consented, to negotiate. 

But Bonaparte wanted him to make peace, for making 
the new dynasty acknowledged, and for arriving at that 
alliance with Russia, which was the only aim of war with 

Bonaparte was the leader in the war ; his marshal com- 
manded in the Crimea: England was but an auxiliary. 

So he voluntarily sacrificed Kars to induce the Czar to 

Please read the Russian proclamations, whereupon do 
they turn ? " I could make peace with honour, because I 
was victorious in Asia ; " thus says the Czar. 

To this conspiracy fell Kars a victim. 

This is the leading feature in my opinion. 

And how came it to pass that Turkey was not able to 
save it ? please to read in one of the enclosed slips what I 
marked " Kars," written in December. There is my expla- 

I have, besides, the honour to enclose another slip to 
which I referred at our late interview. Its value is only 


that it might facilitate the " recherche " amongst the ocean 
of rubbish " blue books." 

I would request you to have these two slips returned, as 
I have no other copy, and like to file for my children my 

Many thanks for the Eastern papers. 

I have the honour to remain, with very grateful feelings 
for your last benevolent allusions in Parliament to the 
cause of the nationalities (a ray of consolation while the 
horizon is all dark), and with very distinguished regards, 
Your most obedient servant, KOSSUTH. 

Th. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Walter Savage Landor, an author of some celebrity, 
who had occasionally come forward to give expression 
to liberal ideas, not unfrequently extravagant and ex- 
aggerated, in the month of March, 1856, published a 
letter addressed to the editor of the Times, in which 
he proposed the raising of a public subscription for 
Kossuth, who, he alleged, was in straitened circum- 
stances. The communication was written in his cus- 
tomary style. The person for whom he required 
pecuniary assistance was thus described : " The 
jewels of the Hungarian crown lay at his feet ; he 
spurned them, as he spurned the usurper and perjurer 
who had worn them. * * * The representative 
of Mahomet saved the follower of Christ from the 
vengeance of the Apostolic : the caliph cast his mantle 
over the wounded, and defied the uplifted sword." 

As if such inflated language was not sufficiently 
unpalatable to English common- sense, he went on to 
degrade and vilify one of the most honoured names 
in English history among liberal politicians. 

" Mr. Fox had squandered a large fortune in the 
most pernicious of vices, gambling. * * * Mr. 


Fox committed an act of treason, or very similar, in 
sending an agent to the Empress Catherine assuring her 
that she might safely take possession of Nootka Sound 
against the just claims of England. The speeches of 
Mr. Fox never elevated the soul, never enlarged the 
intellect, never touched the heart. He upheld the 
cause of France against England throughout the war, 
even while her best citizens were bleeding on the 
scaffold. Kossuth upheld the cause of Hungary, &c." 

Such a comparison challenged a reply; and the 
editor of the Times, in a leading article of the same 
date, gave it in a way that made the idea of a public 
subscription for Mr. Kossuth totally out of the ques- 
tion, and damaged that " Daniel O'Connell of Hun- 
gary," as he is styled by the writer, irretrievably. 
It came under his notice, and he possessed penetra- 
tion enough to see the mischief it was calculated to 
do both to his cause and himself. The same day he 
wrote to Mr. Duncombe, enclosing both the letter 
and the commentary cut from the newspaper, with 
this sentence referring to the former. 

"I just see, with indescribable astonishment and 
grief, from the Times, that the sacred domains of my 
private life have been profaned by a public appeal 
well intentioned, but sorely afflicting my feelings, and 
grievously inconsiderate. I beg from you to believe 
that not only have I had no knowledge of it, but that 
I would gladly sacrifice a goodly portion of the little 
life I may yet have in store could I make it un- 

He wrote a communication to the same effect for 
publication, but was never able to remove the injuri- 
ous effect which his friend's mischievous comparison 


with one of the first and noblest of English reformers, 
had created. 

Among the Hungarian patriots who were compelled 
to fly their country was Colonel Tiirr. On the break- 
ing out of -the Russian war, this gentleman obtained 
a commission in the English service, and was sent to 
Bucharest to purchase horses for the English Govern- 
ment. Here he was recognised and carried away a 
prisoner by the Austrians. On February 1st, 1856, 
Mr. Duncombe addressed a question to the Govern- 
ment respecting this gross violation of international 
law. Lord Palmer ston replied that the Austrian 
Government, in deference to her Majesty's Govern- 
ment, having first tried Colonel Tiirr as a deserter, 
and found him guilty, had ordered him to be released. 
The colonel was permitted to return to his duty, and 
Mr. Duncombe had almost forgotten the individual 
for whom he had interested himself, when the latter 
called upon him towards the close of August of the 
same year, bearing a letter of introduction from his 
countryman, Louis Kossuth. 

Colonel Tiirr's troubles recommenced, when he had 
reasonable hope for believing that they were at an 
end, and a prospect opening to him for a useful, if not 
a brilliant career, in the East. He had expressed his 
intentions to Mr. Duncombe, during several visits 
paid to him in the autumn of 1856, and the latter 
had engaged to forward his wishes as much as lay in 
his power. With that object he at once addressed his 
friend the Premier. 

57, Cambridge-terrace, October 10th, 1856. 

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, Colonel Tiirr, in respect 
of whose illegal arrest by Austria, while in the service of 


Great Britain and on a neutral territory, you may possibly 
recollect I asked a question during the last Session, has 
called upon me and is very anxious that I should bring him 
to you to enable him to thank you personally for your 
intercession upon that occasion in his behalf, which I would 
willingly do did I not feel convinced that your time must 
be much better occupied at present than by receiving our 
visits ; but as he is desirous of returning to Turkey in a few 
days, and wishes to obtain employment, civil or military, 
either under the Sultan or the British Government, perhaps 
you would have no objection to kindly furnish him with a 
recommendation for that purpose to Lord S. de Redcliffe. 

If you can consistently do so, I am confident that you 
will not only be doing a kindness but an act of justice to a 
most ill-used and honourable man. 

The director-general (Colonel McMurdo) appears to think 
most highly of him, has passed all his accounts, and very 
properly, in my opinion, recommended the secretary for 
war to authorise the liquidation of his arrears of pay during 
the period of his Austrian persecution and imprisonment. 

I may add that Colonel Tiirr has recently become a 
naturalized British subject. 

I have the honour to be, 

My dear Lord Palmerston, 

Very faithfully yours, 


In due course a reply reached him : 

Broadlands, October 16th, 1856. 

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, If I had been in town I would 
have seen Colonel Tiirr, though I could not have been of 
any use to him. 

It would of course have been impossible to give him 
employment in the British service, and I fear there is little 
chance of his obtaining service in the Turkish army, as we 
have not succeeded in regard to Polish officers who have 
stronger claims upon us than Colonel Tiirr. The Colonel 


was very ill used, but he was indiscreet in placing himself 
in a situation which rendered him liable to ill-usage. 

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON. 

Mr. Duncombe experienced a very severe attack of 
illness in the autumn of 1856 that confined him to 
his room for thirteen weeks. Among the few per- 
sons who had access to him was Colonel Tiirr, who 
came several times previous to his return to the East. 
That he felt a profound interest in the colonel was 
evident, for as soon as he was permitted to leave the 
house he called at the Foreign-office and had an inter- 
view with Lord Palmerston and Lord Clarendon on 
his account. Questions of inconvenience or even of risk 
were never permitted to interfere with the perform- 
ance of friendly or public services. Indeed, there 
cannot be a doubt that this unselfishness of spirit 
often aggravated his disorder ; but it had never taken 
so serious a turn as in the last attack. It had become 
essential to his safety that he should seek a warmer 
climate, but he could not be induced to listen to such 

There remained now nothing for the colonel to do 
but to get his passports and proceed to Constantinople. 
But here, as in many other sublunary matters, the 
first step was the greatest difficulty. He was hardly, 
then aware of the troubles that beset an alien on quit- 
ting its shores. Although he was a naturalized sub- 
ject, the Foreign-office could only regard him as a 
foreigner, and looked jealously to his antecedents 
before they would in the smallest way become re- 
sponsible for his future. The following announce- 
ment, and the communication that follows, apprized 
his friends that the authority essential for his depar- 


ture from England had been withheld. The clerks in 
the Foreign-office had detected some passages in a 
hook published by Colonel Tiirr that did not accord 
with his application for a passport. Lord Clarendon 

therefore demurred. 

16, Leicester-place, Leicester-square, 
Octobre 26, 1856. 

MONSIEUR, Je re9u a la fin un lettre de Foreigne 
Offize, dans lequel on me dit de venir Mercredi le 29 
Octobre, pour mon passport : je tacherais partir ce meme 
jour. Si vous verais un fois le Lord Palmerston, je vous 
en prie de lui presente ma malheureuse situation, et de 
1'engagee de fair quelque chose pour moi. Un photografist 
a voulu fair mon portrait, et il m'envoye aussi deux copies : 
veuillez accepte un, en signe de profound respecte ? 

Agreez, cher monsieur, les homages de 

Votre sincerement devoue, E. TURK.* 

16, Leicester-place, London, 
Octobre 29, 1856. 

MONSIEUR, Je suis allez chez Mr. Lenex Conynham 
dans le Foreigne Offize, qui pour me donner un passport, 
ma fait savoir que Lord Clarendon me refuse le passport, 
pour le raison suivant. 

1. Que je suis devenu sujet Anglais par le temoignage 
que j'abite FAngelter depuis 5 anne ; qui n'est pas exact. 

2. Que je suis allez Panne passe en Valachie, ou j'etais 
arrete pour le delit militair par les autorite d'Autriche, qui 
a causez beaucoup d'enbarass au Governement, et amene 
d'aigrement entre le Gouvernement d'Autricb. et le Gouver- 
nement Britanique ; apres quand j'etais mis en liberte je 
suis partis de Constantinopel tout suit dans le voisinages 
du quartier-general Autricliien, que a cause de nouvel 

3. Que je declare d'avoir Fintention de reste en 
Angelter, qui est en contradiction avec le demand d'un 
passport pour Constantinopel. Pour finir, le Lord Claren- 

* We print the colonel's letters as they are written. 


don dit pour n'avoir pas de nouvelles question avec 
1'Autrich le Gouvernement me refuse de donne un passport. 

Je reponde aujourd'hui au Lord Clarendon, et je lui fait 
voir qu'il a tort, et que le raison qu'il me donne sont pas 
exact. C'est conu que j'abite PAngelter depuis 1850 ; ce vrais 
que j'allee suivant reste plusieurs mois a Turin, Suisse, ou 
en France. Le 2 3 imputation vous micux aprecie que 
person. Je suis fache que un minister Anglais me dit que 
j'etais arrete pour delit militair, et que le Gouvernement a 
ou d'enbaras ; et moi ? j'avais un sort inviable en prison 
pendent 4 mois. Je part demain, Jeudi. 

Agreez, Monsieur, le gratitud eternel 

De votre tout devoue, - E. TURK. 

Lord Clarendon's reason for refusing Colonel Tiirr 
the opportunity for obtaining that of which he was 
in search, employment in Turkey, seems to have been 
based on an apprehension that he was going elsewhere. 
His lordship no doubt was well aware of his intimacy 
with Kossuth, and evidently suspected that he was pro- 
ceeding on a mission that might involve the English 
Government in unpleasant complications. The colonel 
had already established a character for imprudence, 
and might again place himself in Austrian hands. 
The Foreign Secretary thought that gentleman would 
be out of harm's way at home, and considered that a 
naturalised subject should be naturalised only to settle 
in it, in accordance with the Act " To amend the 
laws relating to aliens," section vi. We give Lord 
Clarendon's declaration on the subject : 

Foreign Office, November 3rd, 1856. 

SIR, I am directed by the Earl of Clarendon to acknow- 
ledge the receipt of your letter of the 29th ultimo, and to 
inform you that it does not explain the inconsistencies 
which appear to exist in your case, nor is there any 


attempt in it to account for the discrepancies between 
your printed accounts of yourself and the statements as 
to residence in your own letter. You state in your letter 
that in 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853 you resided chiefly in London, 
though part of that time your affairs obliged you to visit 
Turin, Switzerland, and France; on the other hand you 
state in your pamphlet, page 10, that between September, 
1849, and October, 1850, " you resided partly in Switzer- 
land and partly in Piedmont " until October, 1850, 
subsequently to which date you conducted, " on foot to 
Havre," a party of Hungarians. You then state that " you 
remained in Europe, residing alternately in Piedmont, 
Switzerland, and now and then in Paris and London, until 
the month of February, 1853, when you went into Italy " 
The revolution in Milano having failed, you state that you 
were arrested and kept in prison forty days ; that you were 
afterwards sent to Tunis, whence you had an opportunity of 
reaching England. You further state that when the war 
broke out between Russia and the Western Powers in 
March, 1854, you went to Turkey, and you make no 
allusion to any subsequent residence in England till 
August, 1856. 

There is nothing in these statements with respect to the 
past which bears out the allegation that you resided five 
years in England ; and, with respect to the future, you have 
informed Lord Clarendon of your intention of seeking 
employment in the East, in a manner which is wholly 
incompatible with the supposition of a residence in this 

His lordship does not feel it necessary to enter into any 
argument as to whether or not your conduct, after you had 
been provided by the British Government with employment, 
was or was not judicious, or likely to lead to the difficulties 
which were subsequently created by the course you pur- 
sued ; but there was certainly nothing in your case to justify 
Lord Clarendon in departing from the course he would 
pursue in any similar case, namely, of refusing to grant a 
British passport to a naturalized subject in virtue of a cer- 

L 2 


tificate of naturalization obtained upon statements which 
appear to be incorrect. 

It was open to you when you were informed that your 
statement of residence was incorrect, as it is open to you 
now, to offer any explanation of the conflicting statements 
you appear to have made. 

You were not informed at this office, as you seem to 
imply, that your becoming a British subject " debarred you 
from ever leaving British soil ;" but I am directed to inform 
you that until you can satisfy Lord Clarendon on the points 
to which I have alluded, he cannot feel himself justified in 
granting you a passport. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 


!. "War Department, November 8th, 1856. 

SIR, In reply to your letter of the 21st October I am 
directed by Lord Panmure to acquaint you that the pay- 
ments to Colonel Tiirr cannot be exempted from the charge 
for Income duty. 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 

Colonel M'Murdo. 

Je vous transmets cette copie en vous disant que person 
des employees etranger du Land Transport Corps n'a pas 
payee 1'income taxe. Par exception particuliere je n'etais pas 
conte parmi les heureux, et je du la payer. 

The next communication the unfortunate Hungarian 
received from the English Government was to an- 
nounce to him the surprising fact that, although he 
had become nationalised in England, he had not been 
de-nationalised in Austria ; therefore he was still an 
Austrian subject. 

Lord Clarendon finding that Colonel Tiirr could 
not give a satisfactory explanation of his errand to 
Turkey, was obliged to come to the conclusion that 


this was only an assumed destination. The colonel 
again applied to the member for Finsbury, and Mr. 
Buncombe again had an interview with Lord 
Palmerston. Whether the Foreign Secretary became 
satisfied that the Hungarian had a legitimate object 
in travelling at this particular period, cannot be stated 
on sufficient authority ; all that we are aware of is, 
that he did obtain a passport, and that a short time 
afterwards, first as chief of the aides-de-camp, and sub- 
sequently with the rank of general, was serving 
gallantly with Garibaldi in the French and Sardinian 
war with Austria in Italy.* 

General Tiirr gained great credit for a brilliant 
achievement in that glorious campaign, in which he 
was wounded. At this period Mr. Duncombe, at the 
request of Mr. Edwin James, the eminent barrister, 
wrote a letter of introduction to the general, and 
another to Baron Poerio, Mr. James having decided 
on going to the seat of war. These were not the 
only services of the kind he rendered military 
amateurs. Mr. Francis George Hare, formerly of the 
2nd Life Guards, received such a recommendation as 
procured him employment immediately. He was 
present at the battle of Volturno, for his gallant con- 
duct got promoted to the Staff, and was made a 

The general had the command of one of the divi- 
sions of the army of Sicily, and Mr. Duncombe's 
legal friend met him at Naples, in the full enjoyment 
of his well-deserved success, but suffering much from 

* General Tiirr's other letters to Mr. Duncombe will be found 
in the Appendix. 


Naples, Sunday, September 9th, 1860. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, This evening I gave your letter 
to Colonel Tiirr. What a scene we have had here ! no pen 
can describe it. I entered Naples with Garibaldi, and 
came by special train with him from Salerno. The popular 
enthusiasm knows no bounds. 

I have been with him three times, and like him much. 
Tiirr seems very ill; he desired his kindest remembrances 
to you. 

Garibaldi will pass on to Rome at once. 

I shall remain here about ten days. I want to see 
Garibaldi give the Bavarian troops a good licking. 

Ever sincerely, EDWIN JAMES. 

I have been very well, but the heat is fearful. 

Garibaldi was not permitted to continue the cam- 
paign to its crowning triumph. Italy was won ; but 
Rome, as usual in its extremity, protected by the 
chapter of accidents, had a reprieve in the eleventh 

The war was over, and the heroes retired on their 
laurels till they should again be wanted. In the 
following year one of them published the following 
announcement amongst his friends : 

Turin, Septembre le 11, 1861. 

Le General Etienne Tiirr a Thonneur de vous faire part 
de son mariage avec Mademoiselle Adeline Bonaparte 

The public interest in Kossuth waned in England 
from the time that more impartial accounts of his 
antecedents and of the civil war in Hungary began to 
circulate. They varied materially from the narrative 

* Daughter of Madame Laetitia Wyse, who wrote the letter to 
Mr. Duncombe to be found in a preceding chapter. 


of himself and his partizans. Perhaps the one most 
damaging to him was the Baron Prochazka's " Reve- 
lations of Hungary," published in this country in 
1851. A memoir of Kossuth was added, that repre- 
sented him as anything but a hero, and his proceed- 
ings as anything rather than beneficial to Hungary. 
No doubt there was a strong bias in its tone ; but the 
facts related were indisputable, and these getting 
diffused through the newspapers aided materially in 
divesting his name of that romantic interest with 
which it was clothed on his arrival in England after 
the termination of the revolt he had assisted in crea- 
ting and helped to maintain. 

Hungary became less and less attractive in Eng- 
land. Kossuth persuaded "The Friends of Italy" to 
combine the Hungarian with the Italian cause. This 
idea in November, 1851, was brought before the 
members of the society. On the 12th of that month 
Mr. Duncombe wrote a letter to the secretary, Mr. 
Daniel Masson, stating that he would approve of the 
change provided it had the sanction of Mazzini as 
well as of Kossuth. The desired sanction was ob- 
tained; moreover, a joint appeal was made for a 
shilling subscription on behalf of Hungary and Italy, 
to be handed over to the two patriots ; but as events 
made their projects more and more hopeless, more and 
more lukewarm became their admirers. 

Kossuth, though he had no pretensions to patri- 
cian descent, in all his communications signed with 
his surname only, as though the representative 
of a noble or princely house. His name was Lajos 
Kossuth, the Hungarian Christian name agreeing with 
" Louis," and complaints were made of his haughti- 


ness during his short-lived power. The murder of 
Count Lamberg threw as much odium on the cause of 
the Hungarian revolutionists as that of Count Rossi 
did on the Italian. 

Early in the year 1861 public attention was again 
directed to Kossuth by his being a defendant in the 
Court of Chancery, the plaintiff being Francis Joseph 
Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary and 
Bohemia. It was caused by the manufacture in this 
country of paper .money for circulation in the king- 
dom of Hungary, signed " Louis Kossuth," in the 
Hungarian language, and bearing the royal arms. 
On the affidavit of Count Apponyi, the Austrian am- 
bassador, that the amount of such paper money 
attempted to be thrown into circulation in the em- 
peror's dominions would exceed a hundred millions of 
florins, for revolutionary purposes, an injunction was 
prayed for and granted by Lord Campbell. The 
result was that Messrs. Day and Son, who had been 
made defendants in the suit with Kossuth, had to 
surrender the whole of the notes they had manufac- 
tured, and to pay the costs of the injunction. 

Kossuth was as much discomfited by the treaty of 
Villafranca as by the injunction in the English Court 
of Chancery. According to a statement in a commu- 
nication addressed by him to a friend in Glasgow, 
published in the newspapers, he had been organizing 
a revolution in Hungary which, just when success 
was certain, was extinguished by the unwelcome 
compact between the imperial belligerents ; and we 
learn under his own hand that he never obtained one 
of the notes printed by Messrs. Day. Mr. Duncombe 
was not disposed to give the Government so easy a 


victory, and followed the same course with the 
Kossuth notes he had taken with the Kossuth 
rockets. His proceeding elicited the following com- 
prehensive reply : 

7, Bedford-place, Russell-square, 
March 18th, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR, I beg to express my most sincere thanks 
for your so ably and so warmly protecting my good cause. 

I am going instantly to take steps that I hope will give 
me authority to put into your hands conclusive evidences 
to substantiate the facts to which you have been pleased 
to refer in the House of Commons on Friday last, and I 
shall not rest till I get the authority required for the pro- 
duction of said evidence. 

I think Lord John's explanation about " the interests 
England has in the Adriatic " was very illogical and very 
weak. What possible connexion there can be between 
England being in possession of the Ionian Islands and 
Lord John using the authority of England for deterring 
Count Cavour from liberating Venice from Austrian 
thraldom, no man in his senses will ever understand, 
nor will Lord John ever be able to explain. " Baculus in 
angulo ergo pluit," says the culinary Latin proverb. 

The " I do not remember " of Lord John, about his 
ordering Sir James Hudson " to keep an eye on my 
doings at Turin," is not dignified. It puts one in- mind 
of the notorious '' non mi ricordo." He had notice of the 
question, he has had time to refresh his memory by 
referring to his papers; he must therefore say yes or no, 
and can't be allowed to evade the question with a " non 
mi ricordo." Perhaps he is playing on the word 
" despatch ; " the order in question may go by some other 
denomination in the diplomatic phraseology : they may 
call it not despatch but " note," or " inquiry," or " com- 
munication," or " letter," &c. Be its name what it may, 
he did write to Sir James to the effect. 

His answer with regard to the " mesquine " interference 


with the railroad business misrepresents the facts. It was 
never proposed or intended (therefore it is not true that the 
project, it having never existed, could have been afterwards 
abandoned) to concede the railroad in question to anybody 
upon the condition that a large sum should be paid to me. 
Quite the contrary; I made inquiries whether that railroad 
was yet open to concession, and to competition for a con- 
cession, and I was answered in the affirmative. I was told 
that any man or company may apply for it, but upon the 
express understanding that the affair can only be treated 
exclusively on its own ground, and any application for said 
concession will only be decided on its own merits, and not 
on any political considerations. Upon this I got up 
amongst my city friends a company which offered to con- 
struct the railroad on certain terms. I myself was not a 
director of the railroad, I only had brought the matter 
under the consideration of some English capitalists, and 
they remained connected with them, when Lord John 
remonstrated against the concession being granted to a 
company with whom I was connected. 

So my lord did not threaten that he will not allow any 
expedition from Italy into the Adriatic ? Well, I shall use 
every possible exertion to procure you the proof. In the 
meanwhile I may say that the very despatch of August 31 
bears out the fact, because tjiere he speaks of England 
having gone already too far in blinking at armed expedi- 
tions, declares that in future they would be considered as 
organised with the consent of the Government, and winds 
up with referring to the interests of England in the 

Now either Lord John must say that he wrote words 
without any meaning at all, or else the only possible mean- 
ing of his words is, that in the past England allowed 
armed expeditions (for Sicily), but her indulgence will go 
110 farther, and for the future she will not allow any such 
expeditions to start from Italy, especially for the Adriatic, 
because there England has interests (the safety of Austria) 
to guard. 


This is the only reasonable construction that can be put 
on those words, especially as they were shortly followed 
by a concentration of a powerful fleet (800 guns) before 
Corfu, that concentration implying a " de facto " prepara- 
tion, to give effect to the menace implied in the despatch 
of August 31. 

I can positively assert that this is the sense in which the 
said despatch and the said concentration was understood, 
not only at Turin and Paris, but also at Vienna. 

Lord John should be pressed to produce the instructions 
issued to the admiral on his being ordered to concentrate 
so large a force before Corfu. I am perfectly confident 
that we should see contained in them the order to stop or 
not to let pass any armed expedition from Italy for the 
coast of Dalmatia, and the order closely to watch for this 
purpose the " Levante " coast of Italy. 

I instructed Messrs. Day to send you a copy of his 
affidavit. The statement of Sir Cornewall Lewis about his 
having had no translation of the body of the note is not 
correct ; Sir Richard Mayne positively told Day on their 
first interview that he, Sir Richard, had a translation made 
of the note ; therefore Government knew that the notes are 
neither forgery nor imitation of any note in existence 
before the police had been ordered to interfere with the work. 

I have the honour to remain, with very high regard and 

In great haste, yours ever truly and gratefully, 


It is very evident that the proceedings of Kossuth 
were closely watched by the English Government; 
and the police having secured evidence of his cul- 
pability, by means generally considered unjustifiable, 
another prosecution against him was commenced. 
A note was said to have been purloined, and the case 
was made to assume such an aspect that several 
of his English friends formed themselves into a com- 

156 MR. BRIGHT. 

mittee for undertaking his defence. This Mr. Dun- 
combe joined; he moreover from his seat in Par- 
liament did his best to excite public indignation 
against a prosecution so conducted. 

The writer of the accompanying notes was a bar- 
rister of Liberal principles, who seems to have been 
extremely zealous in the cause : 

Highgate, March 26th, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR, How thoroughly I enter into the course 
you have taken you will best see by the copy note which I 
now enclose, and also by another of mine which ought to 
appear in Star of to-day. The fact is, we must " bother " 
them in every way we can, and, luckily, we have got the 
whip-hand of them both on the facts and the merits. 

We must not let Mr. Ashurst consider whether to prose- 
cute ; we must insist on the prosecution. Between ourselves 
I have had to take this course throughout, or the game 
would have been entirely spoiled. I had myself to prepare 
Kossuth's affidavits, or they would have been a disgrace to 
us all, and the only trouble I now have comes of one 
affidavit which I let Ashurst prepare, thinking he could not 
blunder, but he has made a dreadful mess of it. 

I am disgusted with Bright (I have often been so before) . 
I happen to know that he was specially communicated 
with. He had in his possession facts by which he 
could have shown up Lord J. Russell's lying about the 

I cannot express warmly enough my thanks to you, as 
an Englishman, a lover of liberty, a hater of espionage and 
conspiracy, for what you have done, and for your promises 
of continued help. I am spending the Easter " holiday " [!] 
in working the matter. We will be too much for the 
rascals yet. 

Believe me, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours, 


T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 


Highgate, March 25th, 1861. 

SIR, It having been stated officially that the stolen 
Kossuth note was brought to you by a policeman, and as 
this policeman must have either stolen the note himself, or 
received it knowing it to have been stolen, I beg to ask 
whether steps have already been taken by you to prosecute 
this policeman, as the law requires, or, if not, when those 
steps are about to be taken. I will not allow myself to 
suppose that you will allow so base and flagrant a crime, 
committed immediately under your eye and within your 
special jurisdiction, to pass without prosecution and 
punishment. I have, &c. TOULMIN SMITH. 

Sir R. Mayne. 

The affair did not turn out so damaging to the 
Government or to the police as the indignant writer 
of the foregoing had anticipated ; but this result was 
in no way owing to the want of spirit of Kossuth's 
friends. They did their utmost in behalf of their 
client : unfortunately for him his popularity had 
vanished, and public opinion except a small but 
active band of reformers was averse to his projects. 
In truth, there was a powerful party strongly sym- 
pathizing with Austria in her reverses, who regarded 
the Hungarian patriot as a firebrand, and this opinion 
was shared by several members of the Government, 
who were determined to extinguish him rather than 
permit a conflagration. 

The mystery about Kossuth's note admitted of 
easy explanation : but it was one no member of 
the Government would have given or sanctioned. 
They had secured evidence of a spurious issue of 
paper money, produced at the instigation of the Hun- 
garian patriot. Mr. Duncombe was indignant at their 


finesse; other friends of Hungary were equally so. 
We quote a communication from one to show in what 
light they regarded the general support afforded to 
the executive in this transaction. The correspon- 
dence between the member for Finsbury and the 
Secretary of State for the Home Department shows 
the spirit that existed in that quarter : 

Highgate, March 24th, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR, I entirely agree with you that there 
never was such a lick-spittle House of Commons. Every 
day serves only more and more to show this. Why you 
were not backed up is inexplicable ; Collier wrote to "White 
and Layard, and I sent them copies of the petition. 
Bright was both seen and written urgently to. It is 
thoroughly disgraceful that men who pretend to be liberals 
and lovers of freedom put little personal jealousies before 
public duty. One man did go down on purpose to support 
you, and that was Mr. Horsman. He had been out of 
town ; he found my note on his return on Friday, late in 
the afternoon, and instantly went down to the House, but, 
owing to other men having broken faith, the thing was over, 
and it was too late. 

But an invaluable result was got. It is now admitted 
(1) that they dare not let the public know how they got 
the note ; (2) that they alone supplied the evidence to the 
Austrian Embassy, and so are entirely responsible for the 
proceedings. To have got this out is of the highest 
importance. I have handled Sir G. L.'s flimsy pretences 
in " Remembrancer." 

Very faithfully yours, TOULMIN SMITH. 

March 25th, 1861. 

SIR, To save time and further trouble on the reassem- 
bling of Parliament I shall feel much obliged to you to 
give me the name, number, and letter of the policeman 
from whom Sir R. M. received " the K. note ; " also to 


inform me whether the aforesaid policeman is still on the 
strength of the Metropolitan Force, if not, when he left it. 
Your obedient humble servant, T. S. DUNCOMBE. 

Home Office, March 30th, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR, In answer to your letter of the 25th 
instant I beg leave to say that I do not feel justified in 
complying with your request, and in furnishing you with 
the information which you desire. 
I remain, my dear Sir, 

Yours very truly, G. C. LEWIS. 
T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

The member for Finsbury, so far from being de- 
terred by the hostility of the Government to the 
Hungarian patriot from aiding in his defence, now 
proceeded to make powerful appeals in the House of 
Commons in favour of the Hungarians. Though they 
produced no decided effect in England, as they were 
translated and reproduced in the continental papers, 
they were very favourably received in Hungary. In 
the course of the next three or four months Mr. Dun- 
combe received about a dozen addresses from patriotic 
assemblies in that country acknowledging the value 
of his advocacy, and expressing a grateful sense of 

The provincial assemblies in Hungary that evinced 
so lively an appreciation of the advocacy of the 
member for Finsbury conferred on him the distinction 
of being an honorary member of the General Com- 
mittee, a distinction occasionally conferred on dis- 
tinguished foreigners, of whom one was the late 
Prince Consort. It is curious that among extreme 
reformers in the House of Commons there should be 
two retained in antagonistic services. One by repute 


at least filled the office of counsel for Austria, the 
other thus publicly became the leader on the opposite, 
side. Mr. Duncombe was now an Hungarian by a 
higher authority than that which made Lord John 
Russell a freeman of the city of London, and the 
honour was well merited, and could be worn without 
reproach. There was no assumption of republican 
sentiment in those who thus chose to regard their 
English advocate as one of themselves. They desired 
only in a constitutional way to preserve the institu- 
tions many generations of Hungarians had been per- 
mitted to enjoy. 

The proceedings of the Foreign Office were watched 
with great jealousy by the refugees in England, and 
if any transaction occurred that they disapproved of, 
through every accessible channel complaints were sure 
to be made that the Government was acting in oppo- 
sition to the true interests of the country. Kossuth 
kept quite as keen a glance upon their doings as they 
maintained upon his, and having a popular represen- 
tative in the British House of Commons to whom to 
state his impressions, he was not without hope that 
he should be able to check any manifestation of 
Austrian policy that came under his observation. 
Lord John Russell was in his eyes the bete noir of the 
Government, and he lost no opportunity of expressing 
his opinion of the darkness of his doings. 

2, Cromwell-terrace, Harrow-road, W., 
April 7th, 1861. 

MY DEAR SIR, I think Government should be asked to 
lay before Parliament all the diplomatic correspondence 
referring to the subject of certain arms carried under 
Sardinian flag from Genoa to the East, and of Her 


Majesty's ship Banshee, ordered to bring some of those 
arms back to Genoa from Galatz, where they had been 
seized by the Moldo-Valachian Government. 

This is a very, very important affair. Either Lord John 
wjll place the papers complete before Parliament, and then 
they will afford the best possible opportunity for reviewing 
the philo- Austrian policy of the Foreign Office, or else Lord 
John will resort to the usual trick of garbled extracts, and 
in that case I shall not rest till I put you in possession of 
the whole, though I may have to send to Constantinople 
for the papers. 

You very likely have heard from Mr. Ashurst of what has 
come to pass with regard to the notes. I have not heard 
of Mr. Ashurst for two days, and am therefore not quite au 
fait. It requires to be considered how far the new disclo- 
sures may or may not interfere with further steps to be 
taken with regard to the policeman over whom Sir G. Lewis 
is so deliberately throwing his protecting shield. 

Most faithfully yours, KOSSUTH. 

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

In his own country Kossuth's name and cause were 
equally neglected, and in England his few supporters 
were rapidly diminishing. The surrender of the 
Austrian rule in Italy appears to have strengthened 
the emperor's hold over Hungary, and the reverses 
subsequently met with at the hands of the King of 
Prussia have so intensely excited Hungarian chivalry, 
that the recent magnificent coronation of the emperor 
as their king has been cordially accepted by the entire 
nation. Francis Joseph has since published a political 





A slice off the magnificent reversion Another secret mission 
The Duke attacked with apoplexy foudroyant The President 
and the new treaty of commerce The will The Duke and 
the retrospective clause Horse exercise Fould and Persigny 
The President signs a Decree in favour of the Secretary's 
scheme Preparations for the Crimean War The Duke's 
health The camp at Helfaut Iron barracks Mr. Duncombe's 
secretary in great request Ideas on climate Letter of the 
Duke Marshal Vaillant Disaster at the Camp Probable 
destination of the Camp du Nord Conduct of the Emperor and 
the Prince Consort An impromptu engineer The Poles con- 
sidered, under a new aspect Reinforcements for the French 
army in the Crimea The greatest men in Europe What is 
Mr. Duncombe's secretary to become? Charges against the 

Two objects of special interest to Mr. Buncombe still 
remained in Paris, and his secretary was still in requi- 
sition as a medium of communication with both. The 
magnificent reversion, however, began to be enveloped 
in an atmosphere of doubt. Nothing seemed more 
probable than that, with a disposition so uncertain, 
the Duke should entertain other views ; and as if to 
prepare him for such a change in his prospects, the fol- 
lowing announcement was sent him to authenticate : 

The Sovereign Duke of Brunswick has this day informed 
us that he has left in the hands of the Baron Andlau the 
following bonds and securities, viz. : 


50 Bonds Russian English Loan 5 per Cent, of 1036 each. 
5 Bonds 4 pr. 1000 each. 

45 Bonds Danish Loan, 1849, 5 per Cent. 1000 each. 
15 Bonds 1850, 5 per Cent. 1000 each. 
2,000,000 francs 5 per Cent. French Rentes ; as also a sealed 
portfolio. And his Sovereign Highness has been pleased to 
command that in the event of his death the Baron Andlau 
shall take therefrom the sum of twenty thousand pounds 
sterling money as a legacy ; and which donation we promise 
to respect as his Highness' testamentary executors. 
London, this 15th day of March, 1851. 

Signed, T. S. D. 

G. T. S. 

The Sovereign Duke of Brunswick has this day informed 
us that he has left in the hands of Mademoiselle Lucie 
Victorine Bordier six "bank notes of 100 each as a legacy 
in case of his death, which donation we promise to respect 
as his Highness' testamentary executors. 
London, this 15th day of March, 1851. 

Signed, T. S. D. 

G. T. S. 

The indefatigable secretary was again in Paris 
towards the end of July, and returned on the 2nd of 
August, and was off for the same destination on the 
20th. The narrative of his proceedings, which we 
will now place before the reader, requires very little 
commentary. He will see, however, that besides the 
objects he had previously in view in these visits, there 
was now an addition in the shape of another mer- 
cantile speculation quite different to the last. The idea 
apparently was to introduce the system of bonding and 
warehousing employed by English merchants; and 
it was sought to establish a company under the auspices 
of the Government, to put this into a practical shape 
in Paris. How he fared in bringing his scheme before 

M 2 


the President and his principal ministers he fully 

describes : 

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot (St. Honore"), 
Saturday Morning, Augt. 28th, 1852. 

I have delayed writing to you, having nothing good to 
say, but that we had arrived safe ; for unfortunately, the 
ministre d'etat with whom I have had to do has gone to the 
Pyrenees, and I can do nothing during his absence. He 
waited for me, it appears, as long as he could ; consequently, 
I suppose my affair will go on well, as far as the President 
and Ministers are concerned. I have, however, had great 
difficulties to encounter, for I found out that my position in 
the affair was not quite as it ought to be; and I have, 
therefore, been compelled to employ a lawyer, and have 
been very busy with him all the week endeavouring to place 
myself in the proper position, in which I had understood 
myself to be already. However this morning, at seven 
o'clock (strange hour !) we all met, accompanied by our 
professional men, and made a notarial act in my favour, 
deposited in the hands of a third party, defining the sum I 
am to receive, and my position in the affair. I am indebted 
to you for the discovery, for it was in pressing and persisting 
in my right to name a friend as administrator with myself, 
to form two of the English board, that I found out I was 
dependent upon others, owing to my not having been 
present when the first notarial act was made. However, 
all ia now, I think, well settled, and Blot has got my act 
deposited with him. 

I have sent off yesterday, or rather ordered to be sent 
off, twelve bottles of wine to Mr. Durham, six bottles of 
St. Emelion, a perfectly pure wine, and said to be the best 
wine for invalids of any ; and I have great hopes it will be 
found for you highly beneficial, as it is invigorating without 
being stimulating, and as it possesses nothing in the shape 
of spirit but that of its own formation. I have not seen 
Ricord, but in talking with a chemist he says the reason 
why Spanish wines or in fact any wines prepared for the 
English taste and market, are bad for invalids, is the amount 


of alcohol they contain ; and therefore, instead of generously 
nourishing the blood they inflame it, besides destroying 
altogether the digestive powers ; and a pure wine, notwith- 
standing it may taste a little acid, aids the digestive powers, 
and, strange to say, the vegetable acid of the wine destroys, 
or rather counteracts the animal acidity of the stomach, 
and so produces healthy action. I hope St. Emilion may 
do so for you ; it is only 2*. Id. the bottle. 

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot, 
September 2nd, 1852. 

You say I do not mention D. B. ; it was an omission on 
my part, for I am always out with him at night; and his 
servant has just called to tell me (by the duke's command) 
that the duke has been " iceing" his head all night, and is 
lying in bed. Strange to say, he (D. B.) has those fits 
much oftener than heretofore, although he has less con- 
stipation. As soon as I have written this I shall go to him. 

My affair has not yet commenced, in consequence of the 
ministre d'etat; but he returns to Paris to-morrow or 
Saturday, and then I must work it quick, so as to get it 
done before the 15th instant, as the President leaves for the 
south on that day. In fact, if the decree of the concession 
is not signed before the 15th the thing will fall for the 
winter. I wrote the prince so the other day, by the desire 
of the chef du cabinet, of Fould. 

Orsi has just got a concession of a railway and coal- 
mine, with a contract to supply the French navy with 
French coals, from a mine lately discovered, and said to be 
the best coals on the Continent, and nearly equal in 
quality to the English coals. He has found English 
capitalists to come forward and pay the caution money ; 
and in a few days will pocket 16,000/., with a good annual 
income besides. I understand the prince is very desirous of 
doing my matter, and Fould is quite willing, so that I have 
great hopes. But after the trick I have been served, I do 
not like some of the people who are concerned in the matter 
with me, although I cannot expel them. 


I think it a great pity that the Times should continue 
those unjustifiable attacks against the prince, and they 
become the more unjust because, to a great extent, they are 
untrue. I wish you would write a letter containing your views 
of the Claremont clique, so that I could show the prince, 
as it might happen that some day he might be useful to you. 

To show you the highly civilized state of society, in 
passing " la Morgue" yesterday I went in, and saw three 
bodies lying there ; two had been assassinated, bearing all 
the marks of the knife. The lookers-on were coolly re- 
marking, that they ' " had got something for themselves." 
Surely such a people want governing, and are unfit to 
govern themselves. And hence the popularity of the 
President ; they fear him, and consequently they love him ; 
and he is certainly doing all he can to give the people 
employment, and thereby hoping to get them quietly settled 
down into a sober thinking and commercial people. Could 
he once manage that, he would make France the dread and 
envy of the world. 

Everybody seems to be here : among the persons I have 
seen and met are Lord Granville, one or two Cavendishes, 
Sir R. Peel, Sir R. Inglis I should say his first visit, 
because he had a guide with him Mr. Blunt, Mrs. 
Maberly, Mr. Wilkinson, Lawyer, Dr. Lewis, Mr. Fortnum, 
and Marshal Haynau, besides a host of others. 

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot, 

September 3rd, 1842, 4 o'clock afternoon. 

I write just two lines to say that the duke is very ill 
with an attack of " blood to the head." After I left him 
late last night I thought he would have had a better night, 
but this morning I was called up at four o'clock to put 
twenty leeches on his head. I have only just returned 
home ; I am going again by-and-bye to put on twenty more 
leeches on the other side of his head, as I could only put 
them on one side, he being too unwell to sit up ; therefore I 
put the twenty on the upper side. Strange to say, he will 
not have a doctor, but trusts to me a very unpleasant 


responsibility. He is much frightened, as several persons 
have died lately of apoplexie foudroyant. I will report to 
you again when I can. It is most unfortunate, as I hope 
to-morrow to begin my work. The President goes to- 
morrow to Saumur; there has been a row there between 
the cavalry and the citizens. He will not return till 

The duke made me tell him the news last night ; and 
upon my telling him that the Secretary for the Interieure 
here is in London to negotiate the Act of Extradition, it 
affected him greatly. He counts much upon your aid in 
the House of Commons; and desires me to write to you, 
and so state. Report says that France offers to England 
a favourable " treaty of commerce/' in lieu of her passing 
through the Parliament the Bill of Extradition as first 

I saw last evening some of the Elysee people, who assure 
me that the treaty between the northern powers re Im- 
perialism exists only in the imagination of the Chronicle. 

With respect to Hopwood,* I told young Hopwood I 
was going to France, and requested he would do nothing 
till I returned, as he thought a deputation from the 
Alderman's committeef ought to wait upon your com- 
mittee on the subject of the dinner. He thought he should 
like me first to sound them i.e., your committee as to 
their views, so as to prevent the application on their part 
if there was any chance of refusal. 

The duke's illness was not of that dangerous nature 
the doctors consulted represented it to be ; but it 
appears to have been sufficiently serious to have 
frightened him into a reference to his testamentary 
arrangements. His royal highness did not give any 
indication of having changed his mind. As regards 
the other illustrious personage, equally the object of 

* Under Sheriff. 
f Committee of Alderman Challis, Member for Finsbury. 


the secretary's hopes and anxieties, he gives some 
curious notices of his principal ministers. It will be 
seen that he had a difficult part to play ; the duke 
wanting an amount of English parliamentary influence 
for his own purposes, it was more easy to promise, 
than safe to employ. The Convention Treaty to 
which he referred with such anxiety, was for the 
mutual surrender of criminals fled from justice ; and 
the new clause introduced was to the following 
effect : 

Copy of the change, in English, proposed to the 14th para- 
graph of the Convention between England and France. 

The stipulations of the present Convention shall in 
nowise be applicable to crimes or misdemeanours committed 
previously to the date of the present Convention, except for 
the crimes already named in the Convention of the 13th 
February, 1843, for which crimes this Convention will 
remain in force retrospectively till the 13th February, 1843. 

The following is in the handwriting of Mr. Dun- 
combe's secretary : 

MEMO*' The duke gave me this, written by Monsieur 
le Due de Feumacon, and he desires me to inform you that 
this was the proposition of some noble lord, he does not 
know who. I again repeat 'tis most important you write 
to me on this subject directly. 

We now give a series of his reports as forwarded to 
Mr. Duncombe : 

Hotel Britannique, September 7th, 1852. 
With respect to D. B., he has now been in bed for the 
last six days, and yesterday he sent for a doctor, an homoeo- 
. pathist, who gave him some globules. This same man at- 
tended D'Orsay* in conjunction with Ricord ; they dis- 

* The fate of the Count is well known. 


agreed, and you know the rest. However, I have taken an 
opinion with regard to D. B., and it is thought to be a 
breaking up of the constitution ; they say, at his age, he 
runs great risk of a severe attack. 

Last night the conversation between H.R.H. and self 
was the subject of the will ; and he said to me, " If any- 
thing happens to me during this illness, over and above what 
you have by the will, I give you 50,000 Sardinians as a gift ; 
and as there are 156,000 in the packet, it would be well to 
send Mr. D.* over the same amount, and place the remaining 
50,000 in some secure place, to pay your joint law expenses 
which you would incur in insisting upon the whole of my 
Brunswick property being placed at your disposal." I then 
said (having a good opportunity), " Are you quite sure that 
the will is in perfect order to satisfy the French law?" 
He said, " I have always understood so ; but you may 
ask Blot ;" which I shall do as soon as he returns to 

With respect to my own affair, it hangs fire most terribly. 
Fould has been absent all the time I have been here ; in 
fact, it would appear as I entered Paris he quitted it. 
He came to town on Sunday, and started to see the Prince 
at St. Cloud, and has stopped shooting, but returns to-night ; 
and the Prince says it is no good seeing me till I have 
settled with Fould, so I begin to think that it is absolutely 
necessary to kill partridges in September to prevent their 
assuming other forms in January ; for all over Europe, 
whether constitutional or despotic, the government, the 
minister, and diplomatist quit their bureau to kill their 
partridges, leaving all business to take care of itself; and 
so, owing to the fine weather in the south, and the shooting 
here, I have been compelled to wait patiently with my im- 
portant affair. 

I send you the debates ; you will see hef is corresponding 
with the press here as elsewhere. Strange to say, there is 
now always something in the Augsburg Gazette as well as 
the Cologne Gazette about D.B. 

* Mr. Duncombe. f Duke of Brunswick. 


I now beg to call your serious attention to the following, 
which really may prove too much for us unless you can in 
any way nip it in the bud. The duke desires me to say to 
you that he is not at all easy about the treaty the French 
Government are seeking for with England; and he particularly 
desires me to call your attention to the fact that he shall 
not consider himself safe here, and consequently will not 
stop, if the English Parliament pass that Act ratifying the 
treaty with the retrospective clause cut out. But he thinks, 
considering the original proposition was for the retrospec- 
tive clause, that there ought to be in the new treaty a posi- 
tive clause stating that on no account shall the treaty be 
considered retrospective ; for he says after that it has been 
proposed to be retroactive, and then, that clause merely 
omitted, would not be sufficient to decide whether it was 
intended to be retroactive or not. 

I must beg of you to write me on this subject directly ; 
for he says as soon as the bill has passed the Lords in any- 
thing like a doubtful form he will quit Paris, and will not 
stop for the passing of the Commons. So pray write me a 
letter for him on the subject, assuring him or me (as the 
case may be) that the English Parliament will not pass 
such a law, and promising him all he desires with respect 
to the retrospective clause, for in that and on that depends 
his danger. And if you can send him a copy of the clause you 
would propose, to mark it as not being intended in any way 
retroactive, it would do great good ; and, entre nous, I think 
you might get some peer to move for the insertion of the 
clause in your words, and that would be of immense im- 
portance to us. 

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot (St. Honor6), 
September 8th, 1852. 

Yesterday, the 7th, I called upon him, par ordre 
superieure, to read to him and to open his letters, and to 
reply thereto if any required a reply ; and while there, his 
new medical man, the homoeopathist, arrived, and we were 
both ushered to the royal bed together; and after the M.D. 
had prescribed for him, and given him orders positive that 


he must quit his bed, or that he would he so weaken him- 
self that it would be a long time before he would recover 
his strength, the duke called me to his bedside, and re- 
quested me to ask the M.D. in the next room as he was 
going out, the name of his disease, which I did, and which 
the M.D. pronounced to be "cephalite." The M.D. cut 
me very short, merely giving me the name of the disease, 
and pronouncing that it was tres dangereux. 

Neither the duke or myself was to be done by the term 
" cephalite," which neither of us understood ; but on re- 
ferring to the dictionary we found it thus described : 
" Cephalite inflammation de cerveaux" The duke per- 
sists that I must have made a mistake ; but I am quite sure 
of my correctness. You are as good a judge as I am of 
the nature of the disease, and therefore it would be pre- 
sumption in me to attempt to describe it. 

When the duke's M.D. was pointing out to him the 
necessity of his getting out as soon as possible in order to 
avail himself of the " tonicity" of the morning air, all of 
which D.B. pronounced " d d nonsense," I made a few 
inquiries as to the most healthy and fitting time to take 
exercise, and the nature thereof; and the reply I got was, 
that morning exercise on horseback at this time of the year 
in fact, at all times had a doubly good effect, viz., to bring 
into action the lazy, torpid functions of the human frame 
(this applies to an invalid), and at the same time the 
" tonicity" of the air creates appetite, while the digestive 
powers are in action to digest it. All this is caused by the 
exercise on horseback. 

With respect to my affair, I have an appointment with 
the Ministre d'Etat to-morrow ; but in consequence of my 
detecting the fraud intended to be practised on me, one of 
the poorest but yet the most active of the parties concerned 
has taken umbrage, and we are divided ; consequently great 
difficultes are thrown in the way. But I prefer spoiling 
the thing altogether rather than allow them to benefit them- 
selves at my expense; for they (that is, one of them), was 
working hard to obtain the concession, and to deprive me of 


the promised benefits ; in fact, it was nothing less than a 
fraud. I therefore have not quite made up my mind whether 
I shall not explain all to the Minister to-morrow, and leave 
him to decide upon the merits. The real difficulty is this, 
that the party of whom I complain has so tightly got hold 
of all the other parties concerned, that they dare not act as 
I believe they would. Orsi is going with me to-morrow ; 
and he proposes that I should take the concession, and look 
for other capitalists. 

Hotel Britannique, Rue Duphot, 

Saturday Morning, 11 o'clock. 

I have this morning been to pay the other Dr. Ca- 
banas, and I asked him the name of the duke's disease, 
and he replied " Cephalit," and the consequence, sooner 
or later, " apoplexy foudroyant." I said, then there is 
great danger ? He said " Yes ; great danger." And the 
duke's life is not worth one moment's purchase, for when 
he appears the best in health, then he is the worst. He 
ought not to be left ; but if he thought so, the nature of the 
disease invariably makes them, i.e. the sufferers, suspicious. 

My affair stands thus : admitted by all to be first-rate. 
Fould made the report to the prince, and fixed last Thurs- 
day to settle the matter, so that the prince might sign the 
decree before he leaves, which he does on Monday or Tues- 
day next ; but when we met he admitted the reality of the 
proposition, but regretted it was not belonging to his 
ministry, and so threw us over. We are now handed over 
to Persigny, who treated me very kindly, went to St. Cloud 
to the prince, and is willing, if possible, to do it ; but he 
says, and truly, that he cannot draw a decree without 
knowing something of the matter, and he feared we shall 
have to consult the " Chamber of Commerce/' the " Ville 
de Paris," and the " Conseil d'Utilite Publique." He saya 
" I am willing to shut my eyes as much as possible, but I 
must know something of the affair." Fould has got all the 
papers, and we have to make a formal demand to get them. 

I have the prince's order for him to hand them to Per- 
signy ; but he can if he chooses take a day or two before so 

M. FOULD. 173 

doing, and then I am done. Fould is a banker, and doubt- 
less would like the thing indirectly himself. The prince is 
all for it, and I fear Fould desirous, either under pretence 
of being a cautious minister, or wishing to have it himself 
against us, and so has delayed the affair till the last 
moment in order that the thing may die a natural death by 
lapse of time, as all the contracts for the purchase of exist- 
ing monopolies will fall in in November, of which Fould is 
aware. I am going to-day to Persigny, who has promised, 
if he gets the papers, to study them to-day. 

The duke is better, much better ; but imprudently in- 
stead of taking a drive, as ordered, in the open air nothing 
would suit but he must drive to the theatre. He was 
so weak as scarcely to be able to walk, and when I left him 
last night complained of the pain returning again to his 
head. I shall see by and bye how he is ; he has never before 
been so shaken. 

Ricord has quitted Paris, I think to visit his friend in 
" New Orleans." Some say he retired with a large fortune. 
However, he is not here at present, and they say will not 
be here for some months. 

I shall not stop here longer than this day week, for when 
the prince has gone I may go ; however, of that I will let 
you know. Alderman Humphreys, late for Southwark, is 
here. He is a great "warehouser" in London, and I 
believe will be a director. I have not yet seen him. 

Blot is gone to Spain, or the borders thereof, shooting. 
With respect to the document : if anything happened while 
I am here I should telegraph to you, and I fear your pre- 
sence would be also necessary, as I could not act for you, 
having no power beyond your letter, and being myself an 
executor. I shall learn this from a counsellor, as it is most 
important to know. 

I was on the point of coming to England the other day 
for a few hours for D. B., when I should so have done, but 
his illness put it and the cause aside. Strange, the night 
he was taken he had been with me to the theatre, and after- 
wards we supped together at Cafe Anglais, and he ap- 


peared better than usual, full of fun and mirth, and you 
would have said had you seen him he never had been 
better; but the attack came on in the night not, the 
doctor assures me this morning, the effects of the supper, 
but from natural causes, i.e. that the blood in his case has 
a natural tendency to flow to the brain, and will some day 
congest the same and produce apoplexy. Nothing can 
save him but great exercise; and the duke says he is a 
d d fool for his advice, for he will for no one get up at 
eight o'clock in the morning and not know what to do 
all day. 

Thursday, September 16th, 1852. 

With respect to my own affair, that has assumed a 
favourable position, and I think I shall get the decree 
signed in a day or two. I was with Persigny yesterday, 
and he planned the form of the decree, and the prince 
desires to sign it at Lyons. Whether I shall have to go 
there I know not; but I hope in a few days to settle all. 
The decree will be in the names of Messrs. Cusin, Legendre, 
and Du Chene de Vere. I have not insisted on being 
therein, for reasons which I will explain when I see you. 

Hotel Britannique, September 26th. 

I send you by this post the Moniteur of this morning, 
and you will see the affair has been signed at Roanne. 

I have taken counsel's opinion on D. B/s matter, and I 
am sure you will be delighted at the information I have 
obtained as to our plan of action in the event of our being 
called upon to act. I shall not be able to get away before 
Thursday next, as there is yet a great deal to do to carry 
out the decree. 

On Sunday I go to Fontainbleau, and shall then 
see a celebrated trapper of cailles de chasselas, and will 
bespeak some for you. They are in high perfec- 
tion just now, and much sought after par les vrais 


Au Norn du Peuple Franqais. 


President de la Republique Fran9aise, 

Sur le rapport du Ministre de 1'Interieur, de 1'Agricul- 
ture et du Commerce ; 

Vu le decret du 21 Mars, 1848, concernant les magasins 
generaux pour depot de marchandises ; 

Considerant que le commerce doit retirer une tres-grande 
utilite de Tetablissement de docks ou magasins destines a 
recevoir en depot les marchandises dont on veut mobiliser 
la valeur au moyen de warrants, recepisses negociables par 
voie de simple endossement, et qui, sans cette faculte, 
restent souvent steriles dans les mains du producteur; 

Considerant que ces docks et magasins profiteront non- 
seulement au commerce mais encore a 1'ouvrier travaillant 
a son compte, ou, en cas de mevente, pourra deposer la 
ses produits et continuer son travail au moyen des fonds 
qu'il se procurera sur le recepisse delivre par la compagnie ; 

Considerant que Inexperience qui se fera a Paris d'un 
etablissement analogue a ceux qui fonctionnent si utilement 
en Angleterre et en Hollande, est de nature a encourager la 
creation de semblables etablissements dans nos grands 
centres commerciaux, 

Decrete : 

"Art. l er> MM. Cusin, Legendre et Duchesne de Vere 
sont autorises a ctablir, a Paris, sur les terrains qui leur 
appartiennent pres la place de TEurope, des magasins dans 
lesquels les negociants et industriels pourront, conforme- 
ment au decret du 21 Mars, 1848, deposer les matieres pre- 
mieres, les marchandises et objets fabriques dont ils sont 

" Art. 2. Les marchandises deposees dans les dits maga- 
sins seront consideres comme appartenant a des sujets neutres, 
quelle qu'en soit la provenance et quelles que soient les 
eventualites qui pourraient survenir. 

" Art. 3. Un reglement d'administration publique deter- 


minera les obligations de la compagnie en ce qui concerne 
la surveillance de ses magasins par 1'Etat, les garanties 
qu'elle devra oflfrir au commerce, et le mode de delivrance 
des recepisses transmissibles par voie d'endossement. 

" Art. 4. Le Ministre de 1'Interieur, de 1' Agriculture et 
du Commerce et le Ministre des Finances sont charges, 
chacun -en ce qui le concerne, de 1'execution du present 


Fait a Roanne, le 17 Septembre, 1852. 

Par le Prince President : 
Le Ministre de Vlnterieur, 

de I' Agriculture et du Commerce, F. DE PERSIGNY. 

The secretary visited Paris twice in 1853, but 
stayed only a few days. He again went, on 14th 
April, with Baron Andlau, and returned on the 24th, 
and repeated his visit on the 6th, returning on the 
10th ; left on the 4th of September, and did not return 
till the 5th of October. He was off again on the 21st. 
The only communications that have been preserved 
commence before his last departure ; and it will be 
seen that he was now on a totally different mission. 
The emperor desired his services to assist his military 
arrangements for the Russian war. He gives the 
following account of them, and of the duke. The 
manner in which he procured the habitations required, 
and set up the barracks, gained him great favour. 

Chez-moi, October 9th, 1854. 

You say I did not tell you anything about the duke ; all 
I can say is, that he was, if possible, kinder than ever, and 
made me promise to spend a fortnight -with him soon; 
though how that is to be managed I know not, as I must 
finish at the Camps, which will take twenty days, all of 


which when I see you. But to refer again to the duke. We, 
although you have been absent, stand better than ever; I, 
on account of being so much taken up by the emperor 
while at Boulogne, which pleases his highness much; and 
he said, on parting, that he should be angry if I did 
not come and spend a fortnight at least with him. On 
my arrival at Beaujon he saw me directly. I then went 
out till he got up, rode out on horseback, and then 

went out alone* and dined with duke . He said, while 

I was sitting in his drawing-room, " I thought, about three 
weeks ago, you would have to be telegraphed for on ac- 
count of my health ;" and he then informed me that he had 
had a slight attack of apoplexy. It appears he was in better 
health than usual, dressing to go out; felt the room go 
round with him backwards, and fell out of his chair on the 
ground ; and that is all he knows, but referred me to his valet 
for the rest. The valet said he was just passing his highnesses 
cravat round his neck when his highness fell, and the force 
of the fall was saved by his being suspended in his cravat. 
He (the valet) eased him to the ground, sent off directly for 
medical aid, during which time the duke turned all manner 
of colours, and his tongue hung out of his mouth, and he 
was as cold as marble. The M.D. pronounced it as a bad 
omen, and said it was a slight fit of apoplexy; and 
although this one has done no harm, he is never certain 
when he might be again so attacked, as he will always have 
a tendency to such attacks, more now than ever. 

The Prince of Armenia is at Mazas, and all the world 
i. e., those who know us say that I have done it. Be it how 
it may, he is secure for the present, and therefore the duke 
wants some one. How I regret your not being well 
enough to enjoy Paris life. 

One good thing the duke said directly he recovered, which 
was at night : " If I say Smith during my illness, that 
means send for him he is now at Folkestone, Hotel 
Boulogne and by telegraph." 

* I mean without the countess. 



Friday Afternoon, October 13th, 1854. 

With respect to my matters at Boulogne, the tale would 
occupy many sheets of paper to inform you of its nature, 
and then the details would be uninteresting to you. In a 
few words, the camps from Equichen to Helfaut will exist 
all the winter; and the Emperor, being desirous that the 
troops should suffer as little as possible, is always ready to 
adopt any plan which he thinks will add to their comfort. 
During the sojourn of Prince Albert, he happened to men- 
tion that the Queen, being desirous of giving balls at Bal- 
moral, had had a ball-room constructed of iron in ten days. 

The Emperor, whom I had just pleased by my happy 
selection of some presents from him to the Duchess d'Alba 
and the Countess Montijo, in which I was lucky enough 
to give great satisfaction to him and the Empress, sent for 
me to England, thinking I had gone home. The letter was 
forwarded to me in due course, and I presented myself. 
The Emperor explained his wants, and sent me off to the 
north of England to purchase one of these buildings. I did 
not find one ready made, but by dint of pressure got a con- 
tract signed under demurrage to have one erected in six 
days. I returned to Boulogne without stopping in London, 
and in six days had the honour to receive their majesties 
and the generals of division in the completed house. 

I was then sent three other times to England (once I 
crossed in a storm) but never slept, and entered into con- 
tracts, which will be completed and landed on the 21st, by 
the boat leaving Saturday morning, the 20th, and conse- 
quently I must be there to superintend the lauding and 
erection at each of the camps, as all is under my charge ; 
and on Tuesday next I must send an account to each camp 
of the number of men, horses, and prolonge d'artillerie I 
shall want, so as not to interfere with the organized service 
of the waggon train. You will see, therefore, that I am 
compelled to go on Sunday, the 21st, or I shall again throw 
away opportunities which may eventually prove of material 
benefit to me, and which might never occur again. 


Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer, 
October 29th, 1854. 

When I wrote to you on Tuesday I could say nothing of 
my barracks, as they had been detained, and did not arrive 
till Wednesday night, in consequence of the dreadful storms 
in the Channel. I am now happy to say that they are pro- 
gressing, but not so fast as I could wish. 

I have not heard direct from the duke, but it appears 
that the Minister of War (Marshal Vaillant) wanted to 
communicate with me, and applied to the duke for my ad- 
dress in Boulogne, which the duke gave, and the minister 
sent his aide-de-camp from Paris to me, by command of the 
emperor, to consult about making permanent barracks at 
Marseilles. We sat up all night calculating, and the aide- 
de-camp has returned to Paris. 

With respect to myself, I have been suffering from 
having got wet through two days in succession, being 
obliged to take long rides in the wet. 

I write to-day to the duke to thank him. I have no 
doubt he will not fix a time till he knows I am free from 
the emperor. 

P.S. The Hon. H. Fitzroy is here, and has been for 
some time. 

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer, 
November 3rd, 1854. 

My business goes on slowly, from a variety of causes; 
but I hope the middle of next week to get to Helfaut, the 
camp near St. Omer, and after that I shall be guided in my 
movements entirely by what I hear from you. I wrote to 
the duke to know when he wished me to visit him, and to 
say that perhaps as the baron intended visiting Paris at 
Christmas, that his highness would prefer my availing myself 
of that moment ; and further, that as I should have many 
visitors that perhaps that might be disagreeable to him. I 
enclose you a copy of his reply to me verbatim et literatim. 

I have had a long chat with the medical inspector of the 
camps, with whom I happened to be the other day a very 
sensible man, and of high standing in his profession. The 

N 2 


subject turned upon the effect of climate upon certain 
diseases, and the susceptibility of some diseases, and how 
they are influenced by climate. A gentleman said to him 
" What do you think of the climate of Montpellier ? Are 
the hotels good ?" &c. His reply, which first excited my 
attention, was " Montpellier is a most delicious climate 
for persons in good health ; but you will find there nothing 
but malades et des gens poitrinaires, envoyes la par les mede- 
cins Anglais pour mourir." I then began, and said "Do 
you mean to say that the whole of the climate du midi is 
the same ?" He replied " Yes ; it is quite a mistaken 
notion to suppose that that beautiful climate is without its 
evils, and in the case of diseases of the chest very dan- 
gerous/' He then as a reason gave the following " You 
must know," he said, " that when the chest is affected the 
most delicate membrane of the whole frame is attacked; 
and how can you suppose the fine climate of the midi can 
be beneficial to such, when I tell you that it does not rain 
sometimes for three months? The earth becomes pul- 
verized, and imperceptible but dangerous grit is floating in 
the air. This dust or grit exists to an extent fabulous to 
the healthy, but deleterious and deadly to the diseased 
chest, producing irritation to an extent, in the very weak, 
too much for them to bear, and consequently producing 
death. In the summer months the heat is too great for 
invalids or anybody else to go out in the midday, and the 
delicious evening cannot be enjoyed by the weak chest 
without producing certain death. The winter is beautifully 
temperate on the whole, but subject to sudden and violent 
changes : as, for instance, in one hour the mistrale wind will 
convert the most beautiful imaginable day in winter, when all 
appeared genial, to knives and daggers to the weak chest, and 
the thermometer will fall many degrees in that same hour, 
while the air is again charged with dust. This applies more 
or less to the whole length of the Mediterranean coast. 
Perhaps any other disease but that of the chest might be 
benefited by such a climate, in fact would be." 

We then spoke of other places, and he said " The 


strange thing is that you have in England one or two 
places almost all that could be desired, viz., the Isle of 
Wight, Devonshire, and Cornwall in certain months, the 
shores of the Channel perhaps the French side during a 
couple of months, about Dieppe the best." As a proof of this 
the Russian imperial family preferred those places to Italy. 
The things most to be avoided : unnatural air, dust, and 
smoke the greatest irritants; and as a preventative to 
some extent of catching cold, avoid a thing which people, 
he says, have not the common sense to do, that is going 
out of broad sunshine into shade, or, to use his own words, 
" Jumping from Italy to Iceland, and back again, and then 
asking yourself why you caught cold"; and it mostly 
happens that when shade is the most agreeable that it is 
most dangerous ; the sun itself rather good to bask in, when 
not overpowering, so as to produce a sunstroke, and never 
of any harm if the head is well protected; never ride in 
open carriages with the head up, as the head draws in the 
air; and above all adapt yourself as well as you can to 
things, and things to you this last remark applies to 
physic and diet ; move about, or rather remain no longer in 
any place than you feel comfortable that means with 
respect to your health. Egypt a beautiful climate, but all 
the good things of the world not to be had there if wanted, 
and man cannot live on climate alone ; many places in the 
centre of France, as also Italy, equally good." And upon 
my thoroughly describing your complaint, he said that you 
must seek for yourself; but that he had known many in- 
stances of persons being reduced to almost death, and after 
years of suffering, and by some sudden and unaccountable 
effort of nature, recover and live for years. 

Copy of Duke of Brunswick's Letter. 

Rue de Beaujon, November 1st, 1854. 

MY DEAR SIR, I thank you for your good wishes to my 
birthday ; but I have been unwell and unable to leave my 
bed since Thursday last with what Dr. Cabanas calls neu- 


ralgia. I prefer your coming this time, but that is no 
reason why you should not come when the baron comes. 
I have no objection to your receiving the emperor's and 
minister's people or messengers. I close this letter, as I 
am still unable to sit up long in bed. Receive, dear sir, 
the assurance of my consideration, D. B. 

(P.S. to mine. Woodcocks are very plentiful at eight 
francs per brace. Quails all gone; I have seen none 
since I have been here this time. Would you like any 
woodcocks ?) 

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer, 
November 7th, 1854. 

It is a great piece of humbug on the part of the Govern- 
ment. They have collected a double income tax for the 
war, and now lend themselves to supply their own defi- 
ciency and want of foresight in preparing proper means for 
every event by an appeal to the private charity of the 
nation, and her Majesty and Co. lending themselves to it, 
cause all persons in public positions to become marked if 
they do not contribute. 

With respect to myself: I think as soon as I have 
finished my camps (and I hope to begin Helfaut early next 
week) I shall go while on this side to see D. B. He evi- 
dently wishes me to be there alone, and 'tis not often you 
catch him writing such a letter as that to me ! so I shall 
write him to that effect. I am in direct communication 
with L. N., and have an aide de camp de service mostly with 
me. I have just declined the Marseilles and Algerian 
trip not but what I should like it. Marshal Vaillant, 
le Ministre de la Guerre, has just informed me by tele- 
graph that aide-de-camp Colonel Dutrelaine will be with 
me at six o'clock this evening from Paris. I have an 
orderly at my disposal, and am doing things quite a la 

Hotel de Folkestone, 
Wednesday, November 15th, 1854. 

The weather being so bad retards very much my camp 
operations, and I had hoped by this time to be at Helfaut ; 


but from calculations made last night, I fear I shall not 
get there till next Wednesday. 

After the receipt of your last I wrote to the duke to say 
that as soon as I had done I would join him in Paris, and 
received a reply written by the countess to say I was to 
give them notice of my arrival, in order that my room 
might be got ready; but not a word about the duke's 
health. I suppose he was still unwell, or he would have 
written himself. This is all I have heard since I last 
wrote to you. You may rely upon my keeping you au 
courant of all news in that quarter. All my other news 
would not interest you, or I have plenty of camp news. 

My opinion as to the reason of the duke wishing to see 
me alone is this : no doubt the Camp du Nord, to which I 
am attached for the moment, will at early spring march 
into Prussia, and the duke may hope to be able to join 
them in some way when they go to Germany, and punish 
his brother, who is a general in the Prussian service. I 
think that something of this sort may be passing in his 
head, and that he will confide to me his bags while he goes 
there. What do you think of this view ? 

Sunday Afternoon, November 19th, 1854. 

All was just upon the point of completion at the camps 
near this, and I had planned to start for Helfaut on Tues- 
day, when a courier arrives to inform me that the general 
who commands the Equihen division wanted to see me 
without a moment's delay. I mount on horseback and 
ride there, and find the camps all razed to the ground. 
Upon inquiry I find that the officers of engineers, to carry 
on some work, have so relieved the buildings of their sup- 
ports that the wind has carried them away. What damage 
and what delay, cannot yet be told ; but we are all thrown 
on our beam-ends. The emperor every alternate day writes 
to urge us on, and now all is down, and when it will be 
again up, God knows ; for the frost and hurricanes have 
commenced, and it will be with great difficulty we shall 
get them up again. I had at first intended to write to the 


emperor and marshal minister ; but they persuaded me not, 
and so I have not done so, and therefore they may get 
done quicker, to oblige me, as I have served them. It is 
the expense of thousands, and all the responsibility rests on 
my shoulders, although I cannot govern the elements or 
make fools wise men. 

P.S. I have written to the duke also to inform him of 
my accident as a reason why I cannot fix a time to join 
him. I know he is anxious to see me, as a person called 
en route for England left no name, but I know it was 
Tibbey to say my presence would not be disagreeable in 
Paris. I was at the camp when he called. 

Tuesday, November 21st, 1854. 

I am, with you, curious to be at Beaujon, and I might 
almost say anxious. I have a good deal of exciting news 
to tell him, as I really think in fact know that Prussia 
will be the destination of the Camp du Nord, unless the 
winter brings an arrangement, which I doubt. The pre- 
vailing opinion of the higher military men here is, that 
Menchikoff, by his lies and the despatches which were pub- 
lished, was only to throw us (the allies) off our guard, in 
order to deceive us as to the necessity of having a large 
army there during the whole time he was getting his rein- 
forcements up, while we were only crying up that the 
Russian empire was made of carton. His ruse de guerre 
succeeded, and we have our work to do now, with a small, 
decimated army, and the winter at hand. I hope your 
nephew has escaped, although one can hardly hope that 
many of them will return. 

I see by the papers, which sometimes fall in my hands, 
that Lord Paulet, whose chambers I went after in the 
Albany, has been scalped. I recollect when the Cold- 
streams marched, you, with something like regret, said 
" If I had remained in the regiment I should now have 
commanded them instead of (I think) Bentinck." Permit 
me to congratulate you upon being even as you are, and 
a civilian, rather than in the Crimea. 


The emperor has sent me word that I am to make a 
daily report of my progress, as he thinks of coming 
down. He has not been at Compiegne, nor has he had a 
dinner party since the commencement of the siege; and 
many people here say that 'tis bad taste of Prince Albert 
hunting and amusing himself as though nothing was occur- 
ring, while the nation is spending its best blood for the 
support of the honour of England and the power of the 
crown. Admiral Dundas is often called " Madame Dundas," 
while they say of Admiral Lyons " He is un vrai lion." 
If this dreadful hurricane which is now blowing does me 
no harm I shall soon get from this. 

P.S. The waiter on bringing up your letter to me said 
" Here are five letters for you, sir : one from the ministre 
Anglaise d'Oree." Your crest and envelope quite as- 
tonished him. 

Thursday Night. 

P.S. 2. I send this by the boat. I have just returned 
from holding an inquest on two barracks blown down last 
night. When the blowing down will finish, I know not ; 
and it is my almost fixed intention, if an aide-de-camp does 
not come to me from 1'empereur, to go up to Paris and 
explain all about it, for I am truly tired of it all. 

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer, 
Tuesday, November 28th 1854. 

You say, and apparently to you, with some truth, that 
you are at a loss to conceive in what my knowledge of erec- 
tion can consist. I confess to you I am astonished at the 
same myself; but by dint of perseverance I have arrived 
at such a knowledge, and in a short space of time, that I 
attend the council of engineers, i.e. the military council, 
every Saturday, and I submit my plans, give rough sketches 
on the spot, and have them adopted; and so pleased are all 
the commanding officers to whom I am accredited, that they 
three weeks ago reported to the Minister of War, and the 
said minister, by command of the emperor, sent his aide- 
de-camp to me here to make some proposals highly advan- 


tageous, which I declined for reasons that few would believe. 
But I again repeat to you I am myself astonished at what 
I have been doing, and where I learned it I know not, 
and in making any proposals I always give them the liberty 
to laugh at them if they appear foolish, as I remind them I 
am not an engineer, either military or civil. 

What I am doing here for the moment is superintending 
and giving orders direct from the emperor and for the 
emperor, who has given me a carte blanche credit to a cer- 
tain limited amount outre de cela. I have been offered 
(a continuation of the emperor's wishes to serve me) a very 
excellent appointment, which I have accepted, under terms 
of limitation and reduction, to enable me to fulfil my duties 
chez vous. In other words, I have proposed to reserve to 
myself the right of living in England for a period of say 
five years on half pay, and thereby to be able to act as 
heretofore for you, as after the finish of this affair at Bou- 
logne an occasional run to France is all that will be 

I shall not get from here to Helfaut before next week, 
and shall certainly be a fortnight there, and then to -please 
D. B., to whom I have this day written to tell him I am 
still here, and promised to join him before I return to 

With respect to the Poles, I should have nothing to do 
with them, for if the kingdom of Poland was again re- 
established as of old, it would be as great a blot upon 
civilization as a Russian empire, and the Poles are only 
fit for demonstrations out of which good subscriptions arise. 
Where are the Poles in the Russian service? what move 
have they made? If they would only make a diversion, it 
would be something; but no, they are as passive as the 
purest Russian serf. And again, supposing they wanted to 
be certain that their brethren in England (a most disor- 
ganized family, by-the-bye) were up, what possible means of 
letting them know ? Nicholas is too wide-awake to let the 
news in. If they (the Poles) are willing to do anything, let 
them organize themselves into regiments and then apply 


to the allied governments for means of transport and other 
requisite aid : although I should be sorry to see even that 
take place, for my opinion of them is, that they would take 
Russian gold to betray us, or anybody else. I never had 
any opinion of these gentry. 

If Austria still plays false, then, if L. N. wills it, Mazzini 
would be powerful, and do the business; and humbug as 
Kossuth is, he might, as a rallying name for the Hun- 
garians, be of some use. But the Poles have lost their 
nationality, and are become hired assassins all over the 
world : there are a few good men among their generals, and 
that's all. When Poland did exist it was quite as bad a 
despotism as Russia serfs and nobles were the population, 
and the nobles actually wiped their feet upon the serfs to 
prove their humbleness, i.e. degraded position. It was a good 
stalking-horse for poor Lord Dudley.* Once you take them 
up, and the bank of England would not supply the demands 
upon your purse, and when you ceased to give, they would 
begin to denounce their patriotism, and their view of patriots 
is money. 

Tuesday Night (after the Post). 

You say why does not L. N. send troops directly to the 
Crimea ; he is doing so, but we cannot expect him to send 
a sufficient force to gain the day without some arrangement 
with England, which doubtless is the object of Lord 
Palmerston's mission. We must incur some risk, either a 
money risk or men risk, and the question is asked here, 
suppose England pays for keeping of the men, their trans- 
port and accoutrements (the latter when injured), how is 
the man himself to be paid for ? Suppose, as in many 
cases in the French army, he is the only son of hard- 
working parents, and he falls as a hired man, what compen- 
sation do you make for the man ? or, as they say, and very 
truly, is the man counted as nothing ? the value being only 
what he consumes while living, either in food or material ? 
There must be some contingent for the surviving family, or 
there will be difficulty in managing the matter. 

* Lord Dudley Coutts Stuart. 


When I see you I will tell you a conversation I had with 
the Hon. H. Fitzroy ; he did not think 1 knew him, and if 
the sentiments he expressed to me are really the sentiments 
of the English Ministers I really think they differ strongly 
with those of the English people. 

I could, I have no doubt, get L. N/s views as well as 
anybody, but I know there exists a feeling that you desire 
knowledge merely for your own personal pleasure, having 
never said anything for him when he wanted friends, 
although he gave you ample opportunities ; now he has 
ministries and governments ready to aid him : therefore I 
will not attempt to do anything there in that shape. 

I have been on horseback to Ambleteuse, and have been 
strongly pressed to go there next Sunday to assist at the 
ceremony of opening the first barrack; the generals all 
invite me, and I should stop at one of their houses all 
night. I have refused, to get back to London as soon as 
I can, and, notwithstanding my letter of to-day, if it is 
possible to get home sooner than I named I will, but I 
cannot then visit D. B. 

General Rolin has sent me word to-day since I wrote 
that the emperor is quite satisfied, in fact, very much 
pleased with my efforts, and he finishes by saying, as soon 
as your work is over, and you present yourself at Paris, 
" vous serez tres-bien requ." 

I could, if I deserted my post, never expect to get 
received again by L. N., who is certainly the greatest man 
in Europe, in my opinion. 

Wednesday Morning. 

I have written to General Dubreton at Helfaut, informing 
him that I hope to be with him on the 5th and not later 
than the 6th proximo, and I propose stopping with him one 
week, in which time I shall set all in train for completion ; 
this will bring it to the 12th or 13th. I then propose to 
go to D. B. and stop a week, which will bring it to the 
20th, and then try to return home on that day, or to pre- 
sent myself the day after. Now, what I want in this 
arrangement is this, and the part I most particularly want 


you to answer is, whether I shall go to D. B. or return 
home. I think, under any circumstances, I must go to 
St. Cloud, and I only propose the returning home subject 
to your taking the responsibility of D. B. being offended, or 

The reason of the delay has been the blowing down 
before completion, caused by the large surface presented to 
the wind, and the power the wind had on what presented 
a breach, it being impossible to do as much in a day or 
days as would prevent the wind getting in. The ground 
plan will give you some idea of the surface presented to the 
winds, and with an elevation of twelve feet it caused a 
great deal of difficulty. If, please God, the wind that is 
blowing now does no harm I shall be quite able to carry 
out the plan I propose. 

21, Rue Beaujon, Champs Elysees, Paris, 
December 29th, 1854. 

I arrived here last night and was most kindly received 
by the duke and countess. Ure has been stopping in Paris 
and had taken his leave before I arrived, with the promise 
that if he remained over the night in Paris he would come 
to the duke's box " aux Italiens," but as he did not come I 
conclude he left for England, and so I did not see him. 
Strange to say, I had not been here half an hour before the 
duke said, " As you are here, and the baron is coming, we 
will dine at home sometimes, and you can write to England 
for some pheasants." I then said that his wish had been 
anticipated by you, and that some would be here. 

I have, therefore, by this same post sent to Fisher for 
some in your name. I was very nearly starting for Eng- 
land this evening for the emperor, but I have telegraphed 

The weather is fine, but Paris itself dull. The duke 
seems in tolerable good health, but certainly I think from 
what he says is brewing something, as he feels an inclina- 
tion to lie in bed for days at a time. 

The reader by this time must have come to a con- 


elusion that the writer of these reports had changed his 
vocation. His secretariat must have become a sinecure, 
whilst between two illustrious potentates he oscil- 
lated like an uneasy pendulum, or a waiter upon 
Providence, unable to make up his mind as to the 
superior attractions of a millionaire royal duke or an 
all-powerful imperial majesty. Whether he is to become 
a military Paxton or a commercial Walewski, is still 
in the womb of time ; whether as the presiding genius 
of the Camp du Nord he is to cross the Ehine, and 
become the Bismark of a " young Brunswick," is 
behind the curtain of coming eventualities ; all that 
the reader can be informed is, that while the clever 
employe was making himself master of the situation at 
Beaujon, at the Elysee, at the camp, everywhere, a 
process of ratiocination was passing through the mind 
of his invalid employer, which resulted in the question 
" If no man can serve two masters, how is it possible 
to serve three ?" This led to the suggestion, that there 
might be a fourth, nearer and dearer to his agent, 
who would inevitably secure the first consideration. 
How the result affected Mr. Duncombe's interests will 
presently be shown; we can now only state that 
during the Crimean war the entente cordiale was pre- 
served in France ; and notwithstanding the charges 
brought forward by a certain historian, we believe 
that the conflict was maintained by our illustrious 
ally in a spirit of perfect good faith and loyalty. 




The Albert Park Letter of Lord Robert Grosvenor Mr. Dun- 
combe and Mr. Roebuck Correspondence of Lord Brougham 
and Mr. Buncombe Unconditional pardon of Frost, Williams, 
and Jones Contested Election for Finsbury Mr. Duncombe 
at the head of the poll Cost of a seat in Parliament Educa- 
tion Untaught talent Thorogood imprisoned for non-payment 
of Church-Rates Mr. Duncombe effects his liberation 
Catholics and Dissenters Letters of Mr. Chisholm Anstey 
Cardinal Wiseman and the establishment in England of a papal 
hierarchy Mr. Duncombe's moderation His advocacy of the 
Jews The Jews' Bill Report of a Select Committee of the 
House of Commons Another triumphant return Reform 
Sunday trading Letters of Lord Chelmsford. 

THE member for Finsbury did not restrict himself to 
the performance of his political duties ; out of Par- 
liament he was as active in advancing the public wel- 
fare as in it. Any scheme of real utility was sure of 
his support ; but in no instance did he afford it so 
heartily as he did to the plan for creating a public 
park at Islington for the benefit of the northern por- 
tion of the metropolis. A communication from one 
of its most active supporters describes it in detail: 

Moor Park, December 26th, 1853. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, As chairman of the public meet- 
ings held at Sadler's Wells theatre for the purpose of 
promoting the formation of a park in the northern portion 


of the metropolis, and having been since the organ of 
communication between the committee appointed at those 
meetings to carry out the resolutions then passed and the 
Government, I take the liberty of requesting your opinion 
on the following subject : 

The Government have sanctioned the introduction of a 
Bill into Parliament, and for the above purpose to propose 
an advance out of the public revenue, provided the larger 
portion of the expenses be borne by a rate. I may mention 
that to make a park worthy of the name, in the locality 
described, will require a series of advances altogether not 
exceeding 300,0007., of which the half will be recovered in 
the course of a few years, so that the absolute cost may be 
estimated at 150,000/. 

The inquiries going on at the present moment into the 
affairs and actions of the Corporation of the City of London 
will probably lead to a consideration of the subject of 
municipal government for the whole of the metropolis, 
including the method whereby future improvements in the 
capital of the empire shall be carried on ; and were it not 
for the peculiar position of the question relative to Albert 
Park, it would obviously be better to postpone the considera- 
tion of it until the general question shall be settled. But 
as every day's delay is most injurious, on account of the 
rapid absorption of every green spot for building purposes, 
so that for nearly four miles in a direct line north of the 
River Thames the whole is one dense mass of crowded 
tenements, and as great injury is accruing to a portion of 
the property proposed to be taken, from having been in 
schedule for two years, I shall feel obliged to you if you 
will say whether you think that the rate ought to be 
levied only upon the district likely to derive immediate 
benefit from the park, or upon the whole of the metropolis ? 

My opinion is that it will be most unfair, after all the 
other quarters of London have been improved and beautified 
with parks and commodious streets at the public expense, to 
suddenly limit the area of taxation to the immediate vicinity 
of any proposed improvement. 


It would, moreover, be an entirely novel method of 
treating urban and suburban improvements of this nature, 
and my belief is that the inhabitants of London will con- 
sider that though their city must always be a matter of 
imperial concern, still that the cost of metropolitan 
improvements ought to be defrayed by metropolitan funds, 
raised not by parish rates but by a rate levied over the 
entire area of the capital. As this question is still unsettled, 
and as, for the preparation of the Bill required in the case 
'of Albert Park, it should be arranged at as early a period 
as possible, may I request you will send me a reply at your 
earliest convenience, addressed to the Committee Room, 
Canonbury Tavern, Islington. 

I remain, yours very faithfully, R. GROSVENOR. 

The member for Finsbury had a happy way of 
exposing jobbery that invariably carried the House 
with him. In July, 1856, during a debate on going 
into committee on the General Board of Health Bill, 
he made an amusing allusion to the comprehensive 
experiments at reform of Mr. Eoebuck. He said 
" He is going to set us all to rights, not only in 
Leadenhall-street, but in New Palace-yard, at Somer- 
set House, at the Admiralty, at the Horse Guards, and 
at Downing- street. But if the honourable and learned 
gentleman would come to this neighbourhood he 
would find in a corner of a street a little hole, called 
the Board of Health (laughter), and where he would 
find comfortably ensconced a near relation of the 
Prime Minister, and the relative of another Cabinet 
Minister all very snug berths for ministerial patron- 
age to bestow." (Hear, hear.) 

Mr. Duncombe then referred to the cost of the 
Board, and with such effect, that the Bill was lost on 
going to a division. That Bill had caused another 



deputation, of which Mr. Duncombe formed one. 
This consisted of all the metropolitan members except 
four, who waited on the Chief Commissioner of Public 
Works, at his office in Whitehall, on the 21st of 
April, 1856, to confer with him on the provisions of 
the Act. A long and animated discussion ensued 
respecting the proposed alterations affecting church- 
wardens and overseers, in which the member for 
Finsbury played a prominent part. 

In the following month he took advantage of the 
return of peace to move again for a free pardon for 
political offenders. The Government had anticipated 
his appeal, and Lord Palmerston announced that 
pardon would be extended to all except those who 
had broken their parole, and fled to a foreign country. 
By an entry in the Diary, 13th July, 1856, we learn 
" Frost called with Moore, having returned last night 
from transportation, to thank me." 

In the course of Mr. Buncombe's speech suggesting 
an amnesty for political offenders, he had indulged in 
an eloquent reference to the philanthropic labours in 
the same direction of an old and distinguished political 
friend. He described the urgent interposition of 
Lord Brougham to induce Lord Melbourne to com- 
mute the punishment of death for that of banishment 
in the case of the Newport Reformers " To no act of 
his life," he said, " whether as a vindication of the 
laws, or as an effort of humanity, would that dis- 
tinguished man look back with more cordial satis- 

This speech was read the next morning by the 
veteran statesman, and elicited a warm acknowledg- 
ment. We insert both the letter and reply : 


4, Grafton-street, 10th May, 1856. 

DEAR T. D. I am much obliged to you for making me 
remember (and for the kind way in which you did it) a 
good work, or part of a good work, which I had entirely 
forgotten. I now recollect all about it, and that it was 
merely taking my share in an act of strict justice. It was 
in like manner only as an act of justice that I once was of 
some help to you, of which you never could have the least 
notion, and which also I had entirely forgotten till this 

It is the chance of now and then having such opportuni- 
ties of doing some little good that makes the burthen of 
long life less hard to bear. 

Yours sincerely, BROUGHAM. 

57, Cambridge-terrace, May 13th, 1856. 

MY DEAR LORD BROUGHAM, Your letter having been 
directed to St. James's Street has only just reached me, 
which I hope will account for my apparent neglect in not 
thanking you sooner for so kindly noticing my feeble 
attempt in the House of Commons to do you that justice to 
which your noble and generous conduct in saving the lives of 
those misguided men in 1840 so pre-eminently entitled 
you. It grieves me, however, to hear you talking of the 
hardship of bearing the burthen of a long life, distinguished, 
as all must admit yours to have been, by so many acts of 
true philanthropy ; but I trust that there are yet many 
more years of health and enjoyment in reserve for you 
before the country will have to lament your loss. 
Permit me to remain, with best wishes, 

Yours very faithfully, T. S. D. 

Mr. Duncombe took great interest in the proposed 
formation of Finsbury Park, and was assiduous in his 
attention to divisions, presenting petitions, asking ques- 
tions. Government were beaten on Cobden's resolution 
censuring their proceedings in China, on the 3rd of 

o 2 


March ; and on the 5th the member for Finsbury spoke 
strongly in favour of Lord Palmerston. While attend- 
ing a public meeting after the dissolution of Parlia- 
ment, his watch was stolen. This loss was soon re- 
paired. He had now to prepare for one of those scenes 
of excitement which seemed to become more frequent 
as he became less able to bear them. He could only 
take part in a contested election to a limited extent, 
and it seemed necessary that he should exert himself 
more than ever, party spirit running very high in 
reference to the defeat of Lord Palmerston by the 
Manchester section of the reformers, in conjunction 
with the Tories, against whom there daily manifested 
itself a strong feeling of indignation. 

The Government having been defeated, an appeal 
to the country was as usual resorted to. In the 
general election that occurred in the spring of 1857, 
Finsbury was distinguished for the severity of the 
contest. Alderman Challis retired, in his parting 
address to the electors paying a cordial tribute of 
commendation to Mr. Duncombe. He wrote : 

" I take this opportunity of tendering my thanks 
to my honourable colleague for the kind assistance 
and co-operation I have at all times received from 
him ; and, were not his services and abilities so well 
known in this borough, I would venture to add my 
humble testimony to the energy, ability, and honour 
with which he discharges his duties. Ever fearless in 
the support of his honest opinions, thoroughly qualified 
by long experience, he well sustains in the Legisla- 
ture the office of your representative in support of the 
principles of political freedom, and the practice of 
political honesty." 


On this occasion there were four candidates in the 
field. There was a Major Eeid, Mr. Serjeant Parry, 
and a Mr. Cox, a solicitor and common councilman. 
The latter had been canvassing nine months with an 
enormous staff and an unlimited expenditure. Mr. 
Duncombe had little more to rely upon than the ser- 
vices of his secretary, and a messenger employed a few 
days before the polling commenced, with his personal 
attendance at three public meetings. Nevertheless, 
he was placed at the head of the poll, and returned by 
an overwhelming majority, the numbers being : 
Duncombe, 6922; Cox, 4110; Parry, 3954; Eeid, 
2378. The three last had professed similar opinions, 
and in their addresses had rivalled each other in the 
liberality of their promises ; but it soon became mani- 
fest that their long-tried representative possessed the 
confidence of the constituency. Cox was accused of 
wholesale bribery, and the learned Serjeant's cause 
damaged with some of the electors by a charge of 
having signed a petition to open the Crystal Palace 
and British Museum on Sundays, which he denied. 

Lord Palmerston had issued an address to the elec- 
tors of Tiverton, defending the policy in China that 
had produced the hostile vote in the House of Com- 
mons ; and at a banquet given at the Mansion House 
he went more at length into his defence, sharply at- 
tacked the Opposition, and proclaimed the advantages 
the Government had gained by the result of the 
general election. All the leaders were then suitors 
for public confidence, abusing their opponents and 
lauding themselves. In one instance Lord Malmes- 
bury a spirited defence was published in the news- 
papers ; in that of Mr. Serjeant Parry, a political 


dinner was given by his friends, when he improved 
the occasion to the same effect. Mr. Bright was re- 
jected from Manchester; and Cobden, Gibson, Fox, 
and Mi all had also been unsuccessful in securing their 
return. The Finsbury election was a signal triumph 
to Mr. Duncombe ; he had not been at the head of 
the poll since 1835. 

The election cost him 41 2/.; Cox, 230S/. ; and 
Parry, 790/. Major Eeid's accounts were not pub- 
lished. The metropolitan constituencies were expen- 
sive luxuries, though much improved from former 
times, when Westminster has been known to cost 
20,000/. A candidate may now hope to get re- 
turned for any sum between 2000/. and SOOO/. Lord 
Dudley Stuart paid 7000/. for Marylebone in 1847; 
Lord Ebrington, his successor, 5000/., and Mr. Bell, 
3000/. Southwark election cost Locke 3880/. ; Napier, 
1219/.; and Pellatt, 684/. Lambeth cost Eoupell 
5339/.; Williams, 1706/. ; and Wilkinson, 26S8/. 
The Tower Hamlets : Ayrton, 1337/. ; Butler, 1133/. ; 
and Clay, 80G/. While the City of London cost 
Lord John Eussell 3222/. ; Baron Eothschild, 1313/. ; 
Duke, 1G08/. ; and Crawford, 999/. Added to this 
expenditure must be subscriptions to local charities, 
&c., which, in Middlesex, cost Mr. Byng 200 O/. a 
year. In the boroughs the outlay varies from 300/. 
to 1000/. 

For the diffusion of education there was no more 
earnest advocate than the member for Finsbury, but no 
one was better acquainted than himself with the evils 
of imperfect teaching on the working man, or had a 
more decided opinion of the injudicious and indis- 
criminate cramming of the poorer classes of children. 


He had constantly before him fussy knots of ill- 
informed operatives, who had been rendered dissatis- 
fied with their own social position, and were unfit for 
any other. His own constituency afforded abundant 
examples of the evil arising from the cobbler not 
sticking to his last. Such men would insist on being 
political censors, and were constantly calling him to 
account. He was quite as frequently obliged to ad- 
minister a snubbing to them ; and it was not his 
fault if it failed in producing a wholesome effect. He 
preferred education for the masses such as should 
render the boys good workmen, and, in time, equally 
good masters. There are some men belonging to the 
humbler classes who appear to have done much better 
without education than those who have been most 
carefully crammed with knowledge useless in their 
social position. Here is a portrait of one of them 
from a trustworthy source : 

" ' My guide, philosopher, and friend' was Abraham 
Plastow, the gamekeeper, a man for whom I have 
ever felt, and still feel, very great affection. He was 
a** singular character. In the first place, this tutor of 
mine could neither read nor twite, but his memory was 
stored with various rustic knowledge. He had more 
of natural good sense and what is called mother- wit 
than almost any person I have met with since ; a 
knack which he had of putting everything into new 
and singular lights made him, and still makes him, a 
most entertaining and even intellectual companion. 
He was the most undaunted of men. I remember my 
powerful admiration of his exploits on horseback. For 
a time he hunted my uncle's hounds, and his fearless- 
ness was proverbial. But what made him particu- 


larly valuable were his principles of integrity and 

Here are the elements of a hero and a Christian, 
here the model of a good citizen and a good man. If 
there is any system of government education that can 
produce better results, it ought to be made public, 
and the same plan adopted all over the world. Mr. 
Duncombe was always ready to extend educational ad- 
vantages of the first class to all likely to profit by 
them ; but his long experience assured him that a 
very small per-centage of those born to labour for 
their bread had either opportunity, talent, or inclina- 
tion to secure them. The Abraham Plastows, on the 
contrary, are by no means so very rare. 

He had endeavoured to obtain the liberation of a 
Nonconformist, who had been imprisoned in Chelms- 
ford gaol for not paying his church-rates. There was 
a public meeting in Edinburgh, and the chairman for- 
warded the thanks of that assembly to him for having 
brought the poor man's case before the attention of 
the House of Commons. He was not the man to let 
such a case be cushioned, and took it up with such 
vigour that the Government caused the prisoner to 
be liberated without enforcing the obnoxious rate. 

As early in his career as March, 1829, Mr. Dun- 
combe, as an advocate for religious freedom, presented 
a petition to the House of Commons, signed by 32,000 
inhabitants of Sheffield and the neighbourhood, in 
support of Catholic Emancipation. In this measure 
he took the deepest interest, speaking on various 
occasions with remarkable force, and by his disinter- 

* " Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, Bart.," p. 5. 


ested labours doing more real service in the way of 
preparing the public mind for the removal of religious 
disabilities than any of the Irish members effected by 
their most imposing displays of oratory. He does not 
appear to have had any connexion with the Catholics ; 
yet he continued their advocate as long as there was 
any question before the House that in the slightest 
degree affected their interests. 

Though Mr. Duncombe was the son of a bishop's 
daughter, and had several of his nearest relations 
clergymen, he did not allow this connexion with the 
Church of England to influence his views of toleration 
and religious liberty. Of this he gave a striking 
proof during the session of 1840, by bringing forward 
in the House of Commons a motion for relieving 
Dissenters from their liabilities to the payment 
of church-rates. This was a grievance of which 
all persons of that communion complained. Jews, 
Catholics, Methodists, Quakers, and other sectarians 
could not reconcile themselves to being taxed for 
maintaining an establishment they never used, and 
did not want. In Finsbury the religious opinions of 
the electors varied much ; but there was a large por- 
tion who did not belong to the Church of England, 
and were disposed to save the money they were 
obliged to contribute to its perpetuation. There was 
pressure from this quarter on the popular member; 
and finding himself supported by Dr. Lushington 
and Mr. Hawes, two of the most influential of the 
metropolitan members, from his place in the House he 
moved for leave to bring in a Bill to relieve from the 
payment of church-rates that portion of her Majesty's 
subjects who conscientiously dissent from the rites or 


doctrines of the Church of England. Leave, however, 
was refused, on a division there being only 63 for the 
motion, and 117 against it. The majority made up 
of "Whigs and Tories. 

This defeat did not do him any harm. The sup- 
porters of the church treated the attack indulgently, 
proving that they were not in the slightest degree 
alarmed by it ; while the friends of religious freedom 
were delighted at its boldness, and enthusiastically 
applauded the daring reformer by whom it had been 

As a friend to freedom of thought the member for 
Finsbury was regarded by the English Catholics as 
an excellent medium for bringing before the legis- 
lature what they considered to be their grievances. 
They were willing to admit the benefits they had 
derived from the great emancipation measure, but 
chose to regard it only as an instalment of their rights. 
They still laboured under some disabilities ; and not- 
withstanding that, in this respect, they were infinitely 
better off than were Protestants in Catholic countries, 
and enjoyed indulgences they had never conceded to 
Protestants when the Catholic religion was in the 
ascendancy in this country, they were determined to 
agitate for equal privileges. The Eoman Catholics of 
the metropolis, therefore, drew up a petition for the 
repeal of the Penal Code, and it must be acknowledged 
that they took very high ground, for they commenced 
with the extraordinary statement, that " the religion 
of your petitioners was until a very modern period, 
the religion of the whole of this realm." Three 
centuries had elapsed since the establishment of the 
Reformation ; and many years previously thousands of 


earnest Christians had renounced the Church of Eome, 
through the arguments of Wicklyffe and his followers. 
The document equally ignores the existence of the Jews, 
whose religion in its claims to antiquity really made the 
Roman in its turn a very modern institution. 

When the petitioners began to mention their 
grievances it appeared that these were in the shape of 
certain oaths, which were required from them as safe- 
guards, as they professed allegiance to the Pope in 
the first place. Under the statute of Prsemunire they 
were still liable to penalties for assisting in the intro- 
duction or circulation of papal documents. This law 
they forgot to state was passed by a Eoman Catholic 
sovereign and a Eoman Catholic senate, as a security 
against intolerable exactions and oppressions of the 
court of Eome. Then there was a grievance in re- 
ference to restraints upon religious orders, which they 
regarded as cruel to the Jesuits, Benedictines, Domi- 
nicans, and Franciscans, and " a foul stigma and re- 
proach to their religion." There was also a complaint 
of interference in Eoman Catholic marriages. 

It will be seen from the accompanying note what 
Mr. Duncombe was expected to do : 

1, Plowden-buildings, Temple, 
June 29th, 1842. 

Mr. Anstey presents his respects to Mr. Duncombe, M.P., 
and begs to know whether that gentleman has any objection 
to undertake to present and support in the House of Com- 
mons a petition signed by 138 Catholics of the metropolis, 
praying for the total repeal of the remaining penal laws. 
Mr. Anstey encloses a copy of the petition as printed in 
the True Tablet of the llth instant. It is desired that 
the member presenting the petition should manage to 


elicit a debate upon the points there set forth; a motion 
of some kind will therefore be necessary. The low esti- 
mation in which the English Catholic members are held 
in their own body prevents Mr. Anstey, who is entrusted 
with the conduct of the matter, from troubling either of 
them with it. Not being personally known to Mr. Dun- 
combe (although as a committee-member of the Catholic 
Registration Society he assisted in canvassing Catholic votes 
for him last year), he begs to inform Mr. D. that he is a 
friend of the Reverend Mr. Macartney of Manchester,* 
whose case was so admirably managed lately by Mr. Dnn- 
combe in the House. 

The petition was presented, and Mr. Duncombe's 
services thus acknowledged : 

Erectheum Club, Wednesday Morning. 

SIR, On the part of those whose petition you presented 
last night I beg to offer you my most sincere thanks. I 
have just read the reports of the presentation in the various 
newspapers ; the Morning Herald is the only one that has 
reported it correctly. Will you have the kindness to give 
notice to-night (if you have not already done so), and ask 
Sir James Graham to-morrow whether it is his intention to 
act upon the report of the Criminal Law Commissioners, or 
to repeal the remaining disabilities of Catholics ? It is of 
some importance that this should be done by to-morrow at 
the latest, in order that the True Tablet may make its 
comments upon Sir James's reply upon Saturday morning. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, 


In the year 1851 the entire Protestantism of the 
British empire exhibited the most frantic excitement 
in consequence of the Pope of Rome having published 
a letter apostolical, announcing in language of absolute 

* A convert to Popery who complained of his wife having been 
immured in a convent. 


authority the creation of a Catholic hierarchy in 
England, entirely ignoring the Established Church 
and its prelates. Since the Eeformation the opera- 
tion of the Papacy in this country had been generally 
(especially during the last century) quiet and un- 
obtrusive. The community here in connexion with 
it had been governed in the most unassuming manner 
by vicars apostolic ; but partly through the influence 
of distinguished English converts from the Church 
of England, and partly in consequence of representa- 
tions of one or two of the dignitaries of the Eoman 
Church officiating in England, the supreme Pontiff 
caused an entirely new and comprehensive arrange- 
ment to be carried out, in which the kingdom was 
divided into dioceses, each governed by a bishop, 
assuming a title from the episcopate, and all were to 
be governed by an archbishop. 

This announcement took the Protestant community 
by surprise ; although the important change had been 
contemplated by the court of Borne two or three 
years before, and they were not reconciled to it by 
the contemporary publication of a document quite as 
startling to Protestant readers, in still more extra- 
vagant phraseology, declaring the establishment of a 
Eoman Catholic hierarchy under the direction of the 
writer, who signed himself " Archbishop of West- 
minster, Cardinal Priest of St. Pudentia, and Ad- 
ministrator Apostolic of the Diocese of Southwark." 

It is impossible to exaggerate the impression created 
throughout the length and breadth of the land, not 
only by the purpose, but by the tone of these docu- 
ments ; and Lord John Eussell increased the excite- 
ment tenfold by publishing an indignation letter to 


the Bishop of Durham, denouncing the innovation in 
the strongest terms, and threatening parliamentary 
interference. The press generally echoed his sen- 
timents ; and the two branches of the Legislature 
were called upon to save the country from popery. 

Catholics explained that the papal documents were 
intended only for themselves ; that the supreme 
Pontiff's intentions were purely spiritual; and pro- 
tested against any tampering with the provisions of 
the Catholic Emancipation Act. There were zealots 
on both sides, who did their best to inflame the 
public excitement ; there were also moderate men, 
who strove earnestly to lessen the wide-spread 

Among the latter conspicuously stood the member 
for Finsbury. He had been instrumental in carrying 
the long disputed measure for relief, and was averse 
to any legislation in a contrary spirit. In the face of 
the popular agitation against the alleged encroach- 
ments of popery he raised his voice for toleration. 
During the debates in the House of Commons he 
spoke forcibly in deprecation of the spirit of reprisal 
that was then influencing a large body of his coun- 
trymen. In so doing, however, he laid himself open 
to the animadversions of the ultra-Protestant portion 
of the press, who could not appreciate what they con- 
sidered to be a Protestant champion of popery. He 
was obliged to declare publicly his opposition to the 
spirit of the Papacy, and avow that, as a consistent 
advocate of religious liberty, he was bound to raise 
his voice against an arbitrary control of the privileges 
enjoyed by any portion of her Majesty's subjects. 
The moderation and good sense that influenced his 


interposition in favour of the Catholics may be 
gathered from the following motion, which we print 
from the original draft : 

Mr. T. BUNCOMBE. On motion for Mr. Speaker leaving 
the Chair to go into Committee on the Ecclesiastical 
Titles Bill, 

To move, " That whilst this House regrets that in the 
documents relating to the recent appointment of a Roman 
Catholic hierarchy in this country greater consideration was 
not shown towards the Protestant feelings of the people, 
yet this House, relying upon the solemn assurances that 
have been given, that neither slight nor insult was thereby 
intended to the sovereign or to the nation, will abstain 
from further legislative proceedings, unless it shall hereafter 
be found that those appointments are exercised in a manner 
inconsistent with the civil rights or the religious freedom of 
any portion of her Majesty's subjects." 

The action of many of the Dissenters in this agita- 
tion was equally in opposition to the Church of 
England ; and sectarian animosity declared itself by a 
cordial support of the papal and cardinalian mani- 
festoes, mingled with virulent abuse of the State 
establishment. Among the Finsbury constituency 
there was a large element of dissent, and these electors 
got up public meetings, in which the conduct of their 
member was warmly commended by resolutions pub- 
lished in the newspapers. The chairman having 
communicated the result to Mr. Duncombe, the latter, 
in a letter dated 6th June, 1851, replied: 

I rejoice to learn that my opposition to the Ecclesiastical 
Titles Bill meets with such general approbation, for although 
Popery possesses no charms in my eyes, yet I consider that 
I should have been a traitor to those sacred principles of 

208 no NONO. 

civil aud religious freedom that I have ever advocated, as 
well as unworthy of the enlightened constituency I have the 
honour to represent, had I, by any vote of mine, basely 
succumbed to that bigot cry so industriously raised last 
winter throughout the land, and thereby deprived my 
Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, whether in England or 
in Ireland, of any portion of those religious rights and 
privileges conferred upon them by the Emancipation Act 
of 1829. 

That these were Mr. Duncombe's real sentiments 
is evident from the fact that among his voluminous 
papers there is not a single communication from a 
Catholic priest or layman in favour of the manifesta- 
tion of the Pope's authority in England which caused 
the Parliamentary measure he mentions. Had he 
permitted any consideration to interfere with his sense 
of duty, he would have taken the side of the Church 
of England, of which, as we have just stated, some of 
his nearest relatives were ministers. 

He strove hard to allay the alarm that had been 
excited among the members of that establishment, and 
recommended their waiting and seeing if any mischief 
arose from the proceeding complained of, before they 
demanded a remedy. As every one knows, his antici- 
pations were realized : the new Catholic bishops in no 
way interfered with the old Protestant bishops, and 
the greater novelty, the cardinal archbishop, found 
" ample room and verge enough" for the display of 
his dignity without incommoding either of the re- 
spective primates of the Established Church while 
the much-abused Pio Nono, instead of upsetting both 
Church and State " in that famous realm of England" 
referred to in his bull, met with considerable diffi- 
culty in maintaining his own position in Home. 


The only person who really suffered during the 
controversy was Henry VIII., whom Dissenters and 
Catholics unanimously voted " a ruffian" ; but as Mr. 
Froude has so thoroughly defended that zealous de- 
fender of the Roman Catholic faith, and still more 
zealous supporter of the Reformation, this practical 
application of the pleader's advice " Abuse the plain- 
tiffs solicitor !" cannot be said to have done the Pro- 
testant cause any harm. 

As for Cardinal Wiseman whose red hat at one 
time was regarded as not less revolutionary than the 
bonnet rouge he turned out to be as harmless a per- 
sonage as ever lectured at a mechanics' institute or 
presided at a teetotallers' demonstration : in truth, 
the obnoxious " prince of the church" lived to become 
the most be-photographed celebrity of the nineteenth 
century, and died absolutely more regretted by the 
antagonistic church than by his own. 

Soon after Mr. Buncombe's return for Finsbury, 
he wrote, April 12th, 1835, to a gentleman of great 
influence (Baron de Golds mid) offering to bring again 
under the consideration of Parliament the abrogation 
of Jewish disabilities. The Baron, then Mr. Isaac 
L. Goldsmid, replied that Dr. Lushington having 
offered his advocacy if they would place Sir Robert 
R. Grant's bill on the subject in his hands, his co- 
religionists had acceded to the proposal. The project 
slept in his mind for more than a quarter of a century, 
during which time he saw bigotry and intolerance tri- 
umph over every effort to obtain for the Jews the rights 
enjoyed by their Christian fellow subjects. There was 
no systematized agitation in their favour like that 
which rendered triumphant the claims of the Roman 



Catholics and the Anti-Corn-Law League. They had 
to rely on their own fitness for the boon they asked 
for, and the strong sense of justice among the people 
of England. They did not rely in vain. 

The proceedings of Lord John Russell since he had 
been returned for the City of London, with respect to 
the question of admitting Jews into Parliament, had 
excited a good deal of remark. There had been much 
said by him, it was alleged, and nothing done. Mr. 
Duncombe determined that the reproach should not 
fall upon other friends of religious liberty in the 
House, and put the affair in a right train for decisive 
action. He was probably stimulated by a leader in 
the Times of March 18th, 1858, from which we quote 
the following sentences : 

Mr. Duncombe may be rather too pressing and too ready 
for an appeal to the ultima ratio of a Representative House, 
but still it may come to that. Lord John Russell is losing 
ground and incurring a certain degree of ridicule by 
always appearing as the friend of the Jews, without being 
able to do anything for them. Thus he is always 
holding the wisp of hay before the poor jaded beast without 
ever giving it a mouthful. Is he in earnest ? There are 
those who doubt it. There are certain costs and other dis- 
agreeables a man will submit to for the sake of being in 
Parliament, and Lord John Russell may carry a perpetual 
brief for Baron Rothschild as the price of his seat. The 
arrangement has gone on a long time, and the worthy 
Baron has already lost a good many years of his promised 
Parliamentary career. He may come to his estate at last, 
but meanwhile he has been deprived of the enjoyment of it 
for a most unreasonable period, and a short future does not 
always make up for a long past. So Lord John Russell is 
bound to do something effectual. He has only to put into 
exercise all the power he has in the matter, and all the 

THE JEWS. 211 

influence he possesses with the Liberal party, and he can 
hardly fail of success. We hope to see the time when 
nothing but the natural preference of Christians for 
Christians will stand in the way of a Jew M.P. or a Jew Peer. 

The member for Finsbury had been the earnest ad- 
vocate of the Dissenters as well as of the Eoman 
Catholics ; now to show how perfect was his toleration, 
he took up the subject of the " disabilities of the 
Jews." Having acquired the necessary information, 
and communicated with the leading professors of that 
faith in England, in the sessions of 1857 and 1858 a 
bill for the removal of oaths was found necessary by 
the election of Baron Eothschild for the City of 
London. On its' going to the Lords certain amend- 
ments were proposed to which the Commons would 
not agree, and the latter appointed a committee (Lord 
John Eussell as chairman), which included Baron 
Eothschild, to draw out their reasons for disagreeing. 
Mr. Duncombe proposed this, as the penalties for dis- 
qualified persons voting in the House could not apply 
to their voting on committees. His motion was 
carried by 251 to 196. The bill, after much debate, 
was passed by both Houses. On the 26th Baron 
Eothschild was sworn upon the Old Testament, and 
took his seat. On the 3rd of March, 1859, he at- 
tempted to bring in a bill to amend the Act entitled 
" An Act to provide for the relief of her Majesty's 
subjects professing the Jewish religion." An amend- 
ment was afterwards proposed that " A select com- 
mittee be appointed to consider and report to the 
House on the best mode of carrying into effect the 
provisions of the Act 21 and 22 Victoria, to provide 
for the relief of her Majesty's subjects professing the 

p 2 


Jewish religion." The select committee was granted, 
Mr. Duncombe being the first on the list. It in- 
cluded Lords John Russell, John Manners, and 
Hotham ; Sirs Richard Bethell, George Grey, James 
Graham ; Colonel Wilson Patten, the Solicitor- 
General, and Messrs. Walpole, Byng, Henley, New- 
degate, Dillwyn, and Adams. They had power to 
send for persons, papers, and records. 

The committee continued to sit from March 15th, 
1859, to April 1st, when a draft report was prepared 
by the chairman, the Right Hon. S. H. Walpole. 
The only evidence taken was that of Mr. Erskine, 
then clerk-assistant of the House, Mr. Duncombe 
being present at each of his two examinations and 
assisting in eliciting evidence. 

A report from the select committee on the Jews' 
Bill was printed on the llth of April. In it is 
stated that Baron Lionel Nathan de Rothschild pre- 
sented himself at the table of the House at the pre- 
vious session, the oath was tendered to him in the 
usual manner, but declining to take it on conscien- 
tious scruples, he was ordered to withdraw, when a 
resolution was passed, that as a person of the Jewish 
religion entertaining conscientious objections to the 
declaration on " the true faith of a Christian," such 
words should be omitted, and he be permitted to take 
his seat. He took the oath in that form, and subse- 
quently sat and voted as a member of the House. A 
day or two afterwards Baron Meyer Amschel de 
Rothschild and Alderman David Salomons took such 
oath and their seats. 

The popular member for Finsbury was now more 
than ever called upon to take the chair at public din- 


ners and meetings, and to originate or support mea- 
sures of public utility; among others, he moved 
that the National Gallery should be thrown open on 
Saturday for the convenience of those who enjoy a 
half-holiday on that day, and succeeded. 

His colleague, Mr. Cox, was neither popular in nor 
out of the House, and therefore retained his senatorial 
honours only a very short time. In the general election 
this year, he was at the bottom of the poll, Mr. Dun- 
combe beating him by a majority of nearly two 
to one, having polled the extraordinary number of 
8538 votes ; Sir S. M. Peto, 8174. 

Mr. Buncombe's ardour for reform was not confined 
to voting when measures of the kind were brought 
forward. He had no confidence in promises, and had 
grown tired of professions, by which the country was 
put off session after session. He never consented to 
the cry of the Whigs, by which they sought to make 
theirs a final measure " the Bill, the whole Bill, 
and nothing but the Sill." He was aware that a good 
deal more was required to satisfy the requirements of 
the occasion, but consented to take the full amount 
by instalments, of which the Bill of 1832 was con- 
sidered the first. " Finality John" laboured in vain 
to persuade him that the Eeform Bill was the univer- 
sal panacea for electioneering ills, "the great last 
cause, best understood'' of legislative perfection ; nor 
would he accept as sufficient the attempts in the same 
direction of either Whig or Tory ministers. 

A Parliamentary Eeform Committee was established 
in London, consisting of Messrs. Clay, Fox, MialL 
Eoebuck, Pease, Major-General Thompson, William 
Williams, and other zealous reformers, with Mr. Morley 


as treasurer. Mr. Buncombe was invited to join them 
in an attempt to ascertain the feeling of the country 
on the subject, or to state his opinions. A circular, 
bearing the signature of Mr. Roebuck, was issued by 
them in June, 1857, but the member for Finsbury 
did not seem desirous of co-operating with them. 
Indeed in December he wrote declining to sign their 
address, being of opinion that " any step of that de- 
scription is premature at the present moment." In 
the course of a few months he had so far modified 
his first impressions as to address the honorary secre- 
tary in the following terms : 

March 10th, 1858. 

SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of 
your letter of the 8th instant, and in reply beg to observe 
that since my last communication it must be obvious, I 
think, to every reformer, that an unfavourable change has 
taken place in the country's prospects of Parliamentary 

When I last wrote to you I considered we were on the 
eve of the Government redeeming its pledge to lay before 
Parliament a plan for the amendment of our representative 
system, and that to condemn or distrust its provisions 
before the country could judge of them was unfair, and cal- 
culated to discourage and to hamper any administration who 
had pledged itself to so difficult a task. I therefore declined 
appending my signature to the address, not from any dissent 
to the principles as far as they went, but solely on the 
ground that, in my opinion, the step was premature. A 
new Government has suddenly been called into power, 
composed of men who give no pledge upon the subject of 
reform, beyond, to quote the prime minister's own words, 
" That he should feel it his duty, in conjunction with his 
colleagues, to look into this important question, but he 
would not pledge himself or them to introduce either now 
or at any future time a Bill upon the subject." Now 


this declaration following upon the words that, " as far as 
he was concerned, he was content with things as they were, 
as, in his opinion, the present representative system had 
resulted in a House of Commons fairly and fully represent- 
ing the feelings of numbers as well as of the property and 
intelligence of the country," I consider, since the days of 
the celebrated speech of the Duke of Wellington against all 
reform, anything less cheering to ardent reformers has never 
appeared ; and if nothing should eventually be proposed by 
the Government, reformers ought not and cannot blame 
Lord Derby or his colleagues. 

If I might, therefore, take the liberty of suggesting any- 
thing, it would be that the reform committee should issue 
a fresh address, based on the same principles as their last, 
but adapted to altered circumstances. I presume those 
who signed the former would not object to their signatures 
being transferred to the new, while a vast increase of fresh 
names would proclaim the people's disappointment and the 
nation's wants. And if I might be permitted at the same 
time to propose an amendment to the original address, it 
would be to add to its requirements a quarterly, or, at the 
farthest, a half-yearly revision of the electoral lists, founded 
upon a less vexatious and less expensive plan than the 

Should my humble suggestions meet with the approba- 
tion of the committee, I hope that I need not add that I 
shall be proud and esteem it an honour to co-operate with 
those gentlemen who have so ably paved the way to secure 
the ultimate success of real Parliamentary reform. 
I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your obedient servant, T. S. DUNCOMBE. 

Of all forms of legislation, the most difficult to deal 
with was that which involved changes of custom and 
modifications of popular prejudices. The indignation 
created amongst Protestants by the papal division of 
England into Eoman Catholic dioceses was not greater 
than the same feelings excited among the poorer 


classes of both religions by the attempt to do away 
with privileges they had been in the habit of enjoying 
from time immemorial. Presbyterians and other rigid 
nonconformists looked with horror on what they con- 
sidered the desecration of the Sabbath by trading in 
various London districts ; and societies were formed, in 
which a large proportion of the members were influ- 
ential clergymen and prelates of the Church of 
England, to put down the custom, while efforts were 
made in both Houses of Parliament to render it 
illegal. The Liberals were averse to any interference 
with the privileges of the people ; and if they found 
it convenient to buy and sell on the Sunday, con- 
sidered that no more harm would come of it than re- 
sulted in Catholic countries to the people by the same 
practice. " The Sabbatarians" desired that the London 
parishes should assume the aspect of a Scotch village 
on " the Lord's day," and seemed determined to put 
down not only trading but travelling. In their idea, 
nothing was to be permitted but going to church or 
chapel. The old Puritanic tyranny was to be en- 
forced with extreme penalties ; railroads were to be 
stopped, omnibuses to cease to run ; no dinners were 
to be baked, no beards to be shaved; no houses 
of refreshment to be open ; the costermonger's barrow 
and the itinerant basket were to be prohibited ; and 
another abortive effort made to force the lower classes 
to become religious by Act of Parliament. 

We append the views of the framer of one of these 
attempts at moral reform : 

Eaton-square, May 7th, 1860. 

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, Many thanks for your letter and 
for the return, which you were quite right in supposing I 


had never heard of. I agree with you that the Act of 
Charles II. has a most unequal operation in London and in 
country towns. I have been solicited by others to extend 
my Bill beyond the bounds of the Metropolitan Police 
District, but I am already upon a hornet's nest, and I do 
not know what would be the consequence of stepping out 
of the limits within which I propose at present to confine 
myself. If I make the law general, the statute of Charles 
ought to be repealed, and entirely new provisions substi- 
tuted. This would be a large question, and one beset with 
difficulties, and I must be content at present to endeavour 
to apply a remedy to the place where the evil is most 

Yours very sincerely, CHELMSFORD. 

Eaton-square, June 13th, 1860. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, Any one who undertakes a Bill 
relating to Sunday trading and expects to conciliate all 
parties, must be a very sanguine or a very silly man. The 
Scylla and Charybdis of such a measure are on the one 
hand the religious world, who object to the smallest relaxa- 
tion of the law for observance of the Lord's day, and, on the 
other, those who are interested in Sunday traffic, and who 
consider any interference with their dealings an infringe- 
ment of their liberties. Between these two extremes I 
have endeavoured to steer my course, but if I turned my 
head even a little to one side or to the other, I was sure to 
run upon a rock. 

I have always been careful to guard against the notion 
that my Bill was intended either to enforce a more strict 
regard to the Lord's day, or that in any sense it was to be 
treated as a religious movement. What I kept steadily in 
view and always insisted upon was, that there were thou- 
sands and thousands of tradesmen in the metropolis who 
were anxious to have their day of rest, and that they were 
utterly deprived of the opportunity by a minority of their 
neighbours keeping open their shops, which compelled them 
in self-defence to do the same; and this, of course, 


entailed the same privation upon their servants and ap- 
prentices, who were not free agents. But when I pro- 
posed to close the shops entirely on Sundays I was met 
by the case of the poor man who, from the unfortunate 
practice which prevails (though gradually changing) of 
paying wages late on Saturday night, had no opportunity 
of making his little purchases for the Sunday before that 

With respect to the sale of oranges, fruit, ginger beer, 
&c. before ten and after one, I cannot think that there 
ought to be any objection. To prohibit this would be to 
put a very invidious distinction between the poor and the 
rich man, and in that respect would be most objectionable. 
The same remark applies to pastrycooks. Eating-houses and 
cooks' shops are within the exemption in the 29 Car. II. 
As to periodicals, they have been my main difficulty ; here 
the struggle has been between the bishops and the press. 
At first my Bill permitted the sale before ten o'clock only, 
and in this form it was approved by the Sunday Rest 
Association, of which the Bishops of London and Winchester 
are the presidents ; the addition of " after one " was then 
made, and upon that clause, and that alone, the Right 
Reverend Bench rose in opposition. I do not care about 
keeping it, but it may be observed that it is the most harm- 
less form of Sunday trading, so far as interfering with the 
day of rest is concerned, as a single person in the shop is 
all that is requisite to carry it on. I quite agree with 
you that it would have been better if I could have 
extended the Bill beyond the metropolitan district, but 
this would have entailed the necessity of repealing the 
statute of Charles II., which would have occasioned me 
many more difficulties than I can describe. I have applied 
my remedy where it was most wanted, and there are plenty 
of precedents for legislating only for this district. Of 
course there are objections to the Bill, as what measure 
was ever proposed without being exposed to formidable and 
even unanswerable ones ? The question always is, whether 
the objections to the present state of things are not still 


greater. We must never lose the good by refusing every- 
thing which is not the best. 

I am afraid I cannot look with favour upon your Jew 
Bill, nor excuse it according to the old story, because it is 
only a little one. Our arrangement was that each House 
should deal for itself with this matter, and I think it is 
a departure from the terms of our compromise to ask 
us to assist you with a Bill to regulate it for all time to 

Ever yours sincerely, CHELMSFOKD. 



The Italian Liberals Mazzini and " La Giovine Italia" The 
Sanfedists and the Roman Government Revolutionary move- 
ment Mazzini and the Republic of Rome Mazzini in London 
His letters to Mr. Buncombe The Member for Finsbury a 
Member of the Society of the " Friends of Italy " Atrocities 
committed by the Roman and Neapolitan Governments 
Petition to the House of Commons Communications from 
Mazzini Kossuth on Cavour Letters from Sir John Romilly 
and Baron Poerio Kossuth in Italy Treaty of Villafranca 
Notes by Kossuth Garibaldi's Conquest of Naples Mr. Edwin 
James at the Seat of War Absence of Mazzini Evacuation of 
Venice by the Austrians Republication by Mazzini of his 
Writings Italian unity yet imperfect. 

MOORE, in his " Diary," gives a description of the 
Italian liberals as they were in 1819, that is more 
strongly characteristic of them many years later. 
They were opposed to the English Government grant- 
ing Catholic emancipation, because it would increase 
the power of the Pope. They hated the papacy as 
the worst possible form of absolutism; moreover, 
they hated the Austrians perhaps because the 
despotism of one came more home to them than 
that of the other. What religion they professed 
was far from orthodox in character ; it bore a strong 
resemblance to Canova's ideal representation in St. 
Peter's. " Religion with the spikes out of her head," 
writes a Catholic, " is a disagreeable personage. "* 
* " Diary and Letters," edited by Lord John Russell, iii. 48. 


The first Napoleon is reported to have told Canova 
that he would make Rome the capital of all Italy. 
The idea has not yet been realized by Napoleon III. or 
by the Italian liberals under the inspiration of their 
celebrated chiefs. 

Giuseppe Mazzini was one of the most active and 
enterprising of the Italian revolutionists of 18'U. 
He was a native of Genoa, the son of a surgeon, and 
played so prominent a part in the movement that his 
countrymen readily adopted him as its director. He 
originated the idea of Young Italy, and in a periodical, 
in an association, and as a political cry, made such 
profitable use of it, that La Giovine Italia began to 
stir the pulses of the entire nation. He published a 
volume dedicated to Carlo Alberto, king of Piedmont, 
urging him to place himself at the head of a united 
effort of the Italians to drive the Austrians back to 
Germany, and made the most energetic appeals to his 
countrymen at home and abroad to induce them to 
combine in the same patriotic cause. He was an in- 
defatigable conspirator, and caused his influence to be 
felt in every direction. The Governments at Rome, at 
Milan, at Florence, at Naples indeed, everywhere in 
Italy were kept in a constant state of alarm by a 
knowledge of his intrigues. The King of Prance, 
too, was as hostile as the Emperor of Austria. In 
short, he was regarded as a dangerous character. 

The complaints of the inhabitants of the Pontifical 
States of the tyranny and bad faith of their ruler 
were recognised not only by the English Government, 
but by France and Prussia, even Austria uniting 
in a joint recommendation of reform to Pope Gre- 
gory XVI. Nothing, however, seemed more foreign 
to the nature of the Pope and his ministers than any 


concession. Instead of this they organized a band of 
miscreants, called Sanfedists, as pontifical volunteers, 
who were permitted to rob and murder the population 
of the Legations with perfect impunity. The historian 
Farini* denounces the infamous proceedings of the 
Eoman court and its supporters. There cannot be a 
shadow of a doubt that the atrocities they committed 
justified the continued action of Mazzini, and the 
constant remonstrances of Mr. Duncombe. 

Mazzini repeated his attempts to make old nations 
young, but with less and less success. " La Giovine 
Italia" did well as a suggestive title to a publication ; 
" Young France" did less as a suggestion ; " Young 
Switzerland" produced little effect; -and "Young 
England'' none at all. The propagandism was active 
enough in the mind of this republican so active, 
that in every place in which he received shelter the 
first use he seems to have made of his security was to 
organize a plot for upsetting its political institutions ; 
but it appears that wherever he went a counteracting 
influence rendered his labours nugatory. People 
began to suspect that the old lamp might be more 
trustworthy than a new one ; and the cry of national 
renovation lost its charm. It was acknowledged that 
fine things could be said about republicanism, but 
that the working result might be drawn from the con- 
dition of the states of South America. 

In 1848, the Prefect of the French police sent a 
communication to the Minister of the Interior an- 
nouncing the arrival of Mazzini in Paris, and giving 
an account of his plans. Soon afterwards the move- 
ment recommenced in Kome; where Padre Gavazzi, 

* Admirably translated by Mr. Gladstone, 3 vols. 1851. 


then a Barnabite friar, gave as a sermon one of those 
stirring discourses that have since rendered him famous 
as an orator. The Jesuits were denounced, and 
changes in favour of laymen in the Eoman cabinet 
conceded. At this crisis the expulsion of Louis 
Philippe in Paris brought a fresh access of agitation 
into Italy ; and Pio Nono, Francis Joseph, Ferdinand, 
as well as the other established governments in Italy, 
were made to feel its effects. It caused Carlo Alberto 
to come forward as the leader of an Italian army ; it 
also caused Mazzini, who was in France, to stimulate 
his friends, particularly in Eome, to activity in another 

The revolutionary earthquake that shook French 
society to its foundation in the spring of 1848 was 
almost as severely felt in the neighbouring kingdoms 
and states. In Italy it caused the Austrian army to 
retire behind the Mincio. After the foreigners had 
been expelled from Milan, Venice proclaimed herself 
free, and Rome .independent. Naples was not yet so 
fortunate, the Swiss mercenaries having made a good 
defence of the Bourbons for a time ; and the patriots 
from the Abruzzi to the Alps began to talk of an 
united Italy as a grand republic, with its metropolis 
at Eome, and Pope, Kaiser, and Bourbon, utterly ex- 
tinguished, annihilated, and forgotten. 

Mr. Duncombe was not so sanguine as his friends of 

* Farini's opinion of this reformer is not a very exalted one : 
" Giuseppe Mazzini is a man of no common talent, remarkable for 
perseverance in his plans, for resolution under suffering, and for 
private virtues; but in these last crises of the Italian nation, he 
has confounded patriotism with self-love, or rather with selfish 
pride, and has chosen to risk seeing the temple of Italy burned 
down, because she would not dedicate to him its high altar." 
Mr. Gladstone's translation, ii. 207. 


the sweet South ; and the triumphant return of 
Eadetski, of the fugitive Pontiff, as well as the in- 
creased despotism of the King of Naples, confirmed his 1 
opinion that the hour of Italian freedom had not yet 

Mazzini hastened to Eome after the flight of the 
Pope and the establishment of a republic. He was 
elected a member of the Constituent Assembly, 
which he addressed in a stirring speech on the 6th of 
March. He was received with acclamation, and his 
ascendancy became patent. His great idea was at 
once adopted, that Italy must be a single democratic 
state, having Eome for her capital. Unfortunately, as 
quickly as it was accepted as quickly was it laid aside. 
When Mr. Duncombe heard of his friend's pre- 
eminence in Eome, he heard of the practical extinc- 
tion of Italian unity (for that time), caused by the 
battle of Novara, the abdication of the King of 
Piedmont, and the dispatch from republican France 
of an army under General Oudinot, to .assist the Pope 
in returning to Eome. 

The days of the Eoman republic were then num- 
bered, and Mazzini had once more to leave Italy, 
and recommence weaving his political meshes from 
a safe distance. After many vicissitudes as Car- 
bonaro and revolutionary propagandist, in the spring 
of 1851 Mazzini was living at Brompton, but not 
inactively. His Giovine Italia had not been so 
successful as he had anticipated, and he had begun to 
entertain misgivings as to the possibility of establish- 
ing a democratic Italy. Still the idea was not to be 
abandoned. He now appealed to the good offices of 
his English friend to give the people of England a 


knowledge of recent events in Italy, and disabuse the 
public mind of unfavourable impressions created by 

adverse reports. 

2, Sidney-place, Brompton, April 4th. 

DEAR SIR, The papers which ought to be published are 
the " Correspondence on the Affairs of Rome/' from the 
month of November, 1848, to the July, 1849, when Rome 
fell under French invasion. The November ought to be 
chosen as the month in which the murder of Count Rossi 
took place, and things began to look gloomy. I feel sure 
and that ought to be the ground for some remarks of yours 
that all the accusations spread by Cochrane, the Quarterly, 
the Times, and all the reactionary men or papers here, con- 
cerning our " Reign of Terror," &c., would fall to the deep 
from which they sprung, through the reports of British agents. 

I am sure that you have kept, for possible future occa- 
sion, the few notes I sent. But one designed thing was 
forgotten by me, concerning the Central Committee of 
European Democracy, about which there has been such a 
series of exaggerations. The acts of the committee have 
been all published in our organ; by other papers they 
have been quoted or translated, but always re-edited : the 
official appearance is in that French weekly paper. Now 
the paper is not published in London, but in France. The 
first number was seized on account of an article signed 
Ledru Rollin. The number was not containing a single 
act of the committee. The other numbers have, to the 
present moment, appeared in France ; all our acts, procla- 
mations, addresses being there not one has been seized. 

Should you wish for a number of our paper, I shall send 
it. You may have received before this a note from James 

With many thanks, I am, dear sir, now and ever yours, 


1. Mistaken point of view on the main question. There 
are no special duties for political exiles in England; no 

* M. Mazzini's Letters are printed as they were written. 


special concession to them from the Government ; no special 
benefit imparted to them ; in fact, no category of exiles no 
exiles for England. It is her beautiful privilege that her 
land is opened to every person chosing to come in ; that no 
passport is asked, no declaration of quality called for, no 
special system established for anybody. Foreigners are 
equalized to Englishmen ; they must abide by the laws, arid 
benefit by them nothing more, nothing less. To talk 
about hospitality, and then to impose restraint on the 
utterance of opinions, and deny to foreigners rights of free- 
dom belonging to all men living in England, is equal to 
abolish the beautiful privilege which we are alluding to. 
The only exception could be when a Government grant, a 
special boon, is granted to exiles. Even in that way it 
would be bad and un-English to be hospitable to the body 
and curtail the freedom of the soul. 

2. We have committees Central, Democratic, and Na- 
tional Italian Committees ; but they have always been in 
existence, in France, in Switzerland everywhere. Polish 
committees have been existing, organizing, addressing, in 
Paris, at Poictiers and Versailles, during the whole reign of 
Louis Philippe, the central committee of the Democratic 
Polish Society, avowedly directing the national movement; 
the last Cracow insurrection, and the Posen movement, in 
which Nicolawski, a member of the society, was the re- 
cognised leader, has been during that time and after, until 
last year, residing in France; Nicolawski is still there. 
Has England applied to France on the subject ? The com- 
mittee are working publicly, printing and signing. Do they 
violate English law ? let them be tried. More than that 
you cannot do. 

3. There is now visibly a reactionary crusade against 
exiles and national causes going on on the continent. 
Exiles are persecuted, driven away from France, Switzer- 
land, &c., with a view to force them to America. Is Eng- 
land to enlist in the absolutist crusade? Exiles are at 
work for the national independence of Italy, Hungary, Ger- 
many : let them be blessed for that. Do we not most cor- 


dially sympathize with the efforts of those countries ? And 
it is not whilst French bayonets are keeping up the phantom, 
whilst Austria possesses not only Lombardy but Tuscany, 
the Duchies- of Parma and Modena, and the two-thirds 
of the Roman Estates, whilst Austrian troops are over- 
throwing the Schleswig-Holstein movement, and garrisoning 
Hamburg, where Austrian troops have not been seen since 
the Thirty Years' War ; whilst Russia has been trampling 
on Hungary; whilst all powers are threatening, annoying 
Switzerland and Piedmont, that we, who ought rather to protest 
against such an infamous conduct, will stoop to foreign em- 
bassies, and persecute exiles for justice and truth. The 
honour and European influence of England are much more 
affected by brutal force overthrowing Italian and Hungarian 
liberty, than by a few exiles testing the feelings of their 
countrymen by raising a loan. 

4. Klapka's proclamation was a mere, and not signed, 
utterance of sympathy between Hungarians and Italians. 

5. The National Italian Loan is raised not for the pur- 
pose of fitting up expeditions and initiating from without 
the Italian movement, but for the purpose of supporting 
and strengthening the national movement as soon as it 
shall take place in Italy. 

6. All the nonsense about a second Norman conquest 
from the exiles, is worth the first of April. 

7. I think you ought to avoid anything about the 
dangers of discontenting foreigners coming for the Exhi- 
bition ; it would be misconstructed into a threatening sug- 
gested by the exiles themselves. 

For five or six days after the fall of Rome, everybody 
knows that, to give the lie to all falsehoods about Repub- 
lican reign of terror, &c., and against the entreaties of all 
my friends, I walked alone day and night the streets of 
Rome. I never did set my foot in Mr. Freeborne's house. 

It is impossible to exaggerate the atrocities com- 
mitted by Ferdinand and his ministers. A most in- 
telligent eye-witness, Mr. Gladstone, in writing to 



Lord Aberdeen in the year 1851, characterises them 
as transactions " more fit for hell than earth ;" and 
in reference to the treatment of one victim, the Baron 
Poerio, stigmatizes it as emanating from " a system of 
government which is an outrage upon religion, upon 
civilization, upon humanity, and upon decency." 

In his place in the House of Commons Mr. Hume, 
on the llth of June, 1849, and the 9th of May, 1851, 
had brought the condition of Italy, particularly of the 
Eoman States, before the Government ; but beyond 
an expression of sympathy from some of the Liberal 
members for the wrongs the country was enduring, 
nothing was attempted. Mr. Duncombe also did his 
best to rouse the Foreign Secretary to active inter- 
position ; but no promise of interference was elicited. 
The vindictive Grovernment of the Pope went on from 
bad to worse, committing the greatest atrocities. Some 
idea of the nature and extent of the misgovernment 
complained of, may be gathered from the following 
list of Eomish eventualities compiled from the morn- 
ing papers : 


New taxes on industry and commerce, November 7th. 
Agreement of the Pope to the Treaty of 1849, respecting 

the free navigation of the river Po, November llth. 
Papal allocution against Sardinia, November 13th. 


Alarm at Rome on hearing of the change of ministry in 
France, January 27th. 

Note from the Papal See to the Austrian Minister of Affairs, 
demanding a supply of Austrian troops to defend Rome 
in case of another French Revolution, May 17th. 


Increasing ill feeling between the French and Papal govern- 
ments, June 23rd. 

Return of the Pope to Rome from Castel Gandolfo, July 28th. 

Concordat concluded between Rome and Tuscany, doing 
away with many of the restrictions on Church authority 
imposed in the last century by the Grand Duke Leopold, 
July 14th. 

Extra taxes imposed by the Papal government, August 2nd. 

" The invisible government in Italy/' August 4th. 

Trial of persons accused of being implicated in the burning 
of the Cardinals' carriages in 1849, September 3rd. 

Attempted assassination of the Count Dandini the trials 
respecting the Cardinals' carriages insolence of the 
Papal police, September llth. 

Condemnation to the galleys for 20 years of Colonel Calan- 
drelli, Minister of War under the Republic, accused of 
having stolen books from the Ecclesiastical Academy, 
September 22nd. 

Condemnation to death of Signor Salvatori, in retaliation 
for the death of a Sanfedist brought to trial through his 
instrumentality, September 22nd. 

Allocution of Pope Pius IX., held in the short consistory 
of September 5th, October 7th. 

Fears at Rome in consequence of the Ministerial crisis in 
Paris, and efforts to subsidize the peasantry by reviving 
the system of centurioni, November 3rd. 

Pardon and liberation of Diamelli (plunderer of medals in 
the Vatican); his services as a spy in prison, November 3rd. 

Result of the labours of the Commissioners appointed to 
revise the claims on the treasury, November 18th. 

Difficulties of recruiting for the Papal army, November 24th. 

Instances of the corrupt state of the system of criminal 
justice, December 12th. 

Effect of the news from France on the ecclesiastical autho- 
rities, December 17th. 

Anxiety felt by the ecclesiastical authorities as to the ul- 
terior development of Louis Napoleon's schemes, De- 
cember 29th. 


Flattering letter from Louis Napoleon to the Pope; his 
reply, December 29th. 


More searches and arrests by the " sbirri ;" women searched 
in hopes of finding Mazzinian circulars upon them, 
January 7th. 

New organization of government spies, through tradesmen 
and family servants, January 28th. 

Clandestine printing press seized; Ganarelli (editor of the 
Saygiatore in the time of Mazzini) expelled, January 29th. 

Commission appointed by the Pope to inquire into the 
financial state of the country, January 31st. 

Secret celebration of the anniversary of the establishment 
of the Republic three years ago, February 18th. 

Additional particulars of the celebration of the anniversary, 
February 25th. 

Arrest of individuals charged with attempting to throw 
grenades, &c., amongst the people during the Carnival ; 
alleged discovery of a conspiracy connected with this 
t attempt, March 5th. 

Arrival of Prince Canino at Civita Vecchia alarm of the 
ecclesiastical authorities, April 2nd. 

Edward Murray sentenced to death, May 12th. 

Petition to the Pope in favour of Edward Murray, May 13th. 

Article from the Giornale di Roma defending the conduct 
of the Papal government towards E. Murray, June 12th. 

Letter from Murray to the English people, written from the 
prison at Ancona, July 15th. 

Rumours of the intended withdrawal of French and Austrian 
troops towards the end of the year, July 22nd. 

Rumoured discovery of a long list of conspirators paid by 
the Revolutionary Committee in London, August 9th. 

Interview between Sir H. Bulwcr and the Cardinal Secre- 
tary of State refusal of the latter to give up the docu- 
ments relating to E. Murray's case, September 24th. 

Reported object of Sir H. Bulwer's visit to Rome, viz., to 
obtain from the Pope a formal discouragement of the 


proceedings of the Irish clergy in political matters, 

October 22nd. 

Execution of nine prisoners at Ancona, November 6th. 
Commutation of the* sentence on Edward Murray further 

particulars of the executions at Ancona, November 8th. 
Escape of Signor Corrado Politi from Ancona, November 16th. 
First meeting of the Financial Council some signs of an 

independent spirit, December 6th. 
Proclamation of Napoleon III. at Rome effect produced in 

the Papal Court, December 15th. 
Further particulars of the proclamation of the French 

Empire at Rome evident alarm in the ecclesiastical 

party, December 16th. 
Numerous arrests of innocent persons under pretence of their 

having had some share in Politics escape, December 16th. 
Hungarian soldiers (serving in the Austrian ranks) shot for 

desertion, December 16th. 

Aggressive spirit in the division of the French army quar- 
tered in Rome against England, December 24th. 


Military occupation of Rimini fine of 2000 scudi on the 

inhabitants and banishment of several individuals, to 

avenge the insult offered to the Austrian vice-consul, 

February 19th. 
Increased vigilance of the police in consequence of the 

recent events in Milan, February 28th. 
Protest addressed to the Pope from the superior Council of 

the Order of Jesuits, against the expulsion of Jesuits in 

South America, March 3rd. 
Questions asked by the Papal government of Nardoni (chief 

of the sbirri) as to the number of Republicans in Rome, 

March llth. 
Orders received by the French sentries to allow no one to 

approach them by night, and to make use of their arms 

in case of disobedience, March 15th. 

Mr. Duncombe continued to display a warm in- 


terest in the affairs of Italy. The evils caused by the 
subjugation of its provinces by Austria were well 
known to him ; equally familiar was the despotism of 
the Papal government. There was a society esta- 
blished in London with the title of the " Friends of 
Italy," of which he became a member of the council, 
at the solicitation of Mazzini, in 1851. It main- 
tained communications with the Italian patriots in 
Rome and elsewhere, and held public meetings and 
published pamphlets describing the wrongs of Italy. 
The society caused a petition to the House of 
Commons to be drawn up, November 10th, 1852, 
giving a resume of recent events in Rome and the 
Pontifical States, and praying for assistance to drive 
the French and Austrian forces that had lately 
marched into Rome, out of Italy. The petitioners 
denounced the conduct of a declared friend of Italian 
independence, who had joined with the worst enemies 
of Italy in bringing her again under an intolerable 
subjection, and prayed for interposition, that an end 
might be put to the unjustifiable occupation of Rome 
by France and Austria. 

Mr. Duncombe supported the prayer of the petition. 
He was by this time well known to the leading 
patriots, and in frequent communication with the 

ablest of them. 

November 24th, 1850. 

DEAR SIR, I have been deprived of the pleasure of 
seeing you whilst I was in England. I do not think I shall 
be long before revisiting it, and you will then be one of the 
first persons I will endeavour to see ; meanwhile, will you 
allow me to introduce to you one of my best friends, and 
of the most enlightened patriots I know, Mr. James Stans- 
feld, and ask your earnest attention about the subject of his 


conversation with you. This subject is my permanent 
thought my own country. That, after what our people 
did in 1848 and '49, we are firmly bent on a renewal of our 
national struggle, you cannot have any doubt. What sort 
of help, what sympathies, we shall try to enlist in our 
cause before initiating this struggle, is left partly to the 
decision and to the activity of our friends in England. 
Mr. Stansfeld will communicate to you our present 
organization, and some of the acts of our national com- 
mittee. Is there any means of establishing a public 
agitation whatever in favour of our national cause ? could 
not a rather important public meeting be organized in Lon- 
don either concerning the general national question or the 
condition of things in Rome ? Could anything be done to 
transform the actual useless, senseless, sectarian anti-Popish 
agitation into a political, logical one? Could we not avail 
ourselves of the opportunity offered to teach again the 
English public that all Italian questions are questions of 
independence ? and to remind them that the Pope would 
not enthrone a Romish hierarchy in England from Gaeta 
or from any other place of refuge ? Could we not elicit 
from such a demonstration a series of others both in London 
and provinces, and, from those, some support to our 
national loan? Upon these enquiries I call now your 
attention, so that my English friends can listen to what you 
suggest, and act accordingly. Whatever thing you advise 
or do for our cause will establish a new claim to our grate- 
fulness and to my friendly esteem. 

We are about issuing an address to England, signed by 
our national committee. Some of the members are 
residing permanently in London. 

Believe me, dear Sir, with deep esteem and grateful 
friendship, yours ever truly, JOSEPH MAZZINI. 

Mr. Mazzini wrote the following notes for Mr. 
Duncombe's guidance : 

I. That the Roman Republic, tried according to what- 
ever principle, possessed all those claims which ought to 


accredit one Government in the eyes of others, and to 
secure for it respect and guaranteed existence. 

(1.) In virtue of its constitutional origin, and credentials 

from the Roman people, municipalities, &c. 
Tract on Terrorism in Rome, p. 5. 
Printed Petition, p. 1. 

Printed Collections of the adhesions sent in to the Roman 
Republican Government, after its establishment, by 
the Town Councils of the Roman States. (Large 
book in Stansfeld's possession.) 

(2.) In virtue of its actual conduct when in power, con- 
duct impressing all disinterested witnesses, and even 
English diplomatists, with the conviction of its 
moderation, fitness, and conscientiousness. 
Tract on Terrorism throughout, where a sketch of the 
Republic is given, with references to its proclamations 
and legislative measures. 

Mazzini's letter to MM. de Tocqueville and Falloux. 
Passages in " Correspondence " from English agent, 

chiefly quoted in Tract on Terrorism. 
N.B. Under this head, while answering the common 
calumnies of " terrorism," " foreign demagogues," &c., 
reference might be made to the destruction of the 

II. That, notwithstanding these perfect claims of the 
Roman Government on the recognition and support of all 
States, the Government of Republican France sent troops, 
which put down this Republic by force and restored priestly 
government, and that the then Government of England was 
directly an accomplice of the French Government in this 
iniquitous act. 

(1.) The history of the French intervention. 
Tract on Terrorism in Rome. 
Mazzini's letter to De Tocqueville, &c. 
Correspondence (quoted generally in Tract). 
Note F, Appendix to Tract No. 4 ; i.e. Mazzini's Lecture 
to Society. (This note brings out the principle on 
which the French justified their intervention ; i.e. 


that the Papacy is an institution, the common property 
of all Catholic powers, and that the Roman territory 
as the seat of this institution could not be allowed to 
be invested with the usual right of nationality. 
Farther elucidation of this point in some speeches of 
O. Barrot, c. &c. in French Chambers.) 

(2.) Complicity of the British Government. Article in 
British Quarterly Review on " British Statesmanship " 
with regard to Italy, pp. 488-497. (Here a discre- 
pancy is brought out between the views of Palmerston 
as minister and Lord Normanby as ambassador.) 

Society's First Annual Report, pp. 10, 11. 

N.B. *The British Government in this complicity could 
not plead the logical excuse of the French, being a 
Protestant power, and therefore bound to be delighted 
with the conversion of Central Italy into a nationality. 

III. That, even allowing the actual suppression of the 
Roman Republic by France and Austria, with British com- 
plicity, to pass, yet that suppression was affirmed at the 
time to be purely conditional ; all the three Governments 
coming under documentary promises that a good and free 
and acceptable Government would be established in Rome, 
and that the occupation of Rome by the French and 
Austrians was to be but a " temporary arrangement " till 
this should be accomplished. 

Article in British Quarterly Review, pp. 494, 495. 
Correspondence as quoted in printed Petition, pp. 

2, 3, 4, 
A speech of Lord Palmerston in May, 1851 (to be looked 


IV. That these promises have not been fulfilled, and 
that the obligation of the British and other Governments 
to redeem their word remains. 

(1.) Present horrors of Papal and Austrian rule ; to be 
illustrated by abundance of facts and instances. 

The cabinet in England did not patronize revolu- 
tionists of any country. The seizure of Hale's rockets 


had put an end to the belligerent aspirations of Kos- 
suth ; the French occupation of Rome was almost an 
extinguisher to Mazzini nevertheless, he desired to 
make his English friend believe that Italy was again 
on the eve of revolt. 

15, Radnor-street, King's-road, Chelsea, 
April 7th, 1854. 

MY DEAR MR. BUNCOMBE, Events are fast approaching 
in Italy ; these events will of course, if with a leadership, 
have nothing that can trouble your alliance with France. 
Our aim is now anti-Austrian, and certainly, with an 
armed neutrality which hangs, like the sword of Damocles, 
over both friends and foes, you cannot lament that we should 
summon Austria's activity somewhere else than on the 
Turkish frontiers. 

I do not ask you to do anything for us now ; you have 
done already most likely what you could in 1853, but 
Mr. Collett, a friend and colleague of yours, having told me 
some time ago that when the crisis approaches he would be 
ready to do anything that he could in accordance with your 
own feelings, I have applied to him ; and I should ask you, 
if you continue to look upon our cause as upon a good and 
sacred one, to encourage him, in case he asks you, to do 
what he can for us. 

Ever faithfully yours, JOSEPH MAZZINI. 

As there seemed little prospect of a revolutionary 
movement in Hungary, Kossuth turned his attention 
to Italy, as affording a better chance of stirring up 
opposition to the Austrian power. The Italians of 
Lombardy and Venice were waiting for an oppor- 
tunity of throwing off the hated yoke ; the people of 
Borne were quite as eager to get rid of the Pope ; but 
Austrian and French bayonets kept down the spirit of 
patriotism. There was certainly a sovereign in Italy 
who entertained a dream of driving the Austrian 


from the Italian soil, and there existed statesmen 
who entertained the idea of a free and united Italy ; 
but Victor Emmanuel could have scarcely felt, even 
after the seasoning his troops had had in the Crimea, 
that he could have overpowered the veteran Eadetski, 
and his able minister, Count Cavour, was well aware 
of the difficulties in the way of the independence and 
union of his country. The assertion in the following 
letter respecting that minister was incorrect : 

Montpelier House, Ventnor, Isle of Wight, 
August 28th, 1856. 

MY DEAR SIR, You were so kind as to allow me to 
address myself to you in case I should want to consult the 
Parliamentary papers. 

Just now I would very much want the Blue Books of 
1848 and '49 respecting the affairs of Italy. Were it too 
much to ask the favour to have them lent for a couple of 
weeks, if it can be done without trouble and inconvenience 
to yourself? If delivered at my house in South Bank 
(No. 8), to Captain Frater there, he would forward to me 
hither the parcel in safety. 

It may interest you to hear that Cavour is conspiring 
with Murat. I have it from a very good source. 

The national Italian party at Genoa has opened in 
L' Italia e Popolo a subscription for 10,000 muskets, as a 
counter-demonstration to the subscription for the 100 defen- 
sive cannons of Alessandria. The argument is just : it is 
not by a defensive policy that the cause of Italian indepen- 
dence can be forwarded. The national party hopes, or 
rather would fain hope, that a demonstration of English 
popular sympathy will come to them in the shape of some 
shillings and sixpences for their muskets, while pounds are 
going towards the defensive cannons. Mistake ! not one 
penny will they get. There is the most unconquerable 
darkness prevailing in public opinion here about the 
character and intentions of the Cabinet of Turin, though 


Lord Palmerston told the world (thank him for nothing for 
so much) that it is only " by holding out a bright example 
of liberal institutions the Government of Turin -would be 
allowed to work for the deliverance of Italy." I would 
like to know by what possible process can that " bright 
example " induce Austria to recross the Alps or the Pope 
to abdicate his temporal sovereignty, " the worst of human 
inventions ; " and yet these two points constitute the Italian 

However, curious matters are in process of brewing there 
in the Peninsula, not the least curious of which is, that 
" the champion of Italy at the Paris Congress, Cavour, is 
conspiring with Murat." Will the Cabinet of St. James's 
allow itself to be duped, or will it still continue to dance at 
the tune of Bonaparte ? I fear they will. No first-rate 
Power can with impunity, descend to a secondary position. 
It is Milton's bridge, leading " smooth, easy, inoffensive, 
down to ." 

Those who consented to abdicate an independent policy 
will of course glide whither they are pushed ; counter-influ- 
ence is impossible, but it would be good to know, at least, 
what they are about. I cannot so much as guess. May 
be, neither they themselves ; very likely not. 

Apropos of Colonel Tiirr; the Government has not paid 
him for the five months he was imprisoned in Austria. Is 
that generous or even just ? Have they withheld the pay 
of General Williams while he was a prisoner in Russia ? I 
don't think they did, though Williams surrendered and 
Tiirr was kidnapped in violation of international law. But, 
of course, he is but Tiirr the exile, and not Williams of 
Kars. Kmety may, by-and-bye, have a word to say about 

Excuse my chattering, and believe me to be, with high 
regard and consideration, 

Your most obedient servant, KOSSUTH. 

The anti- Austrian movement in Italy was now sup- 
ported by the military power of France. The Emperor 


Napoleon led an army in person with the avowed 
object of driving the Austrians out of Lombardy. 
England wisely determined on neutrality, though two 
opposing influences were strongly directed to engage 
her as an ally. Kossuth seems to have been appre- 
hensive that the Government would be obliged to 
support Austria, and allowed himself to be announced 
as intending to address a public meeting to be held at 
the London Tavern on the 20th of May, the lord 
mayor in the chair, to which Mr. Duncombe was thus 
invited : 

10, Bedford-square, May 18th, 1859. 

MY DEAR SIB, I am very anxious to secure your 
attendance and assistance at the meeting announced on the 
next page, and for which I enclose a platform ticket. 

I have been with Kossuth this evening, and he joins his 
request to mine that you will be present and support a 
resolution in favour of our neutrality in this European war. 
He fears and I fear lest even before the meeting of Parlia- 
ment the German sympathies in high quarters will have 
involved us in the strife, or induced us to enter into entan- 
gling treaties which may so involve us. Pray come. 

Yours truly, C. GILPIN. 

In July Mr. Duncombe in the House of Com- 
mons moved for the correspondence respecting the 
British officers sent to the head-quarters of the 
Austrian, French, and Sardinian armies, and by the 
return printed it became known that Mr. Mildmay, 
formerly in the Austrian military service, was to 
attend the Austrian army in Italy, while Colonel 
Claremont accompanied the head- quarters of the 
French army, and the Hon. Colonel Cadogan those 
of the Sardinian. 


The decisive battles of Magenta and Solferino 
caused the Austrian army to evacuate Lombardy. 
Every one knows that the two emperors then 
came to an understanding, and that the French 
army marched home instead of following up its suc- 

The rule of the Bourbons in Naples was more in- 
tolerable than that of Austria in Lombardy and 
Venice, and the revelations that appeared in the 
English press of the atrocities committed by the king 
created the strongest feelings of indignation in this 
country.* Mr. Duncombe entertained the greatest 
sympathy for the victims of oppression. Every exile 
had a sacred claim upon his attention, which he 
liberally acknowledged, and it afforded him the sin- 
cerest pleasure to be of service to them. It may 
therefore be imagined with what gratification he com- 
plied with the request of the Master of the Eolls in 

* Mr. Petre to the Earl of Clarendon. (Received November 1). 

Naples, October 27, 1856. 

My LORD, I regret unfeignedly in this, one of my last despatches 
to your lordship, to have to record the physical sufferings of Carlo 
Poerio [and first six years no pen, ink, or paper allowed, or relative 

For some time past he had been suffering from a tumour on the 
spine, arising in great measure, I believe, from long confinement 
and low unhealthy diet, and aggravated by the friction of his chain. 
An operation was performed very recently upon him, and he is now, 
I am told, in a more satisfactory state of health. But, if my in- 
formation is correct, and I have no reason to doubt it, however 
revolting to humanity the fact, neither before, nor during, nor after 
the operation was Poerio's chain removed. 

I have, &c., (Signed) G. G. PETRE. 

(From Correspondence Relative to Affairs in Naples, 
printed in 1857.) 


behalf of the distinguished Neapolitan thus recom- 
mended to his good offices : 

6, Hyde Park-terrace, April 25th, 1859. 

MY DEAR SIB, I venture on the slight acquaintance I 
had with you in the House of Commons to make a request 
in favour of Baron Poerio, one of the Neapolitan exiles, with 
whom you are probably acquainted. He is very desirous to 
see the proceedings of a contested election in England, and I 
promised him that I would endeavour to obtain for him a 
ticket of introduction to the hustings at Finsbury on your 
nomination. If you can do this, and will send me a ticket 
for him, I shall be much obliged to you both on his and on 
my own account, from the great esteem and sympathy I 
entertain for him and for his cause, and for that of Italy. 

Wishing you every success, which I do not for a 
moment doubt, 

I am, yours very sincerely, JOHN ROMILLY. 

Thomas S. Buncombe, Esq., &c. 

15, Arlington-street, Piccadilly, 
Londres, Avril 25, 1859. 

MONSIEUR Sir John Romilly a bien voulu m'honorer 
d'une visite pour me faire connaitre les effets de votre bonte. 
J'accepte avec la plus profonde reconnaissance Foffre si bien- 
veillante et si aimable que vous avez bien voulu me faire 
d'avoir Phonneur de vous accompagner a Selection qui aura 
lieu Vendredi prochain ; et je me rejoui d'avance du plaisir 
que j'eprouverai en faisant la connaissance d'un personnage 
politique si hautement place dans Fopinion publique, et dont 
la voix eloquente deployee en faveur de ma patrie retentit 
encore dans mon coeur. Mais je ne permettrai jamais, 
Monsieur, que vous vous derangiez pour moi venantmeprendre 
chez moi. Demain matin, Mardi, je me ferai un devoir de 
venir vous presenter mes respects et mes plus vifs remercie- 
ments, et me mettre tout-a-fait a votre disposition. Dans 
le cas ou vous fussiez deja sorti a cette heure, c'est-a-dire 
entre midi et une heure, j'oserais vous prier de vouloir bien 
me laisser un petit mot, avec Vindication de Pheure et du 



lieu ou jc dois me trouver Vendredi prochain pour avoir 
Phonncur de profiler de votre aimable permission de vous 
accompagner sur le lieu des elections. 

Veuillez bien, Monsieur, agreer les sentiments de ma plus 
vive reconnaissance, et ^assurance de ma consideration la 
plus distinguee et de mon plus profond respect. 

Votre devoue, CHARLES POERIO. 

Count Arrivabene* mentions having met Kossutli 
towards the close of June, 1859, at Brescia, when he 
acknowledged that he was on his way to meet the 
emperor. He was then travelling in company with 
the Prefect of Police, Pietri a curious conjunction ; 
but later events suggest that it was not an undesigned 
one. The Hungarian patriot was evidently under the 
impression that he was about to have the direction 
of a formidable diversion against Austria on the 
Danube. He had been sent for by Napoleon, and 
nothing seemed more probable than that the latter 
should take measures for making the most of his suc- 
cess at Solferino. About a week later it became an 
established fact that a suspension of arms, followed 
by a treaty of alliance, had been agreed to by the 
Emperors of France and Austria. It can easily be 
imagined with what feelings Kossuth retraced his 
steps. He might have said, as well as Baron 
Eicasoli " After Villafranca I spat upon my 
life !" 

It is also stated by the same authority " That 
during the French-Sardinian war against the Aus- 
trians in Italy, the Emperor Napoleon sent a secret 
messenger to Garibaldi with offers of assistance, that 

* " Italy under Victor Emmanuel." By Count Charles Arri- 
vabene, i., 104; 258. 


were coldly declined : the republican general naturally 
distrusted the professions of the hero of the coup d'etat. 
After the arrangement at Villafranca the distrust in- 
creased to detestation, which increased when he found 
his favourite enterprise, the capture of Kome, thwarted 
by the emperor's interference. The policy of Louis 
Napoleon was always imperial, however completely 
he might disguise it for a purpose. He invited Kos- 
suth into Italy on pretence of arranging an Hunga- 
rian insurrection ; but his anti-republicanism was 
shown as completely by throwing him over for the 
Austrian alliance, as by putting an end to the triumph 
of democracy in Rome and restoring the Pope." 

The Hungarian patriot subsequently took a journey 
to Italy, ostensibly to obtain a concession for a rail- 
way in which he had a considerable interest. In this 
he was not likely to meet with success ; for however 
much the country may have wanted railway commu- 
nication, its statesmen would not hear of them if 
supported by republican propagandists. The govern- 
ments who fancied that they had as much to fear from 
Kossuth. as a railway king as a Hungarian president, 
made anxious inquiries through their ministers, and 
the scheme was not favoured. The following, endorsed 
"Extracts of conversations and visits to Sir James 
Hudson," are in the handwriting of Kossuth: 

Turin, October 9th, 1860. I called to-day on Sir James 
Hudson. He told me that the application for a railroad 
concession by an English Company, with whom M. Kossuth 
appears to be connected, had caused great alarm, both at 
St. Petersburg!! and at Berlin ; since these two Governments 
were informed from London that it was intended here 
(Turin) to give, by means of this concession, money to 

R 2 


M. Kossuth for carrying out his political purposes. Sir 
James wondered how any such rumours could have got 
credit at the Foreign Office in London, since it was evident 
that the Cabinet of Turin could never have thought to 
resort to such " a clumsy way." " Why ! " said Sir James, 
"if they want Kossuth they will most assuredly give him 
the required money without looking out for any such 

Turin, December 29th, 1860. I had a long conversation 
with Sir James Hudson; he entered freely on discussing 
the situation, and especially the affairs of Hungary. He 
declared that, as a servant of the Queen and an English 
citizen, he certainly felt bound to support with all his 
strength the maintenance of Austria ; but that the European 
Governments England included appeared to labour under 
such delusions as were truly ridiculous. They maintain 
that the Sardinian Government and Prince Couza are allied 
for preparing the Hungarian revolution in the Principalities 
the stipulated price being the future reannexation of 
Bukovina to Moldavia. Nay, Sir Henry Bulwer went so 
far as to maintain that it was the Sardinian Government 
which sent the (afterwards confiscated) arms to the Danube, 
whereas it can be proved to satisfaction, and in fact he (Sir 
James) had proved it, by referring to the dates, that it was Tiirr 
who sent them, and the Sardinian Government could abso- 
lutely have had nothing to do with the matter. But it was ex- 
tremely difficult to impart conviction to the English Govern- 
ment they actually keep an eye on Garibaldi at Caprera, 
lest he might go to Turkey. Yet it is evident that there 
will be no war next spring : France does not will it, England 
cannot allow it, Italy is not prepared for it, and as to 
Garibaldi he could only commence the war on the shores of 
the Adriatic, and there the English fleet is keeping a close 
watch, and will not allow another such violation of inter- 
national law as that in Sicily. No, England will not shut 
her eyes a second time so. 

We now come upon the grand expedition of Gari- 
baldi, whose fame as a republican leader attracted to 


his banner Poles, Hungarians, and English in con- 
siderable numbers. The Italians nocked to him as to 
a liberator capable of finishing the great work the 
treaty of Villafranca had stopped ; and the King of 
Sardinia readily consented to a nearer approach, with 
the popular general's assistance, to the sovereignty of 
a united Italy to which he had aspired. How the 
Neapolitan territory was invaded and the Bourbon 
despot forced to fly for his life, while his kingdom 
passed from his dynasty for ever, is well known. It 
will be found admirably described by an eye-witness, 
who though a non-combatant shared in the dangers 
of the Graribaldians, and for a time became a prisoner 
in the hands of their enemies.* 

The result of Mr. Edwin James's mission to the 
seat of war, is amusingly told by Count Arrivabene. 
It appears that the learned counsel, not content with 
the credentials he had obtained from Mr. Duncombe, 
when he arrived at the head-quarters of Garibaldi gave 
out that he had been entrusted with a mission from 
Lord Palmerston. This secured him a most favourable 
reception from the Garibaldian officers, and access to 
every person or place of importance he desired to see. 
Lord Llanover, his predecessor as member for Mary- 
lebone, and the Hon. Evelyn Ashley, and several 
other Englishmen then at Naples, laughed at these 
pretensions ; and having run some risks by getting too 
near the enemy, and inspected the Neapolitan prisons, 
the self-constituted ambassador took his departure 
from Italy. 

In this achievement Mazzini took no part . Though 

* " Italy under Victor Emmanuel." By Count CKarles Arri- 
vabene, 2 vols. 


it was largely indebted to Young Italy for success, the 
great republican was forced to keep aloof from it. His 
disciples were foremost in the conflict, but the master 
nowhere. The fact is, the Government of the Re 
Galantuomo could not risk the presence of the apostle 
of democracy under circumstances so exciting, among 
.such materials as composed the army of invasion. 
However liberal may have been the general's senti- 
ments, he was known to be loyal, and confidence was 
reposed in him ; but the republicanism of the ex- 
triumvir of Rome was unmanageable, and there were 
ugly rumours afloat as to his system of propagandism 
that left Ricasoli and his colleagues no alternative but 
rigid banishment. 

The condemnation of Mazzini is thus expressed by 
his countryman : " The impracticable character of his 
political ideas, the virulence of his opposition to 
Cavour and to Piedmont generally, the recklessness of 
the various insurrections he has organized, and the 
violence of some of his followers, have naturally 
associated with his name an amount of unpopularity 
which the services of his earlier life are not sufficient 
to counteract."* 

He had got a bad name for worse actions than 
ideas for which the talent he possessed, or the virtue 
he had displayed, could not compensate in the opinion 
of soberer- minded men. He was doomed to remain in 
exile, and note from a distance how barren of results 
the conquest of Naples was made in consequence of 
Garibaldi being prevented from marching upon 

* " Italy under Victor Emmanuel." By Count Charles Arri- 
rabene, ii. 211. 


Mr. Duncombe read and preserved every particle of 
intelligence respecting Italy that appeared in the 
public journals, and was kept well informed from 
private sources. He was therefore able, when he ad- 
dressed the House of Commons on the subject, which 
he did frequently, to surprise the members of the 
Government with the extent of his knowledge. 

Both Mazzini and Kossuth were averse to any 
action on the part of England ; in the former this 
desire for neutrality, however, evidently arose from 
opposition to the monarchical form which the move- 
ment for a united Italy had assumed. 

The account given by Mazzini of his connexion 
with Gallenga, the intended assassin of Carlo Alberto, 
will be accepted by very few English readers as a 
satisfactory defence of the accusation brought against 
him that he suggested the king's murder. By this 
explanation it is quite clear that he was not only cog- 
nizant of the contemplated deed, but gave a weapon 
with which it might be accomplished.* The indis- 
putable fact, too, that Orsini was his colleague, joined 
to his notorious detestation of Napoleon, has left him 
open to the suspicion of having also been privy to the 
murderous attempt against the emperor. Lastly, the 
knowledge that for several years he was an active 
emissary of the Carbonari, with whom assassination 
is well known to have been an ordinary resource, 
caused him at last to be generally distrusted. 

The spirit aroused among the Italians was not to be 
thus satisfied. The demand for Italian unity caused the 
entire nation to resort to arms, and Victor Emmanuel 

* " Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini," i. 348. 


and Garibaldi led a well-appointed army against the 
famous bulwark of Austrian domination in Italy 
the Quadrilateral. The surrender of Venice without a 
siege completed the evacuation of Italy. Victor 
Emmanuel was now king of all Italy except Eome, 
the natural capital of that kingdom. There, in op- 
position to the Romans and to Mazzini, in opposition 
to Victor Emmanuel and to Garibaldi, Pius IX. 
ruled as sovereign and pope, supported by a French 

Mazzini had the support of men of high intellectual 
attainments, many with names of European fame. 
Sismondi afforded him cordial encouragement ; Azeglio 
assisted in endeavouring to work out his plans; 
Alexander Dumas was eager to become a fellow- 
labourer in the same vineyard. Thomas Carlyle gave 
him the benefit of his recommendation ; and Thomas 
Slingsby Duncombe was his faithful and eloquent 
advocate. Yet circumstances rendered nugatory these 
powerful aids. A momentary success, when one of 
the triumvirate of republican Eome, was succeeded by 
a complete overthrow. What was effected in the way 
of Italian unity was done without his assistance. 
His opinions became repudiated, his schemes were pro- 
nounced chimerical, and he found himself condemned 
to the life of an exile, under surveillance as a danger- 
ous character, making frequent appeals to his ad- 
mirers with a decreasing effect. 

Mazzini has since this further development of his 
great idea lived to see the evacuation of Eome by the 
French army; but it could have afforded him no 
solace, for the metropolis of his nationality still re- 
mained the head-quarters of priestly misrule. The 


pope maintained his temporal throne, somewhat dis- 
satisfied certainly, but to all outward appearance as 
absolute, as intolerant, as illiberal as ever ; more dis- 
heartening still, "La Giovine Italia" looked on and 
made no sign. Nothing therefore remained for him. 
to do but to leave this imperfect Italian unity to its 
fate, while he occupied his time in collecting his 
various publications, and giving them again to the 
world, with an autobiography which is intended to be 
a defence as well as a life."* 

He made one more effort to rouse his English ad- 
mirers to afford him material aid by issuing a mani- 
festo to raise the sum of 30 OO/. ; but like the shilling- 
subscription plan in behalf of himself and Kossuth, 
the result was unsatisfactory. 

Mazzini has ventured to state his disbelief "that 
the salvation of Italy can ever be accomplished by 
monarchy."! The present Italy he considers incom- 
plete, the Papacy preventing the union of the pro- 
vinces under one ruler, and the cession of Nice and 
Savoy to a foreign sovereign having severed a portion 
from the map. He might have added that the 
present Italy is dissatisfied, impoverished, and appa- 
rently decaying. That Naples begins to doubt the 
blessings of being a portion of united Italy, and 
Venetia is not certain that she has gained commer- 
cially by the withdrawal of the Austrian rule ; that 
Lombardy misses the German markets for the produce 
of her rich fields ; and Tuscany and Parma mourn the 
loss of their petty courts ; while the rest of the pro- 

* " Life and Writings of Joseph Mazzini." Vol. i., published in 

f " Life and Writings," i. 53. 


vinces of the peninsula, from the Alps to the sea, are 
looking in vain for the advantages they ought to have 
acquired by union. 

Nevertheless, although the Italian unity is not a per- 
fect success, it must be conceded that, from the Italian 
point of view at least, it may be regarded as an im- 
provement upon the former state of things. The 
foreign domination is at an end; there are neither 
Austrians in Milan, Swiss at Naples, nor French at 
Rome ; Italy can no longer be stigmatized as merely 
" a geographical idea," The country possesses claims 
to a nationality ; and although Victor Emmanuel has 
met with difficulties in realizing his programme, and 
finds his resources insufficient for his requirements, he 
is well aware that great changes like the one he has 
directed cannot be brought about without considerable 
derangement in the economy of a nation circum- 
stanced as it was a few years back. " Eome was not 
built in a day ;" the Roman empire had a long and 
fierce struggle for its development. The Italian 
empire is but yet in its cradle. 




Spirit of enterprise very general in England Influences Mr. 
Duncombe Secret information from Portugal Joint-Stock 
Wine Company in Paris Eailway from Madrid to Lisbon 
Letter to General Bacon Letters of Count D'Orsay, and from 
Messrs. Da Costa and Madden on the scheme General Bacon's 
report Iron roads in England The Railway King Suit 
commenced against him Condemned to refund Charge by 
him brought against Members of Parliament of having accepted 
bribes Mr. Buncombe's speech Railway for Ceylon Letters 
from Sir William Molesworth and the Right Honourable H. 
Labouchere A rival speculation The scheme abandoned. 

THE spirit of speculation had seized all who had any- 
thing to speculate with, as well as some who were 
totally without resources. Among the first were the 
Marquis of Hertford and the Eev. Sydney Smith, 
both of whom made considerable investments in 
America the peer to the reputed amount of 3 00,00 O/. ; 
the wit had risked a much smaller sum. 

There appears to have been a large element of en- 
terprise in the composition of Mr. Duncombe; and 
when all classes in England were under the same in- 
fluence, there can be nothing surprising in his par- 
ticipating in it. There is reason to believe that he 
was associated in his ventures by a distinguished 
personage, who bought largely in foreign shares. At 
any rate it is certain that he had trustworthy infor- 


mation from our embassies abroad respecting political 
changes or arrangements that might affect the funds. 
Lord Cochrane's escapade on the Stock Exchange must 
be familiar to the reader ; but the member for 
Finsbury was not likely to engage in such proceed- 
ings. Don Pedro's design against Don Miguel created 
a large amount of speculation in the Government 
funds of Portugal. A friend afforded him the follow- 
ing notices of the progress of events : 

Wednesday, September 24th, 1834. 

DEAR D , I should think there would be a rise in Port. 
Bonds. The accounts up to the 13th are very favourable. 
Palmella, Villa Real, and all that party have agreed to join 
Freire's ministry ; Pedro is better, but in the event of his 
death there is to be a regency, of which Palmella will be 
the head ; the Cortes have given Pedro unlimited power to 
conclude a marriage for his daughter, and a messenger has 
been sent from Lisbon to the Duke of Leuchteuberg to 
announce that the Duke is the chosen husband. "What 
think you of this ? 

DEAR DUNCOMBE, Torreno's plan, en gros, is to acknow- 
ledge and to create one fund of the whole foreign debt of 
Spain, a portion of it (two-fifths he thinks, though that 
must to a certain degree depend upon the Cortes) is to be 
what is called active debt, i.e., bearing interest and in pro- 
cess of redemption ; as soon as that is accomplished, another 
portion of the passive debt (which bears no interest) is to be 
made active, and so on till the whole is paid off. The par- 
ticular stock which is to be made " active " is to be decided 
by lot, and the proportions in future to be made active will 
be greater as the resources of the country increase. 

Saturday, September 27th, 1834. 

DEAR D , Pedro is dying, and was at his last gasp on 
the 21st. Donna Maria had ordered Palmella to form a 


ministry with Freire, who had not quite determined upon 
joining Palmella. The Cortes had declared Donna Maria 
of age. I hope this will reach you before you go. Send 
it with all speed to our friend. 

Sunday, September 28th, 1834. 

DEAR BUNCOMBE, I told you yesterday of Pedro's ap- 
proaching death, of the fact that Donna Maria had been 
declared of age by the Cortes, and of her having sent for 
Palmella to form a ministry. When she sent for Palmella 
(on the 19th) she named Terceira, Freire, and Carvalho 
to form part of his government. After some discussion 
Palmella went to Queluz, on the evening of the 21st, to 
name to the Queen a ministry, consisting of himself as 
president of the council ; Villa Real, foreign affairs ; Terceira, 
Freire, Carvalho, finance ; and Saldanha, commander- in- 
chief at Pedro's death. There is little doubt that Donna 
Maria will agree to this, and nothing can be better or more 
likely to satisfy every one. Donna Maria has shown great 
decision and firmness, has declared she will be married, and 
has already signed full powers to proceed with the marriage 
negotiations with the Duke of Leuchtenberg begun by her 
father. France may raise some objections to this match, 
but will offer no real opposition, and England is delighted 
with it. By-the-bye, Donna Maria was proclaimed of age 
in consequence of Pedro's resignation of the regency, owing 
to his ill health. I send this under cover to E. The 
Spanish Government is particularly well disposed towards 
the Cortes' bondholders, and has promised that their claims 
shall be considered firsthand with the utmost liberality. 

One of the most promising of Mr. Duncombe's com- 
mercial ventures took the shape of a Joint-Stock 
Wine Company, in Paris under the direction of Messrs. 
Stork, in London under that of Mr. Charles Conyng- 
ham. It appears to have been carried on with con- 
siderable success for many years; but in 1839, Mr. 
Duncombe wishing to withdraw from it, received 


2000/. for his share. The company were liberally 
supported by noblemen and gentlemen in England, 
for among the customers are the names of Lords 
Alvanley, Belfast, Donegal, Bathurst, Adolphus Fitz- 
clarence, Chandos, Hastings, &c. They also had 
consignments to New York, Jamaica, Limerick, 
Bristol, Liverpool, Quebec, Glasgow, Belfast, Dublin, 
Rome, and London. 

The reign of the railway king had commenced, and 
the marvellous rapidity with which a small tradesman 
in York had contrived to be the reputed possessor of 
millions, and the arbiter of the fortunes, if not of the 
destinies of much of the rank, fashion, and wealth of 
the kingdom, suggested to other speculators the ad- 
vantage of seeking a similar road to unlimited wealth. 
As this must be in a country where iron roads did not 
exist, and where a commercial spirit in the middle and 
upper classes might be relied on to support their de- 
velopment, the Peninsula was selected. A grand 
scheme was drawn up for uniting the capitals of 
Spain and Portugal, and abundant patronage secured, 
a well-selected and influential board of directors pub- 
lished, and the speculation launched. 

A railway to connect the two kingdoms having 
been determined on, it became necessary to secure the 
services of some person of superior talent and social 
influence to visit the Peninsula, for the purpose of 
reporting on the best line, and of collecting such in- 
formation respecting the probable traffic as might be 
of advantage to the shareholders, as well as useful to 
the managers of the company. Among those dis- 
tinguished persons who were applied to to give the 
enterprise the advantage of their patronage, was the 


Due d'Ossuna, whom Mr. Duncombe had met in the 
gay circle that so long flourished in the smiles of the 
beautiful Countess of Blessington.* . 

General Bacon had greatly interested himself in the 
undertaking, and there were special reasons for select- 
ing him as the intelligent agent the directors required. 
The letter now printed is a testimonial that carried 

great weight : 

London, May 15th, 1845. 

MY' DEAR BACON, T spoke to Dietz, and I had no doubt 
of the King writing to his cousin. He expressed himself 
kindly respecting you. 

The movement for the railway project is most favourable ; 
there is the greatest disposition to give impulse to works in 
this country to be undertaken by companies. But in dealing 
with these people it is right to consider what is likely to 
influence them, so as to be prepared at once by anticipation 
to overcome certain obstacles. If you should come out, 
I recommend that the project be as matured and complete 
as practicable at present to make, particularly as to terms; 
but there is one suggestion which I would make to you who 
understand these people, which is to give them as direct an 
immediate interest in the undertaking as possible. The 
way to do this would be either to purchase the privilege by 
a sum or by shares in the Company gratis ; or to allow the 
government a per-centage on the profits say 10 per cent. ; 
or to allow them to share the profits equally, after indemni- 
fying the shareholders for the outlay say at 6 per cent. 
that is, when the profits may be 12 per cent. 6 would go to 
the shareholders, interest on capital, and the other 6 divided. 

The Government should be offered a share, say one-tenth, 
not as a gift, unless this should be the bonus proposed 
instead of a per-centage, and there should be a portion left 
open for Portuguese capitalists ,say for three or six months ; 
this with a view to overcome the feeling which will be 

* For his reply, see Appendix. 


attempted to be excited by the Obras Publicas Company 
against foreigners : when the offer is made, the greater the 
publicity given to it the better. 

There are two ways of dealing with the Obras Publicas 
Company one to make them friends at once, or if intrac- 
table to declare war against them, and to decide to expose 
the bubble character of their projects and the onerous terms 
they impose upon the country. 

There are already parties here about a railroad, Messrs. 
Clegg and Lowe; but for the moment nothing will be de- 
cided, to afford time to receive other proposals. 

Yours sincerely, H. 

This is all quite private, as from me, though the substance 
is for your guidance and consideration in treating the 
matter with others. 

There were many wealthy men who countenanced 
the scheme, and there were men whose names were 
not held in anything like the same respect on the 
Stock Exchange; nevertheless the projectors of im- 
portant speculations were sure to have recourse to 
them if they possessed much social influence. It was 
in the power of these favourites of society to advance 
such objects materially. They generally had friends 
or relations whose support would be of the first ad- 
vantage as a recommendation. In this respect no one 
was better qualified than the writer of the four follow- 
ing letters. He was known to every one who figured 
prominently in society, almost all of whom at his 
solicitation would readily lend their patronage to any 
project of utility in which he professed an interest : 

Friday Night. 

MY DEAR TOMMY, Bulwer came again to-night; he will 
go to see you, and you will ascertain by yourself that he is 
very anxious to assist us. He lives at 36, Hertford-street, 


May-fair; go to see him if you have a moment, as I am 
afraid that he may call on you when you are out. He will 
tell you that Colonel Stopford spoke to him about a rail- 
road from Spain to Portugal, and he advised him to see our 
company. I know Colonel Stopford very well. You 
may be sure that Bulwer will do all he can for us, and 
that he is anxious to see you. 

Yours faithfully, D'ORSAY. 

Gore House, June 13th, 1845. 

MY DEAR TOMMY, Will you have the kindness to in- 
dict Keily for forgery, and to tell him that he is an in- 
fernal liar (although a good Catholic), as the Duke d'Ossuna 
writes to me that he is excessively obliged for my contra- 
dicting that he ever put his name to any papers concerning 
railroads ; if he had, it would have been for ours. He will 
exert himself and do all he can to serve us ; we have only 
to point out what he is to do. Make a point to see at 
once Norman and Co. Yours faithfully, D'ORSAY. 

P.S. Try to get me some good news about railroads. 

Gore House, July 5th, 1845. 

MY DEAR TOMMY, An intimate friend of Lady B. and 
me asked me to ask you not to impede this Bill ; he knows 
that on Wednesday you will be the great opponent. Can 
you find some reason to abandon that question, which, after 
all, is not of great consequence to Old England ? You will 
oblige us. Say that Baughan and C ie - required your 

Have you seen Bulwer, and what are you going to do ? 
Shall we be satisfied with our Portugal grant, without 
caring for Spain ? or will it be necessary to send my nephew 
to Madrid ? Will you come and dine with us on Friday ? 
I will ask Bulwer. My brother-in-law, the Duke of Gram- 
mont, dines here ; he will be glad to see you. 

Yours afibctionately, D'ORSAY. 



Gore House, July 31st. 

MY DEAR TOMMY, I hear that you are quite discouraged 
with the prospect of the Portugal business. I cannot con- 
ceive why, precisely at the only moment when it has a good 
appearance. I could easily understand your disgust at the 
beginning, when all the predictions of Frankell failed; but 
now we have a chance. Bacon has succeeded so far as to 
obtain the names of the king and queen as patrons, which 
is an ample compensation for d'Ossuna. He has also the 
first names of Portugal ; and if we find difficulties as to 
procure the capitalist, we have a chance of joining with other 
companies. Bulwer told me again yesterday that he was 
anxious to make me meet Colonel Stopford, who has a great 
deal to do with a railroad in that direction, and who would, 
I think, join us. We have gained another great point, 
which is to have nothing to do with Spain, which is so dis- 
credited in England. Courage, mon ami ! run well and 
straight in distress, otherwise you would not be the real 
good, straightforward Tommy. 

Yours affectionately, D'ORSAY. 

P.S. I have heard from Bacon ; he will be here directly. 
Therefore we will judge soon of our position, present and 

It may be gathered from the last of these charac- 
teristic notes of Beau D'Orsay in the novel character 
of a man of business, that Mr. Duncombe began to 
appreciate the difficulties of the gigantic enterprise. 
Spain had a bad name in the share market, and a rail- 
road was likely to be looked upon as coldly as her 
stocks. Nor did Portugal at this time afford much 
promise of success for an undertaking that demanded 
a large capital and an enormous amount of labour. 
It is amusing to find the Count, who had nothing to 
lose by failure, encouraging his friend. 
. The scheme attracted general attention in Spain 


and Portugal as well as in England ; but there were 
persons who knew the governments of the peninsula 
well and could not help entertaining misgivings re- 
specting their cordial support. A project set on foot 
by foreign adventurers would naturally be regarded 
with suspicion by the ruling powers in both countries, 
unless these were quite satisfied that they might cal- 
culate on deriving from it some extraordinary advan- 
tage. It was therefore imperative to secure their co- 
operation, however extravagantly the company might 
be obliged to pay for it. 

We append communications from an eminent Por- 
tuguese merchant, and a well-known English traveller 
and litterateur, who, though they regarded the scheme 
from different points of view, evidently viewed it in 
the same light of practical common sense. 

Lisbon, July 19th, 1845. 

SIR, Having for many years given my attention and 
my capital to roads in this country, and having seen your 
name announced as one of the directors on a railway pro- 
posed to be constructed from Lisbon to Oporto, I take the 
liberty of addressing myself to you that you should have the 
goodness to give me any information that you may think 
meet thereon, for me to form my judgment of the enter- 
prise, and co-operate in it if I find that it can be accom- 

I presume that no one has the data that I may furnish 
on the general statistics of Portugal, having pursued the 
subject for many years, and could carry out your views with 
more efficiency, if they are earnest, and if it is not your con- 
descension alone that has engaged you to allow you to have 
your name placed on the list of directors. 

I speak with so much frankness, because I know from 
authority that Government will not lend its countenance to 
any scheme that may not rest on the most solid basis. The 

S 2 


other gentlemen who came here and have gone away, are 
aware of this. Of one of them, with whom I had the plea- 
sure to hold one or two conferences, I can assert it as a 
fact. Great care must be taken also with politics, and on 
which side you start, for if you join any body adverse to the 
party in power you will be only for your pains for the whole 
of your trouble. 

I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 


6, Salisbury-street, Strand, Friday. 

MY DEAR COUNT D'ORSAY, I read the letter, and return 
it. My opinions may be erroneous, but they remain un- 
changed. If the concessions be obtained, they must be got 
by money from a venal Government. The Obras Publicas 
obtained their privileges by very large empentros, bribes, and 
theirs were nominally exclusive privileges. 

They must be outbid and bought to get the Government 
to throw them over. All this is a hateful kind of language 
to me, but there is no other in which the real state of the 
case can be told. The whole question is with the Portuguese 
Government what party can be turned to most account. 

As to the injury done to the project represented by Gen. 

B by Col. Fitch, the statement of the foreman is quite 

correct, and I have little doubt so are his statements of the 
heavy expenditure in Lisbon. As to his exertions to effect 
the objects of the Company, they have been unremitting ; 
and if any similar exertions could have been successful, 
backed as they are by the favour of the Court and the 
patronage of Terceira, his ought to have been so. But the 
kingly power, the governmental power, are in the hands of 
the Cabrals, and all that power is exercised for one end to 
make a purse. 

If I can be of any use to you in Lisbon, command me at 
all times. In more than the ordinary sense of the words I 
would be most happy to be made useful to you. 
Yours ever, my dear Count, most faithfully, 



General Bacon having received his instructions pro- 
ceeded to Lisbon, where he immediately placed him- 
self in communication with the Government. A nar- 
rative of the progress of his mission will put the 
reader in possession of the history of the affair up to 
its date. 

Memorandum of the proceedings of General Bacon's mission 
to Lisbon, in June last, on the part of the Great Madrid 
and Lisbon Railway Company. 

Rusham House, Aug. 7th, 1845. 

I arrived in Lisbon on the 18th of June, and returned 
on Monday last, the 4th inst. 

On the day of my arrival I waited upon the President of 
the Council to inform his Excellency of the purport of my 
visit, and was received in the most nattering manner. 

On the following day I proceeded to Cintra to see Lord 
Howard de Walden, who had already exerted his influence 
in our favour, and with his lordship settled the terms of our 

On the 16th of the same month I attended a Council of 
Ministers, to deliver my proposals and credentials, and to 
explain the views of the Company. 

The proposals were most favourably received, and on the 
following day I attended their majesties' levee, and handed 
to the king a copy of the proposals. His majesty was 
pleased to give his sanction to the Company to use the 
royal patronage so soon as the necessary arrangements 
should be completed with the Government, and also to 
signify his intention of becoming a shareholder. 

In consequence of the Company's engineer not having 
arrived from Madrid, I was unable to define the proposed 
line, but on the 23rd the arrival of Mr. Emelie, after having 
completed his survey much to my satisfaction, enabled me 
first to examine the outlet from Lisbon and fix the terminus, 
and next to forward the engineer's report,* together with my 

* The report was forwarded to London. 


distinct offer upon the part of the Company to construct 
the line by the valley of the Tagus. This was done on 
the 25th. 

I was now opposed by the Obras Publicas Company ; 
but I had established such a sound footing that I had not 
much to fear, as the sequel will prove. To bring together 
the Government and Opposition party was the great de- 
sideratum ; and this difficulty, after much discussion, I at 
last succeeded in overcoming. 

The Obras Publicas Company neither has, nor ever had, 
any intention of constructing the railroad themselves ; their 
obligations are so extensive, that their whole nominal capital 
is insufficient to complete the works already undertaken ; 
their sole desire is to sell their pretended privilege.* 

Prior to the general election, they put forth a claim in 
virtue of their contract to make all public works, whether 
specified or not in their contract. This was. at once over- 
thrown in one of the many interviews I had with the direc- 
tors of that body, and they admitted that they only claimed 
a priority in the construction of the railway to the .Spanish 
frontier a loose wording ; and in consequence of the many 
proposals made to the Government for railways, the Obras 
Publicas Company was called upon to define their line. 
They asked time for their decision, and the Government has 
confined them to the left bank of the Tagus, thus leaving 
open the whole country between the Tagus and the Douro ; 
or, in a few words, confined them to their original proposal 
to construct a railway from Aldea Galleja to Badajoz. This 
is their undisputed right, provided the Government approves 
their estimates ; and I have no doubt that some arrange- 
ment is contemplated between them and the Central of 
Spain Company, for I know they have been in constant 
communication with one another, of which my letter would 
have apprised the directors. An understanding between the 
Central and our own company would have greatly facilitated 
my operations in Lisbon. 

I considered it right to send to Madrid to ascertain 

* Vide article in the Correio of the 2Cth July. 


whether the Spanish Government would entertain our pro- 
posals as regarded the project of constructing the whole line 
by the valley of the Tagus to Madrid ; but my overtures, 
although not refused, were received doubtfully ; in short, 
they depend upon the ability of the Central Company to 
perform their contract. It is thus clear that our proposal 
to make the railroad from Madrid to Lisbon is at present 

It is difficult to explain to persons unacquainted with the 
country the position of the Government of Portugal with 
regard to the various public companies, which, although 
having different objects in view, are all linked together for 
the purpose of getting the Government as much as possible 
in their power by means of loans of money. The forma- 
tion of some of these companies has been illegal, and the 
Government is desirous of shaking off its trammels ; but it 
has been so bound up with them, that previous to the 
general election no decided measures could be adopted. 
These being over, the Government is free to act. In com- 
pliance with the laws of the country, all public works must 
be subject to public, competition ; and the Government has 
decided to put forth the conditions upon which they are 
ready to receive tenders for the construction of railroads. 
These conditions were handed to me at a Council of Minis- 
ters, which I attended on the 13th ult. ; and after discussing 
some points, I received the positive assurance from all the 
Ministers that my proposals, as well as those of Mr. Clegg, 
would be accepted, so soon as the necessary forms were 
complied with ; but that at the same time I must bind my- 
self to construct the railroad to Oporto, to which I readily 

A meeting of the directors in Lisbon was called, and the 
noblemen and gentlemen whose names are in the footnote* 
having signed a paper accepting office, decided that Mr. 

* Duke of Terceira, Marquis of Louie, Viscount de Sa da Ban- 
deira, Baron de Barcolinhos, Don Miguel Ximenes, Sr. Fereira 
Pinto Bastos, Sr. Castro de Guimaraes, Sr. Costa Souza, Sr. Duarte 
Cordoyo de Sa. 


Duartc Cordoyo de S& should hold my powers of attorney, 
as my further presence in Lisbon for the moment was un- 
necessary, every point having been settled with the Govern- 
ment satisfactorily. The last five named are among the 
richest capitalists of Portugal ; and I am fully authorized to 
state that a very considerable portion of the capital will be 
subscribed in Portugal. 

I was led to believe by the projectors of our railway com- 
pany that an agent was established in Madrid, and that a 
Sen. Carvalho Silva, of Abrantes, was applying for conces- 
sions from the Portuguese Government. In the former 
capital no such agent ever appeared ; and in the latter no 
such person as M. Silva has ever made any offers whatever 
to the Government, for I have seen all the proposals. 

It would appear advisable to make some announcement 
to the shareholders ; but as my communications have been 
in some measure confidential, care must be taken not to 
compromise the Government or my friends in Lisbon. 

The line given to me from Lisbon to Oporto is to be 
carried by Thomar; and a clause is inserted giving to the 
company the option of constructing all branches and exten- 
sions. We have thus two-thirds of our originally proposed 
line to the Spanish frontier by the valley of the Tagus ; and 
my firm impression is that we shall have the concession for 
the line to the Spanish frontier, whether by the valley of 
the Tagus, or by crossing the river at Santarem to Badajoz. 

The title of our company must be changed, but cannot be 
decided until the extent of our lines is made known. 


General Bacon returned to England, but it does not 
appear that the enterprise turned out profitable to 
him. It is evident, however, that he had not ex- 
hausted his inclination for speculation, and was still 


Hermitage, November 10th, 1849. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, I have only now got your note 
of the 6th. The Lisbon water affair is going on with ; 


most of the arrangements are concluded with the Portuguese 
Government, the capital required is subscribed, and I hope 
to get such remuneration for all the anxiety and trouble the 
whole concern has caused as will repay a portion at least of 
the sums advanced by N. and yourself. You say I have 
paid nothing ; true, I have only taken 25/. of shares, but I 
borrowed 500/. when I last went to Lisbon, and a further 
sum of 200/., all of which was spent in furtherance of the 
objects, and both of which sums I must repay. It is an 
unlucky thing that the Portuguese Government did not 
conclude this arrangement when it was first offered ; I 
should then have had 20,0007. to divide amongst us, Craw- 
shay's own agreement with me ; the times are now altered. 

As soon as we are in a position to call for the money I 
will see you or let you know, and no time shall be lost in 
settling with Mapleson, Draper, &c. 

Believe me, sincerely yours, ANTHONY BACON. 

I have also another resource, from which I hope to be 
able to get money very shortly. 

Of all the forms of speculation that of iron railroads 
proved the most attractive: mines had lost their metallic 
interest, pearl fisheries had ceased to interest even the 
jewellers, canals seemed to be thought of by no one 
but as a convenient means of thinning the feline race, 
bridges were apparently produced exclusively for an 
anti-tollpaying population, banks appeared to be 
established only to break, cemeteries were opened as 
sepulchres for the broken-hearted directors in short, 
every kind of investment had become hopeless to the 
brokers on the Stock Exchange, when travelling by 
steam on an iron road at tremendous velocity and risk 
renewed the gambling mania that had in a preceding 
age produced the " South Sea bubble." 

Many of our readers must remember the magnifi- 
cent mansion by the handsomest entrance to Hyde 

266 MR. HUDSON. 

Park, to which the beau monde were invited ; and the 
equipages of those who responded to the appeal 
choked Knightsbridge almost to Piccadilly. The 
possessor of that edifice had become a member of the 
Imperial Parliament for an important constituency, 
and was said to hold in his hands the fortunes of half 
the English aristocracy. Never was there such an 
illustration of Mammon-worship since the invention 
of money. Almost every one who had available funds 
placed them at the disposal of the successful speculator, 
and seemed ready to worship him to propitiate his as- 
sistance for securing a tenfold return. 

When the folly had become in the highest degree 
frantic, a reaction commenced. The favourite invest- 
ments fell in the market, and the investors began to 
get ruined. The amount and extent of the losses in 
a short time attracted a large share of public at- 
tention. Inquiries were instituted and a suit com- 
menced against the railway potentate "The York 
and North-Midland Company v. Hudson " when his 
accounts were scrutinized. Among other items dis- 
allowed was the sum of 6300/. " in respect of shares 
stated by Mr. Hudson in his answer to have been 
distributed by him to certain persons of influence con- 
nected with the landed interest and Parliament for 
the purpose of securing their good offices in connexion 
with the operations of the railway company." Judg- 
ment was given against him, and the sum he was con- 
demned to refund was 54,590/. ! 

The charge which Mr. Hudson thought proper to 
bring againt members of the House of Commons was 
an apparent repetition on a smaller scale of the bribery 
practised by the promoters of the South Sea scheme ; 


but though the sum alleged to have been expended 
was considerably smaller, the excitement the accusa- 
tion produced was infinitely greater. Every member 
repudiated any knowledge of the transaction, and the 
storm of indignation the accuser created became so 
violent after the delivery of Mr. Duncombe's remarks, 
that Hudson was obliged to attempt something in the 
way of explanation a defence it could not be called. 
He had the effrontery to say that he had made no 
charge against any member of the House, and invited 
the most searching criticism from his cradle, to detect 
a discreditable action in the course of his career. 

No one had experienced the desire that very few 
had been able to resist, to a greater extent than the 
member for Finsbury ; but from different causes he 
had kept as much as possible out of the vortex into 
which his friends had been rushing. He was himself 
a Yorkshireman, and was therefore not likely to be 
indifferent to whatever offered such a cornucopia of ad- 
vantages to his native county as the iron roads that 
were to traverse the length and breadth of the shire ; 
but his own venture in them was small. Some of his 
friends had invested largely, and their losses probably 
induced him to look sharply after their seducer. The 
opportunity occurred that he had been waiting for, and 
he availed himself of it with his customary fearless- 
ness. In his place in the House of Commons he 
entered upon a thorough exposure. 

Mr. Duncombe's speech was circulated throughout 
the kingdom ; and among other comments, public and 
private, produced the following : 

HONOURED SIR, You have my and, I may say generally, 
the public thanks for bringing the conduct of that notorious 


man, George Hudson, before the House of Commons. 
Hudson, as no doubt you are aware, was a linendraper in 
York ; the firm was Hudson & Nicholson, or N. & H. 
When in this trade there was an old man of property, of 
the name I think of Botterill, who lived out by Monk Bar, 
not far from Hudson's shop, who had an only sister living 
between Burlington and Driffield upon a farm belonging to 
the ancient family of St. Quintin; she had a pretty large 
family. This sister was, I believe, about if not the only 
relation the old man had. The old man had a house- 
keeper, to whom, I have heard say, Hudson was in the 
habit of presenting from time to time a gown-piece, and 
that through this woman, Hudson wormed himself into 
favour with the old man, who by his will left Hudson all 
or the bulk of what he had. Among other things a valu- 
able farm of some hundreds a year at Hutton Cranswick, 
near to the market town of Driffield in Yorkshire : this 
farm Hudson sold to my Lord Londesborough. The old 
man left his relations nothing, or next to it, if anything, 
who were naturally disappointed. Hudson was in no way 
related to the old man. 

Hudson to talk about an investigation from his cradle to 
the present time, is an unblushing bounce. 

If you want to know anything further about Hudson 
you will, I believe, get every information from the editor of 
the Yorkshireman paper published in York. 

If you want anything further from me, for the present 
address A. Z., through the London Times. 

May success attend you honourable endeavours. 

Memorandum in Mr. Duncombe's handwriting : 

Posted at Leeds February 10th, 1854, and received Feb. 
llth. T. S. D. 

Mr. Duncombe's enterprising spirit was manifested 
in the share he took in the year 1855 in organizing a 
railway for Ceylon. Having arranged a company 
with Mr. "W. P. Andrews, chairman of the Scinde 


railway, and Mr. J. A. Yarrow as engineer, he ad- 
dressed his friend, Sir William Molesworth, then at 
the head of the Colonial Office ; from whom the 
next day he received a reply as under : 

Colonial Office, August 16th, 1855. 

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, I am inclined to look very favour- 
ably upon the establishment of railways in Ceylon, and will 
give the subject an early and careful consideration. 

Believe me, very truly yours, W. MOLESWORTH. 

T. Buncombe, Esq. 

The Colonial Secretary was at the time in had health, 
suffering apparently from overwork. He went into the 
country to recruit, and died soon after his arrival. 
Mr. Duncombe then applied to his successor, from 
whom he received the following communications : 

Colonial Office, November 29th, 1855. 

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, I have delayed answering 
your note about the Ceylon Railway of the 24th instant 
until I could find a little time to look into the question. 
It is obviously of the utmost consequence to the prosperity 
of that island to give it the benefit of this means of trans- 
porting its produce with as little delay as possible. I find 
that negotiations with another railway company have already 
made some progress ; still I shall be quite ready to listen to 
any observations or proposals which the gentlemen con- 
nected with the Scinde Railway Company may desire to 
make to me. If they will communicate with my private 
secretary I will appoint an early day for seeing them. 
Believe me always, very sincerely yours, 


Stoke Park, Slough. 

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, I assure you that I have not for- 
gotten your friends, but it is impossible to conduct 


railway matters (especially when you are acting for a 
distant colony) at a railway pace. 

What has occurred is this : I find that negotiations were 
going on with the Ceylon Railway Company when I came 
to the Colonial Office. I have desired certain questions to 
be put to them in order that I may learn what their pro- 
spects really are, and at the same time I have told them 
that I hold myself quite free to go to any other company 
if I think I shall do better for Ceylon in so doing, or 
make the railway in any other mode on behalf of the 
Colonial Government; in short, that I shall do the best 
I can for the colony. I have received a memorial signed 
by most of the merchants and planters in this country 
interested in Ceylon, urging me to make use of no railway 
company at all. 

In short, though I am most anxious not to delay this 
business more than I am obliged, it is one which obviously 
requires great care. 

Until I have received the answer of the Ceylon Company 
I see no use seeing your friends, but I will take care that 
they shall be informed whenever the business is in a state 
which will enable me to ask them to come to me. 

Ever yours sincerely, H. LABOUCHERE. 

The rival speculation, " The Ceylon Railway Com- 
pany," issued a prospectus, with the names of directors 
and engineers, and mentioned their communication 
with the Government with so much confidence that the 
projectors of the new company thought it most 
prudent to abandon their undertaking. Nothing could 
have been more unfortunate for the enterprise than 
the death of Sir William Moleswortli; much more 
reliance being placed on his shrewd, straightforward 
intelligence, than could be bestowed upon the dilatory 
habits and crotchety ideas of his successor. 

Mr. Duncombe now seems to have had enough 
of such enterprises ; he ceased to interest himself 
about them. 




Case of Lieut.-Col. Bradley Mr. Brougham's account of it in a 
letter to Mr. Buncombe Place the tailor Want of interest at 
the Horse Guards Career of another soldier of fortune 
Lieut.-Col. Lothian Dickson Commissioner at the Cape of 
Good Hope Harsh Treatment by Lord Grey Deprived of his 
appointment Appointed Lieut. -Colon el of the Tower Hamlets 
Militia Dismissed at the complaint of Lord Wilton He 
appeals to Mr. Duncombe Court of Enquiry Case of Dickson 
v. Wilton Letters of Eight Honourable S. H. Walpole and 
T. S. Duncombe Verdict and damages Correspondence 
between the Earl of Derby and Mr. Duncombe Lord Comber- 
mere Mr. Duncombe presents a petition to the House of Com- 
mons Court of Enquiry on Lord Wilton Lieut.-Col. Dickson 
withdraws his charges Terms of settlement Mr. Duncombe 
declines further interference Lieut.-Col. Dickson publishes his 
charges against Lord Wilton H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge. 

THOUGH a civilian, Mr. Duncombe felt so deep an 
interest in the service to which he had belonged, that 
he was peculiarly sensitive to any wrong done a 
brother officer. This made him ready to accept the 
advocacy of any one who considered himself wronged; 
and a zealous and powerful advocate he was sure to 
become. The first case he took up was that of Lieut.- 
Colonel Bradley, who had had a misunderstanding 
with a senior officer in the service, while under 
the impression that the latter had been reduced to 
half-pay ; and had been placed under arrest. He peti- 


tioned the House of Commons, and made out a strong 
case ; but the most acceptable account of it we now 
lay before the reader from a most trustworthy source. 

Berkeley-square, July 28th, 1855. 

MY DEAR BUNCOMBE, Lieut.-Colonel Bradley has put 
into my hands a report of a debate in which it is repre- 
sented, I suppose inaccurately, that he " had been treated 
with singular lenity rather than harshness," and that " a 
merciful disposition had been indulged in towards him," 
which, had a court-martial been demanded, could not have 
been shown, and that " his conduct was a violation of all 
military discipline." 

To those who were this most gallant, unfortunate, and 
injured gentleman's counsel, such information appears truly 
extraordinary. There never was a dissentient voice in the 
court, I may say, or at the bar on either side, when his 
cause was tried at Guildhall before the late Chief Justice, 
and afterwards on the motion for a new trial, upon the 
question of his intentions, nor upon the question whether or 
not he was, even if in a strict legal view wrong, he had not 
been worthy of the deepest commiseration. No man 
affected to doubt that he acted from the purest motives. 
He firmly believed that Colonel Arthur was assuming the 
command without any right whatever, and up to this hour 
it is my belief that no authority has been produced. 

There were some nice points of military rule and etiquette 
gone into, and something like a case was attempted to be 
made for Colonel Arthur having some authority. I still 
much more than doubt it. The court, to the best of my 
recollection, was not satisfied with it, and he obtained a 
verdict upon one part of his case. Whether he has ever 
received the amount, or even his costs of the action, I know 
not. For a long time he had not, because Colonel A. 
had been appointed to a foreign station, and the rule of 
Government is to defend its officers in court, but not to pay 
either costs or damages when the verdict passes against 
them, a rule which, though hard on the unsuccessful party, is 


founded on reason ; only that it ought to be coupled 
with another, viz., not to employ and send abroad officers 
against whom verdicts pass, and if they should be abroad 
when the decision is pronounced, either to recall them 
or to make them pay the costs of their former mis- 

Now, if Colonel Arthur acted without authority, Lieut.- 
Colonel Bradley, so far from violating all discipline, was 
bound by every rule of discipline to act as he did. Of this 
there can be no doubt. Colonel Arthur's not choosing to 
produce his authority, if he had one, gives rise to another 
question, namely, whether or not Lieut.-Colonel Bradley had 
a right to disregard his assertion and consider him uncom- 
missioned ? And there is another question still, namely, 
whether he might not take the risk on himself of acting 
as if Colonel Arthur had no authority, none being pro- 
duced ? How these points were decided at the trial or 
afterwards in court I cannot tell, for I find no report of 
the very full argument which occupied the court for two 
days, or nearly so. But of this I am quite certain, that 
every one considered Lieut.-Colonel Bradley, if wrong at 
all, to be merely so upon a most rigorous, not to say 
harsh, construction of a very nice and unsettled point, and 
that nothing like substantial blame could attach to his 

That he has been most unfortunate ; that his case was 
one peculiarly fitted for lenity, even if the point of law was 
against him ; that no lenity has been shown towards him, I 
believe no one at all acquainted with the case can for a 
moment doubt. 

I suppose from the expression he may have been allowed 
the price of his commission. If it be so I also am sure 
than an officer of his distinguished services may well be 
excused for not considering that a very adequate compensa- 
tion for the utter ruin of all his prospects in his profession, 
especially when we have seen so many instances of others 
who had been guilty of worse, at least of much more 
unquestionable breaches of discipline, restored to the service 



even after a court has pronounced their conduct not to have 
been strictly according to the rules of the service. 

Believe me, very sincerely yours, H. BROUGHAM.* 

I must repeat that when his case was tried the expres- 
sions of all men, of all parties, at the bar were loud and 
unanimous that Lieut.-Colonel Bradley^s was a case of 
singular hardship, even if the point of law was against him, 
upon which there was a very great difference of opinion. 

It appears from this able and impartial " summing 
up" by one of the soundest lawyers and most philo- 
sophical thinkers of his age, that the Lieut.-Colonel 
had been sharply dealt with. He had been led into, 
by somewhat questionable means, the commission of a 
breach of discipline, and been punished with dismissal 
from the service. He appears to have been recom- 
mended to Mr. Duncombe by a rather celebrated 
political character, familiarly known as " Place, the 
tailor," a man of considerable ability, much esteemed 
by Sir Francis Burdett and the early Reformers. He 
wrote many political pamphlets, and was a contributor 
to the Westminster Review. 

July 5th, 1835. 

DEAR SIR, Colonel Bradley having told me that he has 
had an interview with you and is to have another, I have 
taken the liberty to say that I have known Colonel Bradley 
from the commencement of his troubles, am acquainted 
with all his proceedings of every kind relating to his case, 
and am satisfied he has been very unjustly treated. 

I, with every one who has taken an interest in the 
concerns of this gentleman, will be greatly obliged by your 
interference in his behalf. 

Yours, &c. FRANCIS PLACE. 

Thomas S. Duncombe, Esq. 

* Lord Brougham and Vaux. 


It is evident, from allegations in the petition that 
have never been contradicted, that Lieut.-Colonel 
Bradley, for refusing to attend a court of inferior 
officers, was kept in confinement for 312 days; 
and then the Duke of York allowed him to sell his 
commission for 2600/. There seems reason to believe 
that the officer of whom he complained had no authority 
at the time to place him under arrest, but was sub- 
sequently supplied with a commission by favour. The 
other having no interest, though a deserving officer, 
was broken and dismissed. 

Mr. Duncombe could be of little service in such a 
case. Although he possessed some interest in the 
Horse Guards, as the breach of discipline had been 
committed, and the offender had received a fair price 
for his forfeited rank, the authorities there considered 
he had been treated leniently. 

The next case is equally arbitrary. 

The career of a soldier of fortune is sometimes 
a chequered one, even in cases of particular military 
talent, and Lothian Sheffield Dickson, when he 
entered the army in 1825, ought to have been 
prepared for the usual vicissitudes of aspirants 
for promotion without influence. Notwithstand- 
ing this drawback, he did not fare so badly, for 
when he proceeded to the East Indies he became 
aide-de-camp to General Sir Lionel Smith. Though 
he saw active service in the Deccan and before 
Kalipore in the 2nd or Queen's Eoyals, he left 
India, in consequence of ill-health, two years later, 
with the highest recommendations of his general 
and lieutenant-colonel. In 1829 we find him serving 
as lieutenant in the 51st Eegiment, and later as 

T 2 


adjutant at the depot of the same regiment. In 
1835 he joined Sir De Lacy Evans's auxiliary force 
in Spain, having raised the 7th Regiment of the 
Legion, of which he received the command, and in 
1837 was gazetted to the 77th. After this he 
retired on half-pay. In the year 1842 he ob- 
tained the appointment of civil commissioner and 
resident magistrate in the Cape of Good Hope. 
Having served three years, he procured leave of 
ahsence and returned to England. He memorialized 
the Government for employment at home in con- 
sequence of the ill-health of his wife preventing 
her residing in Africa, and received encouraging 
assurances from Lord Stanley and Mr. Gladstone; 
but unfortunately for him a change of Government 
took place, and the civil commissioner on making 
his appeal to the new Colonial Secretary, Earl 
Grey, was refused. He memorialized the Queen; 
but as the memorial had to go through the hands of 
the Liberal Colonial Secretary, no notice was taken of 
it : moreover, his Cape appointment was filled up, his 
leave of absence having expired. Thereupon he 
printed a pamphlet, with his correspondence and tes- 
timonials, as an attack upon Lord Grey, and endea- 
voured to get into Parliament, associated with the 
Marquis of Douro, to join the Opposition, but failed. 

The member for Finsbury, as we have already 
shown, was a general resource to those who felt them- 
selves aggrieved ; but a case was now submitted to 
his good offices that his strong sense of justice obliged 
him to support, though in opposition to one of his 
warmest friends. 

In the year 1846 the displaced civil commissioner 


was appointed by the Commander-in-Chief (Duke of 
Wellington) to the majority of the second regiment 
of the Tower Hamlets Militia, and in 1855 was pro- 
moted by his successor, Lord Combermere, to be its 
lieutenant-colonel. In the spring of 1858 accusations 
were brought against him by his colonel, Lord Wilton, 
of alleged mismanagement of the regimental expendi- 
ture, and the commander-in-chief wrote a request to 
the Secretary at War (General Peel) to have him re- 
moved : his colonel having written to Lord Comber- 
mere a statement of the causes that had induced his 
lordship to desire this. 

On the 17th of July, 1858, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dickson called on Mr. Duncombe and stated his case, 
and it appeared so flagrant a violation of justice, that 
two days later he in his place in the House of Com- 
mons addressed a question to the Secretary at War on 
the subject. General Peel replied that Lieutenant- 
Colonel Dickson, in consequence of certain accusa- 
tions heard before a regimental court of inquiry, had 
been invited to resign his commission, but had de- 
clined so doing. "It is therefore my intention," he 
added, " to appoint a military board to inquire fur- 
ther into the charges which had been made against 
that officer." 

Three officers, one being president (Colonel Frank- 
lin), assembled at the War Office on the llth of 
August for this purpose. Their proceedings appear 
to have been a make-believe, omitting everything that 
would have rendered the pretended inquiry a real one. 
They concluded on the 28th. 

The previous court had been formed of three of his 
junior officers in the regiment : a very improper ar- 


rangement, as they would all secure promotion by 
getting the lieutenant- colonel dismissed. Their report, 
as we have said, was adverse, and each got a step 
in rank. 

In November, 1858, Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson 
commenced legal proceedings against his colonel for a 
libel contained in certain letters. In the same month 
Mr. Duncombe wrote to General Peel in the character 
of a peacemaker to have a few minutes' conversation 
"respecting this very unpleasant and every-day- 
becoming-more-serious affair ; as it really appears to 
me," he added, " that in bringing down your pigeon 
you will assuredly kill your crow." 

An appointment was made, but owing to a severe 
attack of illness Mr. Duncombe was prevented from 
keeping it for several days. He then placed several 
documents in the hands of the minister ; these were 
shortly afterwards returned, with the intimation that 
Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson would be superseded by 
Major Walker, the junior officer who had conducted 
the first inquiry. In communicating this result, Mr. 
Duncombe expressed to Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson a 
very strong opinion on the treatment he had received. 
He also had the following correspondence with the 
Eight Hon. Mr. Walpole : 

9, Grafton-street, November 10th, 1858. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, I have spoken to General Peel 
about Colonel Dickson's case, and he hardly consented to 
postpone yesterday's Gazette until he had made some further 
inquiries about it. 

He now tells me that while a regiment of militia is in a 
disembodied state, it is impossible by law to have a court- 
martial ; that the usual course under such circumstances is 


to appoint an officer or officers to make an inquiry into the 
facts ; that this has been done in the present instance, and 
I rather believe at your suggestion, and that the result of 
the inquiry is so unfavourable that he cannot do otherwise 
than recommend the appointment of some one else in his, 
Colonel Dickson's, place. 

The only paper which I have read is Colonel Douglas's 
report, and I must say it is an uncommonly strong one, and 
the facts there referred to, if they are true, appear to me 
to leave to General Peel no other alternative than that 
which his duty has constrained him to take. 

Yours ever, very sincerely, S. H. WALPOLE. 

57, Cambridge-terrace, November llth, 1858. 

MY DEAR MR. WALPOLE, Very many thanks to you for 
the trouble you have so kindly taken in this painful affair 
between " Wilton and Dickson " you can do no more, and 
when Parliament meets I shall move for all the papers con- 
nected with it, and then the world will judge who is to 

You are quite right in saying that I suggested an inquiry, 
but then I never dreamt that it could be conducted in so 
one-sided and unfair a manner as the present, the accuser 
not only declining to appear, but even his letters (which 
I have seen), and which would be a justification of the 
accused, not allowed to be put in. 

As to Colonel Douglas's report upon the proceedings, &c., 
upon which you say General Peel has acted, such report in 
a question of justice is valueless, because the proceedings 
upon which such report is based are valueless, and other 
officers of high rank have seen all the papers, with the re- 
jected correspondence, and have come to a totally different 

Colonel Dickson will of course now take what course he 
thinks proper; but I suppose, in the interim, the weakest 
must go to the wall. 

Believe me, yours ever faithfully, T. S. D. 


At the Court of Queen's Bench on the 10th of 
February, 1859, came on the trial of Dickson v. 
Wilton, which lasted five days. Lord Campbell in 
summing up made some stringent remarks on the 
constitution of the regimental court of inquiry, and 
the "inquiry" at the War Office. The jury gave a 
verdict in favour of the plaintiff, damages 205/.* 

A second action was preferred against the officer who 
had succeeded him in the lieutenant-colonelcy of 
the regiment. Here a verdict was given in favour of 
the plaintiff, with nominal damages and a withdrawal 
of all imputations. 

Having succeeded thus far, Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dickson now applied to his colonel for restoration to 
his rank. This was refused. The leading journals 
in their comments on the trial were extremely severe 
upon the system that could sanction the injustice 
which had then been brought to light. Not half of 
it, however, had yet been disclosed. 

The member for Finsbury was determined to leave 
no stone unturned to get justice done. He appealed 
to the Prime Minister ; with what effect may be seen 
in the following correspondence : 

Knowsley, December 31st, 1858. 

DEAR SIR, In a correspondence which has been pub- 
lished in almost all the papers of yesterday by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Dickson (with what propriety at the present moment 
I do not stop to inquire), I find the following paragraph in 
a letter from you to him : " No officer's commission is safe 
when, to screen the neglect on the part of others, that 
commission is unscrupulously assailed by the favoured in- 
fluences of Grosvenor and St. James Vsquares." May I 

* Heavy damages were expected. The solicitor engaged in the 
case wrote to Mr. Buncombe 9th of February : " If we get a 
verdict the amount will be large" 


ask if by this last expression it is intended to convey an 
impression that I had any part in the transactions to which 
it refers ? I hope that I may receive from you an un- 
equivocal negative. Indeed, my only reason for asking the 
question is, that considering my near relationship to Lord 
Wilton, I can put no other construction on your allusion to 
the " influences of Grosvenor and St. James's- squares." 
Otherwise I should have been most unwilling to believe 
that your ideas and mine of what is due from one gentle- 
man to another should be so widely at variance as that you 
should feel yourself justified in attributing to me gratui- 
tously, and without the slightest shadow of evidence, par- 
ticipation in proceedings which, whether rightly or wrongly, 
you characterize as " unscrupulous." Of those proceedings 
the only information that I possess is derived from a ten 
minutes' conversation with General Peel, a few days before 
the date of your letter, when he felt it to be his duty to 
communicate to me, as the head of the Government, the 
decision he had formed and the course he had pursued in 
reference to a case with regard to which I was in such 
entire ignorance, that I either had never heard or had 
utterly forgotten that there was any question pending 
between Lord Wilton and Colonel Dickson. I can readily 
imagine that you did not intend your letter to Colonel 
Dickson to be made public ; but if it conveys the impression 
to which I have referred I am quite sure that your sense of 
gentlemanlike feeling will lead you to make the contra- 
diction as public as has been, by no act of yours, the im- 
putation itself. 

I have the honour to be, dear Sir, yours faithfully, 

T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Cambridge-terrace, January 1st, 1859. 

DEAR LORD DERBY, I have the honour to acknowledge 
the receipt of your letter of yesterday's date, and, in reply 
to your question whether, in the sentence of a letter ad- 
dressed by me to Colonel Dickson on the llth of last 
month, I intended to convey an impression that you had 
any participation in the proceedings to which it refers I 


can unequivocally assure you that I did not, and I think, if 
you will read the paragraph complained of in connexion 
with my previous remarks upon the court of inquiry, you 
will at once acquit me of any such intention or desire to 
give you pain. When I alluded to " Grosvenor and St. 
Jameses-squares/' that I had " the Prime Minister ' : in my 
mind I do not deny, and, therefore, somewhat in my 
opinion resembled the court of inquiry, which, from what 
I hear from those who witnessed its extraordinary proceed- 
ings, led them to suppose that its object was more to gain 
the influence and favour of those distinguished localities 
than to do justice to one whose commission, I still maintain, 
has been unscrupulously assailed and unjustly withdrawn. 
If, however, I have, in my published letter to Colonel 
Dickson, expressed myself ambiguously and given you pain, 
I much regret it, and you are at perfect liberty to make 
public this correspondence. As to the propriety of the 
unhappy moment when the letters in question have appeared 
in the papers, I must not be held responsible for their publi- 
cation, as I can truly assure you that no one more sincerely de- 
plores the loss of your lamented relative than I do, from whom 
I had through life universally received regard and kindness. 
I have the honour to be, dear Lord Derby, 

faithfully yours, T. S. DUNCOMBE. 
The Right Hon. the Earl of Derby, &c., Knowsley. 

Knowsley, January 2nd, 1859. 

DEAR SIR, While I thank you for the friendly tone of 
your explanatory letter of yesterday, and for your un- 
equivocal assurance that you did not intend to impute to 
me any participation in proceedings which you so strongly 
condemn, I am compelled to say that I cannot look upon it 
as entirely satisfactory, for you admit that in the expressions 
used you had " the Prime Minister " in your mind, and that 
you meant to convey that " the object of the court of 
inquiry was more to gain the influence and favour of those 
distinguished localities, Grosvenor and St. Jameses-squares, 
than to do justice." Surely you cannot fail to perceive that 


this conveys an impression that I had some personal interest 
in the decision of a case of which I knew nothing, and that 
my favour and influence, as a Minister, were to be pro- 
pitiated by taking a particular course, irrespective of the 
demands of justice. I feel confident the court of inquiry 
(I do not even know how it was composed) never allowed 
such an idea to enter the minds of its members, and I 
cannot but think that on reflection you will yourself feel 
that any allusion to my name and position in reference to 
this matter was gratuitous and uncalled for. As, however, 
I am not fond of referring personal questions to the news- 
papers, I shall, while thanking you for the permission to 
make our correspondence public, decline to avail myself of 
it, and shall leave the matter in your hands, to take any 
step or none at all, as your own sense of honour may 
dictate to you. I am gratified by the terms in which you 
refer to Lady Wilton, and you are aware that I wholly 
acquitted you of any share of responsibility for the time 
selected for the publication of these papers. 

I have the honour to be, dear Sir, yours faithfully, 

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Cambridge-terrace, January 3rd, 1859. 

DEAR LORD DERBY, As I consider (after the publication 
of my letter to Colonel Dickson, and the inferences that may 
possibly be drawn from it) your disclaimer of all knowledge of 
the composition or proceedings of the court of inquiry, so 
honourable to yourself, that it would be unjust to you in 
your position to leave the matter in any sort of doubt, I will, 
with your leave by return of post, take upon myself the 
publication of our entire correspondence ; as, in consideration 
of Colonel Dickson's interests, I could not with propriety 
make public my own individual explanation of your per- 
sonal complaint. 

I have the honour to be, dear Lord Derby, 

yours faithfully, T. S. DUNCOMBE. 

To the Right Hon. the Earl of Derby, &c. 


Knowsley, January 4th, 1859. 

MY DEAR SIR, I cannot, of course, object to your pub- 
lication of our correspondence, if you think that the best 
mode of removing the erroneous impression which your letter 
of the llth appeared to me to convey. It must, however, 
be distinctly understood that in disclaiming any participation 
in the course taken either by Lord Wilton or the committee 
of inquiry I do not adopt your views respecting it, nor 
impute any impropriety to either one or the other. 

I am, dear Sir, yours faithfully, DERBY. 

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Lady Combermere in referring to the trial has per- 
mitted her affectionate solicitude for the veteran field- 
marshal to give an air of exaggeration to her statement.* 
That Lord Combermere did not consider himself un- 
fairly treated during his examination is evident from 
his subsequently sending Mr. Edwin James an invita- 
tion to Combermere Abbey on learning that he was 
staying in the neighbourhood. There can be no ques- 
tion that his lordship was remarkably amiable, the 
record of his long and honourable career establishes 
this beyond the possibility of doubt ; but when com- 
mander-in -chief, though he acknowledged that he 
could make neither head nor tail of Lord Wilton's 
accusations against Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, he 
deprived the latter of his commission, and laid himself 
open to a charge of undue severity. 

The Times in a leading article thus summed up the 
merits of the case : 

As soon as time has been given to ascertain if the de- 
cision is to be a final one, it is to be presumed that this 

* " Memoirs and Correspondence of Field-Marshal Viscount 
Combermere, G.C.B.," vol. ii. p. 340. 


officer's reinstatement in his military position will follow as 
a matter of course. If not, General Peel must inform the 
world what are his grounds for differing from a verdict 
which a jury have brought in under the direction of the 
Chief-Justice. If Lord "Wilton's declarations and expres- 
sions were, as the jury have declared them to be, false and 
slanderous, Colonel Dickson has as good a right to be in the 
army as General Peel. If not, the truth must be shown." 

Mr. Buncombe gave his ill-used client a last chance 
for securing justice by presenting a petition from him 
to the House of Commons in the month of June, 
1859, stating his complaint and praying for a fair 

Certain facts having, as he alleged, come to the 
knowledge of Lieut.-Col. Dickson, he in his turn de- 
manded a court of inquiry on Lord Wilton. He 
engaged Mr. Edwin James as his counsel, when the 
application was granted. This investigation excited in- 
finitely more interest than the preceding, for it had 
become known that charges of a peculiar character 
were about to be preferred against the earl, and that 
among the witnesses to be examined were the Mar- 
chioness of Westminster, the Dowager Marchioness of 
Aylesbury, and Major- General Peel. The members 
of the court being of a higher standing suggested 
more important revelations. This court assembled 
on the 4th of June, at the Horse Guards, and con- 
sisted of Brigadier-General Russell (president), with 
Colonel Sir Alfred Horsford and Colonel Parke. In- 
tense was the excitement with which the public 
waited this third trial ; still more intense was their 
disappointment when at the commencement of the 
proceedings Lieut.-Col. Dickson handed to the presi- 


dent a written statement signed by him, that in com- 
pliance with an arrangement entered into between 
Mr. Edwin James, on behalf of the Earl of Wilton, 
and Mr. Duncombe acting for himself (Lieut. -Col. 
Dickson) he had withdrawn the charges he had pre- 
ferred against his lordship. 

He also forwarded the following communication 
to Lord Combermere, as well as his Eoyal Highness 
the Duke of Cambridge, and the Hon. Sidney 
Herbert : 

10, Stanhope-terrace, Hyde-park, W., 4th June, 1860. 

MY LORD, I have the honour to inform your lordship 
that I have this day considered it my duty to withdraw 
the charges I have preferred against Colonel the Earl of 
Wilton, in consequence of those charges having been fully 
and satisfactorily explained to Mr. Duncombe, M.P., on 
my part, and Mr. Edwin James, M.P., on the part of 
Lord Wilton ; to which gentlemen we agreed to refer the 
case. I have the honour to be, my lord, 

Your obedient humble servant, 

Deputy Lieut., and late Lieut.-Col. 

2nd Tower Hamlets Militia. 
F. M. Viscount Combermere, G.C.H., &c. 

This extraordinary result took every one as usual by 
surprise, as did the announcement that Lieut.-Col. 
Dickson's counsel had left his client and gone over 
to the other side ; but the chapter of surprises was far 
from exhausted. According to the lieutenant-colonel's 
statement, in one of his pamphlets, " he was advised 
to place himself unreservedly in the hands of Mr. 
Duncombe," which he did; and Mr. Edwin James 
having been accepted as the representative of Lord 


Wilton, the following terms of settlement were 
agreed to : 

first. That the lieutenant-colonel acknowledges having 
placed his case in the hands of Mr. Duncombe ; and Mr. 
Duncombe having recommended him to withdraw his charges 
against Lord Wilton, he shall go before the court of inquiry 
and do so. 

Second. The referees, on behalf of Lord Wilton, under- 
take to use their best efforts with the authorities of the 
War-office and the Horse Guards to restore to Lieut.-Col. 
Dickson the position he has lost in his profession, and 
endeavour to obtain for him some employment consistent 
with his former rank. 

Third. Lieut.-Colonel Dickson having incurred a large 
expense arising out of the disputes and charges against him, 
Mr. Duncombe has represented this to Mr. Edwin James, 
who has agreed on Lord Wilton's behalf to pay Colonel 
Dickson 6007. upon the arrangement being carried out. 

After signing this, the referees put an addendum 

If any publication appears connected with the charges, 
this arrangement is null and void. 

The first part of this treaty was carried out, as we have 
seen ; the third article was performed on the 14th of 
June, when the lieutenant-colonel gave a receipt for a 
cheque for 600/. handed to him by Mr. Edwin James. 
The completion of the agreement by the fulfilment of 
the second article Lieut.-Colonel Dickson waited for 
in vain. Mr. Duncombe remonstrated against Lord 
Wilton's delay, and on the 8th of November, 1860, 
suggested that Lord Wilton should write letters to 
the Commander-in-Chief and to the Secretary at War, 
recommending the lieutenant-colonel's restoration to 
his rank. His lordship did nothing of the kind. Mr. 
Edwin James at last (December 12th) stated his 


client's reluctance to adopt the plan suggested, and 
his own determination to withdraw from further 
intervention. Mr. Duncombe enclosed the communi- 
cation the next day, considering it very satisfactory ; 
and declined further interference. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, now left to his own 
resources, threatened to publish the charges he had 
withdrawn, which brought another negotiator on the 
scene in the person of Mr. Wyld, M.P., of Charing- 
cross, who represented himself as being authorized to 
offer a material guarantee of 5000/. for fulfilling pro- 
posals then made. Lord Wilton repudiated the nego- 
tiation ; and Lieut. -Colonel Dickson then published a 
shilling pamphlet, bearing the title, " Why he Did It," 
in which he printed the withdrawn charges which in 
his letters to the Duke of Cambridge, Lord Com- 
bermere, and the Hon. Sidney Herbert, M.P., he had 
acknowledged to have been " fully and satisfactorily 

As Mr. Duncombe prudently declined further inter- 
ference in a quarrel he found it impossible to adjust, 
we cannot do better than imitate that proceeding. We 
refrain, therefore, from following the lieutenant-colonel 
into the scandals he thought proper to make public. 
A careful 1 perusal of the unperformed article of the 
agreement will satisfy every unprejudiced mind that 
Lord Wilton was not bound to fulfil it, even if he had 
the power, which is doubtful. It only binds the 
referees to use their " best efforts" for Lieut. -Colonel 
Dickson's restoration, and to endeavour "to obtain 
him fitting employment." 

There can be no doubt that both Mr. Duncombe 
and Mr. Edwin James were aware that the conditions 


they had agreed to did not enable them to go beyond 
employing their best efforts, and endeavouring, &c. 
This having been done, the affair was at an end as 
far as they were concerned. The responsibility of 
the publication rests entirely with the author. 

In 1859 Lieut.-Colonel Dickson was a candidate 
for Marylebone, and requested Mr. Duncornbe's 
recommendation to the electors. He gave it (on the 
understanding that none of his own friends were 
going to start), to the extent of answering a letter 
asking " What sort of a character you give the gal- 
lant colonel." The candidate then put forward an 
address to the electors, followed by a memorandum 
suggesting liberal support and early attendance at the 
poll, signed " Thomas S. Buncombe, M.P., chairman," 
unauthorized by Mr. Duncombe, who several days 
before had addressed a letter to him recommending 
his withdrawal, as he had no chance of being re- 
turned.* The result confirmed these anticipations, 
Lord Fermoy securing a majority of nearly four to one 
over Dickson. 

We are afraid from the revelations made at the 
trial that the 2nd Regiment of Tower Hamlets militia 
was but indifferently officered, and that while it was 
embodied but little was done by either subalterns 
or field officers to render it effective beyond the ordi- 

* In a letter dated " Cambridge-terrace, Hyde-park, June 28th," 
he concluded : " I must earnestly recommend you, therefore, not 
to prolong a canvass, or persevere in a contest which can only 
terminate in either a ruinous outlay or great disappointment." 
The whole of this letter was subsequently published, followed by 
the result of the poll, which proved the soundness of the writer's 



nary playing at soldiers had recourse to on such occa- 
sions. The mess seems to have been the chief source 
of interest, and jollifications at Woolwich or Cremorne 
the principal service thought of. That the mess 
accounts, therefore, should get into confusion was to 
be expected; but this did not justify Colonel Lord 
Wilton in accusing Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson of 
mismanagement and defalcation, nor in ordering a 
court of inquiry of juniors to try their superior officer ; 
nor did it justify Lord Combermere because, as the 
commander-in-chief acknowledged, he could make 
neither head nor tail of the colonel's charges in 
causing the lieutenant-colonel to be dismissed the 
service. No one could blame Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dickson, under such circumstances, in bringing his 
action against Lord Wilton. 

The only thing really surprising in the affair is the 
inadequacy of the damages awarded by the jury. So 
miserable a compensation for professional ruin could 
not be regarded at the Horse Guards as entitling an 
officer, thus as it were imperfectly acquitted, to 
restoration to rank : nor could it oblige the colonel 
to insist on such an amende honorable. A. shrewd 
lawyer like Mr. Edwin James could not have been 
unaware of this himself, or have neglected to repre- 
sent it to his co-referee ; and this view of the case 
must have made Mr. Duncombe follow Mr. James's 
example in washing his hands of the affair. 

While it was in progress the Government wisely 
placed his Eoyal Highness the Duke of Cambridge at 
the head of the military administration of the country. 
Never had a change in this important department 
been so necessary j and it was not long before the 


British army, as well as the kingdom generally, felt 
the advantage of it. His Eoyal Highness, with 
characteristic energy, devoted himself to the arduous 
and responsible employment he accepted, and laboured 
with such zeal and earnestness of purpose that the con- 
fusion and feebleness which had distinguished that 
branch of the public service since the commencement 
of the Crimean war, were superseded by a system 
more worthy of one of the great European powers. 

The Duke's profound interest in the service was 
established by his unremitting endeavours to elevate 
it in public estimation. If anything could be more 
praiseworthy than his exertions in this direction, as 
pre-eminently for the advantage of the men as for that 
of their officers, it must be found in his solicitude for 
their moral and intellectual advancement. Under the 
auspices of his Eoyal Highness the position of the 
well-conducted private has become vastly improved, 
quite as much so as that of the non-commissioned 
officers ; while members of the middle and upper 
classes entering the army have found that the Queen's 
commission has secured them a social status equally 
honourable with that conferred by admission into the 
most favoured professions. 

His labours in behalf of the soldier's widow or 
orphan equally deserve recognition in truth, in 
every way his Eoyal Highness has earned the title of 
" The Soldier's Friend." Moreover, his readiness of 
access, his urbanity, his attention to the reasonable 
complaints and desires of even the humblest subaltern, 
render him as popular among the officers as his kind- 
ness of heart has made him popular with the men. 

It must not be forgotten that while his Eoyal 

u 2 


Highness has been thus establishing the efficiency of 
the regular army, he has afforded a cordial and en- 
lightened encouragement to the Volunteer system. 
To the readiness with which he gave all his influence 
to that patriotic movement, may be attributed the 
development it has received. His example put a stop 
to all display of professional jealousy, and created 
that kindly interest in the volunteers which the 
officers of the army, much to their honour, invariably 

The Duke's services in the field will not be forgotten 
by his country; though its attention has of late 
years been engrossed by the national importance of 
those in the Cabinet. As an administrator and 
director of the military department of this empire his 
Eoyal Highness stands nearer to the illustrious Wel- 
lington than any commander-in-chief who has suc- 
ceeded him at the Horse Guards. 

We have only to add that, for an unusually long 
period, the Duke of Cambridge remained one of the 
warmest friends of Mr. Duncombe ; who invariably 
expressed the highest opinion of his Eoyal Highness's 
private as well as of his public character. 




Brief communication from Paris Hostility among the Republicans 
created by the Emperor's restoration of the Pope Attempt at 
Assassination Captain Felix Orsini The French Colonels 
Complaints of M. Persigny to the English Government " Con- 
spiracy to Murder Bill " Mr. Buncombe defends the Emperor 
in the House of Commons An indignant radical The Duke 
of Brunswick's unrivalled bracelet "L. N. Paris Notes" 
The Jersey Revolutionists and "1'Homme" Catalogue of the 
Brunswick diamonds The Duke sends for his Will Mr. Dun- 
combe returns it The Duke's valet absconds with diamonds 
Bursting of the bubble Imperial disappointments. 

THE Queen went to Paris this year to return the 
Emperor and Empress's visit. Mr. Duncombe had 
few communications from Paris ; there was nothing 
of importance going on there, therefore there 
nothing to write about. The emperor seemed to 
be absorbed in carrying out a grand design for the 
improvement of Paris, and in collecting materials for 
his edition of Julius Caesar. The duke seemed equally 
given up to diamonds and revenge. If he ever re- 
garded his heir, apparently it was not with any 
intention of expediting his bequest if he could help it. 
He cared only to accumulate, and wanted but a 
reliable method of securing the riches of this world 
as a provision for the next. There is only a para- 
graph or two to add respecting him : 

294 NAPOLEON 111. 

Hotel de Folkestone, Boulogne-sur-Mer, 
September 21st, 1855. 

With respect to Beaujon we cannot be better ; no one 
can, or rather could have been, more kind, and, from his 
letters, likely to continue so. He wants me to spend a 
little time with him, which I must endeavour to do. I 
quite agree with you about rather trusting French women 
than men, and I think with D. B/s increasing age he is 
becoming more steady, and therefore the less cause exists 
for family or domestic disagreements ; and although it may 
never come to pass, as you say, still it is to me a great 
satisfaction to keep all right, and I should think I had lost 
a great deal if I had lost that chance. 

Your view with respect to Ceylon is quite correct ; and I 
always knew it was a battle of interest, but dared not say 
so, for fear you should decline. 

There had been no difficulty in this fulfilment of 
the Napoleonic programme. As it was at the call of 
the nation that Prince Louis Napoleon had accepted 
the Presidency of the Republic, ostensibly at the same 
appeal he had mounted the imperial throne. The 
nation had again been put to the vote, and by the 
suffrages of the masses he had been elected Emperor 
of the Trench. This gave mortal offence to the 
French Republicans, who from a safe distance assailed 
him with the most virulent abuse. Yet there was a 
power much more powerful to Napoleon III., and it 
became imperative on him to propitiate it : this was 
the influence of legitimacy at home and abroad. There 
could be no difficulty in proving 

I. That an established revolutionary government in 
France would be dangerous to the monarchical insti- 
tutions of Europe. 

II. That the support of the French empire would 

THE POPE. 295 

be a security against a further development of 
European republicanism. 

These ideas obtained general acceptance ; and an 
understanding was soon come to between the old 
great powers and the new great power, that the 
Emperor should be maintained in his position on con- 
dition that he repressed democracy wherever it became 
active, and more particularly assist in putting it 
down in Eome, where a republic had been established 
under the direction of the triumvirate, Armellini, 
Mazzini, and Saffi. The entire priesthood of France 
necessarily became his ardent supporters when made 
aware that he was about to restore the fugitive head 
of their church to his dominions. The same support 
from the same cause was freely extended to him by 
zealous Catholics of all countries, clerical and lay. 

The Holy Father remained at Graeta, under the 
protection of the King of Naples. More than one 
invitation to return had reached him from his revolted 
subjects ; but his holiness prudently bided his time, 
awaiting the result of pending negotiations with the 
new ruler of France. The mysterious assassination of 
Count Rossi had evidently left a profound impression 
upon his mind ; nor were some of the proceedings of 
the more reckless republicans likely to reassure him. 
It is true that in the capital, order was said to prevail, 
but deplorable excesses were committed elsewhere. 
So rife was assassination at Ancona, fifteen miles 
distant, that the triumvirs dispatched an officer of 
theirs to visit that town, armed with their declarations 
against such crimes. That officer was Captain Felix 
Orsini ! and if anything can be more edifying than 
the secret instructions of the republican government 

296 ROME. 

to their commissioner, it is the report of his official 
proceedings from the commissioner to his government.* 

It seemed to be acknowledged by all Catholic 
monarchical governments having an interest in Italy, 
that the continuance of the Roman republic was im- 
possible; therefore a French army, with Austrian, 
Sardinian, and Neapolitan supports, invaded the 
Pontifical States. It is but justice to acknowledge 
that the Romans made a defence of their city worthy 
of their name, General Oudinot having been twice re- 
pulsed in an attempt to carry it by assault. It must 
also be admitted, from creditable testimony, that the 
triumvirs contrived in this season of tremendous ex- 
citement to keep the people under something like 
control. Three Jesuits were murdered on the bridge 
of St. Angelo, and about half a "dozen priests shot in 
the barracks of St. Calisto ; but these were mani- 
festations of Lynch law with which the government 
had nothing to do. 

It was at last seen that it would be madness to 
continue to defend the walls against such an over- 
whelming force, and M. de Lesseps, as the represen- 
tative of France, began to negotiate with Mazzini for 
a capitulation. The former wrote to his government 
announcing that this distinguished republican was 
putting himself into the hands of the English Pro- 
testants, and that he ought to be induced to look to 
France only as the protector of Italian liberty, f The 
clever Genoese must have gulled the French ambas- 
sador egregiously if he made that gentleman believe 
that " he was wishing to favour a religious schism !" 

* " Actes Officiels de la Rdpublique Romaine," p. 83. 
f Idem, p. 108. 


He cared no more for Protestantism than for Popery, 
but was anxious to make the best terms he could in 
the desperate position in which he found himself 

Terms were arranged, but General Oudinot refused 
to respect them. M. de Lesseps indignantly returned 
to Paris, and the besiegers recommenced the attack. 
After a sharp struggle the defences were carried, and 
the French army once more became masters of Rome. 
The Emperor of the French had now an opportunity 
of assuring the head of the Catholic Church that he 
could return to the Vatican whenever he pleased, and 
of course was the recipient of the thanks of the entire 
Catholic community. The leading republicans lost no 
time in making their escape. How the Papal govern- 
ment proceeded when re-established under the protec- 
tion of a French army of occupation has already been 

The Emperor of France certainly did not improve 
his relations with his democratic acquaintances of 
either France or Italy, by thus stamping out their 
first institution; but they found themselves power- 
less. They hated him, denounced him, abused him, 
but could do him no harm. He had recreated an 
empire, it was also his ambition to found a dynasty. 
He wisely departed from the example of his imperial 
predecessor. Having sought a partner not from 
among Austrian archduchesses not even out of that 
little libro d'oro the "Almanach de Gotha," but a 
very noble woman for all that one of those rare 
women of whom in praise it is impossible to say too 
much. An imperial prince in due course blessed the 
auspicious union. Again there was a departure from 


the Napoleonic programme. He was not proclaimed 
"King of Borne," though pretensions to the title 
might have been put forward on his behalf more sub- 
stantial than were those of his predecessor. 

Mr. Duncombe's secretary went backwards and for- 
wards to Paris three or four times this year. A report 
forwarded in March, 1856, includes the duke's ideas 
on the condition of Europe. The Austrian terms are 
curious, if true ; his fraternal intentions are equally 
so ; and the supposed treaty with Prussia more sin- 
gular than either. 

St. James's-street, March 28th, 1856. 

I met a friend of mine this morning, a French engineer, 
and spoke with him on the subject of a chateau in the 
south, and after explaining as far as was necessary, he said, 
I know of no place where climate and retirement would so 
well suit as Bezieres, between Narbonne and Montpelier, 
and to convince how beautiful the climate is, Corneille, 
when writing of that part, said, " If ever God takes up his 
abode on earth Bezieres will be the place he will choose, 
for there, and there only, you have and enjoy all that is 
good of all climates, without having even a shadow of their 
clouds, and the earth is more fruitful there than in any 
other part of the world." 

My friend tells me that you are there in the centre of 
the olive and the grape ; that partridges, woodcocks, and 
snipes abound, besides quails ; that in two days' journey 
you can have bear and wolf shooting, and in one hour on 
horseback you can ride to the shores of the Mediterranean. 
There is an hotel, the Hotel du Commerce, at which you can 
dine atthe table d"h6te,w\ih wine of ten years old at discretion, 
and twenty-eight plats, for fifty sous par tete, and good wine 
to be had three halfpence per bottle. He says the plan 
would be to go to the hotel, and from thence make your 
excursions chateau hunting. He has given me the address 
of his friend, a lawyer there, to whom I shall write. The 


method you -will have to adopt is to hire the chateau and 
furnish it from the cabinet-maker's by hiring the furniture. 
There is also a Jesuit living in the town who speaks good 
English ; he is the only person near who knows or speaks 
that language. If you look at the map you will see it is 
much farther south than Pau, and certainly looks to be well 
situate. I know nothing of the place ; and never heard of 
it before. 

I have received the enclosed from H. J. D. and have 
acknowledged the receipt. The duke, when I saw him the 
other day, was quite well, but very busy making a large 
bracelet, which he wants me to try to show to the queen. 
It will be the finest bracelet in the world ; and will be of 
an immense value when finished, and I have got it in my 
possession. I will show it to nurse, who will, I am sure, 
admire it ! The regent was rather in high spirits, for it 
appears that Austria wishing, sub rosa, to have the power 
of deciding the question of the German, i.e. Prussian 
Bund, and feeling desirous not to show her teeth without 
being sure of being supported by the minor German 
Powers, has been proposing terms to our regent something 
to the following effect, viz., that she, Austria, will be very 
glad to allow him to reside in Vienna, and receive him as a 
sovereign; that she will undertake the settlement of his 
claim upon the following terms : first, that he shall marry, 
and, secondly, that he shall at once see his brother William 
and forgive and forget all animosities. There are then 
some political terms, and so the negotiation ended on their 
part for the moment, only that the person who brought the 
news over asked if the regent would have any objection to 
see the Austrian minister in London if the said minister 
should seek an interview, to which the regent replied, that 
at any time upon the minister writing for an audience he 
would grant one. The regent's reply to the Austrian 
Government was to this effect, viz., that he had no objec- 
tion to marry ; that he most decidedly objected to being in 
any way bound, and would not be, to any act which would 
compromise his having the power to punish his brother 


William both as an usurper as well as a traitor ; that he 
claimed that right as sovereign de facto, although by his 
brother's usurpation not de jure; that the punishment for 
such offences was death by the axe-man, and that he called 
upon them not to interfere in any way with the " jurispru- 
dence " of Brunswick, and that he begged, if the matter 
was to be at all entertained, that no interference should 
take place with respect to the sentence he should pass on 
his brother ; that if he could not find him he should con- 
demn him and punish him par contumace, and should carry 
the final sentence into execution whenever he could catch 
him ; that he should not quit this country without having 
under his command 6000 troops, natives of Ireland, all 
officered, and to be called his body-guard. He has also 
heard from Prussia, I think from the Queen of Prussia, by 
which it appears that Persigny never mentioned the regent's 
name while at the Court of Berlin. It appears that his 
mission to Berlin was to the following effect, viz., that she, 
France, was desirous of pushing her frontier so far that she 
might have a small portion of the Rhine ; that if Prussia 
would accord or aid her in obtaining that so-desired frontier 
she, France, in return would acquiesce in any act of Prussia, 
either by insisting that Switzerland should give up any 
refugees Prussia might require, and promised that France 
should march an army to demand them into Switzerland, 
and further that she, France, was desirous of entering into 
a treaty offensive and defensive, to enable them, the two 
great Powers of Europe, to endeavour to balance the power 
and at the same time to keep down socialism, i.e. liberty. 
To the honour of Prussia, she refused. 

I do not think there is much chance of Austria and the 
regent coming to terms ; but he says if he should be induced 
to go to Vienna he shall leave his money in my hands : so 
you see there is, as you may suppose, some little excitement 
going on. 

I dare say we shall soon have to inform the prince of his 
unhandsome conduct. The regent is waiting for another 
letter from Prussia. 


We have no means of ascertaining whether the un- 
rivalled bracelet was ever submitted to her Majesty's 
inspection. The possessor of the koh-i-noor and the 
crown jewels was not likely to have cared for the or- 
nament, matchless though it may have been; and 
after what has been publicly shown in this way in 
our last Universal Exhibition, and the decorative 
treasures since completed by Emmanuel and other first- 
class London and Paris jewellers, and the recent Es- 
terhazy display, it is difficult to believe in the assump- 
tion of its supremacy. Nevertheless it is unquestion- 
able that the duke is the greatest diamond merchant 
in the world, probably the greatest stock-broker also. 
This granted, the question naturally arises If, as he 
complains, he has been deprived of his private for- 
tune, whence came this prodigious wealth ? 

The mystery, we imagine, may thus be explained. 
The duke did not lose all his private fortune by the 
revolution at Brunswick. He secured an ample 
income in England, and being possessed of great 
financial genius, attempted to rival the Rothschilds 
with tolerable success. 

The duke's chief occupation at this time was the 
care of his collection of diamonds, which he watched 
over with the affection of a parent. Each had a his- 
tory as well as a value, and he thought of producing 
a catalogue that should do them justice. He enter- 
tained no apprehensions for their safety. The pri- 
soner of Ham was now Emperor of the French, and 
though he delayed restoring him to his duchy, he 
might be relied upon for securing the safety of his 
treasures. But it would be doing him injustice to 
state that his attention was entirely engrossed by a 
study of the number of carats in each of these pre- 


cious acquisitions. He was a keen politician, and as 
he still believed himself to be a sovereign prince, pro- 
fessed a princely regard for the royalties of Europe. 

By the French people the emperor was regarded 
with enthusiastic devotion, including the army, the 
clergy, and the industrious classes. The republicans 
scowled and conspired, but were well looked after by 
the police. No one seemed to think that there need 
be any apprehension about them. Suddenly a tre- 
mendous explosion in one of the thoroughfares in 
Paris, into which the emperor's equipage had passed, 
suggested the fearful idea of another infernal machine. 
When the cause was ascertained as well as the results, 
it was found to be an explosive bomb of a very de- 
structive character that had been thrown under the 
imperial carriage. The emperor escaped, and the missile 
dealt death among the crowd that had thronged the 

The scoundrel who had invented this means of per- 
petuating the infamy of his name, was discovered to 
be an Italian, an Italian republican, the identical 
Captain Felix Orsini who in the confidence of Mazzini 
had been sent to put down assassination in Ancona ! 
It was moreover ascertained that he had just arrived 
from London, where the principal Italian republicans 
had found refuge. 

This catastrophe excited a deep feeling of indigna- 
tion in England, where, notwithstanding the publica- 
tions of the exiled republicans, the emperor had many 
admirers. It was on lord mayor's day, 1855, that 
the French ambassador, M. de Persigny, after the 
civic banquet, in an admirable speech announced that 
the Anglo-French alliance was beyond the reach of 
intrigue. Yet the Orsini plot, under the impression 


that it had been matured in England, unquestionably 
gave it a rude shock. Some French colonels presented 
an address to the emperor of an unquestionably belli- 
cose nature. The ambassador complained in a letter 
to Lord Clarendon that the right of asylum had been 
abused, and asked if hospitality was due to assassins. 
At last so much pressure was put upon the Govern- 
ment that a "Conspiracy to Murder Bill" was brought 
into Parliament for the purpose of checking the action 
of reckless republicans. That it was time to repress 
their sanguinary spirit there could not be any doubt, 
as publications recommending murder were by no 
means infrequent.* But the ultra-Liberals in Eng- 
land opposed the measure in and out of Parliament 
with the utmost energy. Mr. Gilpin while speaking 
against it in the House (February 7th, 1858,) referred 
in strong terms to the Boulogne expedition, and not 
only accused the director of it of acting precisely as 
Orsini had done in plotting the overthrow of a foreign 
government in a state that was affording him an 
asylum, but charged him with the crime of assassina- 
tion a man having been shot in the mSlee. The fol- 
lowing day Mr. Duncombe addressed the House in a 
powerful defence of the emperor, in which he com- 
pletely disproved the accusation against him. His 
pistol had gone off, but the wounded man had re- 
covered. This statement was challenged by one or 
two writers in the newspapers on the authority of the 
"Annual Register" and the " Almanach de Boulogne"; 
nevertheless it is perfectly true. The member for 
Finsbury's fidelity to his friend produced the follow- 
ing declaration from one of his radical constituents : 

* One, " Tyrannicide : is it justifiable ?" is worthy of the Eeign 
of Terror. 


SIR, In your speech upon the Conspiracy Bill on Tues- 
day last you arc reported to have said that in the event of 
certain tactics being pursued by Louis Napoleon the people 
of England would have given their sanction to the introduc- 
tion of that Bill, an assertion which I believe to be very 
far indeed from correct ; and then, Sir, you follow up your 
advocacy of this despot's cause by walking out of the House 
without evincing the moral courage of giving effect to your 
voice by your vote. Verily, the -people of Finsbury, if not 
afraid of the fire-eating colonels in the French service, 
ought to be ashamed of their democratic representative in 
the company of Disraeli & Co., aiding to inaugurate a system 
of espionage utterly repulsive to the feelings of Englishmen. 
Sir, if this report is correct I can never vote for you again. 

Mr. Buncombe was certainly in a position of some 
embarrassment, popular feeling having been excited by 
ihefanfarotinade of the French officers. The Liberals 
were against granting tbe Executive additional powers* 
and the exiled republicans were furious against the 
measure. He could not reconcile himself to neglect- 
ing the interests of an absent friend, and did not care 
to conceal his detestation of the miserable plotters by 
whom his valuable life was menaced. He therefore 
took the middle course that lost him the support of 
a constituent: having successfully defended the 
emperor from a gratuitous slander, he left the House, 
without voting for or against the Government mea- 
sure. We believe that his conduct was not appre- 
ciated by Mazzini and his friends. That it did him 
no disservice in Finsbury was proved in the election 
of the following year, when he polled the largest 
number of votes he had ever obtained. 

That the frequent visits of Mr. Duncombe's secre- 
tary were not always to Beaujon may naturally be 
inferred. That confidential communications passed 


through this medium is equally probable from what 
has already been stated ; but written evidence of this 
has not been preserved. The only document that 
illustrates this remarkable intimacy at this period is 
endorsed : 

" Notes of Conversation between L. N. and Gr. T. S., 
January 12th, 1859. Seen and approved by L. N., and 
entitled 'L.N., Paris 'Notes, January 12th, 1859.'" 

L. N. Paris Notes. 

January 12th, 1859. 

That England proposes a Conference for the double 
purpose of saving bloodshed and settling the question of 
Italy by diplomacy instead of force of arms, entirely for- 
getting the position of Austria in Italy. This proposition 
at first glance appears very plausible, and is likely to have 
weight with those who only look at the surface of things, 
but on a closer inspection it will be found quite Utopian, 
seeing that Austria holds her Italian provinces as con- 
querors, and it would be hopeless under such conditions of 
tenure that she would permit, or aid in the slightest degree, 
any reform, for any such policy introduced by her would be 
suicidal, and it is absurd to suppose she would aid in her 
own destruction. 

The most remarkable part of this question is the position 
taken by England, who for the last twenty years has openly 
instigated and avowedly recognised and protected every 
insurrectionary movement in Italy that professed to have 
for its object the liberation of that country, and now that 
the moment has arrived for carrying out those views she 
(England) throws obstacles in the way of its success. 

There existed about this time a journal in the 
French language published in the island of Jersey 
under the title of L'Homme, that was the organ of 
the French democrats, and under the direction of 
Victor Hugo. On the Queen's return from visiting 



the emperor and empress at Paris a letter was ad- 
dressed to her Majesty, printed in the columns of that 
journal, and signed with the names "Felix Pyat, 
Eougde, Jourdain Council of the Eevolutionary Com- 
mittee." It was not only a gross attack upon the 
emperor, but called her Majesty to task, she being 
" a respectable woman," for visiting " the man Bona- 
parte." It was unquestionably in the worst possible 
taste, and an outrage on the hospitality these men 
had obtained when they fled from Prance. Jersey 
was within thirty miles of the French coast, and the 
English Government could no longer endure the re- 
sponsibility of permitting these acknowledged revolu- 
tionists to defy an ally and neighbour and insult their 

The people of Jersey first took up the matter, arid 
threatened I/Homme and its office with destruction. 
The Times denounced the letter of M. Pyat, and the 
civil authorities of the island then banished the 
literary staff of the offending paper. Then Kossuth 
wrote a long letter, not for publication in England, 
but in the United States. It appeared in the New 
York Daily Times. He expresses disapproval of the 
offensive letter ; nevertheless wrote an apology for the 
French democrats. The letter concludes with some- 
thing very like a sneer at England's French alliance, 
as indicating, he asserts, the " load of a nightmare 
on the anxious breast of Britannia created by the 
name of Bonaparte." This communication was re- 
printed in England, and did great harm to the writer 
among a large and influential class. 

Towards the close of the year 1860 the Duke of 
Brunswick again had to try the issue of a court of 

A C1UESUS. 307 

law; but this time nolens volens. A man named 
Welsener had printed a catalogue of the duke's dia- 
monds, one thousand two hundred in number, valued at 
15,300,000 francs, on the agreement of paying 3 
cents per page for each copy, which made the cost 
9830 francs. The duke denied the agreement, and 
offered to pay 3500 francs. The tribunal, however, 
awarded 6000 francs. Extensive as is this collection, 
it was stated in the pleadings that the duke was then 
in treaty for the purchase of two more gems, one at 
the price of 1,100,000 francs, the other at 3,000,000 

Mr. Duncombe entertained misgivings respecting 
his splendid inheritance. Although his secretary was 
still frequently sent to Paris, the testator and the heir 
had not seen each other for many years. The latter 
was kept acquainted with his friend's proceedings, 
but did not go to Paris. Occasionally he had inter- 
views with the duke's former equerry, Baron Andlau, 
at whose school his son was educated ; but no written 
communication came from the duke. 

We now add a few notes from Mr. Buncombe's 
ex- secretary. Their tone is somewhat different from 
previous reports ; but the writer was now, or about to 
become, a gentleman at large : 

December 19th, 1860. 

I hardly think it possible to come after Christinas, as I 
go to Beaujon on the 28th, and think it just possible that 
Colonel Fave, aide-de-camp de I'Empereur, will require ray 
services, at least so he told me before he left with 

L. N., you are quite right, has made a good hit, and had 
Parliament been sitting I would have given you the oppor- 

308 PIUS ix. 

tunity of stating that there was every probability of such a 
measure being decreed ere long. 

" The Pope's Wrongs, &c." is written by a very clever 
friend of mine, the defender of Radstadt in 1848 against 
the Prussian army ; passed seven years in the prison 
Spielberg, and wore a leathern mask the whole time. The 
Introduction I had something to do with. I shall see him 
on Saturday, and I am sure he will be pleased with your 
remarks on his work. 

You know there is an old adage, that Rome was not 
built in a day, and it is clearly demonstrated that the Pope 
cannot be made to quit Rome in a day. Believe me, L. N. 
is quite right ; you must bear in mind that he rules a 
Catholic nation containing many bigots, and if the Pope 
would run away all would turn up as you would wish. 
But it will not do to let Pius IX. become a martyr, which 
he is seeking to do ; you may rely upon it his account will 
be reckoned up ere long. 

Ten years of communication through the secretary 
elapsed before any more notice was taken by the tes- 
tator of his remarkable will. In the spring of 1861 
the former was sent for as usual, and proceeded to 
Beau] on, as he had done a hundred times before. 
Whether the issue of the diamond cause only a few 
months before had produced an ill effect on the Duke 
of Brunswick's benevolent intentions, is not known ; 
but it is certain that he had ceased to regard Mr. Dun- 
combe as his heir. It must here be stated that when 
the duke placed the will in his hands he exacted a 
promise in writing to restore it when demanded. 

We now leave Mr. Smith to make his report : 

21, Rue Beaujon, Paris, March 19th, 1861. 
MY DEAR SIR, On Saturday the 16th I left London by 
the tidal train, which ought to deposit me in Paris at 11 P.M. 
I arrived at his Royal Highnesses tired, and went to bed. 

THE WILL. 309 

On Sunday morning his Eoyal Highness sent to me 
about 10 o'clock in the morning to say as soon as I was 
dressed he wished to see me before I went out. As soon 
as I was ready I went to his Royal Highness, who said, 
This is a bad day, 17th, and you have arrived twice lately on 
a 7. I replied, I think, your Royal Highness, I was in 
the house before 12 o'clock last night. The valet said it 
was ten minutes past 12. His Royal Highness then said, 
My reason for sending for you is, that I thought you would 
not care to run about Paris with the large sum of money 
you have, and although I am not ready to settle accounts 
with you (he being in bed), you can seal up the packet, or 
how you like, and we will settle by-and-bye. He then told 
me he had been very ill, and that the countess was very ill 
also. After saying, I wish you could suggest some plan to 
do away with the " curatelle," his Royal Highness said, I 
have been thinking a great deal about my testament lately > 
and I intend to change it, as to its legality, and you must 
get my testament back from Mr. Duncombe. I replied, 
Your Royal Highness, that requires an authority from your 
Royal Highness. He then said, speaking in the plural, 
you would have less difficulty with a French will than with 
an English one here in France. The conversation here 
ended, and I, having some important appointments, left his 
Royal Highness. I may safely say this is all that passed. 

In passing the garden I saw the countess, who was look- 
ing very ill, and she said, I was just going to write to you 
to say that I am so unwell that I cannot do the honours of 
the table, and as I am sure you would not care to dine here 
alone when you have so many friends in Paris, I intended 
to say that you must excuse me and not expect as heretofore 
our 6 o'clock dinners; to-day will be an exception, as some 
ladies are coming who will entertain you at table. The 
dinner hour came ; the countess did not come down. We 
dined, and during the dinner the duke sent twice for me ; 
the second time, dinner being over, I went to his Royal 
Highness in his dressing-room. I settled my account with 
him, and said, As your Royal Highness is not going out I 


will remain at home and play chess ; to which his Royal 
Highness replied, I fear it will worry me too much. He 
then said, Did you meet my cousin, the Prince of "Wasa, on 
the stairs ? I said I did. He then said, Here is the paper 
for Mr. Duncombe. 

His Royal Highness threw across the table a paper, of 
which the following is a copy : 

" I authorize Mr. George Smith to withdraw my testa- 
ment from the hands of Mr. Thomas Duncombe, in order 
to frame it according to the laws of France. 

" Paris, this 18th of March, 1861. 


Now I think, as I find by your letter to-day, the post- 
office are playing tricks, you had better hand the document 
in question to me on my return to London, and I will bring 
it to Paris my next visit here. I mention this because it 
was suggested that you should send it per post. I have 
not seen his royal highness since, but shall write to him in 
a few minutes to know his movements to-day. I can only 
add, that his royal highness seems kindly disposed towards 

As this narrative is truthful, and the communication 
official, you had better write a reply either to his royal 
highness direct, or, as I should suggest, through me to his 
royal highness. This you had better do by return of post, 
as I shall not be longer than the end of the week. 

The precious document was surrendered on the 
messenger producing his authority, and nothing more 
heard of it. There is no evidence among Mr. Dun- 
combe's papers that he had any further communica- 
tion with the duke. 

Once more the Duke of Brunswick's name figured 
in the French tribunals. His valet suffered himself 
to be tempted by the enormous wealth that was con- 
stantly glittering before his eyes. He fled with a 
small Golconda in his pocket ; but the electric tele- 


graph having been put into requisition, lie was over- 
taken, seized, tried, and condemned. 

Thus for Mr. Duncombe the brilliant bubble burst : 
another will was doubtless prepared to produce an 
equally dazzling illusion ; but he never gave himself 
the trouble to inquire. Probably his imperial pro- 
spects were equally delusive, for the Emperor seems 
doomed to disappoint the expectations of his admirers 
in France after the acceptance of the presidentship, 
in Italy after the victory of Solferino, in Rome after 
the expulsion of the Pope, and in Mexico after its 
occupation by French troops ; but great as was the 
dissatisfaction created by the coup d'etat and the 
treaty of Villafranca, the abandonment of Maximilian 
after so ostentatiously acting as his patron and sup- 
porter, created a far greater amount of animadversion, 
especially since the miserable tragedy which terminated 
the career of that chivalrous young Prince. 




Select reading Apposite passage from Churchill Paul Whitehead 
and Defoe Mr. Duncombe attempts verse " Life at Lambton " 
The Duke of Portland and his friends Mr. Duncombe men- 
tioned in verse Frederick Lumley on Gentlemen Jockeys 
" L' Allegro Nuovo " Presents the Hertford Literary Institution 
with " Encyclopaedia Britannica" His poetical " Letter from 
George IV. to the Duke of Cumberland" Prose fragments 
Administrations Professions of patriotism Alarm in England 
respecting the intentions of the Emperor of France Mr. Dun- 
combe's imaginary dialogue between Mr. Cobden and the Em- 
peror Writes " The Jews of England, their History and 
Wrongs " Letter of Dr. Adler, Chief Rabbi, and reply 
Experience in literary composition " Le Bon Pays" "Ma 
Chaumiere " " Le delire du Vin." 

MR. DUNCOMBE in the early years of his career, when 
he had leisure, read much in select literature parti- 
cularly history and poetry copying off passages for 
subsequent reference. His taste may be seen in the 
following quotation from Churchill's " Eosciad" : 

Let not threats affright, 
Nor bribes corrupt, nor flatteries delight, 
Be as one man concord success ensures, 
There's not an English heart but what is yours. 
Go forth, and virtue, ever in your sight, 
Shall be your guide by day, your guard by night. 


Go forth the champion of your native land, 
And may the battle prosper in your hand : 
It may it must ye cannot be withstood 
Be your heart honest, as your cause is good. 

The appropriateness of these lines to his own career 
must strike every one. He seems too to have borne 
in mind the graphic lines of Paul Whitehead : 

Thrice happy patriot, whom no courts debase, 
No titles lessen, and no stars disgrace ! 
Still nod the plumage o'er the brainless head 
Still on the faithless heart the ribbon spread : 
Such toys may serve to signalize the fool, 
To shield the knave, or garnish out the tool ; 
While you, with Roman virtue, would disdain 
The tinsel trappings of the glittering chain ! 
Fond of your freedom, spurn the venal fee, 
And prove he's only great who dares be free. 

Often was he enabled to recognise the truth as well 
as the force of Defoe's description of a sham liberal 
in his " True-born Englishman" : 

Statesmen are always sick of one disease, 
And a good pension gives them present ease : 
That's the specific makes them all content 
With any King and any Government. 
Good patriots at Court abuses rail, 
And all the Nation's grievances bewail, 
But when the sovereign balsam's once applied, 
The zealot never fails to change his side. 

Mr. Duncombe occasionally tried his hand at versi- 
fication ; but his muse never appears to have soared 
higher than the construction of a poetical quiz. We 
print a few stanzas of one in MS. The event they 
chronicle occurred about half a century ago, and 
nearly all the actors in it' have died : the hero, the 
eldest son of the high sheriff of Durham, of Larting- 


ton Hall, in 1835 ; Frederick Lumley, grandson of 
the fourth Earl of Scarborough, in 1831 ; and the 
Hon. Edward Petre (son of Lord Petre by a second 
marriage), in June, 1848. 


LAMBTON HALL, OCT. 17, 1822. 

The waxlights extinguished one Thursday night, 

The guests had sought rest from their sorrows and joys ; 
When sudden appeared, like a vision of light, 
' Harry Witham, that far-famed promoter of noise. 

When lectured for drinking, he often would say, 

" That he never again would exceed what was right ;" 

But each resolution avowed in the day, 

Like the web of Penelope vanished at night. 

To give Duncombe a call now this hero insisted, 
So up to his room he proceeded toute suite ; 

But when he got there was so terribly fisted, 
That in much quicker time did he beat a retreat. 

To the next room he wandered, and found a bed made, 
No questions he asked, but, completely undrest, 

Eoll'd carelessly in, and down carelessly laid, 
Till its claimant arriving soon ended his rest. 

From the couch of John Bentinck's* poor Witham arose, 
Swearing vengeance, " By G , I will have satisfaction;" 

This would pass for a joke, so regardless of clothes, 
Out he sallied, exclaiming, " I'm ready for action 1" 

Shouting, " Lambton for ever ! I will have a bed, 
Come, open this door, or I quickly will break it 1" 

The noise soon disturbed the slumbers of Fred,f 

Who, till quite awake, doubted how he should take it. 

* Afterwards Duke of Portland, 
f Lumley. 


In this way the versifier, who was one of the noc- 
turnal revellers, describes their tipsy comrade going 
from door to door disturbing the repose of the inmates, 
among whom were the Hon. Edward Petre, Lord 
William Lennox, Fox (Lord Holland), and Mr. Wy- 
vill, of Constable Burton, who treated the intruder 
roughly ; but at last they found an unoccupied cham- 
ber for him, where, having put him comfortably to 
bed, they left him to sleep off the effects of his po- 

They must have been a particularly jovial crew, 
the circle of sportsmen who assembled under the same 
hospitable roof. In another metrical notice of the 
gentlemen jockeys, written by Mr. Lumley in the 
same year, we find : 

Tommy Buncombe comes first, well mounted on Byram, 
Who, by shaking his whip, was able to tire 'em. 

The poem, however, like the preceding, betrays signs 
of haste in the composition. 

The following humorous attack on the author of 
innumerable productions of a similar nature was pre- 
served among Mr. Duncombe's/#cefe: 


Combination Case. General Turn Out. 

John Scott, Arthur Wellesley, Robert Peel, John Fane, 
Henry Bathurst, Robert S. Dundas, and Nicholas Vansit- 
tart, were brought before the sitting Magistrate, charged 
with combination, and unlawfully conspiring to prevent 
George Canning from obtaining employment, contrary to 
the statute, 6th Geo. IV. cap. 129. From the statement of 
the prosecutor, it appeared that the persons charged had 
been for some time in the employment of his father and 


himself, and had for the most part conducted themselves to 
their satisfaction, for which they had been amply rewarded, 
some of them even beyond their deserts ; that lately the fore- 
man, who had for many years conducted his affairs, became 
incapacitated by ill health from continuing longer in his 
service; and the nature of his business, in which a good 
deal of complicated machinery was necessarily used, requir- 
ing a person of skill and diligence, he had appointed a 
person, of the name of Canning, who was also in his service, 
to superintend the works ; he was further induced, he said, 
to make this appointment, as all those persons, both at home 
and abroad, with whom he transacted business, had great 
confidence in the skill and integrity of Canning. However, 
on the accused learning this determination, they turned out, 
and left their respective avocations without giving any 
notice of their intention, and declared that the whole esta- 
blishment might go to the d 1 for what they cared, as they 
would never return to their work if the said Canning was 
to be their foreman. The complainant further stated, that 
the workmen, not satisfied with this act, as far as regarded 
themselves, had also induced three of his domestics, Charles 
S. Germain, and James Graham, sen. and jun., to quit his 

George Canning being produced, deposed that, on his 
acquainting the persons in the establishment that he had 
been appointed foreman, Scott, Wellesley, Peel, Fane, 
Bathurst, Dundas, and Vansittart, declared they would not 
work with him. 

The accused being asked what they had to say for them- 
selves, Scott, who is a very old man, replied, that he had 
been upwards of twenty-six years in the employment of the 
firm ; that he had grown grey in the service of it (com- 
plainant : " and rich, too, old gentleman") and that he 
expected he would at least have been consulted in the 
appointment of foreman. 

Magistrate. What, sir, your master is to consult you 
who he is to employ to conduct his business ; I never heard 
a more monstrous proposition. 


The complainant said, he had great reason to complain 
of Scott, who had given very little satisfaction to his cus- 
tomers, from the tedious manner in which he did his work, 
and that several jobs which he had in hand for years, and 
for which they were anxiously waiting, were still in an un- 
finished state. He had likewise prevented the introduction 
of many improvements which the proprietor wished to make 
in the machinery. 

In 1832 there appeared in the Examiner a clever 
burlesque upon Milton's exquisite ode, bearing the 
title "L' Allegro Nuovo," in which the leading 
Liberals are thus classed : 

Haste, ye nymphs, and bring with ye 
A House of Commons fair and free ; 
Thompson, Wood, Burdett, and Hume, 
Gibson, Smith, Macaulay, Brougham, 
Such men as are honest all, 
Right and thorough Radical ; 
Foes to tithe and tax and worse, 
Foes to duties upon corn ; 
Sheil and Duncombe, good at jeering, 
And Dan O'Connell, King of Erin. 
Come, and trip it as ye go 
Through the lobby in a row ; 
And by the right hand lead will ye 
That champion of sweet liberty 
Thomas Attwood, dubbed M.P. ! 

Mr. Duncombe was in earnest in his desire to ex- 
tend the advantages of sterling literature to all able 
to appreciate them. He showed this when in 1831 
he presented the Hertford Literary and Scientific 
Institution with a splendidly-bound copy of the 
" Encyclopedia Britannica," in twenty-six volumes. 
In a letter to the secretary (May 25th) he wrote 
" It is to the extension of these societies, and to an 


extension of the vast mental resources they command, 
that we must attribute the rapid restoration of our 
country from the degeneracy that has so long en- 
thralled it." That such societies have rarely suc- 
ceeded has been owing to the indifference to profit by 
them shown by a very large majority of those for 
whose advantage they were created ; the most useless 
contributions to the reading-room having been in eager 
demand, while the inexhaustible store of knowledge 
in the " Encyclopaedia" was left almost unregarded. 

His initials are appended to the following attempt 
to imitate the emphatic phraseology of the king : 

A Letter from George IV. to the Duke of Cumberland, 
previous to the Opening of Parliament. 

Windsor, February 2nd, 1830. 

With pleasure you'll hear, and with pleasure I tell, 

The counsels we hate are fast going to j 

Those detestable rats, that Whig of a beau, 

And Peel, that supporter of High Church or Low, 

Are both in a funk at the aspect of things ; 

And swear with distresses my treasury rings, 

That counties have met brim full of objections 

And the senseless have broached most disloyal reflections, 

Not only on me, but that old the Church, 

Who I plainly foresee will be left in the lurch. 
Some rascals have gone e'en so far as to say, 
That I must retrench, or no taxes they'll pay ! 

Retrenchment be ! Can I do with less money ? 

No ; no more than I can without my dear crony. 
By G , we must stand by the Protestant cause, 
Of taxes, of parsons, of tithes, and poor laws. 
What's malt-tax or beer-tax to you or to me ? 
Maraschino's the stuff so says Lady C.* 

1 The Marchioness of Conyngham. 


But by G , that beau Arthur has brought me a speech 
Too civil for Lyndhurst, too pretty for Leech ; 
It sings praises to Miguel, sends Coburg to Greece 
(Who, like Jason of old, now walks off with the fleece) : 
And, in short, my dear Ernest, my fortunate star 
Shines there brighter than ever by G , 

Yours, G. R. 

In one MS. note Mr. Duncombe has written : 

Since 1827 to this day, we have seen and worn out no 
less than eight complete sets of honest, able, upright Minis- 
ters not to speak of the present, whom God long preserve ! 
First we had Lord Liverpool's administration next Mr. 
Canning's then Goderich's, and now the Wellington or 
military administration; then Lord Melbourne, Sir Robert 
Peel Lord Melbourne again, and Earl Grey. If, therefore, 
in plurality of ministers and counsellors consists a nation's 
safety, how happy, how secure must England be ! Eight 
administrations in the space of eight years that is, 
from the time of kissing in and kicking out, eight entire 
changes, not counting the little amusing episodes of resig- 
nations, &c., we were occasionally treated to during each 
of their respective reigns. 

In another : 

It may be said, before a minister came' into power, lie 
declaimed against some particular act or tax, but now 
everybody ought to know that professions of patriotism are 
like treaties of peace only binding till the orator is strong 
enough to break them. 

After the French army had returned from their 
brilliant campaign in Italy, rumours of great activity 
in the French arsenals were circulated in England, 
and the general impression was that the emperor had 
patched up a hasty peace with Austria, and was now 
about to commence the mysterious " mission" he is 


said to have proclaimed when he accepted the Presi- 
dentship this mission, as was generally understood, 
being to avenge the defeat of Waterloo. It was in 
vain that sensible men strove to dissipate the widely- 
spread distrust of his intentions ; it was equally in 
vain that the emperor expressed assurances of his 
loyalty and goodwill. The manner in which he had 
treated the obligations he had voluntarily entered into 
when he became the chief of the Kepublic was dwelt 
upon, and John Bull became more suspicious. It was 
then that some one we are not quite certain it was 
Mr. Duncombe who had a more intimate knowledge 
of the emperor's intentions, wrote the following, as a 
means of allaying the public disquietude : 

A Dialogue supposed to have taken place between 
Napoleon III. and Eichard Cobden, M.P., Dec 21, 
1859. T.S.D.:- 


The Paris correspondent of the Times communicates the 
following conversation, "which took place a few days since 
between two persons one a Frenchman, the other an 
Englishman on the important and absorbing topic of the 
day. Our readers, after having perused the report, will be 
able to conjecture perhaps who the interlocutors are likely 
to have been. 

After a few unimportant remarks on ordinary subjects, 
the Englishman, with characteristic frankness, continued 
thus : 

You know my sentiments with regard to France, and my 
sincere desire to see the most complete union always subsist 
between my country and yours. Judge then of my sur- 
prise, and allow me to add my sorrow, at finding that the 
relations between our respective countries have gradually 
and profoundly altered at least, if we may judge from 


appearances. I have carefully and conscientiously examined 
the state of the public mind in England ; I have interrogated 
and listened to persons of every class, from the highest to 
the very lowest. Well, then, I declare to you, to my deep 
regret, I have found with the one as with the other, mistrust 
pushed to the point of only believing in menaces on the 
part of your country, and fear to that of deeming it neces- 
sary to put themselves in a state of defence. I address 
myself, therefore, to you, to explain certain facts which are 
generally represented in England as flagrant proofs of the 
bad intentions of France with respect to us. 

Frenchman. What ! you, my dear sir ? You, whose 
mind is so just and upright ; you, whose judgment is so 
sound, and whose reason so firm and enlightened you, too, 
caught the contagion? In truth, you would make me 
laugh if I did not know you to be serious, and I would 
class you among the foolish if I did not know you to be the 
contrary. Yes, I declare to you, in the eyes of my coun- 
trymen, as in my own, the panic spread abroad in England 
is actually folly. 

Englishman. Folly, as much as you please. The fact 
does not the less exist ; and, as it exists, it must be taken 
into serious consideration. Do you not foresee a fatal 
result, if so many unfounded rumours are credited ? People's 
minds on both sides will grow embittered ; and the merest 
cause will suffice to bring about a rupture, and the slightest 
spark to light up a flame. 

Frenchman. The difficulty is to lead back to the truth 
those who obstinately wander from it, and to cure the blind 
who will not see. Nevertheless, I wish to submit to your 
diseased imagination facts that cannot be refuted to those 
phantoms that flit about on the other side of the Channel 
realities which can be easily verified and proved beyond 
dispute. Facts shall speak first, and figures after. Now, 
the emperor has given to no foreign power more than to 
England guarantees of his desire to live in good harmony. 
Hardly had he ascended to power, when he dispatched, in 
spite of the Assembly, the French fleet to make common 



cause with yours in the East. Subsequently he united 
himself with you in the Crimean war; and when the 
insurrection which broke out in India employed all your 
army in Asia, did he profit by the absence of your force to 
pick a quarrel with you? On the contrary, he offered to 
give the English troops a passage through France. He sub- 
scribed as well as the Imperial Guard for your wounded, 
while (be it said en passant, and without meaning reproach) 
our wounded in Italy seemed to find you indifferent. 
Finally, how many measures for the last ten years have 
been proposed by divers Governments which might have 
shocked England ? He has rejected them all, and made no 
merit whatever in your eyes of the rejection. How can so 
many proofs of a cordiality so constant be all at once for- 
gotten ? And how does it come to pass that mistrust and 
error are substituted for the legitimate effect which it 
should have produced ? Why should a line of conduct so 
honest be answered with passionate and mistaken alarm ? I 
look about in vain, and I cannot understand the cause of 
this sudden terror in England. And, good heavens ! what 
a time has been selected to propagate it ! Why, the very 
moment when the emperor has given a rare example of 
moderation. From the very day when he proposed and 
concluded peace people were pleased to attribute to him 
ambitious designs ; he was represented as marching to new 
conquests when, arresting the impetuosity of his troops, he 
so resolutely traced the limit beyond which he would not 
push his victory. There is, then, something insensate in 
converting into one eager for war the man than whom none 
can wish to be more pacific ; and into a cause of fear what 
ought to be a pledge of security. 

Englishman. The conduct of the emperor would, I 
admit, be the most appropriate argument to convince 
us, and his sympathy for England has never ceased to 
inspire us with confidence. But the people but the army ! 
Come now, frankly speaking, do they not both detest us ? 
And will not public opinion force your Sovereign some day 
to declare war against us ? 


Frenchman. To such questions as these I reply error, 
error the most grave, my dear sir. It cannot be denied 
that there is at bottom, in both countries, a remnant of 
rancour and rivalry which still subsists, but subsists much 
more in a latent than in an aggressive state. Material 
interests on one side, liberal ideas on the other, tend in- 
cessantly to draw the two countries closer to each other. 
Moreover, France is more practical than you imagine. What 
advantage, material or moral, could a war with you bring 
us ? None absolutely none. Consequently no one 
desires it. But have you expressed all your thoughts ? Do 
you not keep silent as to the cause of this mistrust which 
is so universal in England against the emperor and his 
government? Be candid, and I shall be the same. 

Englishman. Well, then, I will be candid. Here is our 
decisive reason, our principal grievance ; the development 
given to the French navy is out of all proportion to the 
requirements and the greatness of your country. 

Frenchman. This is another prejudice ; is it possible that 
a man like you should share it ? Truly, if instead of being 
some hours distant from our frontier, England was at the 
antipodes, one would not find it a greater stranger than 
you appear to be as to what is passing in France. Yon 
speak of our extraordinary armaments, but are you quite 
sure of the fact ? Some journals have printed it ; you have 
read it. Some persons have told you of it; you have re- 
peated it, and you believe it that's all. Such is the only 
source of your conviction. Learn, then, what is doing in 
France, and hold it for certain. Not a centime can be 
spent without the vote of the Legislative corps, and without 
the previous examination of the Council of State. Consult 
the estimates of the navy and army, and you shall find 
in them no excessive expenditure on the part of the 

Englishman. Your estimates are nothing to me, my dear 
sir; I am ignorant as to how they are arranged. Figures 
are easy of handling, and are susceptible of every combina- 
tion. Facts, on the contrary, are inflexible ; and, since you 

r 2 


have appealed to them, I will appeal to them in turn. At 
Toulon and Brest you are building plated ships. Against 
whom can they be intended, if not against us ? At Nantes 
you have on the stocks hundreds of flat-bottomed boats. 
For what purpose, if it be not to throw 20,000 soldiers on 
our coast ? And then your immense supplies of fuel, and 
the prodigious activity of your arsenals. Everywhere you 
are building ships ; everywhere you are casting rifled cannon 
and projectiles of all kinds. These are so many evident 
facts, and of public notoriety. What answer will you give 
me to them ? 

Frenchman. The most categorical in the world. Give 
me your attention, for I will now quote laws and regula- 
tions, authentic reports, and go back to a period that will 
not be suspected by you : According to a royal ordinance 
of the 22nd November, 1846, the total strength of the naval 
forces on the peace footing was to be 328 ships, of which 40 
were to be liners, and 50 frigates sailing vessels. When 
the war in the Crimea came on France had very few steam- 
ships ; it was easy to see that sailing ships had passed their 
time, and that it was necessary to boldly admit the principle 
that henceforth every man-of-war must be a steamer. The 
emperor consequently named in 1855, under the presidency 
of Admiral Hamelin, a commission to fix the basis of the 
new fleet necessary for France. The commission reported 
in favour of transforming the sailing ships, and of appro- 
priating to them our ports, giving them especially the yards 
and docks which they required. The report terminated by 
demanding that the annual grant for the maintenance of 
the materiel of the fleet should be augmented by an annual 
sum of 25,000,000 francs for thirteen years, the period 
judged indispensable to complete their transformation. Of 
that sum 5,000,000 francs were applied to the ports. The 
Council of State, when called upon to give its opinion, 
reduced to 17,000,000 francs, for thirteen years, the amount 
of extraordinary credits demanded for the navy. Do not 
tire, my dear sir, with these details. Here is one quite 
recent, and not less precise : In 1859 our fleet consisted of 


27 ships of the line (vaisseaux) and 15 frigates, screws, 
completed ; and of three plated frigates. We have, then, in 
order to arrive at the force on a peace footing decided 
under Louis Philippe, 13 ships of the line to transform, and 
35 frigates to build, which, I repeat, will still require ten 
years at least. As for the plated frigates the invention of 
the emperor nothing is more natural than to construct 
them as an experiment, since if they succeed they can be 
advantageously substituted for ships of the line. But this 
is not all; the necessity of having only a steam fleet en- 
tailed on us expenses from which England may be exempted. 
When our fleet used sails, and we had an expedition to send 
as for instance to Africa, to the Crimea, and to Italy it 
was easy to find among the trade sailing transports for men, 
horses, or stores. But at the present day our merchant 
navy is not sufficiently developed to enable us to find steam 
transports when we have need of them. We are therefore 
forced to build them, in order to have at all times a certain 
number ready, and this imperious obligation is so present 
to us, that at the very moment I am speaking to you all our 
transports are proceeding to China; and that we may 
not be entirely without resources, and be unprovided, the 
naval department has been obliged to purchase three large 
steamships in England. You see then I have at heart to 
convince you that I penetrate without hesitation to the 
very bottom of things, and 1 .disclose to you the minutest 
details of our situation. 

Englishman. These categorical explanations begin to 
reassure me. But have you any such to give me on the 
supplies of coals and the boats intended for the landing of 
troops ? 

Frenchman. I will continue with the same frankness. 
Some months back your Tory Ministry was so much opposed 
to the war in Italy that everything announced its wish to 
place itself on the side of Austria. It was even on the 
point of causing coal to be considered as contraband of war. 
Now, our navy used only English coal. The Minister had 
then to occupy himself with that semi-hostile attitude of 


your Ministry, and to look about for the means of supplying, 
in case of need, the French fleet with French coal. It was 
his duty not to leave our supplies at the mercy of your 
Government. With this object, essays were made in 
changing our boilers, and coal was brought to Nantes, 
which was to be directed to Brest by the internal canals. 
Sixty iron barks, of a very small draught of water, were 
built to facilitate the transport of coals over the docks; 
but these boats, very different from those which serve for 
the landing of troops, did not merit the honour of exciting 
your apprehensions and disturbing your sleep. 

Englishman. Very good. Yet, for all that, you did 
not the less order from us a very considerable quantity of 

Frenchman. That is perfectly true. The important 
part, however, is to know for what purpose we wanted this 
great quantity of coal which frightens you. Well, then, it 
is exclusively destined to supply our fleet in China and in 
other parts of the globe. Thus, since the 1st of July we 
have chartered in France 51 ships, carrying 26,000 tons of 
coal, to Martinique, to French Guiana, to Senegal, to Goree, 
to the island of Reunion, to Mayotte, to Hong Kong, to 
Shanghae, to Saigon, to the Mauritius, to Singapore. We 
have chartered in England 25 ships, carrying 31,000 tons 
of coal, to Hong Kong, Woosung, Singapore, Chusan, St. 
Paul de Loanda, and the Cape of Good Hope. Of all 
these details there is not one of which you may not procure 
the material proof, and then you must agree with me that 
the apprehensions of your countrymen are chimerical, and 
without reasonable foundation. 

Englishman. I am willing to admit that what you tell 
me has the appearance of truth. I have a last objection, 
and it concerns your arsenals. If, as you assure me, your 
Government does not contemplate recommencing the war, 
why does it continue to show such activity ? 

Frenchman I have in vain insisted on one essential 
point viz., that, like other countries, we are in a complete 
state of transformation, but you seem not to wish to com- 


prebend it. We have to change not only all the materiel 
of the navy, but on land also the whole of our artillery; 
and although the emperor had in Italy 200 rifled cannon, 
he will still require three or four years to entirely accom- 
plish the definitive transformation. 

Englishman. I thank you for all this information; and 
I shall turn it to account. 

Frenchman. Permit me one more observation. You 
have avowed frankly all the apprehensions which my 
country causes you; but I have not expressed to you the 
whole of my opinion on yours. If in England people are 
convinced that France desires to declare war against you, 
we here are, in our turn, well convinced that the mistrust 
excited on the other side of the Channel is a party manoeuvre. 
The Tory party, dissolved as you are aware by Sir Robert 
Peel, seeks the means of reconstructing itself; and, accord- 
ing to it, the best possible one would be by reviving the 
hatred of France, and by seeking, as in 1804, to form a 
European coalition against her. The statesmen who at this 
day take the lead in public opinion cannot be ignorant of 
all that I have just told you. Among us it is well under- 
stood that the Tories, in place of combating these errors, 
labour to gain them credit, and pursue their policy with 
traditional perseverance. People ought to take care, how- 
ever, lest by dint of wishing to deceive others they end by 
deceiving themselves. There was a certain Marseillaise, 
whose history occurs to me quite opportunely, and with 
which I may close a conversation which is already too long. 
Our Marseillaise, wishing to have a joke at the expense of 
his fellow-citizens, went about crying out that a whale 
had just entered the port of Marseilles. His pleasantry 
succeeded, and every one ran to the port. Soon, drawn 
on by the example, he himself began to run in the same 
direction to see, with the others, if his invention was not a 

At this point the conversation ended. 

During his labours in support of the Jew Bill, Mr. 


Duncombe interested himself still further in the 
subject by superintending extensive researches into 
the modern history of that ancient race. At last he 
determined that a work should be written giving an 
account of the introduction of the Jews into this 
country, and when a couple of chapters had been 
completed got them printed, and caused copies to be 
sent to every one in a position to afford information, 
requesting it to be returned within a fortnight with 
corrections and suggestions. The following was the 
title, "The Jews of England their History and 
"Wrongs. By Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, M.P." 
The author first printed a preface and one chapter, 
forming thirty-two pages post octavo, but subsequently 
issued ninety-four pages, with a longer preface and 
copious notes, in demy octavo. The following will 
show how the work was received : 

Office of the Chief Rabbi, London, January 14th, 5621. 

DEAR SIR, I have been favoured with several sheets of 
your intended History of the Jews in England, and cannot 
refrain from taking the first opportunity to express my 
gratification at your successful essay to fill up a void in the 
literature of this country, which to my surprise was allowed 
to remain so long. What adds to my satisfaction at the 
appearance of such a publication is to find it written in the 
same spirit of toleration and justice which has hitherto 
prompted you to render such excellent good services to our 

In expressing, then, to you my sincere and heartfelt 
thanks, I do but re-echo the grateful feelings of my whole 

You can well imagine that I should like to see the work 
as perfect and as faultless as possible ; and it is with a view 
to this that I have requested my son, Mr. Marcus Adler, 


M.A., to communicate with Mr. Acland,* and to point out 
to him some statements which require revision. 
I have the honour to be, dear Sir, 

Yours faithfully, N. ADLER, Dr. 

To Thomas Slingsby Buncombe, Esq., M.P., &c. 

February 4th, 1861. 

DEAR, SIR, Pray forgive my apparent neglect in not 
thanking you earlier for your kind and flattering letter, but 
the fact is, not having visited the Reform Club for some 
days I did not receive it until yesterday. I hope I need 
not add that any suggestions you will do me the favour to 
offer, or corrections you would have the kindness to make, 
shall be strictly attended to ; and I rejoice to say that from 
the numerous communications I have received from men of 
all creeds, the proposed publication of a work of this 
description appears to create much interest, and meets with 
universal approval. Yours, &c. T. S. D. 

Dr. Adler, the Chief Rabbi. 

There is a marked difference between the first 
and second issue of the published portion of the 
"Jews of England": in the last the preface was 
extended, as well as the narrative ; in the other 
the first chapter concludes with, the establishment 
of the Jews in Roman Britain, the second brings 
down the history to their condition in Anglo-Saxon 
Britain both are compiled with great care and a 
comprehensive examination of authorities, indicating 
no small amount of labour. His attention to this work 
must have been afforded at intervals of convalescence, 
when his health was rapidly giving way under the 
pressure of his political duties. He ought to have been 

* The well-known Parliamentary Agent, who afforded im- 
portant assistance in the collection of the materials and production 
of the work. 


nursing his remaining strength ; but having lived a 
life of continual industry he could not endure even 
enforced idleness. 

Mr. Duncombe had had considerable experience in 
composition before he attempted his first substantive 
literary work. His published letters would fill a 
volume, his published pamphlets another. His cor- 
respondence was extensive, and included letters from 
all classes, from the first minister of the crown to the 
humblest working-man who chose to recognise the 
member for Finsbury as "the tribune of the people": 
a favourite appellation conferred on him by the 
Liberal press. Almost every great question that had 
come before the public for more than a quarter of a 
century he had explained and illustrated by con- 
temporary brochures. 

Several clever specimens of French verse have been 
preserved among Mr. Duncombe's private MSS. To 
them is appended the name of " Chevalier B.," fol- 
lowed by the initials T. S. D., which are always 
attached to his own compositions. The first may 
have been a nom deplume; but whether these compo- 
sitions are his own, or those of a friend, it is doubtful 
whether they have ever been printed : 


Ah ! le bon pays vraiment ! 

La belle ville que Londres, 
Chacun s'e"crie en baillant, 

Le peuple Anglais est charmant. 
On se moque de son roi, 

On politique, on raisonne ; 
C'est la que 1'on vit pour soi, 

Car on n'accueille personne ! 

"LE BON PAYS." 331 

Ici sous 1'abri des lois, 

Tout le monde fait fortune ; 
On vous fait payer deux fois, 

Ce que 1'on n'a vendre qu'une. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

On se procure a grand frais, 

Un logis humide et sombre ; 
Et grace aux brouillards e"pais, 

Du soleil on est a 1'ombre. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

Tout est gravement traite, 

Amour, plaisir, bonne chere; 
L' Anglais sans etre invite, 

N'ose diner chez son pere. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

On avale goulument, 

De boeuf une large assiette ; 
Et pour manger proprement, 

II faut porter sa serviette. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

Le soir chez soi, petit jeu, 

Au brouillard on fuit la nique ; 
Les cartes coutent si peu, 

Quatre shillings 1'as de pique. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

Le dimanche tout est divin, 

Ni travail, ni jeu, ni danse ; 
On cuit pas meme le pain, 

II faut s'en procurer d'avance. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

Point d'injures ni de coups, 

Les lois protegent la vie ; 
Mais en pariant six sous, 

Librement on s'estropie. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 


Un watchman reste muet, 
Si dans la rue on s'assomme ; 

Mais vous dit 1'heure qu'il est, 

Quand vous dormez d'un bon somme. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

L'honneur, et la probite", 

Le ge"nie, et la sottise, 
Le serment, et la liberte* : 

Ici tout est marchandise. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

Les dames n'aimeront pas 

Cette chanson vendique ; 
Des vertus et des appas 

N'offrent rien a la critique. 
Ah ! le bon pays. 

Voua illustres favoris, 

De la muse chansonniere ; 
Epargnez moi vos me"pris, 
Helas ! je bois de la biere. 
Ah ! le bon pays, &c. 

T. S. D. 
December, 1823. 


Air " Avec la pipe de tabac." 

Lorsque dans ma simple chaumiere, 

Parfois je reois mes amis ; 
Pres d'eux, ma bouteille, mon verre, 

J'oublie aisement mes soucis. 
Un moment je perds la memoire, 

Je forme mille plans joyeux ; 
Je ris, je chante, et verse a boire, 

Au moins un jour je suis heureux. 


Dans ce court acces de folie, 

Si Ton veut lui donner ce nom, 
Avec du vin, femme jolie, 

Je me crois un Napoleon. 
De chacun j'augmente I'ivresse, 

Par quelques traits pleins de gaite ; 
Sans un sou je parle richesse, 

C'est rever la felicite". 

Je choisis aimable compagne, 

Et je lui tiens de doux propos ; 
Et sans le secours du champagne, 

H m'echappe quelques bon mots. 
Si de ses yeux muet langage 

Rpond aux desirs de mon coeur ; 
Vous voyez que mon hermitage 

Devient le sejour du bonheur. 

Amis, croyez m'en sur parole, 

La tristesse abrege nos jours ; 
Venez, venez a mon e"cole, 

Du temps je sais remplir le cours. 
Entre Bacchus et la folie, 

L'amour, quelque fois la raison, 
Je depense gaiement la vie, 

Comme le sage Anacrgon. 



Quoi, toujours ce sujet m'inspire ! 

Bacchus, je te re"siste en vain ! 
Je prononce dans mon delire, 

Gloire a jamais au dieu du vin ! 
Sans ce sujet inepuisable, 

Que maint auteur servit petit ; 
Et que de beaux esprits a table, 

On verroit souvent sans esprit. 


De nectar quand ma coupe est pleine, 

Et que le plaisir la soutient, 
Elle devient ma souveraine, 

L'univers alors m'appartient. 
Le bonheur lui-meme me berce, 

Dans un reve doux et trompeur ; 
Et chaque coup que ma main verse, 

Par degres accroit mon erreur. 

Bacchus, tes effets sont magiques ! 

D'un poltron tu fais un heros ; 
Pere de nos auteurs comiques, 

Ta source est celJe des bon mots. 
L'amant y court puiser 1'audace, 

Qui sert a combler tous ses voeux ; 
Et le vieillard que le temps glace, 

Y vient chercher de nouveaux feux. 

L'artisan assis sous la treille, 

Entre sa femme et ses enfans, 
Oublie en vidant sa bouteille 

Les rois, les princes, et les grands. 
D goute une volupte pure, 

Sa bien-aimee est dans ses bras ; 
II se croit roi de la Nature, 

Si sa coupe ne tarit pas. 

Lorsque la camarde inflexible, 

Dont la visite nous fait peur, 
Viendra d'un air tres-peu risible, 

Me dire, Allons done, vieux buveur ! 
Je veux tenter de la se"duire, 

Par 1'effet de ce jus divin : 
Cela se peut, car j'entends dire, 

Qu'on ne rdsiste pas au vin. 





Expediency of abolishing the Tower of London Make-believe 
legislation Sir John Trelawny on church rates Letters of 
the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, Chancellor of the Exchequer 
Mr. Buncombe and the Jews' Bill Letters of Sir F. H. 
Goldsmid, Bart., and Baron Lionel Rothschild Rise of the 
great capitalist Objections of the House of Lords Letters of 
Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Derby Mr. Buncombe's popularity 
with the Jews Medical reform Speech of the member for 
Finsbury Letters of Dr. Maddock and Mr. John Lawrence 
Proposed letter of Liberal members of the House of Com- 
mons to Lord Palmerston Abolition of toll-gates Mr. Forster 
on the turnpike question Correspondence of Lord Palmerston 
and Mr. Duncombe, respecting the consul at Savannah Mr. 
Buncombe's fatal illness. 

A STRIKING instance was given by the popular member 
of bis indifference to sentimental impressions wben be 
bad a public benefit in view. Among the notices of 
motion on the paper for February, 1859, the follow- 
ing must have startled some of the members of the 
House : 

Mr. Thomas Duncombe. Tower of London. Address for 
a Commission to inquire into the expediency of continuing 
the present establishment and jurisdiction of the Tower, and 
whether the site, together with the lands and property be- 
longing to it, cannot, by sale or otherwise, be converted to 
purposes of greater utility with advantage to the public 


When lie proposed this from his seat there seemed a 
general disposition to treat it as a joke; but one of 
the most influential of the daily papers encouraged 
him to proceed. In a leading article of great ability 
the editor stated : 

The Tower of London, in its present state, is an ana- 
chronism and an anomaly. It professes to be a fortress, and 
is governed by a kind of martial law, but for any purposes 
of offence or defence it is useless, and might be escaladed by 
an Irish hod-carrier, or stormed by a resolute party of coal- 

The member for Finsbury characteristically looked 
at the subject from a utilitarian point of view, and 
ignored historical and poetical associations. He had 
ascertained that the establishment covered a space of 
twelve acres and five poles of valuable land, and cost 
the country yearly in salaries 4255/. 9s. Id., besides 
an enormous expenditure in enlargements and im- 
provements. The cry of vandalism, however, was 
immediately raised by zealous antiquaries, and genu- 
ine Conservatives, military and civilian, and the 
ancient palace, fortress, prison, mint, and cemetery 
was preserved intact. 

In the experimental legislation, for which recent 
Parliamentary annals are famous, there is much that 
is make-believe. Members every session introduced 
resolutions, or submitted bills to the House, that were 
never intended to become laws. They did so with a 
perfect knowledge that a discussion on a division would 
be fatal to their pretensions ; but such experiments 
were made for the constituency, not for the country. 
It was a pet scheme of particular politicians who 
* Daily Telegraph, February 9th, 1859. 


exercised a considerable influence over the borough, 
town, or county that had returned the member who 
had invented it ; and the annual attempt was got up 
to show that he did not neglect his duty. Such is 
the case with the proposals for the Ballot, the Anti- 
Maynooth question, the Repeal of the Union, and 
similar displays of useless oratory. 

There were also instances where, to save appearances, 
some members were uncommonly busy in bringing 
forward measures they never intended to carry. They 
were not of the same opinion as their constituents, but 
it was essential to their interests to appear so a bill 
must therefore be framed and advocated; and the 
local paper was sure to be filled with highly-coloured 
descriptions of its merit, as well as with glowing 
eulogiums of the public spirit of their popular and 
patriotic representative ; when, just as everything 
looked fair for its favourable passage through the 
House, some unexpected obstacle occurred, and the 
bill was withdrawn. This appears to have been con- 
sidered the case with an attempt to reform church- 
rates a subject that was sure to meet Mr. Dun- 
combe's approval, in consequence of the large element 
of dissent in the Finsbury constituency. Such an 
experiment was made, and he had suggested improve- 
ments that elicited the following note : 

Reform Club, March 24th, 1860. 

MY DEAR SIR, I should think the following clause 
would suit the case : 

" And be it enacted, that from and after the passing of 
this Act, no expenses now legally payable out of the pro- 
ceeds of a church rate shall be defrayed out of sums 



accruing from any other rates whatsoever, any present law 
or custom notwithstanding." 

But perhaps Dr. Forster would give you his opinion on 
it. Yours truly, J. S. TRELAWNY. 

Thomas Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Among the working-classes whose grievances the 
member for Einsbury was called upon to remedy, were 
the cork-cutters. He met deputations, and got him- 
self well up in their trade statistics, as well as in their 
causes of complaint, and then brought their case 
before the House of Commons, by asking a question 
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He generally 
commenced his parliamentary proceedings in this 
form ; and as sometimes the minister was not prepared 
with an answer, a correspondence or interview became 
necessary. The letters here printed will show what 
amount of interest Mr. Gladstone took in the 
subject : 

11, Downing-street, June 19th, 1860. 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his compli- 
ments to Mr. Buncombe, and has just received his letter 
with the enclosures, which he will take the earliest oppor- 
tunity of examining. He is not yet precisely aware what 
were the statements made by him which are complained of, 
or which it is desired to controvert. He finds that his 
informants are ready to substantiate, so at least they apprise 
him, all the particulars which he laid before the House of 

He takes this opportunity of assuring Mr. Duncombe 
that nothing could have been further from his intention 
than to have censured Mr. Duncombe for not laying any 
information on this subject before him instead of taking it 
direct to the House of Commons. It was only upon 
Mr. Duncombe's seeming to appeal to him for an immediate 
acknowledgment of error that he was at once led to observe 


why he could pronounce no opinion on the case at the time. 
He does not particularly recollect the thanks of which 
Mr. Duncombe speaks, but he has no doubt he did thank 
Mr. Duncombe for his courtesy in giving him notice of 
what was to take place, and in this spirit it was his desire 
and intention that, with whatever differences of opinion, the 
subject should continue to be handled. 

11, Downing-street, Whitehall, June 22nd, 1860. 

The Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his compli- 
ments to Mr. Duncombe, and will be much obliged if 
Mr. Duncombe will inform him on what authority it is 
imputed to him in the declaration of the master cork- 
cutters of Liverpool (returned herewith for reference), to 
have said in the House of Commons " that through the 
imperfections of workmanship, or tyrannical and arbitrary 
demands of society-men employed by us respectively, we 
have been obliged to employ boys." Upon this language 
appears to be founded the charge of calumny which those 
gentlemen have thought themselves entitled to make. 

In the session of 1860 Mr. Duncombe continued 
his exertions to put the standing orders in favour of 
Jews taking the altered oath, into a statutable shape. 
The House of Lords displayed a disposition to main- 
tain the existing law, with one or two noble excep- 
tions ; the principal of these were Lord Lyndhurst, 
who was very earnest in his commendation of the 
proposed measure ; Lord Brougham, who was ever 
in favour of religious toleration ; and Earl Eussell 
(Lord John), who was quite as active an advocate for 
Baron Rothschild and his co-religionists in the Upper 
House, as he had been in the Lower since his return 
for the city of London. Among the wealthy Hebrew 
capitalists the importance of the measure was at once 

z 2 


admitted. We print notes from two of the most 
distinguished : 

14, Portland-place, W., 29th March, 1860. 

MY DEAR SIR, Not having had the pleasure of seeing 
you in the House the last day or two (in consequence, I 
lament to hear, of your being indisposed), I trouble you 
with these few words, and forward to you with them a draft 
(which I think will answer the purpose in view) of the Bill 
you have obtained leave to introduce for amending the 
Jews' Relief Act of 1858. 

I showed a sketch of the Bill to the Attorney-General, 
and have since made a slight alteration in it in accordance 
with a suggestion of his. 

I remain, my dear Sir, truly yours, 


Kingston House, 2 May, 1860. 

MY DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, Lord Lyndhurst has re- 
quested me to write to you to say, that it will give him 
great pleasure to see you respecting our Bill. He will be 
at home to-morrow (Thursday) at two o'clock, and hopes 
that it will be convenient for you to call upon him at that 

Pray accept again my thanks for the trouble you are 
taking in our question, and believe me, 

Yours sincerely, L. DE ROTHSCHILD. 

The great capitalist's account of his first rise, as 
given at a party at Ham House, February, 1834, is 
worth quoting : 

" I dealt in English goods [at Frankfort] . One great 
trader came there who had the market to himself. He 
was quite the great man, and did us a favour if he sold us 
goods. Somehow I offended him, and he refused to show 
me his patterns. This was on a Tuesday. I said to my 
father, ' I will go to England/ I could speak nothing but 
German. On the Thursday I started ; the nearer I got to 


England the cheaper goods were. As soon as I got to 
Manchester I laid out all my money things were so cheap 
and I made good profit. I soon found that there were 
three profits the raw material, the dyeing, and the manu- 
facturing. I said to the manufacturer, ' I will supply you 
with material and dye, and you supply me with manu- 
factured goods/ So I got three profits instead of one ; and 
I could sell goods cheaper than anybody. In a short time 
I made my 20,000?. into 60,000/."* 

There were other circumstances that favoured the 
rise to a position of equal honour and influence of this 
able financier. In the first place the family of 
merchant princes, of which his lordship is now the 
head, obtained their first elevation among European 
capitalists by a well-established reputation for honour 
and probity. The confidence thus created helped the 
favourable development of that genius for successful 
enterprise which has made the name a power in the 
commercial, quite as influential as that of Czar or 
Emperor in the political world. In truth there are 
some sovereignties that owe their present existence to 
the timely succour afforded them from the resources 
of these autocratic firms. 

Lord Kothschild differs from many other great spe- 
culators in many particulars, but essentially in the 
quiet exercise of the power for doing good which in 
the present age is so noble an element of wealth. 
Many acts of practical benevolence might be set 
down to his credit account, which the outside world, 
Christian or Jew, have not been permitted to know. 
His millions do not flow through so many important 
channels without affording sustenance and strength 

* Memoirs of Sir Fowell Buxton, p. 288. 


to whatever strives, however obscurely, to flourish 
within its influence. The Baron is a promoter of art, 
of literature, and indeed of every merit that can be 
put to social profit. As a legislator he has always 
distinguished himself by the liberality of his prin- 
ciples and readiness to forward any measure intended 
to promote the public good. He was the cordial 
friend of Mr. Duncombe to the close of his career. 

The objections of the House of Lords to the Jew 
Bill were still stumbling-blocks in the way of parlia- 
mentary success. Mr. Duncombe tried every means 
of overcoming this difficulty in this session; and 
having determined on his amendment, communicated 
with the Premier. We subjoin his reply, and the 
interesting note that follows : 

St. James's-square, July 4th, 1860. 

DEAR SIR, Before replying to your note of yesterday, 
I thought it right to communicate with Lord Chelmsford, 
who entirely concurs with me in thinking the Bill, as you 
propose to amend it, unobjectionable, as doing nothing more 
than what was intended by the original compromise. But 
for the same reason, with all deference to the authority of 
the Speaker, we cannot see the necessity for it, and cannot 
understand on what grounds he rests his opinion of the 
necessity of an annual repetition of the Resolution. But if 
the House of Commons think the amended Bill necessary, 
and will be satisfied with it, I shall throw no obstacle in the 
way of its passing in that shape. I return the Bill, and am, 
Yours faithfully, DERBY. 

Folkestone, September 1st. 

DEAR MR. DUNCOMBE, I got tired of the dull drippings 
at the close of the session, and so left for this place. I 
return Lord Derby's letter. You have done good service 


in correcting the blunders of the " Lords' House/' and have 
deserved the thanks not of the Jewish people only, but of all 
the friends of religious liberty. 

Very faithfully, &c. LYNDHURST. 

The popular member now found that his labours in 
behalf of this great historical race were on the point of 
being crowned with success. He pressed forward his 
enlightened views, and with an access of parliamentary 
support secured a legislative locus standi for this nation 
without a country an important addition to the 
various evidences of a generous toleration he had 
assisted, during his long political career, in placing 
on the statute-book of the country. Contempora- 
neously, as we have already stated, he assisted in pro- 
ducing an elaborate attempt to make the wrongs of "the 
chosen people," during their sojourn in the land in 
which a remnant of them had sought refuge, familiar 
to Christian readers. Assuredly he had established 
an undeniable claim to the popularity he enjoyed 
among the Jewish community. 

Among the beneficial reforms advocated by Mr. 
Duncombe was one of the laws affecting the medical 
profession. In the session of 1858 Parliament had 
before it several attempts at legislation ; and during 
the debate on the second reading of Mr. Headlam's 
Medical Profession Bill, No. 1, he addressed the 
House in his happiest vein, exposing their im- 
perfections : 

Mr. T. Duncombe could not understand the argument of 
the hon. member for Oxford, that they were to consult for 
the dignity of the profession, as his idea was that they were 
sent to Parliament to deliberate upon what might be for the 
welfare of the public at large. Certainly, as concerned 


their own dignity, it had never been better consulted in 
medical matters than on that occasion ; for, on looking to 
the paper, he saw first the Medical Profession Bill No. 1. 
What had become of the Medical Profession Bill No. 2 he 
knew not, but perhaps it had taken the wrong medicine and 
was unable to appear. (Laughter.) The next was the 
Medical Profession Bill No. 3 ; and after that they had the 
Vaccination Bill, which was, he believed, intended to repeal 
the Compulsory Vaccination Act, which had been smuggled 
through the House in 1853 in fact, to take the parlia- 
mentary lancet out of the unwilling arm of the nation. 
(Laughter.) That was not enough in the way of physicking 
the House (renewed laughter) for they had also the Bill 
brought in by the hon. member for Cork, called the Medical 
and Surgical Sciences' Bill. In fact, they only wanted the 
Sale of Poisons' Bill, which was floundering its way in 
another place, to complete the list, which was appropriately 
closed by the order for the second reading of the Burials' 
Bill. (Great laughter.) They already had a State religion 
and a State education, and it was now proposed that they 
should also have State physic. He was determined to vote 
against both Bills. He would join the friends of No. 3 in 
their endeavour to defeat No. 1 ; and, as some requital, he 
should then help the friends of No. 1 to throw out No. 3, 
for they were not the reforms the people required. They 
wanted to see all the members of the medical profession, 
after they had gone through a qualifying examination, placed 
upon an equal footing. The Bills before the House he con- 
sidered as an interference between the public and their 
medical advisers. As regarded the medical corporations 
and the universities, they had obtained their exclusive privi- 
leges under circumstances which were not adapted to the 
present times, and as in the reform of the House of 
Commons they had done away with Old Sarum, so in 
medical reform they should not respect those obsolete insti- 
tutions. It was said that they should do away with 
quackery in medicine ; to that he had no objection, provided 
they did not attempt to do it by legislative quackery. 


Now he found that those medical bodies which they were 
told had done so much to advance the profession, had at all 
times impeded the march of science. They persecuted the 
man who invented the tourniquet, and the College of 
Physicians got Dr. Grenfell, who first applied cantharides 
to the cure of dropsy, sent to Newgate. After all, as 
Dr. Carlisle in his lectures said, medicine was an art 
founded in conjecture and improved in murder. He would, 
therefore, until some better measure of medical reform was 
proposed to the House, leave the College of Physicians and 
the College of Surgeons to operate on and prescribe for 
each other, and the Society of Apothecaries to drench them 
both. (Laughter.) 

On a division there was a majority of 225 for the 
bill, and 78 against ; it was, consequently, read a 
second time. The author of a pamphlet, who opposed 
the bill, Mr. Gramgee, an army surgeon on the staff, 
thus recognises Mr. Buncombe's services in the cause 
of medical reform in " Two Letters addressed to Lord 
Palmerston :" 

You will, I trust, remember that for us pleads the British 
Athens, for us pleads the University of Young England, the 
inspiration, aye under divine permission the creation of Henry 
Brougham ; for us pleads the Alma Mater of William Harvey, 
under the chancellorship of our Queen's consort ; for us, my 
Lord Palmerston, pleads the history of your whole life, of 
the life of William Pitt, John Russell, and Robert Peel of 
the lives of the really great ones, of all parties and of all 
ages ; for us have pleaded in the House of Commons, 
amongst many others, Mr. Duncombe, Mr. Cowper, Lord 
Elcho, Viscount Goderich, and the illustrious scion hope 
of the future of the house of Derby ; for us plead all 
history and all philosophy; for us pleads the Sense of 
senses the Universal the Common Sense. 

Mr. Duncombe was never disheartened by failure 


where the interests of the community were at stake, 
and there seemed a fair prospect for perseverance. 
He made himself acquainted with the several corpo- 
rations in the profession, as well as with the profes- 
sion itself, and returned to the charge again and again. 
Several eminent practitioners communicated their 
ideas to him and encouraged him to proceed. We 
append the letters of two distinguished Fellows of the 
corporations of physicians and surgeons : 

56, Curzon-street, Mayfair, July 12th, 1858. 

DEAR SIR, I cannot sufficiently thank you for your very 
kind and prompt letter. 

In consequence of the suggestion contained in the above, 
I have renewed my correspondence with Lord Ebury, and 
am led to hope that he will be induced to introduce in com- 
mittee an amendment (proposed by him on a former occa- 
sion), so as to expunge the retrospective clauses in question. 
I have also written to my very old friend, Mr. Swanston, Q.C. 
(formerly my guardian), with a request that he will give me 
notes of introduction to one or two " law lords" who were 
personally known to my father, the late chancery barrister. 
I fear that I have already too far trespassed upon your 
valuable time; but well knowing the natural goodness of 
your heart, and the desire you have ever evinced to protect 
the " weak from the strong," I am induced to ask whether 
you would give or obtain me an introduction to a peer who 
would be likely to grant me an interview, or take into con- 
sideration the amendment before referred to. 

Again most gratefully thanking you for your great kind- 
ness, which I shall endeavour in some measure to repay by 
serving you more energetically than ever in future elections, 
I am, with great respect, dear sir, your very faithful and 
obedient servant, A. B. MADDOCK. 

P.S. I duly appreciate the encouragement you give me, 
but would not the bill as it now stands not only debar me 



the right of registration, but even the privilege of retaining 
my title of M.D., with which I have hitherto practised for 
some twenty years as a physician ? 

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

30, Devonshire-street, Portland-place, April 28th, 1858. 

SIR, I see by to-day's Times that you have given notice of 
motion on medical reform a motion which appears to me 
to more deeply touch those questions which it is to the 
medical corporation's interest to conceal and the public's to 
bring forward, than any of the medical bills hitherto pro- 
posed. And at the risk of appearing intrusive, I am in- 
duced to ask you to grant me an interview, which I venture 
to think would reveal to you some facts which it is as well 
you should be informed on. The College of Surgeons (e.g.] 
is supposed by the general public to represent the feelings 
of the surgeons of this country it really represents the 
pecuniary interests of a score of men, who are hence endeavour- 
ing to thrust on the legislature a series of measures calculated 
to benefit themselves, and themselves alone. If I were to 
attempt to foreshadow to you the despotic machinery of the 
Council of the College of Surgeons I might write ad nauseam. 
Their constant deputations (one yesterday) to Lord Derby 
indicate that which the whole medical profession knows 
their trepidation and anxiety lest any rude legislation rob 
them of a single examination-fee. This " examination/' 
too what is it ? Simply absurd. It yearly adds shoals of 
ignorant " surgeons" to the already overstocked profession, 
as detrimental to this latter as it is to the public. If, sir, 
you have the boldness (for it is boldness) to unveil this dis- 
graceful state of affairs, you will reveal a countenance which, 
like the prophet of Khorassan, the corporations have good 
reason to be ashamed of, and keep from the gaze of the 
profanum vulgus. 

And in concluding permit me to assure you I am actuated 
to address you by no other motive than to see a system 
exposed which, if endorsed by the legislature, crushes the 


profession, elevates the corporations, and injures the public 
good. And I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

JOHN B. LAWRENCE, F.R.C.S., M.B. Univ. Lond. 

The treasurer of the " Parliamentary Reform Asso- 
ciation," and an influential member of the Liberal 
party, well known and respected in commercial circles, 
took a commercial view of our non-interference in the 
recent war in Italy ; but the member for Finsbury, 
who had listened to the arguments of Mazzini and 
Kossuth, was eager for the realization of the pros- 
pects that had been held out to the patriotic 
Italians. The treaty of Villafranca was a death-blow 
to the hopes of the revolutionists ; for though Austria 
was subsequently obliged to surrender her strongholds 
in Italy, and the French army quitted Rome, those 
great events were brought about under royal auspices. 
Victor Emmanuel had the credit of both, and the one 
great Italian republic of the democrats appeared to be 
out of the question. 

The following communications on the subject were 
interchanged : 

18, Wood-street, London, January 2nd, 1861. 

DEAR SIR, The accompanying draft of a letter to Lord 
Palmerston has resulted from a deep conviction of the ne- 
cessity for a revision of our present national expenditure, 
and that it is a wise and friendly act earnestly to press this 
on the attention of the Government, by a private communi- 
cation, before they prepare the estimates for the ensuing 

The draft has been cordially approved by several mem- 
bers to whom I have had facilities of showing it. The 
following are willing to sign, provided forty members unite 
in doing so : Messrs. Baines, Baxter, Bristow, Buxton, 
R. W. Crawford, Crossley, Crum-Ewing, S. Gurney, Rob. 


Hanbury, Kershaw, Lawson, Lindsay, Mellor, Moffat, Paget, 
Pease, Pilkington, J. L. Ricardo, Shelley, Sykes, Turner, 
Whalley, Wyld. 

I am sanguine enough to believe we shall far exceed 
forty, and I venture to ask you to add your name on the 
same condition. It is important not to delay the prepara- 
tion of the document if any use is to be made of it. Your 
early reply, therefore, will be esteemed a favour. In any 
case please return the copy to me, lest it should get astray. 
I am, dear sir, yours faithfully, S. MORLEY. 

January 4th, 1861. 

DEAR SIR, Constituted as the present Government and 
House of Commons are, I much fear that communications 
such as you propose will be but of little avail, and I do not 
think that I should feel disposed to sign any, unless ob- 
tained in the way I have taken the liberty to suggest ; for 
after England's long and loud professions in favour of Italian 
independence, I cannot admit that our silence has been, or 
is, " the policy of wisdom," especially as so much more has 
yet to be accomplished in Rome and Venetia before Italy's 
freedom can be considered fully established. 

I cannot, however, conclude without taking this oppor- 
tunity of kiudly thanking you for these patriotic exertions 
in favour of liberty and reform, which I have observed with 
pleasure you so nobly and so constantly are in the habit of 
making. Yours faithfully, T. S. D. 

One of the last of the popular member's many use- 
ful labours in Parliament was directed to the abolition 
of toll-gates. As usual he commenced proceedings by 
asking questions of the minister, Sir Or. Cornewall 
Lewis, and as usual got no satisfactory reply ; but the 
nuisance in the neighbourhood of the metropolis 
especially had become intolerable, and it only 
wanted a well-directed attack to effect its removal. 

On the 22nd of February, 1861, he asked Sir 


George Lewis what was intended to be done, and tlie 
latter replied that he was in communication with the 
Metropolitan Roads' Commissioners. As a memorial 
complaining of the system had been presented to the 
minister in the March preceding, signed by 407 mer- 
cantile firms and professional men, the member for 
Finsbury thought something ought to be done. 

On Monday, June 3rd, he asked the Secretary 
of State for the Home Department what progress 
had been made towards the abolition of the toll-gates 
round London, whether the Metropolitan Roads' 
Commissioners had held any special meeting to effect 
this purpose, if they had been summoned how many 
had attended, and what business had been done. A 
letter he received the next day afforded him some use- 
ful hints on the subject : 

Reform Club, June 4th. 

MY DEAR SIR, Having taken a good deal of trouble 
and interest in the metropolitan turnpike- gate question, I 
thank you for putting the queries you did to Sir George 
Lewis last night on the subject, although somewhat sur- 
prised at the answer you received from him. Sir George 
knows very well that the Commissioners have power by the 
Act to remove the gates without leave from the parties 
interested in maintaining them. In proof of this I need 
only mention that in the first year of coming into office 
they removed twenty-seven gates without asking leave of 
the parishes in which they stood. Since then, however, 
the number of gates and bars have been rather increased 
than diminished. The reason is plain enough : to remove 
all the gates would put an end to the Commission ! It 
has a train of officials, solicitors, surveyors, secretaries, and 
contractors, all banded together to maintain it, and who 
get up opposition to the removal of the gates in the 
parishes in which they stand. Perhaps the ratepayers in 


the Strand or Cheapside would not object to a gate on 
condition of being relieved from the expense of repairing 
those streets. 

The ready way to perpetuate an abuse is to put it under 
a Commission which breeds an interest to keep it alive. 
This Commission is now not only a job but a nuisance. 
I am, my dear Sir, yours sincerely, M. FORSTER. 

What makes the remissness of the Government as 
respects this crying evil more remarkable, is the fact 
that the House of Commons had in 1856 abolished 
the gates throughout Ireland. An appeal was made 
to Lord Palmerston to extend the benefit of the Act 
to London. Lord Granville was referred to, but 
nothing was done. In the year 1858 the House of 
Commons passed a resolution for an inquiry, to pre- 
cede the removal of gates within a circuit of six miles, 
and the committee took a year in making their report. 
Although it recommended a change, nothing of the 
kind was attempted; and all classes of her Majesty's 
subjects, to whom a horse or a conveyance was neces- 
sary, continued to be taxed and annoyed by those 
stoppages to the traffic. Mr. Duncombe, however, 
pressed the subject till a gradual extinction of the 
obsolete custom was conceded. 

Another interchange of letters took place between 
the Prime Minister and the member for Finsbury. 
Mr. Molyneux, our consul at Savannah, had felt 
himself aggrieved in consequence of Mr. Duncombe 
having read in the House of Commons a letter con- 
taining statements as to that gentleman's Southern 
" proclivities," which he totally denied. He addressed 
a letter to Mr. Duncombe, who, with his customary 
sense of justice, lost no time in getting for it the 


earliest and greatest possible publicity by sending it 
for publication in the newspapers, it being too late for 
Parliamentary use. He also wrote on the subject to 
his correspondent in the United States, as he promised 
in his note to the Minister : 

94, Piccadilly, 2nd August, 1861. 

MY DEAR DUNCOMBE, The enclosed letter relates to 
some statement made by you in the House of Commons, 
which appears to have cast an undeserved imputation on 
the writer ; would you like yourself to give the explanation, 
or would you wish me to do so on Tuesday morning ? 

Yours sincerely, PALMERSTON. 

Eastbourne, August 8th, 1861. 

MY DEAR LORD PALMERSTON, Many thanks for your 
letter, which has only just reached me. I regret that you 
should have been troubled upon the subject, as it appears 
to me to belong more properly to the Foreign Department ; 
but as I have also received a similar communication from 
the consul at Savannah, and which appears in the Times 
of this day, I do not think it will be necessary to take, 
at present, any further steps in the matter beyond asking, 
as I shall do, for an explanation from my correspondent 
at New York, who ought to be, and who I believe is, well 
informed upon these matters. 

Always yours faithfully, T. S. D. 

The Viscount Palmerston, M.P., &c. 

Neither the popular minister nor the popular 
member ever corresponded or ever met again. The 
career of both was drawing to its close, but the en- 
feebled constitution of the latter indicated a speedier 
dissolution. He had proceeded to a favourite water- 
ing-place at the termination of the session (1861), to 
recruit ; but having exhausted the skill of the medical 


profession, was doomed to find the healing re- 
sources of Nature equally inefficacious. In vain all 
reputed specifics had been tried one after another : it 
became painfully evident that the long overworked 
machine was not only out of gear, but worn out. 
Over and over again his enforced withdrawal from 
political life had been announced by the public jour- 
nals ; but as he had come forward in person to dis- 
prove the intelligence, no apprehensions were enter- 
tained by his numerous friends. 

Unhappily for those who watched over him and 
knew him best, he was hastening to his final rest 
after half a century of arduous public service. 
His life had been devoted, to the requirements of all 
who wanted an advocate or a friend, without respect 
to creed or nationality without the slightest re- 
ference to social prejudices and partialities. He 
ignored the bonds of family alliance, the claims of 
long-established friendship, and the sympathies of 
political clanship, at the call of duty ; and though this 
lost him favour, it never lost him self-respect. 

The bold champion of oppressed nationalities was 
never bolder than when he refused to countenance 
regicides, and disappointed the expectations of the 
band of expatriated political schemers who sought to 
make him their dupe and their tool. The Mazzinis 
and Kossuths since then had withdrawn their confi- 
dence from him, for which, there is no doubt, he was 
sufficiently thankful. They did more than this they 
forgot their champion and benefactor. This, however, 
left the wearied politician a little more leisure to 
attend to himself; his condition, however, proved 
daily less capable of amelioration from any care. 



Mr. Buncombe's illness originated about the year 
1845, when he attended a board of inquiry on board 
the hulks, regarding the treatment of prisoners and 
the prison system. He caught a severe cold, which 
was neglected, and symptoms of a worse malady 
shortly became apparent, the natural consequence of 
the little attention which he paid to his health when 
his Parliamentary duties required him to be in his 
place in the House of Commons. In the space of one 
year bronchial disease developed into chronic asthma. 
He was recommended constant change of air and 
place, but after a few years the locality and the 
climate were left to his own goodwill. The principal 
places he visited were Frant, Brighton, Sidmouth, 
Tunbridge Wells, Pembury, Reigate, Box Hill, God- 
stone, Preston (Sussex), Cromer, Reigate, and East- 

Mr. Buncombe tried every system and every medi- 
cine which possessed even a doubtful recommendation. 
He sought the assistance of twenty -eight doctors, all 
of whom failed in their endeavours to effect a cure. 
The attacks of asthma were at times of a most severe 
and painful character. 

In the year 1861 he was induced to try Lancing (in 
Sussex) ; on the 12th October he went there, and after 
a short stay seemed to be improving. The rapid 
change was so marked (at the time he was trying a 
new medicine), that his medical man came from 
London to make an examination, and reported 
favourably. On the 13th November, two days later, 
his patient suddenly expired, after over fourteen years 
of suffering. He was in the sixty- sixth year of his 


The following is the last account of his health, 
written by himself for the month of October, 1861 : 

Breathing a little easier, and got more out in London 
after leaving Eastbourne; and on the 12th moved to 
Lancing, between Shoreham and Worthing. Breathing 
worse, from visit to dentist, I think, and felt rather bilious 
on arriving at Lancing. Drove out on the 22nd. 

2Qth. Began " Cannabis Indica Tincture." 

'30th and 31s/. Walked out a little, ending the month 
decidedly better than I began it. 

Please God it may continue ! T. S. D. 

Thus closed the career of a public servant of rare 

integrity and disinterestedness. Many have taken a 
similar path to popularity with more brilliant qualifi- 
cations, but few have shown so signally their indif- 
ference to social advantages. He was the honorary 
advocate of the oppressed of every class and creed, 
and pursued a course of legislation for the sons of toil 
with no other object than their moral and intellectual 
advancement. His life was eminently patriotic, and 
his labours singularly beneficial. To do this he 
turned his back upon an elevated position and its all- 
powerful recommendations for State employment 
abandoned the allurements of a patrician circle and 
devoted himself to an arduous and unprofitable 

Could he have survived a few years he would have 
enjoyed the gratification of seeing the principles he 
had so long and ably advocated embodied in a legisla- 
tive measure, and carried triumphantly through both 
Houses of Parliament by his political associates, in 
conjunction with the great political party to which his 
family were attached. It would appear, from this 

A A 2 


important result, that his private conferences with 
his talented friend at Grosvenor Gate were not with- 
out a purpose. Real Parliamentary Reform has at 
last been secured pre-eminently by the perseverance, 
intelligence, and tact of Mr. Disraeli. The Earl of 
Derby and his Administration will have the credit of 
obtaining for the people privileges which popular 
Governments have been content with promising when 
out of office, and denying when in. We trust that 
the industrial class, for whose advantage chiefly the 
new Reform Bill has been framed, will not suffer 
themselves to be induced, by specious misrepresenta- 
tions, to prove that they are incapable of exercising 
these privileges, in the wise and liberal spirit with 
which they have been conceded. 

Mr. Duncombe left a widow to lament her irre- 
parable loss, and an only son to endeavour to imitate 
the virtues and emulate the self-sacrificing patriotism 
of so estimable a parent and so good a man. He died 
poor rich in the memory of those who esteemed him, 



Baron Capelle's Notes upon the State of France since 1830. 

LES ministres du Roi Charles X., usant de droit qu'en 
donnait a la couronne Part. 14 de la charte constitu- 
tionnelle, avaient, pour preserver la royaute d'une conjura- 
tion imminente, suspendu pour un court delai quelques- 
unes des libertes constitutionnelles ; de meme qu'on suspend 
en Angleterre I'habeas corpus. 

Le Gouvernement eleve par la Revolution Th? Kestoration 
. , . had suspended m 

de Juillet a supprime irrevocablement deux France certain 

fois plus de libertes que n'en avaient sus- liberties ; the Ee- 

* . * . . volution of July 

pendu temporairement les ministres de has destroyed 

Charles X. them since. 

II a interdit le droit dissociation, bien que le droit 
soit fondamental dans tout gouvernement The right of asso- 
libre ; et 1'interdiction a ete poussee si loin JSSSJRjjfc* 
qu^il n j y a pas jusqu'a aux moindres societes benevolent and 
litteraires, savantes, ou de bienfaisance, qui 8cientific P ur Pses. 
ne soient obligees de demander pour exister et se reunir, la 
permission de 1'autorite. 

II a par les lois d'intimidation soumis la The laws against 

the Press are now 

presse a un esclavage presque absolu sur les worse thanslavery. 
matieres du Gouvernement. 

II a convert! Tinstitution liberale et protectrice les 

juries, en une institution arbitraire et Trial by jury, de- 

r- , ^, IT i i' i cidedbyamajoritv 

tyranmque, en faisant etablir par la legisla- of voie ^ and J by " 
tion, que les jugements seraient desormais ballot 



rendus a la simple majorite des votes, et que les jures 
voteraient entr'eux au scrutin secret. 

La consequence de ces changeraents fondamentaux dans 
les lois a ete de soumettre la France a un 
veritable despotisme, et de la faire retro- 
grader vers la moyen age. 

La marche du Gouvernement n'a pas 
ete moins tyrannique que les change- 
ments faits dans les lois. On a fait 
plusieurs fois mitrailler les populations 
de Paris et de Lyon. Les condamna- 
tions pour delits de la presse ont ete deux 
cents fois plus multipliers que pendant 
la Restauration, et toutes beaucoup plus 

Lesvisites domiciliaires quietaient si rares, 
et qui ne pouvaient etre ordonneesque par les 
tribunaux, et apres une procedure prealable, 
Font ete, a tout propos, sous le moindre 
pretexte et en vertu d'un moindre ordre 
d'un agent du Gouvernement : Tabus en a 
ete si grand, qu'on peut dire que la violation constante 
et facultative de Tasile des citoyens, a ete par le fait sub- 
stitue au principe de nos lois qui declarait cet asile in- 

Enfin, les arrestations preventives ou prealables a tout 
Arrests on pre- jugement ont ete tellement nombreuses et 

sumptive evidence , , ,., /. j , 

have been innu- tellement prolongees, qu il faudrait re- 
monter au temps les plus recules pour 
en trouver des exemples. 

En resume, non seulement la France 
etait a tous egards et sans comparaison cent 
fois plus libre pendant la Bestauration, 
mais elle etait plus libre sous le Gouverne- 
ment imperial. 

Condition of 
France equal to 
the dark ages. 

The measures of 
the Government 
have been worthy 
of those days. 
Population massa- 
cred ; parts of 
Paris and Lyons 
demolished by the 

The prosecutions 
against the Press 
two hundredfold 
more numerous 
than in Charles 
the Tenth's time. 

Domiciliary visits 
permitted by an 
order of the 
minister, and the 
abuse of it most 

merable, and many 
objects of these 
arrests have been 
allowed to remain 
eighteen months 
and two years in 
prison waiting 
for acquittal. In 
short, the liberty 
of France was not 
only much greater 
before the Revolu- 
tion of July, but 
Wiis also so during 
the ruign of 


Letter of the Due d'Ossuna to Count de Courcy on Mr. 
Duncombe's projected Railway. 

Paris, le 16 Mai, 1845. 

MON CHER DE COURCY, Je suis arrive dans cette ville 
depuis trois jours, et au meme moment j'ai re9u vos deux 
estimables lettres du 21 et 26 Aout dernier qu'etaient par- 
venues a ma maison de Madrid depuis mon depart ; Finter- 
vale de temps a ete long a cause du mauvais etat de ma 
sante m'a oblige de m'arreter souvent en route contre 
1'habitude que j'ai de voyager avec la rapidite qu'exige mon 
caractere actif. 

Je me suis empresse d'examiner votre proposition pour 
intervenir, moi comme president en homme de la societe 
directeur du chemin de fer de Madrid a Lisbonne, et en 
effet je prevois que ce doit etre une bonne affaire pour vous, 
si vous pouvez reussir a en obtenir la concession du gou- 
vernement et a reunir assez d'actionnaires pour le mettre en 
execution. Je m'associerais volontiers a cette entreprise 
sans autre raison que savoir que vous et le cher d'Orsay en 
etiez interesses ; mais a mon grand regret il se presente un 
grave inconvenient qui m' oblige a me dispenser de cette 
question avec toute la bon volonte que j'ai de pouvoir y con- 
tribuer mon nom. C'est un fait qu'une societe formee a 
Madrid pour ^execution du chemin de fer des Asturies a la 
mer du nord de PEspagne m'avait propose comme directeur 
president de la meme, et sans Fautorisation de ma part 
m'ayant publiquement proclame tel; et voila la raison 
pourquoi vous m'avez vu annonce dans cette qualite, sans 
qu'en realite j'en savais rien. En vertu de cette demarche 
qu'etait faite par quelques personnes de mon amitie intime, 
et par quelques-uns de mes collegues deputes aux Cortes, je 
ne pouvais pas me moutrer a eux offense dans les termes 
qu'une pareille action meritait, et je me suis borne a leur 
declarer que mon intention n'etait pas d'en faire partie et que 
je leur priais de vouloir bien effacer moil nom de cette 
entreprise, a laquelle d'ailleurs, mes occupations person- 
nelles en Fetat de ma sante ne me permettraient preter mes 


soins et attentions : en definitive, il a ete convenu qu'il en 
serait ainsi ; et vous en verrez prochainement les effets dans 
les me'mes annonces ou vous m'avez vu figurer avant, sans 
nullc connaissance de ma part. 

Dans cet etat de choses, vous concevrez facilement, mon 
clier de Courcy, que la demarche de preter mon nom a uu 
autre entreprise de pareil objet serait en extreme offen- 
sante pour ces messieurs, et je desire menager Famitie des 
mes collegues et amis, et plus encore 1'honneur et la repu- 
tation de la consequence de mes actions et de mon caractere. 
Vous meme ayant voulu m'annoncer comme president de 
votre entreprise sans avoir connaissance de tous les an- 
tecedens m'aviez place involontairement dans un embarras 
cruel pour mon amitie et ma deference pour vous : je serais 
oblige d'en donner satisfaction aux personnes a qui j'ai 
refuse ma co-operation a Madrid, et j'espere que vous vou- 
drez bicn publier dans vos annonces qu'une erreur involon- 
taire donnait lieu a inserer mon nom comme interesse a 
cette entreprise. 

Pour ccla il n'empeche pas, mon cher de Courcy, que par- 
ticulierement je fasse tout ce qui dependrait pour favoriser 
votre projet; je m'iiiterresserais en Espagne avec les ministres, 
avec mes amis, avec toutcs les personnes de ma connaissauce 
qui puissent etre utiles pour la reussite de Taffaire. Je m'in- 
terrcsserais meme pour un nombre d'actions du moment que 
vous en aurez obtenu la concession du gouvernement pour 
pouvoir les emettre ; enfin, je ferais tout ce qui pourrait 
s'opposer a douner une idee d'inconsequeuce de caractere et 
qui pourrait, en outre, vous prouver que je desire ardemmeut 
servir vos intentions et votre amitie. 

Vcuillez je vous prie en faire part a mon cher d'Orsay, a 
qui j'ecrirai aussitot que me le permettra ma sante chance- 
lantc, qui m'empeche encore aujourd-hui dc vous ecrire dc ma 
propre main comme je Taurais desire : presentez mes 
respects d'amitie et mes hommages de cceur aux aimables 
dames de Gore House, et croycz moi toujours votre ami 
bien devoue et affection ne, 



P.S. Je reyois dans ce moment votre autre estimable 
lettre du 14 courant, a laquelle je ne puis vous dire que 
repeter tout ce que je viens de vous dire plus haut : je n'ai 
pas encore vu M. de Guiche, et pour le cas qu'il m'en 
parlera, je voudrais que vous eussiez m'envoye les articles 
ou conditions sous lesquels est fondee votre societe. 

Letter of Ferhad Pacha. 

Septembre 20, 1856. 

TRES-HONORABLE AMI, II estvrai, que je n'ai pas encore 
votre reponse, mais je ne peux plus Fattendre pour vous 
ecrire nouvellement sur un sujet qui me semble tres 

Dans ma derniere lettre je crois vous avoir signifie 
que je ne pouvais rester en bonne harmonic avec Omer P. 
Je souffrais et je tolerais avec une indifference stoique, mais 
je voulais servir a mon souverain, et ne pas etre le chien 
d'un general. 

II parait que cela regrettait quelquefois au general, 
puisque nonobstant son faible savoir, il aime se meler en 
tout, meme lorsque par hasard il n'a aucune connaissance 
sur Faffaire. En telle circonstance on a besoin de recourir 
quelquefois aux lumieres des autres, et un certain Bangya 
Colonel Mehemed Bey, avec Finsigne Lorody, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Nurry Bey, aide-de-camp et le confidant d'Omer P., 
se sont donnes la peine d'illuminer brillamment Fesprit 
d'Omer P. avec mes lumieres sur les haras et la police 
d'etat. Pour un petit local il suffit une petite lumiere. 

Depuis ce temps on me fait la caresse; Oiner avait re- 
connu, que nous nous pouvions rendre des services reciproques, 
mais comme tous les hommes miserables, il n'a pas la 
franchise d'avouer son tort. Pour ma part je ne Fappro- 
cherai pas, et en consequence Faffaire restera dans une cor- 
respondance par le mediaire des autres. Ceci comme 

Hier done Bangya m'avait dit : " Lorody etait venu 
plusieurs fois chez lui, et Favait trouve tout-a-Fheure. II 


aurait lui racconte : que la sante du Sultan serait telle qu'il 
lui sera difficile de survivre 1'hiver (I.) que son frere Abdul- 
Asis n'etant propre a la succession du trone, puisqu'il est 
vehement, obscurant, fanatique et ne se laisse pas guider 
(du moms non par ceux qui aimeraient de le faire) ; c'est 
pourquoi une coalition s'est formee, aim de changer la suc- 
cession du trone, et pour 1'assurer au Murad, tils aine du 
Sultan. Celui est un enfant faible, epuise, de 12 13 ans ; 
pendant sa minorite y regnerait une coalition, qui saurait 
menager Taffaire de maniere pour continuer de regner meme 
plus tard. A ce fin Omer P. et Rescind P. se sont recon- 
cilies (II.) et Omer se pacifiera-t-il aussi avec Riza P., a quoi, 
sans se prononcer clairement, il parait d'avoir besoin de mon 
aide, puisque Riza m'est favorable. Omer me faisait dire 
' le temps viendra bien vite, qu'il aura besoin de moi, et il 
comptera sur moi, comme je peux compter sur lui a 1'instant 
et pour toujours, et que tout le monde le sait'; mais en 
verite pour le moment 9a ne vaut 5 para, si merne il n'est 
pas d'un avantage negatif. Lorody en outre avait ex- 
plique : Abdul- Asis compte un parti puissant parmi le 
peuple, et il est k craindre qu'il tenterait avec eux et avec 
les Ulemas, qui lui sout devoues, un coup contre le gou- 
vernemeut actuel. Outre cela il ha'it Omer, Reschid, 
Riza, etc. : et commencait par le fait de les accourcir de 
7 8 pouces d'en haut. I/on voudrait prevenir la guerre 
civile, qui naturellement s'en prendrait fortement aux chre- 
tiens et aux francs, avec une revolution du palais, et 1'am- 
bassade Anglaise, par 1'egard des chretiens y donnerait son 
consentement. Sur Pobservation de Bangya, que Abdul- 
Asis enjouisse une saute fleurissante, 1'energie, et un parti 
puissant, Lorody repondait : il mourra avant TAbdul- 

Ad (I.) j'ajouterai, qu'il y avait trois jours que j'avais 
encore vu sa majeste en parfaite sante, et si forte comme 
elle peut etre, sans la moindrc trace d'une dissolution pro- 

Ad (II.) j'observerai, que de fait Reschid P. et Omer P. 
se sont reunis chez Kiritly Mchcmet P. ; comme ils y se 


sont conduits, je ne peux savoir, puisque il n'en avait que 
des muschirs dans la societe. 

La seule chose qui fait naitre en moi des scrupules est 
Particle connu et deja vieux du Times, dans lequel fut parle 
de la caducite du Sultan, comme si on y voulait preparer 

Je ne crois pas a cette histoire, puisque Omer radote 
souvent, et voit le monde par la bouteille de scherry; 
Lorody et Bangya ne sont pas des homines d'une conduite 
suffisamment nette. Cependant je ne peux pas me passer 
sans vous participer la nouvelle, toute fraiche comme 
elle est. 

S'il y a quelque chose dans cette nouvelle, il est bon de 
le savoir, s'il n'y en est rien, ces quelques mots serviront a 
la characteristique du tableau. 

Dans le reste, il y est une calme avant la tern pete et 
les nuages sont dans la question des Principautes. 

Apropos d'Omer, il penche fortement et depuis long 
temps vers la Russie. Qu'il n'ait pas sauve Kars, 9a 
n'est pas ni sa faute ni son merite, mais qu'il n'ait pas 
detruit Moschransky, comme j'avais voulu, 9a est sa 

Un soir j'avais surpris dans le bois de Tschaitschi les 
avant-postes Russes, et je massacrais tout le piquet de 
Cosaques. Le diable aurait en empeche mes hommes 
lorsqu'ils ont vu que moi-meme j'avais donne a un Cosaque du 
Don une estocade, qui le faisait tomber de son cheval, apres 
avoir 3 fois tire sur moi et apres m'avoir blesse avec un 
boulet. En rentrant de mon service, Omer P. m' avait dit : 
" ce n'est pas la maniere de faire la guerre, c'est une bou- 
cherie; on voit que c'est encore de la Hongrie que vous 
aviez de rendre quelque chose aux Cosaques. II faut 
etre chevaleresque envers Fennemi ; qui sait si demain il ne 
sera pas notre allie?" Ce sont ses propres paroles, que 
j'avais extraits de mon journal. Dans une autre occasion 
j'avais seulement blesse un sergent de Cosaques et je 1'avais 
fait prisonnier, les autres soldats out ete massacres par mes 


Je conclus avec la priere d'une prompte et amiealc 
reponse ; si je peux etre bon a quelque chose, coramandez 
moi. Votre sincere et humble, FERHAD. 

HONORABLE AMI, Je vous envoie la missive ici-jointe par 
le ci-devant Lieutenant Keller de Tarmee Hongroise, plus 
tard Capitaine dans 1'armee Turque. II s'etait economise 
quelque argent, et a quitte le service pour se dedier a Pagri- 

II etait tres brave soldat et est un tres honnete gar9on, 
quoique Israelite par sa naissance. II n'est pas revolution- 
naire, et je vous garantis qu'il ne fait rien, et qu'il n'agite 
pas centre PAutriche. 

Son idee est de s'etablir en Bulgarie, et si vous pourriez 
lui etre utile a quelque chose aupres du Gouverneur, vous 
feriez un bon osuvre ; il desire un terrain inculte, pour y 
etablir une economic rurale. 

Je crois qu'il y aura des autres qui viendront en Bul- 
garie; si quelqu'un sera votre client, les autres le seront 
aussi, si meme ils ne seront que par le probleme " que 
cclui-la qui s'etablisse, n'est plus dangereux," et Keller ne 
Tetait jamais excepte avec son baionette. 

Invariable votre, FERHAD. 

Je baise les mains a la Baronne. 

Letters of General Tiirr to T. S. Duncombe, Esq., M.P., 
June 19M, 28th, July 9th, 2lst, August 13th, October 
2nd, and November 4>th, 1857. 

16, Leicester-place, Leicester-square, 
London, le 19 Juin, 1857. 

MON CHER MONSIEUR, Ayant re9U une lettre de la 
Circassie, vid Constantinople, laquelle me donue la nouvelle 
suivantc : 

Les provinces Mochos, Ademi, Bsheduch, Katugnach, 
qui ont conclus la paix avec les Russes, parcequ'ils etaient 
fatigues dcs atrocites du Naib Emin Pasha, ses sont a present 
unis avec Sefcr Pasha, qui a dejk sous ses ordres les pro- 


vinces Netchnats, Adekuma, Csapona, Deniskanarinda To- 
nabsa, et Ubuch, et comme Naib Emin Pasha etait force de 
quitter la Circassie; la province Abazech a aussijure fidelite 
au Prinz Sefer, outre cela les provinces Kabarda et Karatsa 
n'attendent que les ordres de Seffer Pasha, or done Sefer 
Pasha a sous ses ordres 180,000 families, chaque famille 
donnera un soldat, mais en cas de besoin on pourrait obtenir 
par families 3-5 soldats, parcequ'il y a des families qui sont 
en nombre de 50 personnes, et generalement on peut compter 
12-15 persons par famille. Shamyl a sous ses ordres les 
Daghistan et les Tseisains, deux tribus les plus guerriers de 
tout le Caucase. Les Russes ont commence les operations 
centre Shamyl j le Prince General Bariatinsky est parti de 
Tiflis pour etre present dans la guerre le General Philip- 
son, Commandant de Trupes Russes a Ekaterindar, a fait 
passer la riviere Kuban par 3-4000 soldats Russes, mais 
nous nous avons mis imediatment contre leurs marche 8000 
Circassiens, et les Russes ont repasse le fleuve. J'ai vu 
plusieurs lettres chez Seffer Pasha, lesquelles etant ecrites par 
Lord Ponsomby dans le temps qu'il etait Ambassadeur 
Anglais a Constantinople ; je vous enverrais avec la premiere 
occasion ces lettres, et vous verrez quelles sortes de promesses 
a fait VAngleterre aux Circassiens. Prenant tous 9a en con- 
sideration, la question est Le Gouvernement Anglais et 
Turc voient-ils une interet a 1'aider dans cette guerre d'in- 
dependence? ou, avec leur insouciance forceront-ils cette 
vaillante nation a conclure la paix et 1'amitie avec la Russie ? 
Dans le dernier cas FAngleterre,qui devait tres bien savoir que 
le Caucase est un veritable boulevart contre la Russie (en 
consequence un sauveguarde pour 1'Inde) en Asie ; sans cela 
la Russie ne lutterait pas si acharnement pour conquerir la 
Circassie, et ne perdrait pas chaqu' annee 20 ou 30,000 
soldats dans cette guerre Caucasienne. La Turquie aussi 
peut avoir la certitude, que si les Circassiens ses soumettront 
a 1'autorite Moskowil il n'auront pas a lutter contre 40,000 
Russes, comme dans la derniere guerre en Asie, mais bien 
contre 200,000 soldats, des desquels seront au moins 100,000 
soldats Circassiens qui se conbateront avec rage contre les 


Turcs qui 1'ont si injustement abandonnes. C'est la tra- 
duction litterale de la lettre 16911 de la Circassie ; main- 
tenant je vous joigns ici deux articles, qui sont parus dans les 

Veuillez avoir la complaisance de parler avec le Lord 
Palmerston, et daignez dire a son Excellence que je suis 
devoue completement a 1'Angleterre, jusqu'a ce point ou 
la funeste politique ne touche pas a 1'Autriche. Je pars 
demain pour Birmingham et Liverpool, mais je serais de 
retour le Lundi soir le 22 Juin. J'ecrirais aujourd-hui a 
S. E. Lord Clarendon pour lui demander un passport. 

Acceptez, mon cher Monsieur, les sinceres salutations de 
votre tout devoue et fidele, ET. TURK. 

T. S. Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Rose Cottage Hotel, Richmond, le 28 Juin, 1857. 

MON CHER MONSIEUR, Vous avez certainement vu dans 
le journaux un depeche telegraphique de la Turquie laquelle 
etait con9U comme suit : " Une lettre conpromettant ecrite 
par Ferhad Pasha a Mr. Roessler, consul d'Autriche a 
Ruschink, etait intercepted ." 

Je m'empresse de vous envoyer ici-joint la copie de la 
traduction de la dite lettre interceptee ; la lettre etait ecrite en 
Allemagne parceque Ferhad Pasha, Baron Stein, fils du celebre 
General Stein [dont la famille est entitlement Allemande], 
etait en 1848 capitaine Autrichien: il avait quitte les 
Autrichiens et avait pris service dans Parmee Hongroise, mais 
deja alors il etait soup9onne comme agent secret de 1'Autriche, 
et vous savez que dernierement dans 1'expedition Circassienne 
il a voulu en toute maniere compromettre le Gouvernement 
Turc, mais heureusement il ue pouvait rien prouver ; et nous 
autres, quand nous etions demandes par la commission, nous 
avons tous simplement repondu que nous n'en savions rien; 
maintenant il est la question, quand je dois retourner en 
Turquie. Quelle reponse dois-je donner aux Circassiens? Si je 
dis que 1'Angleterre ne veut rien faire, alors je suis sur qu'ils 
negocieront la paix avcc la Russie, et cela sera funcstc pour la 


Turquie et pour PAngleterre aussi. Je viendra vous voir 
dans deux ou trois jours, parceque ma sante commence a 

Veuillez agreer les sinceres homages de votre 

Tout devoue, Ex. TURK. 

Thomas Buncombe, Esq., M.P. 

Hotel de 1'Europe, 15 and 16, Leicester-place, 

Leicester-square, London, le 9 Juillet, 1857. 

MON CHER MONSIEUR, Je viens de recevoir la nouvelle 
suivante : 

Constantinople, le 26 Juin, 1857. 

Depuis long temps le Prinz Sefer Pasha avait notifie a 
ses sujets que tous les navires pouvaient entrer librement 
dans les ports de la Circassie pour y faire du com- 
merce, les Russes meme n'etaient pas exclus de jouir de ce 
privilege. Une sensible augmentation se fait voir dans le 
commerce; plusieurs negociants de Trebisond et meme de 
Constantinople, esperant en vertu des droits internationaux 
de jouir toute surete, ont etablis des entrepots de mar- 
chandises dans differents ports de la Circassie. 

L'apparition continuelle de navires dans les ports Cir- 
cassiens eveillait un malaise aux voisins Russes, et jaloux 
comme ils sont toujours vers chaque pas que les Circassiens 
essayent de faire dans la voie du progress, les Russes prirent 
la decision de couper court avec eux. Par ordre superieur 
fut expedie d' Anapa un bateau de guerre a vapeur pour faire 
la tournee de la cote Circassienne. Ce bateau s'etait servi 
du stratageme de hisser le pavilion Anglais en s'approchant 
au port de Gelindjek. Arrive a la portee du canon, le bateau 
prit position et commencait le feu centre les sandals 
(barques) qui y se trouverent a Fancorage, et continuait le 
feu jusqu'a ce que tous les sandals furent coules au fond. 
Apres avoir accompli cette barbare destruction, le bateau 
Russe partit pour Soudjuk-Kale, ou sachant qu'il n'y a 
aucune force militaire, les Russes debarquerent une com- 
pagnie, laquelle ravagait tous les magasins et incendiait 
toutes les marchandises qu'ils ne pouvaient emporter. Avant 


de quitter le port du Soudjuk-Kale, les Russes avaient brules 
tons les sandals, ft 1'exception de quelqucs uns qu'ils prirent 
a la remorque avec eux. 

Cettc flagrante violation dcs droits internationaux et 
1'offense grave commise centre la traite de Paris, qui decla- 
rait la neutralite de la Mer Noire, plus encore Pact dc la 
piratcrie fait par les Russes, est necessaire de porter a la 
conaissance de 1'Europe pour qu'elle juge la gravite d'un tel 
fait. II faut esperer que les congres qui vont bientot se 
reunir a Paris, etabliront uue loi que a 1'avenir sauvgardera 
les interets internationaux et garantira mieux que jusqu'a 
present il etait le cas, la libre navigation de la Mcr Noire. 

Je viendra vous voir domain, et daiguez agreer les siuceres 

De votre tout devoue et oblige, ET. TURK. 


Les Circassiens resterent independans jusqu'a present, 
parce que ils savaient tenir tete a leurs ennemis et maintenir 
leur droit et leur liberte. L'Europe entiere conn ait le fait. 
Depuis 30 ans, les Russes faisaient des irruptions violentes 
dans notre pays, sans aucune raison plausible, et ils furent 
la cause que -d'uii cote et de 1'autre, que le sang y coulait k 
torrents, sans que les Russes auraient atteints leur but. 
Jusqu'a ce qu'il y aura un Circassien, tous les efforts du 
pays seront mis a 1'ceuvre, pour la defense de nos droits et de 
nos libertes. Les puissances de TEurope qui ne desirent que 
la paix, comment peuvent elles regardcr tranquillement les 
injustes empietements que la Russie exerce sur la Circassic ? 
Que PEuropc jette un coup d'ocil sur cette inutile effusion dc 
sang, et pour mettrc fin k cet eternel massacre qu'elle pro- 
nonce haut Tindependance de la Circassie, comme elle avait 
par la traite de Paris prononcee la neutralisation de la Mer 
Noire. En toute confiance sur le traite de Paris, Zan Oghlu 
Sefer Giraj avait public une manifesto a ses sujets, par 
laquelle 1'entree des ports Circassiens furent ouvertes a tous les 
navires etrangers ; cct ordre fut respecte par les Circassiens, 


et produisait deja de bons resultats. Cependant il y a 
quelques jours les Russes surprirent les ports de Gelendjik 
et Sodjuk-Kale, en se servent d'une ruse, c'est a dire, deux 
bateaux a vapeur Russes arborant le pavilion Anglais entre- 
rent sans aucune resistance dans les susdits ports, y coule- 
rent au fond plusieurs sandals et emporterent des autres, 
charges avec du sel. Ce n'est pas tout, leur barbaric allait 
plus loin, car ils incendierent a Sodjuk-Kale plusieurs 
magasins, dans lesquels, chose regrettable et douloureuse a 
dire, il y avait plusieurs enfants et des femmes, qui sont 
restes vie times de ^elements furieux. 

Au nom du peuple de la Circassie, le congres de Paris 
vient d'etre prie de prendre dans cette circonstance une 
decision qui soit digne du siecle. Pour la tranquillite du 
pays et de 1'Europe, il est necessaire de declarer dans le 
congres de Paris Findependance de la Circassie, et par cet 
act solenel retablir une nation qui existent depuis des 

Marseille, le 13 Aout. 

MON CHER MONSIEUR, Je pars aujourd-hui pour Con- 
stantinople, je ferai tout mon possible pour retablir ma 
sante. Les nouvelles des Indes sont toujours desagreables ; si 
ma sante revienne je demanderai immediatement le gouverne- 
ment Anglais de me permettre d'aller aux Indes avec 
quelques milles braves soldats. C'est domage que S. E. le 
Lord Stratford avec une obstination a perdu pour le moment 
la suprematie Anglaise a Constantinople ; depuis bien temps 
je vous ai dit que Tamitie Autrichienne deviendra funeste 
pour TAngleterre. Voila le prologue. Le Caimakin Vogoridis 
n'est pas Moldave mais Grec, et naturalise Moldave depuis 
12 ans. Or, done on pu voir que toute la nation Moldave 
etait hostile a ce gouverneur excepte le Fanariots (le Grec 
habitant de Moldavia) . Je ne manquera pas de vous envoyer 
toutes les nouvelles interessantes de FOrient. Tachcz de faire 
tout votre possible de barrer le chemin de Russes en Caucase. 
Si S. E. le Lord Clarendon pourrait me donner une lettre 
pour un ministrc Turc, cela me ferait beaucoup de bien. 



Veuillez, mon cher Monsieur, accepter les sinceres salu- 

De votre tout devoue, Ex. TURK. 

Mon adresse est Col. E. TURR, Poste Restante, Con- 
stantinople (via Marseille). 

Constantinople, le 2 Decembre, 1857. 

MON CHER MONSIEUR, J'ai re9U votre lettre du 14 Nov., 
et je vois que vous n'avez pas re9u ma lettre du mois 
Septembre; je suis bien fache que cette lettre soit perdue, 
parce que je vous y ai donne plusieurs renseignements. Je 
vois avec plaisir que votre sante s'est ameliore, et que vous 
pourrez prendre la defense de la cause de liberte et justice 
dans le Parlement. J'ai ecrit a Turin pour rcmercier a M. 
Valerio, et de le prier pour qu'il vous envoie le nombre des 
ex. de Neapel et de Rome ; ce pendant son adresse est Al 
Signer L. Valerio, deputato, N ro- 10, Strada Rosa Rossa, a 
Torino. Quant a Pattaque Russe a Gelindjek, et qu'ils aient 
hisse le drapeau Anglais, tout ceci est vrai, et vous pourrez 
citer pour appuyer cette chose que si les Russes n'auront pas 
hisses le drapeau Anglais, les Circassiens se seraient pas mis 
en etat de defense ; mais voyant le bateau Anglais, il se sont 
mis sur la rive et ont applaudis le bateau, et un moment apres 
les Russes ont tire, horde et mitraille les Circassiens ; et 
autre cela, les Russes ont fait plusieurs attaques sur la cote 
Circassienne, et non seulment avec le bateau a vapeur, mais 
aussi avec la barque canoniere. Eh bien, comment expliquer cela, 
et la traite de Paris ? Mr. Richards viendra chez vous, en il 
vous enverra une traduction d'uii document lequel etait 
envoye a chaque Gouvcrnement, parti du paix de Paris. 

Pour 1'Inde je peux vous dire que j'ai la nouvelle certaine 
que le Gouvernement Russe depuis plusieurs annecs a 
1'habitude d'envoyer aux Indes des exiles condamnes en 
Siberie, pour qu'ils fassent de propagandes Russes parmi cette 
population centre les Anglais, ct comme il y a entre les con- 
damnes en Siberie plusieurs dej militaires Polonais et Russes 
or, done, c'est bien possible que les Indiens soiciit commandes 
par des officicrs experts. Sur la frontierc Perse il y a uue 


nation qui se nome Turkoman ; la il y a a present une revo- 
lution ; c'est bien possible quelle a ete incitee par les Russes, 
parceque le Czar a immediatement offert au Shah de Perse de 
lui aider pour etouffer le mouvement des Turkomans, mais 
aussi pour recompenser les Russes. Ainsi attrapperons nous 
une portion de territoire qui les approchera un pas de plus 
vers Tlnde. 

La lettre pour Mr. Barklay. Mr. Barklay est ingenieur 
en chef du chemin de fer Turc de Kustendgye a Rasova : 
entre les directeurs il y a MM. Paget, Wilson, Levy ; un 
des ces messieurs est M.P., pour cela je vous ai prie en 
cas que vous connaissiez un des ces messieurs de me procurer 
une lettre pour Mr. Barklay. 

Quant aux finances Turques, ici le Ir. str. a la valeur in- 
trinsique 115 piastres, et, a present, unlr. str. est 156 piastres, 
or, done, par Ir. str. 31 piastres plus depuis la crise 
Europeenne. . 

Le Lord Stratford part dans quelques jours pour 
1'Angleterre : Paffaire de Principaute n'est pas encore finie ; 
cependant je crois que la rappelle du Lord Stratford amenera 
une entente entre la France et TAngleterre. 

Attendant votre bienveillante reponse, veuillez accepter 
les salutations sinceres de votre tout devoue et fidele, 


Constantinople, le 4 Novembre. 

MON CHER MONSIEUR, N'ayant pas re9U une reponse 
a ma lettre que je vous ai ecrit le mois Septembre, je 
craigns que votre sante soit toujours alteree ; pour cela je 
vous prie de me donner plus tot que possible vos nouvelles. 
Vous avez vu que la reunion des Empereurs a eu lieu 
comme je vous ai ecrit dans le mois Mai, 1857. L'affaire de 
Principaute n'est pas completement arrangee. Apres les 
nouvelles telegraphiques, Delhi est heureusement prise ; il 
reste a present de finir avec la province d'Oude, ou je crois 
que les rebelles se sont rassembles. 

Les Russes ont blocques la cote Circassienne, malgre que la 
traite de Paris defende toute hostilite dans la Mer Noire ; 
et Lord Palmerston a dit dans la Chambre de Communs 


que les Russes pourraient faire des operations militaires 
centre les Circassiens ; quant a moi, je crois que Lord 
Palmerston aura pu empeche toutes hostilites Russes dans la 
Mer Noire contre le Caucase. 

Ma sante a commence a s'ameliorer; mais malheureuse- 
ment 1'hiver commence, et le froid est tres nuisible a cette 
sorte de maladie. 

Veuillez accepter, mon cher monsieur, les salutations 
sinceres de Votre tout devoue et fidele, ET. TURK. 

P.S. On a commence a construire le chemin de fer de 
Kustendji a Rassova. L'ingenieur en chef est Mr. Barklay ; 
les directeurs sont MM. Wilson, Price, et Paget. Un de ces 
messieurs est M.P. Si par hasard vous connaissez un de ces 
messieurs, je vous en supplie de vouloir me faire donner une 
lettre de recommandation pour 1'ingenieur Barklay. 

D'avance vous remcrciant pour votre bonte, 

Votre fidele, TURK.* 

* The writer, we presume, is a much better Hungarian than he 
is u Frenchman. In several passages we have found it quite impos- 
sible to make out his meaning. 







By his Son, THOMAS H. BUNCOMBE. 2 vols. 8vo, with Portrait. 30s. 

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NEW WORKS Continued. 


his Private Correspondence and Family Papers, in the possession 
WIN, Esq., M.A., F.R.S., Miss WEDGWOOD, and other Original 
Sources. With an Introductory Sketch of the Art of Pottery in 
England. By ELIZA METKYARD. Dedicated to the Right Hon. W. 
E. GLADSTONE. Complete in 2 vols. 8vo, with Portraits and 300 
other Beautiful Illustrations, elegantly bound, price 42s. 
" This is the Life of Wedgwood to the expectid appearance of which I referred 
at Burslem." Extract from a Letter to the Author by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone. 

" An important contribution to the annals of industrial biography. Miss Mete- 
yard has executed a laborious task with much care and fidelity. The book is pro- 
fusely illustrated, and the illustrations deserve the highest praise. They are exe- 
cuted with extreme beauty. Times. 

" We have to congratulate the authoress on the publication of her Life of Wedg- 
wood. We can award her the praise due to the most pains-taking and conscien- 
tious application. She has devoted her whole mind and energy to her subject, and 
has achieved a work not less creditable to herself than it is indispensable to all 
who wish to know anything about English ceramic art and its great inventor. The 
two volumes before us are in themselves marvels of decorative and typographical 
skill More beautifully printed pages, more creamy paper, and more dainty wood- 
cuts have seldom met our eyes. It is rarely that an author is so well seconded 
by his coadjutors as Miss Meteyard has been by her publishers, printers, and the 
staff of draughtsmen and engravers who have contributed the numerous illustra- 
tions which adorn this sumptuous book." Saturday Review. 

" This very beautiful book contains that Life of Wedgwood which for the last 
fifteen years Miss Meteyard has had in view, and to which the Wedgwood family, 
and all who have papers valuable in relation to its subject, have been cordially 
contributing. In his admirable sketch of Wedgwood, given at Burslem, it was 
to the publication of this biography that Mr. Gladstone looked forward with 
pleasure. It is a very accurate and valuable book. To give their fullest value to 
the engravings of works of art which largely enrich the volumes, the biography 
has been made by its publishers a choice specimen of their own art as book- 
makers. Neither care nor cost have been grudged. The two volumes form as 
handsome a book as has ever been published." Examiner. 

"The appearance of such a work as Miss Meteyard's 'Life of Josiah Wedgwood* 
is an event of importance in the sister spheres of literature and art The biographer 
of our great potter has more than ordinary fitness for the fulfilment of her labour 
of love. She is an enthusiastic admirer and a practised connoisseur of Ceramic 
Art, and she brings the pleasant energy of individual taste and feeling to the aid of 
complete, authentic, and well-arranged information, and the well-balanced 
style of an experienced litterateur. The interest of the book grows with every page. 
The reader will peruse the numerous interesting particulars of Wedgwood's 
family life and affairs with unusual satisfaction, and will lay down the work 
with undoubting confidence that it will rank as a classic among biographies an 
exhaustive work of the first rank in its school." Morning Post. 

"An admirable, well-written, honourably elaborate, and most interesting book." 

" No book has come before us for some time so stored with interesting informa- 
tion. Miss Meteyard is a biographer distinguished by a clever and energetic style, 
by delicate judgment, extensive information, and a deep interest in her subject 
The history of the Ceramic Art in England, and the biography of the eminent man 
who brought it to perfection, have evidently been to her a labour of love ; and of 
the spirit and manner in which she has executed it we can hardly speak too highly. 
The splendid getting up of the work reflects much credit on the house from which 
it is issued." Dublin University Magazine. 

In this magnificent volume we welcome one of the very noblest contributions to 
the history of the Ceramic art ever published. We place it at once and perma- 
nently side by side with Bernard I'uli.ssy's Memoirs and with Benvenuto Cellini's 
Autobiography. ' ' .Sun. 


NEW WORKS Continued. 


SEVENTH EDITION. 2 vols. demy 8vo, with Illustrations. 30s. 

" The author of this very interesting book having penetrated through the plains 
and mountains of the Far West into the Salt Lake Valley, here gives us an ex- 
cellent account of the Mormons, and some striking descriptions of the scenes 
which he saw, and the conversations which he held with many of the Saints during 
his sojourn there. For a full account of the singular sect called the Shakers, of 
their patient, loving industry, their admirable schools, and their perpetual inter- 
course with the invisible world, we must refer the reader to this work. Mr. Dixon 
has written thoughtfully and well, and we can recall no previous book on American 
travel which dwells so fully on these much vexed subjects." Times. 

" Mr. Dixon's book is the work of a keen observer, and it appears at an oppor- 
tune season. Those who would pursue all the varied phenomena of which we 
have attempted an outline will have reason to be grateful to the intelligent and 
lively guide who has given them such a sample of the inquiry. During his resi- 
dence at Salt Lake City Mr. Dixon was able to gather much valuable and interesting 
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body, the Shakers, from his observations during a visit to their chief settlement at 
Mount Lebanon, is one of the best parts of Mr. Dixon's work." Quarterly Review. 

"There are few books of this season likely to excite so much general curiosity as 
Mr. Dixon's very entertaining and instructive work on New America. None are 
more nearly interested in the growth and development of new ideas on the other 
side of the Atlantic than ourselves. The book is really interesting from the first 
page to the last, and it contains a large amount of valuable and curious informa- 
tion.''/'^ Mall Gazette. 

" In these very entertaining volumes Mr. Dixon touches upon many other fea- 
tures of American society, but it is in his sketches of Mormons, Shakers, Bible- 
Communists, and other kindred associations, that the reader will probably find most 
to interest him. We recommend every one who feels any interest in human na- 
ture to read Mr. Dixon's volumes for themselves." Saturday Review. 

" We have had nothing about Utah and the Mormons so genuine and satisfactory 
as the account now given us by Mr. Dixon, but he takes also a wider glance at the 
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"A book which it is a rare pleasure to read and which will most indubitably be 
read by all who care to etndy the newest phenomena of American life." Spectator. 

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do not win for themselves the widest circulation." Standard. 

" Mr. Dixon's ' New America ' is decidedly the cleverest and most interesting, as 
it has already proved the most successful, book published this season." Star. 

"Mr. Dixon has written a book about America having the unusual merit of being 
at once amusing and instructive, true as well as new. Of the books published this 
season there will be none more cordially read." Macmillan's Magazine. 

"Mr. Dixon's book is a careful, wise, and graphic picture of the most prominent 
social phenomena which the newest phases of the New World present The narra- 
tive is full of interest from end to end, as well as of most important subjects for 
consideration. No student of society, no historian of humanity, should be without 
it as a reliable and valuable text-book on New America." All the year Round. 

"In these graphic volumes Mr. Dixon sketches American men and women, 
sharply, vigorously and truthfully, under every aspect The smart Yankee, the 
grave politician, the senate and the stage, the pulpit and the pruirie, loafers and 
philanthropists, crowded streets, and the howling wilderness, the saloon and boudoir, 
with woman everywhere at full length all pass on before us in some of the most 
vivid and brilliant pages ever written." Dublin University Magazine. 



NEW WORKS Continued. 


Edition. 1 vol. 8vo, with Illustrations. 15s. 

" Lord Lome's ' Trip to the Tropics' is the best book of travels of the season." 
Pall Mall Gazette. 

" The tone of Lord Lome's book is thoroughly healthy and vigorous, and his 
remarks upon men and things are well-reasoned and acute. As records of the 
fresh impressions left on the mind of a young tourist who saw much, and can give 
a pleasant, intelligent account of what he saw, the book is in every way satis- 
factory." TV/net. 

" A pleasant record of travel in the Western Islands and the United States. Lord 
Lome saw a good deal of society both in the South and in the North. His tone is 
good, without undue partisan feeling. We can offer him our congratulations on 
his first essay as a traveller and an author." Athmivinii. 

" Lord Lome's book is pleasantly written. It is the unaffected narrative of a 
traveller of considerable impartiality and desire for information. 1 ' Saturday Itevieur. 

" In no other book will the reader find a more correct and life-like picture of the 
places and persons visited by the Marquis of Lome, and no where more frankness 
and truthfulness in the statement of facts and impressions." Examiner. 


ERS. By E. H. LAMONT, ESQ. 8vo, with numerous Illustrations. 18s. 

" A more curious romance of life and adventure is not to be found in the library 
of travel A pleasanter volume of its kind has not been put forth since the year 
came in. It is a story of wreck and residence in the islands of the Pacific. The 
author was more than once in peril of being eaten. From some of the natives, 
however, he received compassion and kindness, and by asserting the superiority 
of a civilised man, presently arrived at an importance and authority which made 
him respected, feared, and loved. His accounts of the habits and ceremonies of 
the islands are touched with spirit The details of his essnys ut escape read almost 
like lost pages from ' Bobinson Crusoe.' Ills deliverence is related with as much 
spirit as the best sea chase in Fennimore Cooper's best sea-romance." Alliemeum. 


CANADA. With Notes on the Natural History of the Game, 
Game Birds, and Fish of that country. By MAJOR W. Ross KINO, 
F.R.G.S., F.S.A.S. 1 vol. super royal 8vo, Illustrated with beauti- 
ful Coloured Plates and Woodcuts. 20s. Elegantly bound. 

" Truthful, simple, and extremely observant. Major King has been able to throw 
much light upon the habits as well as the zoological relations of the animals with 
which he came in collision; and his descriptions of the country, as well as of the 
creatures inhabiting it, are as bright and graphic as they are evidently correct" 

" In ' The Sportsman and Naturalist in Canada ' we have a full, true, and com- 
prehensive record of all the facts concerning American animals which the author 
was able in a three years' residence to collect. We have these facts in a goodly 
volume, splendidly illustrated, and with its contents so well arranged that a refer- 
ence to any description of bird, beast or llsh may be mode almost instantly. It is 
an important contribution to Natural History, and a work the intending traveller 
will consult once and again, since it gives him the information lie most needs, and 
finds least generally accessible. The book will take its position in the foremost 
rank of works of its class. The descriptions throughout are written by one who is 
a master of his subject, and who writes English such as few are able to equal Of 
recent British travellers few can vie with its author in close observation of nature, 
and In those graces of style and scholarship which make the information con- 
uiiii-il in his volume as pleasant to obtain as it is valuable to preserve. In fact, 
MIICC the works of Eliot Warburton and Kinglake, no book of travels with which 
we are acquainted has been written in a style more clear, forcible picturesque." 
Sunday Tumi. 



NEW WORKS Continued. 


From his Family Papers. By the Right Hon. MARY VISCOUNTESS 
COMBERMERE and Capt. W. W. KNOLLTS. 2 7. 8vo, with Portraits. 30s. 

" The gallant Stapleton Cotton, Viscount Combermere, was one of those men 
who belong to two epochs. He was a soldier, actively engaged, nearly ten years 
before the last century came to its troubled close ; and he was among us but as 
yesterday, a noble veteran, gloriously laden with years, laurels, and pleasant re- 
miniscences. To the last this noble soldier and most perfect gentleman took 
cheerful part in the duties and pleasures of life, leaving to an only son an inherit- 
ance of a great name, and to a sorrowing widow the task of recording how the 
bearer of the name won for it all his greatness. This has been done, evidently as 
a labour of love, by Lady Combermere, and she has been efficiently assisted in the 
military details by Captain Knollys. Apart from the biographical and professional 
details, the volumes, moreover, are full of sketches of persons of importance or 
interest who came into connection with Lord Combermere." Athenseum. 

" A welcome and gracefully written memorial of one of the greatest of England's 
soldiers, and worthiest of her sons. It is a most interesting work." Morning Post. 

" This biography, abounding hi letters and other unpublished materials, is all 
fresh and trustworthy information, as to the life of a man whose career deserved a 
record." Examiner. 


FRESON, Barrister- at-Law, author of ' A Book about Doctors,' <fec. 

New, Revised, and Cheaper Edition. 2 vols. post 8vo. 24s. 
PRINCIPAL CONTENTS : The Great Seal, Eoyal Portraits, The Practice of Sealing, 
Lords Commissioners, On Damasking, The Kival Seals, Purses of State, A Lady 
Keeper, Lawyers hi Arms, The Devil's Own, Lawyers on Horseback, Chan- 
cellors' Cavalcades, Ladies in Law Colleges, York House, Powis House, 
Lincoln's Inn Fields, The Old Law Quarter, Loves of the Lawyers, The Three 
Graces, Rejected Addresses, Brothers in Trouble, Fees to Counsel, Retainers 
Special and General, Judicial Corruption, Gifts and Sales, Judicial Salaries, 
Costume and Toilet, Millinery, Wigs, Bands and Collars, Bags and Gowns, The 
Singing Barrister, Actors at the Bar, Political Lawyers, The Peers, Lawyers in 
the House, Legal Education, Inns of Court and Inns of Chancery, Lawyers and 
Gentlemen, Law French and Law Latin, Headers and Mootmen, Pupils in 
Chambers, Wit of Lawyers, Humorous Stories, Wits in Silk and Punsters in 
Ermine, Circniters, Witnesses, Lawyers and Saints, Lawyers in Court and 
Society, Attorneys at Law, Westminster Hall, Law and Literature, &c. 

" ' A Book about Lawyers ' deserves to be very popular. Mr. Jeaff reson has 
accomplished his work in a very creditable manner. He has taken pains to collect 
information from persons as well as from books, and he writes with a sense of 
keen enjoyment which greatly enhances the reader's pleasure. He introduces us 
to Lawyerdom under a variety of phases we have lawyers in arms, lawyers on 
horseback, lawyers in love, and lawyers hi Parliament We are told of their sala- 
ries and fees, their wigs and gowns, their jokes and gaieties. We meet them at 
home and abroad, hi court, hi chambers, and hi company. In the chapters headed 
' Mirth,' the author has gathered together a choice sheaf of anecdotes from the days 
of More down to Erskine and Eldon." Times. 

"These volumes will afford pleasure and instruction to all who read them, and 
they will increase the reputation which Mr. Jeaffreson has already earned by his 
large industry and great ability. We are indebted to him for about seven hundred 
pages, all devoted to the history and illustration of legal men and things. It is much 
that we can say for a book, that there is not a superfluous page hi it" Athenseum. 

" The success of his ' Book about Doctors ' has induced Mr. Jeaffreson to write 
another book about Lawyers. The subject is attractive. It is a bright string of 
anecdotes, skilfully put together, on legal topics-of all sorts, but especially hi illus- 
tration of the lives of famous lawyers. Mr. Jeaffreson has not only collected a large 
number of good stories, but he has grouped them pleasantly, and tells them well 
We need say little to recommend a book that can speak for itself so pleasantly. 
No livelier reading is to be found among the new books of the season." 



NEW WORKS Continued. 


E. H. JERNINOHAM, ESQ. Second Edition. 1 voL post 8vo, with 
Illustrations. 10s. 6d. bound. 

" Mr. Jerningham's attractive and amusing voiame will bo perused with much 
interest" Morning Post. 

"A thoroughly fresh and delightful narrative valuable, instructive, and enter- 
taining." United Service Magazine, 

" A readable, pleasant, and amusing book, in which Mr. Jerningham records hia 
life among the denizens of the French Chateau, which extended its courtly hospi- 
tality to him, hi a very agreeable and entertaining manner." Court Journal. 


1865 AND 1866 : Including a Steam Voyage down the Danube, 
and a Ride across the Mountains of European Turkey from Bel- 
grade to Montenegro. By Captain SPENCER, author of ' Travels in 
Circassia,' &c. 2 vols. 21s. 

" This work would at any time be read with pleasure, but at this moment it IB 
invested with peculiar interest. There is sufficient of adventure for those who 
love that which is exciting ; sketches of wild and beautiful scenes ; glimpses of life, 
not only in cities, but in secluded villages, and notes and observations on the social, 
moral, and political condition of the countries passed through. The author's 
Btyle is lucid and anecdotal, and the range of his book gives scope for much pleas- 
ing variety as well as for much useful information." fust. 


BRIGANDS : a Narrative of Capture and Captivity. By W. J. C. 
MOENB. Second Edition. Revised with Additions. 2 vols., with 
Portrait and other Illustrations. 21s. 

" Mr. Moens had a bad tune of it among the Italian Brigands. But his misfor- 
tunes are now to himself and to his friends a source of no little entertainment, and 
we can say for those who listen to his story that we have followed him in his 
adventures with pleasure. He tells his tale in a clear and simple style, and with 
that confident manliness which is not afraid to be natural" The Times. 

" Mr. Moens has had an experience and an adventure of startling magnitude hi 
these prosaic tunes of ours. He has seen what no other Englishman has seen, and 
has done what no one else has done, and has written a bright and charming book 
as the result." All the year Round. 

" In these volumes, the literary merits of which are numerous, we have the true 
story of the capture of Mr. Moens by the brigands. We have no doubt that the 
book will be extensively read ; we are quite sure that it will do an immense amount 
of good. It lets hi a flood of light upon the dens of these robbers." Daily Newt. 


tions. 15s. 

" A pleasant volume ; a genuine, graphic record of a time of thorough enjoy- 
ment" A themeu-n. 

" A fresh and fascinating book, full of matter and beauty. It is one of the most 
instructive books of travel of the season, and one of the brightest It would be diffi- 
cult to overpraise it" Spectator. 

" A bright blithe, picturesque, artistic book, full of colour and sunshine, and 
replete with good sense and sound observation. To the enthusiasm of the book a 
great portion of its beauty and its attraction are owing, but solid information and 
the reality of things hi Algeria are never disguised ha favour of the bright land to 
which the author followed the Swallows." Pott. 

By Mrs. MUTER, Wife of Lieut-Colonel D. D. MUTER, 13th (Prince 
Albert's) Light Infantry. 2 vola. 21s. 


NEW WORKS Continued. 


AND RECOLLECTIONS. Vols. HI. and IV. completing the 
Work. 30s., bound. 

Among the other distinguished persons mentioned in these volumes are the 
Emperors Alexander, Nicholas, and Napoleon III. ; Kings George IV., Wil- 
liam IV., and Leopold L ; Princes Talleyrand, Eaterhazy, Napoleon, Pnckler 
Muskau; the Dukes of Sussex, York, Cambridge, Wellington, d'Orleans, 
d'Anmale, Brunswick, Manchester, Beaufort, Cleveland, Richmond, Bucking- 
ham ; Lords Byron, Melbourne, Lansdowne, Holland, Brougham, Alvanley, 
Yarmouth, Petersham, Craven, Salisbury, Devonshire, Ducie, Glasgow, Malmes- 
bury, Castlereagh, Breadalbane, &c. Sirs Robert Peel, T. Lawrence, W. 
Knighton, George Dashwood, George Warrender, Lumley Skeffington, Bnlwer 
Lytton, Count d'Orsay, Count de Horny, the Rev. Sydney Smith, Tom Moore, 
Shelley, Thomas Campbell, Beau Brnmmell, Theodore Hook, Leigh Hunt, 
W. S. Landor, James and Horace Smith, Jack Musters, Assheton Smith, &c. 
Ladies Holland, Jersey, Londonderry, Blessington, Shelley, Lamb, Breadalbane, 
Morgan, Mrs. Fitzherbert, Mrs. Jordan, Miss Landon, the Countess Guiccioli, &c 

"A book unrivalled in its position hi the range of modem literature." Times. 

" A clever, freespoken man of the world, son of an earl with 70,000 a-year, who 
has lived from boyhood the life of a club-man, sportsman, and man of fashion, has 
thrown his best stories about himself and his friends, into an anecdotic autobiogra- 
phy. Of course it is eminently readable. Mr. Grantley Berkeley writes easily and 
welL The book is full of pleasant stories, all told as easily and clearly as if they 
were related at a club-window, and all with point of greater or less piquancy." 


LETTERS : including numerous Original and Unpublished Docu- 
ments. By ELIZABETH COOPEB. 2 vols., with Portrait. 21s. 

" The ' Life and Letters of Lady Arabella Stuart ' is an unusually good specimen 
of its class. Miss Cooper has really worked at her subject. She has read a good 
deal of MSS, and, what is better still, she has printed a good deal of what she has 
read. The book has a real and substantial historical value." Saturday Review. 

"One of the most interesting biographical works recently published. The 
memoirs have been arranged by Miss Cooper with much care, diligence, and 
judgment" Post. 


ABROAD. By Lord EUSTACE CECIL, M.P. 1 vol. 8vo. 

" Lord Eustace Cecil has selected from various journeys the points which most 
interested him, and has reported them in an unaffected styla The idea is a good 
one, and is carried out with success. We are grateful for a good deal of informa- 
tion given with unpretending good sense." Saturday Review. 


M.P. 2 vols. 

" Mr. Baillie Cochrane has published two entertaining volumes of studies from 
history. They are lively reading. ' My aim,' he says, ' has been to depict events 
generally known in a light and, if possible, a picturesque manner.' Mr. Cochrane 
has been quite successful in carrying out this intention. The work is a study of the 
more interesting moments of history what, indeed, the author himself calls it, 
' Historic Pictures.' " Times. 


TO ANNE, Edited from the Papers at Kimbolton, by the DUKE 
OF MANCHESTER. Second Edition. 2 vols. 8vo, with Fine Portraits. 
"These volumes are sure to excite curiosity. A great deal of interesting matter is 
here collected, from sources which are not within everybody's reach," Times. 


NEW WORKS Continued. 




By J. USSHER, Esq., F.R.G.S. Royal 8vo, with numerous beautiful 

Coloured Illustrations. Elegantly bound. 

"This is a very interesting narrative. Mr. Ussher is one of the pleasantest com- 
panions we have met with for a long time. We have rarely read a book of travels in 
which so mnch was seen so rapidly and so easily, and in which the scenery, the 
antiquities, and the people impressed the author's mind with such gentlemanly 
satisfaction. Mr. Ussher merited his success and this splendid monument of his 
travels and pleasant explorations." Times. 


TARTARY: being a Summer's Ride beyond the Great Wall of 
China. By GEORGE FLKSOXG, Military Train. 1 vol. royal 8vo, 
with Map and 50 Illustrations. 

" Mr. Fleming's narrative is a most charming one. He has an untrodden region to 
tll of, and he photographs it and its people and their ways. Life-like descriptions are 
interspersed with personal anecdotes, local legends, and stories of adventure, some of 
them revealing no common artistic power." Spectator. 


C. J. AXDERSSON, Author of " Lake Ngami." 1 vol. Illustrations. 


AND CHINA. By T. W. ATKINSON, F.G.S., F.R.G.S., Author of 
" Oriental and Western Siberia." Dedicated, by permission, to 
HER MAJESTY. Royal 8vo, with Map and 83 Illustrations. 


SACRIFICE. By Major-General JOHN CAMPBELL, C.B. 1 voL 8vo, 
with Illustrations. 


BORNEO. By FREDERICK BOYLE, Esq., F.R.G.S. 1 vol. 8vo. 

LAND. By the Rev. A. G. L'ESTRANGE, B.A., of Exeter College, 
Oxford, R.T.Y.C. 1 vol. 8vo, Illustrated. 


demy 8vo, with Illustrations. 


lections. By CHARLES STRETTON, Esq. 8vo, with Illustrations. 


2 vols. 8vo. 


NEW WORKS Continued. 


IN BOHEMIA. By LIZZIE SELINA EDEN. 1 vol. post 8vo, with 
Illustrations. 10s. 6d. 

" Miss Eden's book will be of great service to those who wish impartially to con- 
sider the true aspects of the late war, and will richly repay an attentive perusal. 
Nor is it to them alone that this work will be valuable. It is not only useful and 
instructive, but it is interesting and amusing. The work is highly creditable to its 
authoress." Saturday Review. 


By ELIZA C. BUSH. 8vo, with Illustrations. 15s. 

"This work contains a great deal of interesting matter, and it will be read with 
pleasure by all who are interested in the country to which so many devout Chris- 
tians have made their pilgrimage." Observer. 


By MRS. ELLIS. Author of ' The Women of England,' &c. 1 vol. 

crown 8vo, with fine Portrait. 10s. 6d. 

" With pleasure her numerous admirers will welcome a new book by the popular 
authoress of ' The Women of England.' A very charming volume is this new work 
by Mrs. Ellis. Its aim is to assist the young students of art in those studies and 
subjects of thought which shall enable them rightly to appreciate and realise that 
oft-quoted truth, 'A thing of beauty is a joy for ever.' ' The Truthfulness of Art," 
' The Love of Beauty,' ' The Love of Ornament,' ' Early dawn of Art,' and various 
chapters of a kindred nature, are followed by others descriptive of ' Learning to 
Draw,' 'Imitation,' ' Light and Shadow,' 'Form,' 'Colour,' 'Lady's Work,' &c. The 
work will interest many fair readers." Sun. 

GARIBALDI AT HOME: Notes of a Visit to 

Caprera. By SIR CHARLES R. McGmooR, Bart. 8vo. 15s. 


OF NAPOLEON III. Cheaper Edition, in 1 vol. 6s. 

" A biography of the beautiful and unhappy Queen, more satisfactory than any we 
have yet met with." Daily News. 


WISEMAN. 1 vol. 8vo, 5s. 


BY A PRISON MATRON, Author of ' Female Life in Prison.' 2 v. 21s. 

"These volumes are interesting and suggestive." Atheweum. 
"The author's quick-witted transcripts of living character are studies that no- 
thing can make obsolete or deprive of interest for living men." Examiner. 

TURE. By WILLIAM STAMER. 2 vols. with Portrait. 21s. 


REID. Author of ' The Rifle Rangers,' &c. 3 vols. 


of ' Agnes,' &c. 3 vols. 

"From first to last ' Madonna Mary ' is written with evenness and vigour, and 
overflows with the best qualities of its writer's fancy and humour." Athenseuin. 




Author of ' Lost and Saved,' Ac. SECOND EDITION. 3 vols. 

"There is a great deal worth reading In these volumes. The incidents are 
powerfully and picturesquely told, and we are especially struck by the conception 
of Margaret Carmiehael, who, as a character in which good and evil are blended, 
is one of the most natural in the book." Times. 

" ' Old Sir Douglas' is a thoroughly readable and wholesome work of fiction. It 
Is a book that will satisfy the expectations of Mrs. Norton's many admirers, and is 
worthy of a writer who, having been a personal witness of much that .is most 
brilliant in human society, and a sufferer of much that is most sad in human life, 
describes with equal candour and vividness the things that she has seen and the 
sorrows that she has felt" Athenamm. 

" A graceful and touching story. Gertrude is a beautiful character, admirably 
drawn." Poll Mall Gazette. 

" The story of ' Old Sir Douglas' is clearly and consistently worked out, with an 
enchaining interest." Post. 

" Mrs. Norton's novel will have a great success. It is sure to be eagerly read 
and admired. Star. 

"A work of surpassing interest ; the aim of which is to exalt what is pure and 
noble." John Bull. 

" ' Old Sir Douglas' is unquestionably Mrs. Norton's greatest prose work There 
can be little doubt that in it she has attained her highest excellence as a writer of 
fiction. The tale has the advantage over all her other prose works in vigour of 
interest, in profusion of thought and poetry ; and more strikingly still, in variety 
and singularity of character. It is a work of the highest order of genius." Dublin 
University Magazine. 


Author of ' Alec Forbes,' &c. 3 vols. 


3 vols. (In Dec.) 


3 vols. (In Dec.) 


"That her fair form may stand and shine 

Make bright our days and light our dreams, 
Turning to scorn with lips divine 
The falsehood of extremes." TENNYSON. 


thor of ' Eveline,' &c. Dedicated to CHARLES DICKENS. 3 vols. 

" Miss King's new story is thoroughly interesting. It is well written and shows 
a great advance in character painting. The wilful girlishness of the heroine is 
charmingly blended with her nobler qualities." Examiner. 


" A clever, interesting novel Mabel Stanhope is as sweet a character as we 
remember to have met with in the world of romance for a long for a very long 
while." Attifiiirnni. 

" The heroine of this book is a most lovable character, and her extraordinary 
trials and heroic endurance of them constitute a tale which we advise all our 
readers to procure for themselves. The book is a decided success." John Hull. 


" A very pleasant story. It is well told, and there is a healthy tone throughout 
Irene herself is so natural and charming that Mr. Cunningham will be the envy of 
all unmarried male readera" Athetueum. 





Author of ' Citoyenne Jacqueline,' &c. 3 vols. 

" The best of Miss Tytler's booka The author of ' The Huguenot Family' is a 
writer of true, sweet, and original genius ; and her book is one of permanent value, 
the interest of which repeated readings will not exhaust" Pall Mall Gazette. 

" We trust our readers will not miss the chance of taking up these volumes to 
read them, for we have no hesitation in characterizing them as at once the warm- 
est, richest, and sincerest of recent novels. The story is bright with skilfully-con- 
trasted pictures, and full of mellow wisdom. Miss Tytler has in certain passages 
called to our mind Tennyson and Browning ; and has, in one or two instances at 
least, surpassed the former in truthfulness and breadth of rendering." Spectator. 

" A story of great originality and power. From beginning to end the work is 
genuine, wholesome, and great Its verisimilitude is perfect Every character is 
full of originality, substance, and vitality." British Quarterly Review. 

TWO MARRIAGES. By the Author of 'John 

Halifax, Gentleman,' ' Christian's Mistake,' &c. 2 vols. 

" We have no hesitation in affirming the ' Two Marriages' to be hi many respects 
the very best book that the author has yet produced. Barely have we read a work 
written with so exquisite a delicacy, full of so tender an interest, and conveying so 
salutary a lesson. 1 ' British Quarterly Review. 

" All the stories by the author of ' John Halifax' have an excellent moral ; some- 
thing tangible, real, and satisfactory." Pall Mall Gazette. 

" The author of ' John Halifax ' cannot help writing gracefully : all her senti- 
ments are pure, refined, and womanly. Her English is always good, and her skill 
in suggesting the unspoken details of a story, resembles that of the pieces of music 
called Songs without Words." Athenseum. 

RAYMOND'S HEROINE. Second Edition. 3 vols. 

" ' Baymond's Heroine' is a clever and vigorous work. It is a book which deserves 
to be read, and it will be read. The reader will gallop through it with breathless 
interest It is a book which will be guilty of causing careful mammas to say to 
their daughters ' My dear, do put down that book and go to bed.' It is very 
smoothly and fluently written throughout The scenery of the various incidents 
is vividly painted, the conversations are lively, and the plot is carefully and cohe- 
rently put together." Times 

" We recommend ' Baymond's Heroine' to those who can appreciate the charms 
of a novel throughout which there makes itself unmistakeably manifest the im- 
press of generous feeling and of vigorous thought It is also one through which 
there runs a vein of humour which at once relieves and heightens its pathos." 
Saturday Review. 


" We recommend this book to the novel-reader. It is better than nine-tenths of 
this year's works, and the reader will be pleased with it as the production of a lady 
apparently gifted with a good education, good taste, and, what is still more re- 
markable, good common sense." Athenseum. 


" There are charming traits of character hi this book much of the portraiture 
is perfect The contrast between Leslie Tyrrell and Frank Arnold is drawn with 
wonderful skill" Spectator. 

ALEC'S BRIDE. By the Author of < St. Glare's,' 

1 Janita's Cross,' &c. 3 vols. 

" ' Alec's Bride' is a charming book, and possesses the advantage of being written 
in good English." Athenaeum. 


BLAKE. 3 vols. 

" We are rejoiced again to welcome a work of Lady Blake's one of our most 
charming novelists. The present volumes fully sustain her reputation. From 
first to last the tale is natural and lifelike, and the interest well sustained through- 
out" John Bull. 


% <spmal |Jatronage of 


Published annually, in One Vol., royal 8t?o, trtiA the Arms beautifully 
engraved, handsomely bound, with gilt edges, price 31s. 6d. 



LODGE'S PEERAGE AND BARONETAGE is acknowledged to be the most 
complete, as well as the most elegant, work of the kind. As an esta- 
blished and authentic authority on all questions respecting the family 
histories, honours, and connections of the titled aristocracy, no work has 
ever stood so high. It is published under the especial patronage of Her 
Majesty, and is annually corrected throughout, from the personal com- 
munications of the Nobility. It is the only work of its class in which, the 
type being kej>t constantly standing, every correction is made in its proper 
place to the date of publication, an advantage which gives it supremacy 
over all its competitors. Independently of its full and authentic informa- 
tion respecting the existing Peers and Baronets of the realm, the most 
sedulous attention is given in its pages to the collateral branches of the 
various noble families, and the names of many thousand individuals are 
introduced, which do not appear in other records of the titled classes. For 
its authority, correctness, and facility of arrangement, and the beauty of 
its typography and binding, the work is justly entitled to the place it 
occupies on the tables of Her Majesty and the Nobility. 


Historical View of the Peeraga 

Parliamentary Roll .f the House of Lords. 

English, Scotch, and Irish Peers, in their 
orders of Precedence. 

Alphabetical List of Peers of Great Britain 
and the United Kingdom, holding supe- 
rior rank in the Scotch or Irish Peerage. 

Alphabetical list of Scotch and Irish Peers, 
holding superior titles in the Peerage of 
Great Britain and the United Kingdom. 

A Collective list of Peers, in their order of 

Table of Precedency among Men. 

Table of Precedency among Women. 

The Queen and the Royal Family. 

Peers of the Blood Royal 

The Peerage, alphabetically arranged. 

Families of such Extinct Peers as have left 
Widows or Issue. 

Alphabetical List of the Surnames of all the 

The Archbishops and Bishops of England, 
Ireland, and the Colonies. 

The Baronetage alphabetically arranged. 

Alphabetical List of Surnames assumed by 
members of Noble Families. 

Alphabetical List of the Second Titles of 
Peers, usually borne by their Eldest 

Alphabetical Index to the Daughters of 
Dukes, Marquises, and Earls, who, hav- 
ing married Commoners, retain the title 
of Lady before their own Christian and 
their Husband's Surnames. 

Alphabetical Index to the Daughters of 
Viscounts and Barons, who, having 
married Commoners, are styled Honour- 
able Mrs. ; and, in case of the husband 
being a Baronet or Knight, Honourable 

Mottoes alphabetically arranged and trans- 

"Lodge's Peerage must supersede all other works of the kind, for two reasons: first, it 
is on a better plan ; and secondly, it is better executed. We can safely pronounce it to be 
the readiest, the most useful, and exactest of modern works on the subject" Spectator. 
"A work which corrects all errors of former works. It is a most useful publication." Times. 
" A work of great value. It is the most faithful record we possess of the aristo- 
cracy of the day." Pott. 

" The best existing, and, we believe, the best possible peerage. It is tho standard 
authority on the subject" Herald. 





Each in a single volume, elegantly printed, bound, and illustrated, price 6s. 


" The first volume of Messrs Hurst and Blackett's Standard Library of Cheap Editions 
forms a very good beginning to what will doubtless be a very successful undertaking. 
' Nature and Human Nature' is one of the best of Sam Slick's witty and humorous 
productions, and is well entitled to the large circulation which it cannot fail to obtain in 
its present convenient and cheap shape. The volume combines with the great recom- 
mendations of a clear, bold type, and good paper, the lesser, but attractive merits of 
being well illustrated and elegantly bound." Post. 


" This is a very good and a very interesting work. It is designed to trace the career 
from boyhood to age of a perfect man a Christian gentleman, and it abounds in incident 
both well and highly wrought. Throughout it is conceived in a high spirit, and written 
with great ability. This cheap and handsome new edition is worthy to pass freely from 
hand to hand as a gift book in many households." Examiner. 

" The new and cheaper edition of this interesting work will doubtless meet with great 
success. John Halifax, the hero of this most beautiful story, is no ordinary hero, and 
this his history is no ordinary book. It is a full-length portrait of a true gentleman, 
one of nature's own nobility. It is also the history of a home, and a thoroughly English 
one. The work abounds in incident, and is full of graphic power and true pathos. 
It is a book that few will read without becoming wiser and better." Scotsman. 



" Independent of its value as an original narrative, and its useful and interesting 
information, this work is remarkable for the colouring power and play of fancy with 
which its descriptions are enlivened. Among its greatest and most lasting charms is 
its reverent and serious spirit." Quarterly Review. 

" A book calculated to prove more practically useful was never penned than ' The 
Crescent and the Cross ' a work which surpasses all others in its homage for the sub- 
lime and its love for the beautiful in those famous regions consecrated to everlasting 
immortality in the annals of the prophets, and which no other writer has ever de- 
picted with a pencil at once so reverent and so picturesque." Sun. 


" ' Nathalie ' is Miss Kavanagh's best imaginative effort. Its manner is gracious 
and attractive. Its matter is ttood. A sentiment, a tenderness, are commanded by 
her which are as individual they are elegant." Athenteum. 


" A book of sound counsel. It is one of the most sensible works of its kind, well- 
written, true-hearted, and altogether practical. Whoever wishes to give advice to a 
young lady may thank the author for means of doing so." Examiner. 


" A story awakening genuine emotions of interest and delight by its admirable pic- 
tures of Scottish life and scenery. The author sets before us the essential attributes of 
Christian virtue, their deep and silent workings in the heart, and their beautiful mani- 
festations in life, with a delicacy, power.aud truth which can hardly be surpassed "Pot. 




" We have not the slightest intention to criticise this book. Its reputation is made, 
and will stand as long as that of Scott's or Bulwer's Novels. The remarkable ori- 
ginality of its purpose, and the happy description it affords of American life and man 
tiers, still continue the subject or universal admiration.* To say thus much is to 
say enough, though we must just mention that the new edition forms a part of Messrs 
Hurst and Blackett's Cheap Standard Library, which has included some of the very 
best specimens of light literature that ever have been written." Messenger. 


" A picturesque book on Rome and its ecclesiastical sovereigns, by an eloquent Ro- 
man Catholic. Cardinal Wiseman has treated a special subject with so much geniality, 
that his recollections will excite no ill-feeling in those who are most conscientiously op- 
posed to every ideaof human infallibility represented in Papal domination." Athenaeum. 


"In ' A Life for a Life ' the author is fortunate hi a good subject, and has produced 
a work of strong effect." Athenaeum. 


" A delightful book, that will be welcome to all readers, and most welcome to those 
who have a love for the best kinds of reading." Examiner. 

" A more agreeable and entertaining book has not been published since Boswell pro- 
duced his reminiscences of Johnson. Observer. 


"We recommend all who are in search of a fascinating novel to read this work for 
themselves. They will find it well worth their while. There are a freshness and ori- 
ginality about it quite charming." Athenaeum. 


" The publications included in this Library have all been of good quality ; many give 
information while they entertain, and of that class the book before us is a specimen. 
The manner in which the Cheap Editions forming the series is produced deserves 
especial mention. The paper and print are unexceptionable ; there is a steel engraving 
in each volume, and the outsides of them will satisfy the purchaser who likes to see 
books in handsome uniform." Examiner. 


" This last production of the author of ' The Crescent and the Cross* has the same 
elements of a very wide popularity. It will please its thousands." Globe. 



" It were impossible to praise too highly this most interesting book. It ought to be 
found on every drawing-room table. Here you have nearly fifty captivating romances 
with the pith of all their interest preserved in undiminished poignancy, and any one 
may be read in half an hour." Standard. 


" The Laird of Norlaw fully sustains the author's high reputation." Sunday Timtt. 




"We can praise Mrs Gretton's book as interesting, unexaggerated, and full of oppor- 
tune instruction." The Time?. 


" ' Nothing New ' displays all those superior merits which have made ' John Halifax 
one of the most popular works of the day." Post. 


" Nothing can be more interesting than Miss Freer's story of the life of -Jeanne 
D'Albret, and the narrative is as trustworthy as it is attractive." Post. 



" We know no novel of the last three or four years to equal this latest production of 
the popular authoress of ' Margaret and her Bridesmaids.' If asked to classify it, we 
should give it a place between ' John Halifax ' and ' The Caxtons.' "Herald. 



A work of singular interest, which can never fail to charm. The present cheap and 
elegant edition includes the true story of the Colleen Bawn." Illustrated News. 


" 'Addle' is the best work we have read by MissEavanagh; it is a charming story , 
full of delicate character-painting." Athenaum. 


" These 'Studies from Life' are remarkable for graphic power and observation. The 
book will not diminish the reputation of theaccomplishedauthor." Saturday Review. 


" We commend 'Grandmother's Money' to readers in search of a good novel. Tho 
characters are true to human nature, the story is interesting." Athenaeum. 



" A delightful book." Athenaeum. " A book to be read and re-read ; fit for the study 
as well as the drawing-room table and the circulating library." Lancet. 


"We advise all who have the opportunity to read this book." Athenceum. 


" A good wholesome book, gracefully written, and as pleasant to read as it is instruc- 
tive." Athenaeum. "A charming tale charmingly told. Herald. 


" ' Lost and Saved ' will be read with eager interest. It is a vigorous novel." Time*. 
"A novel of rare excellence. It is Mrs Norton's best prose work." Examiner. 





" The merits. of ' Les Miserables ' do not merely consist in the conception of it as a 
whole ; it :iin mi nls, page after pagu, with details of unequalled beauty. In dealing with 
all the emotions, doubts, fears, which go to make up our common humanity, M. Victor 
liugo has stamped upon every page the hall-mark of genius." Quarterly Review. 



"It is not often that we light upon a novel of so much merit and interest as 
' Barbara's History.' It is a work conspicuous for taste and literary culture. It is a 
very graceful and charming book, with a well-managed story, clearly-cut characters, 
ami M-ntiincnls expressed with an exquisite elocution. It is a book which the world 
will like. This is higii praise of a work of art, and so we intend it." Times. 



"A good book on a most interesting theme." Times. 

" A truly interesting and most affecting memoir. Irving's Life ought to have a niche 
in every gallery of religious biography. There are few lives that will be fuller of in- 
struct/ion, interest, and consolation." Saturday Review. 

" .Mrs Oliphant's Life of Irving supplies a long-felt desideratum. It is copious, 
earnest, and eloguent. Irving, as a man and as a pastor, is exhibited with many broad, 
powerful, and life-like touches, which leave a strong impression." Edinburgh Review. 


" This charming novel is the work of one who possesses a great talent for writing, as 
well as experience and knowledge of the world. 'St Glare's ' is the work of an artist. 
'Hie whole book is worth reading." Athenaeum. 


"Dip where you will into this lottery of fun, you are sure to draw out a prize. Those 
racy 'Traits' exhibit most successtully the broad national features of American 
humour." Pott. 


" A more charming story, to our taste, has rarely been written. In the compass of 
a single volume the writer has hit otf a circle of varied characters all true to nature, 
KM she has entangled them in a story which keeps us in suspense till its knot is 
happily and gracefully resolved; while, at the same time, a pathetic interest is sus- 
tained by an art of which it would be difficult to analyse the secret. It is a choice gift 
to be able thus to reude- human nature so truly, to penetrate its depths with such a 
searching sagacity, and ' v o illuminate them with a radiance so eminently the writer's 
own. Even if tried by the standard of the Archbishop of York, we should expect that 
even he would pronounce 'Christian's Mistake ' a novel without a fault." Times. 


" No account of this story would give any idea of the profou nd interest that pervades 
the work from the flrst page to the last. ' Atheruewn. " This book is full of good 
thought and good writing. Mr Mac Donald reads life and nature like a true poet." 




''DA Duncombe, Thomas H* 

1 536 .The life and correspondence oft 

D9D9 Thomas Slingsby Duncombe 

I \>